CHAP. I. Sheweth the introduction; the greatnesse of this Rebellion; the originall thereof; the secret plots of our Brownisticall faction; and the two chiefest things that they aymed at to effect their Plot.

I Have long wandered in a region of Rebellion, among seduced Subjects, and discontented Peeres; and now at last, after I had passed the raging Seas, and very hardly escaped the stormes and dangers of the furging waves, I am arri­ved in my native soyle: where I finde my selfe incompassed with farre greater stormes and more violent windes then ever I thought could be on any Land; for though that Grand Rebellion, which you may finde lately described, was both magna & mira, very great and very grievous, such as [Page 2]I supposed could not be exceeded by any humane malice; yet now (me thinkes) I heare the Spirit saying unto mee as hee did unto Ezekiell, Sonne of man stand up, and I will shew thee greater abominations; and a rebellion farre greater and more o­dious then either Popish, Irish, or any other Sect or Nation of the world hath hitherto produced; and therefore I may now say with the Poet,

The seed of it was unseasonably sowne in the Northerne storme, The seed and originall of this rebellion. and the originall of those Boreall blasts (either why or by whom those spirits were raised) is not so well knowne to me; therefore how justly the King did undertake the quarrell, I will not at this time determine; or with what equity the Scots made their approach into England, it is not my purpose to discusse: yet I must needs say, that our English Sectaries, and Amster­dam Recusants, which hated our Church and loved not our King, justum, quia justum, onely because he is so good, too good for them, did from hence arripere ansam, take hold of this opportunity, by procuring those to proceed that were com­ming on, and discouraging the others of the Kings side, that were cowardly enough (to say no worse) of themselves, to be­tray both King and Kingdome into the hands of the Invaders. So the good King was now with King David brought into a strait, So new I feare more the secret enemies both of Church and State, that may lurke in Court, then those that he in the Earse of Essex his Campt. either to take counsell and follow the advice of those secret Sectaries, and the masked enemies both of the Church and State, that as yet insensible unto him, were such, in the bo­some of his Court, and most slily aymed at a further mischiefe then his Majestie could have imagined, as now it appeareth by the consequences of this Parliament; or else to hazard the dan­gers that his then open foes were like to bring upon his peo­ple: And I assure my selfe, eyes of flesh, that cannot pierce into [Page 3]the mysteries of the hearts and our secret thoughts, could see no further, nor make any better election then His Majestie did; that is, to call a Parliament, which the hearts of all the King­dome called and cryed for; and which, in former times, by the wise institution and right prosecution thereof, was found to be the Panchreston, or, as the Weapon-salve, an antidote to cure all the diseases, and to heale all the bleeding wounds of this Kingdome, (though of late we have sensibly felt the unhappy ending of some of them, which perhaps may be some acciden­tall cause of some part of this unhappinesse:) here was His Ma­jesties faire minde, and an act of speciall grace; for which all His Subjects ought most thankefully to shew themselves loyall unto Him, when He preferred their safety before the prosecu­cuting of his owne resolutions.

But, Decipimur specie recti, we are many times deceived by the shadow of truth, and betrayed under the vizard of virtue; for, as God produceth light out of darkenesse, and good out of evill; so wicked men, like the spiders, doe sucke poyson from those flowers, whence the Bees doe extract honey; and these subtle-headed foxes (whereof many of them had unduly got themselves elected into the House of Commons, and there fa­ctiously combined themselves together to doe their great ex­ploit, to overthrow the Government both of Church and State, and minded to make the Parliament. House like Vulcans Forge, where they intended to contrive their iron net that should be able to hold fast all sorts of people, from him that sitteth upon the Throne, to him that walloweth in dust and ashes) turned the hopes of our redresses to our extreame miseries, when in stead of rectifying our abuses, they intended principally to worke our ruine in our just apprehension, though perhaps our happinesse in their owne mistaken conception.

And, as the Apostle saith, Knowne unto God are all his workes from the beginning, and he hath eternally decreed how and by what meanes to bring them all unto perfection; so the Devill, beings Gods Ape, and the wicked treading in his steps, doe first mold their designes and intentions in the Idea of their owne braines, and conclude the workes they would have done in their [Page 4]owne conceipts, and then they frame to themselves the meanes and wayes, whereby they are resolved to produce and perfect all those mis-shapen embryoes that they conceived; and so these factious men, this brood of vipers, that would gnaw through the bowels of their mother, from the first convention of this Parliament had resolved upon their plot, and contrived among themselves what great good worke they would by such and such meanes bring to passe.

And that was (as I hope this subsequent discourse will make it plaine to all, The designe & plot of the fa­ction of Secta­ries. that will not be wilfully blinde) the subversion of the ancient government both of this Church and Kingdome; and to introduce a new Ecclesiasticall Discipline, and to frame a new Common wealth, much like, if not worse then that of our neighbours in the Low-Countries.

Gratum opus agricolis; a brave exploit, and a great worke indeed, beyond the adventure of Junius Brutus, that expelled the Kings, but left the Priests alone; that purged the corrupti [...] on of the royall government, but medled not with the religion of their Bishops and Prophets: and beyond the undertaking of Martin Luther, that pulled downe the pride of the Pope, and all that Romish Hierarchie, but ventured not to trample up­on the Scepter of Kings, and the Imperiall government, which he held sacred and inviolably to be obeyed; for these men per­ceiving how God had so wisely ordered these governments a­mong his people, to assist each other, that the one can neither stand nor fall without the other, (as it is fully and truly shewed in the Grand Rebellion;) therefore as Caligula wished that the people of Rome had but one necke, that so he might dispatch them all, unoictu, with one stroke; so these men would over­throw both governments, and destroy both King and Priest, both Church and State at one time, with one clap, with one thunder-bolt: And so they should be famous indeed, though it were but like the fame of Herostratus, that burnt the Temple of Diana, or of Raviliac, that killed the King of France; of Nero that destroyed his mother, or Oedipus that murdered his owne father; for a man may be as notoriously famous for tran­scendent villanies, and nefarious impieties, as another is for his [Page 5]rare vertues and supereminent deeds of piety; as in History Thersites is as well knowne for his base cowardice, as Achilles for his heroicke valour; and in the Scripture, Judas for his treachery is as notoriously knowne, as Saint Peter for his fide­lity; therefore these men goe on with this great designe: and to effect the same, I finde that they aymed at these two speciall things.

• 1. To take away all the lets and impediments that might hinder them.
  They aymed at two things.
• 2. To secure unto themselves all the helpes and furthe­rances that might advantage them. For,

1. As a Vineyard that is well hedged, 1. To remove the impedi­ments of their designe. or a Citie strongly fen­ced with walls and bulwarkes, cannot easily be laid wast and spoyled, before these defences be destroyed; so the wilde boares cannot devoure the grapes of Gods Church, and swallow downe the revenues of her governours: and the Rebels cannot pull the Sword out of their Soveraignes hand, and lay his Crowne downe in the dust, so long as the meanes of their pre­servations are intire and not removed; therefore these men endeavour to eradicate all the impediments of their designe: and they saw foure great blockes, that were as foure mighty mountaines, which their great faith (their publique faith being not yet conceived) must remove, before they could plant their new Church, and subvert the old government of this Kingdome: and those were,

• 1. The Earle of Straffords head.
  Foure impedi­ments of their designe.
• 2. The free judgement of the Judges.
• 3. The power of dissolving the Parliament.
• 4. The Bishops votes in the House of the Lords.

For, as the heavenly Angels could doe nothing against Sodome, while righteous Lot was in it; so these earthly Angels the mes­sengers of Abaddon can never effect their ends, to overthrow the Church and State, to make them as Sodome, full of all impu­rity and villany, untill these foure maine stops be taken away: and therefore,

CHAP. II. Sheweth the eager prosecution of our Sectaries to take off the Earle of Straffords head: how he answered for himselfe: the Bishops right of voting in his cause: his excellent ver­tues, and his death.

1. 1. Impediment. THey get Master Pym, the grand father of all the purer sort, and a fit instrument for this designe, in the name of the House of Commons, and thereby of all the Commonalty of England, The Earle his charge. to charge Thomas Earle of Strafford of High-Treason; a high charge indeed, and yet no lesse a crime could serve the turne to turne him out of their way; because nothing else could subdue that spirit, by which he was so well able to discover the plots, and to frustrate the practices of all the faction of Secta­ries; for as the Jewes were no wayes sufficient to answer Saint Stevens arguments, but onely with stones, so these men saw themselves unable to confute his reasons, and to subdue his pow­er, but onely by putting him to death, and cutting off his head, for that fault which Pym alleadged he had committed.

But then, I demand how this great charge of high Treason shall be made good against him?

It is answered, How sought to be proved. that England, Scotland, and Ireland and every corner of these three Kingdomes must be searched, and all dis­contented persons, that had at any time any sentence, though ne­ver so justly pronounced against them, by him that was so great a Judge, Yet conceited to be otherwise by themselves, must now be incouraged and countenanced by the faction, and most likely by this grand accuser, to say all that they know, and perhaps more then was true against him, for what will not envy and ma­lice say? or what beast will not trample upon the Lion, when they see him groveling and gasping for life in an unevitable pit, and it may be, compassed with so many mastife dogs (I meane his enemies and discontented witnesses) as were able to teare more then one Lion all to peices? so by this meanes they are en­abled [Page 7]to frame neare thirty Articles against him ut cum non prosint singula, multajuvent, that the number might amnze the people, and thinke him a strange creature, that was so full of haynous offences, and so compassed with transgressions.

But, si satis accusasse, quis innocens? The Earle his answer. if accusations were sufficient to create offenders, not a righteous man could escape on earth; therefore the Law condemneth no man before he be heard, what he can answer for himselfe, and the Earle of Strafford comming to his answer made all things so cleare, in the Judgment of the common hearers, and answered to every article so well, that his enemies being Judges, they much applauded his abilities and ad­mired at his Dexterity, whereby he had so finely untied those Gordian knots, that were so fouly contrived against him, and as his friends conceived, had fairely escaped all those iron nets, which his adversaries had so cunningly laid, & my popular coun­treyman, with the rest of the more learned Lawyers, had so ve­hemently prosecuted to insnare him in the linkes and traps of guiltinesse; and in breife the Lords, who as yet were unpoysoned by the leavened subtilty of this bitter faction, could finde not a­ny one of all those articles to be Treason, by any Law that was yet established in this Land, sic te servavit Apollo; so God delivered him, as he thought and his friends hoped, out of all these troubles.

Yet, as a rivelet stopped will at last prove the more violent, The nature of malice. vires (que) acquirit ibidem, and recollect a greater strength in the same place; so rage and malice, hindered of their revengefull de­sires, will turne to be the more implacable; quia malitia eorum excaecavit eos, because the malice of men bewitcheth them, and hath no end till it makes an end of its hated foe; therefore those men, that hated and maligned the Earle (like the Jewes, that be­cause their tongues could make no reply to the just defence of the holy Martyr. Act. 7.51. guashed upon him with their teeth and stopping their eares ran upon him with one accord, all at once) because they had no Law, nor learning, to make those articles treason, they say with the Poet, hac non successit, aliâ aggrediemur viâ; seeing we failed herein, we will attempt another way: and to that end, they frame a Bill of attainder against him; and this, if it passe by [Page 8]the major part of both Houses, and have the royall assent, will bring him to his iust deserved death; and herein, I will not say, they shewed themselves worse then the Iewes, because that, when their malice was at the hichest pitch against Christ, they said, we have a Law, and by our Law he ought to dy, and these ha­ters of the Earle, seeing they had no Law, will have a Law, to be made, that shall bring him unto his death; because the House might have reasons, which my sence cannot conceive.

Yet some of his friends have said, that after a former prosecu­tion according to Law, to make a new Law, where there was none before, to take away a mans life, is almost as bad as the Romance Law, The rubs of the Bill how taken away. that I read of, to hang him first and then judge him afterward, to whom I assented not: and not many lesse then 60 worthy Members of the House of Commons would never yeild to passe that Bill; & it had a greater rub among the Lords, where it is not thought upon any slight conjectures, it had never passed but that this rub must be taken away by a new device; for that the faction judging some of them might be more timorous then malicious, and remembring, that primus in orbe Deos fecit timor, feare is a powerfull passion that produceth many strange effects, the Apprentices and Porters, Water men and Car-men and all the rascall rout of the ragged Regiment were gathered together by some Chedorlaomer, & came as they did against Christ, with swords and staves, without order, with great impudency, to awe them, and to cry for Iustice against him; and this was done, and done againe, and againe, untill the businesse, that they came for, was done; a course, not prevented, that may undoe all Justice, and bring us all to be undone.

And yet all this will not do this deed, untill the King passeth His assent; The Kings great paines to search out the truth. for as yet the new Law of orders and ordinances with­out the King was not hatched; and the good King, having so graciously, so indefatigably taken such care and such paines, in his owne person every day, to heare and see all that could be laid un­to his charge, and how he had answered each particular, was so just and of such tender and religious conscience, that he was not satisfied (as men conceived) with the weight of those reasons that were produced, to passe the same; therefore here I finde a­nother [Page 9] Stratageme used, such as Hannibal could not invent, to effect this hard talke; what? to perswade mildnesse to become se­vere, or to cause a just and most clement Prince, so full of mercy, so prone to pardon where there is a fault, and so loth to punish, but where he must (by the Law of Justice,) the greatest fault, to yeeld to put him to death, that was in many things so excellent in his life? the taske was, to procure his assent to passe this Bill; and how shall this be done? as the Man of God could not be per­swaded by any man, but by a Man of God, a Prophet by a Pro­phet, so now the Bishops that were good men, men of consci­ence, and set apart by God to resolve and satisfie weake and ten­der consciences, are thought fit to be sent unto this good King, to perswade him, (as men supposed) that, to prevent a greater mischiefe, he might justly passe this Bill; and either 6. or 4. of the prime Prelates are requested by the Lords, to goe unto the King, to assay how far they can prevaile with him herein; and so they went; and how they dealt with His Majestie, I do not fully understand, but am informed by some that went, that they assured him he ought to satisfie himselfe in point of Law by his Judges, and of State by his Councell; & how they did any other­wise, in any other thing rectify his Conscience, in point of divi­nitie, which belonged unto themselves, I cannot tell.

But, though I thinke no man can justly lay the least tittle of blame upon the just King, no, not the Earle himselfe, as himselfe professed, for yeelding to such, and so earnest perswasions of I know not how many reverend Bishops, wise Counsellours, grave Judges, and the flower of all his people, to passe that Bill what­soever it was.

Yet to say what I conceive, with their favour, The Bishops right to vote in any cause. of my brethren the Bishops, in the prosecution of this cause; I am perswaded that they had no reason to withdraw themselves from the House, and to desert their owne right, when the Bill or the Iudgment was to passe against the Earle, upon this slight pretence, alleaged against them, by the haters of the Earle and no lovers of the Bi­shops, that a Clergie-man ought not to have any vote, or to be present, at the handling of the cause of bloud or death; for they might know full well, when my Lords grace of Yorke did most [Page 10] clearely manifest this truth: that the first inhibition of the Cler­gy, to be present and assistant in causa sanguinis or judicio mortis, in the Canon of Innocent the third (as I remember, for I am dri­ven to fly without my bookes) was most unjust, onely to tie the Bishops to his blinde obedience, to the apparent prejudice of all Christian Princes, by denying this their service unto them; and it is no wayes obligatory to binde us, that are by the Lawes of our Land not onely freed, but also injoyned to abandon all the unjust Canons, that are repugnant to our Lawes, and dero­gatory to our Kings, and to renounce all the usurped authority of the Pope; for I would faine know what Scripture or what reason Pope Innocent can alleadge to exclude them from doing that good service both to God and their King, which in all reason they can or should be better able to do, then most others; and I am sure that neither in the old nor in the new Testament, nor yet in the Primitive Church, untill these subtle Popes began thus to incroach upon the rights of Princes, to take away the prerogatives of Kings, and to domineer over the consciences of men, this exclusion of them from the highest act of Justice was never found; The Prophets and Apostles judged in the case of life and death. for, did not Moses, Joshua, Samuel, Eliah, Eli­zaus, Jehoida, and others of the Priests and Prophets of the Old Testament, and S. Peter also the Prince of the Apostles in the New Testament, judge in the case of bloud, and pronounced the sentence of death against Malefactors? as when Ananias and Sapphira were suddenly brought unto their end by the judge­ment of the Apostle; and if they be able and fit to judge of any thing, then why not of this?

If you say, Ob. because they are the advocates of mercy, the pro­curers of pardon, the preachers of repentance, and men that are made to save life, and not to put any one to death, or to bring any man unto his end.

I answer, Sol. that they are therefore the fittest men to be the Judges both of life and death: for who can better and more justly judge me to death, then he that doth most love my life? It is certaine he will not condemne me without just cause; even as God, that is [...], the father of mercies, and even mercy it selfe, is the fittest and most righteous Judge that [Page 11]can be found both of death and damnation; because his mercy and goodnesse towards his creatures will not permit his seve­rity against sinne, though never so detestable to his purity, Clergy, how fit to be Judges. to doe the least injustice to their persons; so our love of mercy and pitty will not suffer us to doe any thing that shall transcend the rules of justice and equity; and as our inclination to mercy prohibits us to condemne the innocent, so our love to justice, and our charge to preserve it, will not permit us to justifie the wicked; for the Scripture teacheth us, that he which justifieth the wicked, and he that condemneth the innocent, that calleth the evill good, and the good evill, that spareth Agag, and killeth Naboth, are both alike abominable unto the Lord.

And therefore notwithstanding this unjust Canon, I never finde in any of our Histories, that the Bishops did ever with­draw themselves and quit their votes in this case, either before or after, save onely from the 10^th yeare of Richard the 2^d, unto the 21^th yeare of the raigne of the same unfortunate King; which they did, not because they could not justly be present, but because they had just reasons to be absent, as you may finde it in the Annales of his time: therefore I know not how to palliate their facility of yeilding way to those Non-Canonicall Lords, to produce those non-obliging Canons, Non Canoni­call Lords. which they ab­horred in all that made not for the furtherance of their designe, to exclude them from doing this, which was one of their chie­fest duties; for who knoweth not the Lord Say and Lord Brooke, and others of the Lords, to hate all Canons, even the old Canons of the Apostles, as inconsistent with their new rules of indepen­dent government? and yet herein, to exclude the Bishops votes in the judgement of this man, and the passing of this Bill, which being admitted, might perhaps have turned the scales, they will take hold of the unjustest Law, and alleadge one of the worst of Canons, a Canon against reason, and most repugnant to the best of Gods Properties, which though they be all equall in them­selves, summè & perfectissimè, yet are theynot so perceived by us, but his mercy is over all his workes.

But you will say, was this man so just, that he was unjustly condemned to death, did all men so untruly complaine against [Page 12]him, and was he good, notwithstanding all the evill that was proved against him?

I answer, that I dare not, and I doe not say that he was un­justly adjudged to death, or that the Bill it selfe was unjust; but this I assure my selfe, The Earle's vertues. that he was a very wise and understanding man, and indued with many rare heroicke vertues, and most excellent graces, as among the rest with those two incomparable indowments, that cannot easily be found among many of the Nobles of this world.

1. Faithfulnesse to his Prince, to whom (as I conceive) he shewed himselfe a true servant, and most trusty in his greatest imployments, save in what was (and I know not that) justly proved against him; and I believe he would never have taken Armes, as some others of the Lords doe now, against his Soveraigne.

2. Love unto the Church and Church men; to whom, though others thinke it their glory to oppresse them, and a ver­tue to contemne them; yet he was a true friend, a most noble benefactor, and most just unto his death, as his very last speech unto his dearest Sonne doth sufficiently testifie unto all posteri­ty; which speech was to this effect, (and I would to God it were indelebly imprinted in the memory of all our Nobility) that, as he regarded his fathers blessing, or expected a blessing from God upon what his father left him, so he would be care­full never to take away, or in any wise to diminish any part or parcell of the goods or patrimony of the Church; which if he did, would prove a canker to wast and consume all that he had.

Yet it may be, he was (which in truth I cannot imagine) as the Philosopher saith of Marcus Antonius, a man of that com­position, that his vices did equalize, if not exceed his vertues, and his-offences cloud all his graces, and obscure all his glory; and as the saving of one mans life cannot save him from suffering, that doth unjustly put another man to death, so the rarest vertues cannot justifie the man that committeth so many horrible offences, How a male­factor may be unjustly con­demned. as his accusers conceived this man did; to which it may be well replyed, that a notorious malefactor (though I apply not this to him) may be unjustly condemned; [Page 13]and so he may be justly condemned, and unjustly executed; as when he is not condemned for the fault committed, or con­demned not according to the Law which condemneth that fact; for though a murderer deserveth death, yet any one may not presently be the death of that murderer, nor the Judge con­demne him for robbery; and though I should commit many of­fences worthy of death, yet if the Law doth not condemne me, I ought not to die for any of them; for as the Apostle saith, Where there is no law there is no sinne, because sinne is the trans­gression of the law: therefore the Earle of Strafford might be an evill man, and doe many things that in the sight of God and good men were worthy of death; yet if our Law made not those crimes capitall, or if the Law made them capitall, and not trea­son, we ought not for treason to adjudge him unto death: so in summe the result is this, that he might justly deserve death, and yet be very unjustly condemned to death. And it seemed to some of his friends that so he was, especially because they had no plaine unquestionable Law, but were faine in some kind, to make a Law, to take off his head; and when his head was off, this new manner of proceeding should end, and be no Law for any other that came after; and a Declaration must be made, that the course prosecuted for his punishment, shall not after­wards be drawne into an example, it must be produced for no patterne, but for him alone and none other; lest perhaps if the same course should be still practiced, Complaint to the House of Commons. p. 6. the contrivers of this plot might have the like payment to fall ere long upon their owne heads; therefore some say, this may well draw a suspicion upon the justice of the sentence, though I will not censure any man for any injustice therein.

But as the Earle said at his death, The Earle's words at his death. which he undertooke like a good Christian, full of charity and no lesse piety, it was an ill omen to this Nation, that they should write the frontispiece of this Parliament with letters of bloud; which, if unjustly done, or unduly prosecuted, I feare may with Abels bloud cry for vengeance in the cares of God against the contrivers of this mischiefe, to produce our miseries: and the God of Heaven doth onely know how much of the bloud of this Kingdome [Page 14]must be squeezed out, to expiate all the mis-proceedings and the fearefull projects of our people: God Almighty turne his anger from us, and let not the righteous perish with the wicked, not the sinnes of some few be laid upon us all.

This was the first impediment that was to be removed, before they could proceed any further in this Tragedy, and thus it was most artificially acted; and I say he was a great and a very great impediment of their designe, which made me the larger in the prosecution thereof; because he was a person of that great abi­lity, and so great fidelity both to the Church and State, and the taking off of his head, made a very wide gap for our enemies to enter into the vineyard of Christ, and a large breach into the Citie of God, to deface the Church, and to destroy this King­dome.

CHAP. III. Sheweth, how they stopped the free judgement of the Iudges; procured the perpetuity of the Parliament; the consequen­ces thereof, and the subtle device of Semiramis.

2. The second im­pediment of their designe. THe next let that might hinder their designe, was, the great learning, long experience, and free judgement of the grave Judges, to declare what is truth, and what is law in every point; for these men being skilfull in the Lawes and Sta­tutes of our Land, knew how contrary to the same, and how re­pugnant to the fundamentall Constitutions of our government, the erecting of a new Church, and the framing of a new Com­mon wealth would be; and their judgement being to be inqui­red in any emergent doubt, might prove very prejudiciall unto their plots, and a hinderance of their designe, except it were di­verted by some course.

Therefore to stop this streame, How they stop­ped the free judgement of the Judges. to put a gagge in their mouthes, to imprison all truths that might make against them, and to make these Judges yeild to whatsoever they doe, or at [Page 15]least not to contradict any thing they say, they get many of them to be accused of High-Treason; and they doe but accuse them, and not proceed to any tryall against them, which was a pretty plot of their policie; because that hereby they kept them, and the rest of their fellow Judges (that had any finger in the mis­sentenceing of the Ship-money, and were therefore in the same predicament, and to be under the same censure) under the lash, and to be still silent, for very feare of their proceeding against them: for they saw by many presidents, that those men which favoured their designe, or contradicted not their wayes, were winked at by this Faction, though they were the greatest De­linquents; and therefore redimere se captos, to free themselves out of the hands of these men, they might conceive it their safest course to gain-say none of their conclusions; which was a plot of no small value to further their designe, by this removall of this second impediment.

3. The third im­pediment of their designe. The third let that stood in their way to make stop of their impious designe, was the royall power to dissolve the pre­sent Parliament, as formerly to dissolve any other, which they knew to be an inseperable flower of the Crowne; timor undi­que nostris, this brought them in feare on every side, lest, if they were too soone discovered, they might suddainly be prevented, and their plot might prove abortive, like the untimely fruit of a woman, that perisheth before it seeth the Sun, or as the apples of Sodome, vanishing when they are touched, into nothing; or, at the best, but to stinking blasts: therefore to escape this rocke, they saile about, and like cunning water-men, they looke to­wards you when they row from you; their eyes and mouthes are one way, when their hearts and mindes are another way; for they tell the King, that the discontinuance of Parliaments hath produced aboundance of distempers in this State, and a world of grievances both in the Church and Common-wealth: besides they say, The faire pre­tences for the continuance of he Parliament. what the King and every man else saw to be true, that the Scots were entred into our Land, and setled in the bosome of this Kingdome; and though perhaps if some things had beene better looked into, we mought at first most easily have kept them out; yet now, duriùs ejicitur, quàm non admitti­tur [Page 16]hostis, it was too late to shut the doore, and it is not so easie to expell and drive them out, except we made them a bridge of gold to passe over the river, and so to goe homewards a­gaine.

And this cannot be done without a great deale of money; which moneys though the Parliament should grant them, (as we are most willing to doe, to free your Majestie from these guests, and to prevent the dangers of an intestine warre) yet they cannot suddenly be levyed and collected, as the times and occasions now required; therefore it must be borrowed to sup­ply our present necessities, and lenders we shall finde none, ex­cept we can shew them a way how they shall be repaid againe; and the experience we have lately had in these latter yeares, of so many Parliaments so unhappily suddenly dissolved, puts us out of all hope to finde any way to secure their debts, except your Majestie will passe an Act, (for as yet they durst not say they needed not His assent to what they did) that this Parlia­ment shall not be dissolved, untill it be agreed upon by the con­sent of both Houses.

This and the like were their faire pretences, How the King was seduced by their pretences. like the Syrens voices, very sweet, and very good; and the good King that ever spake as he thought, could not thinke that His great Coun­cell, whom He trusted with all the affaires of His Kingdome, meant any otherwise then they said, or looked any further then they shewed Him; Hee never dream'd that they intended to have an everlasting Parliament, and so perfidiously to over-reach both the King and the Kingdome.

But though our gracious King (being not so much versed with the dissembling subtilty and serpentine windings of wicked hypocrites, that are to be removed from the King, and expelled out of His house) supposed all them to meane syncere­ly, and to deale fairely as they seemed to doe; yet I doe ad­mire that the wisedome of the Kings Councell, (but that they, which as the Apostle saith, are not ignorant of the devices of Sa­tan, are not permitted by these men to be of His Councell) could not espie what mischiefe might lurke under this faire shade, or what might be the consequences of such a Parliament, [Page 17]that is inconsistent with a Monarchy, and therefore must in a convenient time be ended, or else will make an end of all Mo­narchicall government. why then might not a yeare or two, or three, or more, so the yeares were limited, suffice to determine all businesses, but that the life of this Parliament should be end­lesse, and the continuance thereof undetermined? this is beyond the age of the Councell of Trent, that they say lasted above 40 yeares; for I presume, if some of the contrivers of this designe might have their desires, the youngest of us should hardly see the Dissolution of this Parliament, What the fa­ction could be contented with. Complaint p. 19. till the earthly Houses of our Tabernacles be dissolved; for it is likely they could be well con­tented, as one saith, to make an Ordinance that both Houses should be a Corporation, to take our lands and goods to them­selves and their successours, and when any of that Corporation dieth, toties quoties, the surviver and none else should choose a successour to perpetuity; so they should be Masters of our e­states and disposers of all we have; (as they are now) for ever. and therefore this was a plot beyond the powder plot, and be­yond the device of Semiramis, that with a lovely face, desired her husband, she might rule but 3 dayes, to see how well she could mannage the State, and obtaining her request, in the first thereof, she removed all the Kings officers, in the second she placed her owne minions in all the places of power and autho­rity, (as now the faction would doe, such as they confide in, The plot of Se­miramis. in all places of strength) and in the third day she cut off the Kings head, and assumed the government of all the Kings Dominions into her owne hands; for not 3 dayes, nor 3 yeares will serve their turne, for feare they shall not have ability in so short a space to finish all their strange intended projects; and there­fore, that they might not be hindered, their request is unlimited, that the Parliament should not be dissolved, till both Houses gave consent, which they were contented should be ad Graecas Calendas.

Yet God that knew best, what punishments were due to be inflicted for their former actions, and for all the subtle devices of their hard hearts, gave way for this also, that this third Impedi­ment of their projects might be removed; that so at last, their [Page 18]sinnes, like the sinnes of the Amorites by little and little grow­ing unto the full, might undergo the fulnesse of Gods vengeance which as yet, I feare was not fully come to passe; for till the Parliament was made perpetuall, the things that they have done since, were absolutely unimaginable; because that while it was a dissoluble body, How the fa­ction hath strengthened it selfe. they durst not so palpably invade the knowne rights, either of King or Subjects; whereas now, their body being made indissoluble, they need not have the same appre­hension of either, having strengthened themselves by a Bill a­gainst the one, and by an Army against the other; and therefore all the dissolutions of Parliaments from the beginning of them to this time, have not done halfe that mischeife, as the continu [...] ance of this one hath done hitherto, and God onely knowes what is to succeed hereafter.

But seeing themselves have publiquely acknowledged in their Declarations, that they were too blame, if they undertooke any thing now, which they would not undertake, if it were in His Majesties power to dissolve them the next day, and they have since used this meanes, which was given them to disburthen the Common-wealth, of that debt, which was thought insupporta­ble, What many wise men do say. to plunge it irrevocably into a farre greater debt, to the ru­ine of the whole Kingdome, to change the whole frame of our government, and subjecting us to so unlimited an arbitrary power, that no man knowes at the sitting of the House, what he shall be worth at the riseing, or whether he shall have his liber­ty the next day, or imprisonment; many wise men doe say, they see no reason that this trust being forfeited, and the faith reposed in them betrayed, the King may not immediately re-assume that power of dissolving them, into his owne hands againe, and both our unjustly abused King and out much injured people, declare this act to be void, when as contrary to their owne faith and the trust of the King, they abuse it to overthrow the fundamentall Lawes of this Kingdome; though I could heartily wish, that be­cause it still carrieth the countenance of a Law, the faction would be so wise as to yeeld it to be presently dissolved by a Law.

CHAP. IV. Sheweth the abilities of the Bishops; the threefold practice of the faction to exclude them out of the House of Peeres; and all the Clergy out of all civill Judicature.

4. THere was one stop more that might hinder, The fourth im­pediment of their designe. or at least hardly suffer their plots to succeed according to their hearts desire; and that is, the Bishops votes in the upper House, nay they cannot endure to call it so, but in the House of the Lords; for they rightly considered therein these 2 speciall things.

• 1. their number,
• 2. their abilities.

which are 2. maine things to stop and hinder many evils: For,

1. They had 26. voices, which was a very considerable num­ber, and might stop a great gap, and stay the streame, or at least moderate the violence of any unjust prosecution.

2. They were men of great learning, men of profound know­ledge both in divine and humane affaires, and men well educated a cunabulis, that spent all their time in books, and were conversant with the dead, that feared not to speake the truth, and have wea­ried themselves in reading Histoties, comparing Lawes, The abilities of the Bishops. and considering the affaires of all Common-wealthes; and so were able if their modesty did not silence them, to discourse de quoli­bet ente, to untie every knot and to explaine every riddle; and being the immediate servants of the living God, set apart as the Apostle speaketh, to offer Sacrifice and to administer the Sacra­ments of God, to prepare a people for the Kingdome of heaven, it ought not, and it cannot be otherwise imagined, by any child of the Church, that is a true beleever, but that they are men of conscience, to speake the truth and to doe justice in any cause, and betwixt any parties more then most others, especially those young Lords and Gentlemen, whose yeares do want experience, Pardon mee good Lords for so plainly speaking truth. and the course of their lives, some in hawking and hunting, and others in dicing and bowling, and visiting blacke-friers play­house, or perhaps in worser exercises, doth sufficiently shew how weake their judgement must needs be in great affaires, and [Page 20]how imperfect their conscience is as yet in holy things, I hope not to be preferred before these grave and reverend men.

And therefore lest these grave men should prove great hin­derances of their unjust proceedings, before any of their worst intentions be well perceived; there must be an exclusion of them from Parliament and from those Lords, whose consciences and knowledge they may then the better captivate, and bring them the sooner to side with them, for to effect their great designe. And it is a world of wonders to see, with what subtlety and indu­stry, with what policy and villanie this one worke must be effe­cted. It would fill a volume to collect the particulars of their Devices; I will reduce them to these; heads.

1. They used all meanes to render them odious in the eyes of all people.

2. A threefold practice against the Bishops. They brought the basest and the refuse of all men, water­men, porters, and the worst of all the apprentices, with threats and menaces, to thunder forth the death and destruction of these men.

3. Upon a pretended treason they caused 12 of them, besides the Arch-Bishop that was in the Tower before, to be clapt up at once into prison; where they kept them in that strong house, untill they got it enacted that they should be excluded from the upper House, and both they and their Clergy should be debarred from the administration of any secular act of Justice in the com­mon-wealth.

1. They endeavoured to make them odious unto the people 2 wayes.

1. In making that Order (or giving that notice unto the peo­ple) that any man might exhibit his complaint against scanda­lous Ministers, 1 To make the odious tvvo wayes. 1 Way. and he should be heard; which invitation of all discontented sheepe to throw dirt in their Pastors faces, was too palpably malicious; for our Saviour told us, we should be sent as sheepe into the mids of wolves, but here is a sending for the wolves to destroy the Shepheards; and it came to passe hereby, that no lesse then 900 complaints and petitions were brought in a very short space, (as I was informed by some of their owne House, that feelingly misliked these undue proceedings) against many [Page 21] Learned and most faithfull servants of Jesus Christ, that were therefore hated, because they were not wicked; The Ministers why persecu­ted. and persecuted because they were conformable to the Lawes of the King and the Church. And the rest of our calling that were factious & se­ditious, were both countenanced and applauded in all their sediti­ous courses, and the more they railed against our Church Go­vernment, the more they were favoured by these enemies of the Church Governours. As to instance in both particulars (as you may finde in the author of the Sober Sadnesse p. 33.) Master Squire, Master Stone, and Master Swadlin, which they have im­prisoned, and scarce allowed them straw to ly on. Master Rea­ding, Master Griffith, Master Ingoldsby, Master Willcocks, and many others, having done nothing worthy of death or of bonds, are inserted into the blacke bill of Scandalous and superstitious Mi­nisters, onely for preaching obedience to Soveraigne authority, and other points consonant to the Holy Scriptures; and those that are scandalous indeed, as Doctor Burgesse the ring-leader of all sedition, Doctor Downing that is reputed as variable, as was Doctor Perne, Master Calamy, that is little better, Master Harding, a most vicious man, Master Bridge a Socinian, and Master Marshall, not free from the suspicion of some unjust perswasions of the weaker sex, & many more such factious men are not onely dispensed with, for all faults, but also rewarded and advanced for their infidelity to God, and disloyalty to His vicegerent: this the author of the Sober Sadnesse affirmeth of them.

2. 2 way. By framing petitions themselves (as it is conceived) in the name of thousands of people, from Cities and Countries, that either never saw or never knew what was in them, against Epi­scopacy and Episcopall men; and then exhibiting the said petiti­ons unto themselves, and the rest of their seauced brethren, to instigate others of their own faction, that affected not Episcopa­cy, and those offendors that by their Ecclesiasticall censure were justly punished, and yet thereby unjustly provoked to hate them, to frame the like petitions against this Apostolicall function, and to make the world believe how odious these Reverend men were in the judgement of so many millions of men, which were in­deed [Page 22]most ignorant and simple, Petitions a­gainst Episeo­pacie how un justly procu­red. and which God knowes, and themselves afterwards confessed, knew not what they did, nor to what end their hands were purloyned from them, under fair pretences, that were alleadged for the Reformation of some abuses, but were subscribed to most scandalous Petitions, which the poor men utterly renounced, when they understood how unchristianly they were seduced: so strange were their plots to make the Bishops odious.

And yet you must not thinke, that these courses are more strange than true; for our Saviour tels his Apostles, that were men beyond exceptions, full of inspirations, and abundantly indued with the gifts of sanctification, They should be hated of all men for his names sake; and if you look into the sufferings of Saint Paul, and the most horrible imputations that were so scandalously raised against the holy Fathers, you need not admire so much to see these men suffering such things as the hands of sinners, to be made the scorne of men, and as the off-scouring of the people, as they were not long since, when the Bishops and the most learned Preachers might passe with more honour, and lesse contempt at Constantinople among the Turkes, or in Jeru­salem among the Jewes, than in the Citie of London among this brood of Anabaptists.

2. 2. How the scumme of the people threaten them. After they had thus brought them upon the Stage, and used them thus strangely without cause, they get Ven and Man­waring, and others of the same Sect, to gather together the scum of all the prophanest rout, the vilest of all men, and the outcast of the People, such as Job saith, Are not worthy to eat with the dogges of the flocke: and as they came before for the Earle of Straffords head, so now again, they must come in great numbers, without order, without honestie, against all Law, and beyond all Religion, with swords and staves and other un­fashtonable though not inconsiderable weapons, to cry no Papists, no Bishops, and if they had added no God, no Devill, no Hea­ven, no Hell, then surely these men had obtained (if the Parlia­ment could have granted their requests) the summe of their de­sires; and they would have thought themselves better than ei­ther King or Bishop, but as yet they go no farther, than No Pa­pist, [Page 23]no Bishop; and by this they put the good Bishops in great fear, and well they might be possest of that fear, qui cadit in fortem & constantem virum: for mine eyes did see them, and mine eares did hear it said, What Bishop soever they met they would be his death, and I thanked God they knew not me to be a Bishop. Their furious assault upon Saint Peters Church in Westminster. Then they set upon Saint Peters Church of Westmin­ster, burst part of the door to pieces, and had they not been most manfully withstood by the Archbishop of Yorke his Gen­tlemen, and the Prebends Servants, together with the Officers of the Church, they had entered, and likely ransacked, spoiled, and defaced all the Monnments of the ancient Kings, broken down the Organs, and committed such sacriledge and propha­nation of that holy place, as their fellow Rebels have done since in Canterbury, Winchester, Worcester, and other places, whereof I shall speak hereafter; the like was never seen among the Turks and Pagans; and after these things, what rage, crueltie, and bar­baritie they would have shewed to the Dean and Prebends, we might well fear, but not easily judge; I am sure the Dean was forced to hire armed Souldiers to preserve the Church for many dayes after; for seeing these rioturs tumults could not as yet obtain their ends, they came, nay, they were brought again and again, and they justled and offered some violence unto the Archbishops Grace, as he went with the Earle of Dover into the Parliament House, which made him and the rest of his brethren justly to fear what might be the issue of these sad be­ginnings, which they conceived must needs be very lament­able, if timely remedie were not applied to prevent these un­timely frights and unchristian tumults.

Therefore when no Complaints either to the House of Lords or Commons could produce any safe effects, but rather a frivo­lous excuse than a serious redresse, that they came to petition against the Government, and not to seek the destruction of the Governours, the Bishops were inforced (and in my judgement, flesh and blood could take no better course in such a case, in such distresse, and I believe it will be found wisdom hereafter) to make their Petition for their securitie, and Protestation against all Acts as null, (they might have added to them and [Page 24]whom they represented) that should be enacted in their un­willing absence, while they were so violently hindered from the House; and, it may be, some word might passe in this Protestation, that might be bettered, or explained by another word; yet on such a suddain, in such a fright, when they scarce had time to take counsell of their pillowes, or to advice with their second thoughts, Quae semper sunt saniores, to watch for iniquitie, Esay 29.20, 21.to turne aside the just for a thing of nought, to take ad­vantage of a word, or to catch men for one syllable, to charge them with high Treason to bring them unto death, so many Re­verend Bishops to such a shamefull end, was more malicious than ever I finde the Jewes were to the old Prophets, or the Pagan Tyrants unto the Primitive Fathers, nor do I beleeve you can parallell the same charge in any Historie: yet

3. 3. How they were commit­ted to prison. For this one necessitated Act of the Bishops, the House of Commons do suddainly upon the first sight thereof, charge twelve of them with high Treason; they were not so long in condemning it as the Bishops in composing it, and accordingly the Lords commit them unto Prison. And if this was Treason, I de­mand, why could they not prove it so to be? Or if it was not, why should such an House, Flos & medulla regni, the greatest and the highest Court of Justice, from which (the King consent­ing with them) there lieth none appeal, but onely to the Court of Heaven, accuse them of high Treason? I would not have that Court to charge a man with any thing that were not most true, for certainly, whosoever unjustly compasseth my death is justly guiltie of death himselfe, when as the Poet saith,

It may be they would have us to believe this Treason was not proved, nor the charge so fully followed as they intended, out of some mercie to save their lives; but I could sooner believe, they rejoyced to see them fear, and were glad of their mistake, that they might charge them, and by such a charge cast them into prison, that so they might the more easily worke their de­signe, [Page 25]to cast them out of the Parliament, which now they have soon effected, and procured an Act for their exclusion.

And you must know, that to cast out from doing good, or serving God, is a worke of the devill, and not of God; so the wicked Husbandmen did cast out the right Heir of the vine­yard, out of his own inheritance; The conse­quences of this Act. so the Jewes did cast out the blinde man, and all that professed Christ out of their Syna­gogue. But you may better judge of this good Act, by these consequences which are like to be the fruits thereof.

1. Hereby they are all made incapable to do any good, either for Gods honour, or their neighbours benefit, 1. Made inca­pable of doing any good. by executing justice, or pronouncing judgement, in any cause in any temporall Court: and justice which long agon hath fled to heaven, and wanders as a stranger here on earth, must be countenanced and entertained onely by the sonnes of men, by secular Lords and Gentlemen: and the Spirituall Lords the Servants of God, and messengers of heaven must have nothing to do with her; not because they are not as well able as any other to do justice, but because the others cannot endure to let them see it, for fear they should hinder their injustice, and therefore justice and judge­ment are like to speed well on earth when their chiefest friends are banished from them, and it may be worldlings, oppressours, or most ignorant youthes, rather than any just understanders of their natures must be their Judges.

2. 2. Made un­able to defend themselves. Hereby they are made unable to defend themselves or their calling from any wrong; their respect was little enough before, and their indignities were great enough; and yet now we are exposed to far greater miseries, and to unresistable injuries, when a Bishop hath not so much Authoritie as a Consta­ble, to withstand his greatest affronts.

But hoc Ithacus velit, this is that which the devill and his great Atreidesses, his prime champions to enlarge his king­dom would fain have, our soules to remain among Lions, and all the meanes of defence to be taken from us, our enemies to be our judges, and our selves to be murdered with our own weapons. In the time of Poperie there were many Lawes de immunitate clericorum, whereby we were so protected, that the greatest [Page 26]Prince could not oppresse us, as you may finde in the Reigne of King John, and almost in all our Histories: and when we re­nounced the Pope, God made Kings our nursing fathers, and Queenes our nursing mothers, and we putting our selves under their protection, have been hitherto most gratiously protected: but now by this Act we are left naked of all defence, and set under the very sword of our Adversaries, and as the Psalmist saith, They that hated us are made Lords over us, to callus, to assesse us, to undo us.

3. 3. Debarred of that right that none else are. Hereby they are made more slavish than the meanest Sub­ject, and deprived of that benefit and priviledge which the poorest Shoomaker, Tailor, or any other Tradesman or yeoman hath most justly left unto him, for to be excluded, debarred, and altogether made uncapable of any benefit is such an insupportable burden, that it is set upon no mans shoulders but upon the Cler­gie alone, as if they alone were either unworthy to receive, or unable to do any good.

4. 4. Made more contemptible than all others. Hereby they are made the unparalleled spectacle of all neglect and scorne to all forraigne people; for I can hardly be­lieve the like precedent can be shewed in any Age, or any other Nation of the world, no not among the very Infidels or Indians; for in former times the Bishops and Clergie-men were thought the fittest instruments to be imployed in the best places of greatest trust, and highest importance in the Common-wealth, and Kings made them their Embasladours, as the Emperour Vas lentinian did S. Ambrose, and our own Chronicles relate how former times respected the Clergie, and how our Kings made them both their Counsellors, and their Treasurers, Chancellors, Keepers of the Great Seal, and the like Officers of the chiefest concernment, as Ethelbert in the yeer of Christ 605. saith, I Ethelbert King of Kent, Vt refert in tract atu suo de eposeopatu p. 61 62. M. Theyer. Sir Henry Spel­man p. 118. with the consent of the Reverend Archbishop Augustine, and of my Princes, do give and grant, &c. and the said Ethelbert with the Queen and his Son Ead­bald, and the most Reverend Prelate Augustine, and with the rest of the Nobilitie of the Land solemnly kept his Christmasse at Canterbury, and there assembled a Common Counsell, Tam cleri quàm populi, as well of the Clergie as of the people; and [Page 27]King Adelstan saith, Idem p. 403 I Adelstan the King do signifie unto all the Officers in my Kingdom, that by the advice of Wolfelme my Archbishop, and of all my Bishops. In the great Councell of King Ina, Anno 712. the edicts were enacted by the Common Counsell and consent Omnium Episcoporum & principum, Idem p. 219.proce­rum, Comitum & omnium sapientum seniorum, & populorum to­tius regni & per praeceptum regis Inae: and in the second Charter of King Edward the Confessour, granted to the Church of Saint Peter in Westminster, How former times respected the Clergie. it is said to be Cum concilio & decreto Ar­chiepiscoporum Episcoporum, Comitum, aliorumque suorum opti­matum, with the councell and decree of the Archbishops, Bi­shops, Earles, and other Potentates. And so not onely the Saxon Kings, but the Norman also ever since the Conquest had the Bishops in the like or greater esteem, that they never held Par­liament or Counsell without them. And surely these Princes were no Babes that made this choice of them, neither was the Common wealth neglected, nor justice prejudiced by these Go­vernours. And whosoever shall reade mores gentium, or the pilgrimage of Master Purchas, Livie, Plutarch, Appian, and the rest of the Greek and Latine Histories, I dare assure him, he shall finde greater honour given, and farre lesse contempt cast upon the Priests and Flamins, the Prophets of the Sybils, then we finde of this faction left to the Servants of the living God, who are now dealt withall worse, than Pharach dealt with the Israelites that took away their straw and yet required their full tale of brickes; for these men would rob us of all our meanes and take away all our Lands, and all our rights, and yet require not only the full tale of Sermons and Service, as was used by our Predecessours, but to double our files, to multiplie our paines, How the Cler­gie are now used. and to treble the Sermons and Service, that they used to have of our forefathers, more than ever was done in any Age since the first Plantation of the Gospell; and when we have done with John Baptist, the utmost of our endeavours, like a shining and a bur­ning lampe, that doth waste and consume it selfe to nothing, while it giveth light to others, they onely deal with us, as Car­tiers use to do with their packe horses, hang bels at their eares to make a melodious noise, but with little provander lay heavie [Page 28]loades upon their backes, and when they can bear no more bur­dens, take away their bels, withdraw their praises, call them Jades, exclaim against their lazinesse, and then at last, turne them out to feed upon the commons, and to die in a ditch; and thus we have now made the Ministers of Christ to be the emblems of all miserie, and in pretending to make them more glorious in the sight of God, we have made them most base in the eyes of all men.

And therefore the consequence of this Act is like to prove most lamentable, when the people, considering how that here­by we are left naked of all comfort, and subject to all kinde of scorne and distresse, and how that this being effected is but the praeludium of a farre greater mischiefe, they will rather with no great cost make their children of some good Trade, and their children will choose so to be, than with such great costland more care, and yet little hope, to bring them up to worse condi­tion than the meanest of all Trades, The Clargie alone are de­prived of Ma­gna Charta. or the lowest degree of all rustickes; when as they can challenge, and it shall not be deni­ed them, to have the priviledges of the Law, and a propertie in their goods, which without their own consent, yielded in their persons or their representours, cannot be taken from them; and the Clergie onely of all the people in this Kingdom, shall be de­prived of the right and benefit of our great Charter, which so many famous Kings and pious Princes have confirmed unto us; and when we have laboured all the dayes of our lives with great paines and more diligence, to instruct our people, and to attain to some competencie of meanes to maintain our selves and our families, we shall be in the power of these men, at their pleasure, under the pretence of Religion, contrarie to all justice, to be deprived of any part of our freehold, when we shall have not one man of our own calling to speak a word in our be­halfe, on no Seat of Justice throughout the whole King­dom.

O terque quaterque beati, queis ante ora patrum contigit oppetere, O most miserable and lamentable condition of Gods Ministers; I must needs speak it, though I should die for it; and if some did not speak it, I thinke the stones would crie against [Page 29]it, and proclaim it better for the Clergie, were their hope onely in this world, never to have been borne, or at least never to have seen a book, then to fall into the hands, and to be put under the censure of these men that do thus love Christ, This Act more prejudiciall to to the future times than now. by hating his Mi­nisters, who as I said before, by this one Act are made liable to undergo all kinde of evils, which shall not onely fall upon the present Clergie, (for were it so, our patience should teach us to be silent) but also to the increase of all prejudices to the Go­spell, more than my foresight can expresse, in all succeeding Ages.

And therefore I may well say with Jeremie, Jer. 5.9.29.Shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this? And we need not wonder, that such plagues, calamities and distresses, have so much en­creased in this Kingdom ever since the passing of this Act, and yet the anger of the Lord is not turned away, but his hand is stretched out still, and I fear, his wrath will not be appeased, till we have blotted this, and wiped away all other our great sinnes and transgressions, with the truest teares of unfained re­pentance.

These are like to be the consequences of this Act; and yet our good King, who we know loved our Nation and built us a Synagogue, and was (as I assure my selfe) most unwilling to passe it, was notwithstanding over-perswaded (considering where thirteen of the Bishops were, even in prison, and in what condition all the rest of them stood, in question whether all they should stand, or be cut down root and branch) to yield his assent unto the Act; though if the case in truth were rightly weighed, not much lesse prejudiciall to his Majestie than in­jurious to us, to be thus deprived of our right, How the King hath been used ever since this Act passed. and exposed to all miseries, by excluding us from all Civill Judicature: and I would to God the King and all the Kingdom did continually consider, how his Majestie was used ever since the confirmation of this Act; for they no sooner had excluded the Bishops and Clergie out of their right, but presently they proceeded, and prosecuted the designe ever since, to thrust out the King from all those just rights and prerogatives, which God and nature and the Lawes of our Land have put into his hands, for the govern­ment [Page 30]of this Kingdome; neither was it likely to succeede any o­ther wise, as I have fully shewed, and I would all Kings would read it, in the Grand Rebellion.

But I see no reason why it may not and why it should not be retracted and annulled, That the act should be an­nulled. when the Houses shall be purged of that Anabaptisticall and Rebellious faction, that contrived and pro­cured the same to passe, for these three speciall reasons;

1. 1. Reason. Because that contrary to all former precidents, that Bill for their exclusion, was (as it is reported) at the first refused, and after a full bearing among the Lords, it was by most votes, by more then a dozen voices, rejected; and yet, to shew unto the world, that the factions maltee against the Bishops had no end, & their rage was still implacable, at the same Session, & which is very considerable, immediatly assoone as ever they understood it was rejected, the House of Commons revived it, and so pressed it unto the Lords, that (if I may have leave to speake the truth) contrary to all right, * For I con­ceave this to be an approved maxime, that no light, not proved forfitea by some of fence, can be taken away wuhout wrong 2 Keasom In His Maje­sties answer to the Petition of the Lords and Commons. 16 of July. p. 8. it must be againe received; and while the Bishops were in prison, it was, with what honour I know not strangely confirmed.

2. Because this Bill had the Royall assent after that a most ri­otous tumult, & many thousands of men, with all sorts of warlike weapons both on land and water most disloyally had driven His Majestie to fly from London, that most Rebellious City, not without feare, for his owne safety, even for the safety of his life as himselfe professeth; and when they had so cunningly contriv­ed their plot, as to get some of the Kings servants and friends, that were about him and imployed in the Queenes affaires, to perswade Her Majesty to use all her power with the King for the passing of this Bill, or else Her journey should be slaied, as formerly they had altered her resolution for the Spaw; and at Rochester she should understand the sense of the House to stop Her passage unto Holland, whereas the passing of this Bill might make way for Her passage over; and many other such frights and feares, they put both upon the King and Queene, to inforce him full sore against his will, as we beleive, to passe this harsh Bill, for the exclusion of the spirituall Lords out of the House of Peeres, and of all the Clergy from all Secular Judicature.

But Master Pym will tell us, he did, Ald. Gar. speech at Guild. hall. that it was the opini­on of both Houses, there was no occasion given by any tumults, that might justly cause His Majesties departure.

To whom I answere with the words of Alderman Garroway if the Houses had declared that it had beene lawfull to beat the King out of Town, I must have sate still with wonder (though I should never beleive it) but when they declare matters of fact, which is equally within our own knowledge, and wherein we cannot be deceived, as in the things we have seene with our eyes, if they dissent from truth, they must give me leave to differ from them: as if they should declare, they have paied all the money that they owe unto the city, or that there was * For now I understand it is pulled down. no Crosse stand­ing in Cheapside, we shall hardly beleive them.

And therefore, seeing we all remember, when the alarme was given, that there was an attempt from Whitehall upon the City, how hardly it was appeased, and how no babies thought the de­signe of those subtle beads that gave that false alarme was no lesse, then to have caused Wite hall to be pulled downe. and they that loved the King, and saw the Army both by Land and water which accompanied the persons accused to Westminster the next day after His Majesties departure, (as if they had passed in a Roman triumph) conceived the danger to be so great, that I call Heaven to witnesse, they blessed God that so gracioussly put it in the Kings heart rather to passe away over night, though ve­ry late, then hazard the danger that might have ensued the day following:

The meaning therefore of both Houses may be, that there was nothing done, which they confessed to be a tumult; and no mervaile; because they received incouragement, as we beleeved from their defence, and no reproofe, that we found was made, for this indignity offered unto the King: but if I be constrained and in danger, it is not enough for me, that I am voted free and safe; for if that, which lookes, as like a tumult, as that did, or, as the representation of my face in the truest glasse is like my face, doth come against me and incompasse me about, though I may be, perhaps, in more safety; yet I shall thinke my selfe in great feare, and in no more security then His Majestie was at Edge-hill.

3. 3 Reason. p. 7 Because, as the veiwer of the Observat. hath very well ex­prest it, no act of Parliament can prevaile to deprive the King of His right and authority; as an attainder by Parliament could not barre the title to the Crowne from descending on King Hen. 7. nor was an act of Parliament disabling King Hen. 6. to re-assume the government of his people, of any force, but without any re­peale in it selfe frustrate and void. 7. rep. 14. Calvins case; an act of Parliament cannot take away the protection or the Subjects service, which is due by the Law of nature. 11. rep. Sur de la Wares case, William de la Ware although disabled by act of Pat­liament, was neverthelesse called by Queene Elizabeth to sit as a peere in Parliament; for that it seems the Queen could not be barred of the service and councell of any of Her Subjects; 2. H. 7.6 a statute, that the King by no non obstante shall dispence with it, is void; because it would take a necessary part of govern­ment out of the Kings hand: and therefore I se not how this act can deprive the King of the service and councell of all his Bi­shops and clergy, but that it is void of it selfe and needeth no re­peale; or if otherwise, yet seeing that besides all this, 13 of the Bi­shops were shut in prison when this act passed, and their prote­station was made long before this time, and it was so unduly fra­med, so illegally prosecuted, and with such compulsive threats and terrours procured to be passed, I hope the wisedome of the next Parliament, together with their love and respect to the Church and Church-men will nullifie the same.

CHAP. VI. Sheweth the plots of the faction to gaine unto themselves the freindship and assistance of the Scotts; and to what end they framed their new protestation; how they provoked the Irish to rebell, and what other things they gained thereby.

ANd thus the Sectaries of this Kingdome and the faction in this Parliament have by their crast & subtilty prevailed to have all the cheifest impediments of their design to be removed: [Page 33]so now the hedge is broken downe, and all the bores of the for­rest may now come into the vineyard, to destroy the vine, and to undermine the Citie of God: but into their counsells let not my soule come. 2. The furthe­tances of their designe were five.

2. When they had taken away these stops and hinderances of their projects, they were to recollect and make up the further­ances, that might helpe to advance their cause for the founding of their new Church, and the establishing of their famous demo­craticall government & popular Common-wealth. And these I find to be principally five.

1. The gaining of their brethren of Scotland to become their fast and faithfull freinds.

2. The framing of a Protestation to frighten the Papists and to insnare the simple, to be led as they listed to prosecute their de­signe.

3. The condemning of our late canons, as abominable in their judgement and inconsistent with their religion;

4. The appointing of a new Synod, the like whereof was ne­ver heard in the Church, since Adam, to compose such articles as they liked, and to frame such discipline as should be most a­greeable to their owne dispositions.

5. The setling of a militia, a word that the vulgar knew not what it was, for to secure the Kingdome, as they pretended, from those dangers that they feared, that is, from those Jackes of lent and men of clouts, which themselves set up as deadly enemies unto the Church and state; but indeed insensibly to get all the strength of the Realme into their own hands and their confide­rates, that so they might like the Ephori, bridle the King, and bring him as they pleased, to abolish and establish what lawes and government they should propose; whereby, perhaps, he might continue King in name but they in deed.

These were the things they aymed at, and they effected the first three, before they could be discried and their plots discovered; but in the other two they were prevented, when God said unto them, as he doth unto the Sea, hitherto shalt thou goe and no further, here shalt thou stay thy proud Waves: and therefore. I am confident, and I wish all good Christians were so, that their [Page 34]purposes shall never succeed, nor themselves prosper therein, while the world lasteth; becaust God hath so mercifully revealed so much, so graciously assisted our King, and so miraculously, not only delivered him from them, but also strengthened him a­gainst them, contrary to all appearing likely-hood, to this very day; which is a sufficient argument to secure our faith, that we shall, by the helpe of our God, escape all the rest of their destru­ctive designes.

But to display their banners, to discover their projects, and to let the world see what they are, and how closely & yet cunningly they went about to effect their worke, I will in a plaine manner set down what I know, and what I have collected from other writings, and from men that are side digni, (for one mans eyes cannot see all things, nor infallibly perceive the mysteries of all particulars) for to confirme the faithfull Subjects in their due obedience, both to God and their King, and to undeceave the poore seduced people, that they perish not in the contradiction of Corah.

1. 1 The indeering of themselves unto the Scots Out Sectaties the inviters of the Scots to England. It is beleeved not without cause, with far greater probabi­lities then a bare suspicion, that our own anabaptisticall Sectaries and this faction were the first inviters of those angry spirits (that conceived some cause to be discontented, and were glad of secret entertainers) to enter into the bosome of this Kingdome; what­soever those our brethren of Scotland did I will bury it accord­ing to their Act, in oblivion; neither approving nor yet blaming them for any thing. But for any Subject of England, to enter­change Messages, and to keepe private intelligence, with any that seeme to be in armes against their King, and the invaders of his Dominions, to animate them to come, and advance forward; to refuse their Soveraignes service, and the eath of their fidelity, which was tendered unto them, and to hinder the Kings soldiers to doe their duties, either by denying to goe with him, or refu­sing to fight for him when they went, (which if some men were brought to their Legall tryall, I beleeve would be more then suf­ficiently proved against them) can be no lesse then haynous trimes, perhaps within the compasse of high Treason.

Or were these things but our jealousies and feares, which do wear the garments of Truth, yet their proceedings in Parliament do adde more fuell unto the fire of our suspicion; as, for our men, whom we had chosen to plead for us, and to treat with them, to respect them more than us, to enrich them, by impoverishing us; How they be­haved them­selves towards the Scots. giving them no lesse than 300000.l. who had entered into our Land, and brought upon us such feares, of I know not how ma­ny mischiefes that might succeed, and not onely so, but also, (to shew what love they bare to them, and how little regard they had of us, their native brethren, that put such trust and confidence in their fidelitie, as to commit all our fortunes and liberties into their hands) paying weekly such a pension for their provision, (besides the maintainance of our own Armie, which were forced to carry them their monies, when themselves were unpaid) as in a short time was able to exhaust all the wealth of this Kingdom, and yet for all his Majesties continuall calling up­on them to dispatch their discharge, and to finish the Treatie, for the good of both Kingdomes, keeping them here so long, and making so much of them, (which in truth we envied not, but admired what it meant, when we saw with what continuall feastings they were entertained in London, and their lodgings frequented as the Kings Court) till all the People began to mur­mur, and to wax wearie of so great a charge and such a burden as they knew must at last light upon their shoulders; which must needs be matters worthy of our best examinations.

But as yet the common people that seeth no further than the present tense, and the outside of things, did little know, Why they de­tained them here so long. what many wise men did then foresee, that these men aymed further than they seemed to do, and delayed the businesse purposely till they had attained many of their desires, and had sully endeared themselves into the affections of the Scots, that (if need requi­red, that they could not effect all the residue of their designe, as they intended, which now could not so suddainly be brought unto perfection,) they might recall them here again to assist them, to do that by force, which by their craft and subtiltie they should fail to do; as now by their sending for them, going unto them, and alleaging the Act of Pacification for their as­sistance, [Page 36]to withstand their King and to overthrow our Church, it is apparent to all the world how perfidiously they dealt with God and man, and how treacherous their thoughts were from the beginning both to the King and Kingdom. Yet as we found our Brethren of Scotland (howsoever these men beva­ved themselves in their secret intentions) to have carried them­selves none otherwise than as wise, rationall and religious men, in all the Treatie: so I assure my selfe they will hereafter still continue, both faithfull unto God, and loyall unto their King; and as they perceived not their intentions at the first, so they will not now joyne with them in any Association of Rebellion to withstand their own Liege Lord, and to change the establish­ed Lawes and Religion of our Kingdom; but will rather live in peace and happinesse in their own Land, than by forsaking their enjoyed quietnesse, to involve themselves in the unhappi­nesse of a desperate War in another Countrey.

2. 2. The com­pelling of all people to [...]ak: their new [...]a­med Protesta­tion. After they had thus endeared themselves unto their Bre­thren of Scotland, they framed a Protestation, to maintain and defend, as farre as lawfully they might, with their lives, po­wers and estates the True Reformed Protestant Religion, his Majesties Royall Person, honour and estate, the power and pri­viledges of Parliament, the lawfull rights and liberties of the Subjects, and every person that should make the same Protesta­tion, in whatsoever he should do in the lawfull pursuance of the same; and to their power, and as farre as lawfully they might to oppose, and by all good wayes and meanes, endeavour to bring to condigne punishment all such as shall either by force, practise, counsels, plots, conspiracies, or otherwise * Which word is like the &c. in the Cano­nical Oath. do any thing to the contrary of any thing in the said Protestation contained; and neither for fear, hope, nor other respect to relinquish this promise, vow and protestation.

In which Protestation, though no man can espie the least sha­dow of ill, prima facie, at the first reading thereof; yet if you look further, and search narrowly into the intentions of the composers, the frame of the Protestation, and the practise of these Protestors, ever since the framing of it, you shall finde that Desinit in piscem mulier formosa supernè: these men are [Page 37]no Changelings, but as like themselves as ever they were; for,

1. As it was intended, so it succeeded; 1. To terrifie the Papists, and to raise a rebel­lion in Ireland. it terrified the Pa­pists, and made them so desperate as almost to despair of their very being, as concerning the place where or the manner how they should live; which thing, together with many other harsh and hard proceedings against many of them, and the small countenance which they shewed unto a very moderate Petition that the Papists exhibited unto them, hath driven abundance of them into Ireland, (whom I saw my selfe) and there con­sulting with the Irish, (which were then also threatened by the Agents of this faction there, that ere long they should be se­verely handled, and brought to the Church whether they would or no, or pay such a mulct as should make them poor) what course they should take in such a desperate condition, wherein they were all like to be ruined, or to be rooted out of all the Kings Dominions, they concluded what they would do; to de­fend themseves by a plain Rebellion. So this course against them hath been the leading card (as some of them confessed) of that great Rebellion; which being kindled (as some Sectaries in England expected) they thought they would so much the more weaken the King, by how much the more combustion should be raised in each one of his Dominions: and therefore not­withstanding all the Kings gracious Messages and wishes unto the House of Commons (which I wish all men would remem­ber, how affectionately he desired it) to hasten to releeve that bleeding Kingdom, yet still they protracted and neglected their redresse; and at last, passed such Votes, made such Orders, and procured such Acts, as rather respected themselves and their po­steritie, to get all the land and goods of the Rebels to them­selves, that were the Adventurers, than the relieving of us that were distressed, and would (as I told some of the House of Commons) rather increase the Rebellion than any wayes quench that destroying flame. And this was (as it succeeded, and as you see hereby, most likely intended) a most detestable plot, for the kindling of that Rebellion, and continuing of that bloody War in Ireland, without which they knew this Rebellion in England could never have gained so much strength as it hath.

2. 2. To gaine all Sectaries to their side. By their large expression of what religion they protested to defend, not the Protestant religion, as it is established by Law and expressed in the 39 articles of the Church of England; but as it is repugnant to popery, and taught perhaps by Burton, Burges Goodwin, Burrowes, or the like Amsterdamian schismatickes, they opened the gap so wide, and made Heaven gate so broad that all Brownists, Anabaptists, Socinians, Familists, Adamites and all other new England brood and outlandish Sectaries what soever, that opposed popery, might returne home and joyne with them, as they have done since, to overthrow our established Church, and state. And this plot, to increase their own strength was as craftily don, and is as Detestable as the other, which to weaken the King in England, caused a rebellion in Ireland.

3. 3. To descry their owne strength. By their illegall compelling and forcible inducing of all the people in the Kingdome to take the same, or to be adjudged ill affected and popish, and after the Lords had rejected the imposing of it, they by their Declaration, which shewed, that what person soever would not take it, was unfit to beare office either in Church or Common wealth, prevailed in this plot so that they descried the number of their owne party, they under­stood their own strength, and they perceived thereby many things, which they knew not before; for now they had with David numbred Israel, and so far as the wit and policy of the Devill had instructed them, they had searched into the secrets of all hearts

4. 4. To insnare all the simpler sort to adhere unto them. Having compelled the people to take it, they have hereby insnared all the simpler sort and tender consciences to sticke un­to them, when they tell them and presse it upon their soules, that they have made a Protestation to maintaine the priviledges of Parliament, and the Liberty of the Subject, and therefore they are bound to adhere to the Parliament to the uttermost of their power; and so by this equivocall Protestation, they have seduced thousands into their Rebellion, and led them blindfold unto de­struction.

Butto let you see not the syncerity of their hearts, The mystery of their iniquity. but the myste­ry of their iniquity, by this their Protestation, you shall never find them urge it unto others, or remembring it themselves for the [Page 39]desence of the Kings Person Crowne or dignity, or for the liber­ty of any Subject, but only such Subjects as will be Rebells with them: for how can they be said to defend any of these, when they doe their very best to destroy his person, and deprive him of all his royall dignities? That the rebells are all perjurers and to plunder and imprison all true Subjects for being true Subjects unto their King? Whereby you see how these Rebells are likewise perjured, and have weaved this Pro­testation like a spiders web, through which themselves might passe when they pleased, and like Vulcans net to catch the sim­pler sort to adheere most eagerly to their designes; and so it is but a circle of all subtleties, & not unwittily questioned, an pros testatio parliamentaria deterior sit juramento cum &c. for if there be any thing injoyned to be done by that Protestation, which was unlawfull to be done before the Protestation was taken, it is no more to be justified by that act, then any other unlawfull thing is by a rash and wicked vow; and it ought not to be urged to doe mischeise; and if there be nothing to be injoyned thereby, but what was every mans duty before, there was but small need, to draw any argument from any protestation: but if they in­tended to draw men from the duty of alleageance to which they were legally sworne, and all men understood, to doe some-what which the ignorant did not understand, then such a voluntarie protestation might do the deed; for they have protested to main­tain the priviledges of Parliament. And yet the wisest of us now may justly protest, wee cannot tell what those priviledges are, or how far they should extend in the judgement of the House of Commons; for they are multiplied like the rats of Egypt, and as Pharaohs leane kine did eat up all his fat Cowes, so these meager priviledges have eaten up all our goodly lawes. And therefore, Priviledges of Parl. multiply­ed, and are like Pharaohs kine. the unlimited universality of these priviledges in the Protestati­on, extending it selfe as far as the et caetera, in the Canonicall oath, was but a mischeivous plot in the contrivers, to catch the simple to adhere unto them; and it is a madnesse in any man that hath legally sworne to defend the Kings Person, Crowne, and dignity, which he knoweth, and hath irregularly protested to maintaine the priviledges of Parliament, which hee know­eth not, immediatly to draw his sword against his known Sove­raigne, [Page 40]raigne or to Rebell against his well-known lawful authority, in the behalfe of some thing, he Knoweth not what, but is told by these men it is a priviledge of Parliament. O ye unwise among the the people, when will you understand; who hath bewitched you, that you should not beleive the truth?

CHAP. VII. Sheweth how the faction was inraged against our last canons; what manner of men they chose in their new synod; and of six special Acts of great prejudice unto the Church of Christ which under false pretences they have already done.

3. 3. The con­demning of our last Canons. FOr the Canons, that were last made, I must confesse my selfe and many others of my Brethren were very averse unto our sitting, to make any at that time; yet many reasons were shewed us, that we might sit (and we had the Judges of the common Lawes opinion under their hands shewed us for the le­gality of our sitting) and conclude such canons as might be for the glory of God and the good of his Church; but of those that are made, though I assure my selfe the worst of them is not so ill as they alleadge, nor neere so bad as most (I might say the best) of their illegall orders; yet there were many of us that never gave our votes to passe them; and though not for any offence that we saw in them, yet, for the scandall that might be taken at them we hartily wished they had never beene so zelously propounded at that time.

But the Sectaries of London and the prevalent faction in Par­liament did, with open mouth, spend much time to the no small prejudice of the whole Kingdome, and made many long spee­ches to exclaime against them, as against a bundle of superstiti­ons, that obscured the purity of our religion, an introduction unto popery, and an intolerable, unheard of the like invasion upon the liberty of the subjects, that revived againe the papall tyranny, which contary to our fundamentall lawes had incroached to make canons and constitutions to bind our consciences; where­upon [Page 41]upon they canvas them and condemne them out of their house and the house of God, out of the Church and Commonwealth: and not only so, but also the contrivers of them and consenters to them; they terrify and threaten to adjudge them, sometimes with a praemunire, to have forfeited all their goods and possessi­ons, and sometimes to be fin'd, (as we were at last) with such a heavy mulct, as in all other mens judgement did farre exceed the pretended offence, especially of us that never consented to them.

And yet we find not only in Lindwood, and others of our Ca­nonists, but also in the book of Martyrs, and the rest of our Eng­lish histories, that the Arch-Bishops, within their Provinces, have at severall times made Canons and Constitutions, for the regulating of all the people committed to their charge, with­out any suspicion of the least violation of our lawes; but the fa­ction say sic volumus, and the houses of Parliament understand what is law better then I do, and therefore accordingly (before the makers of them were called to make their answers, by what authority they made them, or by what law they could justify them) they reject the Canons and censure their makers. Yet notwithstanding their distast of them, it is conceived by some that the clergy having His Majesties writ to be convocated, and leave to compose such Canons, as they thought fit to be obser­ved, for the honour of God, the discharge of their duty, and the good of the Church, and having the royall assent and approbation to all that they concluded; (which is all that I find the Statute provided in this case requireth) though they should be defective or perhaps offensive in some circumstances, yet if they be not le­gally abrogated, after a full hearing of all parties, and the Kings consent to reject them, as it was to approve them, they are still as binding, and in as full force as ever they were; though for mine owne part, I will not undertake the taske, to make that good, when as both the Houses have condemned them; but I say:

4. 4. The ap­pointing of a new framed Synod. This Scandall taken against these Canons made way for the faction to call for a new Synod or assembly of Divines, for the rectifying of things amisse, as well in Discipline as in Doctrine; [Page 42]And in this new intended Synod, Lay-men choosers of the Clergie, as if a shepheard did choose pretious stones. the Divines are nominated, not according to the rules and Canons of the Church, and the customes of all Nations, since the first Synod or Councell of the Apostles, by Divines, that can best judge of their own abili­ties, as when the spirit of the Prophets is subject to the Prophets: but fearing the Clergie would have sent men that were too or­thodoxall for their faith, they deprived them of their rights, and forgetting their Protestation to defend the right of the Subject, the choice is made by themselves, that are Lay men, and young men, and many of them perhaps prophane men, or at least not so religious, nor so judicious as they ought to be, for a businesse of this nature, of so great concernment, as the di­rection of our soules to their eternall blisse.

And now they being nominated, we know most of them what they are; What manner of men they have chosen. men, not onely justly suspected to be ill dispo­sed to the peace of our Church, and too much addicted to in­novation, to alter the Government, to reject and cast away the Book of Common Prayer, to oppose Episcopacie, and to dis­place the grave and godly Governours of Gods Church; but also apparently fashioned to the humours of these their own Disciples (who are to be the onely judges of their determinati­ons) that (although some jew Canonicall men, and most Reve­rend, learned and religious Bishops, and others, for fashion sake, to blinde the world, are named amongst them, yet, when as in a Parliament, so in a Synod, the most desperate faction, if they prove prevalent, to be the major part, will carry any thing in despite of the better part, they shall stand but as cyphers, able to do nothing) they might abolish our old established Govern­ment, erect their own new invented Discipline, and propagate their well affected Doctrine in all Churches; for you may judge of them by their compeeres, Goodwin, Burrowes, Arrow-Smith, and the rest of their ignorant, factious, and schismaticall Mini­sters, that together with those intruding Mechanickes, (who without any calling either from God or man, do step from the Botchers boord, or their Horses stable into the Preachers Pulpit) are the bellowes which blow up this fire, that threateneth the de­struction of our Land, like Shebah's trumpet, to summon the peo­ple [Page 43]unto Rebellion, and like the red dragon in the Revelation, which gave them all his poyson, and made them eloquent, to dis­gorge their malice, and to cast forth floods of slanders, after those that keep loyaltie to their Soveraigne, and to belch forth their unsavery reproaches against those that discover their af­fected ignorance, and seditious wickednesse, in defence of truth; and are the instruments of this faction, to seduce the poor peo­ple to the desolation of the whole Kingdom, if not timely pre­vented by their repentance, and assistance to enable him whom God hath made our Protectour to defend us against all such transcendent wickednesse. And these are the maine ends for which they summoned such a new Synod of their furious and fanatique teachers, upon whose temper and fidelitie, I believe, no wise man that knows them would lay the least weight of his soules felicitie. What Synod they should have chosen. Whereas if they desired a Reformation of things amisse, and not rather an alteration of our Religion and the abolition of our now setled Government, they would have called for such a Synod as was in Queen Elizabeths time, when the 39 Articles of our Religion were composed, and such as they needed not to be ashamed to own in future times, nor the best refuse to associaet the rest, for the illegalitie of their electi­on; for if there be any scandalous Governours, (as we deny not but there may be a Cham in the Arke, a Judas amongst the Apo­st'es, and perhaps an unjustifiable Prelate among the Bishops, as there was a proud Lucifer among the Angels) or if they thinke it necessary to correct, qualifie, explain, or alter some expressi­ons or ceremonies in our Liturgie, and Book of Common Prayer, we are so farre from giving the least offence to weak conscien­ces, that we heartily wish a lawfull Synod, which may have a full legall power, as well to remove the offences, as to punish the offenders, and to establish such Lawes and Canons, as well against Separatists and Schismatickes, Anabaptists and Brow­nists, as against Recusants and Papists, and such as may be for the glorie of God, and the peace of our Church; which was our sole intention in the last Synod.

But seeing their plot was rather to establish a new Church than to redresse the defects of the old, and to countenance and [Page 44]advance those boute-fues that schismatically rent our Church in pieces, and most wickedly defile the pure Doctrine of the same, by degrading and displacing the grave Governours thereof, I will (to give you a taste of what fruit you are like to reape from them) very briefly set down the sum of these two points.

• 1.
  Two points hindled. 1. What they have already done in the af­faires of our Church. 1 Cor. 5.5. 1 Tim. 1.20. 1. Opened a gap to all li­centiousnesse.
  What they have already done,
• 2. What discipline and doctrine are like to ensue, if they should be enabled or permitted to erect their new Church; for, (as you may finde it in the Remonstrance of the Commons of England to the House of Commons,)

1: Under colour of regulating the Ecclesiasticall Courts, (Courts that have been founded by the Apostles, and had al­wayes their Authoritie and reverence among Christians, even before the Secular power (when the Emperours became Christians) had confirmed them) they have taken away (in re­spect of the coercive part thereof, which is the life of the Law, and without which the other part is fruitlesse) all the Spirituall jurisdiction of Gods Church; they have taken away Aarons rod, and would have only Manna left in Gods Ark, so that now the crimes inquirable and censurable by those Courts, though never so heinous, as adulterie, incest, and the like, cannot be pu­nished; heresies and schismes, which now of late have abound­ed in all places, can no wayes be reformed, and the neglect of Gods service can as hardly be repaired, when as the Ministers cannot be enforced to attend their Cures, the Church-officers cannot be compelled to performe their dutie, and the Parishio [...] ners cannot be brought by our Law to pay their Tythes and other necessarie Duties; which things are all so considerable that all Christians ought to fear how lamentable will be the end of these sad beginnings; for my selfe have seene the House of God most unchristianly prophaned, the Church-yard and the dead bodies of the Saints so rooted and miserably abused by hogges and swine, that it would grieve meer men, that scarce ever heard of God, to see such a barharous usage of any holy place; and when the Ministers have given a sevennights warning to prepare for the blessed Eucharist, and the Communicants [Page 45]came to partake of those holy mysteries, they were fain to re­turne home without it, for want of Bread and Wine to admi­nister it; and yet now the Church Governours have not any power to redresse any of these abominable abuses.

2. Under shew of reforming the Church discipline, 2. Voted down all the gover­nours of Gods Church. and bettering the Government thereof, they have voted down those very Governours, the Bishops and their Assistants, the Deanes and Chapters, whose function was constituted by the Apostles, and hath from that time continued to this very day, as the most learned Archbishop of Armach, Bishop Hull, Ma­ster Mason, Master Tayler, and that worthy Gentleman Master Theyer, and others have sufficiently shewed to all the world.

3. Under the pretence of expunging Poperie, 3. Vilified out Service-book. which Bi­shop Jewell, Bishop Parry, Bishop Babington, Bishop Bilson, Bishop Morton, Bishop Davenant, Bishop Hall, and abundance more of the Reverend Bishops have confuted, expelled and kept out of our Church, more than any, yea than all their schismati­cal Disciples, whose Learning was no wayes able to answer the weakest Arguments of our Adversaries, the Service Book that is established by Act of Parliament, and was by those holy Mar­tyrs, that lost their lives, and spilt their blood in defence of the Protestant Religion, and defiance of erroneous Poperie, so di­vinely and devoutly composed, as all the Reformation can bear witnesse, and I am well assured, the whole flock of these Convo­cants shall never be able, without this, to make any neer so pi­ous, must be totally cried down, and hath been in many places, burned, used to the uneleanest uses, and teared all to pieces; and to let you see their abomination herein, I must crave patience to transcribe, that it may the more generally passe, the Speech of Alderman Garroway, where he saith, pag. 7. Alderman Gar­reway, pag. 7. Did not my Lord Maior (that is, Pennington) first enter upon his Office with a Speech against the Book of Common Prayer? Hath the Com­mon Prayer ever been read before him? Hath not Captain Ven said, that his Wife could make prayers worth three of any in that Book? O Masters, there have been times, that he which should speak against the Book of Common Prayer in this Citie, should not have been put to the patience of a Legall triall; [Page 46]we were wont to look upon it as the greatest treasure, and the Jewell of our Religion; and he that should have told us, he wished well to our Religion, and yet would have taken away the Book of Common Prayer would never have gotten credit. I have been in all the parts of Christendome, and have conversed with Christians in Turkey; why, in all the reformed Chur­ches there is not any thing of more reverence than the English Liturgie, not our royall Exchange, nor the Navie of Queen Eli­zabeth, is so famous as this; in Geneva it selfe, I have heard it extolled to the skies. I have been three moneths together by sea, and not a day without hearing it read twice; the honest Mariners then despised all the world but the King and the Common Prayer Book; How the Mari­ners esteeme the Liturgie. he that should be suspected to wish ill to either of them, should have made but an ill voyage; and let me tell you, they are shrewd youthes, those Sea-men; if they once discerne that the person of the King is in danger, or the Protestant professed Religion, they will shew themselves mad bodies before you are aware of it; I would not be a Brownist or an Auabaptist in their way for—And yet, these men have so basely abused, and are so violent to abolish this excellent Book and divine Liturgie, that Many will not believe it though it should be told unto them: Hab. 1.5. I would they did but reade that Act of Parliament which is prefixed unto the same, to see if they regarded either the Law of God or Man, the Religion of the Clergie that composed it, or the wisedome of the Parliament that confirmed it.

4. 4. Abused the images and pi­ctures of the Saints and o­ther holy things. Under colour to shew their hatred to Idolatrie, they have broken down the glasse Windowes of many Churches; shot off the heads of the Images of the blessed Virgin, and of our dear Saviour represented in her lap upon the porch of Saint Maries in Oxford; thrown away the Pictures of Christ, and of others his holy Apostles, and Gods blessed Saints into the Ri­vers; taken the Ministers Surplices to make Frockes to preserve their cloathes when they dressed their horses; and in Wor­cester they have done what I am ashamed to speak, and would loathe any modest ear to hear, made the Pulpit, and (not farre from the Town) the Fout their house of office, as I was in­formed [Page 47]by one of the gravest Doctours and Prehends of that Church; thrown down the Organs, which cost above fifteen hundred pounds, and taken the Pipes and Copes of the Pre­bends, and gone round about the Streets, with the Copes on their backes, and the Pipes in their hands, dancing the Moris dance; so in Winscombe in Glocester shire, they brake down the Organs, and made that Church their Slaughter house, when they killed certain Sheep that they had stolen, and dressed the same upon the Communion table; and in Lincolne Minster the Souldiers brought their horses into the Quire, laid their hay upon the holy Table, and made the House of God a Stable for their horses, that did now eat their hay where the Christians did use to communicate the Bodie and Blood of Christ; so that these men give their Saviour no better entertainment now in his glorie, than the Jewes did when he came in his humilitie, Luke 2.7. but he shall be still kept low, and a Stable shall be good enough for his Mansion; yet, as in Canterburie they did but little lesse, so in Winchester they added this to their former prophanations, to take the ashes of those Saxon Kings, that were kept in certain Urnes, and threw them about the ground, as if death it selfe could not appease their rage. ‘Scava sed in manes manibus arma dabant,’ It would fill a whole volume to relate all the villanies that they did of this kinde, the consideration of which prophane usage of holy places, made a worthy Gentleman pathetically to set down these fervent speeches; I would to God we had not cause to complain of the horrid and barbarous attempts of di­vers among us (Christians I can scarce call them) against some the mother Churches, * Canterbury, Worcester, Winchester, Glocester, Chichester, and many others. who as if they had studied to affront the Almightie to his face, and purposely with Manasses to anger him, have not spared to prophane those goodly structures, and irreligiously and Antichristianlike to deface the instruments there prepared and imployed in the service of the great God: at the very thought whereof I tremble and stand amazed, Master Theyer in his Treatise of Episcopacie, p. 56.57. and can hardly believe the Christian world in any age (no not under the Gothes and Vandales) can parallel it with an example of like abominable and atheisticall villanies, yet to this day uncen­sured: [Page 48]and I am heartily sorry that it should be told in Gath or Ascalon, in any forraigne Nation, that our English People should have any such Sect amongst them, so void of all humani­tie, so destitute of all thoughts of a Deitie, and so full of all in­credible impieties. And therefore I must use the words of the Prophet Jeremie, Ier. 5.9.29.Shall I not visit for these things, saith the Lord? or, shall not my soule be avenged on such a Nation as this? or, is it any wonder, that there are such Warres, such bloody Warres, such barbarous rapines, and that these miseries do still continue amongst us; when we not onely proceed to commit, but also to defend and justifie these and the like abominable wicked­nesse, Rom. 1.32. Heb. 10.31. and have pleasure in them that doe them? for it is a fear­full thing to fall into the hands of the living God.

5. 5. Branded the true Prote­stants, and advanced Ana­baptists. Under the colour of advancing the true Protestant Reli­gion, they have branded the best Protestants, (even those that have most learnedly, both preached and written against the Church of Rome, and all her erroneous tenets, and were not long since registred in the classe of Puritanes, and for that cause kept under water) for Papists, and superstitiously Popish, and so Malignants and opposers of the true to be established Religion; and they have encouraged and promoted to the Livings and Livelihoods of the most Orthodox and Canonicall men. Ana­baptists and Brownists, and other Sectaries of most desperate opinions, that (as Saint Bernard saith of the like, Multiplicati sunt super numerum;) as the Caterpillers overspread all the Land of Egypt, so these are multiplied in every corner, without number; and these tares have almost choaked all the Wheat in Gods field, and do preach most desperate Doctrines, de­structive both to themselves, their proselytes, and all the truest Protestants throughout all this Kingdom; when as Sedition and rebellion, besides their other damnable Doctrines condemn­ed by the Church, must ever be at one end of their Sermons, and published in their Pamphlets; as for instance, you may finde in the bloody bookes and firie writings of the darling Secreta­ries of thered Dragon, that warreth against the Saints, Stephen Marshall, Master Bridges, Jo. Goodwin, Burroughes, and the rest of the Locusts, * Qua glome­rantur in unum innumera pestes Erebi, Claud. that are sent out of the bottomlesse pit to [Page 49]seduce the People of God, and to lead them headlong unto perdition.

But let me advise the Servants of Christ, to remember their Saviours words, To beware of false Prophets; Matth. 7.15. they shall de­ceive many, and many love to be deceived by them; those whom God hath given up, That they should believe a lye; 2 Thess. 2.10.Qui infatuati seducuntur, & seducti judicabuntur; but you that desire to escape their snares may know them by their fruits; The Authours advice. which are Rebellion against their King, and rayling against their Governours, Perjurie against God, by the breaches of those Oathes, which in the face of the Church they have taken, both to the King and to their Superiours, Three notes by which we may know the false Apostles. and a wilfull perverting of the sacred Scriptures, to the perdition of their Proselytes; be­sides, many other bitter fruites, that worse than any Aconite are able to poyson any Christian soul, that do but taste of their Philtra's: or if you will believe these. Apples of Sodom, to be as sweet as they seem fair, then remember by what markes the Prophets and Apostles tell us that we may know them; 1. 1. Note. Jer. 23.21. Such as run before they be sent, as Weavers, Tailors, and the like, that never had any calling or Authoritie to enter upon this sacred Function. 2. They went from us, but are not of us; 2. Note. 1 Iohn 2.19. such as were called, but then forsook their first love, and aposta­ted from the Church, and like ungracious children did throw dirt in their mothers face, or like the brood of Vipers do labour to gnaw out her bowels; and here let the world judge, whe­ther we went from them, or they from us; whether we or they apostated from that Oath and profession which all and every one of us did make when we entered into holy Orders.

3. These false Prophets, saith the Apostle, 3. Note. 2 Tim. 3 6, Gen. 3.1.6. do lead simple or silly women captives; just as their Master first seduced Eve and she Adam, so do these; and because they have lesse worth than can attain to the height of their ambition, you may see most of them by women raised to great fortunes, and their pride disdaineth to be obedient; or if they fail of such wives, yer are they swelled with envie, which is as rebellious in these, as pride is in the other.

6. Under the pretence of making our Clergie more spiritu­all [Page 50]and Apostolike, 6. Ordered to take away all the revenues of the most wor­thy Clergie. they have voted away most of our tempo­rall estate, the Lands and Lordships of the Bishops, Deanes, and Prebends, and the Pluralities of those persons that posses­sed double Benefices, and made their Order that no man should pay any rent or any dues unto any of the fore-named persons. And by this taking away the free-hold of the Clergie now in present, (which they hold with as good right, and by the same Law as the best Lord in England holdeth his Inheritance) and this discouragement of Learning for the time to come, they thought to make our Clergie Angelicall, but have proved them­selves, I will not say, diabolicall, but most injurious unto the Church of Christ, by committing an Act of as great injustice, and as prejudiciall to the Common-wealth, as can be found among the Pagans; for what can be more unjust, or more in­humane, than to take away my Livelihood, which is my very life, in mine old age, without any offence of mine, for which I had laboured all the dayes of my life▪ And what consequence can this produce, than (that which succeeded in the like case, in Jeroboams time, Sublatis studi­orum praemiu ipsa studia pe­reunt, C. Tacit. 1 R [...]g. 12.31. Matth. 15.14. when he robbed the Priests and Levites of their inheritance) ignorance and barbaritie, and the basest of the people to be the Preachers of Gods Word, whereby the blinde do leade the blinde, untill both do fall into the ditch; as I can testifie, some of our greatest Nobilitie intended to make their sonnes Priests and Bishops, while the glorie of Israel, and the beautie of our Church remained un-obscured, and now con­tempt and povertie being enacted and ordered to be their porti­on, those resolutions are vanished, and the Ʋniversities can bear me witnesse, the lowest Gentrie are not so well contented to undertake this highest calling. These and many other things ejusdem farinae, of the same mold they have already done, to overwhelme the ship of Christ under the waves of this turbulent faction. And these prophanations of Gods divine Service, and the violations of the Sepulchers of the dead (whose ashes and bones, like canes sepulchrales, they have disturbed in their graves) and those unheard of sacriledges on Gods Priests and portion and are so equally practiced, that it is almost hard to judge which are greater, either their impietie towards God, their inhumanity towards the dead, or their injustice towards the living.

CHAP. VIII. Sheweth what discipline or Church-government our factious Schismatickes do like best, and twelve principall points of Doctrine, which they hold as twelve Articles of their faith, and we must all believe the same or suffer, if this faction should prevail.

2. 2. What disci­pline and do­ctrine the new Synod it like to set up. FOr the discipline and the doctrine that they would esta­blish, they have not yet, and I believe they can never fully agree what they shall be; their desire is first to overthrow the old, and then they will take care and consult how to devise a new; but I could wish they would let the old alone till they could agree to produce a better.

Yet, because their blinde zeal is so violent, to have their own unjust desires, to destroy the vineyard of Christ root and branch, I, that have served seven yeeres, a Lecturer, among them, in the heart of London, and was conversant with the purest of these holy brethren, and thereby understood most of their Anabap­tisticall and ridiculous tenets, and what discipline they best li­ked, will here draw you a modell of their Ʋtopian or new Eng­land Church, which they would transport hither to obscure the glorie of old England.

1. For their discipline and government, 1. Their disci­pline. some would have the Scotish Synods, and that forme of Government, which old furious Knoxe hath first brought among them, and is fully de­scribed by that Reverend Archbishop Bancrofte; Bancrost in lib. English Scot­tizinge. otherr like better of the Geneva Assemblies, instituted by Master Calvin, and continued by Theodore Beza, two worthy members of that Church, or the discipline of the Hugonots in the new French Reformation, which differeth but a little from the other; but most of them like better of the manner of Amsterdam, where every Church is independent, and every Pastour is a Pope in his own Parish; and to that purpose, you may remember how vehemently they have lately most foolishly written * As Smith, Best, Daven­port, Canne, Robinson, and M. Childley, and many other, anonymi. for this inde­pendant [Page 52]Government, and how the Lord Say and the Lord Brookes, two leading Captaines of that faction, have often protested they would dispense with all sorts of Religions so they might freely exercise their own; Sober Sadnesse, p. 22. and that such a tolera­tion ought to be granted, to all others; because their inde­pendencie cannot otherwise consist; for he that is accountable to none, will use what Religion he pleaseth without controule; and therefore they support their own Armie by men of all Nati­ons and Religions, not their grand Adversaries the Papists ex­cepted, but of fifty or fixty Souldiers that billeted in Adthrop there were no lesse than three or four Papists amongst them.

But how unsuteable these Governments would prove to stand with our English Nobilitie, Now unsutable their government would be to our Genine. and Gentrie, (besides the noveltie of them, and how farre dissonant they are to the Apostolike diseipline) I will appeal to their own judgement, when every undiscreet Parson and poor Vicar shall be able, upon every dis­content to excommunicate the best man in his Parish, and as we have seen some of them debarring whom they pleased from the holy Table, because their great anger, or little judgement con­ceived them to be unworthie. When as the Church deemed it fitter that none of her children should undergo the least indigni­tie for any personall distaste, but upon due examination of wit­nesses, a full hearing, and a just censure in open Court; which course if it be neglected, should be rather punished in the of­fenders, than the discipline dissolved, the Governours removed, and a new fantasticall fancie erected.

2. 2. The Do­ctrines of the faction that are like to be setled by the new Sy­ [...]od. For the Doctrines of these men, they are like the poeti­call fiction of those sisters forma non omnibus una nec diversa ta­men; I did once intend, while I lived amongst them to collect a whole Volume of them; but Satan then prevented me, and plotted my destruction for mine intention; yet now, I will set down these few, out of those many, which I then ob­served.

1. 1. They search into Gods se­crets. Deut. 29.29. Though Moses saith, The secret things belong to the Lord our God, but the things revealed belong to us and our children for ever: yet these men are all gnostiques, they know very much, even of the secrets and counsels of God, and they are [Page 53] sure who shall be saved, and who shall be damned; and as men of the cabinet counsell of God, they broach their illusions for divine revelations, and perswade the People that what they say or do is all from God; and therefore that this War which they prosecute, was preordained of God for the destruction of the wicked, to whom they formerly preached their damnati­on, and thereby have caused many silly soules most desperately to end the miseries of their wretched life, by putting themselves to an untimely death.

2. They onely, 2. They judge themselves on­ly the elect. as the elect of God (which shall be the sole heires of heaven) are the Lords Proprietories of all this world­ly wealth, and the reprobates being enemies unto God, have no right unto any of Gods creatures; and therefore they thinke they may lawfully take away the goods of those reprobates, whom now they call Malignants, and they have as good war­rant for it, as ever the Israelites had to spoil the Egyptians; for they tell us, that Saint Paul, which knew right from wrong, tels them plainly, that whether they be things present, 1 Cor. 3.22, 23.or things to come, even all are yours, and ye Christs, and Christ Gods; That there is a double right to the things of this world. Psal. 104.28. Matth. 5.45. but they understand not that men have a double right unto these worldly goods. 1. As Christians, and so God as a mercifull Father, hath provided all things for them. 2. As the Crea­tures of God; and so God as a faithfull Creatour, openeth his hand, and filleth all things living with plenteousnesse; and ma­keth his Sun, to shine upon the just and upon the unjust; and so the wicked have as good an interest in their estates as the godly; and besides, God hath not given them the power to distinguish who are the elect, or who are reprobates.

And therefore, if we have any regard of our goods, that God hath given us, we have great reason to look about us, for these are the greatest Cheaters in Christendome, and as they have made us Malignants, so they will make us reprobates when they please, that they may enjoy those things that we have. 3. They thinke themselves free from all sin. Numb. 23.21. Tit. 1.15.

3. Because Balaam saith, God beheld no iniquitie in Jacob; and the Apostle saith, To the pure all things are pure: they teach their proselytes, that in them, which are the holy Bre­thren, [Page 54]there is no sin, and their adulterie, drunkennesse, coze­nage, and the like odious crimes are no crimes, because God lo­ving them so tenderly, as a fond mother seeth no fault in her untoward childe, so he takes no notice of any offence that they commit; but for the ungodly, their Prayers are sinnes, their Almes are odious, and whatsoever commendable dutie they do performe, To the unbe­lieving no­thing is pure, Titus 1.15. God accounteth their best actions to be hei­nous trangressions, and to adde the more weight of punishment to their damnation; which Doctrine how abominable it is to God, and how destructive to all men, to make these holy Bre­thre and their sanctified Sisters senslesse in all sinnes, uncapable of repentance, Matth 9.12. when the whole hath no need of the Physician; and to discourage all other ignorant men from doing good du­ties, when the performance of them shall multiplie their stripes, is so apparent to all men, that I need not stand to confute it; for, if Coniah (though he wear the signet upon my right hand; Ier. 22.24 or, as the apple of mine eye) doth offend, I will cut him off; and if the wicked forsake his wickednesse, Ezech. 33.15. and do that which is just, love mercie, and speak truth, he shall be accepted, and the Lord will not call light darknesse, nor good evill in any one.

4. 4. They allow the women to offend while their husbands sl [...]ep. Ioh 11.11. 1 Cor. 7.39. Because our Saviour saith, Our friend Lazarus sleepeth; when as indeed he was dead, and the Heathens say, Sleep is [...], the brother of death, they take this colour to hide their adulteries, that while the husband sleepeth, the wife is as free from him as if he were dead, a foolerie so ridiculous that the naming of it is a sufficient confutation of it, and yet you shall hardly withdraw our London Anabaptists from it.

5. 5. They justifie many kindes of lyes and equi­vocatious. Gen. 12.13. Acts 23.5. Because Abraham said that Sara was his sister, and Saint Paul said, I wist not brethren that he was the high Priest: they hold it as an Article of their Creed, that for officious lyes and equivocations, being for the furtherance of their cause, the good worke which they pretend, they may and ought to use them, to swallow them down like water, they make no bones of them; and therefore it is dangerous to treat, and weaknesse to give credit, without sufficient pledges, to the faith of these men; whose profession may as lawfully deceive us, as their Religion teacheth them to destroy us, and I believe the experience which [Page 55]his Majesties Officers had of them in the performance of their promises and conditions of departure from Winchester, Rea­ding, and other Townes surrendered unto them may sufficiently confirme this equivocall point of their Publique Faith.

6. 6. They would root out all those that they terme wicked. Deut. 7.2. 1 Sam. 15.23. Psal. 58.8. Because the Lord straitly charged the Israelites to root out the wicked Canaanites and the rest of those cursed Nati­ons, and translated the Kingdom of Israel from Saul unto Da­vid, because he spared Agag: and our Saviour bids us, succi­dere ficum, to cut down that unprofitable tree which bare no fruit, they are so filled with such unmercifull crueltie towards all those they terme wicked, and judge Malignants, that they had better fall into the hands of heathen Tyrants, than of these their holy brethren, who embruing their hands in the blood of so many faithfull Christians, do sing with the Psalmist, The righteous rejoyce when they see this vengeance, they shall wash their feet in the blood of the ungodly: for as Solomon saith, The tender mercies of the wicked are meer crueltie. Prov. 12.10. And I believe the first inventers of that Designe to root out all the Papists in Ireland, and to get that Act to purchase all the Lands of the Rebels, had tasted too much of this bitter root of such de­structive Doctrine; whereby you see how the Religion of these men robbes us of our Estates, keepes no faith with us, and takes away our lives.

7. Though among the workes of God, 7. They would have a paritie among all men both in Church and Common wealth. Gal. 5.6. Col. 3.11. every flower cannot be a Lillie, every beast cannot be a Lion, every bird cannot be an Eagle, and every Planet cannot be Phaebus; yet in the School of these men, this is the Doctrine of their to be new erected Church, that with God there is no respect of persans, and neither Circumcision availeth any thing, nor uncircumcision; but whether they be bond or free, masters or servants, few; or Gentile, Barbarian, Scythian, a countrey Clown, or a Court Gallant, rich or poor; it is all one with God; because these Titles of Honour, Kings, Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen are no entities of Gods making, but the creatures of mans invention, to puffe him up with pride, and not to bring him unto God; and therefore though for the bringing of their great good worke to passe, they are yet contented to make the Earle of [Page 56] Essex their Generall, and Warwicke their Admirall, and so Pym and Hampden great Officers of State; yet, when the worke is done, their Plot perfected, and their Government established, then you shall finde, that as now, they will eradicate Episco­pacie, and make all our Clergie equall, as if all had equally but one talent, and no man worthier than another; so then there should be neither King, Lord, Knight, nor Gentleman, but a paritie of degrees among all these holy Brethren; and to give us a taste of what they mean! as the Lords concurrence with them inabled them to devour the Kings power; so they have since, with great justice, prevailed with the House of Com­mons to swallow up the Lords power, and have most fairly in­vaded their priviledge, when they questioned particular Mem­bers * As my Lord Duke, and my Lord Dighte. for words spoken in that House, and then the whole House, when they brought up and countenanced a mutinous and seditious Petition, which demanded the Names of those Lords, that consented not with the House of Commous in those things, which that House had twice denied.

8. 8 They would have no man to pray for temporall things. Mat. 6.33.34. Matth. 6.11. Because our Saviour saith, Seek ye first the Kingdom of of Heaven and the righteousnesse thereof, and all these things, that is meat, and drinke, and clothes, and all other earthly things, [...], shall be cast unto you: and again, Be not carefull for to morrow; they teach their proselytes, that they ought not to pray, by any meanes, for any of these things; whereas Christ biddeth us to say, Give us this day our daily Bread.

9. 9. Not to say the Lords Prayer. They cannot endure to say the Lords Prayer, for that's a Popish superstition, but their Prayers must be all tautologies, and a circular repetition of their own indigested inventions.

10. 10. Not to say, God speed you, 2 Iohn to 11.11. Not to pray for the Malignants. 1 Iohn 5.16. You must not say, God speed you, to any neighbour or any traveller, lest he intends some evill worke, and then you shall be partaker of his sin.

11. They will not allow any of their Disciples to pray for any of the Reprobates; and therefore they do exceedingly blame us, and tear our Liturgie, because we say, That it may please thee to have mercie upon all men.

12. Because Christ saith, Call no man father on earth, [Page 57]for one is your Father which is in Heaven: the childe must not call him that begat him and nurseth him his father, not kneel unto him to aske him blessing, nor performe many other such duties which the Lord requireth, and the Church instructeth her children to do to this very day; and this foolish Doctrine of calling no man father, no man master, or Lord and the like, in their sense, (because they understand not the divine meaning of our Saviours word) hath been the cause of such undutifulnesse and untowardnesse, such contempts of superiours, and such re­bellions to Authoritie as is beyond expression; when as by their disloyaltie, being thus bred in them from their cradle, they first despise their father, then their Teachers, then their King, and then God himselfe.

CHAP: IX. Sheweth three other speciall points of Doctrine, which the Brownists and Anabaptists of this Kingdom do teach.

13. BEcause they can finde no Text in Scripture, when as the Alcoran is not so impudently hellish, as to justifie the action, for to warrant men, to absolve our consciences from any Oathes that we have voluntarily taken, for the performance of any businesse, I cannot say that they do professedly teach, but I do hear they do usually practice this most damnable sin; as that Master Marshall and Master Case did absolve the Souldiers taken at Brainceford from their Oath, which they took, never to bear Armes against his Majestie; which is a sin destructive both to bodie and soul, when their Perjurie added to their Treason, makes them twofold more the children of hell than they were be­fore, and if they be taken again, they can expect nothing but their just deserved death; and therefore I do admire that any man can challenge the name of a Divine, which doth either preach or practice a point so devilish.

14. Because Saint Paul saith, These hands have ministred to [Page 58]my necessities and to them that were with me: 14. They thinke sacri­ledge to be no sin. Acts 20.35. 1 Thess. 2.9. 1 Cor. 1.12. and again, La­bouring night and day, because we would not be chargeable to any of you, we preached unto you the Gospel of God: and because the rest of the Apostles and Disciples were Fishermen, Trades, men, or professours of some Science, either liberall or mecha­nicke, as Saint Luke was a Physician, Joseph a Carpenter, and the like, who did live by their manuall crafts, and were charge­able to none of their people, but sought them, and not theirs, to win their soules to God, and not their monies unto them­selves; therefore they thinke it no robberie to take away all the revenues of the Church, nor sacriledge to rob the Clergie of all the meanes they have; because they should either labour for their livings, as the Apostles did, or live upon the peoples. Almes, as many poor Ministers do, to the utter undoing of ma­ny soules, in many distressed and most miserable Churches.

But because this revenue of the Church and the Lands of the Bishops is that golden wedge, and the brave Babylonish gar­ment, which the Anabaptistical Achans of our time do most of all thirst after, in this their pretended holy Reformation, I must here sistere gradum, stay a while and let you know:

1. 1. Sacriledge What it is. That the taking away of any Lands or goods given and consecrated to holy uses, and to convert the same to any other purpose than which they were dedicated, is termed sacriledge; that is, the stealing of holy goods from the right owners, to our selves and others to whom we leave them?

2. 2. That is a sin. That this sacriledge is a sin; for it is a snare to the man, who devoureth that which is holy, and after vowes to make in­quirie; that is, whether such a service be needfull, or such a ta­king away be a sin.

3. 3. A great sin. That this sin is a very great sin; for Saint Paul saith, Thou that abhorrest idols, committest thou sacriledge? And ido­latrie is the giving of our goods and service to false gods, sa­criledge the taking away of goods dedicated to the service of any, God, especially of the true God; and this seemeth by the Apostles words to be a greater sin than the other; because the devill laboureth more to take away the service of the true God than to establish his own service; for he knoweth that as [Page 59] light taken away, darknesse must needs follow, Hosea 2.8. Ezech. 16. 1 Reg. 18.19. Gen. 22. so the true Reli­gion being destroyed, idolatrie must needs succeed; and he knoweth that idolatrie hath been bountifull enough to the ser­vice of idols, that he needeth not so much to fear the taking away of their goods, as to care that the goods dedicated to Gods service be taken away.

4. That this sin is a very dan­gerous sin, both to

• 1. The Persons that cōmit it.
• 2.
  4. A most dan­gerous sin. Ioshua 7. Acts 5.4. 1. To the sa­crilegers.
  To the Common-wealth that suffers it; for,

1. Not onely Achan, Ananias and Sapphira, and other pri­vate men perished for this sin, but the proudest Kings, and greatest Peeres that became sacrilegious, were plagued and de­stroyed by God; as Belshazzar, the great Monarch of Assy­ria; William Rufus, and abundance more that you may finde in our Histories; for the curse of God, like Damocles sword, by a slender thred hangs over their heads, and makes them like those that perished at Endor, and became as the dung of the earth; and I beseech you marke it, Make them like a wheel, and as the stubble before the winde, persecute them with thy tem­pest, let them be confounded, and be put to shame, and perish, which say, let us take to our selves the houses of God in possession; and if this be the guerdon of them that say it, I wonder what shall be the plague of them that do it; and I wonder more that the very thought of this curse doth not make their hearts to tremble, if their consciences were not seared to be senslesse of all fear.

2. 2. To whole Nations. The sin of sacriledge extendeth it selfe not onely to the persons committing it, but also to the whole Nation that suffer­eth it, as the sin of Achan was not onely a snare to catch him to be destroyed, but it troubled all Israel, so that they were still discomfited, and never prospered, till the sacriledger was pu­nished, and the Lord appeased.

If you say the sin is taken away, when the Parliament takes these things away.

I answer, that we must not idolize the Parliament, as if it were a kinde of omnipotent Creature, and like the Pope, such an infallible Lord God upon earth, as that their Votes and San­ctions [Page 60]were the supremest rule of justice, that cannot be unjust, because they are enacted by the whole State; because as no con­clusions are therefore truths because determined by a whole Counsell, so no Lawes are therefore just, because done by a whole Parliament, but when they do agree with the common rules of truth and justice, which God hath given unto men, and shewed the same in his holy Word, which he hath left to be the right rule of our actions.

And therefore if the greatest Assemblies, Parliament, or Counsell, make not the will of God the rule to guide their pro­ceedings thereby, their Sanctions are so farre from taking away the nature of the sin, that they do increase the evill, and make it the more out of measure sinfull, and to become a nationall sin, that before was but personall, and the more exceedingly sinfull, when the same is confirmed by a Law, so that none dares speak against it, and the sinners are become senslesse in their sinnes; and therefore the Prophet demandeth, how any man, that fear­eth God, dares meddle with such a people, that will thus justifie their sinnes, saying, Shall the throne of iniquitie, that is, any un­just course, have fellowship with thee, which frameth mischief by a Law? And the Lord doth extremely threaten them, that walke after unrighteous ordinances, as that they should sow much, but not reap; tread the olives, but not anoint themselves therewith, Mich 6.15, 16 Hos. 5.10.11.and sweet wine, but not drinke it, because the sta­tutes of Omri are kept; and all the workes of the house of Achab, and they walked in their counsels: and the Prophet Hosea doth more fully set down the wrath of God both against the makers and the observers of all unrighteous Lawes.

If you say, Object. the Lands and Lordships of the Bishops were not the patrimonie of the Church, but were onely, in superstitious times, given by our Kings and others unto the Churchmen; and therefore now, the King being in want, they may be resto­red to the Crown again.

I confesse the Lands of the Church are the free bequests of godly Kings, Sol. and of other pious men dead long ago, with most fearfull imprecations made against all those that should seek to alter their Wils and Testaments; and the Apostle saith, If it [Page 61]be but amans Testament, no man altereth it; that is, Gal. 3.15. no honest man ought to alter it, though perhaps his Will might have been made wiser, and his goods bestowed to better use; for our Savi­ours maxime, when he gave a Penny to him that laboured but one hour, and but a Penny to him that had endured the heat of the day, is unanswerable, Is it not lawfull for me to do what I will with mine own? and therefore,

1. As others daily leave their estates of great amount to whom they please, many times to strangers, & perhaps to idiots or debauched persons, of wicked lives and noxious manners; and yet no man grudgeth, or endeavoureth to take away those just Legacies, which their good Benefactours had bestowed upon these unjust men; so there is no reason, that any mans eyes should be evill for the goodnesse of their Ancestours unto the Clergie, but that their Wils should stand to those uses after their death, as intemerate, as if they were now alive to dispose of their beneficence.

2. They are most injurious to the King, (who is wise as an Angel of God, and therefore holdeth this sacriledge odious to his princely heart) that would seek to enrich his Crown with that, which will shake it on his head, and endanger all his Poste­ritie to such fearfull judgements as his Progenitours have de­nounced, and God hath executed upon many Kings and Princes for the like sinnes; for as Moses prayeth against the sacrilegi­ous enemies of Levi, Deut. 33.11.Smite through the loines of them that rise against him, and of them that hate him, that they rise not again: so we finde that many ancient families, having by the Statute of Dissolution taken some of the Lands and Tithes of the Church into their possessions, Pierius in Hieroglyph. have found the same like the Gold of Tholous, or the Eagles feathers, pernitiosa potentia, that will consume all the feathers where they shall be mingled,

Who so is wise will consider these things, Aelian. l. 5. c. 15. Var. Hist. and will not to satis­fie these Anabaptisticall dregges of the people, and the enemies of all Christian Religion, sacrilegiously take away, with Aeli­ans boy, the golden plate from Dianas Crown, the Lands and Revenues of the Church; but, having not so learned Christ, they will do that which becommeth Saints, and suffer the dead [Page 62]to enjoy their own will in that wherein they put them to no charge, and if they do intend to promote Gods service, they will not rob Saint Peter to pay Saint Paul, but will rather say with holy David, God forbid that I should offer sacrifice to God of that which cost me nothing.

15. As any wooden Preachers, like Jeroboams Priests de face plebis, scarce worthy to be compared with the Groomes of their stable, Iob 30.8. or such humi serpentes, poor abjects, as Job speakes of, The sonnes of villaines and bondmen, more vile than the earth they crawle upon, are fit enough to be their teachers and beg­garly pensioners; so any place, a thatched barue, a littered stable, What prayers and Sermons please these men. or an ample Cow-house is thought by these to be very fair and fit to be the House of Him that was borne in a stable and laid in a manger; and any service, prayers without sense, such as our Saviour blames, and preaching without learning, without truth, such as their Euthusiasts conceive in illa hora, & quicquid in buccam venerit, without any further studie of meditation, is justified to be most acceptable to God; witnesse the Authour of one argument more against the Cavaliers, where that great Scholar in his own opinion, railes against our grave Bishops, and most impudently reproacheth a very reverend man of known worth, and great learning, by the scandalous epithite of The ceremonious Master of Baliol Colledge, Doctour Lan­rence, whom for a most learned and pious Sermon preached be­fore the King, upon these words of Exodus, Put off thy shooes from thy feet, for the place whereon thou standest is holy ground: he doth, just like the eldest son of his dear father the devill (as Tertullian calleth Hermogenes, primogenitum diaboli) most falsely and shamelesly charge him with the wearing of conse­crated slippers, which was never done, but is one of those scur­rilous invented imputations of this malicious Accuser of his brethren, now thrown at him, whose shooes, either for learn­ing or pietie, I am sure, this rambling Arguist, and railing Rab­sheka is not worthy to bear; and for the service of God in our Churches, Musicke ever used in the Church. thogh the holy Prophet, which was A man accord­ing to Gods own heart, praised God in the beautie of holinesse, up­on all the best instruments of musicke, and commanded us as [Page 63]well in the grammaticall sense, as in the my sticall sense, Psal. 147.1.149 3. 150 3, 4, 5. to sing praises unto our God with Tabret and Harpe, to praise him in the sound of the Trumpet, in the Cymbals and dances, upon the well tuned Cymbals, and upon the loud Cymbals; yet this zeal­ous Organomastix, gives us none other Title, than Cathedral Roarers and Squeakers: Pag. 14. and good reason it is he should be very angry with roaring and squeaking in Churches; for that ha­ving been possest of a very competent Living with cure of soules these four or five yeeres together (if I am not mistaken in the Authour) he never yet either read or preached in that or any other Church; so necessary is non residence, and so usefull are dumbe dogges, when they are willing to snarle and barke against Government and Religion: but it is strange to me, that such a divine harmonie, which hath made others sober, Musicke how usefull. should make this spawn of the red Dragon mad; for we know some Lawgivers commanded children to be taught [...], Theodorie. Epist. l. 2. Plutarch de Musica. after the grave composed tones of the Doricke way, ad corda fera de­mulcenda, to soften the fiercenesse of their dispositions, and All mentis fervorem temperandum, to cool and allay the hear and di­stempers of their mindes, as Achilles was appeased in Homer, Niceph. l. 12. c. 43. and Theodosius was drawn to commiseration, luctuoso carmine, by a sad poëm sung to him at supper, when he intended the utter destruction of Antioch; and the Scripture testifieth the like effect of Davids harpe in King Saul; yet all this sweet and hallowed aire, which ravisheth devout soules, hath onely filled this envious Malignant with nastie windes and stinking expres­sions. So contrary to the words of God himselfe, Exod. 3.5. and against the judgement of all Divines, and the practice of all Saints, â primordiis ecclesiae, from the first birth of Gods Church, Pag. 15.18. he most ignorantly denieth any place to be holier than another, which makes me affraid, that Heaven with this man and his faction is deemed no holier than Hell, or the Lords day no holier than monday, no more than they hold the Church ho­lier than their barnes, or the holiest Priest, though he were Aaron himselfe, the Saint of the Lord, holier than the propha­nest worldling; for I finde no difference that they make either of persons, times, or places, but such a commixtion of all things, [Page 64]as if they intended to reduce and bring the whole world into that confused Chaos, which God first created, before he dispo­sed the parts thereof into their severall stations.

But I am loath to spend any more time about this ignorant 'Argument, that is, as all the rest of their Writings are, as full of railing and unsavoury speeches as any mortall pen can diffuse; therefore Heave him to do with his heart and mouth as that Morussian Cabares (whereof he speaketh) did with those Churches, which the Gothes and Vandales had defiled.

Thus you have some, and I might adde here abundance more of their absurd & impious Doctrines, which their ignorant simpli­citie produced, and their furious zeal published out of mis-inter­preted Scriptures; not that all these points are taught by every one of their Teachers, but that all these & many more are taught and maintained by some one or other of them, as I could easily expresse it, if it were not too tedious for my Reader; but the bulke of my Book swels too big, and their fancies are but Dreames fit for laughter, and I brought these onely as Vineger to be tasted, and then to be spit out again.

CHAP. X. Sheweth the great Bug-beares that affrighted this faction; the four speciall meanes they used to secure themselves; the manifold lyes they raised against the King, and the two speciall questions that are discussed about Papists.

5. 5. The setling of the Milit. a. FOr the setling of the Militia, and putting the whole Kingdom in a posture of Defence, as they termed it:

• 1. They dreamed of a desperate Disease.
• 2. They devised an empericall way to cure it.

and,

1. 1. The disease. The Disease was a monstrous fear of Poperie, and the re-establishment of abolished superstitions in our Church, to invade their consciences, and of the Papists, with fire and [Page 65]sword, to wast their, estates, and to take away their lives and liberties, and through that groundlesse feare, they looked on the innocent ceremonies, that were established in the Church, as dangerous innovations and introductions to idolatrie.

And in the State, they feared the practised wayes and endea­vours, to produce an arbitrary government by our advancing of a boundlesse prerogative, even to the dispoyling of the Subject of his property, and robbing him of the benefit of the laws: these were their feares.

And the grounds of these feares were lying fictions, and most scandalous detractions and defamations; for their invented let­ters that should come from Holland, and from Denmarke, and some other places beyond the Seas, (where we were better believe them, then go try whether they were true) wh ich in­formed them sometimes of a fleete of Danes, sometimes of an­other Nation, that should come to assist the King for the setting up of Popery, and the securing of himselfe in a tyrannicall and arbitrary government over them: What terrible things frighted them. and every day almost pro­duced a discovery of new treacheries against the Parliament, what terrible things frighted them; as the stable of Horses under ground, (for indeed they were invisible Horses, such as Elisha's servant saw, terrifying their guilty consciences) and that of the Taylors in Moore-fields, and the like horrid ma­chinations, that were to come against them, I know not from whom, and God knowes from whence; which things, how false they were, time, which is the mother of truth, hath long agone made manifest and ridiculous, to any man that is not bewitched with these lying fancies: therefore, lest these dreames of their distempered braines, should be too soone descryed, and so prove defective to produce their intended project, they al­leadge the Queene is a Papist (and I would to God they were so truly religious, and void of hypocrisie in their profession, as she, most gracious Queene, is in her religion) then they say, the Bishops are all Papists, Deanes and Prebends are of the same stampe, and all the Kings Chapleines, that were preferred by the Archbishop were either close papists or profest Arminians, which are but Cosen germanes unto the other, Arminianism [Page 66]being but a bridge to passe over unto popery.

And with these and the like false slanders against the King, Queene, and Clergy, they so bewitehed most of their well mea­ning brethren of the same house, and amazed all the simplet sort of people of this Kingdome with these feares, and filled them with such jealousies, with those pamphlets, that they caused to be printed, and dispersed every where, that they were at their wits end, for feare of this lamentable alteration of their religion, and deprivation of their liberties.

2, 2. The Cure. The disease being thus spread, like a gangrene, over all the parts of the body of this Kingdome, they like skilfull Physiti­ans devise the cure; and that is, the preparation of a Militia; and this militia they would have put into such hands as they pleased, such as they might confide in; and I wish the whole Kingdome knew who those men were, and who they are, that they doe confide in; for I know,

1. Some of them are poore men of most desperate fortunes, if bankrupters may be termed such;

2. Others to be most factious and scismaticall men, addicted to Anabaptisme and Brownisme and other worser sects; as a­mongst the London Commanders, Ven, Manwaring, Fawlke, Norington, Bradly, Bast and the rest, whereof there are twise as many schismaticall, and as it is conceived, beggarly sectaries, as are right honest men among them; and if we looked among their Lords, and all the rest of their nomination throughout the Kingdome, I doubt we shall find some of them to be just of the same condition.

And because the King (to whose care and trust God had committed all the people of this Kingdom, (and not to them, that are called by the King, and chosen only by men, and that only for this time,) and of whom he will require an account of the lawes and religion whereof he made him keeperand defen­der, and not of them) thought most rightly, that this Militia should be commited rather to such men, as he might confide in (as it was in the raigne of Queene Elizabeth, and His Fa­ther of ever blessed memory) rather than to any that they should name, which was to disrobe himselfe of all his regall [Page 67]power, of the chiefest garland of his royall prerogatives, (with­out which he could hold his Crown by no better a tenure, then durante beneplacito) and to put the sword out of his owne hand, into the hands of them that could not love him, because they could not trust him, as they alleaged; (and what reason had he to trust them that were causelesly so distrustfull of him?) they startled at this deniall.

And because the King of heaven had by this time opened the Kings eyes, God openeth the Kings eyes. to let him see what hitherto he could hardly ima­gine, that these men (to whom he had granted for the good of his Kingdome, so many acts of grace and favour, as never any King of England did before, and had very graciously offered to commit to the hands of their owne choosing, so large a share of the Militia, as might have rendered the whole Kingdome most secure, if security in a iust and legall way had beene all that they sought for) had their intentions far otherwise then they pretended, and that not only the government of the Church was intended to be altered, and the governours thereof destroyed, but himself also was hereby disrobed of those rights, which God and the lawes of the land had put into his hands, and the Kingdome brought either into a base tyranny, or confu­sed anarchie, when all things shall be done according to the ar­bitrary power of these factious and schismaticall men, there­fore he utterly refused to grant their desires, and most wisely withstood their designe.

Whereupon, these men put their heads together, How they strengthened themselves to make their or­dors firm with out the king. to consult how they might strengthen themselves, and make their ordi­nances firme and binding without the King; and to that pur­pose, having by their former doings, gotten too great an inte­rest as well in the faith, as in the affections of the people, in confidence of their owne strength, they came roundly to the businesse, and what they knew was not their right, as their for­mer Petitions can sufficiently witnesse, they resolve to effect the same by force, but as insensibly as they can devise; as,

1. To seize upon the Kings Navie to secure the Seas.

2. To lay hold upon all the Kings Magazin, Forts, Townes, and Castles.

3. To with-hold his moneyes and revenues, and all other meanes from the King.

4. To withdraw the affections, and to poyson the loyalty of all his Majesties Subjects from him.

And hereby they thought (and it must have beene so in­deed, Psa, 30, 6 except the Lord had beene on his side) they had made their hill so strong, that it could not be moved, and the King so weake and destitute of all meanes, that he could no wayes sub­sist or relieve himselfe, as a member of their owne House did tell me, for

1. 1 Earl of War­w [...]ck made vice Admirall. They get the Earle of Warwicke to be appointed Vic-ad­mirall of the Sea, and to commit all the Kings Navie into his hand, and to take away that charge from Sir Iohn Pennington, whom most men believed to be farre the better Sea-man, but more faithfull to his King, and the other purer to the Parli­ament.

2. 2 Sir Iohn Ho­tham put to Hull for the Magazine, They fend Sir John Hotham a most insolent man, that most uncivilly contemned the King to his face, to seize upon the Kings Magazine that he bought with his own money, (when they might as well take away my horse that I paid for) and to keepe the King out of Hull, which was his owne proper Towne, and therefore might as well have kept him out of White-hall, and was an act so full of injustice, as that I scarce know a greater.

3. 3 They detai­ned the kings moneys. Esay 1, 23. Because moneyes are great meanes to effect any worldly affaire, and the sinews of every warre, when as men and armes and all other necessaries may be had for money, some of them and their followers shew themselves to be just as the Peeres of Israel, companions of thieves, meere robbers, which forcibly take away a mans money from him; they take all the Kings treasure, they intercept, detaine, and convert all the Kings re­venues and customes, to strengthen themselves against the King.

4. Because their former Remonstrances framed by this fa­ction, 4 They labour to render the king odious by lyes. of the ill government of this Kingdome, though in some things true, (which the King ingeniously acknowledgeth, and most graciously promiseth to redresse them) yet in all things [Page 69]full of gall and bitternesse against the King, could not so fully poyson the love and loyalty of the Kings Subjects, as they desi­red, especially the love of those that knew his Majestie, who the better they knew him, did the more affectionately love him, and the more faithfully serve him; they thought to doe it an­other and a surer way, with apparent lyes, palpable slanders, and abominable accusations, invented, printed, and scattered over all the parts of this Kingdome, by their trencher Chaplaines, and parasiticall Preachers, and other Pamphleters, some busy Lawyers and Pettifoggers, to bring the King into an odium, dis­liked and deserted of all his loving Subjects. And what created power under heaven was able to dissolve that wickednesse, which subtiltie and malice had thus treacherously combined to bring to passe?

Hereupon (after many threatning votes, 1 Lye, that he intended to war against his Parliament. and actuall hosti­lity exercised against his Royall person) the King is forced to raise a guard for the defence of himselfe, and those his good Subjects that attended him; then presently that small guard, that consisted but of the chiefe gentry of the Countrey, was de­clared to be an army raised for the subversion of the Parliament, and the destruction of our native liberties; an invincible army is voted to be raised, the Earle of Essex is chosen to be their Generall, with whom they promise both to live and die, the Earle of Bedford Generall of the Horse, moneyes are provided, and all things are prepared to fetch the King and all delinquents, or to be the death of all withstanders; and that nothing might hinder this designe, though the King in many gracious Messages attested by the subscription of many noble Lords that were upon the place, assured them, he never intended any warre against his Parliament, yet they proceed with all eagernesse, and de­clare all those that shall assist the King, either with Horse, mo­ney, or men, to be malignants and enemies unto the King and Kingdome, and such delinquents as shall be sure to receive con­digne punishment by the Parliament, Hoc mirum est, hoc magnum.

And among the rest of their impudent slanders, this was their Master-piece, which they ever harped upon, that hee [Page 70]countenanced Papists, and intended to bring Poperie into this Kingdom, and to that end had an Armie of Papists to assist him.

But to satisfie any sensible man in this point, I would crave the resolution of these two Questions:

1. Two questions to be resolved. Whether every Papist that is subject to his Majestie is not bound to assist and defend his King in all his dangers?

2. Whether the King should not protect his Subjects that are Papists in all their dangers, so farre as by the Law he ought to do it; 1. All Papists bound to assist their King. and accept of their service when himselfe is invi­roned with dangers?

For first, I believe there is no Law that inhibiteth a Papist to serve his King against a Rebellion, or to ride post, to tell the King of a Designe to murder Him, or any other intended Trea­son against Him; or being present, to take away a weapon from that man that attempted to kill the King; because his not comming to Church doth not exempt him from his Allea­geance, or discharge him of his dutie and service unto the King and therefore if a Fleet from France or Spain or any other for­reigne part should invade us, or any Rebellion at home should rise against his Soveraigne, and seck to destroy those Lawes and Liberties whereof himselfe and his Posteritie hath as good an interest as any other Subject, I say, he is bound by all Lawes to assist his King, and to do his best endeavour, both with his purse and in his person, not onely to oppose that externall Invasi­on, but also to subdue, as well that home-bred Rebellion, as the forreigne Invasion.

2. 2. The King bound to pro­tect dutifull Papists. If a Papist should be injured, his estate seized upon, his house plundered, and his person, if taken, imprisoned, not be­cause he transgressed any other Law, but that he dispenceth not with the Law of his conscience, to be no Papist; and being thus injured, should come unto his King, and say, I am your Subject, and have lived dutifully, I did nothing which the Law gives me not leave, I have truly paid all duties and humbly sub­mitted my selfe to all penalties; and yet I know not why, I am thus used and abused by my neighbours; I am driven from my house by force of Armes, and I have no place to breathe, but [Page 71]under your Majesties wings and the shelter of your power; therefore I beseech you, as you are my King, and are obliged to do your best for the safetie of your true Subjects, let me have your protection, and you shall have my service unto death? I would fain know what the King should do in such a case; de­nie his protection, or refuse his service? the one is injustice, the other not the best wisedom, especially if he needed ser­vice; for as the Law of nature and of nations requireth all Subjects, to obey their Kings and faithfully to serve them, of what Religion soever their Kings shall be; so Lege relationis, every King is bound to protect every faithfull Subject, that ob­serveth his Lawes, or submitteth to their penalties, without corrupting of his fellow Subjects, of what Religion soever he is: because they are his Subjects, not as they are faithfull Chri­stians, but as obedient men, and he is to rule, not over the faith of their soules, but the actions of their bodies; and it is an Axiome in Divinitie, that Fides non cogenda; and if Kings cannot perswade their Subjects to embrace the true Faith, they ought not to cut them off, so long as they are true Subjects: and therefore with what reason can any man blame the King, either for protecting them in their distresses, or accepting their sevice in his own extremities? I cannot understand. And yet, for the goodly companie of Papists which his Majestie entertaineth in all his Armies, they cannot all make up so much as one good Re­giment, as an Officer in his Majesties Armie confidently af­firmeth; but it will serve their turne to taxe the King, to lay imputations upon him, even the very things that belong unto themselves (as the whole summe of those things that are ex­pressed in Englands Petition to their King, Pag. 10.mutatis mutandis might truly be presented to the two Houses, that have now al­most destroyed us all) and to make them mightie faults in him, which are no faults at all in themselves; because there is no fear of their favouringPoperie, though, as they have very ma­ny, so they should have never so many more in their Armie. 3. Lye, that he caused the Re­bellion in Ire­land.

Another Slander they not onely whispered, but also dispersed the same farre and near among the people, to make the King still the more odious unto his Subjects, that he was the cause of the [Page 72]Rebellion in Ireland, and that the Rebels there had his Com­mission under the Broad Seal, to plunder the Protestants and to expell them thence; that so the Gospell being rooted out of Ireland, Poperie might the easier be transported and planted here in England; whereas themselves in very deed were the sole causers of this Rebellion, as I have shewed unto you be­fore; The cause of this stander. and the colour of this stander was, that the Rebellion be­ing raised, the Ring-leaders of those Rebels, the sooner to gain the simple to adhere unto them, perswaded them to believe that they had the Kings command to do the same; and to that purpose shewed them the Broad Seal, which they had taken from Ministers, and Clerkes of the Peace, and others, whom formerly they had plundered, and taken their Seales from them, which they cunningly affixed to certain Commissions of their own framing; as M Sherman assured me, he saw the Broad Seal that was taken from one M. Hart, that was Clerke of the Peace in the Countie of Tumond; and was found in the pocket of one of the chief Leaders of the Rebels, when he was killed by the Kings Souldiers; yet, this false and lewd practice of these Re­bels in Ireland was a most welcome newes to this Faction in England to say this imputation upon the King, that he was the cause of this Rebellion, which themselves had kindled, and were glad to finde such a colour to impute it unto him, that it might not be suspected to be raised by them.

Many other such falsehoods, Lyes, and impudent slanders hath the father of lyes caused these his Children most impudently to father upon the King; but as the Philosopher saith, Non quia af­firmatur aut negatur,How things are in deed.res erit aut non erit, things are not so and so, because they are said to be so; neither can they be no such things, onely because they are denied to be such; as Gold is not Copper, because ignorant men affirme it to be so; nor a drunken man sober, or a vitious man vertuous, because they deny him to be good, and blazon him abroad for one of the sonnes of Belial; but as Gold is Gold, and Brasse is Brasse, so godly men are good, wicked men are evill, and Rebels are none other than Rebels, let men call them what they will; and so our King is not such a man as they say, because they affirme it; but he [Page 73]is indeed a most just, virtuous, and most pious Prince, let them say what they will, Their tongues are their own, and we cannot rule them: and so all his followers are better Protestants in deed, and lesse Papists in all points of faith than the best of them, that terme us so by false names. God forgive them these slanderous accusations.

CHAP. XI. Sheweth the unjust proceedings of these factious Sectaries against the King; eight speciall wrongs and injuries that they have offered him; which are the three States; and that our Kings are not Kings by election or covenants with the People.

ANd yet for all these strange courses, contrary to all humane thoughts, which is marvelous in our eyes; Psal. 118.23. Esay 46.10. the Lord of Hea­ven whose counsell shall stand, and whose will shall be done, hath them all in derision, dissipates all these devices, and turnes all the counsell of Achitophel against his own head, when he opened the eyes of many millions of the Kings true Subjects, to behold and detest these unfaithfull dealings, and disloyall pro­ceedings against so gratious a King; and therefore petitioned and subscribed that his Majestie standing upon his Guard, and defending himselfe from such indignities as might follow, they would hazard their lives and fortunes to assist him, to repell those more than barbarous injuries, that were offered unto Him.

Therefore now, Memoriae proditum est, I finde it written, that without fear of God, without regard of Majestie, with­out justice, without honestie, they are resolved, rather than to repent of their former wickednesse, to involve the whole King­dom in an unnaturall civill War; and to maintain the same against the will and contrary to the desires both of the King [Page 75]and Kingdom; and it is almost incredible, what wicked cour­ses and how unjust and insufferable Orders and Ordinances you shall finde recorded, that they have made:

• 1. Against the King.
• 2. Against the Subjects.
• 3. Against the Law.

Which are all said to be exceed­ingly abused by them; for,

1. 1. Their pro­ceedings a­gainst the King. Against the King, it is registred to Posteritie, that they have proceeded besides many other things, in all these particulars:

1. Note: 1. Wrong. Matth. 8.20 They possesse all the Kings Houses, Townes, and Castles, but what he gets by the strength of his sword, and detain them from him; so that we may say with our Saviour, The foxes have holes, and the fowles of the aire have nests, but the King of England hath not an house allowed him, by the Houses of Par­liament wherein to put his head; and they take not onely his Houses, but also his rents and revenues, and (as I under­stood when I was in Oxford) his very clothes, and provision for his Table, that seeing they could not take away his life by the sword, they might murder him with cold or famine, when he should not have the subsistence (if they could hinder him) to maintain life and soul together, which is the shame of all shame, and able to make any other men odious to all the world, The complaint to the House of Commons. Pag. 19. thus maliciously and barbarously to deal with their own most gracious King; neither doth their malice here end, but they with-hold the Rents of the Queen, and seize upon the Re­vennes of our Prince, which I assure them, my Countrey men takes in great scorne, and I believe will right it with their lives, or this Parliament Faction shall redeem their errours with no small repentance, when as we finde no Prince of Wales was ever suffered by his Subjects to have such indigni­ties offered him by the greatest Pecres of England.

And here I cannot omit what Alderman Garroway saith of the reproach of Master Pym, touching the maintaining of the Kings other Children, which he professeth made his heart to rise, and hoped it did so to many more: ‘Is our good King fal­len so low, Alderman Garroway his Speech. that his Children must be kept for him? It is worth our inquirie, who brought him to that condition? We hear him complain, that all his own revenue is seized and taken from him; Is not his Exchequer, Court of Wards, and [Page 74]Mint here, his Customes too are worth somewhat, and are his Children kept upon Almes? How shall We and our Children prosper, if this be not remedied?’ And I pray God these things rise not up in judgement against them and this Nation; but hereby they intended to verifie that disloyal Speech which One of them uttered in a Taverne, and God will avert it from his Servant, That they would make the King as poor as Job, Sober Sadnesse, p. 22.un­lesse he did comply with them.

2. 2. Wrong. If any man which they like not attend the Kings Per­son, though he be his sworne servant, or assist him in his just de­fence, which he is bound to do by the Law of God and man; yet he is presently voted and condemned for a Malignant, po­pish, disaffected, evill Councellour, and an enemie to the State; and that is enough (if he be catched) to have him spoiled and imprisoned at their pleasure; nay, my selfe was told by some of that Faction, that because I went to see the King, I should be plundered and imprisoned if I were taken.

3. 3. Wrong. Though they do solemnly professe that his Majesties per­sonall safetie, and his royall honour and greatnesse are much dearer unto them than their own lives & fortunes, The Petition to his Majestie the 16. of July 1642. which they do most heartily dedicate, & shall most willingly imploy for the support & maintenance thereof, yet for all this hearty Protesta­tion, they had at that very time (as the King most acourately observeth in his Answer) directed the Earle of Warwicke to as­sist Sir John Hotham against him, appointed thier Generals, Non turpe est abeo vinci quē vincereest ne­sas, neque ei in­honestè aliquē submitti, quem [...]e [...] super om­nes extulit. Dictum Arme­ [...] Pompeio. and as Alderman Garroway testifieth, raised ten thousand armed men out of London, and the neighbour Countries before the King had seven hundred [...] and afterwards, though the King sent from Nottingham a gratious Message and sollicitation for peace, yet they supposing this proceeded from a diffidence of his own strength, or being too confident of thier own force sleighted the Kings Grace, and most barbarously proceeded in the most hostile manner, waged war, and gave battaile against the Kings Armie, where they knew he was in his own Person, and as one of their Preachers taught the Sunday before the Battaile, that they might with a good conscience, as well kill the King (hor­resco dicere) as any other man; so (according to Captain [Page 76] Blagues directions, as Iudas taught the high Priests servants) we know what Troopes and Regiments were most aimed at, whereas they doe most ridiculously say they have, for the de­fence of his person, sent many a Canon bullet about his eares, which he did with that Kingly courage and heroike magnani­mity, yea and that Christian resolution and dependance on Gods assistance passe through, that it shall be recorded to his e­verlasting honour, and their indeleble shame and reproach, so long as the world endureth.

4. 4. Wrong. They have most disloyally and traiterously spoken both privately and publikely such things against his Majesty, as would make the very Heathens teare them in peeces, that should say the like of their tyrannous Kings, and such as I could not believe they proceeded from the mouth of a Christi­an against so Christiana King, but that I finde most of them were publikely uttered, made knowne unto his Majesty, and related by himselfe, and those that were eare witnesses there­of, as (horresco referens) that he was not worthy to be our King: not fit to live: Sober sadnesse. P 3 The Viewer p. 4. His Majesties Declaration. Trussell in the supplement to Daniels history that hee was the traitor: that the Prince would go­verne better: and that they dealt fairely with him they did not de­pose him, as their fore-fathers had deposed Richard the second, whom all the world knoweth to be most traiterously murdered, and the whole progresse of that act, whereby hee was deposed, is nothing else but the scandall of that parliament, and an horrid treason upon the fairest re­lation of any Chronicle: and the good Bishop of Carlile, was not then affraid, in open house to tell the Lords so to their faces; and I would our parliament men would read his speech.

5 They command their owne Orders, 5. Wrong. Ordinances and De­clarations to be printed Cum privilegio, and to be published in publike throughout the whole Kingdome, and they are not a little punished that neglect it; and whatsoever Message, An­swer, Declaration or Proclamation commeth from the King, to informe his subjects of the truth of things, and to undeceive his much seduced people, they streightly forbid those to bee printed, and imprison (if they can catch them) all that [Page 77] publish them, as they did many worthy Ministers in the City of London, and in many other places of this King­dome

6 They have publikely voted in their house, and according­ly indeavoured by Messages to perswade our brethren of Scot­land, to ioyne in their assistance with these grand rebels, 6. Wrong. to re­bell against their Soveraigne; but I perswade my selfe (as I said before) that the Nobility and Gentry of Scotland, are more religious in themselves, more loyall to their liege Lord, and indeed wiser in all their actions, then, while they may live quietly at home in a happy peace, to undertake upon the perswasions of rebellious subiects, such an unhappy warre abroad.

7. It is remonstrated and related publikely, that, as if they had shaken off all subiection, 7. Wrong. and were become already a State independent, they have treated by their agents with forraigne states, and doe still proceed in that course; which, if true, is such an usurpation upon Soveraignty, as was never be­fore attempted in this Kingdome; and such a presumpti­on, as few men know the secret mischiefes that may lurke therein.

8. They suffer and licence their Pamphleters Pryn, 8. Wrong.Goodewin, Burges, Marshall, Sedgwicke, and other emmissaries of wickednesse, to publish such treasons and blasphemies, and abo­minable aphorismes, as that the negative vote of the King is no more then the dissent of one man, the affirmative vote of the King makes not a law, ergo, the negative cannot destroy it, and the like absurd and senslesse things that are in those aphorisms, and in Prins booke of the Soveraigne power of Parliament, whereby they would deny the kings power to hinder any act, that both the Houses shall conclude; and so, taking away those iust prerogatives from him, that are as hereditary to him as his kingdome, compell him to assent to their conclusions: Why the two [...] Spencers dyed. for which things our histories tell us, that other Parliaments have banished (and upon their returnes they were hanged) both the Spenters, the father and the sonne, for the like presumption, as among other Articles, for denying this Prerogative unto their [Page 78]king, and affirming, that if he neglected his duty, and would not do what he ought, Per asperte vid. Elismere post­ [...]atip. 99. for the good of the kingdom, he might bee compelled by force to performe it, which very thing, divesteth the king of all Soveraignty, overthroweth Monarchy, and mak­eth our government a meer Aristocracy, contrary to the consti­tution of our first kings, and the iudgement of all ages; for we know full well, from the practise of all former parliaments, that seeing the three States are subordinate unto the king, p. 48, in ma­king lawes (wherein the chiefest power consisteth) they may propound and consent, but it is stil in the kings power to refuse or ratifie: and I never read that any parliament man, till now, did ever say the contrary: but that if there be no concurrence of the king (in whom formally the power of making of any law resideth, ut in subiecto,) to make the law: the two Houses (whose consent is but a requisite condition to compleat the kings power) are but a livelesse convention, like two cyphets without a figure, that of themselves are of no value or power, but ioyned unto their figures, have the full strength of their places; p, 19, 20, 21, which is confirmed by the viewer of the Observations, out of 11. Hen. 7.23. per Davers, Polydore, 185. Cowell in­ter. Verbo prerog. Sir Tho. Smith de republ. Angl. l. 2. c. 3. Bodin, l. 1. c. 8. for if the kings consent were not necessary for the perfe­cting of every act, then certainly (as another saith) all those Bills that heretofore have passed both Houses, The Letter to a Gentleman in Gloucester shite, p, 3 and for want of the Royall assent, have slept, and beene buried all this while, would now rise up as so many lawes and statutes, and would make as great confusion, as these new orders and ordinances have done.

And as the Lawyers tell us, that the necessity of the assent of all three states in Parliament, Lamberts Ar­cheion, 271. Vid. he Viewes p. 21. is such, as without any one of them, the rest doe but loose their labour: so, Le Roy est assentus c [...]o faict un act de Parliament, and as another saith, Nihil ratum ha [...] betur, nisi quod Rex comprobarit, nothing is perfected but what the King confirmeth.

But here in the naming of the three States, I must tell you, that I find in most of our Writers, about this new-borne que­stion of the Kings power, a very great omission, that they are [Page 79]not particularly set downe, that the whole Kingdome might know which is every one of them; and, upon this omission I conceive as great mistake in them, that say the three States are 1. the King, 2. the House of Peeres, 3. Which hee the three States of England. the House of Com­mons: for I am informed by no meane Lawyer, that you may find it upon the Rowles of Hen. 5. as I remember, and I am sure you may find it in the first yeare of Rich. 3. where the three States are particularly named; and the king is none of them, ‘for it is said, that at the request, Speed l, 9, c, 19, p. 712. Anno 1 Ric. 3 and by the assent of the three estates of this Realm, that is to say, the Lords Spirituall, the Lords temporall, and Commons of the Land assembled, it is declared that our said Soveraign Lord the king, is the very un­doubted king of this realm:’ wherein you may plainly see, the king that is acknowledged their Soveraigne by all three, can be none of the three, but is the head of all three, as the Deane is none of the Chapter, but is caput cepituls; and as in France and Spaine, so in England, I conceive the three estates to bee, 1. the Lords Spirituall, that are, if not representing, yet in loco, in the behalte of all the Clergie of England, that till these ana­baptisticall tares, have almost choaked all the Wheat in Gods field, were thought so considerable a party, as might deserve as well a representation in Parliament, as old Sarum, or the like Borough of scarce twenty Houses. 2. The Lords Temporall in the right of their honour and their posterity. 3. The Com­mons that are elected in the behalfe of the Countrey, Cities, and Burroughs; and what these three States consult and con­clude upon for the good of the Church and kingdome, the king, as the head of all, was either to approve or reiect what he pleased; and, though we finde, with some difficulty (as the viewer of the Observations saith) where the Parliament is said to be a body, consisting of King, Lords, and Commons, (ergo, without the king there is no Parliament) yet herein the king is not said to be one of the three states; but the first and most principall part that constitutes the body of the parliament; p. 2 [...]. 25. H, 8, 21. but John Bodin that had very exactly learned the nature of our parliament, both by his reading and conferring with our Eng­lish Embassador (as himselfe confesseth) saith, the States of [Page 80] England are never otherwise assembled, (no more then they are in the Realmes of France and Spaine) then by parliament write, and the states proceed not but by way of supplications and re­quests unto the king, Bodin. de repub. l. 1. c. 8 and the states have no power of them­selves to determine or decree any thing, seeing they cannot so much as assemble themselves, nor being assembled depart with­out expresse commandement from the king. In all this, and for all the search that I have made, I finde not the king named to be one, but rather by the consequence of the discourse, to bee none of the three, but, as I said, the head of all the three states for, either the words of Bodin must bee understood of two states, in all the three kingdomes, which then had beene more properly termed, as we call them, either the two Houses, or the Lords and Commons, or else they must be very absurd; be­cause the three states, if the king be one of them, can not bee said to be called by parliament writs, when as the king is cal­led by no writ, nor can hee be said to supplicate unto himselfe: or to have no power to depart without leave, that is of himself, Therefore it must needs follow, that this learned man, who would speake neither absurdly nor improperly, meant by the three states, 1. The Lords Spirituall, 2. The Lords Tem­porall, 3. The Commons of the kingdome: and the King as the head of all, calling them, consulting and concluding with them, and dismissing them when he pleased. And Will. Mar­tyn saith, King Hen, 1, at the same time 1114. devised and ordained the manner and fashion of a Court in Parliament, ap­pointing it to consist of the three estates, of which himselfe was the head, so that his lawes, being made by the consent of all, were not disliked of any: these are his words. And I am informed by good Lawyers, that you may finde it in the pre­ambles of many of our Statutes, and in the body of some other Statutes, and in some Petitions, especially one presented to Queene Elizabeth for the inlargement of one, that was com­mitted for a motion that he made for excluding the Bishops out of the House of peeres, Such is the dif­ference betwixt Queene Eliza­beths time and our times. the three states are thus particulari­zed, and the Lords Spirituall are nominated the first of the three, and are termed one of the greatest states of this realme. [Page 81]And this I conceive to be the right constitution of a Parlia­ment; therefore now, to cast off one of the three States, Anno octavo Elizabeth c. 1. and to cut off the head of all three, by making the King but one of them, (that so both the King and the two Houses might be one­ly co-ordinate, when as indeed they are, as in some respect con­current, so also subordinate unto him, as to their Head) is such a change and alteration as would quite overthrow the funda­mentall constitution of the Government of this Kingdome, and make our King (if these men might have their will) to have no more power than the Duke of Venice.

And to that end this Faction have by themselves and their Pamphleters, The false grounds of the originall of our Kings. The disclaimer, p. 17, 18, 19. laid down such false grounds of the originall of our Kings, as are exceeding derogatory to the Crown of Eng­land, as that they are Kings by paction and covenant with their people, which at first chose them, and intrusted them with their Government; and for the preservation of their Lawes against the incroachments of the King, and the making of new Lawes, as occasions required, ordained the great Councell, which they call Parliament, and which should have full power to restrain the King, if he did abuse his Power; and therefore the people may withdraw their trust when the Kings neglect their duty, and nullifie their faith unto their Subjects; for whosoever is in­differently read in Histories, and the Chronicles of our Kingdom, may easily finde how falsly and maliciously they would make this free Monarchie to have been elective and to be a conditi­onall Government; because England, France, Post mortem Maximi Con­stans postular mi à Britannis. But not a word in all the storie, that any one of the British Kings was ele­ctus, Anonymus MS. in Bibl. Oxon. qui scri­psit hist, omni­um regum qui regna verunt in Anglia. and Spain were parts and parcels of the Roman Empire, and when the Empe­rours, by reason of their intestine broyles at home could not look into the parts abroad, the right Heit unto the Crown of Britain, assumed unto himselfe all the Royaltie and power that the Emperour had over us, and succeed him, not by any pact or covenant with the people, (though not as then for some reasons without the request of the people) but by that right which God and nature allowed unto Kings, and was due, ei­ther to the Roman Emperour or to any other absolute Monarch of any Nation [...] [...] the old Chronicles of those [...] the regaining of the Crown by Vortigerne, after that the people [Page 82]had rebelliously rejected him, and received, but not elected, his son Vortimer in his place, do most sufficiently clear the case.

And therefore what Soveraigne Power soever is due to any absolute Monarch, and what obedience soever S. Paul affirmeth to be due to the Roman Emperours that then ruled over us, or Saint Peter commandeth to be given to other Kings, the same is in all things due to our Kings, ever since Aurelius Ambro­sius that succeeded Vortigerne; or if you will not ascend so high, yet without all contradiction ever since William the Con­querour, whom you cannot say was elected, nor any other that succeeded him, and therefore cannot be debarred or denied any of those Prerogatives and Soveraignties that belong unto the most absolute Monarch, save onely in those things, which of their speciall grace and favour they granted unto their Subjects, and bound themselves at their Coronation, to performe those promises of priviledge and freedom which they made unto them; and that distinction of the disclaimer of an absolute and a Politique Monarch, P. 17, 18, 19, 20. with his two leaves discourse upon the same, is so false and so frivolous, that as Saint Bernard saith of the fooleries of Abailardus, it deserveth rather Fustibus con­tundi quàm rationibus refelli: Aristot. Polyt. l. 4. for Aristotle tels us, that the supreme Power of all Government (which resideth in every absolute Monarch, and doth constituere Monarcham, give be­ing unto the Monarch) consisteth chiefly in these three distinct branches:

• 1.
  The supreme power of every Government wherein it con­sisteth.
  Legislative, to make and repeal Lawes.
• 2. Bellative, to pronounce War and conclude Peace.
• 3. Iudicative, decisively to determine all crimes and causes whatsoever.

And when this threefold power is not penes annus, but penes optimates, then it is no Monarchis, but an Aristocracie, and when it is penes populum, then it is neither of those, but a meer Democracie, or popular Government. And therefore out Kings having the sole power; first, to make War, and conclude Peace at their own pleasure, and have called Parliaments onely to supply their wants, and to adde their councell and assistance [Page 83]therein; Secondly, to make Lawes and repeal them when they please, save onely that they promised to their People and obliged themselves not to do it without the advice of their Par­liament; And thirdly, to judge all their Subjects according to their Lawes; it is most apparent that our Kings are most abso­lute Monarches; as, Cassaneus, Bodinus, Sir Thomas Smith, and all that wrote of this Kingdom do peremptorily affirme: and though I deny not Bodius distinction of a Lordly Mo­narch, a royall Monarch, and a tyrannicall Monarch, Bod. l. 2. c. 2. 3. which sheweth onely the Power and the Practise of the Monarch; yet I say, that the distinction of an absolute and mixed Mo­narchie, which designeth the manner of the Government, is a meer fopperie and a ridiculous distinction; because that Go­vernment which extendeth it selfe to more than one, can never be a Monarchie, as every man knoweth that understandeth the word Monarch.

These and many more such injuries and insufferable indigni­ties they have offered unto our King, and so indeed unto the whole Kingdom, which they durst not have offered to any ty­rannicall King that would have ruled them with his iron rod, but as the mercie of God emboldeneth wicked men to proceed in their abominations, so the lenitie and goodnesse of this pious Prince, & nothing else in him, encouraged these factious & ambi­tious men, the people greedy of a licentious libertie, & the No­bilitie and Gentrie of rule, which is their naturall disease, thus to usurpe the rights of our King, and to raise this miserable war.

CHAP. XII. Sheweth the unjust proceedings of this Faction against their fellow Subjects, set down in four particular things.

2. 2. Their pro­ceedings a­gainst the Sub­jects, wherein I shall in most points set down what I finde in the Remon­strance of the Commons to the House of Commons, and what I collect­ed out of other Writers of the best credit. LEst they should be thought juster to their fellow Subjects than they are to their Severalgue King, you may observe what I finde related of them. 1. That besides the Act which [Page 84]they composed and procured it to passe for the Poll money, wherein they shew their exceeding great love to the Clergie, as to make Deanes, whose Deanaries were scarce worth 100.l. a piece per annum, to pay 40.l. per poll, equall with the Lords and Aldermen of London, and many Prebendaries to pay more than the annuall worth of their Prebends, and the like many passages of their respect to the Ministers, and some other par­ticulars which I passe without reproof, because the Act is passed; there were monies advanced by gift and by adven­ture, and Souldiers were prepared for Ireland, to reduce those Rebels to their former obedience, and to restore the Kings di­stressed Subjects to their rights and possessions; but the great neglect they shewed to discharge this dutie, (the Souldiers that were sent, being left almost altogether unpaid, to be ster­ved, and exposed to the mercie of their mercilesse enemies, and we the poor English, that were robbed and spoiled of our goods and lands, left not onely unrelieved, but also twitted with that scandall for our comfort, that we were worthily expelled by the Irish, 1. How they neglected the distress [...]d Sub­jects of Ire­land. and left unregarded by the English, because we were but as the Samaritanes, neither Israelites nor Pagans, or as the Turkes, that partaking with the Jewes and Christians, are neither Jewes nor Christians, so the English in Ireland were just Laodicean like, neither hot nor cold, neither English nor Irish, neither zealous Papists, nor true Protestants, and there­fore worthily to be spued out of the mouth of all men; which is the comfort we have of them, and which puts us in a desperate condition (unlesse his Majestie will be pleased to take another course to relieve us) to be left as a prey to be destroyed be­twixt two sorts, we know not which more cruell enemies) makes us believe that the monies are diverted, and the Souldiers detained to continue this unnaturall War against our King, that so by loosing the Kingdom of Ireland; they might the sooner destroy the Kingdom of old England, to bring the King­dom of New England amongst us.

And besides this simple conversion of the Irish monies, it is almost incredible to consider how unjustly they have dealt with the English Subjects to get money; for, to let abundance [Page 85]of other particulars passe, the Earle of Manchester in the night time fetched away six thousand pounds, as I understand, [...]o [...]er sadnesse, p. 21. that were collected for the repairing of Saint Andrewes in Hol­bourne, and the great summes of money that were gathered for London-derry and for Brainceford, were imployed by these Zelots, not to maintaine the lives of those distressed people, but to destroy the lives of loyall Subiects; and to prove themselves right Jscariots, they brake into the Hospitall at Gilford in Sur­rey, and tooke foure thousand pounds from the poore Lazars; but as the Romans dealt with their neighbours Territories, when they were made their Arbitrators: so these men dealt as finely with the lading of that Ship called Sancta Clara; for while the Merchants disputed about the goods, these iust Jud­ges, to reconcile the difference, seize upon all, and twenty thou­sand pound must be lent them, before the right owner can re­ceive them: and I might fill my papers with such examples.

2. They have made an Ordinance, 2. How they take what part they will of our estates. Whereas they object that in the raigne of King Iohn and others of our kings, the wen­tyeth, fifteenth, tenth or seventh part hath beene given; I answer in one word, never a part by the two Houses without the king, and a­gainst the king as they doe. that the twentieth part of mens estates, must be paid towards the maintenance of this rebellion: and they doe appoint those, that, upon their discre­tion, shall value that twentieth part; and they may, for ought we know, set downe the tenth for the twentieth: and if they may legally do this we can see no reason, why by the same rule, they may not take the fifteenth, tenth, or halfe our goods for the same purpose: and so they avouch they may, but most un­truly: for it was never known, till this present parliament, that an Ordinance of both Houses, without the consent, nay against the command of the King, can bind the free Subjects of Eng­land (which doe not then renounce their loyalty to their King, when they make choyce of them to be their procurators in the Parliament) in their lives, liberties, or estates; and yet these men, not only bestow our moneyes as they please, as they did six thousand pound to their owne Speaker, and the places of com­mand and great profi (more then all the revenues of their lands come to) upon themselves, and upon their children and friends, as upon Sir Iohn Hotham, the Lord Rocheford, Lord Say, Lord Brookes, Hampaen, Brereton, Fines, the Earl;e of Essex, and abundance more: but they doe also seize upon our estates, [Page 86]and thus take our goods, under the colour of maintaining this warre, to inrich themselves and their children; and for the le­vying of this, or what other part they please, they ordaine their friends, and appoint their Collectors to distraine for the summe assessed, and to sell the distresse, and if no distresse can be found, then the persons of these notable offenders, that deny their goods thus illegally to be taken from them, are to be imprisoned, and their families to be banished from their habitations.

And to make the world believe how justly and sufficiently legall they could doe this, they made another ordinance for the inhabitants of the Counties of North-hampton, Rutland, Derby, &c. to pay the twentieth part, and to be assessed by the Asses­sors that they name, in imitation of the Statute lately made for the foure hundred thousand pound: and it is more than proba­ble, that this proceeding is but the praeludium of the like exa­ction to be extended, when their need requireth, to all the o­ther parts of the Kingdome; which is a most miserable course, and injustice not to be paralleld, to cast themselves, into a ne­cessity of getting money, to maintaine an impious warre against their King, and then out of that necessity to compell their fel­low subjects, and those peaceable men (that doe abominate this war,) to maintaine the same (yea, and to fight in the same, to kill men against their consciences,) in despite of their teeth; or if they refuse to doe it, to sond, or at least to permit, a party of Horse, Dragooneers, and other strength to goe to fetch their Money, Plate or other goods, as if they were the goods of the deadly enemies of the Common wealth; and this for none o­ther reason, but for that the owners thereof are good Subjects to the King, and not well affected to their uniust, and ungod­ly proceedings.

But let me perswade all men that doe feare God, still to suf­fer any thing, which they can not avoid, from the violence of these wicked men, rather than contribute any thing unto them, to further such abominable courses, as they prosecute against the law of God and man; Rev. 2.10. because the Lord commandeth us, to feare none of those things that we shall suffer; but to stand in our integrity unto death, and we shall be crowned with the crowne of life.

3. They have discharged the Apprentises and servants from their Masters services, 3. How they discharged the apprentices and compell them to fight. and have either compelled or perswaded them to serve in their army against the King, and that without the consent, and against the will of their masters and dames, yea sometimes against the commands of their owne pa­rents, which I speake from their owne mouthes.

4. 4. How they imprisoned out men without cause. They have imprisoned very many hundreds of most able and most honest men; even so many, that the Prisons are not able to containe them, but they are faine to consecrate the greatest houses in London to become Prisons, as the Bishop of Londons house, Ely house, Winchester House, Lambeth house; Cresby house, the Savoy, and the like. And this they doe for none other cause, but either for performing the duties of their places, and dischargeing their obedience to his Majesty, as the last Lord Maior Gurney, which deserved rather to be commended than committed, if we believe many that were present at his tryall; or petitioning unto them, as Sir George Bynion, Copmplaint p. 8 and Captaine Richard Lovelace, and Sir William Boteler of Kent, because they did not therein flatter and approve their present wicked courses; or intending to petition unto the King for re­liefe of these lamentable distresses, as those Gentlemen of Hertford-shire and Westminster; or for being as they conceived, disaffected unto their disloyall orders: A strange thing, and iu­stice beyond president, not the like to be found among the Pa­gans, that (where no law can condemne a man for his affections when no action is committed against law) men shall bee rob­bed of their estates, and adjudged for malignants (which is al­so a crime most generall, and without the compasse of any Sta­tute) and then for this now created sinne, to bee condemned and imprisoned, and therein to remaine without tryall of his offence, perhaps as long as the Archbishop of Canterbury. And this wonder is the rather to bee wondered at, because it is the sence of both Houses, M. Pym in his Speech at the Guild-hall. (if wee may believe Master Pym) that it is against the rules of iustice, that any man should be imprisoned upon a generall charge, when no particulars are proved against him: for never charge can be more generall than to be all af­fected, or a malignant, or a man not to be confided in, where of [Page 88]you finde ten thousand in the City of London, and many hun­dred thousands in the Kingdome: and therefore when we finde so many persons of honour and reputation imprisoned, only up­on this surmise, without any other particular charge so much as once suggested against them, (as was the Lord of Middle­sex, the Lord of Portland, and abundance more) and detained in prison, because they were ill affected, in that they have not contributed to the maintenance of this warre, we see how in­sensibly they have accused themselves to have laid this insup­portable punishment, beyond the desert of the transgressors, and against the rules of all iustice, and how they have forgotten their protestation, and exceedingly infringed the liberty of the Subiects, whereof they promised to bee such faithfull procu­rators.

CHAP. XIII. Sheweth the proceedings of this faction against the Lawes of the Land, the Priviledges of Parliament transgres­sed eleven speciall wayes.

3. 1. Their pro­ceedings against the lawes. FOr the Lawes of our land, which are either private, as those chiefly which belong unto the Parliament, and are called the Priviledges of Parliament or publike, which are the inheritance; of every Subiect, you shall find how they have invaded and violated each one of these: for,

1. 1. Against the priviledges Parliament. Touching the Priviledges of Parliament, we confesse, that former Kings have graciously yeelded many iust priviled­ges unto them for the freedome of their persons, and the liberty of their speeches, so they be free from blasphemy or treason, of the like unpardonable offence, but such a freedome as they challenge, though for my selfe I confesse my skill in Law to be unable, to distinguish the Legitimate from the usurped, yet in these subsequent particulars I find wise men utterly denying it them: as,

1. When they forbid us to dispute of their Priviledges, 1. Denying us to dispute of them. L. Elismer in post nati. and say, that themselves alone are the sole Judges of them; when as in former ages they have been adjudged by the Lawes of the Kingdom, when Thorpe the Speaker of the House of Com­mons hath been committed and detained Prisoner upon an Exe­cution, and the House confirmed that fact.

2. 2. Committing and putting out their Members, Complaint, p. 11. When the Members of the House (of whose elections and transgressions against the House, or any of their fellow Members, or the like, the House is the proper Judge) which ought to have as free libertie as any of the rest, upon any emer­gent occasion, are committed, as Master Palmer, and others were, or put out of the House, as Sir Edward Deering, the Lord Faulkland, Sir John Culpepper, Sir John Strang wayes, and others have been voted hand over head, for speaking more reason than the more violent partie could answer, or in very deed, for speaking their mindes freely against the sense of the House, or rather against some of the prevalent Faction of the House, which we say is no Priviledge but the pravitie of the House; to denie this just Priviledge unto those Members that were thus committed or expelled; for hereby it doth mani­festly appear that, contrary to the practice of all former Parlia­ments, and contrary to the honour of any Parliament, things were herein debated and carried, not by strength of argument, but by the most voyces, and the greater number were so farre from understanding the validitie of the alleaged reasons, that after the Votes passed they scarce conceived the state of the question, but thought it enough to be Clerkes to Master Pym, 3. Denying their Members to be legally tried for any capitall crime. Vide Dyer, p. 59.60. Crompton. 8. b. 9, 10, 11. Elism. post. na­ts 20, 21. The viewer, p. 43. and to say Amen to Master Hampden by an implicite faith.

3. When they deny the Members of their House, or any other imployed by them in this horrid Rebellion, should be questioned for felonie, treason, murder, or the like capitall crimes, but onely in Parliament, or at least by the leave of that House whereof they are Members, or which doth imploy them; for by this meanes any Member of their House may be a Traitor, or a Murderer, or a Robber whensoever he please, and may easily escape, before the partie wronged, or complain­ant can obtain this leave of the House of Commons: and [Page 90]therefore this is as unreasonable and as senslesse a Priviledge as ever was challenged, and was never heard of till this Parlia­ment: for why should any man refuse his Triall, or the House deny their Members to the justice of the Law, when as the de­niall of them to be tried by the Law implyeth a doubt in us of the innocencie of those, whom we will not submit to justice; and their Triall would make them live gloriously hereafter, if they were found innocent, and move the King to deliver those men, that had so wickedly conspired their destruction, to the like censure of the Law. But for them to cry out, The King is mis­informed, and We dare not trust our selves upon a Triall, may be a way to preserve their safetie, but with the losse of their reputation, and perhaps the destruction of many thousands of people.

If they say, they are contented to be tried, but by their own House, which in the time of Parliament is the highest Court of justice; it may be answered, said a plain Rustique, with the old Proverbe, Aske my fellow if I be a thief: for mine own part, I reverence the justice of a Parliament in all other judge­ments betwixt partie and partie, yea betwixt the King and any other Subject; yet when the partie accused shall be judged by his own Societie, his Brethren, and his own Faction, I believe any indifferent Judge would see this to be too great partialitie against the King, that he shall not have those, whom he accuseth to be tried by the Lawes already established, and the ordinary course of Justice; and if the Iudges offend in their sentence, the Parliament hath full power, undenied them by his Ma­jestie, to question and to punish those Judges, as they did for that too palpable injustice (as they conceived) in the case of the Ship money; but they will be judged by themselves, and all that dissent from them must be at their mercie or destruction. And yet it is said to be evident, that no Priviledge can have its ground or commencement, unlesse it be by statute, grant, or prescription, and by the stat. 26. Hen. 8. cap. 13. it is enacted, that no offender in any kinde of high Treason shall have the priviledge of any manner of Sanctuarie: so all the Grants of such a priviledge, if any such should be made, are meerly void, [Page 91]1. Hen. 7. Staffords case, and not one instance could hitherto beproduced, whereby such a Priviledge was either allowed or claimed, but the contrary most clearly proved by his Majestie out of Wentworths case.

And therefore seeing your own Law-bookes tell us, that the Priviledge of Parliament doth not extend to Treason, the breach of the Peace, and (as some thinke) against the Kings debt: it is apparent how grossely they do abuse the People by this claim of the Priviledge of Parliament.

4. 4. Conniving with their Fa­ction for any fault. When they connive with their own compeeres for any breach of priviledge, as with Master Whitakers for searching Master Hampdens pockets, and taking away his papers, imme­diately after the abrupt breaking up of the last unhappy Par­liament, and those that discovered the names of them that diffe­red in opinion from the rest of the Faction, in the businesse of the Earle of Strafford, and specially with that rabble of Brow­nists and Anabaptists, which with unheard of impudencie durst aske that question publiquely at the Barre, who they were that opposed the well affected partie in that House? as if they meant to be even with them, whosoever they were; and likewise that unruly multitude of zealous Sectaries, that were sent, as I finde it, by Captain Ven and Isaac Pennington, to cry Justice, Justice, Justice, and No Bishops, no Bishops; and this to terri­fie some of the Lords from the House, and to awe the rest that should remain in the House, as they had formerly done in the case of the Earle of Strafford; and when others that they like not, are for the least breach of pretended Priviledge either im­prisoned or expelled; for I assure my selfe, there cannot be higher breaches of Priviledges than these be, nor greater stainec to obscure the honour, and vilifie the repute of this Parlia­ment.

5. 5. The inga­ging one ano­ther in civill causes. When there is such siding and ingaging one another in civill causes, (that they may be conglutinated together for their great Designe) to do things, not according unto justice, but for their own ends, contrary to all right; and their favour is scarce worth the charge of attendance, to them that speed best by their Ordinances; but the complaint is that men have [Page 92]the greatest injuries done them in this that themselves call the highest Court of Justice, which others say, hath now justified all other inferiour Courts, and made all unrighteous judges most just.

6. 6. The surrepti­tious carrying of businesses. When (as we have been informed) a matter of the greatest importance hath been debated and put unto the questi­on, and upon the question determined, and the Bill once and again rejected, yet at another time, even the third time, when the Faction had prepared the House for their own purpose, and knew they could carry it by most voyces, the same question hath been resumed, and determined quite contrary to the for­mer determination, when the House was more orderly conve­ned; as it is said they did, to passe the Ordinance for the Mi­litia, which many men dare avouch to their faces to be no Pri­viledge of Parliament, but a great abuse of their fellow Mem­bers, and a greater injurie unto all their fellow Subjects.

7. 7. Their parti­all questioning of some men, and not questi­oning of some others. When the elections of some of their Members have been questioned, and others have been accused, for no lesse than ca­pitall crimes, (as Master Griffith was) yet if these men incline and conspire with this Faction to confirme those positi­ons, which they proposed to themselves, to overthrow the Church and State, and to uphold their usurped Government and tyrannicall Ordinances, they will pretend twenty excuses; as the great affaires of the State, the multiplicitie of their bu­sinesses, the necessitie of procuring monies, the shortnesse of their time, (though they sate almost three yeares already) that they have no leisure to determine these questions (which in truth they do purposely put off, least they should leese such a friend unto their partie;) but when any other, which dis­senteth from their humours, doth but any thing contrary to the straitest Rules of the House, they do presently (notwithstand­ing all their greatest affaires) call that matter into question, and it must be examined and followed with that eagernesse (as in my Lord Digby's case) that he must be forthwith condemned and excluded; The L. Digby in his Apolog. for we say, this cannot be any just priviledge, but an unjust proceeding of this Parliament.

8. When they delegate their power to some men to do [Page 93]some things of themselves without the rest; 8. The delega­ting of their power to parti­cular men. as it seemes they did unto Master Pym, when an Order passed under his sole teste, for taking away the Rayles from the Communion Table; for this is a course we never heard of in former times.

9. 9. The multi­plying of their Priviledges. When their Priviledges are so infinitely grown and in­larged, more than ever they were in former Parliaments, and so swelled, that they have now swallowed up almost all the priviledges of other men; so that they alone must do what they please, and where they will, in all Cities and in all Courts, because they have the Priviledge of Paliament.

10. When according, to the great libertie of language, 10. Their speaking and s [...]ing in other Courts. which we deny them not within their own wall, they take the Priviledge to speak what they list in other places, and to go­verne other Courts as they please, where (as they did in Dub­lin, and do commonly in London) they sit as Assistants with them, that are priviledged by their Charters to be freed from such Controllers.

11. When, above all that hath been or can be spoken, 11. Their close Committee. they have made a close Committee of safetie, (as they call it) which in the apprehension of all wise and honest men, is not onely a course most absurd and illegall, but also most destructive to all true Priviledges, and contrary to the equitable practice of all publique meetings, that any one should be excluded from that which concerneth him as well as any of the rest; and this Committee onely, which consisteth of a very few of the most pragmatical Members of their House, must have all intelligences and privie counsels received, and reserved among themselves; and what they conclude upon must be reported to the House, which must take all that they deliver upon trust, and with an implicite Roman faith believe all that they say, and assent to all that they do; onely because these (forsooth) are men to be con­fided in, upon their bare word, The greatnesse of this abuse. (when their House hath no pow­er to administer an Oath unto any man) in the greatest affaires, happinesse or destruction of the whole Kingdom; for this is, in a manner, to make these men Kings, more than the Roman Consuls, and so as great a breach of Priviledge and abuse of Parliament, as derogatory to his Majestie, that called them to consult together, and as injurious to all the people as can be named or imagined.

CHAP. XIV. Sheweth how they have transgressed the publike lawes of the Land three wayes, and of foure miserable consequences of their wicked doings.

2. 2. Against the publike laws of the land. FOr those publike, written, and better known laws of this Land, they have no lesse violated and transgressed the same than the other, and that, aswell in their execution and exposition, as in their composition; for,

1. 1. In the execu­tion of the old lawes. When they had caused the Archbishop of Canterbury to be committed to the Tower, Judge Berkeley to the Sheriffe of London, sir George Ratcliffe to the Gate-house, for no lesse crimes than high Treason, and many other men to some other prisons for some other faults; yet all the world seeth how long most of them have beene kept in prison, some a yeare, some two, some almost three, and God onely knoweth when these men intend to bring them to their legall tryall; which delay of iustice, is not only an intolerable abuse to the present subiects of this kingdome, to be so long deprived of their liberty upon a bare surmise, but also a far greater iniury to all posterity, when this president shall be produced to be imitated by the succee­ding Parliaments, and to iustifie the delayes of all inferiour Iudges.

2. 2 In expound­ing the lawes. Whereas wee believe what judge Bracton saith and Judge Britton likewise, which lived in the time of Edward the first, Si disputatio oriatur, justiciarii non possunt eam inter­pretari, sed in dubiis & obscuris, Domini regis erit expectanda interpretatio & voluntas, cum ejus sit interpretari cujus est con­dere; Citatur a Domino Elism in post-nati, p. 108 if any dispute doth arise, the Judges can not interpret the same, but in all obscure and doubtfull questions, the inter­pretation and the will of the King is to be expected, when as he that makes the law, is to bee the expounder and interpreter of the law; yet they have challenged and assumed to themselves such a power, that their bare Vote without an act of Parlia­ment, [Page 95]may expound or alter a knowne law; which if it were so, they might make the law, as Pighius saith of the Scripture, like a nose of wax, that may bee fashioned and bended as they pleased; but we doe constantly maintaine, that the House of Commons hath no power to adjudge of any point or matter, but to informe the Lords what they conceive; and the House of Peeres hath the power of Iudicature, which they are bound to doe, according to the rules of the knowne established lawes; and to that end they have the Judges to informe them of those cases, and to explaine those lawes, wherein themselves are not so well experienced, (though now they sit in the House for cyphers, even as some Clergie did many times in the Convoca­tion;) and if any former Statute be so intricate and obscure, that the Iudges cannot well agree upon the right interpretation thereof, then (as in explaining Poynings Act, and the like, ei­ther in England or Ireland) the makers of the Act, that is the King and the major part of both Houses, must explaine the same.

3. 3. In compose­ing and setting forth new laws. Whereas we never knew that the House had any power to make Orders and Ordinances to bind any, (besides their own members,) to observe them as lawes; yet they compell us to obey their orders, in a stricter manner than usually we are in­joyned by Law; and this course, to make such binding ordi­nances as they doe, to carry the force, though not the name of an Act of Parliament, or a Law, is a mighty abuse of our lawes and liberties; for Sir Edward Cooke tels us plainly, that (as the constitution of our Government now standeth,) neither the House of Commons and the King, L. Cooke in the preface of the Stat. of West­minster the se­cond. Lamberts Ar­cheton 27.1. can make any binding law, when the Peeres dissent; nor the Lords and King, when the Commonalty dissenteth; nor yet both Houses without the Kings consent; but all three, King, Peeres and Commons, must agree, before any coactive law can be composed: Nay more, it is sufficiently proved, that dare jus populo, or the legislative po­wer, being one principall end of regall authority, was in Kings by the law of nature, (while they governed the people by natu­rall equity) long before municipall lawes or Parliaments had any being; for as the Poet saith, [Page 96]

Because this was the custome of the Kings of Scythia, Assyria, Aegypt, &c. (long before Moses and Pharonaus, when muni­cipall lawes first began,) to give lawes unto their people, ac­cording to the rules of naturall equity, which by the law of nature they were all bound to observe.

And though some Kings did graciously yeeld and by their voluntary oathes, for themselves and their successors, binde themselves many times, to stricter limits, then were absolutely requisite, as William Rufus, King Stephen, Henry the fourth, Richard the third, and the like, granted many priviledges, per­haps to gaine the favour of their Subjects, against those which likely had a better title to the Crowne than themselves: or, it may be, to satisfie their people, as the guerdon or com­pensation for the sufferance of some fore-passed grievances, as Henry the first, Edward the second, Richard the second, and the like: yet these limitations, being agreeable to equity, and consi­stent with Royalty, and not forcibly extracted, ought in all truth and reason to be observed by them. And hence it is that the Kings of this Realme, according to the oathes and promi­ses which they made at their Coronation, can never give, nor repeale any law, but with the assent of the Peeres and People.

But though they have thus yeelded, to make no lawes, nor to repeale any lawes without them; yet this voluntary concession of so much grace unto the people, doth no wayes translate the legislative power from the King unto his assistants, but that it is formaliter and subiectivè still in the King, and not in them; else would the government of this Kingdome bee an Ari­stocracy, or Democracy, and not a Monarchy; because the su­preame power of making and repealing Lawes, and govern­ing or judging decisively according to those lawes, Cassan, in ca­tal glorlamun­di. are two of those three things, that give being to each one of these three sorts of government.

Therefore, the King of England, being an absolute Monarch, in his owne Kingdome, as Cassaneus saith, and no man can deny [Page 97]it the legislative power must needs reside solely in the King, 22 Ed. 3.3. pl. 25. Vid. The view of a printed booke, entitu­led, Observati­ons, &c. where this point is proved at large p. 18, 19, 21, 22. ut in subjecto proprio; and the consent of the Lords and Commons is no sharing of that power, but only a condition yeelded to be ob­served by the King, in the use of that power: and so, both the Oath of Supremacy, and the form of all our ancient Statutes, wherein the King speakes as the Lawmaker, doe most evidently prove the same unto us, Le Roy voit.

Neither durst any Subjects in former times either assume such a power unto themselves, or deny the same unto their King: for you may finde how the House of Commons, deny­ing to passe the Bill for the pardon of the Clergy, which Hen. 8. granted them, when they were all charged to be in a Premu­nire, unlesse themselves also might be included within the par­don, received this answer from the King, that he was their So­veraigne Lord, and would not be compelled to shew his mercy, (nor indeed could they compel him to any thing else) but seeing they went about to restraine him of his Liberty, he would grant a pardon unto his Clergie by his great Seale without them; Sir Rich. [...] in vita Her though afterwards of his owne accord he signed their pardon also; which brought great commendation to his judge­ment, to deny it at first, when it was demanded as a right, and to grant it afterward, when it was received as of grace. And yet the deniall of their assent unto the King, is more equitable to them, and lesse derogatory to him, then to make orders with­out him; and this manner of compulsion, to shew grace unto themselves is more tolerable, than to force him to disgrace and displace his most faithfull servants; onely because others can­not confide in them, when no criminall charge is laid against them.

And therefore for the Lords and Commons to make Orders and Ordinances without the King, and in opposition to the King, is a meere usurpation of the Regall power, a nullifying of the Kings power, and a making of the Royall assent, which hereto­fore gave life to every law, to be an empty piece of formality, which is indeed, an intolerable arrogancy in the contrivers of these Orders and the makers of these Ordinances, a monstrous abuse of the Subjects, and a plaine making of our good King [Page 98]to be somewhat like him in the Comedy, a King and no King.

And, where as no Subject, and under favour be it spoken, not the King himselfe, after he hath taken his Oath at his Coronati­on, is free from the observation of the established lawes; yet they make themselves so farre above the reach of Law, that they freed him, which the Lord chiefe Justice Bramston had committed to Newgate for felony in stealing the Countesse of Rivers goods; they hindered all men, as we found in their jour­nall, from proceeding against Sir Thomas Dawes; they injoyned the Judges by their orders, to forbeare to proceed in their or­dinary courses, in the Courts of Justice, contrary to the eaths of those Judges; and some Parliament men came to the Bench to forbid the Judges to grant Habeas Corpuses, which is as great an iniquity, and as apparent an injustice as ever was done by any Parliament.

And that which is a note above Ela, The most abo­minable wick­ednesse of these factious Rebels above all that could be spoken, whereas the Law of God and man, the bonds and obli­gations of civility and Christianity, tie us all to be dutifull and obedient unto our King, in all things, either actively or passive­ly, and no wayes, for no cause violently to resist him, under the greatest penalties that can be devised here, and damnation here­after; yet these men, contrary to all Lawes, doe injoyne us and compell us, as much against our consciences, as if they should compell us with the Pagan tyrants, to offer Sacrifice unto Idols, to war against our most gracious Soveraigne, whom we from our hearts doe both love and honour, and they proscrible us as malignants, and as enemies to the Common wealth, if we con­tribute not money, horse and armes, to maintaine this ungod­ly war, Ps. 50.22. August. contra. Faust. l. 22. c. 75.76. and so become deadly enemies unto our owne soules. O consider this yee that forget God, lest for tearing us, he teare you in pieces while there is none to helpe you: for considering what the Apostle saith, Rom. 13.1.2. And what Saint Augustine saith, ordo naturalis, mortalium paci accommodatus hoc poscit, ut suscipiendi belli authoritas atque consilium penes Principem sit; and lest men should thinke, they ought by force of armes to resist their king for religion, he answereth that objection by the ex­ample of the Apostles, isti non resistendo interfecti sunt, ut potio­rem [Page 99]esse docerent victoriam, pro fide veritatis occidi. We con­ceive this to be so execrable an act, and so odious to God and man, that we are made thus miserable, and abused beyond measure, to have our Religion, which is most glorious, our Laws, that in their own nature are most excellent, The miserable consequences of their wicked doings. 1 Mischiefe. and our Li­berties, that make us as free as any Subjects in the World, under false pretences, and the shadows of religion, lawes and liber­ties, to be eradicated, and fundamentally destroyed; whereby,

1. We are made a spectacle of scorne, 1. Mischiefe. and the object of deri­sion to our neighbour Nations, that formerly have envied at our happinesse; and we are become the subject of all pitty and lamentation, to all them that love us.

2. As in the Roman civill wars, in the time of Metellus, 2. Mischife. the the son did kill his own Father; so now by the subtilty of this faction, we are cast into such a war as is.

1. A most unnaturall War, the son against the Father, and the Father against the Son: the Earle of Warwick fighteth for the Parliament, and my Lord Rich his Son is with the King: the Earle of Dover is with the King, and my Lord Rochford his Sonne with the Parliament: so one brother against another, as the Earle of Northumberland with the Parliament, and his bro­ther with the King; the Earle of Bedford with the Parliament and his brother with the King; Master Perpoiat with the Par­liament, and the Earle of Newark with the King; Devoreux Farmer with the parliament, and his brother Thomas farmer, together with his brother in law my Lord Cockain with the King, and the like: and of Cosens without number, the one part with the King, and the other with the parliament: and if they doe this in subtilty to preserve their estate, I say it is a wicked policy to undoe the kingdom, which all wise men should consider:

2. A most irreligious war, when one Christian, of the same pro­fessed religion, shal bath his Sword, and wash his hands in the bloud of his fellow Christian, and his fellow protestant, that shal be coheire with him of the same Kingdome.

3. A most unnaturall, irreligious, and barbarous Warre, when the Subject shall shal take Armes, to destroy or un­throne [Page 100]their owne liege, a Religious and most gracious King.

3. 3 Mischiefe. The Service of God in most Churches is neglected, when almost all the ablest, gravest, and most O thodox Di­vines and Preachers are persecuted, plundered, imprisoned, and driven to fly (as in the time of the Arian or Donatist, which was worse than the heathen persecution) from City to City, & to wander in Desarts from place to place, to save themselves from the hands of these Rebels against the King, and persecuters of Gods Church: which is a most grievous and a most cruell persecution, far more generall than that of the Anabaptists in Germany, or of Queene Mary here in England: the Lord of Heaven make us constant, and give us patience to indure it.

4. 4 Mischiefe. The whole Kingdome is, and shall be yet more, by the continuance hereof, unspeakably impoverish'd, and plunged in­to all kind of miseries; when the I'ravailer cannot passe with­out feare, nec hospes ab hospite tutus, the Carrier cannot trans­port his commodity, but it shall be intercepted, the Husband­man cannot till his ground, but his horses, as my selfe saw it, shall bee taken from the Plough, and his Corne shall bee destroyed when it is ready for the Sickle, which must be the fore-runner of a famine, that is ever the Usher to introduce the Plague and Pestilence, and all other kind of grievous Diseases; and these things put together, doe set wide our gates, and open our ports, to bring forraigne foes into our Coasts to possesse that good Land, whereof we are unworthy; because with the Israelites we loathed Manna, we were weary of our peace and happinesse; we would buy armes and be voluntiers, and every Town being too wanton, would needs traine and put themselves into a posture of defence, as they termed it, to be secured from their owne shadows; and though the King told them often, there was no cause of their Jealousies, and therefore forbade these disloyalties; yet just like the Jewes they were willing to be deceived by this miserable faction, that contrived that Act whereby they have persidiously over-reached both our good King, and the rest of our wel-meaning brethren, either to per­fect their designe, or else, to make themselves perpetuall Di­ctators, and to betray the felicity of all our people, under the [Page 101]name of Parliament; which though (as I said before) I honour and love, as much as any of the truest Patriots of either House, both in the institution and the right prosecution thereof, that is, as it was constituted, to be the great Councell of the Kingdome graciously called by his Majesties writ, considently to present the grievances of the people, and humbly to offer their advice and counsels for their reformation; yet I doe abhorre those, men, that would abuse the word Parliament, only as a stalking-Horse to destroy all Acts of Parliament; and I hate to see men calling the fanatique actions of a few desperate seditious per­sons, the proceedings of Parliament, and others (making an Idol of it, as if their power were omnipotent or unlimited and more than any regall power, their judgement infallible, their Orders irreprehensible, and themselves unaccountable for their proceedings) to be so besotted with the name of it, that this bare shadow without the substance, for it is no Parliament without the King; and the Major part of both houses is ei­ther banished, or imprisoned, Ingeniosus ad blasphemiant. or compelled to reside with his Majesty) should so bewitch us, (as Master Smith blushed not to say, nothing could free us from our dangers but the Divinity of a Parliament) out of our owne happinesse to become more miserable, then heretofore this Kingdome hath ever beene by any civill War: for if you will consider, the Treasons and rebellions, the injustice, cruelty and inhumanity, the subtilty, hypocrisie, lying, swearing, blasphemy, prophanesse and Sacri­ledge in the highest pitch, and many other the like fearefull sins, that have been committed since the beginning of this Par­liament, by the sole meanes of this faction, and observe the ill acts that have beene used by them to compasse things lawfull, and the wicked acts that have beene daily practised to procure things unlawfull (when by bloud and rapine and the curses of many fatherlesse and widowes, they have gotten the Treasures of the Kingdome, and the wealth of the Kings loyall Subjects into their hands, and wasted it so, that their wants are stil as notorious as their crimes) wee may admire the miracles of Gods mercy, and the bottomlesse depth of his good­nesse, [Page 102]that the stones in the streets have not risen against them, or the fire from Heaven had not consumed these Rebels, that thus far and thus insolently had tempted Gods patience, and provoked him to anger with such horrible abominations.

5. The fifth mis­chiefe. As Jerusalem justified Samaria, so this Faction hath just fied all the Romanists, and shewed themselves worse Christians, lesse Subjects, and viler Traitors than all the Papists are; for these facticus rebels justifie their Rebellion, and to the indeleble shame of their profession, they maintain that it is not only lawfull, but that it is their duty to bear Armes, and to w [...]ge War against their King, when the King doth abuse his power: whereas the Doctrine of the Church of Rome * Christopher­son, tract. contr. rebell. Rhemist. in Nov. Test. p. 301. Goldastus de Monarchia S. Imper. Rom. to. 3. Dr. Kellison in his Survey. Aquin de Re­gim. Princip. c. 6. Concil. Constan Sess. 15. Stephan. Cantuar. Ando. 8. H. 3. Tolet. in summa. l. 5. c. 6. Gr. Valentia. p. 2. q. 64. Bellar. Apol. c. 13. Lessins l. 2. c. 9. Serrarius. Azorius, &c. utterly denieth the same, and concludes them no Children of the Church that do it: and Doctour Kellison giveth this reason for it, because Faith is not necessarily required to Jurisdiction or Government; neither is authority lost by the losse of Faith; therefore it is not lawfull for any Subjects to rebel against their King, though their King should prove a Tyrant, or should apostate from the Faith of Christ; so that now the Papists boast, they are better Subjects than these rebellious protestants: and therefore I fear that this Faction ‘(Defendens Christum, verso mucrone cecîdit)’ By their unjust defigne to propagate the Gospell, have most grievously wounded the Faith of Christ, and given a more deady blow to the protestant religion than ever it had since the reformation when it is impossible that the true religion should produce, rebellion.

And therefore seeing we are free borne Subjects, and persons interessed in the good and safety of this Kingdome, as well as any of them, we must crave liberty to expresse our grievances, and to crave redresses; and seeing my selfe am called to be a Preacher of Gods Word, and a Bishop over many of the soules of my brethren, for which I must render an account to my God, both for my silence when I should speake, and speaking any thing that should not be spoken, I resolved to feare my God, and neither out of flattery to the King and his party, nor out of hatred or malice to those factious men, but as I am perswa­ded [Page 103]in my conscience, fully satisfied and guided by Gods Truth, to set forth this discoverie of these mysteries, what danger soever I shal undergoe; and if I shal become their enemy for speaking truth, I shal fare no worse than S. Paul did; and it shal be with them, if they doe not repent, as it was with the Israelites, Ezek. 7 25, 27. When their destruction commeth, they shal seeke peace, and shal not have it, but calamitie shal come upon calamitie.

CHAP. XV. Sheweth a particular recapitulation of the Reasont, whereby their Designe to alter the Government of the Church and State is evinced; and a patheticall disswasion from Re­bellion.

ANd thus I have set down not any thing to render these men more odius then they are, If I have beere mis-informed of any thing that shall ap­peare false, I shall not blush to retract it by an ingenious confession. or to abuse my Reader with fals­hood or uncertainties, but to report what I knew, and what I col­lected out of the present writings of best credit, and attested by men of known truth and integrity, whereby it is most apparent to any discerning eye, that the faction of Anabaptists, and Brownists, and some other of the subtillest heads in the House of Commons, had from the first convention of this Parliament secretly projected this designe, and insensibly to the rest of their wel-meaning brethren, prosecuted the same, to alter and change the ancient government both of the Church and Kingdom, which the author of Sober sadnesse proveth by these subsequent reasons: Sober Sadnes, p. 44, 45, 46. as (for the first,)

1. By suspending all Ecclesiasticall lawes and censures; Their designe to change the Church Go­vernment, pro­ved 4 waies. which indulgence of all vices hath drawn all offendours to comply with them.

2. By setting the people on worke to petition against the pre­sent Government, and the Service of the Church.

3. By the Bill concluded for the abolishing of our Govern­ment.

4. By the chiefe persons countenanced and employed by them in that businesse, who are Anabaptists and Brownists, and all sorts of Sectaries; he evinceth their designe to change our our Church Government, and to convert the patrimony of the Church, which our religious Ancestors dedicated for the ad­vancement of Gods worship, not to establish learning and a preaching Ministery as they pretended, but to dis-ingage their publique faith, which otherwise would never prove a saving faith.

And I wish there might be none about His Majesty, that pre­tending great loyalty unto him, doe comply with them herein, and either to raise or to secure their owne fortunes, would per­wade S. Paul to part with S. Peters keyes, so he may still hold the sword in his hand; or to speake more plainly, to purchase the peace of the Common-wealth with the ruine of Gods Church; but for this let me be bold,

1. To crave leave to tell His Majesty, it was not His sword that hath brought him from a flying Prince out of Westminster, and as yet unsecured at Nottingham, to be a victorious King at Edge-hill, and immediately to be the terrour of all the Rebels in London; but it was God, whose Church and Church-Service he defended, that protected him hitherto, and gave him the vi­ctory in battaile, and let him be assured that he, which is yea and amen, wil be his shield and buckler stil, to defend him from the strivings of his people, and to subdue them that rise against him, while he defendeth them, whose eyes next under God, are onely fixt on him, to be as God hath promised, their nursing father.

2 To assure those that would suffer the Church to fall, or perhaps sell the same out of a by-respect unto themselves, that taking their rise from the fall of the Church, or laying the foundation of their houses in the ruine of the Clergy, they doe but build upon the sands, whence they shal fall, and their fall shal be great, 1 Reg. 16.34. [...]sh. 6.26. when the successe thereof shal be as the successe of the City of Iericho, that was built by Hiel, who laid the foun­dation of it in Abiram his first borne, and set up the gates thereof in Segub his youngest sonne, and had her destiny described by [Page 105] Joshua; and all the possessions that they shall get, shall prove Acheldama's, fields of blood; and we hope God will raise de­liverance to his Church from some better men, when as they and their fathers house shall all perish, and shall stink in the nostrils of all good men for their perfidiousnesse in Gods cause.

But if any man should demand why we suspect any Traytors or false Counsellors to be in Kings Courts: I answer, because Saint Paul saith, Oportet esse hareses; and I beleeve the purest Court hath no more priviledge to be free from Traytors, then the Church from Heretiques; and you know there was one of eight in Noahs Arke, and another of twelve in Christ his Court; and he that was so neare him, as to dip his hand with him in the dish, was the first that flew in his face, and yet with a hayle Master, and with a kisse: two fair testimonies of true love.

Therefore, let no King in Christendome thinke it strange that his Court should have Flatterers, Traytors, or evill Counsel­lors; let not us be blamed for saying this; and let not Pym so foolishly charge our King for evil Counsellors; for certainly did he know them, I make no question but he would discard them: or could I, or any other informe his Majestie who they are, and that it were an easie matter, dicier, hic est; we would not be affraid to pull off their vails, and to say, as Christ did to Judas, Thou art the man; but their Meandrian windings, their Syrens voices, and their Iudas kisses, are as a faire man­tle, to conceale and cover Ioabs treason, even perhaps to be­tray some of the wisest in the Parliament, as well as some of them have betrayed the King. In such a case, all I can say is this; Memento diffidere was Epicharmus his Motto; the ho­nest plaine dealing man that doth things for Religion, not for ends, is the unlikeliest man to betray his Master; and few Coun­sellors are not so apt to breed so many Traytors as a multitude; it was the indiscretion of Rehoboam that lost him ten parts of twelve, to preferre young Counsellors before the ancient * Seldome discretion in youth attend­eth great and sudden for­tunes. In vita Henric. 3.; and if we may beleeve that either paupertas, or necessitas cogit ad turpia, or the fable of the ulcerated traveller, They that are to make their fortunes are apter to sell Church and State, and to [Page 106]betray King and Kingdom, rather then those that have suffici­ently replenished their coffers, and inlarged their possessions. But I assure my selfe the mouth of malice cannot deny, but that our King hath been as wary and as wise in the choice of his Servants, Officers, and Counsellors, so far as eyes of flesh can see, in all respects, as in any Prince in Christendom, and more by man cannot be done.

And for the second, Their designe to change the Government of the State, shewed. that is, their designe to change the Go­vernment of the State, and to work the subversion of the Mo­narchie: he evinceth it,

1 By that Declaration upon the Earle of Straffords suffe­ring, 1. Way. that this example might not be drawn to a president for the future; because they thought that themselves, intending to do the like, and to become guilty of the same crimes, might by vertue of this Declaration be secured from the punishment, if things should succeed otherwise then they hoped.

2 By the pulling down of so many Courts of Justice, 2. Way. which may perhaps relieve the Subjects from some pressures, but in­courage many more in licentiousnesse, and prove the Prodromes to the ruine of our Monarchie.

3 By those 19. 3. Way. Propositions, whereby the King was in very deed, The Letter. p. 11. demanded to lay downe his Crowne, and to compound with them for the same; because (as another saith) therein, there was presented to him a perfect platforme of a totall change of Government, by which the Counsellors, indeed, were to have been Kings, and the King in name to have be­come scarce a Counsellor, and nothing of the present State to have remained, but the very names and titles of our Gover­nours.

4 By that expression (so little understood by many men, 4. Way. and yet so much talked of in many of their papers) of a power of re-assuming the trust, which is falsly pretended to bee de­rived unto his Majestie, by the meere humane pactions and agreement of the politique body of the people, which I shew­ed unto you to be a most false and a meere invented sugge­stion.

5 By their pretending to, 5. Way. and according to this doctrine [Page 107]their usurping of the power of the Militia both by sea and land.

6 By their actuall exercising of this power, 6. Way. in disposing of Offices, Generals, Colonels, Captains, and the like places of command in War, and appointing their Speaker Master of the Rolls, and other Officers of Peace.

6 By the expression of one of them to Sir Edward Dering, 7. Way. while he was yet of their Cabinet Counsell, that if they could bring down the Lords to the House of Commons, and make the King as one of the Lords, then the whole worke were done; that is, to make the Government of this Kingdom popular.

8 I may adde to these, 8. Way. as another unanswerable Argument of this Designe, the licencing of Master Pryn's Book of The sove­raigne Authoritie of Parliaments, and suffering the same to passe unquestioned to this very day; because that Booke de­vesteth the King of all his Soveraigntie, and maketh our Go­vernment Aristecraticall.

And this subversion of our Monarchicall Government was the last Designe, if not the grand Designe of this Faction: not that all the Members, which have voted all or most of those things that tended to this change, or be still remaining in either House, did intend any ill either to Church or State (for I know many, especially my ever honoured Lord, the Earle of Pem­broke and Montgomery, who, I dare avouch it in truth and ho­nestie, did ever, and as I beleeve doth still bear a most upright heart, and as sincere intentions (how soever perhaps by a mis­understanding his Lordship and the rest of those well meaning men may be misguided, as were those honest men that followed Absolon) both to Gods Service, the Kings Honour, and the happinesse both of Church and Common-wealth, as any man in the Kingdom) but that a Faction, it may be very few at first, have insensibly seduced the rest to effect their own Designe; and this Faction is all that I mean by the name of Parliament, throughout this whole Treatise; because their subtiltie hath prevailed over the plain integritie of the other well-minded men, to make up the major part of the House, both of the [Page 108] Lords and Commons; which thing hath often happened both in Generall Councels, and great Parliaments, as in the Councel of Constans and Trent, and many others, and that Parliament which was branded with the name of Parliamentum insanum, and the other somewhat like this, Tempore Hen. 3. in quo jngulum Ecclesiae atro­ciùs petebatur, and the like; for otherwise, I do both honour, and reverence this Parliament rightly understood, and every Member of the same, as much as any discreet Member can desire.

And therefore having thus discovered and displayed the Plots and practices of these infernall instruments, to insinuate their assistance unto the Scots, and their allurements of them to invade our Kings Dominions; to ensnare the Irish, and to provoke the Papists, to such a Rebellion as hath been the utter ruine and destruction of many millions of men; to obscure the glory of this noble Kingdome, to alter the Discipline, and cor­rupt the Doctrine of the most glorious and the purest Church, that professeth the Name of Christ, and to bring us all, and all our posteritie to extreme miseries, to suffer yet more then we have endured, or that can be hitherto imagined; and consider­ing those bloody Treasons that have beene publikely uttered and openly practised against the sacred Person of our Sove­raigne; I may justly say, that as the sinnes of the Israelites, and their impetuous calling for a King, moved the Lord to send them a King in his anger; so our sinnes, and our impatient cry­ing for a Parliament, made our God to send us a Parliament in his wrath, that will never turne for our blessing till we returne to God from our sinnes; for when I consider on the one side, the pietie and goodnesse of our King, the justnesse of his cause, and the most ready and cordiall valour, as well in the common Souldiers as the Commanders of a full and sufficient Armie; and on the other side, the multitude of disloyall and seduced Subjects, the vigilancie and subtiltie of their Commanders, with their unlimited wayes to get monies; and on both sides, the desire of too many, not for the honour of the King, nor the peace of the Kingdome to end the War, but to continue the same for their own advantage, untill the wealth of Lawyers, [Page 109]Clergy, and Gentrie, be transplanted to the possessions of other Masters, I am affraid it wil prove an heavie judgement; and therfore, lest our obstinacie in our sinnes should procure the continuance of Gods anger, which being removed will soone remove all our miseries; let me perswade all conscientious men, especially the Gentry, and all other understanding men, (howsoever the Citizens that deceive the Kingdome of their wealth, delight to be deceived in their faith) that would not be cheated of their Religion by these factious Mountebankes, and that would not provoke God to say, I have no pleasure in them, to turne from their rebellious courses, to listen no longer to those furious fire-brands, that out of their now Divinity, contrary to the Doctrine of all the ancient Fathers, and all the Orthodox and grave Preachers of this Kingdome, do incite the People unto this unnaturally bloody War, and to slander the foot-steps of Gods Anointed; because they know him not, and to remember the Oathes of their Allegiance and Supremacie, together with their late Protestation, whereby they stand obli­ged to their uttermost power to maintaine his Majesties Royall Person, Crowne, and Dignity, against all treacherous practices, that may any waies dishonour or impaire them: and then I pre­sume their consciences will disavow the proceedings of these Proj [...]ctours, protest against all their Ordinances, that are made against or without the Kings consent, advise all the Knights and Burgesses to Vote no more against their Soveraigne, and to make no further use of the trust they reposed in them, to murder us and our fellow Subjects under the pretence of shedding the bloud of the ungodly; or if they still goe on to abuse that trust, (to make us yet more miserable) to withdraw themselves and their trust and power of representation from them, and to joyne their uttermost assistance unto his Majesty to protect him, that he may be enabled to protect us, and to overwhelme the Robels into the same pit which they have made for us.

And this may be, by dissolving the knot of factious members wherein we see our miseries involved, and to make elections of new members into their places, that with the rest of the Lords and Commons, which were faithfull both to the Church, King, [Page 110]and Kingdome, shall call them to a strict account, for betraying our trust, interrupting our peace, opposing his Majestie, and violating all our ancient liberties.

Or if a better way may be found, let us follow the same to Gods glory, and to produce the peace and happinesse of this Kingdome; lest, if we persist obstinately in this wilfull rebelli­on, to withstand Gods Ordinance, to oppose his anointed, and to shed so much innocent blood, we shall, thus fighting against heaven, so far provoke the wrath of the God of Heaven, as that the glory of Israel shall be darkned, the honour of this na­tion shall be troden under foot, and be made the scorne of all o­ther nations round about us, and the light of our Candlestick shall be extinguished, and we shall all become most miserable; because we would not hearken to the voyce of the Lord our God, which I hope we will doe, and do most earnestly pray that we may doe it, to the glory of God, the honour of our King, and the happinesse of this whole Kingdome, through Iesus Christ our Lord, to whom be praise and dominion; both now and for ever. Amen.