TO write the life and reign of this King, re­quires a better book-man, and a better pen-man: that which I have to observe, is onely to render him as great a Tyrant as any of the rest; for though his fearfulness kept him from wars and blood, yet as much as was in his power he laid as many springs to enslave this Nation as ever any; His will was the sole [Page 38] rule of his Government; nor had the people any thing to act but submissive obedience. His first work was to sound the Prelates and Nobility, whose am­bition and corruption he found suitable and service­able to his intentions; and 'twas their infusion, so a­greeable to his disposition, that made him carry him­self so majestically to the Parliament of England, (a power he might justly fear to offend) but their Coun­cels (though they then ser­ved his and their ends) are [Page 39] now come upon them like a storm, the one voted down root and branch, the other voted uselesse and dangerous.

The King brings with him a generall Peace with all Christendome, not con­sidering the particular in­terest of this Nation, whe­ther it were honourable, or safe, as the affaires of England then stood, his Predecessour having ta­ken upon her to be Head, and Protectrix of the Protestant party where­soever: But he had his [Page 40] ends to himself. First he had heard how many and how often attempts had been used to take away the life of Queen Elizabeth, whom God notwithstand­ing preserved and protect­ed, by the diligence of her servants: but he would ra­ther trust to his King-craft, then to Gods providence.

Then having taken a­way all thought of wars, his design was to luxuriate the people, that so hee might more insensibly lay that foundation of tyrany he intended.

[Page 41] And now comes tumb­ling in monstrous excesse of Riot, which consumed many good Families, and more good Hospitality, formerly the glory both of our Nobility and Gentry; with an incredible increase of Tavernes and Bawdy-houses, for which two we are to this day beholding to the Scots.

And with this King, and this Peace, came the great­est Plague that ever this Kingdome felt before his time; as if God had told us from heaven we had de­served [Page 42] it, by betraying our selves; and which was but a light fore-running pu­nishment, in respect of what in time should fol­low; and yet peradven­ture that Plague was but a shadow of himselfe, the greater.

The Kingdome could not afford more pomp and glory, then was shewn when King James came first through London; and 'twas so much the more considerable as to him, that from a nasty barren Coun­try, (rather a Dunghil then [Page 43] a Kingdome) came to be at that instant as great a Prince as any in Christen­dome: And indeed it was the wonder of those States­men who had had expe­rience of the gallantry of this Nation, that a Scot should enjoy this Crown without resistance. If the temper of these our dayes had then (as now) taken head, we had saved much blood: much mony, and in all likelihood been long since setled to such a free State, as we yet struggle for; Rich, and secure.

[Page 44] Long had he waited for the death of Queen Eliza­beth; but longer had they waited, that waited upon him: for had not their hopes as well as his expect­ed their shares of spoils of this Kingdome, we may with out doing any wrong to that Nation, conclude him in the fate of his many Predecessors, whom they murdered. His Stock was odious to the more anci­ent Nobility of that Nati­on; and the cloak of the Kirk would have served without scruple for such a [Page 45] covering, as the Grand-Signior uses to send men doom'd to death.

His original Extract I find was this:

Banchoo a Nobleman of Scotland, had a fair Lady to his daughter, whom Mackbeth the King desires to have the use of; Banchoo refuses, and Mackbeth mur­ders him, and takes the La­dy by force.

Fleance, the son of Ban­choo, fearing the Tyrants cruelty, flies into Wales to Griffin ap Lhewellin the Prince of Wales. Lhewellin [Page 46] entertaines him with all hospitable civility. Fleance to requite his courtesie, gets Lhewellins daughter with child: Lhewellin mur­ders Fleance, and Lhewellins daughter is afterward de­livered of a son, named Walter; this son proves a gallant man, and falling out with a Noble person in Wales, that call'd him Bastard, Walter slew him, and for his safeguard fled into Scotland, where in continuance of time he gained so much reputation and favour, that he became [Page 47] Steward of the whole Re­venue of that Kingdome, of which Office, he and his posterity retained the sirname, and from whence all the Kings and Nobles in that Nation of that name had their originall; here's a goodly founda­tion.

For his Person, a man might sufficiently and tru­ly make a Volume, onely to tell of his lazinesse, and his uncleannesse; but I cannot do it without foul­ing too much paper.

He was a great preten­der [Page 48] to Learning and Reli­gion, and for the specula­tive part, had as much as any of our Kings upon re­cord; but for the practi­cal, and best part of it (if we may judge of the Tree by the Fruit) we may with­out breach of charity con­clude him not guilty: He was the greatest Blasphe­mer in the world; sweare faster then speak, and curse the people by the clock: And it appeares by the whole course of his life, that he was a most malici­ous hater of this Nation.

[Page 49] That insolent act of Ram­sey's switching my Lord of Montgomery, at Bansted-Downs at a Horse-race, was questionlesse a laid quarrel to have destroyed much of our English Nobility; and had it been practised upon any but that thin-soul'd Lord, who was importun'd but to draw his sword, that had been a bloody day: what reserve the Scots had was never known; but such an affront is not to be construed without reser­vation.

[Page 50] The King was naturally fearful, even as low as could be; And what he would do, and durst not own, that he would do by his Fa­vourites, whom (for the fitness of his designs) he would raise from low de­gree, to oblige them the more, and to desert them with more ease, and shift them often til he had them sitted to his purpose.

Dunbar was too solid, Hayes too light; Northamp­ton too crafty, Montgomery too silly, (here's two Eng­lish, two Scots, all deserted) [Page 51] And now he hath found a young Scot, that had been one of his Pages in Scot­land, and turn'd off with fifty pounds in mony and cloaths, to seek his fortune; having spent his time, and his means in France, comes over hither, and for his fashion and language, is entertained by his country man, then Lord Hayes, (an­other Scot of the like ex­tract) for a Page, where the King takes notice of him, calls for him, and at the first dash makes him one of the Bed-chamber, [Page 52] and suddenly his Favour­ite, and Knight Sir Robert, then Viscount Rochester, and after Earl of Somerset. This man the King had wound up to his just pitch, of whom we may justly say Trim tram, Like master, like man. When this man had long wallowed in his Ma­sters bounty, and the trea­sures of this Kingdome, he fell the foullest that ever man did, upon the rocks of dishonor, adultery, and murder: Of dishonour, to a Noble Peer of this Land, and in him to the whole, [Page 53] Nobility; Adultery, not only to bewhore her, but to get her divorced, and marry her; And murder, upon the body of that un­fortunate Gentleman, Sir Thomas Overbury, only for disswading him.

And here it is much to our purpose, to insert how this Favorites carriage had highly offended Pr. Henry, who understanding the loose kind of life this man lived, especially relating to her, distastes him, dis­respects him, and forbears his company, and flatly fals [Page 54] out with him. Somerset complaines to the King: shortly the Prince falls sick and dies.

That he was poysoned, hath been a common fame ever since: But to snuffe the candle, and make it burn cleare, take the te­stimony of these famous Physitians, that dissected his body, and have left it upon record under their hands.

[Page 57] This Prince was an active man, and full of high thoughts; A Lover of this Nation, and lookt upon by them with much affection and expectation. What feares & jealousies Somerset might maliciously infuse into the Kings too fearful and timorous soul, we can­not tell: but that language from Somerset to the Lieu­tenant of the Tower, when he told him he must pro­vide himself to go the next morning to Westminster to his Trial, said, He would not; That the King had assured [Page 58] him, he should not come to any trial; neither durst the King bring him to any trial. This language, I say, stinks abominably: And when he did come to his Trial, fearing (being enraged) that he might flie out into some strange discovery, there were two men placed on each side of him with cloaks on their arms, with peremptory cōmand, that if Sommerset did any way flie out against the King, they should instantly hood­wink him w^th their cloaks, take him violently from [Page 59] the Bar, and carry him a­way: and this could be no mans act but the Kings. He would often boast of his King-craft; but if his feares, and Somersets malice took this Princes life a­way, 'twas a sweet peece of King-craft indeed, but the fruit of it hath been bitter.

I cannot enough admire that language hee used, when he gave in charge to his Judges the Examinati­on of Sir Thomas Overburi [...] murder:

[Page 60] My Lords,I charge you, as you will answer it at that great and terrible day of Judgment, that you examine it strictly, without favour, affection, or partiality: And if you shall spare any guilty of this crime; Gods curse light upon you and your po­sterity; and if I shall spare any that are found guilty, Gods curse light on me and my posterity for ever.

This expression hath a most honest out-side: but if the King had a designe of feare, rather to be so rid of Somerset, then an inward [Page 61] desire of Justice, 'twas monstrous foule; which we shall better judge of by the sequel.

Seven persons were by the Judges condemned to die for this foule murder; four of them of the least account, and accessaries, are executed; the three great ones, and principals, the King pardons; and to So­merset himself, to his dying day, was most profusely li­beral, and suffered to live with that fire-brand of hel his wife, under the Kings nose, all the dayes of their lives.

[Page 62] Here's fine jugling! these must be saved, for fear of telling Scotch tales of the King. Would the spi­rits of those noble souls of these our dayes, put up such a piece of injustice in the master, and such an af­front and contempt of this Nation, both from the Ma­ster and the man (two Scots) without vengeance? I believe not.

And this Favourite of his, when his estate was sei­sed upon for this foul mur­der, was found to have two hundred thousand [Page 63] pounds in mony, plate and jewels, in his house; and nineteen thousand pounds a year in Lands comming in: a fine advance from a Scots Page; fifty pounds, and a Suit of Cloaths: (and can any man tel for what?) I never heard that all Scot­land was worth so much. But enough of him.

This King had no Wars; but spent more mony pro­digally, profusely, and rio­tously then any of his Pre­decessors.

What swarms of Scots came with him, and after [Page 64] him, into this kingdome? who perpetually suckt him of most vast sums of mo­neys, which stand yet upon record; which put him upon all dishonourable wayes of raising monies, to the most cruell oppres­sion of this Nation, to serve their riot and luxury: but there are many yet living can justifie this truth: Though they lived a while at such a height; yet they died like themselves, con­temptible, miserable Beg­gers; and at this day scarce one of them can shew the [Page 65] fruits of those vast dona­tives, either in themselves, or their posterity, that's worth looking upon: And so let them all perish, whomsoever, Scots or Eng­lish, whose foundation is such. Though, I see no rea­son but any estate may be now questioned, which is known to have been raised upon the oppression of this Nation; nor that any title of Honour so bought should descend to poste­rity.

A Lord is to be a Lord by merit of imployment in [Page 66] some noble Office, for the publique good; not by projecting tricks, and co­zening devices to fill a Ty­rant's Coffers, to the ensla­ving of a gallant free Na­tion. But, &c. to return to King James.

In those dayes 'tis true, the Bishops, Nobility, and the Lawyers, had a great influence upon the people for their abilities, and sup­posed honesties; yet a­mongst these, such are found, and others are made such, that whatsoever the King would have, they are [Page 67] fit, and willing instru­ments to bring it about, and make it passe for cur­rant Divinity, and Law. Witnesse,

The burning of a whole Cart-load of Parliament Presidents, that spake the Subjects Liberty; that were burnt at the Kings first comming.

Witnesse the Nullity.

Witnesse the life of Sir Walter Rawleigh, that was taken away in point of State, whose least part was of more worth then the whole race of the best of [Page 68] the Scots Nation.

Witnes, the inhancing of Customes.

Witnes, Privy Seals, Mo­nopolies, and Loans, Bene­volences, Sales of Lands, Woods, Fines, New-build­ings.

Witnes, the lamentable losse of the Palatinate.

Witnes, the Treaty of the Spanish-Match.

In which two last, this Nation received more dis­honour, then in any action any former age can paralel, and all under the colour of an honourable Treaty. His [Page 69] Daughter was undone, and his Son bob'd of a Wife, after the hazard of his Per­son, and vast expence of in­finite treasure to this day undischarged.

I could never under­stand what piece of King­craft it was, to let the Prince his onely Son, with Buckingham his favourite, make that Voyage into Spain, unlesse it were to be rid of them both: and had he not had to do with a noble Enemy, surely they had never returned.

[Page 70] Hee would sometimes call a Parliament, for mo­ny, not for busines: But if the Kingdome presented any grievances, he would quarrel by his prerogative, and dissolve it.

One Letter of his to the Parliament, I cannot read but with amazement: which being but briefe, take here from his own hand.

[Page 75] I leave every Reader to comment upon it, accord­ing to his own patience and passion: But, that a Scot, from so beggerly a condition, to be so peace­ably and honorably recei­ved to so royal a govern­ment over so brave a Na­tion, should use such un­gratefull, presumptuous, and proud language to the Parliament of England, is to my understanding mon­strous, horrible, and not good. But 'twas his humor all his reign; with impa­tience over-ruling, with [Page 76] jealousies threatning, and at pleasure to dissolve all Parliaments, thereby to lay that foundation of ty­rannical and arbitrary go­vernment, which he inten­ded to bring upon us.

His Favourite Somerset being condemn'd, and qui­etly laid aside, he was ready provided of another, George Villiers by name, a handsom young man, lately return'd out of France, from an allowance of Threescore pounds a year: who comes to Court, is admitted to a [Page 77] bearers place, presently Knighted, and made Gen­tleman of the Bedchamber, and the same day a Thou­sand pounds a yeare out of the Court of Wards given him; and in a breath made Master of the Horse, then Knight of the Garter, then Baron of Whadon, Viscount Villiers, Earl of Somerset, and a Privy-Councellor, Mar­quesse of Buckingham, Lord Admiral of England, Chief Justice in Eyre of all the Parks and Forrests on the South-side of Trent, Master of the Kings-Bench Office, [Page 78] Head—Steward of West­minster, and Constable of Windsor-Castle, and lastly Duke; and then he could go no higher in title; but by his Masters pleasure and courtesie, all the affairs of the Kingdome are steered by his compasse, as is at large made known in ma­ny mens writings publish­ed. Yet when he knew his Master (notwithstand­ing his slabbering expres­sions of affection, and extravagant Honours and riches) to be weary of him, he found a Plaister and a [Page 79] Powder, that made him a­mends for all his favours; And here the King-craft met with his match. How far King Charles might be privy to this busines, I de­termine not; but the pri­vate familiarity between them, continued so long after, and protecting him from being questioned for this very particular in Par­liament, is no small pre­sumption.

But what the King de­nied (Justice) God sent by the hand of John Felton, who stabb'd this Duke at [Page 80] Portsmouth, with a ten peny knife, that hee instantly gave up the ghost with these words, Gods wounds, I am slain!

To write all those acti­ons this Duke did by these two Kings favours, in pre­judice of this oppressed Nation, would make a cho­lerick man mad, and a fleg­matick stupid: but let him go; the King is the thing I intend, who made use of him, the flattering Prelates, the poor-spirited Nobility, and corrupt Lawyers, to frame such a Government, [Page 81] as all the wealth in this kingdome should be at the Kings disposing.

Which course, with such instructions, he left to his Son; and how his Son ma­naged them, hath been so clearly published by Su­preme Authority, fairely written by sowhite a hand, that I intend not here to say much of that Prince: Only this I can say; He was a man so wilfull, ob­stinate, and uxorious, that he quite forsook his own interest as a King, and the honour and interest of [Page 82] this Nation, thorough malice, and her counsel; and did so farre incline to the interest of France against Spaine, (and no thankes for his labour) that by his meanes alone Rochel and Dunkirk were both lost: But that, and his Fathers instructions, lost him, with the losse of more blood and treasure to this Nation, then all our wars had spent since the William the Norman.

It hath been to me the greatest wonder of the world, how this King could [Page 83] be so blind, as not to pre­vent that storm that came upon him, till it was too late. Were all his Coun­sellors false? O unhappy King! Or would he be ru­led by none but himselfe and his wife? O more un­happy man! (Surely in this was the hand of God most visible.) Mischief was in his heart against this Nati­on; but it came upon him­self & all his, as the world hath seen.

There was about the time of his death, a Book published, which was pre­sented [Page 84] to the world, as He the Author: which was so gross an imposture, that I have much marvail'd (the fraud being so plain, and easily detected) that no course hath been taken to find him out, and punish'd, that made it: For that it was not his, is as plainly to be discerned, as the Sun at noon. But that false per­fume lasted but a while, & the scent was only plea­sing to them that could not smell.

[Page 85] So that I may say, that in our dayes we have seen two the most remarkable and most eminent passages of humane affaires, that this Nation hath afforded since the Creation:

The Entrance of King James into this Kingdome, with as much pomp and glory as the World could afford:

And the Exit of his Son, with as much shame and misery as could befall a King.

[Page 86] And although God Al­mighty be the Judge of all men; yet Gods judgments that are so remarkable, are for our instructions, and God is to be glorified by us for these judgments of his upon this Kings family.

I cannot in the best sto­ries I have read, find who was clearly King James his Father.

Mary Queen of Scotland (a lusty young Widow) marries the Lord Darly son to the D. of Lenox, in the year 1565. or thereabouts: [Page 87] and at the same time, had for a reserve in great favor with her an Italian Fidler, and Bothwel a Scotch Lord. After marriage, the Queen proves with childe. The King her husband, that was Lord Darly, (enraged by some informations) comes into the roome where the Queen his wife was at sup­per, and very big; drags the Italian Fidler into another roome, and murders him. The Queen was shortly delivered of a Son, which was our King James. The solemnity of the Christen­ing [Page 88] ended, she and Bothwel murdred the King her hus­band. Then the Queen marries Bothwel, (and all this in a moment of time) but they are both fain to flie; The Queen came in­to England, and was here beheaded; Bothwel fled in­to Denmark, and there lay in prison all the dayes of his life.

And now (Reader) ob­serve the fortune of this prodigious Family.

His supposed Father was strangled in his bed, by the consent of his mother, and [Page 89] flung out into a garden.

His Mother is beheaded.

His eldest Son Pr. Henry, by the jealousie, and con­sent of his Father, in the flower of his youth and strength of his age, is poy­soned.

His Daughter, married to the Palsgrave; where shortly her Husband (in ambition to becom a king) is slain, and she with her many children are driven out of their estates, and flie for shelter into Holland, where she hath lived ever since upon the courtesie of this State.

[Page 90] Her eldest Son, having lived long upon a particu­lar charity of this Nation, is now at length restored to a feather of his goose.

Two other of her sons, after six yeares following arms and plunder for King Charles, turn'd Pyrates at sea, and so are at pre­sent.

King James himself (after two & twenty years reign, by the act of his Favourite Buckingham, and the con­sent of his son Charles that succeeded him) is poy­soned.

[Page 91] King Charles, after eight years was with the Parlia­ment, is taken, arraigned and condemn'd, and is be­headed at his own dores; his Wife fled home to her friends, and his Children scattered abroad in the world, to live upon the charity of others.

Are all these circumstan­ces to be slighted, or un­considered? And shall we take the Priests word; King James was of blessed memory? I challenge the proudest of them; let them publish one cleare act of [Page 92] Honesty from him all the time of his reign, or any honestman that ever he lo­ved, & I'le yield. His hypo­crisie, perjury, cowardise, blasphemy, malice, are known to all; and base in­gratitude, which compre­hends more then all the rest: whereof one example of him is well worth our remembring, to Sir Henry Wo [...]on, which briefly was thus:

Sir Henry (a man for per­son & parts highly esteem­ed, and honoured of all that knew him) being in [Page 93] Florence, when Queen Eli­zabeths death drew nigh, (which King Iames gaped for) the Duke of Florence had intercepted some Let­ters, which discovered a designe to take away the life of King James: The Duke abhorring the fact, resolves to endeavour the prevention, calls for his Secretary to advise by what meanes a caution might be best given to the King; and it was resolved to be done by Sir Henry Wotton, who (being well instructed) is presently [Page 94] dispatched into Scotland with Letters to the King, and most rare Antidotes against all manner of poy­sons, whereby that mis­chief was prevented; and Sir Henry Wotton returns into Italy, where shortly after came the news of the death of Queen Elizabeth, and James King of Scots proclaimed King of Eng­land; and away comes Sir Henry Wotton, to joy the King.

This had been a fit Sub­ject for to have shewn his Noble minde upon for a [Page 95] Favourite: but what doth the King? takes him into two and twenty years tra­vaile, like a pack horse, to make him an Agent in for­reign parts, and leaves him in his old age in Eaton-Colledge, unable to pay his debts, as many appear by his lamentable complaint upon his death-bed; his words are these in his Last-Will and Testament.

This president alone is so transcendently foul, as all his other actions and passi­ons are vertues to it. Fel­lowes of no merit, at home, must wallow in his bounty and their own luxury, to do his foul pleasure, and to execute his tyranical acti­ons; [Page 97] whilest such a Noble Soul as this, must suffer want, and die in it.

And now lay all these things together, the lives of all our former Kings, and the lamentable condi­tion of this Nation under these two last; and tell me if it were not high time to consider of the honour, welfare and security of this Nation, by reducing it to a Free-State.

[Page 98] But before I take my leave of these Kings, I would willingly (as a Pre­parative to the cordial a­greement of our Free-State) present some few Conside­rations; and herein I shall onely shew my hand, and my heart, wishing that some abler Pen-man may more substantially publish something to this purpose, in better language, and more at large.

First, How often wee have been made slaves to Forreign powers, by not [Page 99] agreeing among our selvs.

Our Kings having other Dominions beyond seas, have consum'd our blood and treasure, to defend, maintain, or increase them at their pleasures: And their frequent matching into strangers blood, hath increased new titles, and pretences of quarrels, that have afforded matter for bitter warres, both abroad and at home. All which are now laid asleep.

Next is worth our seri­ous consideration, How [Page 100] God Almighty in his pro­vidence hath divided us from all the World by a wall of Water, and hath brought us into a conditi­on this day, by Shipping, Trade, and able Sea-men and Merchants, that no Prince in Christendome can shew the like for num­ber and abilitie: So that now we have no Comple­ments for Matches, nor bu­sines with Foraign Princes but for Trade. And here let me use the words of Sir Walter Raleigh, in his Dis­course of Shipping:

A faire invitation to cherish Shipping, Sea-men, and Merchants.

And if hereafter we fall into difference with any Forreign Prince, we fight for our selves, not for ill­grounded Titles, nor to satisfie the ambition of [Page 102] particular, nor to main­tain the luxury of any spu­rious Issue.

There are but two things (which I mentioned in the Introduction) can obstruct us (as I hope) IRELAND, and Envious Presbytery: The Royalist, I presume, will heare reason; And SCOTLAND, I suppose, will shortly be reduced to an English Province, and kept so by force; for Jocky is not to be trusted; He is naturally so false, and hath been so high-fed since their [Page 103] Scotch king came to this Crowne, that his owne Country—fare will not down, till they be hum­bled, (which, God be thanked, is in a faire way.)

Yet if there be any of that Nation sensible of their owne security and welfare under our wing, (which I much feare) that shall comply in this union, I shall pray to God to make them good Christians.

And if any Forreigne Prince whatsoever, shall [Page 104] hereafter (through ambi­tion, or envy to our State, or pretence of donation from the Pope) assist or maintain, a Faction either in Scotland or Ireland, (as heretofore) to hinder, pre­judice, or molest our right or interest in these, or ei­ther of these places; I see no reason why we should treat with them as friends.

But I am now beside my Cushion: my end is only to prepare and perswade a hearty Agreement a­mongst our selves, to the [Page 105] secure setling of our Free-State. So farewell Scot, and farewell King; And GOD blesse the Common­wealth of ENGLAND.