A cat may look upon a king

A cat may look upon a king

Table of contents

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Title page

TO THE READER.

The Introduction.

King William The Conqueror.

William Rufus.

Henry 1.

King Stephen.

Henry 2.

Richard 1.

King John.

Henry 3.

Edward 1.

Edward 2.

Edward 3.

Richard 2.

Henry 4.

Henry 5.

Henry 6. AND Edward 4.

Richard 3.

Henry 7.

Henry 8.

King James.

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Courteous Reader, These Books following are printed and sold by William Roybould, at his Shop at the Unicorn in S. Pauls Church-yard, neer the Little North-door.

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[...]ars Puer Alecto, Virgo, VULPES, Leo, Nullu▪

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A CAT May look upon a KING.

[depiction of a cat]

London, Printed for William Roybould, at the Unicorn in Pauls Church-yard. 1652.

TO THE READER.

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IF I were Master either of good Language, or good Method; I would then presume to present this ensuing Discourse, & according to the fashion, [Page] intreat thy courteous acceptance: But being so rude & naked (yet true) I send it forth into the World to take its fortune with the rest of the Paperbrats of this Age: some may fret, some may laugh; both please me alike: my end only is, that [Page] we may all of us, after so much blood & treasure spent, with hearts and hands, pray for and endeavor the welfare, security, & prosperity of the whole.

Adieu.

The Introduction.

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THE unparallel'd Transactions of these our late times have raised in mee such a confusion of thoughts, that I resolved to look back; as a man that is stunn'd with a stone, looks not after the stone, but after the hand that flung it.

[Page] And surely I find (by the help of my spectacles) King JAMES was the Fountain of all our late Afflictions and miseries.

It hath been a custome among our flattering Priests (for I know none else used it) upon mention of deceased Princes, to use the expression, Of blessed memory; and so I believe have used it, ever since William the Bastard of Normandy over-ran this Kingdome. Which begat another itch in me, to search the lives of all our Kings since him, [Page] to see if any of them had deserved that reverend remembrance. And first for

King William The Conqueror.

I Know no better testimony of him, then out of his own mouth, lying upon his death-bed: his words take as followeth.

The EnglishI hated; the Nobles I dishonoured, the Commons I cruelly vexed, and many I unjustly disinherited: In the County ofYork,and sundry other places, an [Page]innumerable sort with hunger and sword I slew; And thus that beautifull Land and Noble Nation, I made desolate with the deaths of many thousands.

William Rufus.

THis King did not only oppresse and fleece this Nation, but rather with importunate exactions did as it were flay off their skins. His chiefest consorts were effeminated persons, [Page] Ruffians, and the like; and himselfe delighted in continual adulteries, and company of Concubines (even before the sun.) None thrived about him, but Treasurers, Collectors, and Promoters: Hee sold all Church—preferments for mony, and took Fines of the Priests for fornication.

Hunting in that most remarkable New-Forrest, Walter Tyrrel shot him to the heart with an arrow out of a Crosse-bow, whether of purpose or not, is no great matter.

Henry 1.

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IS branded with Covetousnesse, and intolerable taxations; and cruelty upon his elder brother, whom he kept in perpetual prison, and put out both his eyes: and for his most excellent leachery, leaving behind him fourteen Bastards.

King Stephen.

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IN famous for perjurie; a hater of this Nation, whom he durst never trust, but oppressed this Land with strangers, notwithstanding that he had received the Crown upon courtesie; dyes, and leaves behind him two bastards.

Henry 2.

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NEver such a horrid extractor of monies from the Subjects, as this King; and is infamous for perjury, jealousie, and lechery; curses all his children upon his death-bed, and so dies leaving three bastards.

Richard 1.

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RAked more money by unparalell'd Taxes upon this Nation, then any King before him: his voyage to the Holy-Land pared them to the bones by many unjust wayes; but his unlucky return quite ruined it: He dyes by a poyson'd arrow, and leaves two Bastards.

King John.

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OF this King we cannot reckon so many impieties as he had: Unnatural to his own blood, to the wife in his bosom; bloody to Nobility and Clergy; Perjury, often swearing, but never kept his word; betrayes the Crowne and Kingdome to the Pope; And rather then want his will to ruine both Church, Nobles, and the whole Nation, sends Ambassadours [Page] to a Moor, a mighty King in Africa, to render unto him this kingdome of England, to hold it from him as his Soveraign Lord, to renounce Christ, and receive Mahomet. In the heat of his wars with the Nobility, Gentry, and Commons of this Land, repaires to the Abbey of Swines-head, where he is poysoned, and leaves behind him three Bastards.

Henry 3.

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A Chip of the old block, for no Oath could bind him; Jealous of the Nobility, brings in strangers, despiseth all counsell in Parliament, wastes all the Treasure of the kingdome in Civil wars, sells his Plate and Jewels, and pawnes his Crown.

Edward 1.

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GOvern'd his will by his power, and shed more blood in this Kingdome, then any of his fore-runners; counted his Judges as dogs, and died as full of malice as he lived full of mischief.

Edward 2.

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A Man given to all sorts of unworthy vanities, and sinful delights: The scourge and disgrace of this Nation in Scotland, against a handfull of men, with the greatest strength of England. After so many perjuries about his Favourite Gaveston, and slaughter of the Nobility, he is deposed and murdered.

Edward 3.

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TO his everlasting staine of honor, surrenders by his Charter, his Title of Soveraignty to the kingdom of Scotland; restores the Deeds and Instruments of their former homages and fealties (though after the Scots paid dear for it) to supply his want. Whatsoever he yielded to in Parliament, was for the most part presently revoked: And in that Parliament which was called [Page] The Good, they desire the King (having abundantly supplied his wants) to remove from Court four persons of special prejudice to his Honour, and the Kingdomes, with one Dame Alice Piers, the Kings Concubine, an impudent troublesome woman: But no sooner ended this Parliament, having gotten their monies, but those four forbidden return to Court, and their wonted insolencies: The Speaker, who had presented the Kingdomes grievances, at the [Page] suit of Alice Piers, is committed to perpetual imprisonment.

Richard 2.

TIs said of this King, he spared neither the dignity, nor the life of any that crost his pleasure; spared neither lewd example, nor vild action, to follow cruell councell; A man plung'd in pleasure, and sloth; in his private councels would alter whatsoever [Page] the Parliament had setled; neglects his debts; prodigal to strangers, destroyes the Nobility; and for his hypocrisie, cruelty, perjury, and tyranny, is deposed and murdered at Pomfret-Castle.

Henry 4.

SO true is that Distych translated out of Suetonius:

Who first exil'd,

and after crown'd,

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His reign with blood

will much abound.

For after he had murdered his Predecessor, nothing took up this Kings reigne but ruine and blood upon the Nobility and Gentry of this Kingdome, with such unsufferable taxes as never were before, nor since.

Henry 5.

THis King reigned about nine years and a halfe, all which time our stories [Page] mention nothing but his wars, raising of monies, and spending the blood of this poor Nation.

Henry 6. AND Edward 4.

WEre two men, born as it were, for ruine, blood and misery to this kingdome; whose lives and actions no man can read with patience: That [Page] so much treasure and so many mens lives should be spent and lost, to maintain the ambition, luxury, pride and tyranny of but two men, in so many set-battels fought in the bowels of this kingdom. Henry was stab'd with a dagger by the Duke of Glocester in the Tower. Edward died at Westminster and left behind him two bastards, and a miserable Whore Jane Shore.

Richard 3.

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A Monster of lust & cruelty; whose murders, too many to be here repeated, are at large set down in our Chronicles, with his attempts of Rape and Incest. So perfect he was in villany and hypocrisie, that he would alwayes use most faire language, and shew greatest signs of love and courtesie to that man in the morning, whose throat he had [Page] taken order for to be cut that night; and was the first I read of in our stories, that ever used that oath, God—damn—me. He was slain at Bosworth-field; his body stark naked & mangled, besmear'd with blood and dust, was brought upon a horse to Leicester, where for a spectacle of hate and scorn, he lay two dayes unburied.

Henry 7.

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THis King, my Lord of Virulam hath washt his face so cleane with good language, that without a neer approach he is hardly discovered: But surely I find no right he had to the Crown, more then the consent of the people, (which was not then in fashion) whom hee never durst trust neither, his heart continually burning to destroy all sparks of the [Page] right blood, and their Abettors. How was the Lord Chamberlaines life jugled away for his thoughts, and his estate which was so considerable, with many more of our Nobility. And for that story of Richard Duke of York, son to Edward the 4. under the name of Perkin Warbeck, I do as verily believe he was the said Duke of York, as I believe Henry the 8. was the son of this Henry the 7. the circumstances being so pregnant from so many persons of honour, but nothing [Page] more confirmes me in it, then this kings indefatigable paines and most infinite cost to get him, and ruine him, and with him the harmless Earl of Warwick, the one beheaded, the other hang'd at Tyburn; and surely though this king did far excell all his predecessors in craft, yet was he as guilty of cruelty and blood as the worst of them; Nor can all the water in the Sea wash from him those two monstrous sins of Avarice and Ingratitude.

Henry 8.

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TO say much of him, were to make you surfeit; Sir Walter Raleigh's testimony of him is sufficient. If all the pictures and patternes of a merciless Prince were lost in the world, they might all be painted again to the life out of the story of this King: His vast expence of treasure, and profuse blood-shed, made this Kingdome look with a ghastly face; and to express [Page] him fully, this remaines of him to everlasting, That he never spared man in his anger, nor woman in his lust. I do none of them wrong, for thus I find them branded to my hand by publique Records: and surely this puts me in mind of a story I have heard in Spain; A Friar preacht before Don Pedro the king, sirnamed the Cruel, took his Text which invited him to extoll Regal Dignity to its highest pitch, often saying, Few kings went to hell; but in the [Page] close of his Sermon, said, You may, peradventure, wonder that I so often tell you that few kings go to hell, marry the reason is, there are but few kings, for if there were more, they would go all to the Devil.

Of all these our kings, I would know which was of blessed memory, who ruled by blood, oppression, and injustice upon this nation, in contempt of God and man: Let no man now wonder if this Nation endeavour (after so long and grievous bondage under [Page] tyranny) to reduce themselves into a free State.

And as the face of things do now appeare in their glory (for such surely they are) I see no great hinderance to an honorable, and secure setling of this Nation in a free State to the worlds end, if we can agree amongst our selves (which I pray God we may.) If an honest League be made, and as honestly kept betwixt us and the Hollander, (not that I care much for Hans, but because he is a man of business, and surely [Page] 'tis Trade must make this Nation rich and secure) I know no power in Christendome can hurt us: Shipping and Mariners must be cherished, the value of our money so setled, that the Mint may go plentifully; our Gold must not be sold for profit as Merchandize, by the fraudulent Goldsmith to Merchants to transport, nor our Silver by them pickt and cull'd, to sell to Refiners for silver thread to make superfluous Lace. (These digressions, though [Page] true, crave pardon.) As the wheels of our State are many whereon it goes, so there are (God be thanked) sufficient to attend them, and make them go right: Let them go on and prosper, and I doubt not but that shortly we shall see a clear light shine upon this Nation, of honour, respect, and security.

Now in the close of this Preface, if any man aske why I have curtail'd the lives and persons of these thus; I answer, the Common people of this kingdome [Page] cannot attend to read Chronicles, and they are the major part whom it concerns; and now by the providence of God, that we are reduced to a Free State, in this little Book I would have them hereafter know for whom and for what they fight, and pay. Next, if any man ask why I make such mention of their Bastards; I answer, onely to let the world see what foundation these six and twenty Bastards have laid for honourable, Noble, and right [Page] Worshipfull Familes of a long continuance, which have been maintained by the blood and treasure of this oppressed Nation. If why I mention not Edward the 5. and Edward the 6. I say they were children, and so died, affording no matter for this present. If why I omit Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth; I answer, I have nothing to do with women, and I wish I never had. But I must not make the door bigger then the house, I have onely one Vote to passe, That Ireland [Page] may once be setled in obedience to this Commonwealth, and Scotland reduced to an English Province, that there may never more be heard the name of a Kirk, or Covenant; and so I address my self to King James.

King James.

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TO write the life and reign of this King, requires a better book-man, and a better pen-man: that which I have to observe, is onely to render him as great a Tyrant as any of the rest; for though his fearfulness kept him from wars and blood, yet as much as was in his power he laid as many springs to enslave this Nation as ever any; His will was the sole [Page] rule of his Government; nor had the people any thing to act but submissive obedience. His first work was to sound the Prelates and Nobility, whose ambition and corruption he found suitable and serviceable to his intentions; and 'twas their infusion, so agreeable to his disposition, that made him carry himself so majestically to the Parliament of England, (a power he might justly fear to offend) but their Councels (though they then served his and their ends) are [Page] now come upon them like a storm, the one voted down root and branch, the other voted uselesse and dangerous.

The King brings with him a generall Peace with all Christendome, not considering the particular interest of this Nation, whether it were honourable, or safe, as the affaires of England then stood, his Predecessour having taken upon her to be Head, and Protectrix of the Protestant party wheresoever: But he had his [Page] ends to himself. First he had heard how many and how often attempts had been used to take away the life of Queen Elizabeth, whom God notwithstanding preserved and protected, by the diligence of her servants: but he would rather trust to his King-craft, then to Gods providence.

Then having taken away all thought of wars, his design was to luxuriate the people, that so hee might more insensibly lay that foundation of tyrany he intended.

[Page] And now comes tumbling in monstrous excesse of Riot, which consumed many good Families, and more good Hospitality, formerly the glory both of our Nobility and Gentry; with an incredible increase of Tavernes and Bawdy-houses, for which two we are to this day beholding to the Scots.

And with this King, and this Peace, came the greatest Plague that ever this Kingdome felt before his time; as if God had told us from heaven we had deserved [Page] it, by betraying our selves; and which was but a light fore-running punishment, in respect of what in time should follow; and yet peradventure that Plague was but a shadow of himselfe, the greater.

The Kingdome could not afford more pomp and glory, then was shewn when King James came first through London; and 'twas so much the more considerable as to him, that from a nasty barren Country, (rather a Dunghil then [Page] a Kingdome) came to be at that instant as great a Prince as any in Christendome: And indeed it was the wonder of those Statesmen who had had experience of the gallantry of this Nation, that a Scot should enjoy this Crown without resistance. If the temper of these our dayes had then (as now) taken head, we had saved much blood: much mony, and in all likelihood been long since setled to such a free State, as we yet struggle for; Rich, and secure.

[Page] Long had he waited for the death of Queen Elizabeth; but longer had they waited, that waited upon him: for had not their hopes as well as his expected their shares of spoils of this Kingdome, we may with out doing any wrong to that Nation, conclude him in the fate of his many Predecessors, whom they murdered. His Stock was odious to the more ancient Nobility of that Nation; and the cloak of the Kirk would have served without scruple for such a [Page] covering, as the Grand-Signior uses to send men doom'd to death.

His original Extract I find was this:

Banchoo a Nobleman of Scotland, had a fair Lady to his daughter, whom Mackbeth the King desires to have the use of; Banchoo refuses, and Mackbeth murders him, and takes the Lady by force.

Fleance, the son of Banchoo, fearing the Tyrants cruelty, flies into Wales to Griffin ap Lhewellin the Prince of Wales. Lhewellin [Page] entertaines him with all hospitable civility. Fleance to requite his courtesie, gets Lhewellins daughter with child: Lhewellin murders Fleance, and Lhewellins daughter is afterward delivered of a son, named Walter; this son proves a gallant man, and falling out with a Noble person in Wales, that call'd him Bastard, Walter slew him, and for his safeguard fled into Scotland, where in continuance of time he gained so much reputation and favour, that he became [Page] Steward of the whole Revenue of that Kingdome, of which Office, he and his posterity retained the sirname, and from whence all the Kings and Nobles in that Nation of that name had their originall; here's a goodly foundation.

For his Person, a man might sufficiently and truly make a Volume, onely to tell of his lazinesse, and his uncleannesse; but I cannot do it without fouling too much paper.

He was a great pretender [Page] to Learning and Religion, and for the speculative part, had as much as any of our Kings upon record; but for the practical, and best part of it (if we may judge of the Tree by the Fruit) we may without breach of charity conclude him not guilty: He was the greatest Blasphemer in the world; sweare faster then speak, and curse the people by the clock: And it appeares by the whole course of his life, that he was a most malicious hater of this Nation.

[Page] That insolent act of Ramsey's switching my Lord of Montgomery, at Bansted-Downs at a Horse-race, was questionlesse a laid quarrel to have destroyed much of our English Nobility; and had it been practised upon any but that thin-soul'd Lord, who was importun'd but to draw his sword, that had been a bloody day: what reserve the Scots had was never known; but such an affront is not to be construed without reservation.

[Page] The King was naturally fearful, even as low as could be; And what he would do, and durst not own, that he would do by his Favourites, whom (for the fitness of his designs) he would raise from low degree, to oblige them the more, and to desert them with more ease, and shift them often til he had them sitted to his purpose.

Dunbar was too solid, Hayes too light; Northampton too crafty, Montgomery too silly, (here's two English, two Scots, all deserted) [Page] And now he hath found a young Scot, that had been one of his Pages in Scotland, and turn'd off with fifty pounds in mony and cloaths, to seek his fortune; having spent his time, and his means in France, comes over hither, and for his fashion and language, is entertained by his country man, then Lord Hayes, (another Scot of the like extract) for a Page, where the King takes notice of him, calls for him, and at the first dash makes him one of the Bed-chamber, [Page] and suddenly his Favourite, and Knight Sir Robert, then Viscount Rochester, and after Earl of Somerset. This man the King had wound up to his just pitch, of whom we may justly say Trim tram, Like master, like man. When this man had long wallowed in his Masters bounty, and the treasures of this Kingdome, he fell the foullest that ever man did, upon the rocks of dishonor, adultery, and murder: Of dishonour, to a Noble Peer of this Land, and in him to the whole, [Page] Nobility; Adultery, not only to bewhore her, but to get her divorced, and marry her; And murder, upon the body of that unfortunate Gentleman, Sir Thomas Overbury, only for disswading him.

And here it is much to our purpose, to insert how this Favorites carriage had highly offended Pr. Henry, who understanding the loose kind of life this man lived, especially relating to her, distastes him, disrespects him, and forbears his company, and flatly fals [Page] out with him. Somerset complaines to the King: shortly the Prince falls sick and dies.

That he was poysoned, hath been a common fame ever since: But to snuffe the candle, and make it burn cleare, take the testimony of these famous Physitians, that dissected his body, and have left it upon record under their hands.

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The Dissection of the Body of Prince HENRY.

FIrst, we found his Liver paler then ordinary, in certain places somwhat wan; his Gall without any Choller in it, and distended with winde.

Secondly, his Spleen was in divers places more then ordinarily black.

Thirdly, his Stomack was in no part offended.

Fourthly, his Midriffe was in divers places black.

[Page] Fifthly, his Lungs were very black, and in divers places spotted, and full of a thin watery blood.

Lastly, the Veines in the hinder part of his head, were fuller then ordinary; but the Ventricles and hollownesse of the brain, were full of cleare water.

In witnesse whereof, with our own hands we have subscribed this present Relation, Novemb. 7. 1612.

MAYERN

ATKINS

HAMMOND

PALMER.

GIFFORD.

BUTLER.

[Page] This Prince was an active man, and full of high thoughts; A Lover of this Nation, and lookt upon by them with much affection and expectation. What feares & jealousies Somerset might maliciously infuse into the Kings too fearful and timorous soul, we cannot tell: but that language from Somerset to the Lieutenant of the Tower, when he told him he must provide himself to go the next morning to Westminster to his Trial, said, He would not; That the King had assured [Page]him, he should not come to any trial; neither durst the King bring him to any trial. This language, I say, stinks abominably: And when he did come to his Trial, fearing (being enraged) that he might flie out into some strange discovery, there were two men placed on each side of him with cloaks on their arms, with peremptory cōmand, that if Sommerset did any way flie out against the King, they should instantly hoodwink him wth their cloaks, take him violently from [Page] the Bar, and carry him away: and this could be no mans act but the Kings. He would often boast of his King-craft; but if his feares, and Somersets malice took this Princes life away, 'twas a sweet peece of King-craft indeed, but the fruit of it hath been bitter.

I cannot enough admire that language hee used, when he gave in charge to his Judges the Examination of Sir Thomas Overburi [...] murder:

[Page] My Lords,I charge you, as you will answer it at that great and terrible day of Judgment, that you examine it strictly, without favour, affection, or partiality: And if you shall spare any guilty of this crime; Gods curse light upon you and your posterity; and if I shall spare any that are found guilty, Gods curse light on me and my posterity for ever.

This expression hath a most honest out-side: but if the King had a designe of feare, rather to be so rid of Somerset, then an inward [Page] desire of Justice, 'twas monstrous foule; which we shall better judge of by the sequel.

Seven persons were by the Judges condemned to die for this foule murder; four of them of the least account, and accessaries, are executed; the three great ones, and principals, the King pardons; and to Somerset himself, to his dying day, was most profusely liberal, and suffered to live with that fire-brand of hel his wife, under the Kings nose, all the dayes of their lives.

[Page] Here's fine jugling! these must be saved, for fear of telling Scotch tales of the King. Would the spirits of those noble souls of these our dayes, put up such a piece of injustice in the master, and such an affront and contempt of this Nation, both from the Master and the man (two Scots) without vengeance? I believe not.

And this Favourite of his, when his estate was seised upon for this foul murder, was found to have two hundred thousand [Page] pounds in mony, plate and jewels, in his house; and nineteen thousand pounds a year in Lands comming in: a fine advance from a Scots Page; fifty pounds, and a Suit of Cloaths: (and can any man tel for what?) I never heard that all Scotland was worth so much. But enough of him.

This King had no Wars; but spent more mony prodigally, profusely, and riotously then any of his Predecessors.

What swarms of Scots came with him, and after [Page] him, into this kingdome? who perpetually suckt him of most vast sums of moneys, which stand yet upon record; which put him upon all dishonourable wayes of raising monies, to the most cruell oppression of this Nation, to serve their riot and luxury: but there are many yet living can justifie this truth: Though they lived a while at such a height; yet they died like themselves, contemptible, miserable Beggers; and at this day scarce one of them can shew the [Page] fruits of those vast donatives, either in themselves, or their posterity, that's worth looking upon: And so let them all perish, whomsoever, Scots or English, whose foundation is such. Though, I see no reason but any estate may be now questioned, which is known to have been raised upon the oppression of this Nation; nor that any title of Honour so bought should descend to posterity.

A Lord is to be a Lord by merit of imployment in [Page] some noble Office, for the publique good; not by projecting tricks, and cozening devices to fill a Tyrant's Coffers, to the enslaving of a gallant free Nation. But, &c. to return to King James.

In those dayes 'tis true, the Bishops, Nobility, and the Lawyers, had a great influence upon the people for their abilities, and supposed honesties; yet amongst these, such are found, and others are made such, that whatsoever the King would have, they are [Page] fit, and willing instruments to bring it about, and make it passe for currant Divinity, and Law. Witnesse,

The burning of a whole Cart-load of Parliament Presidents, that spake the Subjects Liberty; that were burnt at the Kings first comming.

Witnesse the Nullity.

Witnesse the life of Sir Walter Rawleigh, that was taken away in point of State, whose least part was of more worth then the whole race of the best of [Page] the Scots Nation.

Witnes, the inhancing of Customes.

Witnes, Privy Seals, Monopolies, and Loans, Benevolences, Sales of Lands, Woods, Fines, New-buildings.

Witnes, the lamentable losse of the Palatinate.

Witnes, the Treaty of the Spanish-Match.

In which two last, this Nation received more dishonour, then in any action any former age can paralel, and all under the colour of an honourable Treaty. His [Page] Daughter was undone, and his Son bob'd of a Wife, after the hazard of his Person, and vast expence of infinite treasure to this day undischarged.

I could never understand what piece of Kingcraft it was, to let the Prince his onely Son, with Buckingham his favourite, make that Voyage into Spain, unlesse it were to be rid of them both: and had he not had to do with a noble Enemy, surely they had never returned.

[Page] Hee would sometimes call a Parliament, for mony, not for busines: But if the Kingdome presented any grievances, he would quarrel by his prerogative, and dissolve it.

One Letter of his to the Parliament, I cannot read but with amazement: which being but briefe, take here from his own hand.

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A Copy of His Majesties Letter To the Lower-House of Parliament.

Mr. Speaker,

WE have heard by divers reports to our great grief That the far distance of our person at this time from our High Cou [...]t of Parliament, caused by our want of health, hath imboldened some fiery and popular Spirits in our House of Commons, to debate and argue publiquely in matters far beyond your reach [Page] and capacity, and so tending to our high dishonour, and trenching upon our Prerogative royal: You shall therefore acquaint that House with our pleasure, That none therein shall from henceforth presume to meddle with any thing concerning our Government, or Mysteries of State; namely, not to speak of our dearest Sonnes match with the Daughter of Spain, nor to touch the honour of that King, nor any our friends or confederates; and also not to medle with any mans particulars, which have their [Page] due motions in our ordinary Courts of Justice: And whereas we heare they have sent a Messenger to Sr. Edwyn Sands, to know the reason of his late restraint▪ you shall in our name resolve them, that it was not for any misdemeanour of his in Parliament: but to put them out of doubt of any question of that nature, that may arise among them hereafter, you shall resolve them in our name, That wee think our selves very free, and able to punish any mans misdemeanours in Parliament, [Page] as well during their sitting, as afterwards; which we mean not to spare hereafter, upon any occasion of any mans insolent behaviour there, that shall be ministred unto us. And if they have already touched any of these points which we have forbidden, in any Petition of theirs, which is to be sent to us: It is our pleasure, that you shall tell them, that except they reform it before it come to our hands, we will not dain the hearing or answering of it.

[Page] I leave every Reader to comment upon it, according to his own patience and passion: But, that a Scot, from so beggerly a condition, to be so peaceably and honorably received to so royal a government over so brave a Nation, should use such ungratefull, presumptuous, and proud language to the Parliament of England, is to my understanding monstrous, horrible, and not good. But 'twas his humor all his reign; with impatience over-ruling, with [Page] jealousies threatning, and at pleasure to dissolve all Parliaments, thereby to lay that foundation of tyrannical and arbitrary government, which he intended to bring upon us.

His Favourite Somerset being condemn'd, and quietly laid aside, he was ready provided of another, George Villiers by name, a handsom young man, lately return'd out of France, from an allowance of Threescore pounds a year: who comes to Court, is admitted to a [Page] bearers place, presently Knighted, and made Gentleman of the Bedchamber, and the same day a Thousand pounds a yeare out of the Court of Wards given him; and in a breath made Master of the Horse, then Knight of the Garter, then Baron of Whadon, Viscount Villiers, Earl of Somerset, and a Privy-Councellor, Marquesse of Buckingham, Lord Admiral of England, Chief Justice in Eyre of all the Parks and Forrests on the South-side of Trent, Master of the Kings-Bench Office, [Page] Head—Steward of Westminster, and Constable of Windsor-Castle, and lastly Duke; and then he could go no higher in title; but by his Masters pleasure and courtesie, all the affairs of the Kingdome are steered by his compasse, as is at large made known in many mens writings published. Yet when he knew his Master (notwithstanding his slabbering expressions of affection, and extravagant Honours and riches) to be weary of him, he found a Plaister and a [Page] Powder, that made him amends for all his favours; And here the King-craft met with his match. How far King Charles might be privy to this busines, I determine not; but the private familiarity between them, continued so long after, and protecting him from being questioned for this very particular in Parliament, is no small presumption.

But what the King denied (Justice) God sent by the hand of John Felton, who stabb'd this Duke at [Page] Portsmouth, with a ten peny knife, that hee instantly gave up the ghost with these words, Gods wounds, I am slain!

To write all those actions this Duke did by these two Kings favours, in prejudice of this oppressed Nation, would make a cholerick man mad, and a flegmatick stupid: but let him go; the King is the thing I intend, who made use of him, the flattering Prelates, the poor-spirited Nobility, and corrupt Lawyers, to frame such a Government, [Page] as all the wealth in this kingdome should be at the Kings disposing.

Which course, with such instructions, he left to his Son; and how his Son managed them, hath been so clearly published by Supreme Authority, fairely written by sowhite a hand, that I intend not here to say much of that Prince: Only this I can say; He was a man so wilfull, obstinate, and uxorious, that he quite forsook his own interest as a King, and the honour and interest of [Page] this Nation, thorough malice, and her counsel; and did so farre incline to the interest of France against Spaine, (and no thankes for his labour) that by his meanes alone Rochel and Dunkirk were both lost: But that, and his Fathers instructions, lost him, with the losse of more blood and treasure to this Nation, then all our wars had spent since the William the Norman.

It hath been to me the greatest wonder of the world, how this King could [Page] be so blind, as not to prevent that storm that came upon him, till it was too late. Were all his Counsellors false? O unhappy King! Or would he be ruled by none but himselfe and his wife? O more unhappy man! (Surely in this was the hand of God most visible.) Mischief was in his heart against this Nation; but it came upon himself & all his, as the world hath seen.

There was about the time of his death, a Book published, which was presented [Page] to the world, as He the Author: which was so gross an imposture, that I have much marvail'd (the fraud being so plain, and easily detected) that no course hath been taken to find him out, and punish'd, that made it: For that it was not his, is as plainly to be discerned, as the Sun at noon. But that false perfume lasted but a while, & the scent was only pleasing to them that could not smell.

[Page] So that I may say, that in our dayes we have seen two the most remarkable and most eminent passages of humane affaires, that this Nation hath afforded since the Creation:

The Entrance of King James into this Kingdome, with as much pomp and glory as the World could afford:

And the Exit of his Son, with as much shame and misery as could befall a King.

[Page] And although God Almighty be the Judge of all men; yet Gods judgments that are so remarkable, are for our instructions, and God is to be glorified by us for these judgments of his upon this Kings family.

I cannot in the best stories I have read, find who was clearly King James his Father.

Mary Queen of Scotland (a lusty young Widow) marries the Lord Darly son to the D. of Lenox, in the year 1565. or thereabouts: [Page] and at the same time, had for a reserve in great favor with her an Italian Fidler, and Bothwel a Scotch Lord. After marriage, the Queen proves with childe. The King her husband, that was Lord Darly, (enraged by some informations) comes into the roome where the Queen his wife was at supper, and very big; drags the Italian Fidler into another roome, and murders him. The Queen was shortly delivered of a Son, which was our King James. The solemnity of the Christening [Page] ended, she and Bothwel murdred the King her husband. Then the Queen marries Bothwel, (and all this in a moment of time) but they are both fain to flie; The Queen came into England, and was here beheaded; Bothwel fled into Denmark, and there lay in prison all the dayes of his life.

And now (Reader) observe the fortune of this prodigious Family.

His supposed Father was strangled in his bed, by the consent of his mother, and [Page] flung out into a garden.

His Mother is beheaded.

His eldest Son Pr. Henry, by the jealousie, and consent of his Father, in the flower of his youth and strength of his age, is poysoned.

His Daughter, married to the Palsgrave; where shortly her Husband (in ambition to becom a king) is slain, and she with her many children are driven out of their estates, and flie for shelter into Holland, where she hath lived ever since upon the courtesie of this State.

[Page] Her eldest Son, having lived long upon a particular charity of this Nation, is now at length restored to a feather of his goose.

Two other of her sons, after six yeares following arms and plunder for King Charles, turn'd Pyrates at sea, and so are at present.

King James himself (after two & twenty years reign, by the act of his Favourite Buckingham, and the consent of his son Charles that succeeded him) is poysoned.

[Page] King Charles, after eight years was with the Parliament, is taken, arraigned and condemn'd, and is beheaded at his own dores; his Wife fled home to her friends, and his Children scattered abroad in the world, to live upon the charity of others.

Are all these circumstances to be slighted, or unconsidered? And shall we take the Priests word; King James was of blessed memory? I challenge the proudest of them; let them publish one cleare act of [Page] Honesty from him all the time of his reign, or any honestman that ever he loved, & I'le yield. His hypocrisie, perjury, cowardise, blasphemy, malice, are known to all; and base ingratitude, which comprehends more then all the rest: whereof one example of him is well worth our remembring, to Sir Henry Wo [...]on, which briefly was thus:

Sir Henry (a man for person & parts highly esteemed, and honoured of all that knew him) being in [Page] Florence, when Queen Elizabeths death drew nigh, (which King Iames gaped for) the Duke of Florence had intercepted some Letters, which discovered a designe to take away the life of King James: The Duke abhorring the fact, resolves to endeavour the prevention, calls for his Secretary to advise by what meanes a caution might be best given to the King; and it was resolved to be done by Sir Henry Wotton, who (being well instructed) is presently [Page] dispatched into Scotland with Letters to the King, and most rare Antidotes against all manner of poysons, whereby that mischief was prevented; and Sir Henry Wotton returns into Italy, where shortly after came the news of the death of Queen Elizabeth, and James King of Scots proclaimed King of England; and away comes Sir Henry Wotton, to joy the King.

This had been a fit Subject for to have shewn his Noble minde upon for a [Page] Favourite: but what doth the King? takes him into two and twenty years travaile, like a pack horse, to make him an Agent in forreign parts, and leaves him in his old age in Eaton-Colledge, unable to pay his debts, as many appear by his lamentable complaint upon his death-bed; his words are these in his Last-Will and Testament.

I humbly beseech my Lords Grace of Canterbury, and the Lord Bishop of London, to intercede with our [Page] most gracious Soveraign, (in the bowels of Iesus Christ) that out of compassionate memory of my long services, some order may be taken for my Arrears, for satisfaction of my Debts.

This president alone is so transcendently foul, as all his other actions and passions are vertues to it. Fellowes of no merit, at home, must wallow in his bounty and their own luxury, to do his foul pleasure, and to execute his tyranical actions; [Page] whilest such a Noble Soul as this, must suffer want, and die in it.

And now lay all these things together, the lives of all our former Kings, and the lamentable condition of this Nation under these two last; and tell me if it were not high time to consider of the honour, welfare and security of this Nation, by reducing it to a Free-State.

[Page] But before I take my leave of these Kings, I would willingly (as a Preparative to the cordial agreement of our Free-State) present some few Considerations; and herein I shall onely shew my hand, and my heart, wishing that some abler Pen-man may more substantially publish something to this purpose, in better language, and more at large.

First, How often wee have been made slaves to Forreign powers, by not [Page] agreeing among our selvs.

Our Kings having other Dominions beyond seas, have consum'd our blood and treasure, to defend, maintain, or increase them at their pleasures: And their frequent matching into strangers blood, hath increased new titles, and pretences of quarrels, that have afforded matter for bitter warres, both abroad and at home. All which are now laid asleep.

Next is worth our serious consideration, How [Page] God Almighty in his providence hath divided us from all the World by a wall of Water, and hath brought us into a condition this day, by Shipping, Trade, and able Sea-men and Merchants, that no Prince in Christendome can shew the like for number and abilitie: So that now we have no Complements for Matches, nor busines with Foraign Princes but for Trade. And here let me use the words of Sir Walter Raleigh, in his Discourse of Shipping:

[Page] Whosoever commands the Sea, commands the Trade: Whosoever commands the Trade of the World, commands the Riches of the World, and consequently the World it self.

A faire invitation to cherish Shipping, Sea-men, and Merchants.

And if hereafter we fall into difference with any Forreign Prince, we fight for our selves, not for illgrounded Titles, nor to satisfie the ambition of [Page] particular, nor to maintain the luxury of any spurious Issue.

There are but two things (which I mentioned in the Introduction) can obstruct us (as I hope) IRELAND, and Envious Presbytery: The Royalist, I presume, will heare reason; And SCOTLAND, I suppose, will shortly be reduced to an English Province, and kept so by force; for Jocky is not to be trusted; He is naturally so false, and hath been so high-fed since their [Page] Scotch king came to this Crowne, that his owne Country—fare will not down, till they be humbled, (which, God be thanked, is in a faire way.)

Yet if there be any of that Nation sensible of their owne security and welfare under our wing, (which I much feare) that shall comply in this union, I shall pray to God to make them good Christians.

And if any Forreigne Prince whatsoever, shall [Page] hereafter (through ambition, or envy to our State, or pretence of donation from the Pope) assist or maintain, a Faction either in Scotland or Ireland, (as heretofore) to hinder, prejudice, or molest our right or interest in these, or either of these places; I see no reason why we should treat with them as friends.

But I am now beside my Cushion: my end is only to prepare and perswade a hearty Agreement amongst our selves, to the [Page] secure setling of our Free-State. So farewell Scot, and farewell King; And GOD blesse the Commonwealth of ENGLAND.

FINIS.

§

§

Published by Authority.

Courteous Reader, These Books following are printed and sold by William Roybould, at his Shop at the Unicorn in S. Pauls Church-yard, neer the Little North-door.

[Page]

[Page]

THe (Holy-Arbor, containing a Body of Divinity, or the Summe and Substance of Christian Religion: First, methodically and plainly treated, of then Analysed and applied: wherein also are fully resolved the Questions of whatsoever points of moment, have been, or are now controverted in Divinity: together with a large Alphabetical Table of such matters as are [Page] therein contained, or occasionally handled either by way of Exposition, Controversie, or Reconciliation. In folio, by John Godolphin, J. C. D. 1651.

CHRIST alone exalted. In seventeen Sermons, preached by Dr. Tobias Crisp. In 8o. 1650.

The History of the Bohemian Persecution, from the beginning of their Conversion to Christianity, to these Times. In which the unheard of secrets of Councels, Policie, Arts, and dreadful Judgments are exhibited. In 8o. 1650.

The Assertion of Grace, or a Treatise of Justification, by R. Town.

The Ladies Vindication, or The praise of worthy Women. In 12o. 1651.

[Page] A further Discovery of the Mysterie of the Last times: Set forth for the Good of such, as in these dissenting times know not to what Society of Christians to joyn themselves. In 4o. 1651.

A Sermon preached by Dr. Homes, Octob. 8. 1650. at Christ-church, before the Lord Major and Aldermen.

The Mischiefe of Mixt-Communions, by Dr. Homes. 4o

The Life and Reigne of King Charles, or the Pseudo-Martyr discovered: together with some Animadversions on the strange contrariety between his publike Declarations, protestations, Imprecations, and his Pourtraicture, compared with his private Letters and other [Page] of his Expresses, not hitherto taken into common observation. In 8o. 1651.

The Antiquity of Commonwealths, instanced by that of Holland, wherein is declared the rise & continuance of that Government, as also their Lawes and Customes both in their Civil & Military power. In 8o. 1652.

A Sermon preached at Mary-Aldermanbury, Novemb. 5. 1651. by M. William Jenkins, being the first he preached after his Releasement.

Church-Cases cleared: wherein are held forth some things to reclaim Professors is that are slack-principled, Antichurchians, Nonchurch-Seekers, Church-Levellers: with a Pacificatory preface, &c. By D. N. Homes.

Information about this book

Title statement

A cat may look upon a king

Weldon, Anthony, Sir, d. 1649?

Edition statement

1652

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A96173

ID [STC]

Wing W1271

ID [STC]

Thomason E1408_2

ID [STC]

ESTC R209518

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

99868394

ID [PROQUEST]

99868394

ID [VID]

169924

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Early English books online.

Notes

(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A96173)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 169924)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 181:E1408[2])

Source

— A cat may look upon a king, Weldon, Anthony, Sir, d. 1649?.

Extent

[6], 105, [5] p., plate

Printed for William Roybould, at the Unicorn in Pauls Church-yard,. London :: 1652.. (Anonymous. By Sir Anthony Weldon. Cf. Wing.) (Annotation on Thomason copy: "Jan. 10th.".) (Reproduction of the original in the British Library.)

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