THERE is no Art so un­befriended, no skill so despicable, but finds some tongue to owne, some Pen to plead for it, even the Craftsmens Diana is mentioned, Acts 19. to have more Stentorian voyces for her among the Ephesians then the Doctrine of Christ in the Apostolique mouths of S. Paul and [Page 2] his Companions had: And no wonder, for the world of men are more led by opinion then reason, sensuality then judgment, as that old Poet said, [...], Few there are that under­stand, to those many that admire; & few admire what is indeed truely admirable. There is a principle of policy so ingrafted into our new Creed, Fortunam magis & providen­tiam quam amicitiam & justitiam se­qui, That no man (almost) thinks any man or thing estimable, but what is successfull, and in the Scri­pture phrase, Laden with thick clay, as if there were no foundation for happiness, no merit of honour like that of worldlings gain and world­ly prosperity. This makes Arts sink with their encouragements, and artists tonguety'd at their inju­ries, least vindications should be [Page 3] mistaken for plots, and apologies for treasons. Indeed were Artists of Catalines spirit, Pravissimi ingenii ad delendam patriam conjuravit, as Eu­tropius writes of him; there were great cause to eye their addresses with jealousie, and answer their offers with silence; but when they are sober, learned, and usefull, to let them be Mossed over with the scurfe of neglect, and to suffer the Canker of contempt to dislustre their transparencies, and not clear it off with the Oyle and Whiting of Candor, argues us of this age to be no good Samaritanes. On all sub­jects some have written in these times of trouble, and on this of Armes which ordinarily we call He­raldry; but fewer (God wot) then have been provoked to it by the in­dignity cast upon the Art, and the professors of it, while men of name [Page 4] and fortune have patronized things that have no direct aspect on peace, order, and Nationall civility. There has scarse been any have owned this Lady which is the Image of Order, and (as it were) the Magna Charta of Oeconomique regulation, and thence of politique distinction: Contemnunt nostri Martes haec talia, & naenias, & ludos ea habeant puero­rum, as Lipsius his words are: Yea, there are yet those further, who not through rustick hardiness, but of pure zeal (as they think) though I think deludedly, make the author of Order, God himself, no respecter of persons, that is, no favourer of di­stinctions of men: or of any degrees of inferiority and superiority, the chief end of the practice of Arms and procedure of honour amongst men: and that which is the right eye in the body of Heraldry. I am [Page 5] no Champion to defie these Goli­ahs which come forth in this quar­rell to revile, not onely past ages and renouned Nations, who admi­red and practised order in the me­thod they discredit it, but also this Nation of England, when it was, as Livy once said of Rome, Maximi secundum deorum opes Imperii; Yet so far as their confidence to deform the beauty of Order, makes them treacherous to the well-being of this Nation, I dare avow my self their Antagonist.

The Romans were (in their time) the most renowned people for prowess, their professed enemy Taxiles acknowledged, [...], yet Histo­rians Plutarch. in Lucullo. make their seven hundred years prosperity, in which they al­most had a triumphall victory for every year, debtor to their disci­pline, [Page 6] Ideo praevaluerunt adversus mul­titudinem Gallorum proceritates Germa­norum, vires Hispanorum & dolos Policrat. lib. 6. c. 1. Cass. Cat. g. mundi p. 331. Trog. l. 11. Afrorum ob retentam disciplinam, saith Sarisburiensis: And the same doth also Trogus Pompeius write of Alexander: The symmetry and ex­act order of which well advised dis­pensation continuing, brought Na­tions of as great power as themselvs into subjection, and expatiated the glory of their valor almost thorow­out the Continent.

And therefore as those fiery spi­rits amongst them who introduced their civill Wars in which the first instituted Government by Patri­tians; (men of the Upper house and Lords of the Rule according to the fundamentall sanction) was suppressed, as to its splendor, and allayed by admitting a Plebeian co­ordinateness, which in time ex­auctorated [Page 7] the Senate, and erazed in a great measure the old Nobility and Gentry, so did it give anima­tion to revolts abroad, and reduced their vast Dominion into narrow bounds, till at last all their former grandeur was obliterated, and they esteemed as spurious to those great and magnified Ancestors Curius, Fabricius Coruncanus, Metellus, Fa­bius, Marcellus, Scipio, Lepidus, and such like; yea they became so rude and ruinous by their homebred heats, and the direfull consequen­ces of them, that Sigonius says, Vix Reipublicae Romanae forma qualis fuerit posse exponi, quae modo unius, modo pau­corum In praefat. lib. de fastis & Tri­umph. Rom p. 6. Edit. Sul­burgii. nunc multorum nunc aequo omni­um Imperio administrata fuerit, atque pro humanarum rerum vicissitudine ite­rum atque iterum commutata. So he.

It is then my designe, by Gods assistance, to write somewhat of [Page 8] Arms; not as they are Instruments of War and violence, but Ensigns of peace and distinction, not as they are handled by men of the field, but as in times of peace, and by the standard of reason and poli­tick prudence, with the great con­sent of Nations by the pens, mouths, and practices of their lear­ned sages, they are asserted, allow­ed, and accordingly honoured.

To methodize which intent of mine, I propose to consider the Na­ture of Arms, the Antiquity and descent of Arms, the Use and be­hoof of Arms, in which Ternary what I shall (at present) write will be conveniently couched: In the discourse on which heads, I shall use a description of the eminently learned Sir Henry Spelman in his late Printed Aspilogia, for which we are highly to thank Master Bish, who [Page 9] hath nobly publisht it, with his learned Notes on it and Upton. The character there by the learned Knight, given arms, is this (which I shall comment upon as a proper Text) Sunt Insignia decora symbola ad Aspilog. p. 2. notitiam & honorem latoris a legitimo Judice militibus ascripta. This descri­ption consists of sundry parts. 1. The subjects Insignia. 2. The nature, symbola, and decora. 3. Their end, ad notitiam, ad honorem latoris. 4. Their fountain or rise, a Judice legitimo. 5. The objects whom Arms principall, are directed to, Militibus. 6. The manner how they become appropriate to those persons they are intended for, ascripta. This is with in the compasse of the Knights Survey, and to touch these particulars shortly shall bee my task.

The first part of this definition is the subject matter which he calls [Page 10] Insignia, Catachrestically called Bella movet Clypeus, deque armis arma fe­runtur. Ovid. Arms, because by Arms in War the knowledge, use, and nature of them was introduced, therefore Isidore de­rives In verbo. them, [...], from Mars the God of War; though he also allow arma eo quod armos tegunt, men were ever carefull to keep their skins whole, for when they had no defences of Mettall, Diodorus tells Lib. 1. us, Hercules, and others of renown, did wear the skins of Beasts, which defended them from those primi­tive weapons of the Fist, Teeth, and Feet, to which Lucretius alludes,

and when they were improved to Polyd. lib. 2. c. 11. de Inven­tione. Stones, Clubs, and other Instru­ments of contest, yet were their co­verings of proof. But victory be­got ambition, and successe stole in­to conquering minds affectation of [Page 11] some habiliments more heroique: Hence came Targets, Bucklers, and engravements and depictions on Targets, Bucklers and Shields; On Coat-armours and other portable Cass. Catal. gl. Mundi p. 45. utensills which we call Insignia, as being the Trophies and devices of Worthies who charged their shields, Banners, and Garments with such portraitures of dread and terror as most resembled their own natures, and most surprised with astonish­ment their beholders, as Agamemnon is brought in, whose Buckler had this Inscription,

As then men grew proficients in contests and masteries, so did their ingenuities devise Weapons both offensive and defensive, Swords [Page 12] and Shields were inseparable com­panions, accounted portable Ca­stles, covering their whole bodyes or the most part of it, which made them account them the tutelar De­ities of their lives, and adorn them with emblems of gold and glory, Insignia a signo derivatur, quasi aliquo signo ab aliis discretus & separatus, saith Festus. Hence is it that we read of every more then ordinary thing either good or evill expressed by Insigne. Virgil tells us of Super­bum 8 Aeneid. insigne belli, and Tacitus of In­signire annum cladibus, and Tully of Insigne flagitium, and Insigniter impro­bus, Lib. 6. and Livy of dies insignis duplici clade, and Quintilian of prodigiosa cor­pora & monstris insignia: Yea, Taci­tus tells us, That men of merit had of old, Ensignes of Magistracy de­creed them. So Claudius Caesar de­creed to Narcissus, Questoria insignia. [Page 13] Those then that merited Insignia, placed them in their Shields and Bucklers, which the Greeks cald by severall names, according to their figure and proportion: A Target or Shield they called [...] of orbi­cular form, for which cause Virgil compares the great eye of the Cy­clops to those Clipei argolici he saw in use, which Dionysius calls [...] Lib. 24. [...], as doth Homer and other Authors.

They also had other Muniments and Shields which they called [...], in fashion Oblong and of grea­ter dimension then Bucklers. [...] scutigenus quoddam a Magnitudine, that this Shield was in use among the Romans no man can question, since every Author mentions it, Po­lybius especially, who describing the Romans Armature, writes thus, [...], [Page 14] which his noble Annotator Lipsius has notably illustrated, lib. 3. de Militia Rom. Dialog. 2. p. 106. So Turneb. Advers. l. 9. c. 17. And how it came in use Livy tells us, Romanos antea Clypeis usos, deinde post­quam facti sunt stipendiarii scuta pro Clypeis fecisse, l. 8. So that, by what Lege Lazium Reip. Rom. Commentar. l. 9. c. 17. p. 793. appears, Insignia which we call E­scocheons of Arms, were original­ly the charges and garnishings of Shields, corporall defences, and re­presentations of the Bearers nature and worth, figured in the charges thereon, which time and use has transferred to the accommodation and glory of their Issue, though not of similar prowess, yet of as significant merit, since there are Virtutis laudes, & Eruditionis insignia, as well as Fortitudinis, and Men ought to be honoured as well for councell as courage. Yea so far have [Page 15] late times overborn the first insti­tution, that whereas these Armes were the embroyderies of Shields and upper Garments, on which ground they were called in our Nation Coat-armeurs or Coat-ar­mours? now they are wholly left off to those uses, and become the figures on Seals, Rings, Wals, Mo­numents, and such other concomi­tants of civill society and order; and so I proceed to the second part of the Description, which is the praedicate, what Arms are, mention­ed in those words Symbola decora. 2. Part.

Symbola, thats the Cypher that sets out the nature of Arms: For the Arms or device on the Shield is but a representation of somewhat more excellent which is concealed, and to which that is but the fescue & finger; therefore Mr. Ferne quotes a definition of Blazonry somewhat Gl. Generos. p. 164. [Page 16] pat to my allegation; Blazonia est recitatio vel commemoratio alicujus vir­tutis, & quempiam sub quibusdam sig­nis, abunde & vere laudare aut deco­rum dicere. Suidas terms Symbola by [...] In verbo. [...], making the sepiment of skyn which man is bounded with a Symbol of his Mortality. The Ancients also called their [...] or civil Con­cords between City and City, [...] which Demosthenes speaks of, 7. Philip. Hence I suppose grew that custom to give Rings as Earn­ests to the Concord which Terence alludes to when he sayes, ut de Sym­bolis essemus dati annuli, and amongst us in the most durable contract of our lives, Marriage; the legal cu­stom was and yet is, to bind it by a Ring as well as by other ceremo­nies of significancy; These Sym­bols [Page 17] were anciently the only way of expressing the Nature and Mean­ing Lib. de Symb. Pythagorae & partis secunda p. 460. cass. Catal. gl. Mund. p. 58. of things, the Aegyptians, Cal­dees, Greeks, Latines, all used them, as Lilius Giraldus out of Jamblicus, Plu­tarch and other Authors, hath large­ly observed. For the World was a great while without Letters and Writing, only by Hieroglyphicks, and such like Mysterious resem­blances were the minds of men un­derstood, when they themselves were out of place. Therefore what Plautus and Pliny express by Tesse­ra and Syngrapha; elder times did by Symbola, which are the same in resemblance that parables are in Speech. So that by Symbola as applyed to Arms we understand such an Idaea of the bearers mind as charges him to endeavour merit of that he in his Shields depiction appropri­ates to himself, for Bartholus well [Page 18] notes, Art ought to imitate Nature, unde ista insignia debent esse secundum Tract. de In­siguiis & armis p. 11. Edit. Biss. Naturam rei quam figurant. And hence I suppose is that affix of mo­dification which the Knight here adds, Decora, a word of restricti­on, telling us that Arms ought to have analogie and proportion to the bearer, and in a great Measure to decorticate his nature, station, and course of life, or somewhat conducing thereto, Quae gestantium Notis in Ʋpto­nem, p. 51. nominibus alludunt antiqua sunt si non omnium antiquissima insignia, is learn­ed Master Bish his note, and not without many learned mens con­currence with him. For since names given for distinction were con­formed to the nature of creatures, and the Emergency of Accidents as is evident in holy and prophane Bochartus Geo­graph. Sacra, p. 56. 57, 58. de Roman. Nomi­nibus. c. 1. p. 341. Stories, and as is clearly made out by Sigonius amongst the Romans, and [Page 19] is in all Nations owned, yea, as in our own Land and the Stories of it appears; Then ought and ever was the same rule observed in Arms and bearings of honour, for it is a maxim, a nominibus ad arma sequun­tur Zuinger. Theat vitae a p 3085. ad 3092. Fern. p. 225. argumenta.

Here then is a fit place to instance some few noted names with the oc­casions of them and the suitable bearings they have assumed, which our own knowledge may in a great measure assure to us, they being English men and Families, Prince Arthur was a valiant spark, and Camb. Brittan, p. 229. from his Infancy perceived cru­ell, therefore he had the name Ar­thur, which signifies a horrible Bear or Iron Mall; Briewre the fa­vorite of H. 2. so called because born in a Heath as the Norman word imports. Henry Percy called Hotspur; Propter suam probitatem, eoquod [Page 20] aliis spori deditis ipse super hostes Knighton de E­ventihns Angl. p 2728. Cambd. Brit. p. 604. invigilare consueverat, Gravesnour so called from his great skill in, and addition to, Hunting. Latimer signi­fies a Truchman or Interpreter pos­sibly from the skill in Languages which their Ancestor had; so also some have been named from bodi­ly remarks, as Blunt from their yellow haire, Fairfax from their faire bush of haire, some from Towns they dwell in, and are Lords of, as Draycot, Wilesley, Bishop­sheir, Malpas, and such like others, Cambd. Brit. 587. 603. to 609. some from waters, as the Lord Stoveton from the River Stowre, Wallop from Welhope, others from p. 262. corporal defects, as Crerequer quasi decrepido corde, of which Master Cambden every where in his Britan­nia makes mention. Yea, there is one that makes the famous Family of Plantagenest which stored the Fern. Glor Ge­neros. p. 226. [Page 21] Crown of England (to use his words) well nigh the space of four hundred years; from whence have issued one Emperour, fifteen Kings, and ten Queens, twelve Princes, twenty four Dukes, and sixty Earls, to have taken its name of a Plant; thus for a tast of, ordi­nary things, and Accidents that gave occasion to Names of worth: there are also Families whose bear­ings are referential to their names, and have a kind of consanguinity with them; Master Fern has saved me some pains herein, therefore he shall have the honour of my ac­knowledgment, he mentions the bearings of Breiwer Earle of Devon­shire, p. 231. Lucy, Wil. Earlae Aquilis son to King Stephen, Sheffeild, Wingfeild, Sommershall, Quater mayne, Tremayne, Hanchet, Bulloine, Calverley, and sundry others. To which I may [Page 22] add thousands more of the like na­ture, but that I would not clog the discourse with impertinent allega­tions; it being indeed hard to find any name of family which has not participated of this prerogative of time, to be and bear what the una­voidable vicissitudes of life, and the pregnant womb of fate has produ­ced them, as some beauteous Helens have had the mole of envy to their never to be repayred blemish, so have many Zipporahs been coveted as the minions of ages, and floated on the smooth streams of affluence to admiration, it is the will of God it should be so, and it is best it should be what he wills, whose will is the rule of rectitude, that which is to my purpose, is to shew that in the adaption of Names and Arms to places and accidents, there is a good decorum observed, which [Page 23] is what the description requires in the Symbol of a scutary depiction, for it sayes, Insignia sunt Symbola De­cora. And so did Virgil before my Author.

This word Decora is of a great comprehension, our own Langu­age when it expresses any thing gracefully done, sayes, Its done with a good decorum, or a good decorum observed, Decorum saith a gloss, quod ita Naturae consentanea ut in eo mode­ratio & temperantia appareat, cum specie quadam Liberali. The Greeks called Decorum [...], and both Valla and Tully by it under­stand Valla lib Cic. 1. Offic. 136. tam ipsum honestum quam quod hominibus & communi opinioni ho­nestum videtur & pulchrum & proba­bile. For besides the dignity of De­corum's birth, being derived from decem the magnified number of Py­thagoras, [Page 24] and called by him [...], and the number which gives Malchus in vita Pythagorae. denomination to things of remark; hence, ova decumana and fluctus decu­mani; There have been in all Au­thors notable words joyned in consort with it, Tully has decorum & elegans; and Justa omnia decora sunt, Lib. 1. Divin. Lib. 1. Oflit. Lib. 2. de Leg. Lib. 1. de Orat. Horat. 1. Car and Color albus praecipue deo Decorus est, and speaking of an Orator he sayes, ad rerum dignitatem apte & quasi Decore Loqui; And all grate­full things have been expressed by it. Nigro Crine Decorus, so Plebs de­cora 1. Syl. 6. cultu, so Statius; Aedes decorae, decorus sermo & decorum silentium, frequent in Horace, to which add Lacrymae Decorae and Os decorum in Terence, together with Decora Cae­saries in Virgil, all which notes that 1. Aeneid. by Decora there is intended such a temper amentum ad pondus, as is justifi­able before the severest Tribunal of [Page 25] Justice, as in Consorts notes answer each other to a Symphony, so in Armory there must be regularity; No man at the Feast of honour must be his own Carver, standing dishes of altess, and dresses of ma­jestique composition are not to be touched, the officer of Arms ap­pointed to weigh out doles of re­ward is sworn to deal uprightly: and in Master Fern's words, give p. 83. Lacies Nob. to every man according to merit, and that with the most aptnesse to the setting forth and signifying of the virtuous desert whereby the first bearer was advanced to the bearing of Arms: so he. And if it were otherwise Arms would be­get, not prevent confusion, for e­very mans ambition would feed on the daynties of regality, and con­temn those proportions that are more becoming them. It is favour [Page 26] enough that they have the Wall of the Plebs, too much that they scorn an equall, and abide no superiour. For as the Lawes of Nations, so the particular Law of gentility in Eng­land, denyes Arms to be borne by any but those that either have them by descent or grant, or purchase in the Field from the body or badg of any prisoner they in open and law­full war take, and this it does to obviate that tympanous humour that swells up lawless, and light minds into a rude and arrogant u­surpation of the rights of Nobility and Gentry, of which tribe they are not naturaliz'd: Therefore H. 5. by Proclamation did inhibit, Quod nullus cujuscunque status, gradus An: 5. Regni Memb. 15. dorso in Archivis Turris. seu conditionis fuerit, hujumodi arma si­ve Tunicas armorum in se sumat, nisi ip­se Jure antecessorio vel ex donatione ali­cujus ad hoc sufficientem potestatem ha­bentis [Page 27] ea possident aut possidere debent, & quod ipse arma sive Tunicas illas ex cujus dono optinet demonstrationis suae personis ad hoc per nos assignatis seu as­signandis manifeste demonstret, excep­tis illis qui nobiscum apud Bellum de Agen Court arma portabant, &c. And herein the Law of Arms in England is but in affirmance of the Law of Nations, and avowes that order which is practised in the civilized world. For as God in the creation and preservation of things, is the great exemplar of order, giving in the compagination of Heaven and Earth, and the dominion and sub­jection in them, a document to mortal manageries, which are then only vehiculated to their central point, when conform to the pro­toplast in the direct line of regula­rity. So have all ages and people by a plenarty of consent, coincided, [Page 28] to promote distinctions and diffe­rences between man and man; that there be as Saint Pauls phrase is, no Scisme in the body of Go­vernment, which without could not be avoyded; The frame of this great world cannot subsist with­out a God, the light not be, if the Sun were superseded, the Firma­ment, the Earth not be fertile, if not irrigated, Man not live, if not cool­ed by ayre, and strengthned by food, no more could communityes continue their neighbour-hood without Government the first born of order: And this however para­doxall to levelling Anarchists, yet has been accounted Canon, not on­ly by those Elder Asiatique Na­tions, whose polity had all the di­mensions of order in it, but also by the puissant people of Rome, whose practice may be thought most swa­sive [Page 29] with this high courag'd and military Age. For as they intru­sted not the poorer sort, which they called Proletarii and Capitecenses, with Arms of war, nisi in tumultu maximo, but kept their Militia in I'Lipsius p. 19. de Milit. Rom. ex Polybio Dio­nyseo & Agel­lio. the hands of men of blood and fortune, as Nabis the Spartan in Livy (who opposing the Romans Cu­stom to the Spartans, sayes, Vos a censu equitem a censu peditem legitis.) So did they not indulge mean per­sons Arms of honour; No, nor ac­commodations much below them, it was denyed servants to have their head covered, for when once the pile­us was put on their head, it beto­kened Emancipation according to that of Perseus, Haec mera libertas, haec nobis Pilea donant, hence when those that were shaven became freemen, they are said by Livy, Sene­ca, and others, vocari ad pileum, in Lib. 6. Ep. 47. [Page 30] which regard when Brutus was the best Trump in the Roman State, he caused mony to be stamped in me­moriall of his parricide, cum pilio Salmuth. i [...] Panciroll. Tit. de Fibula 44. p. 178. L. Girald. Synt. 1 hist. de [...]um. duobus pugionibus imposito. Nor was any man eligible to be Tribune if one of the Equestrian order, till he had served in the wars ten years, as Pedestrians were to serve twenty years. They indeed allowed to me­rits Lipsius l. 1. mi­lit. Rom. p. 15. rewards and admissions to ho­nour by grand paw's and deliberate steps of ascent, yea, to one like Sici­nius Dentatus who served his Coun­try one hundred and twenty bat­tayles, and brought from them woundy Testimonies of valour; they thought no honour too great, though the person on whom it was bestowed, ab ortu, was but a Terrae filius, or a sese ortus, or a man of the first head as we say, that is of a nu­per exorta nobilitas, which Pliny calls [Page 31] subita Imago, and after whom Budae­us. Salmuth. tit. de Cellis 2. 25. p. 63. Lib. 1. Ep. 9. in Pandect. pri­oris, p. 176. edit. Basileae, A [...]. 1534. But in other cases the Patricians and Senators were so jealous of their glory and perfulgency, that they allowed none participants with them on ordinary and num­mary accounts. They, they were the men who took pleasure in the adorning the portraytures of their Ancestors, and erecting such Sta­tues and Emblems of their honour as in a kind gave them a temporal immortality, with these were their Porches and Medalls adorn'd, and with these were their Rooms of Lib. 6. c. 51. State made venerable, yea, Polybius tells us, To these Statues did they annually devote a solemnity. Which Tully perstringed in that tart pas­sage to Piso, Obrepsisti ad honores, erro­re hominum, commendatione fermosa­rum Imaginum quarum simile nihil ha­bes praeter colorem. So he: but this [Page 32] (with his leave) I take rather writ­ten ad hominum, then chargeable on the Roman Grandees, for as most of them had great personal worth, so did they preserve this memory of their Ancestors, to excite them to a patrization, and to a generous con­formity to, if not a transcendency above them, for though it be true that it was one end of theirs to live in the fame of generous Sirs, who had been men of honour and of­fice in the state, yet had they this also in their design, ut vitae seriem Budaeus in pan­dectas priores p. 174. servantes & juxta imagines cujusque propriam haberent virtutem quos imita­rentur, as Photius his words are out of Diod. Sicul. lib. 32.

I do not aver the Romans had all those things for their Insignia, which for a long time have been in use amongstus, for time has enfran­chis▪d us as ages by longer service [Page 33] for experience may be thought greater proficients in the variety and imployment of fancy; They had no knowledge of the use of Mettalls and Colours, posterioris aevi inventum est, saith Alteserra, Lib. de Col. & metal. They knew not what blazoning was, that's modern, about Phara­mond the first King of the Gauls, Anno 420. Or Prince Arthurs age Summar [...]e ar­morial Imprim. a paris l. 138 p. 3. & 5. Anno 480, it grew in use. As their Language, habit, nature, and man­ner of warfare, in time differed from what it was; so without all doubt did they vary in their re­wards and punishments, and as they differed from themselves, so were they different from other Na­tions; The world is now a hotch­potch wherein all mankind is blen­ded together, and no Nation is so entirely what it is called as at first it was. The Romans made many [Page 34] Conquests abroad, and to them was great concourse of people, who were Roma Donati, which made Rome linsie woolsey, not of a warp and woof alike, though therefore they might not have Arms and de­vices of emblem which were of personal and genealogick right, by which cognizance is taken of what House Gentlemen are, from what branch of that House, whether loy­all or spurious, what matches they made, and from whom their Issue are descendants, though they might have no action in their Law of the twelve Tables, against any that should give their Emblem in Seal or Shield, as by latter Lawes they had, and as by the Lawes in use with us was allowed, though per­adventure they had not all these in the formality of latter ages. Yet had they things analogical to them, [Page 35] and of identique import and sig­nificancy with them.

They had their [...], their Ordo Campestris, Senatorius, Equestris and In priores Pan­dect p. 376. Lipsius de milet. Rom. Dialog. 5. p. 126. Et in Analectis. p. 24. ad Dialo. 51. plebeius suis quemque Insignibus di­stinctos, saith Budaeus out of Pliny; yea Lipsius out of Strabo, Herodotus, Pliny, Polienus, Livie, Plutarch, Virgil, and others, tell us, their chrystae & galeae quae scutis imponuntur, familiarum antiqua digmata, originem habent a multis chrystis, in use amongst them; yea they had much more instances of approximation to us, Lazius com. Reip. Rom. l. 9. c. 17. mentions out of Pliny, that amongst the Romans, scutis qualibus apud Trojam pugnatum est continebantur imagines. They had their Statues and Bucklers of gold, which in honour were hung up in publique places, as that of Claudius was hung by the Senates allow­ance, [...]. In the Court [Page 36] or Senate, and his own State was allowed to be [...] in the Lib. 9. p. 122. Capitol, as I have it from Eutropius. They had their Arcus Triumphales, in which stately Marble repository, were monumented the Victories of those to whose memory those piles of fame were erected. Panciroll tells Memorab. tit. 28 us of 36 of them which were in Rome, and one without it; of which number six onely yet remain. They had their Columnae, of which two are most famous. That to Trajan, Salmuth p. 96. E Palladio. and the other to Antoninus Pius, a pair of Darling Emperours, amor & de­liciae humani generis. They had their Crowns, Chayns, Rings like our at­tendants of Knight-hood, & such like Budaeus. p. 225. other marks of merit and reward, speaking as effectually what they were, and whom they came from, as our Arms of Families at this day do, which I have from learned Bu­daeus, [Page 37] who (speaking of our Insignia Gentilitia, as relating to the same end with those elder Ceremonies) writes thus, Pro iis (ut opinor) poste­riora Tempora Insignia Gentilitia habu­erunt In Paudectus priore. sp. 117. quae arma vulgo vocantur, Quae ipsa quo (que) primum ac simile est veri vir­tutis praemia fuerunt ac rerum praeclare gestarum decora. So he.

And because 'tis very proper to shew when arms in a distinguish­ing and Gentilitiall acceptation came in use, before I write of the use and end of them, which comes in with the next part of the descri­ption. Therefore shall I discourse of that as pertinent to satisfie the enquiries of those that are soberly curious.

Concerning the rise of Arms, I would speak modestly as becomes, and as my Great Masters have pre­sidented me, because as in Antiqui­ty [Page 38] and the story of it, decocted thorow so many vicissitudes, and varnished over with fucatious sem­blances of truth instead of very truth; there is much doubt begot in sober mindes, to the solution of which there ought to be stanch rea­son and authority produced: so because there is an impossibility of renewing those Characters which Time and Tyranny has deleted, and wholly absorp'd, 'tis very con­venient to use a soft Pen, and to of­fer probable truth with no dictator-like confidence. Time has a Beesom of change, that sweeps away what­ever is written in mortal dust; And tis one of the miseries of this visi­ble Globe that deluges of force and age carry all Monuments of anti­quity before them into the abyss of forgetfulness, what Gods mercy preserves the memory of, we only [Page 39] can know, and with that are to be satisfied; And so much of that as I have learned, and judge convenient to publish of this matter, follows.

It is probable that in the first A­ges of the world, when the paucity of men made their contests small and seldom, there was no use of Emblems and Characters of discri­mination; but not long after, people multiplyed, and men prog'd up and down for livelihoods and courses of maintenance, then they came in as Sea-marks to keep them from split­ting on the Rocks of confusion. For Diodorus says, that the Egyptians, who make themselves Omnium mor­talium antiquissimi, Or as Lilius Gi­raldus; se deorum genus primum apud Syntag. 1 hist. Deor [...]m p. 6. se extitisse volunt: These I say are ac­counted to have them ab initio Reli­gionis, that is from Osyris and Isis, more then 400 years before the Is­raelites [Page 40] going out of Egypt, and Dio­dorus adds how they came to use Bibliothe. l. 1. fol. 77. them, [...], &c. When the old Aegyptians for want of order in their confused bands of men were overcome by their Neighbours, they setled their forces in such divisions as were known by their Ensigns, every part of them having his peculiar sign. But it pleases me rather to deduce the antiquity of their use from the Jewes, Jacobs Posterity, who grow­ing numerous used them, and that by some thing like a Prophetique direction of their Genitor, who is said to prevail with God, Et nunc quasi supra Coelos evectus non in homi­nis persona sed ex ore Dei qualis in lon­gum usque tempora futura sit eorum conditio pronunciat, saith Reverend Calvin. In Cap. Gen. 49. v. 1.

There is nothing I confess in the [Page 41] Text that precisely directs the Cha­racter Jacob gives of his Sonnes and the descendants from them (for them also it reacheth) to be used as a mark of distinguishment, or a Tribuall difference: neither for ought I see is there any thing to for­bid it. In that therefore the Descri­ption of them is fully made, and the number of their Tribes and al­lyances grown great, why then may not their Characters be thought to be used by them, as we now do Coats of Arms in Shields and Ban­ners? Ʋpton. lib 3 de Colore albo. p. 103. Some of the Jewish Doctors say peremptorily, that the Israelites had four Vexilla or Magnalian▪ Ban­ners: And that under every of those, In cap. Num. 2. there were three Tribes, Et erant in illis vexillis picturae notificantes Tribus quae erant sub illis vexillis, and so Tostatus. Others conclude their S [...]gna to be as in Gen. c. 49. Jacob [Page 42] describes them, but R. Abraham, Aben Ezra, though he will have their Banners charged with Insignitions of distinction, yet forsooth, the fi­gures on them must needs be those four in 1 Ezec. 10. An Eagle, a Ly­on, a Bull, and a Man; but that conceit Tostatus rejects, and adds a good reason, revelatio illa de quatuor animalibus nondum fuit facta, fuit enim facta, postea per multa tempora cum propheta esset apud fluvium, Chebar.

Though therefore the certain rise of familistique distinctions be not infallibly concludable out of the Text; yet there is much conducing to, not only its probability, but its full proof, especially when thereto we add that the Israelites were of no­ble Parentage. Of a free stock, whose Parents were not in bondage, which Tully, Boetius and Budaeus, make necessary to Gentility, (Gen­tiles [Page 43] sunt qui eodem inter se nomine sunt, Budaeus p. 151. qui ab ingenuis oriundi sunt, Quorum majorum nemo servitute servivit, Qui capite non sunt diminuti.) Of great numbers, warlike Nature, and ap­titude to Generation they were, And in these regards needed di­stinctions which these Characters served for: Therefore without any violence to truth, they may (with submission to better judgements) be accounted users of them, and com­mendable Ancestors to the use of Arms in after ages of the world.

Yea the Text of Numbers sayes, Num. 2. v. 1. 2. That the Lord spake unto Moses and Aaron, saying, Every man of the Children of Israel shall pitch by their own Standard with the Ensign of their Fathers House, &c. by which our learned Translators intend, no doubt, that as the Tribe had a ge­neral devise or Standard, so every [Page 44] House or Family in that Tribe had a particular distinction, and of this Opinion is Lorimus. And because I take this place for a clear proof of In locum. the use of Insignited banners a­mongst the Jewes, therefore shall I be bold to consider the Original and learned Versions of it.

Every one [...] super vex il­lum, so the Hebrew, or juxta as the Biblia Polyglot­ta Waltoniana. Cald. in nota sua sub vexillo, so the Arabick Version, the word [...] sig­nifies such a Standard-bearer, cui subsint decem millia 'Tis a military Ensign, quod magnum, as the learned take it, and the word is so used as a note of prelation, Cant. 5. 10. My Vexillarii nomi­nati sunt qui sub uno vexillo in Centuria ne­cebant. Lazius Com. l. 7. c. 5. Beloved is fair and ruddy, the chiefest among ten thousand, the word Here, a Standard-bearer. So Cant. 6. v. 3. where Christ applauds his Spouse He calls her terrible, [...] the word Here, as an Army [Page 45] with Banners. That is as a Standard at­tended with sundry Banners in defence of it: For Vexilla properly signifies the Standers of Kings and Chiefs, whose Subjects hold Estates and Offi­ces to attend and defend their Sove­raigns Standard, Labari aurei dignita­tem, lege apud Laz. Com. l. 7. c. 5. there­fore are they not such as Livy, lib. 8. call'd Vexilla, used by the Roman Equestrians, Vexilla se suorum par­masque cernere equitum, but large, square, and of noble capacity, to which proprius accedunt Vexilla Tem­plorum quae in lustratione & processi­bus anteferuntur, saith Lipsius. And Lib. de milit. Rom. p. 170. if both Vegetius and Brecman, deno­minate these aright a velis navium, we must conclude they are no snips or scantlings of display, but as of rich composure, so of ample di­mension. Cedrenus tells us both what, and of what they were, [Page 46] [...], which Lip­sius thus translates, Vexilla panni seu vela ex purpura & auro in Quadratam p. 176. formam effecta. Et in signis, [...] that is according to his Character, or notable mark of evidence, so the word is used Gen. 4. 15. God set a mark upon Cayn [...] the word here, Gen. 9. 17. This is the sign of my Co­venant, so is the word in the plural number taken, Exod. 4. 9. Deut. 34. &c. 26. v. 8. &c. 11. v. 3. and in sun­dry other places. In all which, there is implyed as evident discriminati­on as can be made by Language. In Grammat. [...] est litera quasi signum externum vocis proferendae cha­racter Pagninus in verbo. & nota, for it comes from [...] as if in the note & decypher­ing there were something coming towards us, which we are to enter­tain and take notice of: therefore [Page 47] though the 70. read it by [...], yet some Copies read it by [...], which being [...], as Suidas ob­serves; makes the sign as full of e­vidence, as the sound of the Trum­pet is an instance of the Horsemans preparation to march or to Battel.

These Signa then being their fa­milique Banners, or Ensigns, were highly valued by them, as after they were by the other Nati­ons, especially the Romans, as Haly­carnass witnesseth, [...] Hist. lib. 6. 1 Annal. [...], l. 1. Annal. so Tacit, conver­sus ad signa & bellorum Deos. So he.

[...] Castrametabuntur, a Military word, yet has also a signification of quiet repose. God would have his Saints skilful in Martial order, lawful defence he allowes, and ad­vantagious methods he prescribes, [Page 48] but all his Israels Militia must tend to peace with men, and with one another. So that the conclusion hence will be this, That if God commanded the Jewes to pitch their Tents in a Military figure, ca­sting as it were, the Tribes into four Brigades, and in every of them the several Families into lesser models, distinct, according to their Standards and Ensigns: and this the Jews did, as appeares Numb. 2. v. last; Then undoubtedly the Jews are good instances of the Milita­ry use of Arms in National Stan­dards, and familical Ensigns or Banners. And can we think they used not that for civil distinction, which they found so available in Military multitudes? though the holy Text be silent in it, on that ac­compt, yet it being punctual in pe­degree, and delivering much of [Page 49] that in divers places, not only of the old but new Testament, to clear the descents & rights of emi­nent persons, of which the Jews in their Families were very careful. The eldest of every Family being the Prince, and having the archivae of his stock in his Custody, And In primogeni [...] tanquam in Ca­pite stat et rema­net splendor geniturae. Baldus. the Nation in general having a great zeal to propagate the honour of their Ancestors, as appeares by their expressions of having Abra­ham to their Father, and being free­men and not in bondage. John c. 8. v. 33. Though I say there be no di­stinct proof for Ensigns personal and gentilicial among them, yet there is much conducing to it, and nothing against it, nay it is probable that the Barbarous Nations con­versing with the Jews, (being in their ascent to glory, which they arrived at more and more, and to [Page 50] the view and admiration of which, strangers came from far to them) learned from them, with many o­ther parts of useful prudence and invention, This way of Military and Civil distinction, which has been, yet is, and I hope ever will be in the regular world. This for what I have to write concerning the use of Arms amongst the Jews.

After the Jews, Stories tell us of Greeks, Romans, Spaniards, Germans, and all great Nations and Persona­ges that used them in their Shields and Trophies of honour; Sir Henry Spelman has collected many instan­ces p 30. Aspilog. of them which I shall not here recapitulate, but add some other examples of Nations and Persons, who of old time gave these Insignia in their Shields: Of Nations, 'tis written the Aegyptians bare an Oxe, the Scythians Lightning, the Phrygi­ans [Page 51] a Sow, the Romans an Eagle, Mars by the Thracians, and a Bow and Arrowes by the Persians: the Syrians a Dove, the Indians a Dragon, the Athenians an Owl, the Thebans Sphynx his head, the Rhegini a Hare, and the Corynthians a flying Horse; and so many Nations more, Cat. gl. Mund. p. 20. 58. mentioned by Cassanaeus; and for particular persons; Mr. Leigh has given us the bearings of many, as of Joshua, David, Hector, Alexander, Ac [...]i [...]ence Ar­mory. p. 23. p. 112, 113. Judas Macabaeus, Julius Caesar, King Arthur, Charlemaine, Sir Guy of War­wick, &c. Le Mair tells us of [...]emi­ramis In Illustrat. Galliae lib. 5, bearing a Dove, Aeneas a gol­den branch in a green Field, with two silver Doves; so Idomeneus the Pausan. lib. 5. Nephew of Minos is alleadg'd to bear for his Arms on his Buckler, a Cock of the Game. [...]lemannus Her­culus the 11^th German King, bore a Lyon: Wittikind D. of Saxony a [Page 52] black and after a white Horse, and La science He­roique chap. premier. a cloud of others Monsieur Colum­biere has collected; yea, the Germans to Tacitus his time, did observe the use of Arms in Shields, so did the Romans in their Cohort and Le­gionary L [...]zius Com­ment. Reip. Lib. Rom. c. 17. Insignia, long before Nero's time, as is collectable not onely from their Coynes, on which those Emblems and Imageries are im­pressed, but also from Juvenal Satyr. 2.

So Horace speaking of the Scythi­ans conflicts with the Argonauts, sayes

After the use of these grew more common, and were called [...], of which Vegetius writes thus, [Page 53] Sed ne milites aliquando in tumultu prae. Lib. 2 c. 8. Scutis qualibus apud Trojam pugnatum est continebantur. Imagines, Plin. l. 35 Lazius in Com.] c. 17. lii a suis contubernalibus aberrarent, di­versis cohortibus diversain scutis signa pingebant, ut ipsi nominant [...], si cut etiam nunc moris est fieri. And 'tis observable that these Signa were no trite devices and vulgar pomps of fancy. But first the Images of their Gods, then of those Heroes and Mi­litary Deities that preceded their Emperours, as Mars and Romulus, after of their Emperours, as Lipsius out of Tacitus, Suetonius, and other Authours has instanced; which su­perstition De Milit. Rom. p. 168, 169. of theirs, gave occasion to Tertullian to cry out, Religio Roma­norum tota Castrensis Signa veneratur, Apolog. c. 16. Signa Jurat, Signa omnibus Diis prae­ponit, yea, because the Romans grew so doting on their fortunate warring, that in Signis militaribus Sir H Sp. Aspil. p. 136. ardorem & religionem omnem suam po­suere; therefore did they descend to [Page 54] the fatuity of bringing wild Beasts into their Gods and Emperours places, for such at last they stained their Insignia with, as Tacitus and Pliny both testifie. By all which it Tacit. l. 14. Plin. l. 10. c 3. appeares, that Escocheons of Arms were introduced as a help to the right use of Arms; for if the end of Warre be to oppose enemies, and defend Nations and Neighbours in amity, who without differences of knowing, may fall foul each of o­ther, and not do the duty of right to those they owe it to, then what is a remedy to prevent and to hinder the contrary, is of much use, and this doth Arms in Standards, En­signs and Shields.

And therefore though it be true, that these Insignia were at first Mili­tary, used onely by those in action, and upon the prealledged grounds, yet have they been for many hun­dreds [Page 55] of years, not onely the rights Clypeus quem­admodum in praeliis muni­men militum e­rat, Ita pace parta suspensus atque obtrecta­toribus objectus, ormamenti quo (que) militaris locum accepit in quo & quae cuique ima­gines, exprime­bantur, ut hodi­eque fit, Lazius com. Reip. Rom. l. 9. c. 17. of Souldiers, but also of their Po­sterities, who are dignified for their prowess, and hold Estates of their Princes upon Tenures of ser­vice of Warre either in their persons or purses, or in councel, which is of equivalent acceptation and con­sequence. So that which way soe­ver we cast our eye, though as to the determinate time of the Origi­nation of Arms, there be more mist then clear Skye, the probable dawnings of tradition, rather then the noon-light of History, some ascribing the first use of them to the Jewes, others to Hercules, others to the Caryans and Argonauts, who ac­companied Jason to the Conquest of the Golden Fleece, about Anno Mund. 39 21. & brought back with them charges on their Shields, in token of their Victory; of [Page 56] which Opinion Hyeron Bara is, as others are that it commenced in the Trojan ages, in Alexanders time, un­der Julian, in his conflict with the Moores, The Goths and Vandalls ir­ruption into Europe, the times of Theodosian, Charles the great, Barba­rossa and others. Yea, and as well the Germans as any; though I say in this doubtful and not to be de­termined case, every one being re­stive in his opinion, there can no­thing infallibly, as to the time, be concluded. Yet this is without doubt, that when, or by whomsoe­ver Arms on Shields, or Coats or Banners were brought in use, it was upon grounds of inconveni­ence found without them; for confusions are often parents of Or­der, and mens sufferings lesson them to Methods of regularity, which till they have smarted, they [Page 57] cannot so readily learn. God in the Creation rescued light from dark­ness, and garbled Order from the confused Chaos, and Nations are ever most ingenious to prevent those evils they have most bin in­jured by. Therefore though in the breaking in of Saracens and rude Barbarians into Christendom, great havock was made of sacred edifi­ces, antick Utensils, and Monu­ments of honour; yet at that Port (probably) came in the more gene­rall use of Arms and Banners Mili­tary and gentilicial, because against them were the great confluences of Christians united, and in the ex­pedition against them randevou­zed.

And hence also 'tis probable, that Arms grew appropriate to Fa­milies, for either those that were in Command in the Holy Warres, [Page 58] and used Arms in their Banners, Shields, or outward Garments, up­on their return from that service, took those devices or Arms as their due, (for then it was permitted to every man to take what Arms he Bartholus de Insigniis & ar­mis. p. 1. Ʋpton de officio Milit. l. 1. c. 18. p. 59. would so none bore it in his own Nation, and he adds his reason, nam sicut [...] sunt inventa ad re­cognoscendum homines, ita arma & In­signia,) or else had indulgence from their Soveraigns or his Chieftains to bear them; which time and use has improved into a customary legall and rightful appropriation to their Issues and their Descen­dents, Mills Catal. Ho­nor. milit. & Civil p. 157. and to no other in that Na­tion, without the deserved censure of usurpation, for which an action of injury lies, & tryal by Battel was Baldus 1. c. 1. Circa Princ. 5. de pace tenen­da in usi [...]us seudorum. allowed and performed, and was frequently practiced in this Nati­on, and other Countries yet allow it.

[Page 59] It remains now, that somewhat be mentioned of the Origination of Arms, Gentilicial and famili­call in our own Countrey, England, which I doubt will prove of a lat­ter date then many of our gay boasters say they have born them in their Families, there are some that with those Romans Plutarch speaks of, call themselves [...], that is, elder then the Moon. No pe­degree pleases them, but that which is ab Evandro & Arcadibus. I am a great admirer of antiquity, and ho­nourable Auncestry, but reason and History shall sway me beyond any passion or opinion; for if conside­ration be had, that for some hun­dred years, this Nation was under the harrass of Warre, and in the storm of forraigners assaults, and after troubled with the Cholique of civil uncivil Warre; there will [Page 60] be little reason to be over confident in matters of Pedegree and Arms, much beyond 400 years. I have it In Gloss. ad verb. Arma. from the learned Knight, who adds too, Neseio an ea prorsus antiquitate. Yet when ever (as about that time I conceive its rise) the first users of Arms, and the first that had origi­nall right to them, were such of the Brittish Nobility and Saxon line as kept their honours, fortunes and seats, or some of them in the chan­ges of Government; They being fortunate, and not frown'd upon by the Conquerour and his Sons, kept their stations, though his Nor­mans had the place and power in Court and Camp, and as these grew more and more habituated to his Government, and he abated of the rigour of a Victor, and made by peaceable Government more calm, so these shewed themselves more [Page 61] openly, owning their rights with greater freedom. From these, and from the Lords of the new Model, sprang twigs of honour, which af­ter became tall of growth in the springs of honour, most of the Fa­milies of our now ancient Gentry being Issues from them, dependants on them, or preferred by them, yea dignified with badges of trust and honour, neerly allyed to those great mens bearings: so true is that of Giraldus Cambrensis, where speak­ing of the great men, He sayes, In Itiner. Cambr. c. 10. p. 851. Clientes hos suis quasi armis instructos armigeros suos forte vocant, & Mili­tum foeda cum armis suis, suis armigeris dedisse; Thus as the Romans of old called their best and most noted Servants Gentiles, as we read of Budaeus in re­lig. Pandect. p. 304. lib. 33. Bruti Cassii Ciceronisque gentiles, as Tully himself calls servius Tullius, (after King of the Romans) Gentilem [Page 62] suum, which I take to be as much as Pliny meant by Marcipores & Luci­pores, which were the Servants of Marcus and Lucius; It being the ho­nest and just custom of Antiquity, not onely amongst us and the Ro­mans, but even in the primitive Jewish times, to account faithful and worthy Servants next to Chil­dren, and accordingly to reward them, as appeares in that passage of the Patriarch Abraham, where E­leazar of Damascus his Steward is Gen. 15. 2. by him declared his Heir, he being childless, nor must it seem strange; for who merit so great respect, next to those a man begets, as faithful Servants that attend them and theirs with love and trust? Mr. Cambden tells us of Ja. L. Audley, who atten­ding In Staffordshir [...]. p. 584. the black Prince at the Bat­tel of Poictiers, was there sorely wounded, the Prince rewarded him [Page 63] with a gift of 400 marks of yearly rent, who presently gave the Princes gift to his four Esquires, saying du­tifully to the Prince, Sir, It is meet that I do well for them who deserved best of me, These my Esquires saved my life amongst my Enemies, and God be thanked, my Ancestors have left me suf­ficient Revenues to maintain me in your service.

And if it be usual in story, to read of brave Spirits remunerating valour, even in Enemies, as Edward the third did Sir Eustace Ribamont, a French Knight, who personally en­countred the King, and held him tack a long while, till the King twice beat him on his knees: at last the King took him prisoner, with these words, Sir, You are the Knight in the world that I have seen most valiant, either in assault of Ene­mies, or defence of himself, whereupon [Page 64] he gave him the Chaplet of Pearl he had from his Head: for which cause, the said Sir Eustace gave 3 Chaplets gar­nished with Pearl. If Friends have been rewarded (as was R. Steward, D. de Aubigny Marshal of France, by Lewis the 11^th who had given him the royal Arms of France with Britannie. In Scotland. p. 26. Buckles, Or, in a bordure Gules, as Cambden instructs me; and as Al­beney was by H. 1. to whom he gave 140 Knights fees in England, and 120 in Normandy;) Why is not the merit of Servants and Depen­dants, who spend their youth in faithful drudgery, and own no parts or worth but what is at their Lords devotion, to be amply re­payd them, where Masters have op­portunity and power?

Truly I see no reason, but it so should be, and so accordingly did our Honourable An ceors now [Page 65] with God, do, and by this grate­ful bounty of theirs, have the Fa­milies of the lesser Nobility in a great measure been increased. No man acquainted with Story, but knowes that of old most of the great Estates and Commands in England, were in the hands of such favourites of the Conquerour and his Issue as they granted them to, who by tenure, in their persons and with their Tenants, Servants and dependants were to attend their Soveraigns in their Warres: these Great Men granted parts of their Tenures to persons, either re­lated to them by match, service, or affection, upon such termes as they themselves either were obliged to the first grantor of them, or else on other conditions of advantage to them, giving them also Coat-armour; either parts of their own, [Page 66] or some other as to them seemed meet. Thus did many of the great Fern. Glo. Gener. p. 304. Houses of Cheshire grow from the Earls of Chester, who had power to erect Baronies and other Titles within their limits, which they did, and granted them over to hold as freely of them as they them­selves held of the Crown: thus also grew from the Houses of Albany, Vere, Strange, Ʋfford, many Noble Spel. in Aspilog. Families in Norfolk; and so others in other parts of the Nation. Hence probably came in the Titles of Knight, Esq; Yeomen, which were at first badges of personal service & domestique relation; for though miles which we render Knight, be understood generally to import a choyce person, quasi ex millibus E­lectus, One of a thousand as we say, A brave person picked out of a multitude, and furnished with a [Page 67] noble Horse chosen out of many, clad in Armour and Cooperizons, tricked and adorned with Gold, which some think is the reason they are termed Equites aurati, as others conclude them so named from their guilt Sword and Spurs; Though I say Miles be acknow­ledged as a Noble Dignity, And the great Orders of Majesty in the World be those of Knighthood, yet anciently it was a name of service, not onely in order to Tenure, the greatest Estates of England being in Knights service, to which I suppose Upton has an eye in those words, Miles est quasi servus Reipublicae, but Lib. 1. c. 2. p. 7. also in regard of attendance on the body of some Lord, Peer, or great Person on Horseback, who from being his A [...]mour-bearer was stiled Knight, or in Saxon Cnicht, of this fort were Knights Bannerets, who [Page 68] are by mistake written Barronets, but they were not inheritable, but of personal Office, of these there are many Parliament Records, ci­ted by Sir Edw. Cook, 2 Instit. p. 667. on the Statute of Additions, which is as much as, a lusty young man, a Servitor and Minister, not account­ing himself adorned with rich Clothes, precious Jewels, and Car­pet toyes, sed in scuto divulso, fracta galea, gladio hebete, facie vulnerata, as Vigetius his words are. These Knights are called by Bracton, Rad­cnichts, Gallants bound by Tenure and service to attend their Lords on Horseback, as Esquires did on foot. Hence the phrase Esquires of the body, an Office well known in the Court, ut pote qui antiquitus mili­tem a latere insequend [...] arma ejus ut Lib. de Nobil. p. 147. commilito fedissimus tulerit, saith Mr. Mills.

[Page 69] Therefore Gentlemen or Esquires, (which differ little in antiquity, (are both called Scutiferi and Armigeri, and till Edward the fourths time, Lords (if not Knights) were but 2 Inst t. p. 665. stiled Armigeri, bearers of the Arms of their Chiefs, in which regard a King is called (Jovis Armiger) by Cerda, and by them dignified to In Virgil. lib 5. p. 527. bear Arms in their own right, it being usual in elder times for great men both of the Clergy and Laity, to give honour, not onely that of Arms bearing, but also Knight-hood, as is noted by the learned Selden, though of late it be onely Titles honor. p. 667 771. Ʋpton. lib 1 c. 2. de off, milit. p 7. restrained by Law to Soveraigns and their Deputies or to Supremes in their respective Dominions.

After as this Nation grew more setled, men of vertuous ambitions, sought to deliver themselves from dependencies and service, addicting [Page 70] themselves to such studies, imploy­ments and courses of life, as they judged most conducing to their speedy emancipation, and peace, proving no shambles of youth, the increase of their number necessita­ted a more then ordinary Industry; And the brave Spirits which were monopoliz'd by Great men, and which breath'd out their lusty blood in Warres, became diffused into all quarters and conditions, the Court, the City, the Law, the Schools, as well as the Warres, and the Houses of great men, shared them amongst them, and by these grew thrift requested, and the ef­fects of it reached great Honours and Purchases: So that as great men of fortune and favour rose by Industry and Gods blessing upon it, as either were of the Original Brit­tish, Or of the dignified Norman [Page 71] race, Yea and in few years, the Lands, Arms, Honours and for­tunes of the Normans severe Lords of the Nation, came with their Children in Mariage, to those▪ ho­nest English Gentlemen who were once their unfortunate vassals, Or to their Issue, whom time and na­tional change had made freemen. Thus (besides many others) I read of the ancient Family of Fitzhugh (Lords of the Castle of Ravenswich, before the Conquest) that they con­tinued still their Splendor to the time of H. 7. per connubia cum hae­redibus Biss. in Ʋpon. p. 46. duarum familiarum Normanni­carum Forneaux & Marmion.

The consideration of the ad­vantage industry accomodates the Nation with, and the justice of re­turning laborious Ingenuity a just reward, as it has made the common Law of England disfavour perpetui­ties [Page 72] of Lands in infinitum on Fami­lies as tending to the Eclipse of In­dustry, since if Lands may be entail­ed on all of a Line, then those Fami­lies that have Land, must necessari­ly alwayes have it, and no others ever after purchase it, which seems contrary to the pleasure of God, who appoints worldly revolutions, giving and taking away at his plea­sure; so also doth not the Law of Arms in England, favour engrossing Arms to the Gentry of one Age and not of another, but still leaves a latitude of admission to all men of merit, whom the supreme Power either immediately, or mediately shall think fit to dignifie with Arms, Provided such Emblems and Badges of Honour be not in­jurious to those that bear the bear­ings, (through mistake given them) with greater right, For [Page 73] Princes as well as meaner men, may erre by misinformation, and justly recall their grants as a punishment to the insolent falshood of their deluders.) And in other mens cases the rule of Law is determined by Baldus, si quis assumit arma seu Insignia alterius qui eis longo tempore usus fue­rat In Lib. 2. Cod quaeres▪ vendi: non possunt. tenetur poena falsi. And this the Officers of Arms who are ever pri­vy to the transactions of these things, are well to look to; For though no man of Honour ought to have an evil eye because Gods is good, but give suffrage to, & appro­bation of rewards of vertue, even to persons of mean and base Ori­gen, like the Flavia Gens, of whom Suetonius writes, obscura illa quidem In vespas. ac sine majorum imaginibus, sed tamen Reipub. nequaquam paenitenda; for as much as the vertues men ex­press are the gifts of God, who of­ten [Page 74] exalts men of low degree, as Saul, David, Praemislaus, Tamberlayn, Tullus, Hostilius, Theodosius, Servius, Archelaus, Marius, Valentinian, Tele­phantes, Bonosus, Chongius, and mul­titudes of such like in all Ages and Countries, who being above the vulgar, nay above their own Births and Parentage; Ought to have, and have had a great share in the honour and esteem of men and Nations, though I say no man (of wit and worth) denies these their right to Arms, yet men of blood and honour, who have not attaint­ed their stocks by disloyalty, will be ever impatient to have their rights given to others, while they have right and possession of their Arms and Badges of Gentility: and battel was allow'd for tryal of right in this Case between Harding and Saint Lowe, An. 1312. by leave of Ro­bert [Page 75] the Scotch King, for the rule is, id quod nostrum (si enim prius est no­strum) Regula Juris. sine facto nostro, a nobis au­ferri non potest, and another rule there is, nemo potest arma amittere nisi propter infamiam; As deserved­ly did Andrew Harkley, created Earl of Carlile by E. 2. loose by his in­famous disloyalty, not onely his Arms but his Knight hood, for he was degraded, and all his Mili­tary Trophies taken from him, and at last drawn upon a hurdle to the place of Execution, and there hanged, beheaded and quartered. In this case when as Arms and Ho­nours are forfeited by Treason▪ Or return into the Supremes hand by act of death, a Family being eraced, and the title to the Arms dying with the last of the bearers, Then the Supreme not onely as ultimus haeres, but as fons honoris, [Page 76] may grant those Arms and Ho­nours Clypei in fune­ribus & parenta­co [...]ibus pompae praeferuntur, quod deni (que) extincta prosa­pia Clypei ex suggesto deji­ciuntur haec Ro­manorum Cuncta vestigia esse. Lazius in prae­fat. ad Com. Reip. Rom. to any it pleaseth, without injury to any Subject, Or, to its own Honour. So that the result of what precedes upon this Head, amounts to this, That Arms as honourary dignities, and generous distinctions between family & family, and per­son and person, have bin undoubt­edly born from the time of Hen. 3. since which there is sufficient proof of them; and though long before that, many Families might be rich, potent and noble, yet some of them either had no Arms, as many yet in Ireland have not, though (in Sir Henry Spelmans words) Nobiles e primariis familiis, and as in the con­test between Hastings and Ruthen, which endured from Richard the seconds time, to Hen. the sixth, one of the Deponents in that Cause, who was Estirpe nobili, said, Nihil [Page 77] sibi insignium accidisse, quia nec ipse nec majores sui in bello unquam descen­dissent; Or else kept no constant Coat, but gave now this, anon that, sometimes their Paternal, other­while their Maternal or adopted Coats: which variation causing much obfuscation in History, 'tis not easie to fix (upon true warran­table grounds) the constant lineal bearing of Coats in a line of un­changed descent above Henry the thirds time; since which Civil Warres and riotous Commotions, Jack Straw, Wille Waw, and their Companions in Richard the seconds time, Cade and Gate in Henry the sixths time, the Bastard Fawcon­bridge in Edward the fourths time, Perkin Warbeck, and the Black-smith, in Henry the 7^ths time, all these (saith Accidence Ar­mory. p. 78. Leigh) with their accomplices, have defaced Law and Arms, [Page 78] And I doubt our late troubles have repaired neither, for as that grave Civilian Bocerus has notably ob­served, De bello & d [...]ell [...]. Lib. 1. c. 29▪ p. 219. Bona quae bellum aufert sunt li­ber Christianae religionis usus, Reipub. tranquillitas, studia literarum, possessio­nes agri, vineae, praedia, domus, agricul­tura, Mercatorum Navigatio, pecora, aurum, argentum, Milites etenim Castra sequuntur saepe, non ut bonam & justam causam Defendant, sed ut spoliato & exuto omnibus fortunis adversario, Di­tiores domum redeant, pileis inter se nu­mmos distribuant, holosericum non ul­nis sed hastis metiantur. So he, and so I have done with the nature of the Subjects Symbola, and the modi­fication Decora.

The third is the end, for which Arms and Devices honorary are gi­ven, that the Description termes double, ad notitiam ad honorem lato­ris, By this then it seems, that these [Page 79] apposite Symbols are not toyes and insignificant nothings, but Em­blems of real, though tacite Lan­guage, and the conjunction of them here lessons us to observe: first, the Order and Locality, second, the Import and Nature of them both in the common and select interpre­tation. As to the Order and gra­dation the description has been ve­ry regular, for Notitia is the first step to honour, men must know before they can venerate, God sets up light in the Soul as the inlet of Faith, Love, Adhaesion, In which sence the Scripture saith, They that know thy Name will put their trust in thee, for Knowledge is the Centinel that examines all approaches to the Main guard of the affections, and it is seldom seen that a true esteem is fixed in the heart when the un­derstanding is not convinc'd of the Nobility of the Object.

[Page 80] It is true, there is no demonstra­tive reason to be given of Love and respect, that is, there is not alwayes such a concurrence of praelimina­ries and worthiness in the objects of Love, as justifies our love to be placed with judgement and choyce, approving it self to the rationality of humane nature, for what rea­son is there, that men love and hate things that they have no experience of the good or evil of them; yet is there an ictus or impulse occasion­ed by view, Narrative, Or some other accident, which hath cogency and force of Conquest on the ap­prehension, which by gaining that advantage, proceeds to prevail on the affections, and thence on the outward man, from which it ob­tains that which is called respect and honour; so that as in all natu­rall operations, there is Cause and [Page 81] effect, which in order of time pre­cede each other, so in knowledge and honour is there an order to be observed. Since the honour we give to any thing or person, is but com­mensurate to the Knowledge we have of that thing or person, and issuant from it as the tribute we give to that excellency of worth we apprehend.

Secondly, The Imports of No­titiae and Honour both in their common, and in their select accep­tation is notable. For there are ma­ny things that are Notitiae, as well as Arms, which yet are not of such personal and familical honourable intendment as Arms are. In all A­ges, and Nations, there are Notices of distinction, both for persons and things. And some are allowed what others are not, because they are of more conspicuity then o­thers [Page 82] are, and therefore sacrated and separate from vulgar familiarities. Suetonius tells us, of Severus, nun­quam libertinos in Equestrem ordinem redigisse ne Equestris Ordo commacula­retur, The names of Heroes were not Alex ab Alex. lib. 3 c. 20. to be given to mean persons. The Athenians had the name Hermodius and Aristagiton in such reverence, that they made a Law Ne illa servis indere liceret. And Domitian pun­ished Metius Pomposianus, for giv­ing the names of Magon and Han­nibal to his Servants, Tanquam cla­rissimorum virorum nomina servili contagio polluisset. The Agrarian Law began thus, Et in hoc more positum (Quirites) institutoque majorum, ut hi qui beneficio vestro Imagines fami­liae consequuti sunt eamprimum habeant concionem, qua gratiam beneficii ve­stri cum su [...]rum laude conjungant, There is a casual difference which [Page 83] results from the instability of mor­tality, which makes Time, through the versatility of men that live in it, of a various nature. That which is fashionable, religious, legal, loyal in one age of the World, is explo­ded as singular, prophane, irregular, foedifragous in another, One Arian Emperour makes the World Arian, and a Constantine recalls it again Christian. In Maximinus his time, Souldiers were so moderate, that a Souldier after the Persian Warre, finding a Parthian bagg full of precious Jewels and orient Pearls; threw them all away, least they should corrupt his mind, Solo pel­lis p. 164. nitore contentus, saith Salmuth.

And Polystratus, a Macedonian Commander, prosecuting Darius, and being athirst, called not for Sil­ver Curtius. lib. 5. or Gold to drink in, but drank out of his Helmet; but in. Julian [Page 84] the Apostates time, these Hectors were more dainty and braving, (Miles quasi mollis per antiphrasin) Ar­mato saxum non erat cubite sed pluma, & flexibiles lecti, et graviora gladiis po­cula, testa bibere pudebat, Domus ac aedes marmoreas requirebant, they are the words. of Ammianus Marcellinus, a Lib. 22. Souldier and an Historian, These and such like accidental notices there were between man and man, age and age. But the Notitia's of most remark, are those which are design'd by polities, and cano­niz'd by Lawes and National usa­ges. The Romans had their Annulos Tacit lib. 18. A [...]nal. Aureos to distinguish equites a plebeis, who wore Iron Rings, They had their Notitiae, and other things which they called Senatoria Orna­menta, Ʋlpian in L. Specios. c. 100. De verborum signif. Or after Ulpian, Magistratus Insignia, because the proper endow­ments of the Senators, who were [Page 85] accounted Speciosae & clarissimae per­sonae. To these Magistratique at­tendancies, Lampridius i [...] Alex. Scuet. Prudentius alludes in his enumeration,

They had besides these their La­tisclavius, Suetonius In Augusto. c. 38. Or loose Purple studded garment, for which cause they are called Laticlavii Senatores, Their Calcei Lunares, or half Moon'd slippers, to teach them, that though they were Patritii, yet Lunares, men of place in the Moon, the Mistress Plutarch. in qu▪ Rom. p. 282. Edit. Paris. of inconstancy, they had their Pe­rones, which they wore as no other Citizens did; for theirs were la­pillis quibusdam gemmis (que) praecicosis Variar. l. 1. p. 8. exornatos, according to Raevardus, which Tertullian mentions Latent in (singulis smaragdi, & cylindros vaginae [Page 86] suae Solus gladius sub sinu novit & in peronibus uniones emergere de luto Lib. de Habit. Virg. cupiunt, These and such like marks and notices had the Romans, and at this day have all Nations▪ and all Orders of men in them. The Cler­gymans Canonique habit, the Peer, Knight, Gentleman, Burger, Arts­man, are all, (in orderly times,) di­stinguishable by their Habits and attendants, which were their Noti­tiae or Credentials, where their bet­ter authentiques to esteem, were not necessary to be produced. And where as common Burgers and Arts men were not allowed Arms, either in Shield or Seal, yet the Law justified their use of marks, by which they distinguished their pro­perty; and who ever used their marks other then by their privity and warrant, was accountable to them for it. And Bartholus instan­cing [Page 87] in Smiths, or makers of Paper, who to distinguish that they own from other mens making, set their marks on them, adds this reason why it is not lawful for one man to use anothers mark, Quia ex hoc Tract. de Insig­niis & armis, p. 8. populus laederetur, acciperetur enim opus umius pro opere alterius.

As then there are other things in Notitiam, as well as Arms, so are Arms in Notitiam, as well as other things; for Notitia being a forin­sique word, & coming from Nosco, thence Notio, and Notitia as much as cognitio, reaches whatever inti­mates more then it expresses in the outside Character. Arms in Seals or Coats, Walls, and Windows are notices, that the bearers of them of generous extract, were owners and Masters of that their Arms are fixed on, or to, and that either by right, as of foundation, Inheritance, [Page 88] or Purchase. Or else of Custom and Possession: and he that removes an Arms, and usurps a Seal of any Gentlemans, giving it as his own, is to answer the injury at the Law; For the Lawes of Nations give eve­ry Gentleman as true and distinct a Title to his Arms, as to his blood, and as in case of Lands, the eviden­ces of them are as rightfully the Heires or Purchasers, as the Lands themselves. So in Causes of honour the Law judges Arms the Gentle­mans right, as truly as his blood in his veins; Hence is it, that Gentle­men bearing Arms, for some are asymboli, not onely those heretofore mentioned, but those also which some Civilians call Nobiles asserti, concerning which Cass. cites much out of Lucas de Penna, and Bonus de Catal. gl. Mundi. p. 312, 313. Custilli, with others, (and such are Gentlemen by Courtesie amongst [Page 89] us) ought not to debase themselves in giving marks; for that is if not laesio Nobilitatis, yet diminutio, a kind of temporary degradation of themselves, and a vilipending of their dirth-right, and of the fair and flourishing Character of it. A Gentleman is a Brother in Arms to a Prince, and is not to part with any punctilio of generosity, to comply with petty degenerous convenien­ces, unless it be in the pressures of life, and under the straitness of fortune, where to blazon ones birth, is to heighten ones misery; for as the Lawyers say, Omnes de­scendentes Ʋpton lib. 1. c. 19. p. 61. Edit. Biss. admittuntur & habeantur pro Nobilibus, donec perveniunt ad pau­pertatem, vel arte viles, & tunc incipi­unt esse non nobiles, to which the Philosopher assents, Nobiles sunt 5 Polit. quibus assistunt progenitorum virtu­tes & divitiae. If then the supports [Page 90] of honour fail, better admit silence to the claims of honour, during the Eclipse and absence of riches, which should honourably support it, then own it to its contempt. A­mong the Romans there was a value set of the Estate that a man must have, that would be Equestris Ordi­nis; and if any man had not that Estate in value, he was not eligible to that dignity; and if after he was in it, he spent his Estate una desi­nebat equestris Dignitas, His Dignity determined; for as the Judgement in the Case of Mountacute Mar­quess of Winchester, degraded for want of Estate, mentions, Baro non potest dici Baro nisi sit potens ad arma tenendum. As then Arms have a Con­junct import with other Notices, so have they a select one, being given not onely to distinguish, but to a­dorn and beautifie the bearers, as [Page 91] meritful instances of Vertue, Or Constat jucun­dum esse rerum bonarum sapo­rem & utilem ambitum laudis qui appetit [...]r per augmenta virtutis. Hoc nos studium proinde libera­litatis infundi­mus ut major sit cultus mo­rum dum cres­cunt desideria praemior [...]m. Cassidor lib. 7. Variarum. descendents from such as deserved the honour of generous Trophyes, to their posterities coruscation and ennoblement.

Undoubtedly 'tis a brave thing to be well born, the Greeks couple [...] with [...] and [...] making virtue & worth the best indications of noble Birth, which Nicostratus had an eye to, when he told Archi­damus who boasted of his descent from Hercules, and yet tempted him to betray Cromnus, promising him a great sum of mony, and Lucaena the beautifull, to wife, O Archidamus, I perceive by these juggles and dege­nerous actions, you are no descen­dent from Hercules, for he went a­bout Plutarch lib. de vi [...]ioso pudo­re. p. 535. edit Paris. the World to root out bad men, [...], but you are industrious to make good men bad. Let therefore spightful high shows, [Page 92] and Sots of yesterday declaym a­gainst Nobility and Gentility, yet all sober men and times have made it a great step to trusts and com­mands, the Roman Salii (or Priests to Mars) were men of greatest autho­rity, and of most leading note (such as Appius, Claudius, Scipio, Afri­canus, L. Bibaculus, Antoninus) and sundry others of the grandest re­nown) yet these were to be ex patri­ciis, Alexand. ab Alex. l. 1. c. 26. zuing. Theatr. vitae [...]uma. p. 2872. Liberi, Cives & qui neutro Parente Orbati essent. And when to this ad­vantage of blood, they joyned that other of personal vertue, making that a conspicuous Plume in the Cap of generosity, [...]. Such an one deserves prayse Plutare [...]u [...] lib. de Laude sui, p. 546. for his advantagiousness to man­kind, The Poet tells us that vertue is the merit of fame.

[Page 93] And Tully vindicates himself a­gainst Salust thus, Sanctius est me meis gestis florere, quam Majorum auctorita­tibus inniti, & ita vivere, ut sine poste­ris meis Nobilitas initium & virtutis exemplum, yea, when envy and ill will has spit out her poyson, worth will have compurgators from the breasts of Enemies. Photius Leoste­nes, when his detractors spitefully Apud Plutarch. asked him what good had betided the common-wealth in his Pretor­ship, replyed, [...], ye have (replyed he) saved your breath and spent none of it in sad Orations bewayling mens un­fortunate deaths, but every man has been buryed, [...], with their Fathers, not forced to abandon their houses, and live and dye strangers to their own Land, but preserved in peace and justice to a sober and sacred Serenity of life, which is the [Page 94] Crown of Government, and the commendation of the Governours.

No doubt then, but there are ver­tues suitable to particular Persons and Callings, as Piety to a Divine, Fortitude to a Souldier, Industry to a Tradesman, Learning to a Philo­sopher, Memory to an Orator, Ju­stice to a Magistrate; but to a Gentle­man well born and well bred, all, or most of these, are in some degree or other requisite. And the Law of honour in all Nations, as it quali­fies a Gentleman for any conferra­ble honour; (the greatest title of ho­nour being but an Improvement of Gentility) so it requires the choyce of men to fill up that roll, out of which the select Jewels of Nobility are extracted, Nihil aliud est vera Nobilitas quam vita humana clara vir­tutibus per Electionem et habitum animae Lib. 1. c. ult. p. 64. Edit. Biss. intellectualis exterius operantis, saith [Page 95] Ʋpton, Therefore all Supremes in their Patents and grants of Dignity, have these or suchlike passages: rega­lis nostrae dignitatis fastidium non solum ornari sed & augeri etiam prospicimus dum viris virtutibus claris et in rebus gerendis strenuis honorum titulos dispen­saremus, Or after the mention of the justness to reward Vertue, prae­sertim quos parentum praeteritorum nobi­litavit memoria & propriarum virtu­tum merita clara obedientia condecorant ut praemiata virtus roboretur intrinse­cus, & multos alliciat ad virtuosos actus, to shew to the World, that they hold none meet subjects of ho­nour, who have not vertuous In Prior. pan [...] dect. p. 200. minds as well as great Estates: therefore Budaeus out of Aristotle, calls [...] and proposes three contenders laying claim to it, Liberty, Riches, Vertue, some will have them in other terms, Riches, [Page 94] Lineage, Vertue, Science, so Mr. Accidence Ar­m [...]rie. p. 13. Leigh. I shall consider honour in England as having this threefold rise, The Camp, the Court, the City, these with their Appurtenan­ces have been the Trojan-Horse, out of which have appeared the great Actors on the Stage of Nobility; For unto eminent persons arising from these is Honour due, and to such there will honour be ever given.—For God forbid either the mean Originalls of brave men should betray them to a stupid neglect of concurring with that providence, which may open the Prospect to their future felicity. Tullus Hostiliur wore out his swad­ling clouts in a poor cottage, and spent his youth in tending cattel, Et validior aetas Romanum rexit Impe­rium, Or the heroique spirits of men, well born, and nobly set out [Page 97] to display their merit, should not have encouragements [...], to make them contemn danger; which Polybius sayes, wrought so mightily with the Roman Youth, Lipsius de milit, Rom. p 328. and 330. that they expressed more joy to hear their General recite at the head of the Army their valiant acts, and be themselves be­held as deservers of their Coronae, Ha­stae, Armillae, Torques, Phalera; Spolia, and the rest of their manly renumerati­ons, then fear of danger or death, in those atchievements they undertook.

Honour there is no doubt, is the reward of vertue, and vertue the stimulation to valour: Learned men have spent long treatises in the definition and prayse of honour, as that Golden Fleece which atten­ded by Dragons will be assaulted by magnanimous Jasons, 'Tis the great minds Dalilah, and Sampsons of courage will buy it at the price, [Page 98] not onely of many other mens, but of their own lives. Sabellicus makes Fame the tinder which kindles sparks of mettle into flames of action. This roused up those early Knights, Romulus and Numa, to shew themselves, ambo sperarunt di­versum a mortalitate, yea, and of Hercules he writes, Haec illi vel nover­ca Sabellec. l. 5. c. 5. infestior quae nunquam passa esteum quiescere, haec durior quam ille imperio­sus Eurysteus per quem tam varie exercitatus est Alcmenae filius, deinque fuisset ille nunquam tantus, si spem de immortalitate famae▪ nunquam animo concupisset; O honour, thou art the wind in the sailes of Industry, which brings it to its Port; Thou art the Musique of the Spheares, the sweet notes whereof, those early queristors onely hear who are by the prayses of Myltiades, kept al­wayes waking, Thou art the mor­tall [Page 99] moveable Heaven for which men contend to, and comfort them­selves in death, Collige [...]te Hieronime Tulgosus. lib. 8. c. 15. de Olgiato. stabit vetus memoria facti, mors acerba, fama perpetua, was spoke like a Ro­man. In a word, Honour branch'd out into Divine, Moral, Politique, is a large field, & Histories abound in Instances of it coming in upon the spring tydes of opinion, and carri­ed aloft upon the wing of Provi­dence, the arbiter of this Universe: some we read courting honour as their chief good, and bayting all the hooks they [...]ve to catch advan­tages, when they are but nibling and smile upon them onely with a half face; Valour, beauty, learn­ing, fidelity, temperance, justice, and all sorts of excellencies have been exchang'd for fame; yea, some Artizans have been so tran­sported with the thoughts of re­nown, [Page 100] that they have coveted no better pay then perpetuity for a Master-piece, in which they have expended the flower of their lives, Egnatius tells us, that the Venetians being to build Lib. 6. c. 5. that famous Church to St. Mark, invited with great promise of re­ward, a famous Artizan of Con­stantinople, a Greek born, to be their Architect, He promised to do it, for no other reward then this, That he might have his Effigies in Marble, set up in oculatissima Tem­pli parte ad aetern [...] sui memoriam, which he had, yea Eudoxus was contented to be burned in the body of the Sunne, if he might be permitted to come so near it, as but to take the Scheme of it to leave to after-ages.

No wonder then the Philosopher calls it externorum bonorum maximi­um, [Page 101] and that Lawyer, Cunctis re­bus Baldus. lib. 1. Polybius. lib. 2. praeferendus, nummario precio non aestimandus, no wonder though Scipio find it so speedy a Scalado to Spains Carthage, when it is the Circaean Cup that enchanteth all men, and leads them upon at­tempts of gaining it, though ne­ver so desperate and improba­ble.

To these ancient marks of ho­nour, the visible Emblem are Arms, which is chiefly due to the Souldier, as being the first born Coronas a pri­vatis gestatas fuisse in Rom. Republica qui­bus vel ob me­rita Imperato­res illam con­cessissent veb qui in bello ob praeclara faci­nora eam fu­issent adepti. Lazius. Com. Reip. Rom. l 9. c. 18. edit. Basil. of merit. Honour sprang ori­ginally from the Field, for it being the effect of Power, and Power creating right of Em­pire, Honour must be concluded to be purchased by venture and a high mettled Courage, like that of Nimrod, who is called a mighty Hunter before the Lord. [Page 102] It being usual in Scripture, as to call men of savage and tyrannous Natures, Men of the field, as is Esaw, from whom those many Dukes mentioned in Gen. 36. are said to be descended, so to describe their recreation and imployment of life to be hunting of beasts with Bow and Arrow rather then with snare and catch, that thereby they might be the more active, and better train­ed to the domination and overcom­ing of men, and the greatest Con­quests and first Empires of power, were those Asian ones, the weapons of which for a long time were, and yet in some degree are, according to the use of Hunters, Bow, Arrow, short sword, Dart, and in those times, as to the most valiant the right of power fell, so to such as had any degree of eminency above the vulgar, were rewards appor­tioned. [Page 103] All could not be Kings, [...], all could not be Cap­tains of the Hoast, all could not be Princes Standard-bearers, all could not attain Scylla's honour, to have a statue of gold in publique inscribed Cornelio Scyllae Imperatori fortunato, but all that merited might have rayes of dignation, even in Israel there was a Kings Daughter in mari­age, 1 Sam. c. 17. v. 25. and making an obscure house splendid and free, offered by Saul to him that durst encounter Goliah, which David, by Gods spirit, entertained, and for which He had with the Kings Daughter, her Fathers King­dom; so amongst the Greeks in their Certamina Olympica, and their athletary agonies, there were vast A [...]ri Agoni­ [...] and various rewards. The Romans [...] de mi­ [...] Rom p [...]7. also had their encoragements to worth; for though they admitted no mean man to Magistracy, till he [Page 104] were Emeritus, and had attained 50 years of age, when they were per­mitted, (till they were rewarded with Commands or Pensions to be sub indulgentiori militia, & sub vexillo, as Budaeus his words are) though in Lib. 5 de Ass. ordinary Cases they gave no testi­monies of acceptation, but upon great experience; yet did they with all freedom venerate the Senatorian eminence, in their Issue, whom af­ter their deaths, they call'd Patricians Descendants from the first Sena­tors who were called Dii majorum gentium, as those that were from Tarquins time chosen into place, Budaeus in prior pandect p. 214. were Dii minorum gentium. They had their Equestris Ordo, which con­sisted of chosen men of singular fi­delity and fortune, illi vetustissimi & proprie & Soli equites Olim dicti, saith Pliny, lib. 33. c 1. Nobiles qui vadunt in equis, so Upton, Or as Varro, Lib. 1. c. 3. de [...]fficio militari. [Page 105] miles quasi millessimus quisque, so Commentar Juris Civilis. l. 9. c. 5. num. 1. Connanus. Such were these, that not onely the fourteen Orders of the Theatre was under their correcti­on, as was the Orchestra within the Budaeus. p. 219. Senates Charge, but they had their Rings and chaines of Gold (as before has bin remembred at large) to be their vouchers where ever they came; In place whereof, Our Eques auratus at this day is, which is our Knight Bachilor, possibly the same which Olimpiodorus mentions in Honorius his time, to be called [...] Bucellarii, men of merit, Photius in ex­c [...]rps ex Olym­piod. p. 853. Edit. Si [...]b. not only Romans but other Souldi­ers of stoutness & activity in amity with them; for though our com­mon Law use Miles rather then E­ques auratus, yet because Knight-hood is properly a Horse dignity and duty, and miles tam gregarium calligatumque peditem significat quum [Page 106] equo militantem & honoratum, many judge Eques auratus more proper to signifie a Knight; for as the great Estates of England were held in Es­cuage and Knights service, so that service is most performed on horse­back; and those that found Horses of Warre, were to be men of Genti­lity and value, Our English Pa­pinian Sir Edw. Cook tells us, Lex angliae nullum sentagium aut servitium 2 Instit. p. 595. militare de Socmanis aut Burgensibus expetit: therefore the better to en­able the Gentry to perform the ser­vice of their Tenure, Lands in Knights service were never in Ga­velkind or socage, nor could they be chargable with what should dis­able the Tenurer to do his service, because those Lands by Original designation were not in servitium Socae sed belli, till by the 31 H. 8. c. 3. some alteration was made, nor till [Page 107] near H. the fifths time, were Gentle­men distinguished by any title or addition, but by their forinsecum servitium, which was Knights ser­vice.

To omit then the account of that military honour called Knight-hood, which forraign Nations have, and what Cassanaeus, Bocerus, Patri­cius, Vegetius. l. 2. c. 5. Bartholus, Bara, Lazius, Ʋpton, and the rest say of them, together with the annumeration of their pri­viledges and qualities which Mr. Fern out of them mentions at large, I shall onely touch upon the digni­ty of it, as in our Nation, and by Our Law and Custom it is ac­knowledged, for that is the best rule of every place, illud quod in ob­servantia Jasius. J. C. & moribus utentium observa­tur, est tantae efficaciae quod tollit statu­tum in contrarium, saith Jasius. The prementioned Oracle of our Law, [Page 108] Sir Edw. Cook agrees Knighthood to be a name of dignity, and Fern a 2 Instit. p▪ 594. Glor. Gener. p. 102. cap. 2. to 49. dignity of regality, a reverend order and an honourable, Milites and Principes in elder times, were ac­counted almost Synonomous, in King Stephens raign, when David King of Scots came into the Nor­thern parts, Brompton tells us, Mili­tes & Principes Angliae Boreales animo si cum insigni Comite de Albemar lviri­liter restiterunt. Britton also termes a K^t. noble, and in the Record of Edit. Lond. p. 1026. 9 Ed. 1. Sir J. Acton hath the addi­tion of Nobilis, and nobiles sunt qui arma gentiliciae antecessorum suorum proferre possunt, therefore though the Order or Statute of 1 Ed. 2. did call every man that had 20 l. a year in fee, or for terme of life to Knighthood, which was ad arma militaria suscipienda, yet by that au­thority, the Yeoman or Handicrafts [Page 109] Tradesman could be compelled, because he ought to be a man of blood, and to have a fortune able to support the charge that dignity would contract. Ne dignitas hujus ordinis vilesceret: therefore by the Law, he should have a Knights fee, which is about five Hydes, and in measure is 480 Acres, reckoning 96 Acres to the Hyde; and if men were not thus estated, they were in­capable of this dignity, as were they also of being Coroners, Or to serve for Parliament, Or to enjoy other Fern. Stor. Gen. p. 118. 2 Instit. p. 597. freedoms which Knighthood had, which was instituted ad arma mili­taria suscipienda & pro bono publico, saith Sir Ed. Cook.

After as the Nation grew more numerous, and honours appeared in request, (that every back might bear its own burden) and one man of a name not bee injuriously [Page 110] molested for another, this Statute The like doth 8 H. 6. c. 10. 6 H. 8. c. 4. 5 Ed. 6. c. 26. 31 Eliz. c. 3. & 9. of 1 of Hen. the 5th, enjoynes that all Gentlemen and other persons, should express their additions, thence came the Addition Armiger and Generosus to be in use as Gentili­cial affixes, for they were primari­ly Military, and have become di­stinctions civil, onely by the a­doption of Custom, and the preva­lence of peace, whereby the Gown hath brought the helmet to the Barre; and trains of artillery Vox laudantium prima Senatus erat, deinde e­quitum, postre­mō exercitus. Lazius com. lib. 3. c. 18. have vailed bonnet to the Trayn of Councel, and owned the Senatori­an Robe as the fountain of that le­gal being they had, and the securi­ty of that pay they could expect. 'Twas so amongst the Romans, till their Souldiers grew lawless, and lost the honour of their promises▪ And when Carthage so much doted on Military designs, sacrosanctarum [Page 111] legum, Justitiae, politicarum rerum cul­tum aut abjecerat aut neglexerit, which Lib. de mirand. Antiq. operib. Servilius mentions as the cause of her ruine, and conclusive down­fall. And therefore well it be­comes the Civil Magistrate to be head. For in him are lodged the Nations brain, its vital and animal spirits, in him is the life blood which assists to all Heroique and important affaires, and carries Go­vernment afloat from the rocky shoares, and fatal Catastrophe's of Anarchy and Tyranny. The Holy Oracle tells us, councel and strength are for the Warre, First Councel, then strength, Councel to design, and strength to execute, Councel to command, and strength to pro­mote obedience. For in that the O­rator is brought forth, as saying, Ego meis Majoribus virtute mea prae­luxi, & si prius noti non fuerint a me [Page 112] accipiant initium memoriae suae. I am thorowly confirmed in the con­viction that Nobility, and Honour of Gentility and Arms bearing, is as worthily merited by Learning as by courage.

Far be it from me to curtail that honourable esteem which our An­cestors gave Souldiers, and Eque­strian spirits, that were an ingrati­tude to those lines from whence mine own Ancestors came, and a baston of allay to that Gentleman who should extenuate the merit of military Grandees; Our land, lawes, liberties, were of old, effects of that vertue, courage and constancy, the noble Gallants of England expressed in the field against the enemies of their Governours and Government; and peace being the consectary of Gods blessing on that laudable reso­lution which gives being to the [Page 113] life and lustre of arts and professi­ons of civil conversation, ill ex­presses her self to her genitor, If she do not bless the womb that bare her, and the paps that gave her suck. If the world rang of English Prowess, when our Ancestors en­gaged in the Holy Land, and made Conquests and gainings neerer home, 'Twould be a shame for an Englishman to declame against a Souldier, or to account Furs and Emblems of Councel better armo­ry then habiliments of Warres, such as are Sword Shield, Lance. 'Tis Jovius in vi­ta ejus. written of Johannes Galleacius, that he so loved valiant men, that he would purchase them to his party at any rate, profiteri enim erat soli­tus nihil esse ea mercatura nobilius qua viri insignes pararentur. For without question, while Souldiers are choyce men, who with the Gospel Centari­on, [Page 114] love Gods Nation, and rayse and uphold Synagogues to his worship; they are worthy to give the Lyon of the tribe of Judah in their banner, and such Crucesignati may expect the King of Saints their Protector; while they are for him the defender of the faith; they will not dare to do violence to what ever has his Image and Superscription on it, nor need they fear to suffer infamy or losse of life, or member. There is an act of Indempnity secures them, He that honours me I will honour, 1 Sam. 2. v 30. while they are promoters of or­der, and a refuge to Gods exiles, as were by Institution most mi­litary Orders, They ought to be Companions in Government with the Gownmen, and they have thri­ven the better for such Compani­ons and Councellors in their con­duct. Alexander was no puisne in [Page 115] the worlds Militia, when by the 27 year of his age, he had subdu­ed the most noted part of the world, and wept that he had not another World to conquer, yet he regulated his Motions by the Coun­cell of Learned men, and thought Achilles who had Homer the Trum­pet of his glory, more fortunate then himself whose memory could not be kept but in the Urnes of their wits, and the repertories of their writings. Tis true, Souldiers have the start of Scholars in their Eagled strength by the confidence of which they soar high, making, as they think, their nest above Con­troll, but their Egs may be sucked by industrious Ants, and their En­terprises become addle thorough the diligent and accute vigilancies of those pen and inkhorn men, which some Pseudomilites and repu­ted [Page 116] Martialists do vilifie. Indeed there have been Souldiers, oppres­sors of Religion and Learning, and their professors, who have come in with Attila's Motto, Ira dei ego sum & Orbis vastitas, and have sacked Countries, rifled Academies, and disbanded Convents of Devotiona­ries, no exception of Rome, or his holiness in her, to whom the Castle of St. Angelo became no refuge, nor was any reverence expressed to his Pontificial Robes: neither has the world wanted examples of the dan­ger of armed men, who with John of Leyden, force their pretended set­ting up of Christ to be believed, while they intend his suppression in those two great offices of Magi­stracy and Ministry, which he has appointed, and they would annihi­late: these Milites do therefore not deserve the renown of Warriors, [Page 117] quia non habent virtutes necessarias ad Cass. Catal. gl. mundi. p. 331. militiam. For a true Souldier (and no Romulus, Caesar, or Alexander, is too big for this name) is a man of liberal and insordid principles, true of his word, f [...]difragous to none, of a Justice, like that of Marshall Bau­ciquaut under Charles the sixth of France, who being Governour of Genoa, expressed so signal Justice, that it was usual for men to say to those that had injured them, If you will not right me, my Lord Marshall will, and so abundant in pity this brave Souldier was, that he institu­ted the order of the white Lady, for defence of afflicted Ladies. A true Souldier must be pious, he dare best look death in the face, who dies daily to sinne, and for whom that King of terrors is disarmed by Christ his Saviour: 'twas no mean honour to the memory of Bernard, [Page 118] Count of Longevil, Constable of France, when it is recorded of him, that he would undertake no War­like action, before he had offered his soul, body, and arms at the al­tar at a solemn Mass; A severe walk­ing up to the rule of his Religion, doubled the fame of renowned Tilly.

The holy Story tells us of fa­mous Souldiers eminent for piety, Joshua, David, Ezechias, since them of Charlemain, St. Lewis, Godfrey of Bulloigne, Wencelaus and Amideus, besides them of Christian Souldi­ers, who have been devout, even to Martyrdom, Fusebius, Nicephorus, Theodoret, Sozomen; and Baronius, mention, Mauritius, Exuperantius, Sebastian, Marius Constantine and o­thers; yea, if the design of Loyola, the founder of the Jesuites Order, were, (as it is said to be) propoga­tive [Page 119] of the faith of Jesus, and pure­ly for his honour, it was an in­stance of a Military mans devoti­on, matchless; A true Souldier should be generous and free, a despiser of money, and of living by rapine and plunder, such an one was Terrail, called Chevalier Bayard whom Causinus mentions to have p. 121, 122. lived under Francis the first, who after 32 years service of 3 Kings, and in places of great Command, yet died almost as poor as he was born, not but that he had great ad­vantages, but because he despised to be rich with other mens ruines; Or be bought out of his Grandeur of mind, by a bribe. And such Souldiers England has of old had.

But Souldiers like other men, va­ry with their Interests, and when they break out in defiance of Disci­pline, prove troublesom; Gaguine [Page 120] in the life of Charles the 7th; reports that the French Army grew so af­flictive Lib. 10. p. 215. to the Nation, ut dissoluta militari disciplina, milites Petro maris­callo non audiebant, pertulce illiberali­terque viventes, praedas non mitius a Francis quam ab hoste facientes, mu­lieribus injurii, monasteriorum viola­tores & contemptores religionis. As for these Vermin of the Camp, they are no guests at Prince Ar­thurs round Table, Arms were ne­ver appointed for their Trophies, who abuse themselves by such sordid debaucheries. My prayer shall be, that there may be such an unanimity between Arts and Arms, that both may sing Glory be to God on high, in Earth peace, good will to men. And when Souldiers, are humble, harmless, and loyal, as they are great encouragements to men of art, who in profiting by [Page 121] study, hope to be accepted, pro­tected and preferred by them; so have they the grateful returns of learned pens to their publication and perpetuity. No Authour men­tions an Heroique candor and friendliness to men of learning and gravity, without some Emphasis which has a Top and Top gallant display in it, Cuspinian notes of Alexander Severus, that valiant Emperour, That he would ever have Learned men present at his Councels, adding the reason, plu­rimum timens ne quid de se asperum scriberent, the like did Constanti­nus Ducas, but upon another ground more ingenious, solebat dicere malle se literarum gloria quam imperio illustrem esse. And Certes, these two compounded, make the reason why learned men have been minions and bosom friends of Souldiers.

[Page 122] Thus Philip of Macedon, favoured Aristotle Theophrastus and Plato, A­lexander Histor. Aelim. lib. 4. Anaxarchus, the Gymno­sohists and multitudes of others, Demetrius Poliorcetes Stilpo. Lucul­lus Plutarch in Alex. not one or some, but all the knowing race, ut domus ejus Greco­rum Sabel. l. 2. En. 4. Plut. in Lu­cullo. Roman venientium Prytanneum diceretur, Cato major Zeno's statue, Cato minor Athenodorus, Pompey the great Possi [...]onius, Augustus Caesar, Strabo. lib. 11. Plin. l. 7. c. 30. Varro, Cicero, Livy (innumerosque alios doctos uno tempore) and [...]arolus Zenas Strabo. lib. 14. Vergerius and Thomasius, to name no Egnatius. l. 8. c. 13. more, and if the learned have been favoured by the greatest Hectors, there is reason they should requite them with memorials of perennity. And that they do by proclaiming, not onely their personal worth, but the Nobility of their profession; And so we conclude the Camp the first rise of arms and honour.

[Page 123] Next to this is the Court, which I give the second place to, as it is in the Order of honour; for as in old time, the greatest honours were those of the field; so the residences of Princes were in tents and agre­stique Pavilions, till Cities were built, and Pallaces receptive of Ma­jesty erected, No Court Paradoe. Or munificence was read of; Not that I restrain the Court I write of to the Courts of Princes and great men, which anciently were [...]ampus Martius's, as well as Bacilicae Civiles. For then as great mens servants were chosen for their proceritie of person, strength of limbs, activity of manliness, so were their Halls, courts and stables, randevouzes of men at arms, who there did ex­ercise feats of Chivalry, and were breathed to Encounters of sturdi­ness. These Grandees of noble [Page 124] part had, by the appointment of the Lord Marshal an oeconomy of Symmetry with that of Majesty. To these notwithstanding, I re­strain not the Court, I make a rise of honour. Nor do I exclude these from the Court I intend, (but as I take them in, so with them Courts of Law, as in the head of Cities, I intend Schools of learning, usually kept up, and flourishing in Cities and Corporations) The service of Princes in their Courts no man can doubt to be less then a kind of Nobilitation, so the rule of honour is, adhaerentes lateri Principis & eidem in officio quocunque minimo ministrantes Nobilitantur. Soveraigns are in their Dominions Fountains of honour, and where such a con­stellation of Nobility is, there must some sparklings be diffused which will take kindling in the tinder of [Page 125] minds, pursuing glory with a Je­hu-like fierceness. All men love to draw the curtayn of obscurity from before their Ancestors, and by degrees of Enlargement to make the prospect of their persons more pervious. No field so fayre and probable for this as the Court, which had a weight for every acti­on, and a calculat of the Meridian of every actor. There was a Market for all staple rarities of body and mind, and no price was thought too great for a darling introduced by virtue, and there kept up by the steddy practice and unchangeable motions of vertue. The Favour of a Prince is such a Sun of influence, as makes a shrub placed in his Court, and under his royal eye and observation, quickly of a Cedars growth. 'Tis such a benign umbrage as expatiates [Page 126] little spires of grass into the mag­nitude of Lawrels, and to speak before a Prince, gives an Orator (who has a noble and a notable confidence, and whose fontenel sends forth matter with words) such an occasion of ingratiation, as life meets not with in sublunary professions: This made the gradu­ate Divine from a Chaplin in ordi­nary, become a prefermentary ex­traordinary, Arch Bishop, Bishop, Councellour, yea sometimes all, a favourite. This made the well­book'd Lawyer, who had a ready tongue to serve every Clyent that would fee him, made a Serjeant, Attorney, Solicitor, Justices of the Benches, sometimes Lord Chan­cellor, President, Treasuror, all ad­vances to honour and gain; such an One was Henry Audley in Hen. 3. time, who had vast Lands given [Page 127] him by the King, Lacy Earl of Ul­ster, and sundry others, and of whom Mr. Cambden sayes, He was In Staffordshire. p. 584. doubtless, either a man of rare vertue, Or a gracious favourite, or a great Lawyer, Or all joyntly. This (the Court) gave rise to many younger Children, who born of noble Fa­milies, and of good beauty, and grace of beheaviour, were here trained, and by the favour of the two great Luminaries in that Tys­sued Firmament, bestowed in ma­riage to persons of honour, endow­ed with ample presents, and promi­ses of favour, promoted to great offices of profit and income, digni­fied with honours of familical as well as personal splendor. In a word, no man has come to, and continued in the Court a worthy man and servant, but he had prefer­ment in a Courtly order, and as [Page 128] corresponded with the Opinion of desert there had of him, unless he were one so transparent, Omnibus inducturus caliginem, that Jewels in his presence abated to Chrystalls, And Gold became nothing above a sediment of faeculency. In this case Envy may retard the speed to advance, and infect Princely ears with prejudices, which are often ruinous, before revealed, and the fucus and falsity of them detected, but otherwise the Court of a Prince was a visible step to Glory, and a Tyring-Roome out of which have come into the Theatre of view roy­ally clad in the Robes of favour, not only the Minions, Parasites and favourites of Princes as high in their Masters love as Merit or Flat­tery could make them. Such as Lupus Earl of Chester with the Con­queror, Brewier Baron of Odcomb [Page 129] to R. 1. Hubert de Burg. to H. 3. Peirs Gaveston to E. 2. Delapool Earl of Suffolk to H. 4. Brandon and Crom­well to H. 8. and many since. But also infinite others, who there have grown noble, rich, and happy in the ordinary account of felicity, so that its felicity caused the Lillies and Dazies to outglitter (as it were) So­lomon in all his royalty. If soft rayment, and cloths of state had bin badges of regality, they might have been judged almost as many Kings as men; For therefore doth the Law of Nations fix rule in the Sun, the noblest representation of the light and lustre of Soveraignty, Quia in curia sua sunt & esse debent Cass. p. 272. Epror nico. Co stit. praenotabiliores homines mundi in qua­cunque facultate.

And as the Court of the Supreme, so the Inns of Court with their ap­purtenances, have been generous [Page 130] Academies of noble and brave spi­rits, for though therein have been admitted of late years, many men of the first head, who either have had fortunate Fathers or friends, or have been bred Clerks, and tran­splanted themselves from the Inns of Chancery thither, (which I men­tion not as their reproach or dimi­nution, having my self known ve­ry brave ingenious persons, and noble Students of this mould, who profiting to good purpose, have by that Limbique from the simples of their Origen, extracted many Cordi­als to dying glory, and given such doses of Aquavitae, as has fetcht their dead Ancestry to a new and better life;) yet anciently, no man was capable of an entry there, but a Gentleman of Arms and Blood, and Mr. Fern sayes, he has seen an Glo. Gen. p. 24. Alphabet about the end of Henry [Page 131] the fifths time, in which were the Names and Arms of the House and Family of all those who were members of an Inn of Court, who exceeded not the number of 60 all Gentlemen of perfect descents; and Fortescue tells us, that in H. 6^sht time, c. 49. the Inns of Court had in them 200 or near; and because the expen­ses of living there was at least to every man 20 marks a year, ipsi no­bilium filii tantum in hospitiis illis leges addiscunt. A notable means both to preserve a royal race of wits, and a generous emanation of them in stout and resolute profession of the Law, to the defence of Justice and right; for there is the Athens of Law, in it Reverend Judges and Grave Serjeants, sage Apprentices, learned Barristers, ingenious and florid Students, viri omnium horarum, who though they come thither to study, [Page 132] and with presumptions of the ayming at further and future ad­vantage by the Law, which they are thought to read in order to practise, yet are not tethered or li­mited, but give themselves a lati­tude of following that which is most congenial to them, and has the directest line to accomplish­ment and generous politure. As all faces are not alike, but all have figurations of the Creators power and wisdom, visible in them; so are not souls and addictions of one and the same peece, Nor is there a uniformity in the expressi­ons, delights and sameness of the Objects. In some there is more ballast then sail, in others more fire then earth, and accordingly are the objects of their complacency. These Inns of Court are fitted for all, Here the plod and studious [Page 133] Cato may read Littleton, till he be in Little tune for ought but musing, and the more facetious and plane­tary spark meet with quick tasted and more delicious choyce and well Cook'd learning to busie him; and if to any other art, or to all other arts, Gentlemen of an equilibrious soul are addicted, they may here have opportunity to buy Authours that treat of all subjects, and con­verse with proficients in all Scien­ces. For London is near, and that be­ing Situatur autem studium illud inter locum cu­riarum illarum, & Civitatem London quae de omnibus neces­sariis oppulen­tissima est omni­um Civitatum, & oppidorum regni illius, Fortesc de lau­dib. legum Angl. c. 48. ad finem. the Metropolis of the Nation, has a daily flux, & reflux of persons and things to and from it; which is the reason why I suppose these Inns of Chancery and Court are if not in, yet very near London, as the cause of the building of London is said by Dunthorn Book to be, The River of Thames; for as the River gives ad­vantage to Trade, so doth London to [Page 134] study, practise, and all other Gentile Embehshment. Hence is it, that these Inns of Court have been the Schools of Civility and Chivalry, as well as Law. For the Country Gallant is here first principled to his after improvement; Here by reading both Books and Men, Here by knowing wisdom and folly, He after becomes a Luminary in the Countrey Firmament. An Oracle of the Justice Bench; a worthy repre­sentative to Parliament; and here his Juvenility acquires him such a wea­pon-skill and confidence, as ever after renders him, though retired to a Country privacy, disdain a baffle, or be deservedly censured for e­strangement to a noble bodily be­heaviour▪ and deportment. And therefore it was wont ever to be a commendable addition to any man, to call him an Inns of Court man; [Page 135] for such were never accounted lesse then honourably accomplish'd, their Revels, Masques, and Solem­nities of Gallantry and Entertain­ment were ample Orators of their compt breedings. It is true indeed, these Societies were instituted for Nurseries of Law and Hosteleys of the Students and professors of it, who there lodged and read the Municipe Laws of this Land, and had Mootes and publique Disputes and reading, by which, and by conferences each with other, upon perlection of Authours, and peru­sal of Records and Entries, the Stu­dents became worthy degrees of pleading, and after in their due place of further procedure and ho­nour; yea it was wont that some great Masters of knowledge in the Lawes, did institute the younger frye in the methods of study and [Page 136] intelligence, as by name did learn­ed Fortescue, chief Justice and Chan­cellour to H. 6, a man of rare parts, as appears by his polite treatise of the Lawes on which by Gods bles­sing I shall write more in my inten­ded, and in some degree formed Commentary on that subject. He I say was learned in both the Laws, a great Antiquary, and devoted his parts to Students who frequented him. But that way of institution is Londini igitur jus tum civile tum municipale publice docuit habuitque audi­tores nobilis si­mos juvenes quam plurim [...]s Pits. in vita ejus. p. 649. obsolete, And now Students are left to their own methods, and to such helps of conduct, as arise from conversation one with another; And I believe that professors of the Law of this last 100 years, are not lesse famons for their Authority and Grave Judgements, then for­mer ages; Nay the names of Plowden, Dyer, Fitzherbert, and Cook, do deserve to be in a line of paral­lel [Page 137] with Bracton, Fleta, Glantill, Littleton. Yea there have risen out of these Societies of late, three such Behemoths of learning, Sir Thomas Moor; Sir Francis Bacon, and Mr. Selden, all Lawyers by profession, as this Nation in their several times and perfections, could not exceed, I quote not their emi­nencies for Law, but for all kinds of excellent learning; and more I could nominate of vast read­ing, and great curiosity in Arts, whose names, because I would not either displease them, or their enviers, I forbear now to mention, onely I must not have that of a great Master, be un­mentioned. All these, (saith He Cook Reip. speaking of the Inns of Court and Chancery) altogether do make the most famous ƲNIVERSI­TY, onely for profession of Law, [Page 138] or of any one humane science that is in the world, and advanceth it Cook Preface to the 3d Report. self above all others, quantum inter viburna Cupressus. So that there can be no wonder at the Nations civi­lity to the Members of these Socie­ties; for in that the Students admit­ted, are counted ipso facto Gentle­men, though they are not natively so: the Baristers of all standings Esquires, and the Serjeants of the Coyf a State and Dignity, as is that Mills de nob. polit. et civilii. p. 148. of Knighthood, and have Robes and Solemnities somewhat ad instar sacrodotis, as Fortescues words are, c. 5. Yea inasmuch, as the via Lactea of the Nation is ermind with hun­dreds of Families of great Estate and blood, whose either founders or amplifiers were Lawyers, ex ju­dicum sobole plures de proceribus & magnatibus regni huc usque prodierunt quam de aliquo alio statu hominum regni [Page 139] qui se prudentia & industria propria, opulentos, inclytos nobiles (que) fecerunt, and Fortescut. c. 51. whose Ancestors (to use Sir Edward Cooks words) have obtained a grea­ter blessing and Ornament to their Preface to 2 Rep. Families then any other professi­ons; yea since the Lawyers, though men plyable enough to all Powers, and not often Martyrs for the Lawes; yet have ever been zealous for their habits, and the external decencies of their professions, and have mannaged their Interests with men in place, to the advantage of their calling, as appears by their complyance with all changes, and by what the Chancel: Fortescue coun­cels the Prince concerning them, qualem habitum te plus ornare optarem, cum potestas tibi fuerit ad decorem sta­tus c. 51. legis & honorem regni sui. It is just and right to allow, the Inns of Courts and their appurtenances, ri­ses [Page 140] of honour, and seminaries of Gentility.

Now the 3d parent of men of ho­nour & Gentility, are Cities & Cor­porations with their relations, And because Academies and Schools of learning are not now in places of retirement, but in and near Cities and Towns, most opportune to ho­spitat resorters to them; and those to accomodate with all sorts of ne­cessaries. Therefore do I treat of them under the head of Corporati­on; And forasmuch also as they are to Corporations, as the soul to its body, the more noble part, there­fore shall I marshall them first, and crave leave of Corporations, to give precedency of treaty to the Schools; and this I the rather do, to obviate and confront the ages malignity a­gainst them, who every year con­tribute more to the Nations Order, [Page 141] piety and augmentation, then in a myriad of ages their enviers and detractors will do; whose work it is to bring a mist of ignorance on mens mind, and by that ob­caecation, to lead them captive to Barbarism and superstition, and to rifle the charities of deceased Pa­trons, to feather their own deform­ed and voracious nests.

To the Schools then be ever re­served their due honour, they are the Mines of learned Oare, refined into massie bullion, currant Coyn in England. They are the Colo­nies of polite literature, the fo­ments of subtle wits, The inex­tinguishable Virgin Lamps in the Temple of vertue, thorow which is the march to that other of ho­nour. 'Tis true, the hand of the Lord is not shortned, nor his wisdom limited more now then of old, [Page 142] He can call Prophets and Apostles, yea Princes, Judges and Priests, from mean callings, and instant­ly qualifies them with parts and principles suitable to his call, and their designation. But in that he now works mediately, and gives men helps of gradual accomplish­ment, by Languages, study, and learned conversation. It becomes us to value these mercies, and not contemn this Mannah, because of its plenty and our easie procurement of it; Had we not Schools of our own, we should be constrained as of old, to wallow in ethnique barbarism, Or else take tedious journeys to kindle our vestal fires at forraign altars. Did that evil tread on our heels, how nimble Asahels should we be, to out run the dark­ness that pursued us? what a value should we put on Schools?

[Page 143] In them are taught Languages, Arts, Sciences, by the Key of Lan­guage, brave wits open the Cabinet of art, and there view the contex­ture of nature, and the Harmony of her dependence, in the glass of her Ornature they view the com­plexion of arts, and in her crucible assay the loyalty of her maxims, and after a long search into, and dis­quisition of Authours, they become in mind, so deep an Ocean of spe­culation, as deserves almost the name of that infinity of apprehen­sion, which we call knowledge and wisdom, the abundance of which, made three Princes, stored above their fellows, more famous then the vastness of their Empire, to which it also was auxiliary, Solomon, Marcus Antoninus, and our late King James, a triplicity of unparal­leld Majesties, and glorious Orna­ments to Schools.

[Page 144] From these Schools of Ours, have proceeded those renowned names of Bede the venerable, Halen­sis the accurate exact Aquinas his Master, Scotus the subtile, Bradwar­dine the profound, [...]ckham the in­vincible, Hooker the judioious; From these have issued forth those Gentle­men Priests, Evangelique Heroes, No­ble Martyrs, and venerable Bishops. Cranmer, Ridley, Lat [...]mer, Philpot, Ferrars, and their successors, in Order, learning and sincerity, Arch Bi­shops, Bishops, Doctors, and other Graduates of Divinity, men of rare parts, and of signal generosity. Stupor Mundi Clerus Anglieanus, many of whom have not onely con­temned their lives for their Coun­tries service in Embassies, Treaties, and studies of an indefatigable na­ture, but also their posterities and worldly remembrances, to make [Page 145] the Religion of the Nation their executors, and the poor their heyres, And others of them, so free of their pains to preach, write, and entertain their auditors, neighbours or strangers, that they seemed to keep an all the years open house of civil charity; yea (the foundations of Kings excepted) none have been more august then the charities, and institutions of Ecclesiastiques.

And because the old civility of the Nation, allowed the Praelacy of England the estimation and dignity of Peerage, giving them place and vote in their supreme Councel, And for some hundred years, taking as it were the Laws from their mouths, (they being Judges of most Courts of Justice) and being great Masters of the knowledge of the common, civil, and equitable Lawes of Eng­land, till of late years they have bin [Page 146] superseded, and suffered an Eclipse next door to annihilation, there­fore shall I originate the honour of men of the Schools from that which is the proper Culmen of the Schools dignation, The degree of Doctor, which is by all the Insignia of it, Magistratique and honoura­ble. They are invested into that de­gree after solemn act kept, and ma­ny inferiour degrees gone thorow; which Scarlet Ring, Cap, and other Ceremonies of respect, yea our Ci­vilians, a race of brave parted men wholly (the more's the pity) neg­lected in this teechy and versatil age, have had names as famous as Papinian, Ulpian, Bartholus, Jasius, Lazius, Budaeus, Grotius, who en­joyed priviledges to be Counts fel­lows, called Illustres, & other immu­nities, to the number of 130, if Lud. Bologninus do not mislead me. These [Page 147] with Doctors of Divinity and Phy­sick, reputed highly of in the eyes of Nations wise and worthy, are the superexcellent and graceful darlings of Universities.

In short, from these the learn­ed Diodorus. Nobility and Gentry, who here are first tutored and nourished, and from this their Mothers milk, grow to be succulent Philosophers, great Historians, Acurat Orators, exact Pen-men, to whom, as well as to o­thers, the Nation and World will be ever debtor for their great profi­ciencies in arts, and their free and noble communications of their la­bours to these and succeeding ages. These many in number, and of very great worth, being sprigs from the Academique stock, must argue her a noble Plant, and deservedly ac­counted a worthy Parent of ho­nour.

[Page 148] As therefore all Students in the Inns of Court are accounted Gentlemen, and the graduats E­squires as before is expressed, so is the like civility applyed to the Students in Universities. A Student there is a Gentleman in Title, though he be not so born; but if he have taken Degrees of perfecti­on in the arts his Degree is his addition, and upon his demand, Heralds cannot deny him a Coat [...] p. 33. and 44. of Arms, if none he hath▪ For ad­vancements in Arts, argue a meri­ting of that Ensign of honour, arms bearing. And it has bin a common tradition and a received rule, Nulli docto, nulli in scientiis liberalibus ex­cellenti Hono is Insignia sunt dene­ganda juxta illud virtutis alimentum honos.

If therefore the Schools do so [...] accomplish many generous [Page 149] wits, who thither come for en­trance into learning, and there stay till either they be transplanted to the Inns of Court, or else called a­broad to travel; yea if many thou­sands are to them brought meanly accomodated, onely sharp set on study (as the Mint and Mart of their after fortunes; and there have behaved themselves so worthily, that no scholastick preferment has bin thought too much, rather not enough for them: But their Prince, privy to their merit, commanding them thence, has delegated to them trusts of a more Courtly na­ture, and a more eminent conspi­cuity. Do not these (though mean­ly born, and poorly friended) de­serve a name in the display of Ar­mories? As their persons had, and have great respect, so ought their Issues to be sutably regarded; For [Page 150] a brave man of parts and Councel, is fellow to any Master of Courage and Conduct, Non viribus non ve­locitate corporis res magnae geruntur sed consilio, authoritate & scientia, saith Tully; and Trogus, sayes of Alexander, Lib. 1. de Senect. victoriam obtinuit qui consilio guberna­bat exercitum, For true courage has no allay from learning, but rather a clearer prospective by it, to those advantages which unite the means with the end, and crown the va­lour of men with all desirable En­comiums which are of proof a­gainst envy, as were those paire of perfect Gentlemen, Sir Philip Syd­ney, and Sir Walter Rawleigh, Tam marte quam mercurio nobiles, Noble personages, civilly learned, and mi­litarily valiant, of whom tis hard to say, whether their Characters are more illustrious for valour, or for learning; but this I am confident [Page 151] of, both of them have left greater Donaries of learning, to this and after ages, then ever they commu­nicated of Martial Discipline to a­ny race of men, that should endea­vour to cause a high silence of their renowned atchievements, as the opportunity of their own access to credit and popular fame, which is seldom a fixed Starre over the Fa­milies and memories of us plane­tary mortalls, but a wandring and wanton Comet which blazes for a while, and then sets (as to this world) in a deep dismal tenebrious cloud of forgetfulness.

Next to the Schools, come Cor­porations to be considered as a step to honour; And here should I call to mind, the fruitfulness of Cities and Burroughs; in production of men of all ages, merits and profes­sions, who have honoured this [Page 152] their Nation both in affaires of warre and peace, in manadgery of Ecclesiastical, Civil, Naval, and Land Trusts. I should exceed my intendment, and appear trouble­some to the facetious Reader, whose skill in History, furnishes him with the view of many flowers of lustre and odour, which have grown out of every Corporation and City in England: Great Souldiers by Sea and Land, grand Clerks, Theologues and Historians, Orators, Physiti­ans, learned men in both Lawes, in­dustrious Antiquaries, men of all excellencies, have no lesse risen in Cities, Towns, & aggregate bodies of men, then in Counties and pla­ces of solitude and retirement: I shall therefore as a confirmation, of Cities and Corporations to be rises of Honour, treat onely of London, the Metropolis of this Nation, as [Page 153] that which hath been very succes­ful in impregnating, not onely it self, but even every County and Condition of England, with men of fotune, and all other generous qua­lifications. And here I crave leave of the sober gallantry of this Nation, to write somewhat of this noble City, the place of my birth, which though she is the Object of many mens contempt and censure, yet has such constellations of beauty, order, and importance in her, as render her a considerable poy [...]e and an interest of influence on all the Nation. I have not so perfrict a forehead to justifie London in all her demeanors; nor am I so deluded by love, that I cannot see her division, and the fatal Issues that are menaced by it, let the world have their free­doms to judge her distempers, far be it from me to take offence at [Page 154] their just exceptions, nor can knowing men justifie her, where where she has acted unjustifiably; But let not London be rashly judged and condemned as guilty, before her charge be duly and legally pro­ved, let not the gravity of her Ci­tizens be blasted for the intempe­rance of violent parties in her, who use her name as their credentials to renown, and terme their actions by the name of Londons actions, when as they are in no sober sense Londons, nor are what those Phae­tons of fury do, to be charged on London, but with regard to the de­luge of necessity, which prevailing, carries all before it, and has had a similarity of Empire on all the Na­tion, and hurried every part into a paroxism, next door to Anarchy and dissolution. Allow her then but some proportions of candor, and [Page 155] she will appear not unworthy their value, and my veneration, which I would here testifie by some short notes upon Her, as the Epitome of this our English Government, in the legal and most acceptable re­presentation of it.

London is the England of England, a City famous for her antiquity, prius condita quam illa a Remo & Ro­mulo, according to Stephanides, call­ed nova Troja, because modelled instar modum veteris Trojae. So Jeffry Mon­mouth. Historia. Brit. l. 1, c, 10. Ab. Westmo computes it about the 2855 year of the world,De eventibus Angl. p. 2484. edit. Twisd. Knighton about the time of Ely and Samuel: famous it has been for its Trade, and frequentation of for­raigners to her; which Tacitus hints Annal. lib. 14. when he sayes, Copia negotiatorum & commeatu maxime celebre. Bede termes Eccles. Hist. l. 2. c. 3. it, multorum populorum emporium terra marique venientium. This London ha­ving [Page 156] all those three priviledges, which Thucydides requires to a free [...] Thucydid. lib. 5. City that it be [...], use its own Laws, its own Judge­ments, its own Magistrates: & having Ci­tizens in her like those of Tyre, [...] the honorable of the earth, as the phrase is, Isa. c. 23. v. 8. hath ever been highly accounted of as a pregnant rise to growing Honour and Nobi­lity. For it has of old bin acknow­ledged Camera Regis, and the Ci­tizens (freemen of the same) termed lib. Ramesy. by Hen. 1. Barones, which terme, signifies viri fortes, or according to Bracton, robur belli, and M. Paris, adds they were so called, propter virtutis p. 863. dignitatem, & civium antiquam liber­tatem, thus H. 3. stiles them all his time, as appears not onely in his Charter Anno 9. but in M. Paris, p. 749, 863, 974, &c. The like is storyed in Malmsbury, Londinenses [Page 157] sunt quasi Optimates pro magnitudine Civitatis in Anglia; and a little af­ter, in Novell. l. 2. p. 206. Non decere ut Londinenses qui prae­cipui habebantur in Anglia sicut Proce­res, &c. And if any honour result from the place of birth and resi­dence, to the person born or resident as all the Doctors agree, Nobilitas causatur ex loco quoniam civis ex urbe splendida oriundus nobilis est, as the rule is, and as Cassanaeus alleageth Catal. gl. Mundi. p. 314. many instances; and if that Cu­stom of allowing those quasi nobiles, and entitling them Barones, qui ha­hent [...]. Hegesius i [...] Strabone. jurisdictionem in suis oppidis & castellis, as the Neapolitans hold it, be good Authority, The Citizens of London, qua such; ought not to be depraeciated, or suffer degradati­on from that esteem and regard, which upon the premises consi­dered, is thought to be due to them.

[Page 158] Let no man envy London, its old de­served Honour: it obtained it when, and kept it, while it had it, upon as brave termes as any place before it. It valiantly resisted the brutish Dane, when of old he assaulted it. Hunting. lib. 6. p. 208. And after in King Etheldreds raign, a second time besieged by them, sed a Civibus probe defensa, and when Malmesb. lib. 2. p. 35. Swayn had mastered all, and made the then King flie, Soli Londinenses Regem legitimum intra maenia tutantes portas occuserunt. To these add their Houlden. p. 38. p. 418. loyalties to H. 1, to Rich. 2d in dis­closing Ferrars Treason, their dis­comfiting Wat Tyler, resisting the Bastard Fawconbridge in Edward the fourths time, and Cade in Henry the sixths time, yea by the Statute of 6 R. 2 c. 12. which admitted all to Rast [...]lls. Statutes at large of Anno. 1618. 1 Vol. pardon, who adhered to the Kentish and Essex, or other commotion, except certain persons, of which [Page 159] there were three Citizens of London, the reason of whose punishment, in being excepted, is there rendred▪ For that one of them did first and principal­ly let William Walworth, late Maior of London, and certain other the Kings faithful people, to shut the Gates of the said City, against the Commonalty of Kent and Essex, then traiterously in the said Insurrection assembled, that they should have none entry into the sa [...]d City, and to defend the same City from all Traitors. And the other two were arraigned of that that they should have bin the first and chief Councellours of the said Tray­tors, that they should come and enter the said City, and leaders of the same Tray­tors within the said City: By which words of the Statute, it appeared, that the Parliament then accounted the City their Jewel, which was not to be touched, but by the soft [Page 160] and gentle hands of good men and true.

And as the City in general, have performed acceptable service to its Supremes, so have those their great and magnificent Masters, dignified the Officers of it, with signal ex­presses of honour, making the [...] & digni [...] sunt in [...]ione e­jus qui potest [...] digni­ [...]t [...] & nobili­ [...] Ʋpton. l. 1. c. 18. p. 60. Maior (who is a Freeman, though the head and noblest part of it) a kind of Vice-Roy, allowing trium­phal Solemnities, and resemblan­ces of, and allusions to, those of a Coronation, at his inauguration, furnishing him with Ensigns of su­preme [...] preterea [...] cetera (que) o [...]nia supremae dignitatis in­ [...] Herodiar. l. 3. de Plauti­ [...] Prafecto. power within his limits, as Sword, Mace Cap of maintenance, (all which boren before him, re­member me of Cassiodorus his words to the Senate, Sume mag [...]sterii infu­las in Epist. ad se­ [...] urbis. l. 3 dignitatis, usurus omnibus privile­giis quae tuos habuisse constiterit deces­sores) with a great Councel, grand [Page 161] priviledges, and accepting him not onely as their Deputy in Govern­ment, but as a noble Tenurer to whom a chief Office of Honour belongs of right at Coronations, For in the Register of the Officers of the Coronation in Rich. the se­conds time thus it is written, Major Londini clamabit officium Pin­cernae & debite executus est, habens cy­phum aureum in manu dextra; These with other such like favours, argue the Lord Maior to be highly ac­counted of, and when considera­tion is had, that not onely in one time, but in the various successions of ages, high account has bin made of this Officer, his dignity will thence receive some addition. In King Johns raign, when things were much out of order, an agree­ment was, that certain great persons should be intrusted to inspect the [Page 162] actions of that King, and secure the peace of the Nation, The Ma­jor M. Paris. p. 260. rot. 2. R. 2. of London was one: in Rich. the seconds time, when Persons of all ranks were to be rated according to their degree. The Lord Maior was put at 4 l. the rate of an Earl, and every Alderman at 40 s. the rate of a Baron; and when Rich. the first in Captivity, was to be ran­somed, the Lord Maior was one of Hoveden. parte poster. p. 414. the five Trustees for dispose of the monies levied to redeem him. Yea, & when the death of Qu. Elizabeth and King James his absence here, had made a kind of Interstitium in Government, and it was thought fit by the great men of the Realm, who being Officers by Commissi­on, abated by the death of their ap­pointer, to make a publication of their fidelity to King James, and to notifie to the Nation whom they [Page 163] should expect, and ought to pray for as their Lord and Master, To this publication solemnly pro­claimed, the first subscriber was Ro. Lee Maior, and after him John Can­tuar, Tho. Egerton, C. Sigill, Tho. Book Proclam. Jacobi 1. proclam. Buckhurst Treasurer, and so in order the rest of the great men; as (no doubt) conceiving the Lord Maior the most fixed and conspicuous Magistrate in revolutions and changes.

And as the Maior hath been thus honoured with high esteem, and had for a long time the reward of Knighthood, (if not a Knight be­fore) at the expiration of his year­ly office; so have also the Sherifs and Aldermen, (his Peers as it were.) For the Maior, Sheriffs, and Aldermen are by the Stat. of 11 Ed. 3. c. 10. said to have the Government of the City) bin reckoned non inter [Page 164] milites gaudentes & milites histriones, Indict. H. 1. c. de dignit. as Bartholus termes some, Qui non sunt nobiles, but deservers of Knight-hood upon that accompt that Salust gives of Pompey, who did cum ala­cribus saltu, cum velocibus cursu, cum validis valide certare, Thus did 1 [...]. Survey p. 570. Holingshed. p. 536. of them obtain Knight-hood from E. 4. William Walworth and five more from R. 2. Eastfield and others from H. 6. Horn [...]ate Astrey from H. 7. and others of them have bin made councellors to their Princes, so was Feilding to H. 6. and Ed. 4. William Fitzwilliams, and Sir John Allen to H. 8. Yea, and the Grand­father of that Virgin Lady and the mirrour of her Sex, Queen Eliza­beth, (the once glorious Mistress of these Islands) Sir Jeffry Bullen de­scended from the famous House of Norfolk, was in Anno 1457. Lord Maior of London; And then is said [Page 165] to have to wife, one of the Daugh­ters and Heires of Thomas Baron of Hoo, and Hastings, Knight of the Preparation to the Annalls. Qu. Eliz. honourable Order of the Garter.

Further as to the Maior, Alder­men and Sheriffs of London all Ci­tizens, these largesses of bounty have been expressed; so has time and common approbation admit­ted other Members of the City into title of Gentility, as well as Gran­dees in Law or Schools; For as to those that either have held the place, or fined for Aldermen, the title Esquire is given; So to all Ci­tizens of London, though in the City the addition of their mystery is most usual, yet the title Gentle­man, where natively they are not such (for there are many of both base and noble Origen) is by the national courtesie given to such of them as are of creditable profes­sions [Page 166] and fortunes: which civility and grateful goodness of the royal Government of this Nation, has been repayed by the City in all a­ges. No part of the Land affording more brave, free and well advised spirits, then here have bin born, bred, and provided for, To spring from a thriving younger Brother, who has an elder Brothers fortune, when he has prodigally wasted it, Or to be the first of a Stock, whose rise is not by blood and baseness; is no lesse honourable, then to de­scend from Hercules, and want the noble qualities of his Issue. And yet London alwayes had, and yet has more defiances from the Issue of her Citizens, the more is the pity, and their shame, then from all per­sons of high blood and honourable Ancestry. Yea, though she has had many profitable Offices to give, by [Page 167] which many have lived plentiful­ly, and raised great Estates, and had good Opportunities of requiting her, by publication of her lustre and renown: yet none of them that I know of, have publiquely done it, Bale and Pits indeed men­tion p. 654. one Robert Bale, or Balaeus Se­nior, a Citizen born, who did om­nem suam operam, omne studium eo dirigere, ut ejus splendorem magis ma­gisque illustraret. But the works that he is said to write for Londons ho­nour, are lost. Nor does London en­courage any of her own to appear this way in publique for her, ma­ny Monuments of antique honour and order, undoubtedly she has, which neither any abroad, nor she her self knowes of, That Sword of 1 Sam. c. 21. v. 9. Goliah is wrapped up in a repertory of secrecie, lying by the walls, as a meet companion for dust and Cobwebs.

[Page 168] O London! Thou hast ever been the glory, but the envy, the Oxe that has been muzled, yet ever hast trod out the Corn of profit to the Nations advantage. Thou hast bin the Candle that hast lightned others out of the dark of obscurity, into the morning brightness; and yet hast bin condemned as dul­sighted to the perception of thine own interest, and the glory that at­tends the due and devout improve­ment of it. Men say thy purse pre­dominates thy Councel, and when they look upon thy wit, they won­der at thy wealth. This is thy cen­sure from thy detractors; but for all these speeches of anger and mor­dacity, London has bin, & I hope yet will be London & flowrish with that crowning mercy of orderly and peaceable Government, when her enemies shall be cloathed with [Page 169] shame. Gods blessing and the Ri­ver of Thames, are such demesnes about this Capital City, as will supply her, maugre the ill will of all her Opponents. Thy name, O beloved City, has bin too much ac­clamated, thy officiousness to ge­neral good, too much anciently owned, to suffer a final and total infamy for some demeritings. Let thine accusers first prove themselves innocent, before they cast the stones of punishment on thee; And while thou hast the merit of thy prede­cessors valour, of thy Magistrates bounty, of thy Citizens riches, and of their posterities flourishing in all parts of the Nation (who are not lesse fortun'd, and bred in points of honour, then becomes the Condition of Gentry) keep thy spirits about thee, to recri­minate thy reproaches; and if thou [Page 170] couldst keep thy purse, and match within thy self, those that revile thee, would soon be deeply in debt, and hopeless how to rid themselves from danger. For it is the honey drops of thy Wealth which en­lightneth the eyes of many well de­scended Jonathans, whose Lands would not long own them for their Lords, did not thy Widows 1 Sam. c. 14. v. 29. and Daughters portions, pay off their encumbrances, and clear up those mists which hinder their view of them as their own, till they be removed. Shew me O ye contemners of Cities and Corpora­tions, wherein ye exceed Citizens, and the Issues and products of them. Is there any part of the World or this Nation, more hospi­table then London, whose Families? whose poor are better provided for then Londons? where are there any [Page 171] subjects in England, that in plenty and variety of entertainments, ex­ceed the Maiors and Sheriffs Ta­bles; to which all commers that are of fashion and worth, though unknown, are welcom, was not that Table (think ye) well fur­nish'd, which in one day enter­tained Edward King of England, the Kings of France, Scotland, Cyprus, Edward Prince of Wales, with a grand Train of Nobles; and was not he a brave subject, who then also kept his Hall for welcom of all commers? This did Henry Pic­card, Maior of London, in the year 1363. And to make the solemnity more ample, his Lady did at the same time, maintain a treatment apart for all female Honours of no­ble degree? Are there any charities in England (surviving that furious deluge of Hen. the 8th) which are [Page 172] more extensive and liberal then those of Londons Fraternities and Hospitalls, both in London and o­ther parts of the Nation, all which either were founded or augmented by Citizens, some few there have bin erected by other persons of great honour, charity and worthi­ness, whose devotion therein, I doubt not but God has accepted. But though I dare not presume to write that the Gleanings of Londons Ephraims, are beyond the vintage of those Abiezers, yet I may modestly and truly aver, that London, both in the number and exact care and Go­vernment of them, according to the Statutes of their foundation, is more exact and remarkable, then others are; and those that trust them shall upon search, find them the best executors of trusts; mistake me not, I am no conjured Crea­ture [Page 173] of Londons, wherein truth and Justice, Religion and Order, defie her, I must not justifie her, Magna est veritas & praevalebit, If the faith­ful City become a harlot, if its sil­ver become drosse, and its wine be turned to water, as once God by his Prophet complained of Jerusa­lem, Isa. 1. 21. v. 22. far be it from me to endeavour her defence. But if she, when most disfigured, and in her least com­mendable dress, has witnesses of Gubernative Honour, and Pristine fidelity, though she has Apople­ctique fits, and is under the rigour of storms, which role her up and down from Coast to Coast, till her Pilots seem to forsake their Com­pass, and her commoners their Sails and Tackle. God forbid any Christian, any Englishman should wish or hope to see her in ashes, God forbid any one that is written [Page 174] man, should so indulge the Gourd of his passion and transitory great­ness, which perhaps came up in a night, and may perish in a night, as the phrase is, Jonah, c. 4. v 10. As to repine at Gods merciful sparing of that great City, wherein are more then sixscore thousand per­sons that cannot discern between their right and their left hand, and also much Cattle, v. 10. O London, I wish peace may be within thy Walls, and prosperity within thy pallaces, that Religion, Order, Trade, Charity, may never suffer a finall Eclipse in thee, That the riches of thy Citizens, which Popes have termed, puteus inexhaustus, may rather be the delight of Scho­lars eyes, who with Pope Innocent, shall desire to see divitias Londini & delicias Westmonasterii, then of a Ruf­fians fists, who would desire to plunder thee.

[Page 175] And blessed be God for thy riches, and the good provision thy Citizens thrift has made, for not onely their Children, but for the ample maintenance of the churches and Churchmen in thee; for as thou art abundant in sacred edifi­ces, (so that the great Cambden, thy learned Sonne sayes, Templis undi­que & aedibus sacris ita fulget ut re­ligio & pietas sibi delubrum hic collo­casse videatur,) and those so nobly Britan. edit. lat. rond. p. 274. kept and adorned, as little more can be desired to their Ornament, unless St. Pauls, thy viduated Mo­ther Church, might be repaired, which in these sad changes by be­ing unchaptred and revenueless, is now in a great measure, ready to be a colluvies of ruines) excepting onely this Venust Monument of Antique Christianities devotion. This St. Pauls at London, once not [Page 176] inferior to that St. Peters at Rome, though now likely to have no long duration, but in that paper Monument which a skilful, pain­ful, and well accomplish'd Anti­quary has erected to her perpetui­ty) Mr. Dugdale. all the Parish Churches are in a comely dress, worthy that orderly Religion the Citizens profess. And the Ministers in them, (maugre all the malice of fanatiques and anti­ministerial dissenters) are better provided for, then in most parts of the Nation besides; For though some curse the patrimonium Crucifixi, and would dip their morsels in po­tions like that of the Jewes to our Lord: yet others, more in number, weight, and worth, with holy Mo­ses, bless their basket and their store, and let their bounties run most fluently to those secondary A­postles, as the precious remains of [Page 177] Christ the Churches High Priest, which he hath left to negotiate the conversion of souls, and to propa­tage his Gospel, till the number of his Elect be accomplished, and till he deliver up the Kingdom to God the Father. But I return to London, which I find of great con­sequence to her Supremes; for when the Lords and great men had her to back, the Lord Marshall▪s words to Walter Alb [...]net, are, Bene scitis quam magnum comm [...]um est vo­bis M. Paris. p. 265. & nobis servare civitatem Lon­doniarum quae est receptaculum no­strum. And when King Richard the second, favoured her in so unusual a way [...]o indulgence, as Sir Edw. Cook notes, confirming her li­berties, 4 Instit. p. 250. licet usi non fuerint vel a­busi fuerunt, it concludes, that she has ever been esteemed the darling of her Royal Governour, [Page 178] and the Nonsuch of England, in sup­ply of accommodations for peace & Rot. Parl. 7. R. 2. Nu. 37. warre. So that London so ancient, and so magnificent a City, so a­bounding in rich, stout, grave, and well moderated Citizens, so digni­fied with freedoms and franchises of exemption from vassallage, so prosperous and contributive to the structure of English Honour, being the parental ayre of Princes, Prelates, Peers, Knights, Gentle­men, and others, who in regard of high desert, are not unworthy their company, must not be omitted in the roll of Honour, as she is none of the lowest steps to it. For in the Saxons time, Estate in Land or mo­ney, made men pares cum Thayno dig­nitate, Mills Nobil. [...]olit & Civil. p. 132. E. Lambardo. And Estates have ever been gainable in London, if any where; And that not onely by ungentle practices, such as Mr. Fern termes, [Page 179] Doubleness of Tongue, violation of faith, with the rest of their trumperies Glory Generos. p. 7. and deceits, for which, (saith he) they must be contented to stand included un­der the base and unnoble state of people. No nor by betraying trusts, as did Cneius Flavius, who by discovering the Patricians secrets in the dies fasti & infasti, was by the popular par­ [...]y preferred, Cum ingenti Nobilitatis indignatione, ita ut plaerique Nobiles annulos aureos & phaleras deponerent, as both Livy and Agellius testifie; But by Gods blessing upon their Lib. 6. c. 91. Mercatura nihil aliud est nisi actus quidam emendi ven­denque merces. Plin. l. 7. careful and provident industry, which by commutation of one thing for another, and transferring the property from person to person, works out a benefit to all conditi­ons of men. For Merchandize, which is the common title of all Trade, whether in gross or retail, is no tri [...]ling mechanique and in­dign [Page 180] imployment, to which onely abject and mercenary spirits are condemned; nor is it carried on by fortuneless and needy persons, such are rather a refined sort of Pedlars then Merchandizers; but as Diodo­rus ascribes its first discovery to Lib. 6. Mercury, and its first use to the Phaenicians, whom Tully and Poly­dore Lib. 3. de Republ. make importers of the forraign extravagancies into Greece, and we may allow occasioners of learnings discovery to us, whom the Phaenici­ans (almost the earlyest artists of the world and such as had Colonies in every Nation, and were called [...] by Lucian, because In Toxari. they, by their general traffique were Ubiquitaries,) visited, by coming to our Islands for Tyn and other Met­tals, as Bochartus has to my hand ob­served, Partis 2d. l. 1. c 2. & 39. p. 719. & with variety of learning illustrated. So may its increase and [Page 181] propagation be attributed, next to Gods blessing, to those persons of renown and lustre, who either by natural inclination, or impulse of necessity, have engaged in it, and by their succesful dexterity, prove great advancers of National profit, as well as their own and Posterities fortunes; For as in Solons time, the Plutarch in Solone. Greeks accounted Trade, as that quae commoda ex regionibus barbaris ascisse­ret, amicitias cum regibus conciliaret; & multarum rerum conferret peritiam, so in this Nation, the Wittenagemote and great Councel of our wisdom, in the preamble to the Statute of 43 Eliz. c. 1 [...]. acknowledgeth it to have been the policy of this Realm, by all good meanes to comfort and encourage the Merchant, thereby to increase and advance the general wealth of the Realm, her Majesties Customs, and the strength of Ship­ping, [Page 182] so are the words of that Statute.

And therefore though in Trade as in other courses of life and pro­fessions of ingenuity, there are some debauched and sordid persons, who by sinister and undue meanes, dishonourable to God, and of evil report amongst men, acquire e­states, and in Solomons words, ma­king hast to be rich, cannot be in­nocent, but live the shame of their professions, and depart the stage of life, as bad actors hissed at, and de­claimed against by all that knew them: yet are there of Traders as currant, generous, stanch, simple hearted, and liberal living men, most of whom are descended out of the best Families of Englands Gentrey, as the Land affords; such as support their Families and rela­tions, as splendidly, and leave them [Page 183] as fair foundations of Grandeur, as merit can wish to work upon: yea of all Orders of men in England, ab­sit scripto invidia, none do more bless their Wives, Widows and Children, with the fruits of Gods blessing on their thrift and augmen­tation, then Citizens do, who as joyfully spend their Estates on their Wives, Widows and Children, or for want of these, on charities both living and dying, as ever they carefully accumulated them; and therefore there rising from these, men of great Estates and good bree­dings, their children, whom though they make not Princes in all Lands, yet they render conspicuous in all Counties where they reside, and they being descended from, and entermarried with, Daughters of generous Families; and having also the younger Sonnes of Gentile Fa­milies, [Page 184] not lesse Gentlemen then their elder Brother, to their Appren­tices, who in time, prove great and grave Citizens, not only fellows in fortune to their elder Brothers, but purchasors of their wasted Estates, and second founders to their anti­quated families and fortunes, which in them have a new, and perhaps better resurrection. It is but meet the City which deserves as well as Rome, to be called urbs aeterna, in which these budds & blowings of Nobility and Gentry are nourish­ed to their after increase and proce­rity, should be accounted a Co­partner in the rise of Honour, to which I hope, London and other Corporations, will be ever contri­butors. If either the storms of A­narchy do not kill their sap, or the fire of dissention burn their hives. And so I have done with the third [Page 185] part of the description, the end why Arms and Ensigns of Honour, were instituted, which is said to be in no­titiam & honorem latoris.

The fourth thing considerable in our Knights definition, is the fountain or rise of Arms in those words A Judice Legitimo. And this is well added to exclude the pre­sumption of self-creation, or of ac­ceptation from any hand but that of the right owners. There, there one­ly is Honour lodged where Empire is, and if par in parem non habet impe­rium, then Honour cannot come from the plebs; but springs from the womb of the morning Sun, the Orient Gyant of Majesty, who fix­ed in his Orb, runs a constant race of motion, diffusing beams of lustre & vivification amongst all the sub­jects under his aspect, Honorem di­stributio Principum est, & hinc uti Spelm. in Aspil. p. 4. [Page 186] ab ipso fonte aut per rivos, Hoc est per ministros deducenda alioquin spuria & inanis, saith my learned Text­master, yet not without good com­pany, for all the Doctors agree the same a principe tanquam a capite in omnes inferiores honorum & potestatum munera diffunduntur, so Cassanaeus Catal. gl. Mund. p. 251. quotes it out of them.

This Judex legitimus then, is pur­posely added as a rampier, and mound to Magistracy, apt to be in­vaded by arrogance and levity: therefore the learned oppose legiti­mus to what ever is new, unconsti­tuted, and of a spurious birth. Thus is Legitima cogitatio opposed to spu­ria; Budaeus in pri­or pandec. p. 206. legitimius senatus, to indictus se­natus; legitima judicia to judicia ma­lis artibus parta; dies juridici, which our Lawyers call temps covenables, to Cook. 1 Instit. p. 135: dies non juridici; so careful were wise Lawmakers, that they left nothing [Page 187] unsetled, that might make any flaw, or seem ununiform in the fabrique of National polity; and because the Senate was in the Roman Com­monwealth, the Centre of Majesty, the Senators to prevent all suspiti­on of themselves, and to beget a reverence of their transactions in peoples mindes, Ordered, That lawful Senates should be kept upon Sueton: in Au­gusto. appointed dayes, and those were but twice in a moneth; and Agel­lius adds, that no lawful Senate should be nisi in loco per Augures Con­stituto quod templum appellaretur, that Budaeus. p. 13 [...]. in pand. is but by a lawful appointment, and in a place appointed, which was their Temple.

So that Judex Legitimus, here ex­cludes Uptons libertine, who takes what Arms he pleases, since Arms are not in nudam notitiam, but in honorem also. And therefore it must [Page 188] come from the Fountain of Ho­nour, who is called Animata Lex, and Terrestris Deus, being as the Soul in the Common-wealths body, the right eye in the Polyphemiz'd Sta­tue of popularities, which sweet­ens their visage, and renders them of deformed Monsters, amiable Ob­jects. This is the primum Mobile, which carryes about all Orderly motions. For this cause the Apostle commandeth by the spirit of God, and his Apostolique Authority, that Prayers and Supplications, and giving of Thanks be made for all men, for Kings [...] Tim. c. 2, v. 1. and 2. and all that are in Authority under them, that under them we may live peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty, And when Holy David, Sau's successor to the Kingdom, not by inheritance, for so Jonathan would have been, 1 Sam. c. 14. v. 49. nor by Usurpation, for so he him­self durst not have been, For if his [Page 189] conscience smote him for cutting off the lap of Sauls Garment, and He 1 Sam. 24. v. 5. in a holy passion cryed out, The Lord forbid that I should do this thing unto my Master the Lords a­noynted, to stretch forth mine hand against him, seeing he is the anoint­ed of the Lord, as it is v. 6. what would have become of him. If he had pull'd by sacrilegious hands, the Crown from off his Masters head, and put him to death to con­solidate his title to his Throne.) But Holy David, though a man of valour and victory, was a man of Justice and Honour, his right to be Saul's successor, was of di­vine donation and especiall ap­pointment of God, whose all power is, and who stated the Government in him, as appeares 2 Sam. chap. 12. vers. [...]. and 8. And yet though God had determi­ned [Page 190] his pleasure both as to Sauls life and Kingdom, yet this blessed King who had entrance by his Oustre, calls upon the most tender and pen­sive Instruments of passionate sad­ness to weep, Weep (saith he) ye Daughters of Israel over Saul, who cloathed you in Scarlet with other de­lights, 2 Sam. 1 c. v. 24. who put Ornaments of Gold upon your Apparel. For surely he must be a very bad King, who is not worthy peoples prayers, when he is alive, & their teares when he is dead. The supreme power was then firstly and chiefly one, as in the elder Govern­ments, and as in the polity of God over the World; For though he hath in the upper House of Glory Archangels and Angels, who infi­nitely transcend us men in intel­lect, power, and dignity, yet are they no participants in rule, but mi­nistring spirits to his Elect, the [Page 191] members of this moveable House of Commons here on Earth; or in the largest concession, they are but tutelary of us Gloworms of ostentation, and puffs of nullity; the paramount power is Gods, who termes himself a great King, and who exercises his regality, in ruling over the Kingdoms of men, and giving them to whomsoever he will, as the voyce from Heaven declared, Dan. c. 4. v. 30. But though the supreme Power be one, yet not onely one, for there have been plures, who like many figures in conjunction, have made Numeralls of great duration and augustness. Amongst the Grae­cians, when of Aristocratique Con­stitution, they gave honours, and therefore were held lawful Judges of merits, Nobilibus Athletis qui O­lympia, Pythia, Isthmia, Nemaea vicis­sent Graecorum majores ita Magnos in­stituerunt [Page 192] honores uti non modo in con­ventu stantes cum palma & Corona fe­runt laudes sed etiam cum revertantur in suas civitates, cum victoria Trium­phantes quadrigis in maenia & in patri­as invehebantur, saith Budaeus; so La­zius [...] [...]dect. [...] 4. [...]. 9 com. c. 1. reports the Romans to do, and so above this 1200 years have the Vene­tians, and for a long time other later Governments. But such Almanacks of Honour are not calculated for e­very Meridian. There are Nations that will be dull Scholars to learn any lesson Antimonarchique; for re­solution, like the Rock, yields not to any stroke but the rod of Omni­potence, and when God utters no voyce from Heaven, against Natio­nall Lawes, (not diametrall to the revealed will) his word. There is a Maxime of the Law, swayes much with many, Neminem oppor­tet esse legibus sapientiorem. As then [Page 193] the Legitimus Judex in our case of honour is the Supreme, so next to these Originals, are the illustrious Copies drawn by their fair and magnified hands, such as are Vice-royes, Generalls, Marshalls, their civil and Military Representatives; For there can be no doubt, but that military rewards and honours, as Arms and Knight-hood, are inclu­ded in their intended powers; For there is no Argument more preva­lent to elicit Souldiers valour, then this of remuneration. Thus I read in the fourth of Richard the second, the Duke of Buckingham made ma­ny Knights when he entred France, and again after battels well fought, rewarded deserving gallants with Knighthood. So the L. Admiral Howard, in his voyage into Brita­ny, 4 H. 8. Anno 1512. and upon his winning Morleis 14 H. 8. Anno 1522. [Page 194] So the Duke of Suffolk, 15 H. 8. when he gained Roy, and the Earl of Hertford, 36 H. 8. at Leith, after the burning of Edenburgh. The like 1 Ed. 6. was done by the Duke of Somerset, protector of the young Kings person, who Anno 1547 made above 50 Knights when he went for Scotland; so did the Earl of Sussex, 12 Eliz. and of Essex in Cadiz voyage, And there is good reason for it; for take away the power to give a badge of honour to a sonne of honour, and the best rounds in the scalado of great attempts, are removed, si non pro fama pro nihilo est demicandum; Good pay indeed, and great plunder, works most an end with the vulgar and ordinary sti­pendiary, who having bruital ayms, is satisfied with low and mean compensations, but a spirit of elixerated mettle, purely extract­ed [Page 195] from the Oare of avarice, and quintessentially fixed upon the at­tainment of fame, and the ena­mouring companions of Heroique vertue, acquiesses in nothing but in the indubitate badges and testimo­nies of emeriting, which his prin­cipall gives him; For the courage which vehiculates his attempts, and occasions his glory, is Gods royal donative: therefore the bravery of such a martial soul, is of an im­mortal Origen, and has no lesse Nobility then a Divine participati­on, not essential, but communica­tive. The acceptation of the per­formance, and the attestation of the gallantry of the subject acting it, being made known by the notices and badges of conferred honour, which are personal and Gentilicial. For where actions performed by men do benefit posterity, 'tis fit [Page 196] the posterity of such actors should be dignified by their predecessors merit. So St. Leo, ad humanam per­tinet Sen. 6. Nativ. laudem ut patrum decus in prole resplendeat. So St. Ambrose writes of one, Caepta patris dignitas in filio nobilitatur, and Plyny for them all Ep. 6. lib. 6. tells sonnes, Magnum in Gloria pa­tris Ornamentum. Yea he is no man of honour, who if worthies die issuless, as often they do, denyes them a Monument, in the minds of their most conspicuous coaevals, and a perpetuation in the intemerat sheets of Historique veracity, by which have bin preserved the me­mories of worthies in all ages, who yet are extant in the traditional li­neaments of their virtues, visi­ble to the Learneds eye, who view them with delight and stu­dy to publish them with addi­tions.

[Page 197] And now I come to the last Ju­dex Legitimus, in common under­standing amongst us, to wit, the Heralds, who though disrespected in these times, and in truth not so regarded (as they ought) in any time in England, which caused a man well versed in that art, to write deploringly, nunc adeo Heraldicae arti detractum est ut neglecti plane & Mills de Nobil. Civili & poli­tie. p. 153. paene prostrati ubivis vivunt.) Yet are of ancient, honourable and useful institution, yea and have been Judges of the great debates of Na­tions. And though I would not hyperbolize with Mr. Leigh, who Accid. Armo­ry. p. 41. compares them to Angels, and to Aaron: yet I must acknowledge them publicae fidei intermunii, a kind of propitiators between Nation and Nation. The Greeks called them [...], and [...], and Eustathius gives the reason, [Page 198] [...], they were accounted priestly, & had p. 112. & 726. to do about the Sacrifices of the Gods; And the regard that was given to them, made them the In­struments of publishing whatever was of a publique and extraordina­ry nature, and associates to persons of the greatest remarque, yea in Homer the Scepter is said to be gi­ven to Menelaus, [...], Ilyad. nor had the Latines lesse accompt of them; for they called them by divers names, alluding to their Of­fice and use. Priscian termes them, Praecones a Praecinendo, quasi praecanes quod ante canant & anuncient quod est faciendum, which Plautus alludes to, when he defines them to be such as qui jussu Magistratus publice aliquid Paenul. 2. 11. ore denunciant, qui auctionem faciebant & qui audientiam in theatris indice­bant, and Tully, exurge praeco fac po­pulo Cicero 3 ver. [Page 199] audientiam. The Romans very much set by them, Numa constituted Polyd. Virgil. lib. 4. deInvent. Faeciales Sacerdotes; and both Festus and Nonius derive Feciales a faciendo, quod belli pacisque faciendae apud eos De vita pop. Rom. l. 2. Livius l. 1. dec. 1. jus erat. Varro and Livy, call these Faeciales legatos, and there were 20. of this Order, who judged of warre and peace: some of which, were ever sent to any Nation from whom the Romans apprehended they had received injury, with this Message, Ego sum nuncius Populi Rocerus lib. de bello & duel [...]o. p 49. Romani juste pieque legatus venio. Hence the Civilians call'd them, Patres Patratos, or Nuncios Legatos, and the Law of Nations gave them priviledge to pass and repass as common Intelligencers, Negotia­tors of accord, and Judges of de­bates. For then they were of those Milites emeriti, who by long service in warre, knew the Lawes of warre [Page 200] and peace, and were well read in the Lawes of Nations, which deter­mine right and wrong.

In later times, they have not onely been used as wontedly, but also as instruments to convey civil honour from Supremes to subjects; and that they might not be senseless of honour, but have quick touches of it in their breasts, as well as facul­ties of bestowing it in their offices, and badges of it on their Coats, the Custom of Nations, was to appoint men to such place, who were gene­rously born, as well as so addicted, and handsomly accomplish'd by breeding, to execute aright this ho­nourable trust. A rare caution a­gainst ignorant, sordid and ridicu­lous Heralds, who are distinguish­able from the faeculent plebs, ra­ther by their gay Coats, then a­ny skill, ingenuity, or grandeur [Page 201] of mind they express in their acti­ons.

But I intend no inlargement on Heralds, because a better Pen has Byss. in Ʋpion. p. 28. long since promised it, onely I could wish, (if God and the Pow­ers concur'd) that a brave Marshal like to the Duke of Norfolk, Or the old Earl of Arundel, were re­vived, and such Order, in matters of Arms and Honour, constituted, as may reduce eccentriques to their fixation. And that such men may be Officers of Arms, as are of learn­ed Language, compt morature, O­ratorique utterance, skill'd in the Lawes of Nations, ready in the de­scents of Families, sincere in main­tenance of right, and that these (if owned Judges of Honour) may be men of blood, family and fortune; and that such Pensions may be an­nexed to their Offices, as will sup­port [Page 202] them creditably. For there is nothing that prompts men to pro­fligate & degenerous courses, more then need and indulgence of for­tune, which often warps brave minds from their natural even­ness, and distorts them into a sordid complyance with any offer of accomodation and advantage, Though it be as vain as that mi­stake of Quintus Fabius was, who not content to be nobly born, became a painter de claro genere faciens Valer. Tit. 8. de Cupid. gloriae. se sordidum, ut nomen suum in publico pingens faceret aeternum, Or that royster Pau [...]nias, who would kill Philip of Macedon, ut tali parricidio immortalitatem sibi compararet, Or as Herostra [...]us and others, of whom Cassanaeus has given instance, who Catal. gl. Mundi partis primae consid. 58. have done supersuperlative wicked­nesses, to bring about their heady and ill humour'd purposes. And [Page 203] therefore I accompt it a well advi­sed Petition to God, that Agur made, Give me neither poverty nor riches, Feed me with food convenient for me, least I Prov. 30. v. 8. & 9. be full and deny thee, and say, who is the Lord? Or least I be poor and steal, and take the name of my God in vain. For those two evils, a high mind, and a low estate, are not of­ten reconciled in a spotless integri­ty of life; and therefore to have food and rayment, and a mind con­tented therewith, is no mean mer­cy, especially now, when unde habet quaerit nemo sed opportet habere, is ra­ther owned for Canon, then Budaeus his paradoxall truth, Praestat egre­giis p. 600. Edit. Basil. viris in secessu latere, aut in vita privata consenescere quam turpiter & obnoxie in pertexta innotescere.

And when in this Iron Age, Re­ligion has no veneration, Law no esteem, Justice no Patron, Property [Page 204] no Protector, Heraldry no rule, but every man does that which Judges 17. 6. is right in his own eyes, as once was Israels calamity. All estates of men have no other refuge but that Judex Legitimus in Hea­ven. For though times and men Epist. 9. ad [...]erson. may be like what Clemanges de­scribes, Quis locus remediis (saith he) aut quae spes salutis ubi nec de salute loqui nec de remedio concessum ubi qui cladem & plagas inferunt probi insignes egregiique viri, omni laude & praemio digni judicantur, & qui talia avertere nituntur scelerati, perfidiosi, nefarii dicuntur, what, I say, though God let us live to see further chan­ges and declensions, to those many stupendious ones, we have with grief and amazement beheld, yet so long as Jehovah keeps his Throne, our faith ought not flag; For when Gods time is come, he [Page 205] will arise and plead his own cause, and from him as the onely Judex legitimus, there will be no appeal. And so the fifth part of the descri­ption comes next, to hand the ob­jects to whom Arms are principal­ly directed, Militibus to Souldiers. But of Souldiers, I have written somewhat in the preceding sheets, that which remains, is onely two limitations. 1. Though Arms and Honour be the proper reward of Souldiers, yet not onely of Soul­diers. 2. Though they be the re­wards of Souldiers, yet not of all Souldiers.

First, Though of Souldiers, yet not of all Souldiers, For if as great designs of Conquest, and conserva­tion of dominion, has been effected by Counsel, as by force, then are the remunerations Military to be divi­ded between the Co-heires of merit, Courage & Councel.

[Page 206] The Souldiers (indeed) as the el­der is to make first choyce of the divident, but the Gown man is to have his allowance as equal as Ju­stice can apportion it. When Nim­rod first forged his Engine of op­pression, by which he became as terrible to men, as the hunter is to the pursued beast, then was there no rival with, no counterpoyse to power; but after when Councel made snares, and fixed harping I­rons in Leviathans of rule, then was Councel owned, as a conservator of the peace of Nations. Then Princes appeared in Robes and vests of calmness, distributing their fa­vours under representations of peace, the Daughter of Counsel and Prudence, rather then in tokens of warre and ferocity, deriving Do­minion from the Lawes of learned Justice, and not from the form of [Page 207] armed strength. 'Tis fit indeed, fortitude should be encouraged, all ages and Nations have need of it, and are made happy by it, therefore ought to reward it, and so have done, and so (for example sake) will do; but other vertues of equal merit, must not be exhaeredated, or become spurious, to advance its le­gitimation. It was a brave spirit of Numa Popilius, to promise Mamurius Dyonisius. lib. 2. Sabellic. l. 3. Enn. 2. (that famous Artist, who made brasen Shields like that which fell from Heaven, on which was in­scribed the Roman fate) that he would give him whatever he could wish, or would desire of him, and 'twas as bravely requited by a mo­dest and candid request, ut a Saliis sacerdotibus martis, cum jam saltantes canerent in fine Carminis Mamurii arti­ficis nomen etiam pronunciarent. Some mens virtues vigorously confront [Page 208] the ghast looks of Death, and judge no bed of Honour, no manner of Sepult [...]ra re­gum consulum & imperatorum erat in Campo Martio. Sueton. in Augusto. dispatch like that of a cannon shot, or an Instrument of steel. Others resolving to adorn their lives, with actions contributive of good to men, study not onely their own, but other mens preservations, inclining actions to peace, the Halcyon dayes of art, and the spring of Learnings verdure and slourishing. Both these are good Stewards of their [...]alents, and deserve Euge's from, and shares in, the joyes of their Lords. If then the scale of favour, and the evidence of approbation, incline to any one where it ought to be equilibrious and impartial, there would be too much ground of outcry on inju­stice. Let then the Souldier be re­warded, let him have the Trophies proper to him: The Gownman onely claims such a share in this [Page 209] worlds lustre, as is commensurate to the officiousness he (to publique good) expresses. And if he, upon the Crabstocks of emnity grafts the Cyons of concord, and serve a Go­spel reformation, by accomplishing (as much as rests on mans part to en­deavour) that promise which points out civil as well as Religious pro­sperity. They shall beat their Swords Isiah 4 4. M [...]cah 4. 3. Joel. 3. 1 [...]. into Plow-shares, and their Speares into Pruning-hooks, Nation shall not lift up Sword agai [...]st Nation, neither shall they learn warre any more, &c. And if this be done by Gownmen with­out blood, force, violence, the una­voidable methods of Warre and the pleasure of Camps, as great a por­tion, and as notable a fee of Arms and honour is to be imparted to the Scholar, as Sword-man; For in­cruent Victories are least offensive to God and man, since they are ra­ther [Page 210] well studied and thorowly im­proved providences, then acts of vehemence, or compulsions of a bruital and irrational contexture, And were not encouragements to sober diligence, and vertuous indu­stry suitable to those of Centaurean fierceness, Men of great spirits and noble mindes, would either become the prey and spoil of salvages, or die under the discontent to be over­dripp'd by such as are first Tigres and Lyons in their natures, and then act as such, against all, whom God and nature have polish'd to a more pleasing complyance with humani­ty and civil conversation, the onely soder of friendship, and the con­tentful harmony of life. Though therefore Arms and Honour be pri­marily the right of Souldiers, yet not only and exclusively their right, others are fellow Commoners, and [Page 211] of the Messes of Honour with them.

No nor secondly, are all Souldi­ers included in this beneficence of the Fountain of Honour, which the learned Knight calls Judex Legiti­mus, for there are some that creep into the wedding feast, who having not the wedding Garment, ought to be asked how they came in thi­ther, such Souldiers as Marcellinus and Vo [...]iscus calls milites ordinarios quos excitabant inopia & feritas, are Lazius Com. Reip. Rom. lib. 4. c. 14. Basil. not within the care of our Judex Legitimus, for he respects onely those that are Milites Legitimos, because engaged in militia legitima (the law­ful expression of merit, which is to be rewarded by (the lawful Judge, being onely in a lawful warre) St. Bernard giving encouragement to the Christians undertaking against the Infidels, writes thus, Cum occi­dit c. 3 de Nov [...] Militia. [Page 212] malefactorem non homicida, sed ut ita dixerim, malicida, & plane Christi vindix in his qui male agunt & defensor Christianorum reputatur. And there­fore though there be much daring­ness expressed by men that rush in­to action, like the Horse into the battel, not caring what side they take arms for: yet advised and pi­ous souls, consider the cause, and re­solve to stand by the Crown of glo­ry though it be fixed to a rotten post, all the ignominies that this wretched world entails to the good fight of faith, Christs faithful Soul­dier & servant contemns. The fore­cited Father has this passage to the Knights Templers si bonafuerit causa pugnantis pugnae exitus malus esse non Serm. 1. ad Mi­lit. Templ. c. 1. poterit, sicut nec bonus judicabitur sinis, ubi causa non bona & intentio non recta praecesserit, si in voluntate alterum occi­dendi potius occidi contigerit morieris [Page 213] homicida, quod si praevales, & voluntate superandi vel vindicandi forte occidis hominem, vivis Homicida, so that Fa­ther, a notable quel to the rash en­gager, who neither a victor or a loo­ser is guiltless; The Souldiers then that fight for honour, must fight ac­cording to the Lawes, and for the well-being of Honour, And then they will deserve primum locum in a­cie Lazius lib 4. c. 14. occupare & ante signa cum Princi­pibus stare. As did the Roman Ante­signani, yea and be accounted meet vessels of Honour, for Baldus is po­sitive, Super Rube. p. 10. Creandus in militem non sit ser­vilis conditionis, yet most an end it is seen, that in unwarrantable fewdes, and civil disturbances, the great In­struments of Alarum, and Masters of misrule, are men of trite note, mean birth, despicable breeding, who with the vultures, are in publico malo faelices; but because these are [Page 214] not within the purliew of the text, I will pursue them no further but proceed to the last part of the defi­nition, to wit, the manner of Arms and Honours appropriation to those persons for whom they are intended in the word Ascripta.

Ascripta, a word of more signifi­cant capacity, then a bare title and claim; for though in our usual Mo­ther speech we by ascribe, mean no more then give or render, as ascribe the prayse or doing of such a thing to such a man, is no more then to mention him as the deserver of the prayse of such a work; yet ascribe, as it comes from ad scribo, and thence for euphony ascribo, whence ascripta the word here, has a sense of complication, suitable to its ver­bal conjunction, and I take the Em­phasis to arise from the compositi­on of the praeposition with the [Page 215] Verb, and to imply a more expli­cite notice then is in the bare Verb; and this I humbly conceive (yet alwayes with submission to the learned) to be clearly the sense, not only of our Knight, but also of other Authours, who make ascripta to surpass data and concessa, as that which contains them, and some o­ther testimonial beyond them, as much as a record and indubitate au­thentique warranting the claim to, and assumption of them: therefore the Greeks read this by [...], which may be well rendred, as [...] ought to be, 2 Luk. 1. 2. & 4. v. by listing and enrolling, rather then taxing; and in this sense of listing or enrolling, I understand (but I crave pardon if I mistake) the Orator in his phrase, ascribe [...]e in Orat. pro Cecin. Legibus & in legem, so adscribi in ci­vitatem, or in civitate for recipi in ci­vem, [Page 216] which Pliny much as adjungere vel addere quovis modo. Men when they are entred freemen in the Chamberlains Office, having had an addition to their native right, or a publication of their acquired priviledge, are said to be ascripti ci­ves, to have jus in re, as well as ad rem, to be freemen and Citizens, compleat and past all question; so Tully expresses himself in that pas­sage, Qui Thucydidem laudant ascribat suae nostram sententiam, and Pliny in making ascribi to amount to Canoni­zari, De Opt. gener. Orat. lib. 2. c. 7. or annumerari, attributes to our Texts meaning, as much as can be wished, that is a record or testimo­nial of the grantors pleasure and end in the grant of them, which is ever upon some vertues in the claimers, for which they were thus rewarded. Indeed of old, when Arms were not hereditary and fix­ed, [Page 217] there needed no justification be­yond that of the devisors genius, who gratified himself with such Trophies, as lacquied most to the pomp of his phantasie, which commonly rigg'd and trim'd this Perewig of hawtesse, with much of her ingenious variety. And when Soveraigns gave Donaries from their persons, as Jewels, Swords, Speares, Sprigs, Helmets; Armours, usually worn by them, and by them delivered as gifts to persons, with indulgence of them to be born by their Issues, and did this before great appearances of men, and at the head of Armies: there needed no further testimonials of the bea­rers right. For time being by these (dispersed in all corners of the Na­tion) informed of the occasion and intendment of it, lodges the bruit of it in mens mindes, till by usage [Page 218] time out of mind, it becomes Law, and prescribes against any thing to the contrary. But in as much as Arms and Honour do give digni­ty and precedence which will not easily be assented to by those who hold themselves agrieved, and are loath to cooperate to their own de­gradation. The rights of Arms and Honours gentilicial, ought in rea­son to appear upon record, and the Grant or certificate rest with the person dignified. The Law of Na­tions suffragating to the unquestio­nable right of Supremes to grant, within the limits of their power, rewards to merits, and Arms to such as are worthy to be distin­guished from men of meanness. And though in cases of long use and possession of many descents, as in title of Lands, so of Arms bear­ing, not evidences or productions [Page 219] of the commencing right is requi­red, because subsequent acts have ratified and Lawes of latter ages barr'd disturbances, and made pos­session a fair advance to right, & quae ab antiquis sunt temporibus praesumun­tur Reg. Jur. solemniter esse acta, yet in case of Honour & Arms of late date & do­nation, the evidence of their right is to be produced, if not known, be­fore the priviledge that comes by it, will be willingly assented to. And therefore I conceive our learned Knight, here treating of Arms, as in their regular Aspect they are diffu­sed, as tokens of the acceptation of the actions and persons perform­ing them; and the Supremes boun­ty towards them for so doing, con­cludes them to be à Legitimo Judice militibus ascripta: And so I have shortly treated of the parts of the definition in these words, Insignia [Page 220] sunt decora symbola in notitiam & hono­rem latoris a Legitimo Judice militibus ascripta.

The Epilogus, or conclusion of the Authour, is to beseech Almighty God, to take the cause of honour into his own hands, His own Ho­nour I mean, which is now much entrenched upon by formal Hypo­crites, prophane Athiests, and cove­tous Mammonists, of whom that just complaint of Gods against Is­rael, is most true, This people draw Isaiah 29. v. 13. near with their mouth, and with their lips do honour me, but with their hearts are far from me, and their fear towards me is taught by the precepts of men, For Tantum inter Stoicos & caete­ros sapientiam professos interes­se quantum in­ter faeminas & [...]ares non immerito dixerim Senec. de Constant. Sa­pient. c. 1. there was never any age wherein the name of God was more used, and the fear of God lesse practised then now; But such as men sowe, that also shall they reap, there is a spirit in man, which he himself [Page 221] knowes not of, till it brings him to shame and sorrow; for God often punishes mans prevarication with him, by a disgrace and denudation, which he occasions to himself. Charles the bold, was never happy but when he had Armies about him, and had begun Warres upon his Neighbours, at last being over­thrown in a battel, and endeavou­ring escape, he was slain, and the Epitaph on him was

Ranzovius with his Catalonians, were entertained Auxilaries to the Greek Emperour, but the Emperour Turkish History. p. 150. being in the wayne, Ranzovius and his men did more harm to him and his friends Countreys, then the ene­my did, against whom, he and his men were brought into the field; The pretence was, that the Souldiers [Page 222] wanted pay; and Ranzovius their General was necessitated, as he de­clared, to bear with them more then he ought, or otherwise would; but it was thought He had a divi­dent in the plunder of those merci­less inquisitors, and his fate was to be a sacrifice to their insolence.

'Tis an ill chosen thrift, to medi­tate that an Opportunity of our own glory which God intrusts us with, to inaugurate his, if men promoted by God, to purposes of universall good, degenerate and in­terpret his providences to be Pre­faces to their own advantage, God either meets with such by his [...]er­rors in their Conscience, or by countermining their Councel, and making their device of none effect. Ferdinand King of Arragon, was a wise and politique Prince, making havock of his Conscience and Ho­nour, [Page 223] to make his Sonne the grea­test Monarch in the World. But vain Prince, He lived to see his dar­ling Sonne die before him, and that in the flower of his age, and his Wife great with child, die together with her untimely birth, and both buried together. Gods Ulysses's must stop their eares against this worlds Syren notes, for if once they lean to an earthly requiem, and look upon the forbidden fruit with delight to, and desire of it, then farewel God, Religion, Honour, Conscience, all these are Physicians of no value to him that is thus distempered in his brains, and so dementated, that he may be ruined, and that unlament­ed; Cossi was a brave Commander in Turkish History. p. 144. Ottoman the first his Army, having for a time large rewards, and quiet abidance given him; but Ottoman knowing he was by profession a [Page 224] Christian (though God knowes a loose one and in no sort valiant for the truth) sent for him to come to the Court, pretending he had some service for him, but with in­tent, when he had him there, to make him turn Turk, Or have him murthered. Cossi understanding the Emperours drift, to keep in his fa­vour, and preserve his own life, turned Turk. Men must have not so much Sauls Armour, as Davids faith, that would overcome Goliah like temptations. No Coat of Mail like to confidence in God, no Wea­pons of Offence like to those little smooth stones we gather out of the brook of self-distrust. He that fears himself, annihilates Satans plot, and gives a call of faith, which brings in comfortable ayd; for the Lord is nigh unto them that call upon him. And therefore Interest [Page 225] in God is the best Sanctuary, in du­bious and deceitful times, 'tis the noblest subterfuge that we can fly to, and the safest harbour we can anchor in, when the World as it were, is on fire about our eares, and we are burning in it, and when storms and commotions menace o­verthrow, and dissolution of all. There is a famous story of a Sorce­ress Bishop Spots­woods Hist. Scotland. p. 382. in Scotland, called the wise Wife of Keith, who in Anno 1591. being apprehended as a Sorceress, upon examination, confessed that Bothwel, a notable Traytor, had moved her to enquire, what should become of the then King, how long he should-raign, and what should happen after his death, and that the evil spirit with whom she confederated, having undertook to make away the King, after failer of perfor­mance, being challenged by her for so failing, said, it was not in his power, [Page 226] speaking words which she apprehended to be Il est homme de Dieu, He is a man of God; for though God has given the Prince of the ayre a large Terri­tory, yet has he kept the Paramount soveraignty to himself, that is, the security we have from him, that is our enemy, whose enmity is [...]ersans circa totum genus humanum, that God sayes to his proud rage, hitherto shalt thou come, and no further, Et in tuto haereditas ponitur, quae Deo Sanctus Cypri­an. ad Martyres. custode servatur. And therefore if God have any delight in us, he will draw our hearts off from worldly objects, and intend them on his glory; concerned highly in the wel­fare of Religion, I say Religion, such as St. James calls, pure Re [...]igion, and undefiled before God and the Fa­ther Jam. 1. 27. is this, to visit the fatherless and the Widows in their affliction, and to [...]eep himself unspotted of the world. For [Page 227] Religion thus qualited is a beauty, meriting the best Jewels this world can purchase her, 'tis the Pearl worth all Merchants wealth, the prize worth all combatants ha­zard, a blessing compensating all devotion, Though it be giving ones body to be burned. 'Twas Royal Di­vinity that a Noble mouth once in this Nation uttered, That soul is not worthy of the Heavens Joyes, whose bo­dy cannot endure one blow of the Hang­man.

Next to Gods preservation of his own honour, the Authour is an humble Orator to God for his mer­ciful defence of this Nations ho­nour, which is in a great measure decayed, and of ill report, abroad. it was once said of England, Regnum Angliae Regnum Dei. But how, O thou Lucifer of our honour, art thou fallen from Heaven, and hast [Page 228] exchanged thy morning clarity for night-shades, and dresses of dismal aspect, jam non Lucifer sed noctiferet mortifer, once O beloved Countrey, thou wast like Capernaum, the envy and glory of Nations, now thy widow-hood and old age deformi­ty make thee unacceptable, Thou wast once as a City united within it self; but now thy differences have begotten hostilities, which spur and switch to ruine, ecce in regione no­stra Hipponensi quoniam eam Barbari non attigerunt, clericorum Donatista­rum & Circumcellionum latrocinia sic vastavit Ecclesias ut Barbarorum Jor­tasse facta mitiora sunt, was St. Au­gustines Epist. 122. complaint to Victorian, and I pray God England has not cause to say, that what forraign enemies could not bring about to her ruine, homebred enmity is like to do, Discord is the Port at which in vasi­on [Page 229] and conquest enters, the Goths came into Spain and Narbon, ruina Lazius Com. Reip. Rom. lib. 1. c. 10. p. 113. videlicet Romani status & frequenti mutatione Principum animati; and if England would escape those harasses she has formerly suffered by, she must avoid division, and ad­here to wise, worthy and legal settle­ments, while the Egyptians kept to the constitutions of the Gods and their Heroes, (to speak after Diodo­rus) Diod. Sicul. p. 85. Edit. Rodomanni Im­press Hanoviae. they did well, and were oracu­lar to the world; but [...], when Macedonians were their Lords, [...], then what was thought well setled became null, and Egypt grew base and contemp­tible; My prayer is, that England may live in Gods sight, that is, in Job his words, that it was with us ch. 29. v. 3. as in times past, in the dayes when God preserved us, when his Candle shined [Page 230] upon our heads, and when by his light we walked thorow darkness, but I have no hope to see this till Religion be more our practice then prattle, till meeknesse and moderation one of the most beauteous fruits of refor­mation, be ingratiated with us. O did men know the high notes of supernal Musick, and superspheri­cal harmony that are in the souls of peace makers, they would never leave off prayers and tears, till they had the testimony of their consci­ences that such they were, our Lord Jesus pronounces a blessing to, the Meek, Blessed are the Meek, for they Mat. 5. 5. shall inherit the Earth, and a second to the Peace makers, v 9. Blessed are the peace makers for they shall be called the children of God, And if any passi­onate and furious Christian thinks to merit mercy by his heat; vowing to be revenged of his enemyes (and [Page 231] perhaps such he thinks so, as wish his soul fortune and family secure and prosperous in Gods and a just way) though with Philip the se­cond of Spain, he sel his Altar plate, Or what is as sacred and dear as that was, to succeed it. Let Saint Basyl charm him to a more Jesu-like calmnesse. Who treating of Heaven and of the Graces that lead to it (a­mongst Sanctus Basili [...]s. In Psal. 33. which he mentions meek­nesse and moderation) sayes, [...], The Heavenly Jerusalem (saith he) is not the spoyl of Warrious, not the reward of Hotspurs but the hoped for inheritance of patient Martyrs and long suffering Saints. If this sway with us. Our peace may be prolonged, and we of this Age, who have long been in the wildernesse, may hope to see an Earthly Canaan in England, but if [Page 232] God, for our sins, make our wound incurable, and let us loose to ruffle and civil broyles, I look for times like his of whom Suetonius writes, Vetera familiarum insignia nobilissimo cuique ademit Torquato Torquem, Con­cinnato In Caligula. crinem Cne: Pompeio stirpis an­tiquae Magni cognomen, to prevent which, it becomes all true English men to pray devoutly in the Church of Englands word; That all they who In the Commu­nion Service, in the prayer for the whole Estate of Christs Church militant here on earth. profess Gods holy name, may agree in the truth of his holy word, and live in unity and Godly love. E Q S Amen, so be it.