NO sooner had the total Rout of the Regal party at Wor­cester, given way to the taking of that City, and sur­rendring up of all the priso­ners to the custody of the Marshal-general and his Deputies; but the liberty customary at such occasions to be con­nived at, in favours of a victorious Army, im­boldened some of the new-levied Forces of the adjacent Counties, to confirm their Con­quest by the spoil of the Captives. For the better atchievement of which designe, not reckoning those great many others that in all the other corners of the Town were ferreting every room for plunder, a string or two of [Page 2] exquisite snaps, and clean shavers (if ever there were any) rushing into Master Spils­bury's house, (who is a very honest man, and hath an exceeding good woman to his wife) broke into an upper chamber, where finding (besides Scarlet Cloaks, Buff Suits, Arms of all sorts, and other such rich chaffer, at such an exigent escheatable to the prevalent Soldier) se­ven large Portmantles ful of precious commo­dity; in three whereof, after a most exact search for gold, silver, apparel, linen, or any whatever adornments of the body, or pocket-imple­ments, as was seized upon in the other four, not hitting on any thing but Manuscripts in folio, to the quantity of sixscore & eight quires and a half. divided into Six hundred fourty and two Quinternions and upwards, the Quinternion consisting of five sheets, and the Quire of five and twenty; besides some Wri­tings of Suits in Law, & Bonds, in both worth above three thousand pounds English, they in a trice carried all whatever els was in the room away, save those Papers, which they then threw down on the floor, as unfit for their use: yet immediately thereafter, when upon Carts the aforesaid baggage was put to be trans­ported to the Country, and that by the exam­ple of many hundreds of both horse and foot, [Page 3] whom they had loaded with spoil, they were assaulted with the temptation of a new booty, they apprehending how useful the paper might be unto them, went back for it, and bore it straight away: which done, to every one of those their Camarads whom they met with in the streets, they gave as much thereof, for packeting up of Raisins, Figs, Dates, Almonds, Caraway, and other such-like dry Confections and other ware, as was requisite: who doing the same themselves, did, together with others, kindle pipes of Tobacco with a great part thereof, and threw out all the remainder upon the streets, save so much as they deemed neces­sary for inferiour employments, and posteriour uses.

Of those dispersedly-rejected bundles of paper, some were gathered up by Grocers, Druggists, Chandlers, Pie-makers, or such as stood in need of any cartapaciatory utensil, and put in present service, to the utter undoing of all the writing thereof, both in its matter and order. One Quinternion nevertheless, two days after the fight on the Friday-morning, together with two other loose sheets more, by vertue of a drizelling rain, which had made it stick fast to the ground, where there was a heap of seven and twenty dead men, [Page 4] lying upon one another, was by the command of one Master Braughton taken up by a ser­vant of his; who, after he had (in the best manner he could) cleansed it from the mire and mud of the kennel, did forthwith prefent it to the perusal of his Master; in whose hands it no sooner came, but instantly perceiving by the periodical couching of the discourse, mar­ginal figures, and breaks here and there, ac­cording to the variety of the Subject, that the whole purpose was destinated for the Press, and by the Author put into a garb be­fitting either the Stationer or Printer's accept­ance; Yet because it seemed imperfect, and to have relation to subsequent Tractates, he made all the enquiry he could, for trial, whe­ther there were any more such Quinternions or no: by means whereof, he got full infor­mation, that above three thousand sheets of the like Paper, written after that fashion, and with the same hand, were utterly lost and im­bezzeled after the manner aforesaid; and was so fully assured of the misfortune, that, to ga­ther up spilt water, comprehend the windes within his fist, and recover those Papers again, he thought would be a work of one and the same labour and facility. Therefore, because he despaired of attaining to any more, he the [Page 5] more carefully endeavoured to preserve what he had made purchase of: and this he did very heedfully, in the Country for three months together, and afterwards in the City of London; where at last I getting notice thereof, thought good, in regard of the great moan made for the loss of Sir Thomas Ʋrqu­hart's Manuscripts, to try at the said Sir Thomas, whether these seven sheets were any of his Papers or no. Whereupon, after com­munication with him, it was found that they were but a parcel of the Preface he intended to premise before the Grammar and Lexicon of an Universal Language; the whole Pre­face consisting of two quires of paper, the Grammar of three, and the Lexicon of seven: the other fivescore & sixteen quires and a half treating of Metaphysical, Mathematical, Mo­ral, Mythological, Epigrammatical, Dialecti­cal, and Chronological matters, in a way never hitherto trod upon by any; being brought by the said Sir Thomas into England for two reasons: First, lest they should have been al­together lost at Sterlin; and next, to have them printed at London, with the best conve­niencie that might stand with the indemnity of the Author; whom when I had asked if his fancie could serve him to make up these Papers [Page 6] again, especially in so far as concerned the New Language; His answer was, that, if he wanted not encouragement, with the favour of a littie time, he could do much therein: but unless he were sure to possess his own with freedom, it would be impossible for him to accomplish a task of so great moment and la­boriousness. This modest reply, grounded upon so much reason, hath emboldened me to subjoyn hereto what was couched in those papers which were found by Master Braugh­ton; to the end the Reader may perceive, whether the performance of so great a Work as is mentioned there, be not worth the enjoy­ment of his Predecessors inheritance, although he had not had a lawful title thereunto by his birth-right and lineal succession, which he hath.

1. WOrds are the signes of Things; it being to signifie that they were instituted at first: nor can they be, as such, directed to any other end, whe­ther they be articulate or inarticulate.

2. All things are either real or rational: and the real, either natural or artificial.

3. There ought to be a proportion be­twixt the signe and thing signified; therefore should all things, whether real or rational, have their proper words assigned unto them.

4. Man is called a Microcosme, because he may by his conceptions and words containe within him the representatives of what in the whole world is comprehended.

5. Seeing there is in nature such affinity [Page 9] 'twixt words and things, as there ought to be in whatever is ordained for one another; that Language is to be accounted most conform to Nature, which with greatest variety expresseth all manner of things.

6. As all things of a single compleat being, by Aristotle into ten Classes were divided; so may the words whereby those things are to be signified, be set apart in their several store­houses.

7. Arts, Sciences, Mechanick Trades, notional Faculties, and whatever is excogita­ble by man, have their own method; by ver­tue whereof, the Learned of these latter times have orderly digested them: Yet hath none hitherto considered of a mark, whereby words of the same Faculty, Art, Trade, or Science should be dignosced from those of a­nother by the very sound of the word at the first hearing.

8. A Tree will be known by its leaves, a Stone by its grit, a Flower by the smel, Meats by the taste, Musick by the ear, Colours by the eye, the several Natures of things, with their properties and essential qualities, by the Intellect: and accordingly as the things are in themselves diversified, the Judicious and Lear­ned man, after he hath conceived them aright, [Page 10] sequestreth them in the several cels of his Un­deastanding, each in their definite and re­spective places.

9. But in matter of the words whereby those things are expressed, no Language ever hitherto framed, hath observed any order re­lating to the thing signified by them: for if the words be ranked in their Alphabetical series, the things represented by them will fall to be in several predicaments; and if the things themselves be categorically classed, the word whereby they are made known will not be tyed to any Alphabetical rule.

10. This is an imperfection incident to all the Languages that ever yet have been known: by reason whereof, Foraign Tongues are said to be hard to learn; and, when obtain­ed, easily forgot.

11. The effigies of Jupiter in the likeness of a Bull, should be liker to that of Io meta­morphosed into a Cow, then to the statue of Bucephalus, which was a horse: and the picture of Alcibiades ought to have more resemblance with that of Coriolanus, being both handsome men, then with the image of Thersites, who was of a deformed feature: just so should things semblable in Nature be represented by words of a like composure: and [Page 11] as the true intelligible speices do present unto our minds the similitude of things as they are in the object; even so ought the word ex­pressive of our conceptions so to agree or va­ry in their contexture, as the things them­selves which are conceived by them do in their natures.

12. Besides this imperfection in all Lan­guages there is yet another, That no Language upon the face of the earth hath a per­fect Alphabet; one lacking those letters which another hath, none having all, and all of them in cumulo lacking some. But that which makes the defect so much the greater, is, that these same few consonants and vowels commonly made use of, are never by two Nations pro­nounced after the same fashion; the French A with the English, being the Greek [...]; and the Italian B with the Spanish, the Hebrew Vau.

13. This is that which maketh those of one dominion so unskilful in the idiome of a­nother; and after many yeers abode in a strange land, despaire from attaining at any time to the perfect accent of the language thereof, be­cause, as the waters of that stream cannot be wholesome, whose source is corrupted; nor the superstructure sure, whereof the ground­work [Page 12] is ruinous: so doth the various manner of pronouncing one and the same Alphabet in several Nations, produce this great and most lamentable obstruction in the Discipline of Languages.

14. The G of the Latin word legit, is af­ter four several manners pronounced by the English, French, Spanish, and Dutch: the Ch likewise is differently pronounced by di­vers Nations; some uttering it after the fashi­on the Hebrew Shin, as the French do in the word chasteau, chascun, chastier, chatel; or like the Greek Kappa, as in the Italian words, chiedere, chiazzare, chinatura; or as in Italy are sounded the words ciascheduno, ciarlatano; for so do the Spanish and Eng­lish pronounce it, as in the words achaque, leche; chamber, chance: other Nations of a guttural flexibility, pronounce it after the fashion of the Greek [...]. Nor need we to la­bor for examples in other letters; for there is scarce any hitherto received, either consonant or vowel, which in some one and other taking in all Nations, is not pronounced after three or four several fashions.

15. As the Alphabets are imperfect, some having but 19 letters, others 22. and some 24. few exceeding that number: so do [Page 13] the words composed of those letters in the se­veral Languages, come far short of the num­ber of things, which to have the reputation of a perfect tongue, ought to be expressed by them.

16. For supply of this deficiencie, each Language borrows from another; nor is the perfectest amongst them, without be­ing beholden to another, in all things enunci­ble, bastant to afford instruction: many Astro­nomical and Medicinal terms have the Greeks borrowed from the Arabians, for which they by exchange have from the Grecians received payment of many words naturalized in their Physical, Logical, and Metaphysical Trea­tises. As for the Latin, it oweth all its Scienti­fick dictions to the Greek and Arabick: yet did the Roman Conquest give adoption to many Latin words, in both these languages, especially in matters of military discipline, and prudential Law.

17. And as for all other Languages as yet spoke, though to some of them be ascribed the title of original Tongues, I may safely a­vouch there is none of them which of it self alone is able to afford the smattring of an elo­cution fit for indoctrinating of us in the pre­cepts and maximes of moral and intellectual vertues.

[Page 14] 18. But, which is more, and that which most of all evinceth the sterility of all the Languages that since the Deluge have been spoke, though all of them were quintescenced in one capable of the perfections of each, yet that one so befitted and accommodated for compendiousness and variety of phrase, should not be able, amidst so great wealth, to afford, without circumlocution, the proper and con­venient representation of a thing, yea of ma­ny thousands of things, whereof each should be expressed with one single word alone.

19. Some Languages have copiousness of discourse, which are barren in composition: such is the Latine. Others are compendious in expression, which hardly have any flection at all: of this kinde are the Dutch, the Eng­lish, and Irish.

20. Greek hath the agglutinative faculty of incorporating words; yet runneth not so glib in Poesie as doth the Latine, though far more abundant. The Hebrew likewise, with its auxiliary Dialects of Arabick, Caldean, Syriack, Aethiopian, and Samaritan, com­poundeth prettily, and hath some store of words; yet falleth short by many stages of the Greek.

21. The French, Spanish, and Italians, are [Page 15] but Dialects of the Latine, as the English is of the Saxon Tongue; though with this dif­ference, that the mixture of Latine with the Gaulish, Moresco, and Gotish Tongues, make up the three first Languages; but the meer qua­lification of the Saxon with the old British, frameth not the English to the full, for that, by its promiscuous and ubiquitary borrowing, it consisteth almost of all Languages: which I speak not in dispraise thereof, although I may with confidence aver, that were all the four aforesaid Languages stript of what is not originally their own, we should not be able with them all, in any part of the world, to purchase so much as our breakfast in a Mar­ket.

22. Now to return from these to the learn­ed Languages; we must acknowledge it to be very strange, why, after thousands of yeers continual practice in the polishing of them by men of approved faculties, there is neither in them, nor any other Tongue hitherto found out, one single word expressive of the vice op­posite either to Temperance or Chastity in the defect; though many rigid Monks, even now adays, be guilty of the one, as Diogenes of old was of the other.

23. But that which makes this disease the [Page 16] more incurable, is, that when an exuberant spirit would to any high researched conceit adapt a peculiar word of his own coyning, he is branded with Incivility, if he apologize not for his boldness, with a Quod ita dixerim parcant Ciceronianae manes, Ignoscat De­mosthenis genius, and other such phrases ac­knowledging his fault of making use of words never uttered by others, or at least by such as were most renowned for eloquence.

24. Though Learning sustain great pre­judice by this restraint of liberty to endenizon new Citizens in the Commonwealth of Lan­guages, yet do I conceive the reason thereof to proceed from this, That it is thought a less incongruity to express a thing by circumlocu­tion, then by appropriating a single word thereto, to transgress the bounds of the Lan­guage; as in Architecture it is esteemed an errour of less consequence to make a circuitory passage from one room to another, then by the extravagancie of an irregular sallie, to frame projectures disproportionable to the found of the house.

25. Thus is it, that as according to the largeness of the plat of a building, and com­pactedness of its walls, the Work-master con­triveth his roofs, platforms, outjettings, and [Page 17] other such like parts and portions of the whole: just so, conform to the extent and reach which a Language in its flexions and compositions hath obtained at first, have the sprucest Linguists hitherto bin pleased to make use of the words thereto belonging.

26. The Bonification and virtuification of Lully, Scotus's Hexeity, and Albedineity of Suarez are words exploded by those that affect the purity of the Latine diction; yet if such were demanded, what other no less concise expression would comport with the neatness of that language, their answer would be altum silentium: so easie a matter it is for many to finde fault with what they are not able to amend.

27. Nevertheless, why for representing to our understandings the essence of accidents, the fluency of the form, as it is in fieri; the fa­culty of the Agent, and habit that facilitates it, with many thousands of other such expressi­ons, the tearms are not so genuine, as of the members of a mans body, or utensils of his house; the reason is, because the first inventers of Languages, who contrived them for ne­cessity, were not so profoundly versed in Phi­losophical quiddities, as those that succeeded after them; whose literature increasing, pro­cured [Page 18] their excursion beyond the representa­tives of the common objects imagined by their forefathers.

28. I have known some to have built houses for necessity, having no other aime before their eyes, but barely to dwell in them; who nevertheless in a very short space were so enriched, that after they had taken pleasure to polish and adorn, what formerly they had but rudely squared, their moveables so multi­plyed upon them, that they would have wished they had made them of a larger extent.

29. Even so though these Languages may be refined by some quaint derivatives and wit­ty compositions; like the striking forth of new lights and doors, outjetting of kernels, e­recting of prickets, barbicans, and such like various structures upon one and the same foundation; yet being limited to a certain basis [...] beyond which the versed in them must not pass, they cannot roam at such random as otherwise they might, had their Lan­guage been of a larger scope at first.

30. Thus albeit Latine be far better polish­ed now, then it was in the days of Enntus and Livius Andronicus, Yet had the Latinists at first been such Philosophers as afterward they [Page 19] were, it would have attained to a great deale of more perfection then it is at for the pre­sent.

31. What I have delivered in freedome of the learned Languages, I would not have wrested to a sinister sense, as if I meant any thing to their disparagement; for truly I think the time well bestowed, which boyes in their tender yeers employ towards the learning of them, in a subordination to the excellent things that in them are couched.

32. But ingenuously I must acknowledge my averseness of opinion from those who are so superstitiously addicted to these Lan­guages that they account it learning enough to speak them, although they knew nothing else; which is an error worthy rebuke, seeing Phi­losophia sunt res, non verba; and that what­ever the signes be, the things by them signified ought still to be of greater worth.

33. For it boots not so much, by what kind of tokens any matter be brought into our minde, as that the things made known unto us, by such representatives, be of some consi­derable value: not much unlike the Innes-a-court-gentlemen at London, who usually re­pairing to their commons at the blowing of a horne, are better pleased with such a signe (so [Page 20] the fare be good) then if they were warned to courser cates, by the sound of a Bell or Trumpet.

34. Another reason prompteth me there­to, which is this, That in this frozen Cli­mate of ours, there is hardly any that is not possessed with the opinion, that not only the three fore-named Languages, but a great many other, whom they call Originals (whereof they reckon ten or eleven in Europe, and some fifty eight more, or thereabouts, in other Na­tions) were at the confusion of Babel, imme­diately from God▪ by a miracle, infused into men: being induced to believe this, not so much for that they had not perused the inter­pretation of the Rabbies on that text, de­claring the misunderstanding whereunto the builders were involved by diversity of speech, to have proceeded from nothing else, but their various and diserepant pronunciation of one and the same Language, as that they deemed Languages to be of an invention so sublime, that naturally the wit of man was not able to reach their composure.

35. Some believe this so pertinaciously, that they esteem all men infidels that are of a­nother faith; whilst in the mean while, I may confidently assever, that the assertors of such a [Page 21] tenet, do thereby extreamly dishonor God, who doing whatever is done, by nature, as the actions of an Ambassador (as an Ambassa­dor) are reputed to be those of the Soveraign that sent him, would not have the power he hath given to nature to be disclaimed by any, or any thing said by us in derogation thereof.

36. Should we deny our obedience to the just decree of an inferior Judge, because he from whom his Authority is derived, did not pronounce the sentence? Subordinate Magi­strates have their power, even in great matters; which to decline, by saying, they have no au­thority, should make the averrer fall within the compass of a breach of the Statute called scandalum magnatum.

37. There are of those with us, that wear gowns and beards longer then ever did Ari­stotle and Aesculapius; who when they see an Eclipse of the Sun or Moon, or a Comet in the aire, straight would delude the com­mons with an opinion that those things are immediately from God, for the sins of the people; as if no natural cause could be pro­duced for such like apparitions.

¶Here is the number of twelve Articles wanting.

[Page 22] 50. For which cause, they are much to blame, that think it impossible for any man naturally to frame a Language of greater per­fection then Greek, Hebrew, or Latine.

51. For who, in stead of affording the true cause of a thing, unnecessarily runs to miracles, tacitely acknowledgeth that God naturally cannot do it: wherein he committeth blas­phemy; as that Souldier may be accounted guilty of contumacie and disobedience, who rejecting the Orders wherewith an inferiour Officer is authorized to command him, ab­solutely refuseth compearance, unless the Gene­ral himself come in person to require it of him.

52. As there is a possibility such a Lan­guage may be, so do I think it very requisite such a Language were, both for affording of conciseness, and abundance of expression.

53. Such as extol those Languages most, are enforced sometimes to say, that Laborant penuria verborum; and thereunto immedi­ately subjoyn this reason, Quia plures sunt res quam verba.

54. That is soon said; and, ad pauca re­spicientes facile enuntiant. But here I ask them, how they come to know that there are more Things then Words, taking Things (as in this sence they ought to be taken) for things [Page 23] universal; because there is no word spoken, which to the conceit of man is not able to re­present more individuals then one, be it Sun, Moon, Phoenix, or what you will, even a­mongst Verbs, and Syncategorematical signes, which do [...]ely suppone for the modalities of things [...] [...]ore is each word the signe of an universal thing; Peter signifying either this Pet [...] or that Peter; and any whatever name, surname, or title, being communicable to one and many.

55. Thus though both words and thoughts, as they are [...] universal; yet do I believe that those w [...]ld attribute less universality to words then things, knew not definitely the full number of words, taking words for any articulate pronunciation.

56 Nay, I will go further: There is no Alphabet in the world, be the Calculator ne­ver so well skill'd in Arithmetick, by vertue whereof the exact number of words may be known; because that number must compre­hend all the combinations that Letters can have with one another: and this cannot be done, if any letter be wanting; and conse­quently, by no Alphabet as yet framed, where­in (as I have already said in the twelfth Arti­cle) there is a dificiencie of many letters.

[Page 24] 57. The Universal Alphabet therefore must be first conceived, before the exactness of that computation can be attained unto.

58. Then is it, when having couched an Alphabet materiative of all the words the mouth of man, with its whole implements, is able to pronounce, and bringing all these words within the systeme of a Language, which, by reason of its logopandocie, may de­servedly be intituled The Ʋniversal Tongue, that nothing will better merit the labour of a Grammatical Arithmetician, then, after due enumeration, hinc inde, to appariate the words of the Universal Language with the things of the Universe.

59. The analogie therein 'twixt the signe and thing signified holding the more exactly, that as, according to Aristotle, there can be no more worlds but one, because all the matter whereof worlds can be composed, is in this: so can there be no Universal Language, but this I am about to divulge unto the world, because all the words enuncible are in it contained.

60. If any officious Critick will run to the omnipotencie of God for framing more worlds, (according to the common saying, Nothing is impossible to God, that implies not a contradiction) so he must have recourse [Page 25] to the same omnipotent power for furnishing of man with other speech-tools then his tongue, throat, roof of the mouth, lips, and teeth, before the contexture of another Univer­sal Language can be warped.

61. That I should hit upon the invention of that, for the furtherance of Philosophy, and other Disciplines and Arts, which never hitherto hath been so much as thought upon by any; and that in a matter of so great ex­tent, as the expressing of all the things in the world, both in themselves, actions, ways of do­ing, situation, pendicles, relations, connexions, pathetick interpositions, and all other appur­tenances to a perfect elocution, without being beholding to any Language in the world; in­somuch as one word will hardly be believed by our fidimplicitary Gown-men, who, satis­fied with their predecessors contrivances, and taking all things literally, without examina­tion, blate rate, to the nauseating even of vul­gar ears, those exotick Proverbs, There is no new thing under the sun, Nihil dictum quod non dictum prius, and Beware of Phi­losophers; authoridating this on Paul, the first on Solomon, and the other on Terence.

62. But, poor souls, they understand not that in the passage of Solomon is meant, that [Page 26] there is no innovation in the essence of natural things; all transmutations on the same mat­ter, being into formes, which, as they differ from some, so have an essential uniformity with others preexistent in the same kind.

63. And when it was said by Paul, Be­ware of Philosophers, he meant such Sophi­sters as themselves, who under the vizzard of I know not what, corrupt the chanels of the truth, and pervert all Philosophy and Learning.

64. As for the sayings of Terence, whether Scipio couched them, or himself, they ought to be inferred rather as testimonies of neat Latine, then for asserting of infallible ve­rities.

65. If there hath been no new thing un­der the Sun, according to the adulterate sense of those Pristinary Lobcocks, How comes the invention of Syllogisms to be attributed to Aristotle, that of the Sphere to Archime­des, and Logarithms to Neper? It was not Swart, then, and Gertudenburg, that found out Gunpowder and the Art of Printing; for these two men lived after the decease of Solo­mon.

66. Had there been Canon in Solomons dayes, Rehoboam (by all appearance) would [Page 27] have made use of them for the recovery of his inheritance; nor had some mention of Artillery been omitted in the Books of the Mac­ [...]habees.

67. Pancorola's Treatise de novis adim­pertis (although Polydor Virgil were total­ly forgot) would be had there been no new thing since Solomon penn'd Ecclesiastes, but as a discourse of Platonick reminiscences, and calling to minde some formerly-lost fancies.

68. Truly, I am so far from being of the opinion of those Archaeomanetick Coxcombs, that I really think, there will alwayes be new inventions, where there are excellent spirits.

69. For as I ascribe unto my self the inven­tion of the Trissote [...]rail Trigonometry, for fa­cility of calculation by representatives of let­ters and syllables; the proving of the equipol­lencie and opposition both of plaine and mo­dal enunciations by rules of Geometry, the un­folding of the chiefest part of Philosophy by a continuated Geographical allegory; and a­bove a hundred other several books on different subjects, the conceit of so much as one where­of never entered into the braines of any before my self (although many of them have been lost at Worcester-fight:) so am I confident, [Page 28] that others after me, may fall upon some straine of another kind, never, before that, dreamed upon by those of foregoing ages.

70. Now to the end the reader may be more enamored of the Language, wherein I am to publish a Grammer and Lexicon, I will here set down some few qualities and ad­vantages peculiar to it self, and which no Lan­guage else (although all other concurred with it) is able to reach unto.

71. First, There is not a word utterable by the mouth of man, which in this language hath not a peculiar signification by it self; so that the allegation of Bliteri by the Summulists, will be of small validity.

72. Secondly, Such as will harken to my instructions, if some strange word be pro­posed to them, whereof there are many thousands of millions, deviseable by the wit of man, which never hitherto by any breathing have been uttered, shall be able, although he know not the ultimate signification thereof, to declare what part of speech it is; or if a noune, unto what predicament or class it is to be re­duced; whether it be the signe of a real or notional thing, or somewhat concerning me­chanick Trades in their Tooles, or tearmes; or if real, whether natural or artificial, com­pleat, [Page 29] or incompleat; for words here do sup­pone for the things which they signifie; as when we see my Lord Generals picture, we say, there is my Lord General,

73. Thirdly, This world of words hath but two hundred and fifty prime radices, upon which all the rest are branched: for better un­derstanding whereof, with all its dependant boughs, sprigs, and ramelets; I have before my Lexicon set down the division thereof (making use of another allegory) into so many Cities, which are subdivided into streets, they againe into lanes, those into houses, these into stories; whereof each room standeth for a word; and all these so methodically, that who observeth my precepts thereanent, shall at the first hearing of a word, know to what City it belongeth, and consequently not be ignorant of some general signification thereof, till after a most exact prying into all its letters, finding the street, lane, house, story, and room thereby denotated, he punctually hit upon the very proper thing it represents in its most spe­cifical signification.

74. Fourthly, By vertue of adjectitious sylla­bicals annexible to Nouns and Verbs, there will arise of several words, what compound, what derivative, belonging in this Language to [Page 30] one Noune or to one Verb alone, a greater number then doth pertaine to all the parts of speech, in the most copious Language in the world besides.

75. Fifthly, So great energy to every meanest constitutive part of a word in this Language is appropriated, that one word thereof, though but of seven syllables at most shal comprehend that which no Language else in the world is able to express in fewer then fourscore and fifteen several words; and that not only a word here and there for masteries sake, but se­veral millions of such; which, to any initiated in the rudiments of my Grammer, shall be easie to frame.

76. Sixthly, In the cases of all the declin­able parts of speech, it surpasseth all other Lan­guages whatsoever: for whilst others have but five or six at most, it hath ten, besides the nominative.

77. Seventhly, There is none of the learn­ed Languages, but hath store of Nouns de­fective of some case or other; but in this Language there is no Heteroclite in any declin­able word, nor redundancie or deficiency of cases.

78. Eighthly, Every word capable of num­ber, is better provided therewith in this Lan­guage, [Page 31] then by any other: for in stead of two or three numbers which others have, this af­afordeth you four; to wit, the singular, dual, plural, and redual.

79. Ninthly, It is not in this as other Lan­guages, wherein some words lack one num­ber, and some another: for here each casi­tive or personal part of speech is endued with all the numbers.

80. Tenthly, In this Tongue there are eleven genders; wherein likewise it exceedeth all other Languages.

81. Eleventhly, Verbs, Mongrels, Partici­ples, and Hybrids, have all of them ten Ten­ses, besides the present; which number, no Language else is able to attaine to.

82. Twelfthly, Though there be many con­jugable words in other Languages defective of Tenses, yet doth this Tongue allow of no such anomaly, but granteth all to each.

83. Thirteenthly, In lieu of six Moods which other Languages have at most, this one injoyeth seven in its conjugable words.

84. Fourteenthly, Verbs here, or other conjugable parts of speech, admit of no want of Moodes, as doe other Lan­guages.

85. Fifteenthly, in this Language, the [Page 32] Verbs and Participles have four voices, al­though it was never heard that ever any other Language had above three.

86. Sixteenthly, No other Tongue hath a­bove eight or nine parts of speech; but this hath twelve.

87. Seventeenthly, For variety of dicti­on in each part of speech, it surmounteth all the Languages in the world.

88. Eighteenthly, Each Noun thereof, or Verb, may begin or end with a Vowel or Consonant, as to the peruser shall seem most expedient.

89. Nineteenthly, Every word of this Language declinable or indeclinable hath at least ten several synomyma's.

90. Twentiethly, each of these synomyma's, in some circumstance of the signification, dif­fereth from the rest.

91. One and twentiethly, Every faculty, science, art, trade, or discipline, requiring ma­ny words for expression of the knowledge thereof, hath each its respective root from whence all the words thereto belonging are derived.

92. Two and twentiethly, In this Language the opposite members of a division have usual­ly the same letters in the words which signifie [Page 33] them; the initial and final letter being all one▪ with a transmutation only in the middle ones.

93. Three and twentiethly, every word in this Language signifieth as well backward as forward; and how ever you invert the let­ters, still shall you fall upon significant words: whereby a wonderful facility is obtained in making of Anagrams.

94. Four and twentiethly, there is no Lan­guage in the world, but for every word there­of, it will afford you another of the same signification, of equal syllables with it, and be­ginning or ending, or both, with vowels or con­sonants as it doth.

95. Five and twentiethly, by vertue here­of, there is no Hexameter, Elegiack, Saphick, Asclepiad, Iambick, or any other kind of La­tine or Greek verse, but I will afford you a­nother in this Language of the same sort, with­out a syllable more or less in the one then the other, Spondae answering to Spondae, dactil to dactil, caesure to caesure, and each foot to other, with all uniformity imaginable.

96. Six and twentiethly, as it trotteth easi­ly with metrical feet, so at the end of the career of each line, hath it the dexterity, after the maner of our English and other vernacu­lary [Page 34] Tongues, to stop with the closure of a rime; in the framing whereof, the well-versed in that Language shall have so little labour, that for every word therein he shall be able to furnish at least five hundred several monosyllables of the same termination with it.

97. Seven and twentiethly, in translating verses of any vernaculary Tongue, such as Italian, French, Spanish, Slavonian, Dutch, Irish, English, or whatever it be, it affords you of the same signification, syllable for syl­lable, and in the closure of each line a ryme, as in the original.

98. Eight and twentiethly, by this Lan­guage, and the letters thereof, we may do such admirable feats in numbers, that no cyfering can reach its compendiousness: for whereas the ordinary way of numbring by thousands of thousands of thousands of thousands, doth but confuse the hearers understanding; to re­medy which, I devised; even by cyfering it self, a far more exact maner of numeration, as in the Treatise of Arithmetick which I have ready for the press, is evidently apparent; This Lan­guage affordeth so concise words for number­ing, that the number for setting down, whereof would, require in vulgar Arithmetick, more figures in a row then there might be grains of [Page 35] sand containable from the center of the earth, to the highest heavens, is in it expressed by two letters.

99. Nine and twentiethly, what rational Logarithms do by writing, this Language doth by heart; and, by adding of letters, shall multiply numbers; which is a most exquisite secret.

100. Thirtiethly, the digits are expressed by vowels, and the consonants stand for all the results of the Cephalisme, from ten to eighty one, inclusively; whereby many pretty Arith­metical tricks are performed.

101. One and thirtiethly, in the denomi­nation of the fixed Stars, it affordeth the most significant way imaginary: for by the single word alone which represents the Star, you shall know the magnitude, together with the longitude and latitude, both in degrees and minutes of the Star that is expressed by it.

102. Two and thirtiethly by one word in this Language, we shall understand what de­gree, or what minute of the degree of a signe in the Zodiake, the Sun or Moon, or any o­ther planet is in.

103. Three and thirtiethly, as for the yeer of God, the moneth of that yeer, week of the moneth, day of that week, partition of the [Page 34] day, hour of that partition, quarter and half quarter of the hour, a word of one syllable in this Language will express it all to the full.

104. Four and thirtiethly, In this Lan­guage, also, words expressive of herbs, repre­sent unto us with what degree of cold, moi­sture, heat, or driness they are qualified; toge­ther with some other property distinguishing them from other herbs.

105. Five and thirtiethly, In matter of Colours, we shall learn by words in this Lan­guage the proportion of light, shadow, or darkness commixed in them.

106. Six and thirtiethly, In the composi­tion of syllables by vowels and consonants, it affordeth the aptest words that can be imagi­ned, for expressing how many vowels and con­sonants any syllable is compounded of, and how placed in priority and situation to one another. Which secret in this Language, is ex­ceeding necessary, for understanding the vigour of derivatives in their variety of signification.

107. Seven and thirtiethly, for attaining to that dexterity which Mithridates King of Pontus was said to have, in calling all his soul­diers of an Army of threescore thousand men, by their names and surnames, this Language will be so convenient, that if a General, ac­cording [Page 35] to the Rules thereof, will give new names to his souldiers, whether Horse, Foot, or Dragoons, as the French use to do to their In­fantry by their noms de guerre; he shall be able, at the first hearing of the word that re­presents the name of a souldier, to know of what Brigade, Regiment, Troop, Company, Squadron or Division he is; and whether he be of the Cavalry, or of the Foot; a single Soul­dier, or an Officer, or belonging to the Artil­l [...]y or Baggage: Which device, in my opi­nion, is not unuseful for those great Captains that would endear themselves in the favour of the Souldiery.

108. Eight and thirtiethly, in the contex­ture of nouns, pronouns, and preposital articles united together, it administreth many wonder­ful varieties of Laconick expressions; as in the Grammar thereof shall more at large be made known unto you.

109. Nine and thirtiethly, every word in this Language is significative of a number; because, as words may be increased by addi­tion of letters and syllables; so of numbers is there a progress in infinitum.

110. Fourtiethly, In this Language every number, how great soever, may be expressed by one single word.

[Page 38] 111. One and fourtiethly, As every num­ber essentially differeth from another, so shall the words expressive of several numbers, be from one another distinguished.

112. Two and fourtiethly. No Language but this hath in its words the whole number of letters, that is, ten vowels, and five and twenty consonants; by which means there is no word escapes the latitude thereof.

113. Three and fourtiethly, As its inter­jections are more numerous, so are they m [...] emphatical in their respective expression of passions, then that part of speech is in any other Language whatsoever.

114. Four and fourtiethly, The more syl­lables there be in any one word of this Lan­guage, the manyer several significations it hath: with which propriety no other Language is endowed.

115. Five and fourtiethly, All the seve­ral genders in this Language, are as well com­petent to verbs as nouns: by vertue whereof, at the first uttering of a verb in the active voice, you shall know whether it be a god, a goddess, a man, a woman, a beast, or any thing inanimate, (and so thorow the other five genders) that doth the action: which excellen­cie is altogether peculiar unto this Language.

[Page 39] 116. Six and fourtiethly, In this Lan­guage there is an art, out of every word, of what kinde of speech soever it be, to frame a verb; whereby, for expressing all manner of actions, a great facility is attained unto.

117. Seven and fourtiethly, To all manner of verbs, and many syncategorematical words, is allowed in this Language a flexion by Cases, unknown to other Tongues, thereby to repre­sent unto our understandings more compen­dious expressions then is possible to afford by any other means.

118. Eight & fortiethly, Of all Languages, this is the most compendious in complement, & consequently, fittest for Courtiers and Ladies.

119. Nine and fourtiethly, For writing of Missives, Letters of State, and all other man­ner of Epistles, whether serious or otherways, it affordeth the compactest stile of any Lan­guage in the world; and therefore, of all o­ther, the most requisite to be learned by States­men and Merchants.

120. Fiftiethly, No Language in matter of Prayer and Ejaculations to Almigh­ty God, is able, for conciseness of expres­sion, to compare with it; and therefore, of all other, the most fit for the use of Church-men, and spirits inclined to devotion.

[Page 38] 121. One and fiftiethly, This Language hath a modification of the tense, whether pre­sent, preterite, or future, of so curious inven­tion for couching much matter in few words, that no other Language ever had the like.

122. Two and fiftiethly, There is not a proper name in any Country of the world, for which this Language affords not a peculiar word, without being beholding to any other.

123. Three and fiftiethly, In many thou­sands of words belonging to this Language, there is not a Letter which hath not a peculiar signification by it self.

124. Four and fiftiethly, The polysyllables of this Language do all of them signifie by their monosyllables; which no word in any other Language doth, ex instituto, but the compound ones: for though the syllabical parts of exlex separately signifie as in the com­pound; yet those of homo do it not, nor yet those of dote, or domus, as in the whole: and so it is in all other Languages except the same: for there are in the Italian and Latine Tongues words of ten, eleven, or twelve syllables, where­of not one syllable by it self doth signifie any thing at all in that Language, of what it doth in the whole; as adole scenturiatissimamente, honorificic abilitudini tatibus, &c.

[Page 39] 125. Five and fiftiethly, all the Languages in the world will be beholding to this, and this to none.

126. Six and fiftiethly, there is yet ano­ther wonder in this Language, which although a little touched by the by in the fifty eighth ar­ticle of this preface, I will mention yet once more; and it is this, That though this language have advantage of all other, it is impossible any other in time coming surpass it, because, as I have already said, it comprehendeth, first, all words expressible; and then, in matter of the obliquity of cases and tenses, the contri­vance of indeclinable parts, and right dispo­sure of vowels and consonants, for distinguish­ing of various significations within the lati­tude of letters, cannot be afforded a way so ex­pedient.

127. Seven and fiftiethly, the greatest wonder of all, is, that of all the Languages in the world, it is the easiest to learn; a boy of ten yeers old, being able to attaine to the knowledge thereof, in three moneths space; because there are in it many facilitations for the memory, which no other Language hath but it self.

128. Eight and fiftiethly, sooner shall one reach the understanding of things to be [Page 42] signified by the words of this Language, then by those of any other, for that as Logarithms in comparison of absolute numbers, so do the words thereof in their initials respectively va­ry according to the nature of the things which they signifie.

129. Nine and fiftiethly, for pithiness of proverbs, oracles, and sentences, no Language can parallel with it.

130. Sixtiethly, in Axioms, Maximes, and Aphorismes, it is excellent above all other Lan­guages.

131. One and Sixtiethly, for definitions, divisions, and distinctions, no Language is so apt.

132. Two and sixtiethly, for the affirma­tion, negotation, and infinitation of propositi­ons, it hath proprieties unknown to any o­ther Language, most necessary for know­ledge.

133. Three and sixtiethly, in matter of En­thymems, Syllogisms, and all manner of Illa­tive ratiocination, it is the most compendious in the world.

134. Besides these sixty and three advan­tages above all other Languages, I might have couched thrice as many more, of no less con­sideration then the aforesaid, but that these [Page 43] same will suffice to sharpen the longing of the generous reader, after the intrinsecal and most researched secrets of the new Grammer and Lexicon which I am to evulge.

TO contrive a Language of this perfection, will be thought by the primest wits of this age, a work of a great undertaking; and that the promover of so excellent an invention, should not lack for any encouragement, tend­ing to the accomplishment of a task of such maine concernment. If any say there are too many Languages already, and that by their multiplicity and confusion, the knowledge of things having been much retarded, this fa­brick of a new one may be well forborn, be­cause it would but intangle the minde with more impestrements, where there was too much difficulty before: I answer, that this maketh not one more, but in a manner com­prehendeth all in it; whereby it facilitates, and doth not obstruct: for by making Greek, Latin, and all the other learned Languages the more expressive, it furthers the progress of all Arts and Sciences, to the attaining whereof, the uttering of our conceptions in due and signifi­cant tearms, hath, by some of the most literate men in former ages, been esteemed so exceed­ing [Page 42] requisite, that for attributing a kind of ne­cessity thereunto, they are till this houre call­ed by the name of Nominal Philosophers; it being thus very apparent to any well affected to literature, that the performance of such a designe would be of a great expediency for scholars: equity it self seemeth to plead, that un­to him by whom a benefit redounds to many, is competent by many a proportionable retri­bution: yet seeing nothing ought to be charged on the publick, but upon considerations of great weight; I will premise some few infalli­ble principles, that upon them the world may see, how demonstratively are grounded the Authors most reasonable demands.

1. EAch good thing is desirable, because goodnesse is the object of the will.

2. Every thing that ought to be desired, is really good; because a well-directed will is not deceived with appearances.

3. The better a thing be, the more it is to be desired; because there is a proportion betwixt the object and the faculty.

4. The mind is better then the body; be­cause by it we are the image of God.

5. The goods of the minde are better then those of the body; because they give embel­lishment to the nobler part.

[Page 43] 6. The goods of either minde or body are better then wealth; because wealth is but subservient to either, and the end is more noble then the means which are ordained for it.

7. Learning is the good of the minde; be­cause it beautiefith it.

8. This new Language is an invention full of learning; because the knowledge of all Arts and Disciplines is much advanced by it.

9. A discovery is the revealment of some good thing, which formerly was either con­cealed, or not at all known; for in a discovery two things are requisite; first, that it be good; secondly, that it be revealed.

10. Who discovereth a secret of money, should have the fifth or third part thereof; be­cause there is an Act of Parliament for it.

11. If there be any discovery in learning, the Act ought to extend to it; because the State is endowed with a soul as well as a body.

12. This new-found-out invention is a dis­covery of learning; because the two requisi­ta's of a discovery, together with the de­scription of learning, are competent there­to.

[Page 46] 13. Who discovereth most of the best good, deserveth the best recompense; be­cause merit and reward are Analogical in a proportion of the greater reward to the grea­ter merit.

14. Though mony be not proportionable to learning, yet seeing the learned man may have need of money, he should not lack it; if not as a full recompence, at least as a do­native or largess, should it be given unto him, in testimony of his worth, and the respect of o­thers toward him, & withal to encourage him the more to eminent undertakings: for were it otherwise, the more deserving a man were, the worse he would be used; there being nothing so unreasonable, as to refuse a little to any that stands in need thereof, because a great deal more is due unto him: as if in time of famine, there being no more but one peny-loaf to give unto a Prince, he should be made starve for the want of it, because of his deserving better fare: For, that which comprehends the more, comprehendeth the less.

15. In matter of recompence for good things proceeding from the minde, which in in the midst of flames cannot be conquered, and by vertue whereof a gallant man is al­wayes [Page 47] free, and invincible in his better part, we ought altogether to prescind and abstract from the conditions of the native country, and person of the deserver, whether that be fertil, or barren; or this, at liberty or indurance; for these being things quae non fecimus ipsi, we ought to say, Vix ea nostra voco: and there­fore seeing punishment and reward should attend the performance of nothing else, but what did lye in our power to do, or not to do; and that the specifying of good or bad actions, dependeth upon the qualification of the intention; no man should be either pun­ished, or rewarded, for being either a Scotish man, or a prisoner, or both, if no other rea­son concur therewith; because the country of our birth, and state of our person, as being oftentimes the effects of a good or bad for­tune, are not alwayes in our power to com­mand.

16. If by means of the aforesaid disco­very, may be effectuated the saving of great charges to the subjects of the land, a pecunial or praedial recompense will (in so far) be very answerable to the nature of that service: be­cause in matter of merit, and the reward pro­portionable thereunto, money is with money, and things vendible, no less homogeneal, then honor with vertue.

[Page 46] 17. The State no doubt will deal propor­tionably with their prisoners of war, without prosopolepsie, or any respect to one more then another; and that by a geometrical equity, be­cause it is just.

18. The State assuredly will grant the same freedom to one prisoner (caeteris pari­bus) which they do to another, and upon the same terms, those of a like condition not being unequally faulty; because they will not be unjust.

19. If any one prisoner of a like condition and quality, at the least (in caeteris) with a­nother that hath obtained his liberty, repre­sent to the publick somewhat conducible thereunto, which the other is not versed in, common equity requireth, that he have a compensation sutable to that additional en­dowment; for, si ab inaequalibus aequalia demas, quae restant sunt aequalia; and the Act for discoveries maintaines the truth there­of.

20. Though it be commonly maintained amongst the Protestants, that we cannot su­pererogate towards Almighty God, (albeit those of the Romish faith be of another opini­on) for that God cannot be unjust, how severe­ly soever he inflict his afflictions; and that [Page 49] all the favors he conferreth on mankind are of his meer grace, not our deserving: yet that a subject may be capable of supererogation towards any sublunary State or soveraignty, is not only agreeable with all the religions of the world; but also a maine principle of humane society, and ground unalterable of politick Government; for who transgresse not the limits of those good subjects, whose actions, thoughts, and words, shew at all times faith­fulness, loyalty, and obedience to the sove­raign power under which they live, are uni­versally esteemed (by so doing, to discharge their duty so to the full, that in reason no more can be required of them. If therefore it happen, besides this general bond of fideli­ty whereunto all the natives and inhabitants of a country are by their birth and protection inviolably ingaged, that any one more oblig­ing then others, performe some singular good office, unto which he was not formerly tyed by the strictness of his allegiance, there is no doubt, but that the publick (whom na­ture exempteth not from thankfulness, more then private persons) should and will ac­knowledge such an action, exceeding the reach of his fellow-patriots and co-habitants, to be meritorious, and therefore worthy of recom­pense; [Page 50] upon which consideration, according to the peoples diversity of carriage, in the well or ill demeaning of themselves, are built the two maine pillars of reward and punishment, without which the strongest Commonwealth on earth on earth is not able to subsist long from falling to peices. That it is so, I appeal to Scipio, who (with the approbation of all that lived since his dayes) exclaimed against Rome, in these words, O ingratam patri­am! as likewise to those many great States­men and Philosophers, who from age to age twitted the Athenians with ingratitude for the ostracizing of Aristides; for if humane frailties were not incident to Princes, States, and Incorporations, as well as unto individu­als in their single and private callings, and particular deportments; there would never be any need of protestations, declarations, or defensive war against the Tyranny, usurpati­ons, and oppressions of misrule. Hence do I think that in a well pollished State, reward will not be wanting to him that merits it for his good service; because punishment, by the Law, attends the offender; and contrario­rum eadem est ratio.

21. It is acknowledged by the laws and customs of this Island, that the subjects there­of [Page 51] have a right of propriety to their goods, notwithstanding the titles of dominion and supremacy remaining in the persons of others above them; and that if for erecting a Castle, Fort, Church, Hospital, Colledge, Hall, Ma­gazine, or any other kind of edifice tending to publike use, the State should be pleased to in­croach upon the land of any private person, who doubteth but that such a man (of how mean soever a condition he be) will in justice be heard to give up, and require the full value of his land, that a compensation suitable to the worth thereof, may be allowed to him? founding the equity of so just a retribution up­on Ahabs case in Naboths vineyard. Now the soul and body of man being more a mans own (they being the constitutive parts where­of Physically he is composed) then are the goods of fortune, which totally are accident­al to him, it follows clearly that a man hath a full right of propriety to the goods of his own mind, and consequently such goods be­ing better (as hath been evidenced by the sixth Axiome) then any external means, what can be more manifest, than that he who is endow­ed with them (so careful a course being taken for the satisfaction of any in matter of out­ward wealth) may at the best rate he can, ca­pitulate [Page 52] for their disposal, with what persons he thinks most concerned in the benefits and utility by them accrescing; because it is an ar­gument a minore ad majus, and therefore a fortiori.

22. If such a one nevertheless voluntarily ac­cept of a lesser recompence, then by his deser­ving he may claim right unto, he is not unjust­ly dealt with; quia volenti non fit injuria, and pactum hominis tollit conditionē legis.

These specious Axiomes, Definitions, and uncontroulable Maximes thus premised, I must make bold, in behalf of the Author, to deduce from thence the equity of his desires, in demanding that the same Inheritance, which for these several hundreds of yeers, through a great many Progenitors, hath by his ancestors, without the interruption of any other, been possest, be now fully devolved on him, with the same Priviledges and Immunities, in all things, as they enjoyed it. But, the better to make appear his ingenuity in this his suit, and modestie in requiring no more, it is expedient to declare what it is he offereth unto the State, for obliging them to vouchsafe him the grant of no less. May the Reader therefore be pleased to understand, that it is the discovery of a se­cret in Learning, which, besides the great con­tentment [Page 53] it cannot chuse but yeeld to ingenious spirits, will afford a huge benefit to Students of all sorts, by the abridgement of their stu­dies, in making them learn more in three yeers, with the help thereof, then, without it, in the space of five. This saving of two yeers charges to Scholars in such a vast Dominion as this is, although I speak nothing of the sparing of so much time, (which, to a methodical wit of any pregnancie, is a menage of an inestimable va­lue) cannot be appreciated, how parsimonious soever they be in their diet and apparel,) at less then ten thousand pounds English a yeer.

That this is a secret, it is clear by this, That never any, since the laying of the foundations of the earth, did so much as divulge a syllable thereof; which undoubtedly they would have done, had they had any knowledge therein. And that none now living (be it spoken with­out disparagement of any) either knoweth it, or knoweth how to go about it, save the aforesaid Author alone, who is willing to for­feit all he demands (although by birth-right it be his own already, and worth neer upon a thousands pounds sterlin a yeer) if, without his help, any breathing (notwithstanding the instructions may possibly be had by his lost Papers, and by what in the preceding Articles [Page 54] hath been in this little Tractate promulgated) shall, within half a yeer after the date hereof, give any apparent testimony to the world, that he hath any insight in this invention.

Which, that it is good and desirable, is evi­dent by the first and second Axiomes: and that it is a Discovery, and a discovery of Lear­ning, by the ninth and twelfth: that the dis­covery of a matter of less moment then it, deserveth great sums of money, is manifest by the tenth and thirteenth: and that a retribu­tion of great value should attend the disclo­sure of so prime a secret, by the eleventh and fourteenth: that the knowledge of this In­vention is of more worth then either Strength or Wealth, is proved by the fifth and sixth: and that it is more to be desired then any thing that is at the disposure of Fortune, by the third and fourth: that it doth promove Reason, illuminate the Judgement, further and improve Literature, by polishing and im­bellishing the inward abilities of man, and faculties of his minde, is clear by the seventh and eighth.

Thus much of the Invention, or thing in­vented; which (as the fruit is to be accounted of less worth then the tree, which yeerly pro­duceth the like; cistern-water, that daily di­minisheth, [Page 55] then that of a fountain, which is in­exhaustible; and a hay-mow, then the meaiu­dow on which it grew) being (as in reason It ought) to be estimated at a rate much inferioasir to the Inventer, from whose brains have, [...] ­ready issued off-springs every whit as con [...] ­derable, with parturiencie for greater births if a malevolent time disobstetricate not their e [...]i­xibility, it followeth of necessity that he shou [...]d reap the benefit that is due for the Invention, with hopes of a higher remuneration for what of the like nature remaineth as yet un­satisfied. And although his being a Scot, and a prisoner of War, may perhaps (in the opinion of some) eclipse the splendor of so great an expectation; yet that it should not, is most perspicuously evinced by the fifteenth Axiome.

That he is a Scot, he denieth not; but that he thereby meriteth to be either praised or dis­praised, is utterly to be disavowed, because it lay not in his power to appoint localities for his mothers residence at the time of his nativi­ty, or to enact any thing before he had a be­ing himself.

True it is, that nothing is more usual in speech, then to blame all, for the fault of the greater part; and to twit a whole Country [Page 56] with that vice, to which most of its inhabi­tants are inclined. Hence have we these say­ings: The Spaniards are proud, The French inconstant, The Italians lecherous, The Cretians lyers, The Sicilians false, The Asiaticks effeminate, The Crovats cruel, The Dutch temuleucious, The Polonians quarrelsome, The Saxons mutinous; and so forth thorow other Territories, nurseries of enormities of another kinde: although no­thing be more certain, then that there are some Spaniards as humble, French as constant, Ita­lians chaste, Cretians true, Sicilians ingenu­ous, Asiaticks warlike, Crovates merciful, Dutch sober, Polonians peaceable, and some Saxons as loyal, as any in the world besides. By which account, all forreigners (for such are all the inhabitants on the earth, in relation to those that are not their compatriots) yeeld­ing to the most and some of each stranger-Land, in its respective vice and vertue; it may safely be avouched, that there is under the sun no National fault, nor National deserving, whereby all merit to be punished, or all reward­ed; because the badness of most in each, destroys the universality of vertue; and the good incli­nation of some in all, cuts off the generality of vice.

[Page 57] But to come neerer home: seeing Scotland was never loaded with so much disreputation, for Covetousness and Hypocrisie, as it is at this present; and that the Knight for whom this Treatise is intended, hath, as a Patriot, some interest in the good name thereof; it is not amiss, that, for the love of him and all ho­nest Scots, I glance a little at the occasion (if not the cause) of so heavie an imputation; especially that Country having been aspersed therewith, long before it had sustained the loss of any Battel, wherein the several miscarri­ages looked rather like the effect of what for­merly had procured the said reproach, then any way as the causes thereof: for where Covetousness is predominant, Fidelity, Forti­tude, and Vigilancie, must needs discamp, if Mammona give the word: the concomi­tancie of Vices (seeing contrariorum eadem est ratio) being a sequele from that infalli­ble tenet in the Morals, the concatenation of vertues.

How this Covetousness, under the mask of Religion, took such deep root in that Land, was one way occasioned by some Ministers, who, to augment their stipends, and cram their bags full of money, thought fit to possess the mindes of the people with a strong opinion of [Page 58] their sanctity, and implicite obedience to their Injunctions: to which effect, most rigidly Is­raelitizing it in their Synagogical Sanhedrius, and officiously bragging in their Pulpits (even when Scotland, by divers notorious calamities of both Sword, Plague, and Famine, was brought very lowe) that no Nation (for be­ing likest to the Jews of any other) was so glorious as it; they, with a Pharisaical super­ciliosity, would always rebuke the non-Cove­nanters and Sectaries as Publicans and sinners, unfit for the purity of their conversation, unless, by the malignancie or over-mastering power of a cross winde, they should be forced to cale the hypocritical bunt, let fall the top-gallant of their counterfeit devotion, and tackling about, to sail a quite contrary course, (as many of them have already done) the better at last to cast anchor in the harbour of Profit, which is the Butt they aimed at, and sole period of all their dissimulations.

For I have known some, even of the most rigid zealots, who, rather then to forgo their present emoluments, by continual receiving, and never erogating; by never sowing, and al­ways reaping; and by making the sterility of all men prove fruitful to them, and their fer­tility barren to all▪ Would wish Presbytery [Page 59] were of as empty a sound, as its homaeoteleft, Blitery; and the Covenant, which asserts it no less exploded from all Ecclesiastical Societies, then Plautus exolet phrases have been from the eloquent orations of Ciceron.

But this affecting only a part of the Tribe of Levi, how the remainder of new Pale­stine (as the kirkomanetick Philarchaists would have it called) comes to be upbraid­ed with the same opprobry of covetousness, is that which I am so heartily sorry for, that to wipe of its obloquy, I would undertake a pilgrimage to old Judea, visit the ruines of Je­rusalem, and trace the foot-steps of Zode­kiahs fellow-captives to the gates of Ra­bylon.

Yet did this so great an inconvenience pro­ceed meerly from an incogitancy, in not tak­ing heed to what is prescribed by Prudence the directress of all vertues,) and consequently of that which moderates the actions of giving and receiving; (although it be nobilius dare quam accipere; the non-vitiosity whereof, by her injunctions, dependeth on the judicious observing of all the circumstances mentioned in this Mnemoneutick Hexameter Quis, quid, ubi, quibus auxiliis, cur, quomodo' quando, whose last particle, by the untimely taking of [Page 61] a just debt, and unseasonable receiving of what at another time might have been lawful­ly required, being too carelesly regarded by the State and Milice of that country, gave oc­casion to this contumely; the staine whereof remaineth still, notwithstanding the loss in money (besides other prejudices) sustained since, of ten times more then they got.

I heard once a Maronite Jew to vindicate the reputation of the family and village of the Iscariots, in which he pretended to have some interest, very seriously relate, that accord­ing to the opinion of Rabbi Ezra, the thirty peeces of silver delivered to Judas, was but the same sum which, long before that, when Christ went up from Galilee to celebrate the feast of tabernacles at Jerusalem, Malchus the servant of Caiaphas had borrowed from him (whilst he had the charge of his Masters bag) with assurance punctually to repay it him again, at the subsequent term of the passover, as the fashion was then amongst the inhabitants of Judea: but although it were so (which we are not bound to give ear to, because it is plain­ly set down in the fifth verse of the two and twentieth Chapter of the Evangile according to Saint Luke, that the high priests made a Covenant with Judas) yet should he not [Page 62] have received the mony in the very nick of the time that his master was to be apprehended.

This I the rather believe, for that I like­wise heard a Minister say, that he offends God who stretcheth forth his hand to take in the payment of any debt (how just soever it be) upon a Sunday; and that though a purse full of gold were offered unto himself, whilst he is a preaching in the Pulpit, he would re­fuse it.

These collateral instances I introduce, not for application, but illustration sake; not for comparison, but explication of the congruent adapting of necessary puntilio's for the fram­ing of a vertuous action.

Another thing there is that fixeth a grievous scandal upon that Nation, in matter of philargyrie, or love of money; and it is this: There hath been in London, and repair­ing to it, for these many yeers together, a knot of Scotish bankers, collybists, or coine­coursers, of trasfickers in Merchandise to and againe, and of men of other professions, who by hook and crook, fas & nefas, slight and might (all being as fish their net could catch) having feathered their nests to some purpose, look so idolatrously upon their Dagon of wealth, and so closely (like the earths dull [Page 62] center) hug all unto themselves; that, for no respect of vertue, honor, kinred, patriotism, or whatever else (be it never so recommendable, will they depart from so much as one single peny, whose emission doth not, without any hazard of loss, in a very short time superlu­crate beyond all conscience an additionall in­crease, to the heap of that stock which they so much adore: which churlish and tenacious humor, hath made many, that were not ac­quainted with any else of that country, to im­agine all their compatriots infected with the same leprosie of a wretched peevishness; where­of those quomodocunquizing clusterfists and rapacious varlets have given of late such can­nibal-like proofs, by their inhumanity and ob­durate carriage towards some (whose shoos-strings they are not worthy to unty) that were it not that a more able pen then mine, will assuredly not faile to jerk them on all sides, in case, by their better demeanor for the future, they endeavor not to wipe off the blot, where­with their native country by their sordid ava­rice, and miserable baseness hath been so foully stained; I would at this very instant blaze them out in their names and surnames, not­withstanding the vizard of Presbyterian zeal wherewith they maske themselves; that like so [Page 63] many Wolves Foxes, or Athenian Tim [...]ns, they might in all times coming, be debarred the benefit of any honest conversation.

Thus is it perceptible how usual it is, from the irregularity of a few, to conclude an uni­versal defection; and that the whole is faulty, because a part is not right; there being in it a fallacy of induction, as if because this, that and the other are both greedy and dissembling, that therefore all other their country-men are such: which will no wayes follow, if any one of these others be free from those vices; for that one particular negative (by the rules of contradictory opposites) will destroy an universal affirmative; and of such there are many thousands in that Nation, who are neither greedy nor dissemblers.

And so would all the rest, if a joint and u­nanimous course were taken to have their no­blemen free from baseness, their Church-men from avarice, their Merchants from deceit, their gentlemen from pusillanimity, their Law­yers from prevarication, their Tradesmen from idleness, their Farmers from lying, their young men from pride, their old men from morosity, their rich from hard heartednes their poor from theeving, their great ones from faction, their meaner sort from implicit Secta­torship, [Page 64] the Magistrates from injustice, the Clients from litigiousness, and all of them from dishonesty, and disrespect of learning; which, though but negatives of vertue, and (at best) but the ultimum non esse of vice, would nevertheless go near to restore the good fame of that country to its pristine integrity; the re­port whereof was raised to so high a pitch of old, that in a book in the last edition of a pret­ty bulk, written in the Latine Tongue by one Dempster, there is mention made, what for armes and arts, of at least five thousand Illu­strious men of Scotland, the last liver where­of dyed above fifty yeers ago.

Nor did their succession so far degenerate from the race of so worthy progenitors, but that even of late (although before the intestine garboyles of this Island) several of them have for their fidelity, valor, and gallantry, been ex­ceedingly renowned over all France, Spaine, the Venetian terriotries, Pole, Moscovy, the Low-countryes, Swedland, Hungary, Ger­many, Denmark, and other States and Kingdoms; as may appear by General Rud­durford, my Lord General Sir James Spence of Wormiston, afterwards by the Swedish King created Earl of Orcholm; Sir Patrick Ruven Governor of Ʋlme, General of an [Page 65] Army of High-Germans, and afterwards Earl of Forth and Branford; Sir Alexander Leslie governor of the Cities along the Baltick coast, Field-marshal over the Army in West­phalia, and afterwards intituled Scoticani faederis supremus dux; General James King, afterwards made Lord Ythen; Colonel Da­vid Leslie Commander of a Regiment of Horse over the Dutch; and afterwards in these our Domestick wars advanced to be Lieutenant-General of both Horse and Foot; Major General Thomas Kar, Sir David Drumond General Major, and Governor of Statin in Pomer; Sir George Douglas Co­lonel, and afterwards employed in Embassies betwixt the Soveraigns of Britain and Swed­land; Colonel George Lindsay, Earl of Craford; Colonel Lord Forbas, Colonel Lord Sancomb, Colonel Lodowick Leslie, and in the late troubles at home, governor of Berwick, and Tinmouth-sheels; Colonel Sir James Ramsey governor of Hanaw; Co­lonel Alexander Ramsey governor of Craf­zenach, and Quartermaster-General to the Duke of Wymar, Colonel William Bailif, afterwards in these our in testin broyls promo­ved to the charge of Lieutenant-General: ano­ther Colonel Ramsey, besides any of the for­mer [Page 66] two, whose name I cannot hit upon; Sir James Lumsden, Colonel in Germany, and afterwards governor of Newcastle, and Ge­neral Major in the Scotish wars; Sir George Cunningham, Sir John Ruven, Sir John Hamilton, Sir John Meldrum, Sir Arthur Forbas, Sir Frederick Hamilton, Sir James Hamilton, Sir Francis Ruven, Sir John Junes, Sir William Balantine; and several other Knights, all Colonels of Horse or Foot in the Swedish wars.

As likewise by Colonel Alexander Ham­ilton, agnamed dear Sandy, who afterwards in Scotland was made General of the Artille­ry, for that in some measure he had exerced the same charge in Dutchland, under the com­mand of Marquis James Hamilton, whose Generalship over six thousand English in the Swedish service, I had almost forgot, by Co­lonel Robert Cunningham, Colonel Robert Monro of Fowls, Colonel Obstol Monro, Colonel Hector Monro, Colonel Robert Monro, lately General Major in Ireland, who wrote a book in folio, intituled Monroes Expedition; Colonel Assen Monro, Colo­nel James Seaton, and Colonel James Sea­ton, Colonel John K [...]nindmond, Colonel John Ʋrquhart, who is a valiant souldier, [Page 67] expert Commander, and learned Scholar; Colonel James Spence, Colonel Hugh Hamilton, Colonel Francis Sinclair, Colo­nel John Leslie of Wardes, Colonel John Leslie agnamed the Omnipotent, afterwards made Major General; Colonel Robert Lums­den, Colonel Robert Leslie, Colonel Willi­am Gun, who afterwards in the yeer 1639. was knighted by King CHARLES, for his service done at the Bridge of Dee neer Aberdeen, against the Earl of Montross, by whom he was beaten; Colonel George Colen, Colonel Crichtoun, Colonel Liddel, Colonel Armestrong, Colonel John Gordon, Colonel James Cochburne, Colonel Thomas Thomson, Colonel Thomas Kinindmond, Colonel James Johnston, Colonel Edward Iohnston, Colonel William Kinindmond, Colonel George Leslie, Colonel Robert Stu­art, Colonel Alexander Forbas, agnamed the Bauld; Colonel William Cunningham; another Colonel Alexander Forbas, Colonel Alexander Leslie, Colonel Alexander Cunningham, Colonel Finess Forbas, Colo­nel David Edintoun, Colonel Sandilands, Colonel Walter Leckie, and divers other Scotish Colonels, what of Horse and Foot (many whereof within a short space thereaf­ter, [Page 68] attained to be general persons) under the command of Gustavus the Caesaromastix; who confided so much in the valour, loyalty, and discretion of the Scotish Nation, and they reciprocally in the gallantry, affection, and magnanimity of him, that immediately after the battel at Leipsich, in one place, and at one time, he had six and thirty Scotish Colo­nels about him; whereof some did command a whole Brigad of Horse, some a Brigad com­posed of two Regiments, half Horse, half Foot; and others a Brigade made up of Foot only, without Horse: some againe had the command of a Regiment of Horse only, with­out Foot: some of a Regiment of Horse alone, without more; and others of a Regiment of Dragoons: the half of the names of which Colonels are not here inserted, though they were men of notable prowesse, and in Mar­tial atchievements of most exquisite dextetity; whose Regiments were commonly distinguish­ed by the diversity of Nations, of which they were severally composed; many Regiments of English, Scots, Danes, Sweds, Fins, Lif­landers, Laplanders, High-Dutch, and other Nations serving in that confederate war of Germany under the command of Scotish Colonels.

[Page 69] And besides these above-mentioned Colo­nels (when any of the foresaid number either dyed of himself, was killed in the fields, re­quired a pass for other countryes, or otherwise disposing of himself, did voluntarily demit his charge (another usually of the same Nation succeeding in his place) other as many moe Scotish Colonels (for any thing I know) as I have here set down, did serve in the same Swedish wars, under the conduct of the Duke of Wymar, Gustavus Horne, Baneer, and Torsisson, without reckoning amongst them, or any of the above-recited Officers, the number of more then threescore of the Scotish Nati­on, that were Governors of Cities, Townes, Citadels, Forts, and Castles in the respective conquered Provinces of the Dutch Em­pire.

Denmark (in my opinion) cannot goodly forget the magnanimous exploits of Sir Don­ald Mackie Lord Reay, first, Colonel there and afterwards commander of a Brigade un­der the Swedish Standard; nor yet of the Colonels of the name of Monro, and Hen­derson, in the service of that King; as like­wise of the Colonel Lord Spynay, and others; besides ten Governors at least, all Scots, in­trusted with the charge of the most especial [Page 70] strengths and holds of importance, that were within the confines of the Danish autho­rity; although no mention were made of ex­empt Mouat living in Birren, in whose judg­ment and fidelity, such trust is reposed, that he is as it were Vice-King of Norway: what obligation the State of France doth owe to the old Lord Colvil, Colonel of Horse; the two Colonel Hepburnes, Sir Iohn Hep­burn by name, and Colonel Heburn of Wachton, and Colonel Lord Iames Dow­glas (the last three whereof were Mares­chaux de camp, and (had they survived the respective day wherein they successively dyed in the bed of honor) would undoubtedly very shortly after have been all of them made Mareschals of France, one of the highest preferments belonging to the Milice of that Nation) is not unknown to those that are ac­quainted with the French affaires: and truly as for Sir Iohn Heburn (albeit no mention was made of him in the List of Scots Officers in the Swedish service) he had under Gusta­vus, the charge of a Brigad of Foot; and so gallantly behaved himself at the battel of Leipsich, that unto him (in so far as praise is due to man) was attributed the honour of the day.

[Page 71] Sir Andrew Gray, Sir Iohn Seatoun, Sir Iohn Fulerton the Earl of Irwin, Sir Patrick Morray, Colonel Erskin, Colonel Andrew Linsay, Colonel Mouat, Colonel Morison, Colonel Thomas Hume, Colonel John For­bas, Colonel Liviston, Colonel Iohn Leslie, (besides a great many other Scots of their charge, condition, and quality) were all Colo­nels under the pay of Lewis the thirteenth of France. Some of those also, though not listed in the former Roll, had, before they en­gaged themselves in the French employment, standing Regiments under the command of the Swedish King.

The interest of France, Swedland, and Denmark, not being able to bound the va­lour of the Scotish nation within the limits of their Territories; the several Expeditions into Hungary, Dalmatia, and Croatia, against the Turks; into Transylvania against Beth­leem Gabor, to Italy against the Venetians, and in Germany against Count Mansfield and the confederate Princes, can testifie the many Martial exploits of Colonel Sir John Henderson, Colonel William Johnston, (who shortly thereafter did excellent service to this King of Portugal, and is a man of an up­right minde, and a most undaunted courage) [Page 72] Colonel Lithco, Colonel Wedderburne, Co­lonel Bruce, and of many other Colonels of that Country, whose names I know not; but above all, the two eminent ones, Colonel Les­lie, and Colonel Gordon; the first whereof is made an hereditary Marquess of the Empire, and Colonel-General of the whole Infantry of all the Imperial Forces; and the other gra­tified with the priviledge of the Golden Key, as a cognizance of his being raised to the dig­nity of High Chamberlain of the Emperours Court: which splendid and illustrious places of so sublime honour and preeminence, were deservedly conferred on them, for such extra­ordinary great services done by them for the weal and grandeur of the Caesarean Majesty, as did by far surpass the performance of any, to the Austrian family, now living in this Age.

But lest the Emperour should brag too much of the gallantry of those Scots, above others of that Nation; his cousin the King of Spaine, is able to outvie him, in the person of the ever-renowned Earl of Bodwel; whose unparallel'd valour, so frequently tried in Scotland, France, Germany, the Low-Coun­tries, Spain, Italy, and other parts, in a ve­ry short time began to be so redoubtable, that [Page 73] at last he became a terrour to all the most de­sperate Duellists and Bravo's of Europe, and a queller of the fury of the proudest Cham­pions of his Age: for, all the innumerable Combats which he fought against both Turks and Christians, hoth on horse and foot, closed always with the death or subje­ction of the adversary (of what degree or condition soever he might be) that was so bold as to cope with and encounter him in that kinde of Hostility: the Gasconads of France, Rodomontads of Spain, Fanfaronads of Ita­ly, and Bragadochio brags of all other Coun­tries, could no more astonish his invincible heart, then would the cheeping of a Mouse a Bear robbed of her whelps. That warlike and strong Mahometan, who dared (like another Goliah) and appealled the stoutest and most valiant of the Christian faith, to enter the Lists with him, and fight in the de­fence of their Religion, was (after many hun­dreds of galliant Christians had been foyled by him) thrown dead to the ground by the vigour and dexterity of his hand. He would very often, (in the presence of Ladies, whose intimate favourite he was) to give some proof of the undantedness of his courage, by the meer activity of his body, with the help of a [Page 74] single sword, set upon a Lyon in his greatest fierceness, and kil'd him dead upon the place. For running, vaulting, jumping, throwing of the barr, and other such-like feats of nimble­ness, strength, and agility, he was the only paragon of the world, and unmatched by any.

Whilst, in Madrid, Genua, Milan, Ve­nice, Florence, Naples, Paris, Bruxelles, Vienna, and other great and magnificent Ci­ties, for the defence of the honour and reputa­tion of the Ladies whom he affected, he had in such measure incurred the hatred and indigna­tion of some great and potent Princes, that, to affront him, they had sent numbers of Spa­dassins, and Acuchilladores, to surprise him at their best advantage; he would often times, all alone, buckle with ten or twelve of them, and lay such load, and so thick and threesold upon them, that he would quickly make them for their safeties betake themselves to their heels, with a vengeance at their back; by which meanes he gave such evidence of his greatness of resolution, strenuitie of person, ex­cellency in conduct, and incomparable magna­nity of spirt, that being comfortable to his friends, formidable to his foes, and admirable to all; such as formerly had been his cruellest [Page 75] enemies, and most deeply had plotted and projected his ruine, were at last content, out of a remorse of conscience, to acknowledge the ascendent of his worth above theirs, and to sue, in all humility, to be reconciled to him. To this demand of theirs (out of his wonted generosity, which was never wanting, when either goodness or mercie required the mak­ing use thereof) having fully condescended, he past the whole remainder of his days in great security, and with all ease desirable, in the City of Naples; where, in a vigorous old age, envi­roned with his friends and enjoying the bene­fit of all his senses till the last hour, he dyed in full peace and quietness: and there I leave him For, should I undertake condignly to set down all the Martial atchievements and acts of prowess performed by him, in Turnaments, Duels, Battels, Skirmishes, and fortuite en­counters, against Scots, French, Dutch, Polo­nians, Hungarians, Spaniards, Italians, and others (were it not that there are above ten thousand as yet living, who, as eye-witnesses, can verifie the truth of what I have related of him) the History thereof to succeeding ages would seem so incredible, that they would but look upon it (at best) but as on a Ro­mance, stuft with deeds of Chivalrie; like [Page 76] those of Amades de Gaule, Esplandian, and Don Sylves de la Selve.

Next to the renowned Count Bodwel, in the service of that great Don Philippe tetrarch of the world, upon whose subjects the sun ne­ver sets, are to be recorded (besides a great many other Colonels of Scotland) those valorous and worthy Scots, Colonel William Sempil, Colonel Boyd, and Colonel Lodo­wick Lindsay Earl of Crawford; there is yet another Scotish Colonel that served this King of Spain, whose name is upon my tongues end, and yet I cannot hit upon it: he was not a Souldier bred, yet, for many yeers together, bore charge in Flanders under the command of Spinola. In his youth-hood, he was so strong and stiff a Presbyterian, that he was the onely man in Scotland made choice of, and relied upon for the establishment and uphold­ing of that Government, as the arch-prop and main pillar thereof: but as his judgement in­creased, and that he ripened in knowledge, de­clining from that Neoterick faith; and waining in his love to Presbytery, as he waxed in expe­rience of the world, of a strict Puritan that he was at first, he became afterwards the most obstinate and rigid Papist, that ever was upon the earth. It is strange my memory should [Page 77] so faile me, that I cannot remember his title: he was a Lord I know, nay more, he was an Earle, I that he was, and one of the first of them: Ho now! pescods on it, Crauford Lodi Lindsay puts me in minde of him; it was the old Earl of Argile, this Marquis of Argile's father: that was he, that was the man, &c.

Now as Steel is best resisted and overcome by Steel; and that the Scots (like Ismael, whose hand was against every man, and every mans hand against him) have been of late so ingaged in all the wars of Christendome, es­pousing, in a manner, the interest of all the Princes thereof; that, what battel soever, at any time these forty yeers past hath been struck within the continent of Europe, all the Scots that fought in that field, were never so overthrown, and totally routed; for if some of them were captives and taken prisoners, o­thers of that Nation were victorious, and gi­vers of quarter; valour and mercy on the one side, with misfortune and subjection up­on the otherside, meeting one another in the persons of compatriots on both sides: so, the gold and treasure of the India's, not being able to purchase all the affections of Scotland to the furtherance of Castilian designes, there have been of late several Scotish Colonels [Page 78] under the command of the Prince of Orange, in opposition of the Spagniard; viz. Colonel Edmond, who took the valiant Count de Buccoy twice prisoner in the field; Sir Henry Balfour, Sir David Balfour, Colonel Brog, who took a Spanish General in the field upon the head of his Army, Sir Francis Hender­son; Colonel Scot Earl of Bacliugh, Colo­nel Sir Iames Livistoun, now Earl of Ca­lander, and lately in these our tourmoyles at home Lieutenant-General of both Horse and Foot, besides a great many other worthy Colonels, amongst which I will only comme­morate one, named Colonel Dowglas, who to the States of Holland was often times ser­viceable, in discharging the office and duty of General Engineer; whereof they are now so sensible, that, to have him alive againe, and of that vigour freshness in both body and spirit, wherewith he was endowed in the day he was killed on, they would give thrice his weight in gold; and well they might: for some few weeks before the fight wherein he was slaine, he presented to them twelve Articles and heads of such wonderful feats for the use of the wars both by Sea and Land, to be performed by him, flowing from rhe remotest springs of Mathematical secrets, and those of [Page 79] natural Philosophy, that none of this age saw, nor any of our fore-fathers ever heard the like, save what out of Cicero, Livy, Plu­tarch, and other old Greek and Latin writers we have couched, of the admirable inventions made use of by Archimedes in defence of the City of Syracusa, against the continual assaults of the Romane Forces both by Sea and Land, under the conduct of Marcellus. To speak really, I think there hath not been any in this age of the Scotish Nation, save Neper, and Crichtoun, who, for abilities of the minde in matter of practical inventions useful for men of industry, merit to be compared with him: and yet of these two (notwithstanding their precellency in learning) I would be altogether silent (because I made account to mention no other Scotish men here, but such as have been famous for souldiery, and brought up at the schoole of Mars) were it not, that, be­sides their profoundness in literature, they were inriched with Military qualifications be­yond expression, As for Neper, (otherwayes designed Lord Marchiston) he is for his Lo­garithmical device so compleatly praised in that Preface of the Authors, which ushers a trigonometrical book of his, intituled the Trissotetras, that to add any more thereun­to, [Page 80] would but obscure with an empty sound, the clearness of what is already said: therefore I will allow him no share in this discourse, but in so sar as concerneth an almost incompre­hensible device, which being in the mouths of the most of Scotland, and yet unknown to any that ever was in the world but himself, de­serveth very well to be taken notice of in this place; and it is this: he had the skill (as is commonly reported) to frame an Engine (for invention not much unlike that of Architas Dove) which, by vertue of some secret springs, inward resorts, with other implements and materials fit for the purpose, inclosed within the bowels thereof, had the power (if pro­portionable in bulk to the action required of it (for he could have made it of all sizes) to clear a field of four miles circumference, of all the living creatures exceeding a foot of hight, that should be found thereon, how neer soever they might be to one another; by which means he made it appear, that he was able, with the help of this machine alone, to kill thirty thousand Turkes, without the ha­zard of one Christian. Of this it is said, that (upon a wager) he gave proof upon a large plaine in Scotland, to the destruction of a great many herds of cattel, and flocks of [Page 81] sheep, whereof some were distant from other half a mile on all sides, and some a whole mile. To continue the thred of the story, as I have it, I must not forget, that, when he was most earnestly desired by an old acquain­tance, and professed friend of his, even about the time of his contracting that disease whereof he dyed, he would be pleased, for the hunour of his family, and his own everlasting memory to posterity, to reveal unto him the manner of the contrivance of so ingenious a mystery; subjoining thereto, for the better perswading of him, that it were a thousand pities, that so excellent an invention should be buryed with him in the grave, and that after his decease nothing should be known thereof; His answer was, That for the ruine and over­throw of man, there were too many devices already framed, which if he could make to be fewer, he would with all his might endea­vour to do; and that therefore seeing the ma­lice and rancor rooted in the heart of man­kind will not suffer them to diminish, by any new conceit of his, the number of them should never be increased. Divinely spoken, truly.

To speak a little now of his compatriot Crichtoun, I hope will not offend the ingenu­ous [Page 82] Reader; who may know, by what is already displayed, that it cannot be heteroge­neal from the proposed purpose, to make re­port of that magnanimous act atchieved by him at the Duke of Mantua's Court, to the honour not only of his own, but to the eter­nal renown also of the whole Isle of Britain; the manner whereof was thus.

A certaine Italian gentleman, of a migh­ty, able, strong, nimble, and vigorous body, by nature fierce, cruell, warlike, and audaci­ous, and in the gladiatory art so superlatively expert and dextrous, that all the most skilful teachers of Escrime, and Fencing-masters of Italy (which, in matter of choice professors in that faculty needed never as yet to yeild to any Nation in the world) were by him beaten to their good behaviour, and, by blows and thrusts given in, which they could not avoid, enforced to acknowledge him their over com­mer: bethinking himself, how, after so great a conquest of reputation, he might by such means be very suddenly enriched, he projected a course of exchanging the blunt to sharp, and the foiles into tucks; and in his resolution pro­viding a purse full of gold, worth neer upon four hundred pounds English money, traveled alongst the most especial and considetable [Page 83] parts of Spaine, France, the Low-countryes, Germany, Pole, Hungary, Greece, Italy, and other places where ever there was greatest probability of encountring with the eagerest & most atrocious duellists; and immediately after his arrival to any City or Town that gave ap­parent likelihood of some one or other cham­pion that would enter the lists and cope with him, he boldly challenged them with sound of Trumpet, in the chief market-place, to adventure an equal sum of money against that of his, to be disputed at the swords point, who should have both. There failed not se­veral brave men, almost of all Nations, who accepting of his cartels, were not afraid to hazard both their person and coine against him: but (till he midled with this Crichtoun) so maine was the Ascendent he had above all his Antagonists, and so unlucky the fate of such as offered to scuffle with him, that all his opposing combatants (of what State or Do­minion soever they were) who had not lost both their life and gold, were glad, for the preservation of their person (though some­times with a great expence of blood) to leave both their reputation & mony behind them. At last returning homewards to his own country, loaded with honor and wealth, or rather the [Page 84] spoile of the reputation of those forraginers, whom the Italians call Tramontani, he, by the way, after his accustomed manner of a­bording other places, repaired to the City of Mantua, where the Duke (according to the courtesie usually bestowed on him by other Princes, vouchsafed him a protection, and savegard for his person: he (as formerly he was wont to do by beat of Drum, sound of Trum­pet, and several printed papers, disclosing his designe, battered on all the chief gates, posts, and pillars of the Town) gave all men to understand, that his purpose was, to challenge at the single Rapier, any whosoever of that City or country, that durst be so bold as to fight with him, provided he would deposite a a bag of five hundred Spanish Pistols, over­against another of the same value, which him­self should lay down, upon this condition, that the enjoyment of both should be the conque­rors due. His challenge was not long unan­swered: for it happened at the same time, that three of the most notable cutters in the world, (and so highly cryed up for valour, that all the Bravo's of the Land were content to give way to their domineering (how insolent soever they should prove) because of their former con­stantly-obtained victories in the field) were all [Page 85] three together at the court of Mantua; who hearing of such a harvest of five hundred Pistols, to be reaped (as they expected) very soon, and with ease, had almost contested a­mongst themselves for the priority of the first encounterer, but that one of my Lord Dukes Courtiers moved them to cast lots for who should be first, second, and third, in case none of the former two should prove victori­ous. Without more adoe, he whose chance it was to answer the cattel with the first defi­ance, presented himself within the barriers, or place appointed for the fight, where his ad­versary attending him, as soon as the Trum­pet sounded a charge, they jointly fel to work: and (because I am not now to amplifie the particulars of a combat) although the dispute was very hot for a while, yet, whose fortune it was to he the first of the three in the field, had the disaster to be the first of the three that was foyled: for at last with a thrust in the throat he was killed dead upon the ground. This nevertheless not a whit dismayed the other two; for the nixt day he that was second in the roll, gave his appearance after the same manner as the first had done, but with no better success; for he likewise was laid flat dead upon the place, by means of a thrust he [Page 86] received in the heart. The last of the three finding that he was as sure of being engaged in the fight, as if he had been the first in order, pluckt up his heart, knit his spirits together, and, on the day after the death of the second, most couragiously entering the Lists, demeaned himself for a while with great activity and skill; but at last, his luck being the same with those that preceded him, by a thrust in the bel­ly, he within four and twenty hours after gave up the ghost. These (you may ima­gine) were lamentable spectacles to the Duke and Citie of Mantua, who casting down their faces for shame, knew not what course to take for reparation of their honour. The conquering Duellist, proud of a victory so highly tending to both his honour and profit, for the space of a whole fortnight, or two weeks together, marched daily along the streets of Mantua, (without any opposition or controulment) like another Romulus, or Marcellus in triumph: which the never-too-much-to-be-admired Crichtoun perceiving, to wipe off the imputation of cowardise lying upon the Court of Mantua, to which he had but even then arrived, (although formerly he had been a domestick thereof) he could nei­ther eat nor drink till he had first sent a Chal­lenge [Page 87] to the conqueror, appelling him to repair with his best sword in his hand, by nine of the clock in the morning of the next day, in pre­sence of the whole Court, and in the same place where he had killed the other three, to fight with him upon this quarrel, that, in the Court of Mantua there were as valiant men as he; and, for his better encouragement to the desired undertaking, he assured him, that, to the aforesaid five hundred pistols, he would adjoyn a thousand more; wishing him to do the like, that the Victor, upon the point of his sword, might carry away the richer booty. The Challenge, with all its conditi­ons, is no sooner accepted of, the time and place mutually condescended upon kept ac­cordingly, and the fifteen hundred pistols hinc inde deposited, but of the two Rapiers of equal weight, length, and goodness, each taking one, in presence of the Duke, Dutchess, with all the Noble-men, Ladies, Magnifico's, and all the choicest of both men, women, and maids of that citie, as soon as the signal for the Duel was given, by the shot of a great Piece of Ordnance of threescore and four pound ball; the two combatants, with a lion­like animosity, made their approach to one another; and being within distance, the va­liant [Page 88] Crichtoun, to make his adversary spend his fury the sooner, betook himself to the de­fensive part; wherein, for a long time, he shewed such excellent dexterity, in warding the others blows, slighting his falsifyings, in breaking measure, and often, by the agility of his hody, avoiding his thrusts, that he seemed but to play, whilst the other was in earnest. The sweetness of Crichtoun's countenance, in the hotest of the assault, like a glance of light­ning on the hearts of the spectators, brought all the Italian Ladies on a sudden to be ena­moured of him; whilst the sternness of the other's aspect, he looking like an enraged Bear, would have struck terrour into Wolves, and affrighted an English Mastiff. Though they were both in their linens, (to wit, shirts and drawers, without any other apparel) and in all outward conveniencies equally adjusted; the Italian, with redoubling his stroaks, foam­ed at the mouth with a cholerick heart, and fetched a pantling breath: the Scot, in sustain­ing his charge, kept himself in a pleasant tem­per, without passion, and made void his de­signes: he alters his wards from Tierce to Quart; he primes and seconds it, now high, now lowe, and casts his body (like another Prothee) into all the shapes he can, to spie [Page 89] an open on his adversary, and lay hold of an ndvantage; but all in vain: for the invincible Crichtoun, whom no cunning was able to surprise, contrepostures his respective wards, and, with an incredible nimbleness of both hand and foot, evades his intent, and frustrates the invasion. Now is it, that the never-before­conquered Italian, finding himself a little faint, enters into a consideration, that he may be over-matched; whereupon, a sad appre­hension of danger seizing upon all his spirits, he would gladly have his life bestowed on him as a gift, but that, having never been ac­customed to yeeld, he knows not how to beg it. Matchless Crichtoun, seeing it now high time to put a gallant catastrophe to that so-long-dubious combat, animated with a divine­ly-inspired fervencie, to fulfil the expectation of the Ladies, and crown the Dukes illustrious hopes, changeth his garb, fails to act ano­ther part, and, from defender, turns assailant: never did Art so grace Nature, nor Nature second the precepts of Art with so much live­liness, and such observancie of time, as when, after he had struck fire out of the steel of his enemies sword, and gained the feeble thereof, with the fort of his own, by angles of the strongest position, he did, by Geometrical [Page 90] flourishes of straight and oblique lines, so practically executed the speculative part, that, as if there had been Remora's and secret charms in the variety of his motion, the fierce­ness of his foe was in a trice transqualified into the numness of a pageant. Then was it that, to vindicate the reputation of the Duke's fa­mily, and expiate the blood of the three van­quished Gentlemen, he alonged a stoccade de pied ferme; then recoyling, he advanced another thrust, and lodged it home; after which, retiring again, his rig [...]t foot did beat the cadence of the blow that pierced the belly of this Italian; whose heart and throat being hit with the two former stroaks, these three franch bouts given in upon the back of other: besides that, if lines were imagined drawn from the hand that livered them, to the places which were marked by them, they would re­present a perfect Isosceles Triangle, with a per­pendicular from the top-angle, cutting the ba­sis in the middle; they likewise give us to un­derstand, that by them he was to be made a sacrifice of atonement for the slaughter of the three aforesaid Gentlemen, who were wound­ed in the very same parts of their bodies by other such three Venees as these, each whereof being mortal: and his vital spirits exhaling as [Page 91] his blood gushed out, all he spoke was this, That seeing he could not live his comfort in dying was, for that he could not dye by the hand of a braver man: after the uttering of which words he expiring, with the shril clareens of Trumpets, bouncing thunder of Artillery, bethwacked beating of Drums, uni­versal clapping of hands, and loud acclama­tions of joy for so glorious a victory, the aire above them was so rarified, by the extremity of the noise and vehement sound, dispelling the thickest and most condensed parts there­of, That (as Plutrach speakes of the Greci­ans, when they raised their shouts of allegress up to the very heavens, at the hearing of the gracious Proclamations of Paulus Aemilius in favour of their liberty) the very Sparrows and other flying Fowls were said to fall to the ground for want of aire enough to uphold them in their flight.

When this sudden rapture was over, and all husht into its former tranquility, the no­ble gallantry and generosity, beyond expres­sion, of the inimitable Crichtoun, did trans­port them all againe into a new extasie of ra­vishment, when they saw him like an Angel in the shape of a man, or as another Mars, with the conquered enemies sword in one [Page 92] hand, and the fifteen hundred Pistols he had gained, in the other, present the sword to the Duke as his due, and the gold to his high treasurer, to be disponed equally to the three widowes of the three unfortunte gentlemen lately slaine, reserving only to himself the in­ward satisfaction he conceived, for having so opportunely discharged his duty to the house of Mantua.

The Reader prehaps will think this won­derful; and so would I too, were it not that I know (as Sir Philip Sidney sayes) that a wonder is no wonder in a wonderful subject, and consequently not in him, who for is learn­ing, judgement, valour, eloquence, beau­ty, and good-followship, was the perfectest re­sult of the joynt labour of the perfect num­ber of those six deities, Pallas, Apollo, Mars, Mercury, Venus, and Bacchus, that hath been seen since the dayes of Alcibiades: for he was reported to have been inriched with a memory so prodigious, that any Sermon, Speech, Harangue, or other manner of dis­course of an hours continuance, he was able to recite, without hesitation after the same manner of gesture and pronuntiation, in all points, wherewith it was delivered at first: and of so stupendious a judgement and con­ception, [Page 93] that almost naturally he understood quiddities of Philosophy: and as for the ab­strusest and most researched mysteries of other Disciplines, Arts, and Faculties, the intention­al Species of them were as readily obvious to the interiour view and perspicacity of his mind, as those of the common visible colours, to the external sight of him that will open his eyes to look upon them: of which accom­plishment and Encyclopedia of knowledge, he gave on a time so marvelous a testimony at Paris, that the words of admirabilis Sco­tus, the wonderful Scot, in all the several Tongues, and Idiomes of Europ, were (for a great while together) by the most of the Ec­cho's, resounded to the peircing of the very clouds. To so great a hight and vast extent of praise, did the never too much to be ex­tolled reputation of the Seraphick wit of that eximious man attaine, for his commanding to be affixed programs, on all the gates of the Schooles, Halls, and Colledges of that fa­mous University, as also on all the chief pil­lars and posts standing before the houses of the most renowned men for literature, resident within the precinct of the walls and suburbs of that most populous and magnificient City, inviting them all (or any whoever else versed [Page 94] in any kinde of Scholastick faculty) to repaire▪ at nine of the clock in the morning of such a day, moneth, and yeer, as by computa­tion came to be just six weeks after the date of the affixes, to the common Schoole of the Colledge of Navarre, where (at the prefix­ed time) he should (God willing) be ready to answer; to what should be propounded to him cencerning any Science, Liberal Art, Dis­cipline, or Faculty Practical or Theoretick, not excluding the Theological nor jurisprudential habits, though grounded but upon the Testi­monies of God and man, and that in any of these twelve Languages, Hebrew, Syriack, Arabick, Greek, Latin, Spanish, French, Italian, English, Dutch, Flemish, and Sclavonian, in either verse or prose, at the discretion of the disputant: which high enter­prise and hardy undertaking, by way of chal­lenge to the learnedst men in the world, dam­ped the wits of many able Scholars to consi­der, whether it was the attempt of a fanatick spirit, or lofty designe of a well-poised judge­ment; yet after a few dayes enquiry concern­ing him, when information was got of his in­comparable endowments, all the choicest and most profound Philosophers, Mathematicians, Naturalists, Mediciners, Alchymists, Apothe­caries, [Page 95] Surgeons, Doctors of both Civil and Canon Law, and Divines both for contto­versies and positive doctrine, together with the primest Grammarians, Rhetoricians, Lo­gicians, and others, professors of other Arts and Disciplines at Paris, plyed their Studys in their private cels, for the space of a moneth, exceeding hard, and with huge paines and la­bor set all their braines awork, how to con­trive the knurriest arguments, and most diffi­cult questions could be devised, thereby to puzzle him in the resolving of them, Meander him in his answers, put him out of his Medi­um, and drive him to a non-plus: nor did they forget to premonish the ablest there of Forraign Nations not to be unprepared to dis­pute with him in their own maternal dialects; and that sometimes metrically, sometimes o­therwayes, pro libitu. All this while, the admirable Scot (for so from thence forth he was called) minding more his Hawking, Hun­ting, Tilting, Vaulting, riding of well-mana­ged Horses, tossing of the Pike, handling of the Musket, flourishing of Colours, Dancing, Fencing, Swimming Jumping, throwing of the Bar, playing at the Tennis, Baloon, or Long-catch; and sometimes at the house-Games of Dice, Cards, playing at the Chess, Billiards, [Page 96] Trou-Madam, and other such like Chamber­sports, Singing, playing on the Lute, and other Musical Instruments, Masking, Balling, Re­veling, and (which did most of all divert, or rather distract him from his speculations and serious employments) being more addict­ed to, and plying closer the courting of hand­some Ladyes, and a jovial cup in the compa­ny of Bacchanalian Blades, then the fore­casting how to avoid shun, and escape the snares; grins, and nets of the hard, obscure, and hidden arguments, ridles, and demands to be made, framed, and woven by the pro­fessors, Doctors, and others of that thrice­renowned University: there arose upon him an aspersion of too great proness to such like de­bordings & youthful emancipations, which oc­casioned one less acquainted with himself, then his reputation, to subjoyn (some two weeks be­fore the great day appointed) to that program of his, which was fixed on the Sorbone­gate, these words: If you would meet with this monster of perfection, to make search for him, either in the Taverne or Bawdy­house, is the readyest way to finde him. By reason of which expression (though truly as I think, both scandalous and false) the emi­nent sparks of the University (imagining that [Page 97] those papers of provocation had been set up to nother end, but to scoff and delude them, in making them waste their spirits upon quirks and quiddities, more then is fitting) did re­sent a little of their former toyle, and slack their studyes, becoming almost regardless thereof, till the several peals of bells ringing an hour or two before the time assigned, gave warning that the party was not to flee the barriers, nor decline the hardship of Academi­cal assaults: but on the contrary, so confident in his former resolution, that he would not shrink to sustaine the shock of all their discep­tations. This sudden alarm so awaked them out of their last fortnights Lethargy, that call­ing to minde, the best way they might, the fruits of the foregoing moneths labour, they hyed to the fore-named Schoole with all dili­gence; Where, after all of them had, accor­ding to their several degrees and qualities, seated themselves, and that by reason of the noise occasioned through the great confluence of people, which so strange a novelty brought thither out of curiosity, an universal silence was commanded, the Orator of the University in most fluent Latine, addressing his speech to Crichtoun, extolled him for his literature, and other good parts, and for that confident [Page 98] opinion he had of his own sufficiency, in think­ing himself able to justle in matters of learning with the whole University of Paris. Critch­toun answering him in no less eloquent terms of Latine, after he had most heartily thanked him for his elogies, so undeservedly bestowed, and darted some high encomions upon the U­niversity and the Professors therein; he very ingenuously protested, that he did not emit his programs out of any ambition to he esteemed able to enter in competition with the Univer­sity, but meerly to be honoured with the favour of a publick conference with the lear­ned men thereof: in complements after this manner ultro citroque habitis, tossed to and again, retorted, contrerisposted, backreverted and now and then graced with a quip or a clinch for the better relish of the ear; being unwilling in this kind of straining curtesie, to yeeld to other, they spent a full half hour and more: for he being the centre to which the innumerable diameters of the discourses of that circulary convention did tend, although none was to answer, but he, any of them all according to the order of their prescribed se­ries, were permitted to reply, or comence new motions, on any subject in what Language so­ever, and howsoever expressed; to all which he being bound to tender himself a respon­dent, [Page 99] in matter and form suitable to the im­pugners propounding, he did first so trans­cendently acquit himself of that circumstanti­al kinde of Oratory, that, by well-couched periods, and neatly running syllables, in all the the twelve Languages, both in verse and prose, he expressed to the life his Courtship and civility: and afterwards, when the Rector of the University (unwilling to have any more time bestowed on superficial Rhetorick, or to have that wasted on the fondness of quaint phrases, which might be better employed in a reciprocacyof discussing scientifically the nature of substantial things) gave direction to the Professors to fall on, each according to the dignity or precedency of his Faculty, and that conform to the order given: some Metaphysi­cal notions were set abroach, then Mathema­tical; and of those, Arithmetical, Geometrical, Astronomical, Musical, Optical, Cosmogra­phical, Trigonometrical, Statical, and so forth through all the other branches of the prime and mother-Sciences thereof: the next bout was through all Natural Philosophy, accord­ing to Aristoles method, from the Acroama­ticks, going along the speculation of the nature of the heavens, and that of the generation and corruption of sublinary things, even to [Page 100] the consideration of the soul and its faculties: in sequel hereof, they had a hint at Chymical extractions, and spoke of the principles of cor­poreal and mixed bodies, according to the pre­cepts of that Art. After this, they disputed of medecine, in all its Thereapeutick, Pharmaco­peutick, and Chirurgical parts; and not leaving Natural Magick untouched, they had exqui­site disceptations concerning the secrets there­of. From thence they proceeded to Moral Phi­losophy, where debating of the true enumera­tion of all vertues and vices, they had most learned ratiocinations about the chief good of the life of man: and seeing the Oecumenicks and Politicks are parts of that Philosophy, they argued learnedly of all the several sorts of governments, with their defects and ad­vantages; whereupon perpending, that, without an established Law, all the duties of ruling and subjection, to the utter ruine of humane society, would he be as often violated, as the irregularity of passion, seconded with power, should give way thereto. The Sorbonist, Cano­nical, and Civilian Doctors most judiciously argued with him about the most prudential Maximes, Sentences, Ordinances, Acts, and Statutes for ordering all manner of persons in their consciences, bodyes, fortunes, and repu­on: [Page 101] nor was there an end put to those literate exercitations, till the Grammarians, Retho­ricians, Poets and Logicians had assailed him with all the subtleties and nicest quodli­bets their respective habits could afford. Now when, to the admiration of all that were there, the incomparable Crichtoun had, in all these faculties above written, and in any of the twelve Languages, wherein he was spoke to, whether in verse or prose, held tack to all the disputants, who were accounted the ablest Scholars upon the earth, in each their own profession; and publickly evidenced such an Universality of knowledge, and accurate promptness ln resolving of doubts, distingui­shing of obscurities, expressing the members of a distinction in adaequate terms of Art, explaining those compendious tearms with words of a more easie apprehension, to the pro­strating of the sublimest mysteries to any vul­gar capacity; and with all excogitable variety of learning (to his own everlasting fame) en­tertained, after that kinde, the nimble witted Parisians from nine a clock in the morning, till six at night; The Rector now finding it high time to give some relaxation to these worthy spirits, which during such a long space had been so intensively bent upon the abstrusest [Page 102] speculations, rose up, and, saluting the Divine Crichtoun, after he had made an elegant Pa­negyrick, or Encomiastick speech of half an houres continuance, tending to nothing else but the extolling of him for the rare and most singular gifts, wherewith God and Nature had endowed him, he descended from his chaire, and, attended by three or four of the most especial Professors, presented him with a Diomond Ring and a purse ful of Gold; wish­ing him to accept thereof, if not as a recom­pense proportionable to his merit, yet as a badge of love, and testimony of the Universi­ties favour towards him. At the tender of which ceremony, therewas so great a plaudite in the Schoole, such a humming and clapping of hands, that all the concavities of the Col­ledges there about, did tesound with the ec­cho of the noise thereof.

Notwithstanding the great honor, thus pur­chased by him for his literatory accomplish­ments; and that many excellent spirits, to ob­taine the like, would be content to postpose all other employments to the enjoyment of their studyes; he, nevertheless, the very next day (to refresh his braines, as he said, for the toile of the former days work) went to the Louvre in a Buff-suit, more like a favorite of Mars, [Page 103] then one of the Muses minions; where in pre­sence of some Princes of the Court, and great Ladies, that came to behold his gallantry, he carryed away the Ring fifteen times on end, and broke as many Lances on the Sara­cen.

When for a quarter of a yeer together, he after this manner had disported himself (what Martially, what Scholastically) with the best qualified men in any Faculty so ever, that so large a City (which is called the words A­bridgement) was able to afford, and now and then solaced these his more serious recreations (for all was but sport to him) with the allur­ing imbellishments of the tendrer Sexe, whose inamorato that he might be, was their ambi­tion; He on a sudden took tesolution to leave the Court of France, and return to Italy, where he had been bred for many yeers to­gether; which designe he prosecuting within the space of a moneth (without troubling him­self with long journeys) he arrived at the Court of Mantua, where immediately after his abord (as hath been told already) he fought the memorable combat, whose description is above related. Here was it that the learned and valiant Crichtoun was pleased to cast anehor, and fix his abode; nor could he almost other­wayes [Page 104] do, without disobliging the Duke, and the Prince his eldest son; by either whereof he was so dearly beloved, that none of them would permit him by any means to leave their Court, whereof he was the only Privado: the object of all mens Love, and subject of their discourse: the example of the great ones, and wonder of the meaner people; the para­mour of the female sexe, and paragon of his own; in the glory of which high estimation having resided at that Court above two whole yeers, the reputation of gentlemen there was hardly otherwayes valued, but by the measure of his acquaintance: nor were the young un­maryed Ladies, of all the most eminent places thereabounts, any thing respected of one ano­ther, that had not either a lock of his haire, or copy of verses of his composing. Nevertheless it happening on a Shrove-tuesday at night (at which time it is in Italy very customary for men of great sobriety, modesty, and civil beha­viour all the rest of the yeer, to give themselves over on that day of carnavale (as theycall it) to all manner of riot, drunkenness, and incon­tinency, which that they may do with the least imputation they can to their credit, they go maskt and mum'd with vizards on their faces, and in the disguise of a Zanni or Pantaloon [Page 105] to ventilate their fopperies, and some­times intolerable enormities, without sus­picion of being known) that this ever re­nowned Crichtoun (who, in the afternoon of that day, at the desire of my Lord Duke (the whole Court striving which should ex­ceed other in foolery, and devising of the best sports to excite laughter; neither my Lord, the Dutchess, nor Prince, being exempted from acting their parts, as well as they could) upon a theater set up for the purpose, begun to prank it, a la Venetiana) with such a flourish of mimick, and ethopoetick gestures, that all the courtiers of both sexes, even those that a little before that, were fondest of their own conceits, at the fight of his so inimitable a garb, from ravishing actors, that they were before turned then ravished spectators. O with how great liveliness did he represent the conditions of all manner of men! how naturally did he set before the eyes of the beholders the rogue­ries of all professions, from the overweening Monarch, to the peevish Swaine, through all intermediate degrees of the superficial cour­tion or proud warrior, dissembled Church­man, doting old man, cozening Lawyer, lying traveler, covetous Merchant, rude seaman pedantick Scolar, the amourous shep­heard, [Page 106] heard, envious artisan, vainglorious master, and tricky servant; he did with such variety display the several humours of all these sorts of people, and with a so bewitching Energy, that he seemed to be the original, they the counterfeit; and they the resemblance whereof he was the prototype: he had all the jeers, squibs, flouts, buls, quips, taunts, whims, jests, clinches, gybes, mokes, jerks, with all the several kinds of equivocations, and other so­phistical captions, that could properly be a­dapted to the person by whose representation he intended to inveagle the company into a fit of mirth; and would keep in that miscelany discourse of his (which was all for the splene, and nothing for the gall) such a climacterical and mercurially digested method, that when the fancy of the hearers was tickled with any rare conceit, and that the jovial blood was moved, he held it going, with another new device upon the back of the first, and another, yet another, and another againe, succeeding one another for the promoval of what is a stirring into a higher agitation; till in the clo­sure of the luxuriant period, the decumanal wave of the oddest whimzy of al, enforced the charmed spirits of the auditory (for affording room to its apprehension) suddenly to burst [Page 107] forth into a laughter; which commonly lasted just so long, as he had leasure to withdraw be­hind the skreen, shift off with the help of a Page, the suite he had on, apparel himself with another, and return to the stage to act a­fresh; for by that time their transported, dis­parpled, and sublimated fancies, by the won­derfully operating engines of his solacious in­ventions, had from the hight to which the inward scrues, wheeles, and pullies of his wit had elevated them, descended by degrees in­to their wonted stations, he was ready for the personating of another carriage; whereof, to the number of fourteen several kinds (during the five hours space that at the Dukes desire, the sollicitation of the Court, and his own re­creation, he was pleased to histrionize it) he shewed himself so natural a representative, that any would have thought he had been so many several actors, differing in all things else, save the only stature of the body; With this ad­vantage above the most of other actors, whose tongue, with its oral implements, is the onely instrument of their minds disclosing, that, besides his mouth with its appurtenan­ces, he lodged almost a several oratour in eve­ry member of his body; his head, his eyes, his shoulders, armes, hands, fingers, thighs, legs, [Page 108] feet and breast, being able to decipher any passion, whose character he purposed to give.

First, he did present himself with a Crown on his head, a Scepter in his hand, being clo­thed in a purple robe furred with Ermyne: af­ter that, with a Miter on his head, a Crosier in his hand, and accoutred with a paire of Lawn-sleeves: and thereafter, with a Helmet on his head, the Visiere up, a commanding-stick in his hand, and arayed in a Buff-suit, with a scarf about his middle. Then, in a rich apparel, after the newest fashion, did he shew himself (like another Sejanus) with a Peri­wig daubed with Cypres powder: in sequel of that, he came out with a three corner'd cap on his head, some parchments in his hand, and writings hanging at his girdle like Chancery Bills; and next to that, with a furred Gown about him, an ingot of gold in his hand, and a bag full of money by his side; after all this, he appeares againe clad in a country-jacket, with a prong in his hand, and a Monmouth­like-cap on his head: then very shortly after, with a Palmers coat upon him, a Bourdon in his hand, and some few cockle-shels stuck to his hat, he look't as if he had come in pilgrimage from Saint Michael; immediatly [Page 109] after that, he domineers it in a bare unlined Gowne, with a pair of whips in the one hand, and Corderius in the other: and in suite there­of, he honder spondered it with a pair of Pan­nier-like breeches, a Mountera-Cap on his head, and a knife in a wooden sheath dagger-ways by his side; about the latter end he comes forth again with a square in one hand, a rule in the other, and a leather apron before him: then very quickly after, with a scrip by his side, a sheep-hook in his hand, and a bas­ket full of flowers to make nosegayes for his Mistris: now drawing to a closure, he rants it first in cuerpo, and vapouring it with gingling spurrs, and his armes a kenbol like a Don Di­ego he strouts it, and by the loftiness of his gate plaies the Capitan Spavento: then in the very twinkling of an eye, you would have seen him againe issue forth with a cloak upon his arm, in a Livery garment, thereby repre­senting the serving-man: and lastly, at one time amongst those other, he came out with a long gray beard, and bucked ruff, crouching on a staff tip't with the head of a Barbers Cithern, and his gloves hanging by a button at his girdle.

Those fifteen several personages he did repre­sent with such excellency of garb, and exquisite­ness [Page 101] of language, that condignely to perpend the subtlety of the invention, the method of the disposition, the neatness of the elocution, the gracefulness of the action, and wonder­ful variety in the so dextrous performance of all, you would have taken it for a Comedy of five Acts, consisting of three Scenes, each composed by the best Poet in the World, and Acted by fifteen of the best Players that ever lived, as was most evidently made apparent to all the Spectators, in the fifth and last hour of his Action (which according to our Western account was about six a Clock at night, and by the Calculation of that Country, half an hour past three and twenty, at that time of the yeer:) for, purposing to leave of with the setting of the Sun, with an endeavour never­theless to make his conclusion the master­piece of the work, he, to that effect, sum­moning all his Spirits together, which ne­ver failed to be ready at the cal of so worthy a Commander, did by their assistance, so conglo­merate, shuffle, mix and interlace the Gestures, inclinations, actions, and very tones of the speech of those fifteen several sorts of men whose carriages he did personate, into an in­estimable Ollapodrida of immaterial morsels of divers kinds, sutable to the very Ambrosi­an [Page 111] relish of the Heliconian Nymphs; that, in the Peripetia of this Drammatical exercita­tion▪ by the inchanted transportation of the eyes and eares of its spectabundal auditorie, one would have sworne that they all had looked with multiplying glasses, and that (like that Angel in the Scripture whose voice was said to be like the voice of a multitude) they heard in him alone the promiscuous speech of fifteen several Actors; by the various ravishments of the excellencies whereof, in the frolickness of a jocound straine beyond expectation, the logofascinated spirits of the beholding hearers and auricularie spectators, were so on a sudden seazed upon in their risi­ble faculties of the soul, and all their vital mo­tions so universally affected in this extremitie of agitation, that, to avoid the inevitable charmes of his intoxicating ejaculations, and the accumulative influences of so powerfull a transportation, one of my Lady Dutchess chief Maids of honour, by the vehemencie of the shock of those incomprehensible raptures, burst forth into a laughter▪ to the rupture of a veine in her body; and another young Lady, by the irresistible violence of the plea­sure unawares infused, where the tender re­ceptibilitie of her too too tickled fancie was [Page 112] lest able to hold out, so unprovidedly was surprised, that, with no less impetuositie of ridibundal passion then (as hath been told) oc­casioned a fracture in the other young Ladies modestie, she, not able longer to support the well beloved burthen of so excessive delight, and intransing joys of such Mercurial exhila­rations, through the ineffable extasie of an over­mastered apprehension, fell back in a swown, without the appearance of any other life into her, then what by the most refined wits of the­ological speculators is conceived to be exe [...]ced by the purest parts of the separated entelechies of blessed Saints in their sublimest conversati­ons with the celestial hierarchies: this acci­dent procured the incoming of an Apotheca­rie with Restoratives, as the other did that of a Surgeon with consolidative medicaments. The admirable Crichtoun now perceiving that it was drawing somewhat late, and that our occidental rays of Phaebus were upon their turning oriental to the other hemisphere of the terrestrial Globe; being withall jealous; that the uninterrupted operation of the ex­uberant diversitie of his jovialissime entertain­ment, by a continuate winding up of the hu­mours there present to a higher, yet higher, and still higher pitch; above the supremest Ly­dian [Page 113] note of the harmonie of voluptuousness, should, in such a case, through the too inten­sive stretching of the already-super-elated strings of their imagination, with a transcen­dencie over-reaching Ela, and beyond the well-concerted gam of rational equanimi­tie, involve the remainder of that illustrious companie into the sweet Labyrinth and mel­lifluent aufractuosities of a Lacinious de­lectation, productive of the same inconveni­ces which befel the two afore named-Ladies; whose delicacie of constitution, though sooner overcome, did not argue, but that the same extranean causes from him proceeding of their pathetick alteration, might by a longer insist­ing in an efficacious agencie, and unremitted working of all the consecutively-imprinted de­grees, that the capacity of the patient is able to containe, prevaile at last, and have the same predominancie over the dispositions of the strongest complexioned males of that splen­did society; did, in his own ordinary wearing-apparel, with the countenance of a Prince, and garb befitting the person of a so well bred Gentleman, and cavalier [...], full of Ma­jesty, and repleat with all excogitable civilitie, (to the amazement of all that beheld his he­roick gesture) present himself to epilogate this [Page 114] his almost extemporanean Comedie, though of five hours continuance without intermissi­on: and that with a peroration so neatly ut­tred, so distinctly pronounced, and in such ele­gancie of selected termes expressed, by a dicti­on so periodically contexed with Isocoly of members, that the matter thereof tending in all humility to beseech the Highnesses of the Duke, Prince, and Dutchess, together with the remanent Lords, Ladies, Knights, Gentlemen, and others of both sexes of that honorable convention, to vouchsafe him the favour to excuse his that afternoons escaped extrava­gancies, and to lay the blame of the indigested irregularity of his wits excursions, and the abortive issues of his disordered brain, upon the customarily-dispensed-with priviledges in those Cisalpinal regions, to authorize such like impertinences at Carnavalian festivals: and that, although (according to the most com­monly received opinion in that Country, after the nature of Load-him (a game at cards) where he that wins loseth) he who, at that season of the year, playeth the fool most egre­giously, is reputed the wisest man; he never­theless not being ambitious of the fame of en­joying good qualities, by vertue of the Anti­phrasis of the fruition of bad ones, did meerly [Page 115] undergo that emancipatorie task of a so pro­fuse liberty; and to no other end embraced the practising of such roaming and exorbitant di­versions, but to give an evident, or rather in­fallible demonstration of his eternally-bound duty to the house of Mantua and an inviola­ble testimony of his never to be altered designe, in prosecuting all the occasions possible to be laid hold on, that can in any manner of way prove conducible to the advancement of, and contributing to the readiest means for im­proving those advantages that may best pro­move the faculties of making all his choice endeavours, and utmost abilities at all times, effectual to the long wished for furtherance of his most cordial and endeared service to the serenissime highnesses of my Lord Duke, Prince and Dutchess, and of consecrating with all addicted obsequiousness, and submissive devo­tion, his everlasting obedience to the illustrious Shrine of their joynt commands. Then incon­tinently addressing himself to the Lords, La­dies, and others of that Rotonda (which, for his daigning to be its inmate, though but for that day, might be accounted in nothing inferiour to the great Colisee of Rome, or Amphithe­ater at Neems) with a stately carriage, and port suitable to so prime a gallant, he did cast [Page 116] a look on all the corners thereof, so bewitch­ingly aminable, and magnetically efficacious, as if in his eys had bin a muster of ten thousand Cu­pids eagerly striving who should most deeply pierce the hearts of the spectators with their golden darts. And truly so it fell out (that there not being so as much one arrow shot in vain) all of them did love him, though not after the same manner, nor for the same end: for, as the Manna of the Arabian desarts is said to have had in the mouths of the Egyptian Israelites the very same tast of the meat they loved best: so the Princes that were there did mainly cherish him for his magnanimity and knowledge: his Courtliness and sweet behaviour being that for which chiefly the Noblemen did most re­spect him; for his pregnancie of wit, and chivalrie in vindicating the honour of Ladies, he was honoured by the Knights: and the Es­quires, and other Gentlemen courted him for his affability, and good fellowship; the rich did favour him for his judgement, and ingeni­osity: and for his liberality and munificence, he was blessed by the poor; the old men af­fected him, for his constancie and wisdome: and the young for his mirth and gallantry; the Scholars were enamoured of him for his learning and eloquence, and the Souldiers [Page 117] for his integrity and valour; the Merchants, for his upright dealing and honesty, praised and extolled him; and the Artificers for his goodness and benignity; the chastest Lady of that place would have hugged and imbraced him for his discretion, and ingenuity: whilst for his beauty and comeliness of person he was (at least in the fervency of their desires) the paramour of the less continent: he was dear­ly beloved of the fair women, because he was handsom; and of the fairest more dearly, becaus he was handsomer: in a word, the affections of the beholders (like so many several diameters, drawn from the circumference of their various intents) did all concenter in the point of his per­fection. After a so considerable insinuation, and gaining of so much ground upon the hearts of the auditory, (though in shorter space then the time of a flash of lightning) he went on (as be­fore) in the same thred of the conclusive part of his discourse, with a resolution not to cut it, till the over-abounding passions of the compa­ny their exorbitant motions, and discomposed gestures, through excess of joy & mirth, should be all of them quieted, calmed, & pacified, and every man, woman, and maid there (according to their humour) reseated in the same integrity they were at first: which when by the articula­test [Page 118] elocution of the most significant words, expressive of the choisest things that fancie could suggest, and (conforme to the matters variety) elevating or depressing, flat or sharply accinating it, with that proportion of tone that was most consonant with the purpose) he had attained unto, and by his verbal har­mony, and melodious utterance, setled all their distempered pleasures, and brought their dis­orderly raised spirits into their former cap­suls, he with a tongue tip't with silver, after the various Diapasons of all his other expres­sions; and making of a leg, for the spruceness of its courtsie, of greater decorement to him then cloth of gold and purple, farewel'd the companie with a complement of one period so exquisitely delivered, and so well attended by the gracefulness of his hand and foot, with the quaint miniardise of the rest of his body, in the performance of such ceremonies as are usual at a court-like departing, that from the theater he had gone into a lobbie, from thence along three spacious chambers, whence des­cending a back-staire, he past through a low gallerie, which led him to that outter gate, where a coach with six horses did attend him, before that magnificent convention of both sexes, (to whom that room, wherein they all [Page 119] were, seemed in his absence to be as a body without a soul) had the full leisure to recol­lect their spirits (which by the neatness of his so curious a close, were quoquoversedly scat­tered with admiration) to advise on the best expediency how to dispose of themselvs for the future of that licentious night: during which time of their being thus in a maze, a proper young Lady (if ever there was any in the world) whose dispersed spirits, by her wonder­ful delight in his accomplishments, were by the power of Cupid, with the assistance of his mother, instantly gathered and replaced, did upon his retiring (without taking notice of the intent of any other) rise up out of her boxe, issue forth at a posterne-door, into some se­cret transes, from whence going down a few steps, that brought her to a parlour, she went through a large hall; by the wicket of one end whereof, as she entered on the street, she encountered with Crichtoun, who was but even then come to the aforesaid Coach, which was hers; unto which sans ceremony (wa­ving the frivolous windings of dilatory cir­cumstances) they both stepped up together, without any other in their company, save a waiting gentlewoman that sate in the furthest side of the Coach, a Page that lifted up the [Page 120] boot thereof, and walked by it, and one Lacky that ran before with a kindled torch in his hand, all domestick servants of hers, as were the Coach-man and postillion; who dri­ving apace (and having but half a mile to go) did, with all the expedition required, set down my Lady with her beloved mate at the great gate of her own palace; through the wicket whereof (because she would not stay till the whole were made wide open) they entred both; and injunction being given, that forthwith after the setting up of the Coach and horses, the gate should be made fast and none, more then was already, permitted to come within her Court that night, they joynt­ly went along a private passage, which led them to a Lanterne Scalier, whose each step was twelve foot long; thence mounting up a paire of staires, they past through and traversed a­bove nine several rooms on a floor, before they reached her bed-chamber; which in the in­terim of the progress of their transitory walk, was with such mutual cordialness so unani­mously aimed at, that never did the passengers of a ship in a tedious voyage, long for a fa­vorable winde with greater uniformity of de­sire, then the blessed hearts of that amorous and amiable couple, were, without the mean­est [Page 121] variety of a wish, in every jot united. Ne­vertheless at last they entred in it, or rather in an Alcoranal paradise; where nothing ten­ding to the pleasure of all the senses was wan­ting: the weather being a little chil and col­dish, they on a blew Velvet couch sate by one another, towards a Char-coale fire burn­ing in a silver Brasero, whilst in the next room adjacent thereto, a prety little round table of Cedar-wood was a covering for the supping of them two together: the cates pre­pared for them, and a week before that time bespoke, were of the choisest dainties, and most delicious junkets, that all the territories of Italy were able to afford; and that deser­vedly: for all the Romane Empire could not produce a completer paire to taste them: in beauty she was supream, in pedigree equal with the best, in spirit not inferiour to any, and, in matter of affection, a great admi­rer of Crichtoun, which was none of her least perfections: she many times used to repaire to my Lady Dutchesses Court, where now and then the Prince would cast himself (as a l'improviste) into her way, to catch hold the more conveniently of some one or other opportunity for receiving her employments; with the favour whereof he very often [Page 122] protested, if she would vouchsafe to honour him, and be pleased to gratifie his best endea­vouors with her only gracious acceptance of them, none breathing should be able to dis­charge that duty with more zeal to her service, nor reap more inward satisfaction in the per­formance of it; for that his obedience could not be crowned with greater glory, then by that of a permanently-fixed attendance upon her commandments. His Highness comple­ments (whereof to this noble Lady he was at all times very liberal) remained never longer unexchanged, then after they were delivered; and that in a coine so pretious, for language, matter, phrase, and elocution, that he was still assured of his being repayed with interest: by means of which odds of her retaliation, she (though unknown to her self) conquered his affections, and he from thenceforth became her inamorato: but with so close and secret a minde did he harbour in his heart, that new love, and nourish the fire thereof in his veins, that remotely skonsing it from the knowledge of all men, he did not so much as acquaint therewith his most intimate friend Crichtoun; who, by that the Sun had deprest our Western horizon by one half of the quadrant of his Orb, did, after supper, with his sweet Lady [Page 123] (whom he had by the hand) return againe to the bed-chamber, wherein formerly they were; and there, without losing of time (which by unnecessary puntilios of strained civility, and affected formalities of officious respect, is very frequently, but too much lavished away, and heedlesly regarded, by the young Adonises, and faint-hearted initiants in the exercises of the Cytheraean Academy) they barred all the ceremonies of pindarising their dis­course, and sprucifying it in a la mode saluta­tions, their mutual carriage shewing it self (as it were) in a meane betwixt the conjugal of man and wife, and fraternal conversation of brother and sister; in the reciprocacy of their love, transcending both; in the purity of their thoughts, equal to this; and in fruition of pleasure, nothing inferior to the other: for when, after the waiting damsel had, by putting her beautiful Mistris into her Nocturnal dress, quite impoverished the ornaments of her that dayes wear, in robbing them of the inestimably rich treasure which they inclosed; and then per­formed the same office to the Lord of her La­dies affections, by laying aside the impestring bulk of his journal abiliaments, and fitting him, in the singlest manner possible, with the most genuine habit a la Cypriana that Cupid [Page 124] could devise; she, as it became an obsequious servant, and maid observant of her Mistrisses directions, bidding them good night with the inarticulate voyce of an humble curtesie, lock­ed the doors of the room behind her, and shut them both in to the reverence of one another, him to her discretion, her to his mercy, and both to the passion of each other: who then finding themselves not only together, but a­lone with other, were in an instant transported both of them with an equal kinde of rapture: for as he looked on her, and saw the splendor of the beams of her bright eyes, and with what refulgency her Alabaster-like skin did shine through the thin cawle of her Idalian garments, her appearance was like the Antar­tick Oriency of a Western Aurore, or Acro­nick rising of the most radiant constellation of the firmament: and whilst she viewed him, and perceived the portliness of his garb▪ come­liness of his face, sweetness of his countenance, and majesty in his very chevelure; with the goodliness of his frame, proportion of his limbs, and symmetry in all the parts and joints of his body, which through the cobweb slenderness of his Cyllenian vestments, were represented almost in their puris naturalibus his resemblance was like that of Aeneas to, [Page 125] Dido, when she said, that he was in face and shoulders like a god; or rather to her he seem­ed as to the female deities did Ganimed, when, after being carryed up to heaven, he was brought into the presence of Jupiter. Thus for a while their eloquence was mute, and all they spoke, was but with the eye and hand; yet so perswasively, by vertue of the intermutual un­limitedness of their visotactil sensation, that each part and portion of the persons of either, was obvious to the sight and touch of the per­sons of both; the visuriency of either, by usher­ing the tacturiency of both, made the attrectati­on of both cōsequent to the inspection of either: here was it that Passion was active, & Action passive; they both being overcome by other, and each the conquerour. To speak of her hirqui­talliency at the elevation of the pole of his Microcosme, or of his luxuriousness to erect a gnomon on her horizontal dyal, will perhaps be held by some to be expressions full of ob­scoeness, and offensive to the purity of chaste ears: yet seeing she was to be his wife, and that she could not be such without consum­mation of marriage, which signifieth the same thing in effect, it may be thought, as definitiones Logicae verificantur in rebus, if the exerced act be lawful, that the diction [Page 126] which suppones it; can be of no great trans­gression, unless you would call it a solaecisme, or that vice in grammar which imports the copulating of the masculine with the feminine gender. But as the misery of the life of man is such, that bitterness for the most part is sub­sequent to pleasure, and joy the prognostick of grief to come; so the admirable Crichtoun (or to resume my discourse where I broke off, I say it hapened on a Shrovetuesday at night, that the ever-renowned Crichtoun) was war­ned by a great noise in the streets, to be ready for the acting of another part; for the Prince (who till that time from the first houre of the night inclusively, for the space of four hours together, with all his attendants, had done no­thing else, but rant it, roar, and roam from one Taverne to another, with haut-bois, flutes, and trumpets, drinking healths, breaking glasses, tossing pots, whitling themselves with Septembral juyce, tumbling in the kennel, and acting all the devisable feats of madness, at least so many as in their irregular judgements did seem might contrevalue all the penance they should be able to do for them the whole Lent thereafter) being ambitious to have a kiss of his Mistris hand (for so, in that too frolick humour of his, he was pleased to call this [Page 127] young Lady) before he should go to bed; with nine Gentlemen at his back, and four pages carrying waxe tapers before him, comes to the place where Crichtoun and the foresaid Lady were (though the Prince knew nothing of Crichtoun's being there) and knocks at the outer gate thereof. No answer is made at first; for the whole house was in a profound si­lene, and all of them in the possession of Morphee, save that blessed pair of pigeon-like lovers, in whom Cupid, for the discharge of Hymenaean rites, had inspired a joynt deter­mination to turne that whole nights rest to motion: but the fates being pleased otherways to dispose of things then as they proposed them, the clapper is up again, and they rap with a flap, till a threefold clap made the sound to rebound. With this the Porter a­wakes, looks out at a lattice-window of his lodge, and seeing them all with masks and vizards on their faces, asked them what their desire was, or what it might be that mov­ed them to come so late in such a disguise? The Prince himself answered, that they were Gentlemen desirous onely to salute my Lady; which courtesie when obtained, they should forthwith be gone. The porter advertiseth the page, and tells him all; who doing the same to [Page 128] the waiting Gentlewoman, she, to receive orders from her Mistris, opens the chamber­doore, enters in, relates the story, and de­mands direction from my Lady; who imme­diately bids her call the page to her: she does it; he comes, and enquiring what the will of her signoria was with him, she enjoynes him to go down and beseech those Gentle­men to be pleased to have her excused for that night, because she was abed, and not so well as she could wish, to bear them company; yet if they conceived any fault in her, she should strive to make them amends for it, some other time: the page accordingly acquits himself of what is recommended to him; for after he had caused open the wicket of the gate, and faced the street, he first saluted them, with that Court-like dexterity, which did bespeak him a well-educated boy, and of good paren­tage; then told them, that he was commanded by his Lady Mistris to intreat them (seeing she knew not what they were, and that their wearing of vizards did in civility debar her from enquiring after their names) to take in good part her remitting of that their visit to another time, by reason of her present indis­posure, and great need of rest; which if, they should have any pretext to except against, [Page 129] she would heartily make atonement for it, and given them satisfaction at any other time. The Princes answer was, that he thought not but that he should have been admitted with less ceremony, and that though the time of the night, and his Lady-mistris her being in a posture of rest, might seem to plead some­what for the non-disturbance of her desired solitariness; that nevertheless the uncontrol­led priviledges of the season exempting them from all prescribed (and at all other times ob­served) boundaries, might in the carnavale­ceve, and supremest night of its law transcen­dent jollities, by the custome of the whole Country, very well apologize for that trespass. Which words being spoken, he, without giv­ing the Page leisure to reply, pretending it was cold in the streets, rusht in at the open wicket even into the Coutt, with all his gentlemen, and Torch-bearers, each one whereof was no less cup-shotten then himself. The Page asto­nished at such unexpected rudeness, said, with an audible voice, What do you mean, gentle­men? do you intend to break in by violence, and at such an undue time enforce my Lady to grant you admittance. Look, I pray you, to your own reputations; and if regardless of any thing else, consider what imputation, and [Page 130] stain of credit wil lye upon you, thus to commit an enormous action, because of some colour of justifying it by immunities of set times, grounded upon no reason but meer toleration, without any other warrant then a feeble inve­terate prescription; therefore let me beseech you, gentlemen, if you love your selves, and the continuation of your own good names, or ten­der anykind of respect to the honor of Ladys, that you would be pleased of your own ac­cords, to chuse rather to return from whence you came, or go whither elswhere you will, then toimagin anyrational man wil think that your masks & vizards can be sufficient covers, wherewith to hide and palliate the deform­edness of this obtrusive incivility. One of the Princes gentlemen (whose braines the fumes of Greek and Italian wines had a little in­toxicated) laying hold only upon the last word (all the rest having escaped both his im­agination and memory, like an empty sound which makes no impression) and most eagerly grasping at it (like a snarling curr, that in his gnarring snatcheth at the taile) ecchoes it, incivility; then coming up closer to him, and saying, how now Jackanapes, whom do you twit with incivility, he gave him such a sound thwack over the left shoulder with his sword, [Page 131] scabard and all, that the noise thereof reached to all the corners of my Ladyes bed-chamber; at which the generous Page (who besides his breeding otherwayes, was the son of a noble­man) being a little commoved and vexed at an affront so undeservedly received, and barba­rously given, told the Esquire who had wronged him, that if he had but had one drop of any good blood within him, he never would have offered to strike a gentleman that wanted a weapon wherewith to defend him­self; and that although he was but of four­teen yeers of age, and for strength but as a springal or stripling in regard of him, he should nevertheless (would any of those other nine gentlemen (as he called them) be pleased to favour him but with the lend of a sword) take upon him even then, and on that place, to humble his cockes-comb, pull his crest a little lower down, and make him faine (for the safety of his life) to acknowledge that he is but a base and unworthy man. Whilst the gentle­man was about to have shapen him an answer, the Prince, being very much taken with the dis­cretion, wit, garb, and courage of the boy, commanded the other to silence; and forth­with taking the speech in hand himself, com­mended him very much for his loyalty to his [Page 132] Mistris; and (for his better ingratiating in the Pages favour) presented him with a rich Sa­phir, to shew him but the way to my Ladyes Chamber, where he vowed that (as he was a gentleman) he would make no longer stay then barely might afford him the time to kiss her hands, and take his leave. The sweet boy (being more incensed at the manner of that offer of the prince (whom he knew not) then at the discourtesie he had sustained by his aforesaid gentleman) plainly assured him, that he might very well put up his Saphir into his pocket a­gaine; for that all the gifts in the world should never be able to gaine that of him, which had not ground enough in reason for perswading the grant thereof without them.

After that the Prince and Pomponacio (for so they called the Page) had thus for a long time together debated to and againe, the rea­sons for and against the intended visit, with so little success on either side, that the more artifice was used in the Rhetorick, the less ef­fect it had in the perswasion: The Prince un­willing to miss of his mark, and not having in all the quivers of his reason one shaft wherewith to hit it, resolved to interpose some authority with his argumentations, and where the foxes skin could not serve, to make use of [Page 133] the Lyons: to the prosecuting of which in­tent, he with his vinomadefied retinue, resol­ved to press in upon the Page, and, maugre his will, to get up staires, and take their fortune in the quest of the Chamber they aimed at: for albeit the stradling as wide as he could, of pretty Pomponacio at the door whereat they made account to force their passage, did for a while retard their designe, because of their chariness to struggle with so hopeful a youth, and tender imp of so great expectation, yet at last, being loath to faile of their end, by how indirect meanes soever they might attaine thereto, they were in the very action of crown­ing their violence with prevalency, when the admirable and ever-renowned Crichtoun, who at the Princes first manning of the Court taking [...]he Alarm, step'd from the shrine of Venus, to the Oracle of Pallas armata; and by the help of the waiting gentlewoman, ha­ving apparelled himself with a paludamental vesture, after the antick fashion of the illustri­ous Romans, both for that he minded not to make himself then known, that to walk then in such like disguise was the anniversary custome of all that country, and that all both gentle­men and others standing in that Court, were in their mascaradal garments; with his sword [Page 134] in his hand, like a messenger from the gods, came down to relieve the Page from the poste whereat he stood Sentry; and when (as the light of the minor Planets appeares not before the glorious rayes of Titan) he had obscured the irradiancy of Pomponacio with his more ef­fulgent presence, and that under pretext of turning him to the Page to desire him to stand behind him, as he did, he had exposed the full view of his left side (so far as the light of Torches could make it perceivable) to the lookers on, who, being all in cuerpo carying swords in their hands in stead of cloaks about them, imagined really, by the badge or cog­nizance they saw neer his heart, that he was one of my Ladies chief domestick servants: he addressed his discourse to the Prince, and the nine gentlemen that were with him; neither of all whereof, as they were accoutred, was he able (either by the light of the Tapers, or that of the Moon, which was then but in the first week of its waxing, it being the Tuesday next to the first new Moon that followed the purification day) to discern in any manner of way what they were: and for that he perceiv­ed by their unstedfast postures, that the influ­ence of the grape had made them subjects to Jacchus, and that their extranean-like demea­nour [Page 135] towards him (not without some amaze­ment) did manifest his certainty of their not knowing him; he therefore with another kind of intonation (that his speech might not be­wray him) then that which waited upon his usual note, of utterance, made a pithy Pane­gyrick in praise of those that endeavoured, by their good fellowship, and Bacchanalian com­pagnionry, to cheer up their hearts with preci­ous liquour, and renew the golden age; whence descending to a more particular application, he very much applauded the ten gentlemen, for their being pleased (out of their devotion to the Lyaean god, who had with great respect been bred and elevated amongst the Nymphs) not to forget, amidst the most sacred plying of their symposiasms, that duty to Ladyes which was incumbent on them to be performed in the discharge of a visite: then wh [...]eling neat­ly about to fetch another careere, he discreetly represented to them all the necessary circum­stances at such a visit observable, and how the infringing of the meanest title or particle of any one thereof, would quite disconcert the mutual harmony it should produce, and bring an unspeakable disparagement to the credits and honors of all guilty of the like de­linquency. In amplifying hereof, and work­ing [Page 136] upon their passions, he let go so many se­cret springs, and inward resorts of eloquence, that being all perswaded of the unseasonable­ness of the time, and unreasonableness of the suit, none of them, for a thousand ducats that night, would have adventured to make any further progress in that after which a little before they had been so eager: so profound was the character of reverence toward that Lady, which he so insinuatingly had imprinted into the hearts of them all; wherefore they pur­posing to insist no longer upon the visitatory design, did cast their minds on a sudden upon another far more haire-brained consideration; when the Prince to one of his chief gentlemen said, We wil do this good fellow no wrong; yet before we go hence, let us try what courage is in him, that after we have made him flee for it, we may to morrow make one excuse for all, to the Lady whom he serveth. Do not you see (sayes he) how he dandleth the sword in his hand, as if he were about to braveer us, and how he is decked and trimm'd up in his cloaths, like another Hector of Troy, but I doubt, if he be so martial, he speaks too well to be valiant: he is certainly more Mercuri­al then military; therefore let us make him turn his back, that we may spie if, as another [Page 137] Mercury, he hath any wings on his heels. This foolish chat no sooner was blattered out to the ears of three of his gentlemen, that were nearest to him, but the sudden drawing of their swords, though but injest, made the other 6 who heard not the Prince, as if they had bin mad, to adven­ture the rashness wherewith the spirit of wine had inspired them, against the prudensequal & invincible fortitude of the matchless Crich­toun; who not being accustomed to turn his back to those that had any project against his brest, most manfully sustained their en­counter; which (although furious at first) ap­pearing nevertheless unto him (because of the odds of ten to one) not to have been in earn­est, he for twenty several bouts, did but ward their blows, and pary with the fort of his sword, till by plying the defensive part too long, he had received one thrust in the thigh, and another in the arme; the trickling of his blood from the wounds whereof, prompted his heroick spirit (as at a desperate stake to have at all or none) to make his tith outvytheir stock, and set upon them all▪ in which resolution when from the door whereat he stood, he had lanched forth three paces in the Court (having lovely Pomponacio behind him, to give him warning in case of surprisal in the reer, and [Page 138] all his ten adversaries in a front before him, who, making up above a quadrant of that periphery whereof his body was the center, were about, from the exterior points of all their right shoulder-blades, alongst the additional line of their armes and tucks, to lodge home in him so many truculent semi-diameters) he retrograding their intention, and beginning his agency, where they would have made him a patient, in as short space as the most dia­grammatically-skilled hand, could have been able to describe lines representative of the di­stance 'twixt the earth and the several karda­gas, or horary expeditions of the Suns Diur­nal motion, from his aequinoxial horizonta­lity to the top of his Meridian hight (which, with the help of a ruler by six draughts of a pen, is quickly delineated) livered out six seve­ral thrusts against them, by vertue whereof he made such speedy work upon the respective segments of that debauch'd circumference, through the red-ink-marks, which his streight­drawn stroaks imprinted, that being alonged from the center-point of his own courage, and with a thunder-bolt-like-swiftness of hand ra­diated upon their bodies, he discussed a whole quadrant of those ten, whereof four and twenty make the circle; and laying six of [Page 139] the most inraged of them on their backs, left (in the other four) but a Sextant of the afore­said ring, to avenge the death of their dismal associates. Of which quaternity, the Prince (being most concerned in the effects of this disaster, as being the only cause thereof (though his intentions levelled at another issue) and like to burst with shame to see himself loadned on all sides with so much dishonour, by the incomparable valour of one single man) did set forward at the swords point, to essay if in his person so much lost credit might be reco­vered, and to that purpose comming within distance, was upon the advancing of a thurst in quart; when the most agil Crichtoun pare­ing it in the same ward, smoothly glided a long the Princes sword, and being master of its feeble, was upon the very instant of mak­ing his Highness very low, and laying his ho­nor in the dust, when one of the three Courtiers whom fortune had favoured not to fall by the hand of Crichtoun, cryed aloud Hold, hold, kill not the Prince: at which words the courteous Crichtoun recoyling, and putting himself out of distance, the Prince pulled off his vizard, and throwing it away, shew his face so fully, that the noble-hearted Crich­toun, being sensible of his mistake, and sory [Page 140] so many of the Princes servants should have enforced him, in his own defence, to become the actor of their destruction, made unto the Prince a very low obeisance; and setting his left knee to the ground (as if he had been to receive the honor of Knight-hood) with his right hand presented him the hilts of his own conquering sword, with the point thereof to­wards his own brest, wishing his highness to excuse his not knowning him in that disguise, and to be pleased to pardon what unluckily had ensued upon the necessity of his defend­ing himself, which (at such an exigent) might have befaln to any other, that were not mind­ed to abandon their lives to the indiscretion of others. The Prince, in the throne of whose judgement the rebellious vapours of the Tun had installed Nemesis, and caused the irasci­ble faculty shake off the soveraignty of reason, being without himself, and unable to restraine the impetuosity of the wills first motion, runs Crichtoun through the heart with his own sword, and kils him: in the interim of which lamentable accident, the sweet and beautiful Lady (who by this time had slipped her self in-a cloth-of-Gold petticoat, in the anterior fente whereof was an asteristick ouch, wherein were inchased fifteen several dia­monds, [Page 141] representative of the constellation of the primest Stars in the signe of Virgo; had enriched a tissue gown and wastcoat of bro­cado with the precious treasure of her Ivory body; and put the foot-stals of those Mar­ble pillars which did support her Microcosme, into a paire of incarnation Velvet slippers em­broydered with purle) being descended to the lower door (which jetted out to the court­wards) where Pomponacio was standing, with the curled tresses of her discheveled haire dan­gling over her shoulders, by the love-knots of whose naturally-guilded filaments were made fast the hearts of many gallant sparks, who from their liberty of ranging after other beau­ties, were more forcibly curbed by those capil­lary fetters, than by so many chaines of iron; and in the dadalian windings of the crisped pleats whereof, did lye in ambush a whole brigade of Paphian Archers, to bring the loftiest Martialists to stoop to the shrine of Cupid; and, Arachne-like, now careering, now caracoling it alongest the Polygonal plainness of its twisted threds) seaze on the af­fections of all whose looks should be involved in her locks; and, with a presentation expo­sing to the beholders all the perfections that ever yet were by the graces conferred on the [Page 142] female sexe, all the excellencies of Juno, Venus, and Minerva; the other feminean Deities, and semi-goddesses of former ages, seeming to be of new revived, and within her compiled, as the compactedst abbridgement of all their best endowments; stepped a pace or two into the Court (with all the celerity that the in­termixed passions of love and indignation was able to prompt her to: during which time which certainly was very short, because, to the motions of her angelically-composed body, the quantity attending the matter of its constitution was no more obstructive, then were the vari­ous exquisite qualities flowing from the form thereof, wherein there was no blemish) the eyes of the Princes thoughts, and those were with him (for the influences of Cupid are like the actions of generation, which are said to be in instanti) pryed into, spyed, and sur­veyed from the top of that sublimely-framed head, which culminated her accomplishments, down along the wonderful symmetry of her divinely-proportioned countenance; from the glorious light of whose two luminaries, Apollo might have borrowed rayes to court his Daphne, and Diana her Endymion: even to the rubies of those lips, where two Cupids still were kissing one another for joy of being [Page 143] so neer the enjoyment of her two rows of pea [...]les inclosed within them; and from thence through the most graceful objects of all her in­termediate parts, to the heaven-like polished prominences of her mellifluent and heroinal breast, whose porphyr streaks (like arches of the ecliptick and colures, or azimuch and Almicantar-circles intersecting other) expan­sed in pretty veinelets (through whose sweet conduits run the delicious streams of Nectar, wherewith were cherished the pretty sucklings of the Cyprian goddesse) smiled on one another to see their courses regulated by the two niple-poles above them elevated, in each their own hemisphere; whose magnetick ver­tue, by attracting hearts, and sympathy in their refocillation, had a more impowering ascen­dent over poetick lovers, for furnishing their braines with choise of fancy, then ever had the two tops of Parnassus-hill, when anima­ted or assisted by all the wits of the Pierian Muses: then from the snow-white galaxy be­twixt those gemel-monts, whose milken paths, like to the plaines of Thessaly, do by refle­xion calefie, to that procuberant and convexe Ivory, whose meditullian node, compared with that other, where the ecliptick cuts the aequinoxial, did far surpass it in that property [Page 144] whereby the night is brought in competition with the day: whence having past the line, and seeming to depress the former pole to elevate another, the inward prospect of their minde discovered a new America, or land unknown, in whose subterranean & intestine cels were se­cret mines of greater worth, then those of either Tibar or Peru, for that besides the working in them could not but give delight unto the Mineralist, their metal was so reciptible for impression, and to the mint so plyable, that Alchymists profoundly versed in Chymical ex­tractions, and such as knew how to imbue it with Syndon, and crown the Magisterum with the elixir, instead of treasures Mer­chants bring from the Inda's, would have e­duced little worlds, more worth then gold or silver. All this from their imagination being convoyed into the penitissim corners of their fouls in that short space which I have already told, she rending her garments, and tearing her haire, like one of the graces possest with a fury, spoke thus: O villains! what have you done? you vipers of men, that have thus base­ly slaine the valiant Crichtoun, the sword of his own sexe, and buckler of ours, the glo­ry of this age, and restorer of the lost honor of the Court of Mantua: O Crichtoun, [Page 145] Crichtoun! At which last words, the Prince hearing them uttered by the Lady in the world he loved best, and of the man in the world he most affected, was suddenly seazed upon by such extremity of sorrow for the unhappi­ness of that lamentable mischance, that not being able to sustaine the rayes of that beauty, whose percing aspect made him conscious of his guilt, he fell flat upon his face, like to a dead man: but knowing omne simile not to be idem, he quickly arose; and, to make his body be what it appeared, fixed the hilt of the sword wherewith he had killed Crichtoun, fast betwixt two stones, at the foot of a marble statue standing in the Court (after the fashion, of those staves with iron pikes at both ends (commonly called Swedish feathers) when stuck into the ground to fence Muske­teers from the charge of horse) then having recoyled a little from it, was fetching a race to run his brest (which for that purpose he had made open) upon the point thereof (as did Cato Ʋticensis after his lost hopes of the recovery of the Commonwealth of Rome) and assuredly (according to that his intent) had made a speedy end of himself, but that his three Gentlemen (one by stopping him in his course, another by laying hold on him by [Page 146] the middle, and the third by taking away the sword) hindred the desperate project of that autochtony. The Prince being carryed away in that mad, frantick, and distracted humour (befitting a Bedlam better then a Serralio) into his own palace, where all manner of edge-tools were kept from him all that sad night, for fear of executing his former designe of self-murther: as soon as to his father my Lord Duke on the next morning by seven a clock (which by the usual computation of that Country, came at that season of the yeer to be neer upon fourteen hours, or fourteen a clock) the story of the former nights tragedy was re­lated & that he had solemnly vowed he should either have his son hanged, or his head struck off, for the committing of a so ingrate, enor­mous, and detestable crime; one of his cour­tiers told him, that (by all appearance) his son would save his highness justice a labour, and give it nothing to do; for that he was like to hang himself, or after some other man­ner of way to turn his own Atropos. The whole Court wore mourning for him full three quarters of a yeer together: his funeral was very stately, and on his hearse were stuck more Epitaphs, Elegies, Threnodies, and Epi­cediums, then, if digested into one book, would [Page 147] have out-bulk't all Homers works; some of them being couched in such exquisite and fine Latin, that you would have thought great Vir­gil, and Baptista Mantuanus, for the love of their mother-City, had quit the Elysian fields to grace his obsequies: and other of them (besides what was done in other lan­guages) composed in so neat Italian, and so purely fancied, as if Ariosto, Dante, Petrark, and B [...]mbo had been purposely resuscitated, to stretch even to the utmost, their Poetick vein, to the honour of this brave man; whose picture till this hour is to be seen in the bed-chambers or galleries of the most of the great men of that Nation, representing him on horseback, with a Lance in one hand, and a Book in the other: and most of the young Ladies likewise, that were any thing hand­some, in a memorial of his worth, had his ef­figies in a little oval tablet of gold, hanging 'twixt their breasts; and held (for many yeers together) that Metamazion, or intermam­milary ornament, an as necessary outward pendicle for the better setting forth of their accoutrements, as either Fan, Watch, or Stomacher. My Lord Duke, upon the young Lady that was Crichtoun's Mistris, and future wife (although she had good rents and reve­nues [Page 148] of her own by inheritance) was pleased to conferr a pension of five hundred ducats a yeer: the prince also bestowed as much on her, during all the dayes of his life, which was but short; for he did not long enjoy himself after the cross fate of so miserable an accident. The sweet Lady (like a Turtle bewailing the loss of her mate) spent all the rest of her time in a continual solitariness; and resolved, as none before Crichtoun had the possession of her body, that no man breathing should enjoy it after his decease.

The verity of this story I have here related concerning this incomparable Crichtoun, may be certified by above two thousand men yet living, who have known him: and truly of his acquaintance there had been a far greater number, but that before he was full 32 yeers of age, he was killed, as you have heard. And here I put an end to the Admirable Scot.

The Scene of the choicest acts of this late Heros of our time having been the Coun­try of Italy, the chief State whereof is Venice; it cannot be amiss (as I have done for Spaine, France, Holland, Denmark, Swedland, and Germany) that I make men­tion of these four Scotish Colonels, Colonel Dowglas, Colonel Balantine, Colonel Lyon, [Page 149] and Colonel Anderson; who (within these very few yeers) have done most excellent service to the Venetian Commonwealth: nor can I well forget that Sea-Captain, Captain William Scot, whose martial atchievements in the de­fence of that State against the Turks, may very well admit him to be ranked amongst the Colonels: he was Vice-admiral to the Ve­netian Fleet, and the onely renowned bane and terror of Mahometan Navigators: whe­ther they had Galleys, Galeoons, Galiegrosses, or huge war-ships, it was all one to him; he set upon all alike, saying still, The more they were, the manyer he would kill; and the stronger that the encounter should happen to be, the greater would be his honour, and his prise the richer. He oftentimes so cleared the Archipelago of the Mussulmans, that the Ottoman family at the very gates of Constan­tinople, would quake at the report of his victories: and did so ferret them out of all the creeks of the Adriatick gulph, and so shrewdly put them to it, that sometimes they did not know in what part of the mediterra­nean they might best shelter themselves from the fury of his blows: many of their mariners turned land-souldiers for fear of him; and of their maritime officers, several took charge [Page 150] of Caravans, to escape his hand, which for many yeers together lay so heavy upon them, that he was cryed up for another Don Jean d' Austria, or Duke d' Orea, by the enemies of that Scythian generation; in spight of which, and the rancour of all their unchristian hearts, he dyed but some eighteen moneths ago in his bed of a feaver in the Isle of Candia.

Now as besides those Colonels above re­cited, many other Scotish Colonels since the Jubilee of 1600. till the yeer 1640. have faithfully served the Venetian State against both the Christian and Turkish Emperours: so; in the intervals of that time, have these following Scotish Colonels been in the service of the King of Pole, against both the Mos­coviter, Turk, and Swed; to wit, Colonel Lermond, Colonel Wilson, Colonel Hunter, Colonel Robert Scot, Colonel Gordon, Colo­nel Wood, Colonel Spang, Colonel Gun, Co­lonel Robertson, Colonel Rower, and several others.

And seeing we are come so far on in the de­duction of the Scotish Colonels, who for the space of thirty or fourty yeers, without rec­koning the last ten, have been so famous for their valour, in the continent of Europe (from whence the Isle of Britain excludes it self) [Page 151] that neither thick nor thin, hunger nor plenty, nor heat nor cold, was said to have been able to restraine them from giving proof thereof; and that from the hot Climates of Spaine, Italy, and France, we have in pro­secuting the threed of this discourse, travelled through those of a mediocer temper of the Low countries, Denmark & Hungary even to the cold regions of Germanie, Swedland, and Pole; I hold it expedient before I shut up this enumeration of Scotish Colonels into a period, that the very Scyths and Sarmats, even to the almost subarctick incolaries, be introduced to bear record of the magnanimity of the Scotish Nation; which, nevertheless (because I would not trespass upon the Rea­ders patience, in making the nomenclature too prolixe) I make account to do, by setting down only the names of those Scotish Colo­nels that served under the great Duke of Moscovy, against the Tartar and Polonian; viz. Colonel Alexander Crawford, Colo-Alexander Gordon, Colonel William Keith, Colonel George Mathuson, Colonel Patrick Kinindmond, and Colonel Thomas Garne, who (for the hieght and grosseness of his per­son, being in his stature taller, and greater in his compass of body, then any within six [Page 152] domes about him) was elected King of Bucha­ria; the inhabitants of that Country being more inclined to tender their obedience to a man of a burly pitch like him, (whose magni­tude being every way proportionable in all its dimensions, and consisting rather in bones then flesh, was no load to the minde, nor hin­drance to the activity of his body) then to a lower-sized man; because they would shun equality (as near as they could) with him, of whom they should make choice to be their So­veraign; they esteeming nothing more disgrace­ful, nor of greater disparagement to the reputa­tion of that State, then that their King should, through disadvantage of statute, be looked down upon by any whose affaires (of con­cernment perhaps for the weal of the Crown) might occasion a mutual conference face to face. He had Ambassadors sent to him to receive the Crown, Scepter, Sword, and all the other royal cognizances belonging to the Supreme Majesty of that Nation: but I heard him say, that the only reason why he refused their splendid offers, and would not undergo the charge of that regal dignity, was, because he had no stomack to be circumcised: however this uncircumcised Garne, agnamed the Scla­vonian, and upright Gentile (for that he loves [Page 153] good fellowship, and is of a very Gentile conversation) served as a Colonel, together with the forenamed five, and other unmentioned Colonels of the Scotish Nation in that service, against the crim Tartar, under the command of both his and their compatriot, Sir Alex­ander Leslie, Generalissimo of all the forces of the whole Empire of Russia: which charge (the wars against the Tartarian beginning afresh) he hath re-obtained, and is in the ple­nary enjoyment thereof (as I believe) at this same instant time; and that with such ap­probation for fidelity and valour, that never any hath been more faithful in the discharge of his duty, nor of a better conduct in the in­infinite dangers through which he hath past.

I shall only here by the way, before I pro­ceed any further, make bold to desire the Rea­der to consider (seeing so short a space as thirty or four and thirty yeers time hath pro­duced so great a number of Colonels, and o­thers above that degree of the Scotish Na­tion, universally renowned for their valour and military atchievements in all the Forraign and transmarine Countries, States, and King­doms of Christendome) what vast number of Lieutenant-Colonels, Majors, Captaines, [Page 154] Lieutenants, Ensignes, &c. besides the colla­teral officers of an army, such as Adjutants, Quartermasters, Commissaries, Scoutmasters, Marshals, and so forth through all the other offices belonging to the Milice of a Nation, either by Sea or Land, should be found of Scotish men to have been since they yeere one thousand and six hundred, in the many seve­ral out-landish wars of Europe; which I cannot think (if prejudicacy be laid aside) but that it will so dispose the Reader, that he will acknowledge the Scotish Nation to have been an honorable Nation (and that of late too) in their numerousness of able and gallant men totally devoted to the shrine of Mars; of which sort as I have omitted many worthy and renowned Colonels abroad, so will I not insist upon the praise of two of our country­men, Sir John Hume of Eatoun by name, and Francis Sinclair, natural son to the late Earl of Catnes; the first whereof in his tra­vels through Italy, by his overmastering, both at the blunt and sharp, the best swordmen and fence-masters of that country, acquired the re­putation of the skilfullest man in the world at the Rapeer-point, yet being killed at a battel in Denmark some few yeers agoe, to shew that there wanted not another of the same [Page 155] Scottish Nation to supply his place, and to inherit every whit as deservedly that hight of fame conferred on him for his valour, the most couragious and magnanimous acts of the aforesaid Francis Sinclair will manifest it to the full, with almost the universal testimony of all Spaine, Italy, and Germany, which for many yeers together were the theaters of his never-daunted prowess. To relate all the duels wherein he hath been victorious, and but to sum them together, it would amount to a greater number, then all the lessons that the most consciencious master of Escrime that is, doth usually give in a whole three yeers space, to him whom he intends to make a pro­ficient in that faculty: therefore in stead of all (as by the dimension of Hercules foot, one may judge of the stature of his body; and by the taste of a spoonful (as the saying is) to know what kinde of liquor is in a Tun) I will only make mention of two actions of his, one done at the Emperours Court in Vienne, and the other at Madrid in Spaine.

The first was thus: A cerrain gallant noble­man of high-Germany (who by the stile of Conquerour (without any other addition) in duels, wherein he had overthrown all those of any Nation that ever coped with him) having [Page 156] repaired to the great City of Vienne, to ac­cresce his reputation in some more degrees, by the subjection of any proud spirit there, eager in that sort of contestation, whereof he heard there were many; and notice being given to him of this Sinclair, who had a perfect sym­pathy with him in that kind of adventuring humour, they very quickly met with one ano­ther, and had no sooner exchanged three words, when time and place being assigned for debating the combate, they determined to take nothing in hand, till first it were made known, who should (to the very hazard of their lives) bear clear away the palme, and reap the credit of the bravest Champion: but the news thereof being carryed to the Emper­or (who being unwilling that the victor should terminate the concertation in the blood of the vanquished, and yet desirous for his own sport, that by them somewhat might be done before him, in matter of tryal which of them should prove most skilful in the handling of his armes) he enjoyned them, at a perfixed time, in his own presence to decide the con­troversie with Foyles: and for the better ani­mating them thereto, assured them, that which of them soever should give the other the first three free bouts, should, for his salary or epini­cion, [Page 157] have a paire of Spurs of beaten Gold set with Diamonds. The combatants very heartily embraced the condition, and were glad to turn the sharp to blunt, to gaine the Gold Spurs: by which means, their hope of overcoming on both sides, having cheerfully brought them to the appointed place and time designed for the purpose, they had no sooner adjusted themselves in equal termes for Foyles and every thing else befitting that jeopardless monomachy, but Sinclair (at first, before he came within full distance, to try the manner of his adversaries play) made a flourish or two of very nimble and most exquisite falsifyings; whereat the other (conceiving them for real­ly-intended thrusts) was so disordred in his motion, that, offering to ward, where he needed not, and taking the Alarm too hot, Sinclair was so confident of his own suffici­ency against that High-Dutchman, that when he had askt the Emperor, for how many Franch bouts his Majesty would adjudge the Spurs to be gained, and that the Emperor's an­swer was, For the first three; Sinclair re­plied, If he did not give him five on end, he should be content to forfeit the Spurs, and two hundred Crowns besides: whereupon im­mediately facing his adversary (to let him [Page 156] [...] [Page 157] [...] [Page 158] know that many ward without a cause, that cannot pary when they should) with the coin­stantanean swiftness of hand and foot, gave him de pie-forme, a terrible slap on the breast, wherewith the German Lord did so stagger, that before he could fully recover himself, the blow was doubled, and redoubled, with a sound thwack on the back of those, seconded with another bounce, not leaving him, till with a push, and a thump again he had hit him se­ven several times, and that with the same con­fidence & facility, that the usher of a fencing­hall useth to alonge against his Masters pla­stron. The Emperour, by the thud of each stroak, which farthered his counting, having reckoned beyond the number of the five pro­mised bouts, and unwilling Sinclair should lack of his due, or the other have his ribs broken, cryed aloud, Hola, forbear, enough: whereupon the duellists desisting, the Emper­or required them both to stand before him; who seeing the seven marks which the button of Sinclairs foyle, whitened with chalk, had imprinted in the others black Sattin doublet, and how they lay in order after the manner of the situation of the seven Stars of the little Bear, laughed heartily (for he was a peece of an Astronomer, and a great favourer of [Page 159] Mathematicians) then addressing his speech to Sinclair (who had so much natural A­rithmetick, as to know that seven included five) asked him, why in livering in of his thrusts he exceeded the promised number, see­ing five was susficient for gaining of the prize; and why being pleased to make them seven, he had fixed them in their stations after the fashion of a Charlewaine? Sinclair (to whom though Astronomy might have signi­fied somewhat to eat, for any thing he knew of the Science, had nevertheless the perspica­city to make the word Charlewaine service­able to his present purpose) very promptly an­swered, Sir, I did so place them, in honour of my master CHARLES King of great Bri­tain; and gave in two venees more then I was obliged to, to give your Caesarean Ma­jesty to understand, that, in the two King­doms of England and Scotland, whereof that Isle consists, there are many thousands more expert then I, in matter of Martial feats. At which answer the Emperor was so well pleased, that he gave him the Spurs as his due for the first five, and a gold chaine for the other two.

In the mean while (for the Emperors better diversion) a certain Spanish Hidalgo of the [Page 160] Archduke Leopoldo's Court, made bold to re­late to his Imperial Majesty, how the said Fran­cis Sinclair had in the City of Madrid performed a more notable exploit, and of far greater adventure, which was this.

Eight Spanish Gentlemen being suspicious of Sinclair's too intimate familiarity with a kinswoman of theirs (whom they called Prima, that is to say, a she-cozen) did all together set upon him at one time, with their swords drawn; which unexpected assault mov­ed him to say, Gentlemen, I doubt not but you are valiant men; therefore if you would have your desire of me, my intreaty is only that you would take it as it becòmes men of valour, and that by trying your fortune a­gainst mine, at the swords point, one after another. The Spaniards pretending to be men of honour, not only promised to do what he required, but, the better to assure him that they would prove faithful to him in their promise, swore all of them upon a cross which they made with their swords, that they would not faile therein, should it cost them all their lives. In the extremity that Sinclair was, this kind of unhoped-for honest deal­ing did very much incourage him, especially he knowing that he and they all had but To­ledo-blades, [Page 161] whose fashion was then to be all of one length and size; in a word, conforme to paction, they fell to it, and that most clever­ly, though with such fatality on the Spanish side, that in less then the space of half an hour he killed seven of them Epassyterotical­ly, that is, one after another; gratifying the eighth (to testifie he had done no wrong to the rest) with the enjoyment of his life, who, ra­ther then to undergoe the hazard of the de­stiny of his fore-runners, chused to abandon his vindicative humour, and leave unrevenged the blood and honour of his male and female cosens.

Much more may be said of him, but that I will not now supererogate in magnifying the fulfilment of the Readers expectation, by the performance of more then I promised; be­ing resolved, for brevities sake, to pass over with silence many hundreds of our country (such as Robert Scot, who was the deviser of Leathern guns) that were in other parts much esteemed for their inventions of warlike Engines.

And that since the yeer a thousand and six­hundred, before which time no action hath been performed anywhere, nor from that time, till this within the Isle of Britain, by [Page 162] any of those Colonels and others, whom I have here before recited, for which I have praised them, or otherwaies mentioned any of them; but by way of designation of their names, in relation to their service abroad: nor amongst them all have I nominated above five or six, that either served in, or did so much as look upon the wars of England, Scotland, and Ireland; and yet I expect not to merit blame, albeit of those general persons, and Colonels of the Scotish Nation (whereof there is a great multitude) that have served (since the yeer 1641.) in these our late wars of England, Scotland, and Ireland, I make no mention, because multitudo is no more virtus then magnitudo; for though there be some (and those but very some) a­mongst them, that have been pretty well prin­cipled in reason, and had true honor before their eyes; yet seeing the great mobil of the rest, by circumvolving them into a contrary motion, hath retarded their action, and made their vertue abortive, in not expressing their names, I do them favour, by such conceal­ment obviating the imputation, which they deserve for having been in so bad company, and undersphering themselves to the bodies of those vaster orbs (whether of the State, Milice, [Page 163] or Church of Scotland) whose rapidity of violence might hurry them into a course quite opposite to the goodness of their own inclina­tion. For whoever they be (whether civil or Ecclesiastical) of the Scotish Nation, whom the English can with any kind of reason up­braid with covetousness, the Commons of Scotland with oppression, or other States and Countryes with treachery and dissimulati­on; it is my opinion, that their names should not otherwayes be recorded, but as Beacons are set up where there are dangerous passages by Sea, that such thrifty navigators (whether coetaneans or successors) as intend to saile with safety into the harbour of a good consci­ence, may thereby avoid the rocks and shelves of their greedy, Tyrannous, and hypocritical dealings: nor can it be a sufficient excuse for any of those officers to say they thought they could not offend God therein, for that the Kirk did warrant them in what they did; see­ing they might very well know, that it becom­eth such, as would take upon them a charge over and against the lives of others in the re­spective preservation and destruction of their souldier-friends and foes, to have principles within themselves for the regulating of their outward actions, and not to be driven like [Page 164] fools for advice sake to yeeld an implicite obe­dience to the oracles of the Delphian Pres­bytery, whose greatest Enthusiasts (for all its cryed-up infallibility) have not possibly the skill to distinguish betwixt Rape-seed and Musket-powder. If any say that by taking such a course, their motion seems to be the more Celestial, because (in imitation of the upper Orbs) it is furthered by the assistance of an external intelligence; I answer, that according to the opinion of him in whose Philosophy they read those separated animati­ons, to each of the heavens is allowed an in­formant as well as assisting soul: and though that were not, the intelligences are so far different, that there is hardly any similitude, whereupon to fixe the comparison: for those superior ones are pure simplicissim acts, in­susceptible of passion, and without all matter, or potentiality of being affected with any al­teration; but these are gross mixed patients, subject to all the disorders of the inferiour ap­petites, plunged in terrestrial dross, and for their profit or lucre in this world, lyable to any new impressions. That the Gentry then, and Nobility of Scotland, whereof for the most part did consist those fresh-water-officers, should by their codrawing in the Presbyterian [Page 165] yoak, have plowed such deep and bloody furrows upon the backs of the commons of their own native soyle, is not only abomin­able, but a thing ridiculous, and an extream scandal to the Nation: for when some Laird or Lord there (whose tender conscience could embrace no Religion that was not gainefull) had, for having given his voice (perhaps) to the augmentation of a Ministers stipend, or done such like thing tending to the glory of the new Diana of Ephesus, obtained a Com­mission for the levying of a Regiment of horse, foot, or dragoons, under pretext of fighting for God against the Malignants and Secta­ries; then was it that by uncessant quarter­ings, exacting of trencher-money, and other most exorbitant pressures upon the poor ten­andry of that country, such cruelty and de­testable villany was used, and that oftentimes by one neighbour to another, under the noti­on of maintaining the Covenant, and the cause of God, that hardly have we heard in any age of such abominations done by either Turk or Infidel: and all out of a devotion to the bles­sed sum of money, which the master of these oppressed tenants, for saving of his land from being laid wast, must needs disburse: for most of those Kirk-officers of Regiments, and [Page 166] their subordinado's, were but very seldom well pleased with the production of either man or horse, how apt soever they might seem to prove for military service, alledging some fault or other to the horse; and that the man, for lack of zeal (for any thing they knew) to the Covenant, might procure a judgement from heaven upon the whole army; that there­fore they would take but money, thereby the better to enable them to provide for such men and horses, as they might put confidence into. And if it chanced (as oftentimes it did) that a country-Gentleman, out-putter of foot or horse, being scarce of money, should prove so untractable, as to condescend to nothing but what literally he was bound to; then by, vertue of the power wherewith they were intrusted, to see their souldiers well clothed, armed, and accommodated with transport-money, and other such appurtenances, they had such a faculty of undervaluing whatever was not good silver and gold, that, to make up the deficiencies, according to their rates, would extend to so great a sum, that hardly could any lyable to a levy, that was refractary to their desire of having money save so much as one single sixpence by his emission of either horse or foot: so fine a trick they had with [Page 167] their counterfeit Religion, to make an honest poor gentlemen glad to chuse the worst of two evils, for shunning a third of their own contrivance, worse then they both.

And when at any time the innocent Gentle­men, in hope of commiseration would present their grievances to the respectvie Committees of the Shires, seldom or never was there any pre­vention of, or reparation for the aforesaid abuse: especially in the North of Scotland, of all the parts whereof, the Committees of the Shires of Innernass and Ross, whether joyntly or separately sitting, proved the most barbarous and inhumane; it being a commonly-receiv­ed practise amongst their loggerhead stick wisdoms, not only to pass these and such like enormities with the foresaid officers, but to gratifie them besides, for the laying of a bur­then upon their neighbours, which they should have undergone themselves: yea, to such a height did their covetousness and hypocrisie reach, that the better to ingratiate themselves in the favors of the souldiery, for the saving of their pence, when the officers (out of their lazi­ness) would be unwilling to travel fourty or fifty miles from their quarters for the taking up of mantenance, or any arreer due of horse and foot-levies▪ they took this savage and un­christian [Page 168] course, they would point at any whom they had a peck at, pretending he was no good Covenanter, and that he favoured toleration; and for that cause (being both judges and parties themselves) would ordaine him, under pain of quartering and plundring, to advance to the insatiable officers so much money, as the debt pretended to be due by those remote inhabitants (though meer stran­gers to him) did extend to: by which means it ordinarily fell out, that the civillest men in all the country, and most plyable to good or­der, were the greatest sufferers; and the basest, the greedyest, and the most unworthy of the benefit of honest conversation, the onely men that were exempted, and had immuni­ties.

Now, when many of these Laird and Lord Kirk-officers had, by such unconscionable means, and so diametrally opposite to all ho­nour and common honesty, acquired great sums of money, then was it that, like good Simeons of iniquity, they had recourse to their brother Levi, for framing of Protestations; their conscience not serving them to fight for a King, that was like to espouse a malignant in­terest; under which cover, free from the tempest of war (like fruitful brood-geese) [Page 169] they did stay at home to hatch young chickens of pecunial interest, out of those prodigious egs which the very substance of the commons had laid down to them (with a curse) to sit upon.

Yet, if for fashion sake, at the instigation of inferior officers, who were nothing so gree­dy as they, some shew of muster was to be made of souldiers to be sent to Sterlin-leaguer, or anywhere else; then were these same very men, whom (out of their pretended zeal to the good cause) they had formerly cast, either for malignancy or infencibility, and in lieu of each of them accepted of fifty or threescore dolars, more or less, inrolled in their Troops or Companies; when for the matter of three or four dolars, with the consent of a cup of good Ale, and some promise of future plun­der, they had purchased their good wils to take on with them; they approving themselves by such insinuating means, good servants, in being able by the talent of their three dolars, to do the State that service, for the which the poor Country-Gentleman must pay three­score, and be forced to quit his man to boot.

Truly those are not the Scotish Colonels whom I intend to commend for valour, it [Page 170] being fitter to recommend them to posterity, as vipers, who, to work out a livelihood to themselves, have not stuck to tear the very bowels of their mother-country, and bury its honor in the dust.

Such were not those Scotish Col. I former­ly mentioned, whose great vassalages abroad, and enterprises of most magnanimous adven­tures, undertaken and performed by them in other countries, might very well make a poorer climate then Scotland enter in competition with a richer soyle.

Yet seeing the intellectual faculties have their vertues as well as the moral; and that learning in some measure is no less commend­able then fortitude, as those afore-named Scotish men have been famous beyond sea for the military part, so might I mention thrice as many moe of that Nation, as I have set down, of war-like officers, who since the yeer one thousand and six hundred, have de­served, in all those aforesaid countryes of France, Italy, Spaine, Flanders, Holland, Denmark, Germany, Pole, Hungary, and Swedland, where they lived, great renown for their exquisite abilities in all kind of litera­ture; the greatest part of whose names I deem expedient for the present to conceal, thereby [Page 171] to do the more honor to some, whose mag­nanimity and other good parts now to com­memorate, would make one appear (in the opinions of many) guilty of the like trespass with them, that, in the dayes of Nero, called Rome by its proper name, after he had decreed to give it the title of Neroniana.

Nevertheless being to speak a little of some of them, before I lanch forth to cross the seas, I must salute that most learned and worthy gentleman, and most indeared minion of the Muses, Master Alexander Ross, who hath written manyer excellent books in Latine and English, what in prose, what in verse, then he hath lived yeers; and although I cannot remember all, yet to set down so many of them as on a sudden I can call to minde, will I not forget; to the end the Reader, by the perusal of the works of so universal a scholar, may reap some knowledge when he comes to read

His Virgilius Evangelizans in thirteen several books (a peece truly, which when set forth with that decorement of plates it is to have in its next edition, will evidently shew that he hath apparelled the Evangelists in more splendid garments, and royal robes, then (without prejudice be it spoken) his compatri­ots [Page 172] Buchanan and Jhonstoun, have, in their Paraphrastick translation of the Psalmes, done the King and Prophet David.) His four books of the Judaick wars, intituled, De rebus Judaicis libri quatuor, couched in most excellent hexameters; his book penned a­gainst a Jesuite, in neat Latine prose, called Rasuratonsoris; his Chymera Pythagorica contra Lansbergium; his Additions to Wollebius and Ʋrsinus; his book called The new planet no planet; his Meditations up­on predestination; his book intituled the pictures of the conscience; his Questions up­on Genesis; his Religions Apotheosis; his Melissomachia; his Virgilius Trium­phans; his four curious books of Epigrams in Latin Elegiacks; his Mel heliconium; his Colloquia plautina; his Mystagogus­poeticus; his Medicus medicatus; his Philosophical touch-stone; his Arcana Mi­crocosmi; his observations upon Sir Walter Rawley; his Marrow of History, or Epi­tome of Sir Walter Rawleigh' works; his great Chronology in the English tongue (set forth in folio) deducing all the most memor­able things, that have occurred since the Ma­cedonian war, till within some ten or twelve yeers to this time: and his many other learn­ed [Page 173] Treatises, whose titles I either know not, or have forgot.

Besides all these Volumes, Books, and Tra­ctates here recited, he composed above three hundred exquisite Sermons, which (after he had redacted them into an order and diction fit for the press) were, by the merciless fury of Vulcan, destroyed all in one night, to the great grief of many preachers, to whom they would have been every whit as useful as Sir Edward Cooks reports are to the Lawyers. But that which I as much deplore, and am as unfainedly sory for, is, that the fire, which (on that fatal night) had seazed on the house and closet where those his Sermons were con­sumed, had totally reduced to ashes the very desks wherein were locked up several Me­taphysical, Physical, Moral, and Dialecti­cal Manuscripts; whose conflagration by Phi­losophers is as much to be bewailed, as by Theologically-affected spirits, was that of his most divine elucubrations.

This loss truly was irrecoverable, therefore by him at last digested, because he could not help it: but that some losses of another nature, before and after that time by him sustained, have as yet not been repaired, lyeth as a load upon this land, whereof I wish it were dis­burthened; [Page 174] seeing it is in behalf of him, who for his piety, Theological endowments, Phi­losophy, Eloquence, and Poesie, is so eminent­ly qualified, that (according to the Metemp­sychosis of Pythagoras) one would think, that the souls of Socrates, Chrysostome, Ari­stotle, Ciceron, and Virgil have been trans­formed into the substantial faculties of that entelechy, wherewith, by such a conflated transanimation, he is informed and sublimely inspired. He spends the substance of his own lamp, for the weal of others; should it not then be recruited with new oyle by those that have been enlightened by it? Many enjoy great benefices (and that deservedly enough) for the good they do to their coaevals onely; how much more meritoriously should he then be dealt with, whose literate erogations reach to this and after-ages? A lease for life of any parcel of land is of less value, then the here­ditary purchase thereof: so he of whom po­sterior generations reap a benefit, ought more to be regarded, then they whose actions pe­rish with themselves. Humane reason, and common sense it self instructeth us, that dota­tions, mortifications, and other honorary re­compences, should be most subfervient to the use of those, that afford literatory admini­cularies [Page 175] of the longest continuance, for the im­provement of our sense and reason.

Therefore could I wish (nor can I wish a a thing more just) that this reverend, worthy, and learned gentleman Master Rosse, to whom this age is so much beholden, and for whom posterity will be little beholden to this age, if it prove unthankful to him, were (as he is a favorite of Minerva) courted by the opulent men of our time, as Danae was by Ju­piter; or that they had as much of Mecaena's soul, as he hath of Virgil's: for if so it were, or that this Isle, of all Christendom, would but begin to taste of the happiness of so wise a course, vertue would so prosper, and learning flourish, by his encouragements, and the en­deavours of others in imitation of him, that the Christians needed lie no longer under the reproach of ignorance, which the oriental Na­tions fixe upon them in the termes of seeing but with one eye; but in the instance of great Britain alone (to vindicate (in matter of know­ledge) the reputation of this our Western world) make the Chineses, by very force of reason (of whose authority above them they are not ashamed) be glad to confess, that the Europaeans, as well as themselves, look out with both their eyes, and have no blinkard [Page 176] minds. Of which kind of brave men, renown­ed for perspicacy of sight in the ready perceiv­ing of intellectual objects, and that in gradu excellenti, is this Master Rosse: the more ample expressing of whose deserved Elogies, that I remit unto another time, will I hope be taken in better part, that I intend to praise him againe; because Laus ought to be virtutis assecla; and he is alwayes doing good.

Therefore lest I should interrupt him, I will into France, Spain, and other countries, to take a view of some great scholars of the Scotish Nation, who of late have been high­ly esteemed for their learning in forraign parts: of which number, he that first presents himself is one Sinclair, an excellent Mathematician, professor Regius, and possessor of the chaire of Ramus (though long after his time) in the University of Paris: he wrote besides other books, one in folio, de quadratura circuli. Of the same profession, and of his acquain­tance, there was one Anderson, who likewise lived long in Paris, and was for his abilities in the Mathematical Sciences, accounted the profoundlyest principled of any man of his time: in his studyes he plyed hardest the equa­tions of Algebra, the speculations of the irra­tional [Page 177] lines, the proportions of regular bodies, and sections of the cone; for though he was excellently well skilled in the Theory of the planets, and Astronomy; the Opticks, Catop­tricks, Dioptricks, the Orthographical, Stereo­graphicial, and Schenographical projections; in Cosmography, Geography, Trigonometry, and Geodesie; in the Staticks, Musick, and all other parts or pendicles, Sciences, Faculties, or Arts of, or belonging to the disciplines Ma­thematical in general, or any portion thereof in its essence or dependances: yet taking de­light to pry into the greatest difficulties, to soar where others could not reach, and (like another Archimedes) to work wonders by Geometry, and the secrets of numbers; and having a body too weak to sustaine the vehe­ment intensiveness of so high a spirit, he dyed young, with that respect nevertheless to suc­ceeding ages, that he left behind him a Post­humary-book, intituled Andersom opera, wherein men versed in the subject of the things therein contained, will reap great delight and satisfaction.

There was another called Doctor Seaton, not a Doctor of Divinity, but one that had his degrees at Padua, and was Doctor utriusque juris; for whose pregnancy of wit, and vast [Page 178] skill in all the mysteries of the Civil and Ca­non Laws, being accounted one of the ablest men that ever breathed, he was most hearti­ly desired by Pope Ʋrbane the eighth to stay at Rome; and the better to encourage him thereto, made him chief professor of the Sapience (a Colledge in Rome so called) where although he lived a pretty while with great honor and reputation, yet at last, (as he was a proud man) falling at some ods with il collegio Romano, the supreamest seat of the Jesuites, and that wherein the general of that numerous society hath his constant re­sidence, he had the courage to adventure co­ping with them where they were strongest, and in matter of any kind of learning, to give defi­ance to their greatest scholars; which he did do with such a hight of spirit, and in such a lofty and bravashing humour, that (although there was never yet that Ecclesiastical incor­poration, wherein there was so great univer­sality of literature, or multiplicity of learned men) he nevertheless misregarding what esti­mation they were in with others, and totally reposing on the stock or basis of his own knowledge, openly gave it out, that if those Teatinos (his choler not suffering him to give them their own name of Jesuites) would offer [Page 179] any longer to continue in vexing him with their frivolous chat, and captious argumenta­tions, to the impugning of his opinions (and yet in matters of Religion, they were both of one and the same faith) he would (like a Hercules amongst so many Myrmidons) fal in within the very midst of them, so besquat­ter them on all sides, and, with the granads of his invincible arguments, put the braines of all and each of them in such a fire, that they should never be able (pump as they would) to finde in all the celluls thereof one drop of either reason or learning, wherewith to quench it.

This unequal undertaking of one against so many, whereof some were greater courtiers with his Papal Holiness then he, shortened his abode at Rome; and thereafter did him so much prejudice in his travels through Italy, and France, that when at any time he became scarce of money (to which exigent his prodi­gality often brought him) he could not as be­fore expect an ayuda de costa (as they call it) or viaticum from any Prince of the territo­ries through which he was to pass; because the chanels of their liberality were stopped, by the rancour and hatred of his conventual ad­versaries.

[Page 180] When nevertheless he was at the lowest ebb of his fortune, his learning, and incomparable facility, in expressing any thing with all the choicest ornaments of, and incident varieties to the perfection of the Latine elocution, raised him to the dignity of being possessed with the chair of Lipsius, and professing humanity (in Italy called buone letere) in the famous University of Lovan: yet (like Mercury) unapt to fix long in any one place, deserting Lo­van, he repaired to Paris, where he was held in exceeding great reputation for his good parts and so universally beloved, that both Laicks and Church-men, courtiers and Scholars, gentlemen and Merchants, and almost all manner of people, willing to learn some new thing or other (for, as sayes Aristotle, every one is desirous of knowledge) were ambitious of the enjoyment of his company, and ravi­shed with his conversation. For besides that the matter of his discourse was strong, senten­tious, and witty, he spoke Latine, as if he had been another Livy or Salustius; nor, had he been a native of all the three countryes of France, Italy, and Germany, could he have exprest himself (as still he did when he had occasion) with more selected variety of words, nimbler volubility of utterance, or greater [Page 181] terity, for tone, phrase, and accent in all the three Languages thereto belonging.

I have seen him circled about at the Lou­vre, with a ring of French Lords and gen­tlemen, who hearkned to his discourse with so great attention, that none of them, so long as he was pleased to speak, would offer to in­terrupt him; to the end that the pearles fall­ing from his mouth, might be the more order­ly congested in the several treasures of their judgements: the ablest advocates, barristers, or counselors at law of all the parlement of Paris, even amongst those that did usually plead en la chambre doree, did many times visit him at his house, to get his advice in hard debatable points. He came also to that sub­lime pitch of good diction even in the French tongue, that there having past, by vertue of a frequent intercourse, several missives in that idiom, betwixt him and le sieur de Balzak, who by the quaintest Romancealists of France, and daintiest complementers of all its lushions youth, was almost uncontrollably esteemed in eloquence to have surpassed Ci­ceron; the straine of Seatons letters was so high, the fancy so pure, the words so well connexed, and the cadence so just, that Bal­zak (infinitely taken with its fluent, yet concise [Page 180] [...] [Page 181] [...] [Page 182] Oratory) to do him the honor that was truly due unto him) most lovingly presented him with a golden pen, in acknowledgement of Seatons excelling him, both in Retorick and the art of perswasion; which gift proceeding from so great an oratour, and for a superemi­nency in that faculty wherein himself, without contradiction, was held the chiefest of this and all former ages that ever were born in the French Nation, could not chuse but be acoun­ted honorable. Many learned books were writ­ten by this Seaton in the Latine tongue, whose titles (to speak ingenuously) I cannot hit upon.

There was another Scotish man, named Cameron, who, within these few yeers, was so renowned for learning over all the provinces of France, that, besides his being esteemed for the faculties of the minde, the ablest man of all that Country, he was commonly de­signed (because of his universal reading) by the title of the walking Liberary; by which he being no less known then by his own name, he therefore took occasion to set forth an ex­cellent book in Latine, and that in folio, inti­tuled, Bibliotheca movens; which after­wards was translated into the English Lan­guage.

To mention those former Scotish men, and [Page 183] forget their compatriot Barclay, the Author of Argenis Icon animorum, and other exqui­site Treatises, translated out of Latine into the Languages almost of every country, where use is made of printing, would argue in me a great neglect: it shall suffice nevertheless for this time, that I have named him; for I hope the Reader will save me a labour, and extoll his praises to as great hight, when he shall be pleased to take the paines to peruse his works.

Yet that the learning of the travelers of the Scotish Nation may not seem to be tyed to the climate of France (although all Scots, by the privilege of the laws of that kingdome, be naturalized French, and that all the French kings, since the dayes of Charlemaine, which is about a thousand yeers since, by reason of their fidelity to that Crown, have put such real confidence in the Scots, that whither soever the King of France goeth, the Scots are nearest to him of any, and the chief guard on which he reposeth for the preservation of his royal person) there was a Scotish man named Melvil, who in the yeer 1627. had a pension of King Philip the fourth, of six hundred ducats a yeer, for his skilfulness in the Hebrew, Caldean, Syraick, [Page 184] Aethiopian, Samaritan, and Arabick tongues, beyond all the Christians that ever were born in Europe. The service he did do the Spanish King in those languages (especially the Arabick and Caldean (which, after great search made over all his ample territories, and several other Kingdoms besides, for some able man to undergo the task, could not be got performed by any but him) was to translate into Latine or Spanish some few books of those six hundred great volumes, taken by Don Juan de Austria, at the battel of Le­panto, from the great Turk, which now lye in the great Library of the magnifick palace of the Escurial, some seven leagues Westward from Madrid, and otherwayes called San lorenço el real. Of those and many other mental abilities of that nature, he gave after that most excellent proofs, both at Rome, Naples, and Venice.

That most learned Latine book in folio, Treating of all the Mathematical Arts and Sciences, which was written by that Scotish gentleman Sempil, resident in Madrid, shew­eth that Scotish spirits can produce good fruits, even in hot climates.

Another named Gordon, of the Scotish Nation likewise, wrote a great Latin book in [Page 185] folio, of Chronology, which is exceeding use­ful for such as in a short time would attaine to the knowledge of many histories.

Another Gordon also beyond sea, penned several books of divinity in an excellent stile of Latin. Of which kinde of books, but more profoundly couched, another Scot named Turneboll, wrote a great many. These four eminent Scots I have put together, because they were societaries by the name of Jesus, vulgarly called Jesuits; some whereof are living as yet; and none of those that are not, dyed above fourteen yeers ago.

Methinks I were to blame, should I in this nomenclature leave out Dempster, who for his learning was famous over all Italy, had made a learned addition to Rossinus, and written several other excellent books in Lat in; amongst which, that which doth most highly recommend him to posterity, is the work which he penned of five thousand illustrious Scots, the last liver whereof (as is related in the 64. page of this book) dyed above fifty yeers since; for which, together with the other good parts wherewith he was endowed, him­self was truly illustrious.

Balfour, a professor of Philosophy in Bour­deaux, wrote an excellent book in Latine up­on [Page 186] the morals: so did another of the Scotish Nation, named Donaldson, upon the same very subject and that very accurately. Prim­rose a Scotish man, who was a preacher in French at Bourdeaux, and afterwards be­came one of the three that preached in the French Church at London, wrote several good books both in Latin and French. Doctor Liddel penned an exquisite book of Physick, and so did Doctor William Gordon; and both in the Latine tongue: which two Doctors were for their learning renownedover all Germany. Pontaeus a Scotish man, though bred most of his time in France, by several writings of his obvious to the curious Reader, gave no small testimony of his learning.

There was a professor of the Scotish Nati­on within these sixteen yeers in Somure, who spoke Greek with as great ease, as ever Ci­cero did Latine; and could have expressed himself in it as well, and as promptly, as in any other Language: yet the most of the Scotish Nation never having astricked them­selves so much to the propriety of words, as to the knowledge of things, where there was one preceptor of Languages amongst them, there were above forty professors of Philoso­phy: nay, to so high a pitch did the glory of [Page 187] the Scotish Nation attaine over all the parts of France, and for so long time together con­tinue in that obtained hight, by vertue of an ascendant the French conceived the Scots to have above all Nations, in matter of their subtlety in Philosophical disceptations, that there hath not been till of late, for these several ages together, any Lord, Gentleman, or other in all that Country, who being desirous to have his son instructed in the principles of Philosophy, would intrust him to the disci­pline of any other, then a Scotish Master; of whom they were no less proud then Philip was of Aristotle, or Tullius of Cratippus. And if it occurred (as very often it did) that a pre­tender to a place in any French University, ha­ving in his tenderer yeers been subferulary to some other kind of schooling, should enter in competition with another aiming at the same charge and dignity, whose learning flowed from a Caledonian source commonly the first was rejected, and the other preferred: edu­cation of youth in all grounds of literature, under teachers of the Scotish nation, being then held by all the inhabitants of France, to have been attended (caeteris paribus) with greater proficiency, then any other manner of bree­ding subordinate to the documents of those of [Page 188] another Country. Nor are the French the on­ly men have harboured this good opinion of the Scots, in behalf of their inward abilitles; but many times the Spaniards, Italians, Flemins, Dutch, Hungarians, Sweds, and Polonians, have testified their being of the same mind, by the promotions whereunto, for their learning, they in all those Nations, at several times have attained.

Here nevertheless it is to be understood, that neither these dispersedly-preferred Scots, were all of one and the same Religion, nor yet any one of them a Presbyterian. Some of them were, and are as yet Popish Prelates, such as the Bishop of Vezon, and Chalmers Bishop of Neems, and Signor Georgio Con (who wrote likewise some books in Latine) was by his intimacy with Pope Ʋrban's Nephew Don Francesco Don Antonio, and Don Tadaeo Barbarini, and for his endeavoring to ad­vance the Catholico-pontificial interest in great Britain, to have been dignified with a Cardi­nals hat, which (by all appearance) imme­diately after his departure from London, he would have obtained as soon as he had come to Rome, had death not prevented him by the way in the City of Genua: but had he returned to this Island with it, I doubt it [Page 189] would have proved ere now as fatal to him, as another such like cap in Queen Maries time had done to his compatriot Cardinal Betoun.

By this as it is perceivable that all Scots are not Presbyterians, nor yet all Scots Papists: so would not I have the reputation of any learned man of the Scotish Nation to be bu­ryed in oblivion, because of his being of this or this, or that, or you, or of that other Re­ligion; no more then if we should cease to give learning and moral vertues their due, in the behalfe of pregnant and good spirits born and bred in several climates; which to withhold from them (whether Perisians, He­teroscians or Amphiscians, would prove very absurd to the humane ingenuity or inge­nuous humanity of a true Cosmopolite.

For we see how the various aspect of the heavens, in their asteristick and planetary in­fluences, according to the diversity of our sub­lunary situations, disposeth the inclinations of the earths respective inhabitants differently; whence (as is said in the 56. page of this book) The Spaniards are proud, the French inconstant, the Italians lascivious, &c. and every Nation almost in their humour, not on­ly discrepant from one another, but each ha­ving [Page 190] some disorderly motion, which ano­ther hath not, makes the other to be posses­sed with some irregularity which the former wants.

We know the Hollanders are more penu­rious then the high-Germans▪ and they more intemperate then the Spaniards, who againe are more lecherous then the Hollanders. Now seeing ex malis moribus bonae oriuntur le­ges▪ and that vices, like diseases of the body, must be cured by contraries, it will cleerly follow, there being vices contrary to other, as well as vice to vertue, that the Laws curbing thoses vices in the opposite extreams, must needs be very dissonant from one ano­ther.

Do not we see that in Holland to play the Merchant is accounted honorable, although it be thought disgraceful in high-Germany, for a gentleman to use anykind of traffick? The Spaniard holds him worse then a beast, that is at any time drunk; yet the Dutch-man e­steems him no good fellow, that sometimes is not. The Hollander deems him unworthy of the name of man, that fornicates before he marry; but the Spaniard hardly doth re­pute him a Man, who hath not exercised those male-abilities whereby he is distinguished from the woman.

[Page 191] Thus, according to the Genius of each cli­mate, statutes, acts, and ordinances being in­stituted for the regulating of mens actions; and our obedience to superior powers by custome becomming (as it were) natural, we by expe­rience finde, that the Religion wherewith men are most accustomed, lyes best to their con­sciences.

For that it is so, we know by the vehemency of fidimplicitaries, of whom some will chuse to lose their lives before they quit their Reli­gion, although they be altogether ignorant of what they should believe till they ask the Mi­nister; whose custome (to make their consci­ences subservient to their choler) is to prin­ciple them with the negative faith, without any great positive doctrine (for so begins the Covenant) of which kind of zealous disciples was that covenanting gentleman, who burnt a great many historical and Philosophical books, thinking they had been books of Po­pery; he taking them to be such, because of the red letters he saw in their titles and in­scriptions.

Nor shall we need to think it strange, that in the world there are so many several Religi­ons, if we consider that the divers tempera­ments of our bodies alter our inclinations, [Page 192] from whose disparity arise repugnant laws, which long obedience makes it seem a sacri­ledge to violate. In my opinion, truly, there is nothing more natural then variety yea, and that sometimes with opposition. Are not we composed of the four elements, which have their contrary as wel as symbolizing qualities? and doth not the manner of their mixture, and the degrees (by more or less) of the qualities from thence flowing in the constitution of mens bodies, disagree in all the persons of the world? Hence some are Melancholious, some Phleg­matick, some Cholerick, and some Sanguine­an; and every one of those more or less, ac­cording to the humour that affects him in its quantity and quality.

Thus if men were left to themselves, every one would have a several religion; but seeing to reap good from one another, we must to one another apply our selves; & that this application with­out conformity, would prove destructive; there­fore is it that the individuals of mankinde have been still pleased to forego some natural inte­rest they had in peculiar differences, the bet­ter to erect an uniformity in their society, for that self-preservation, which is the chief end of their designes.

This making either a King or State, we come [Page 193] then to have laws imposed on us according to the climate or disposition of the people. And although I know there be a difference be­wixt divine and humane institutions, and that it is fitting wicked thoughts be puni­shed as well as words or actions: Yet do I appeal to the judgement of any that will (in casting his eye upon the world, as it is and still hath been) consider but the various govern­ments in the regulating of the deeds of the consciences of men; if he finde it not to be true, that over the whole universe, amongst the Christians, Jews, Paynims, and Mahu­metans, both in this and former ages, re­ligions almost have been still distinguished by secular soveraignties, each State having its own profession, and the faith of one climate being incompatible with that of another; and yet in the duties commonly observed 'twixt neighbor and neighbor in matter of buying and selling, trucking, changing, and such like sociable commutations, there is as great unanimity by the most part of the world, maintained even in the bonds of honesty, as if (as they know what pleaseth God, should please them) they were of the opinion of Ta­marlain, who believed, that God was best pleased with diversity of Religions, variety of [Page 194] worship, dissentaneousness of faith, and mul­tiformity of devotion.

For this cause prescinding from the Religion of any of my compatriots, which if displea­sing to God, will no doubt at last displease themselves, and hurry upon them that punish­ment which we ought not to aggravate be­fore its time, by detaining from them what praise to them is due for the natural and moral accomplishments wherewith God hath en­dowed them for our benefit; for in praising them, we praise God, who hath made them the instruments of doing us good.

These three profound and universal scholars of the Scotish Nation, Tyry of the house of Drumkilbo, Mackbrek, and Broun, deserve a rank in this list of men of literature, as well as Chisum the Bishop of Vezon, and others of the Romish faith above mentioned, and for whose praises I have already apologized. Tyry wrote books of Divinity in a most acu­rate straine; and being assistant to the general of the Jesuites, was the second person of all that vast Ecclesiastical republick, which reach­eth as far as to the outmost territories of all the Christian Kings and States of the whole continent of the world: a higher place then which amongst them, no stranger ever attained [Page 195] to in Italy, which is the place of their suprem­est jurisdiction. Mackbrek is eminent for his literature in Pole, and Broun in Germa­ny; and both of them authors of good books.

To hit upon the names of others such as these of the Scotish Nation, renowned for learning even in remoter parts of the world, it would be a task not so proper for any, as for the great traveler Lithco, a compatriot like­wayes of theirs, who in nineteen yeers space traveled three times by land over all the known parts almost of Europe, Asia, and Africk, as by a book of a pretty bulk in quarto set forth by himself, is more evidently made manifest: the said Lithco also is an au­thor of several other books; and so was Si­mon Graham a great traveler and very good scholar, as doth appear by many books of his emission; but being otherwayes too licentious, and given over to all manner of debordings, the most of the praise I will give him, wil be to ex­cuse him, in these terms of Aristotle: Nullum magnum ingenium sine mixtura de­mentiae.

Some other eminent men for literature of the Scotish Nation, besides those formerly re­hearsed, have been much esteemed of abroad, [Page 196] although they were no Roman Catholicks; such as Doctor John Forbas, who was a pro­fessor of Divinity in Leyden, and wrote an ex­cellent book of Divinity in folio, called Ireni­con. Doctor Read likewise was an able scho­lar, as may appear by his book of Anatomy, and other learned writtings.

Now seeing I am from beyond sea bring­ing the enumeration of my scholars home­wards, I cannot forget the names of Doctor Baleanquel, Doctor Sibbalds, Doctor Stu­art, and Doctor Michel, all able Di­vines, and sometimes beneficed men in Eng­land.

How much the protestant saith oweth to Doctor Robert Baron for his learned Trea­tises (against Turnebol the Jesuite) de objecto formali fidei, I leave to be judged by those that have perused them. To the conversati­of Doctor William Lesly (who is one of the most profound and universal scholars now liv­ing) his friends and acquaintance of any li­terature are very much beholding, but to any books of his emission, nothing at all; where­at every one that knoweth him, wondreth ex­ceedingly: and truly so they may; for though scripturiency be a fault in feeble pens, and that Socrates the most learned man of his [Page 197] time set forth no works: yet can none of these two reasons excuse his not evulging somewhat to the publike view, because he is known to have an able pen, whose draughts would grace the paper with impressions of inestim­able worth: nor is the example of Socrates able to a pologize for him, unless he had such disciples as Plato and Aristotle, who having seposited in their braines the scientifick trea­sures of their masters knowledge, did after­wards (in their own works) communicate them to the utility of future generations: yet that this Caledonian Socrates (though wil­ling) could not of late have been able to dis­pose of his talent, did proceed from the mer­ciless dealings of some wicked Anites, Ly­cons, and Melits of the Covenant; the cruel­ty of whose perverse zeal, will keep the effects of his vertue still at under, till by the perswa­sion of some honest Lysias, the authority of the land be pleased to reseat him into his former condition, with all the encourage­ments that ought to attend so prime a man.

Doctor John Gordon sometime Minister of Elgin, Doctor William Hogstoun, and Doctor James Sibbet, are men who have given great proof of their learning, as well by [Page 198] Treatises which they have divulged, as in all manner of Academical exercitations. Doctor William Guild deserveth by himself to be re­membred, both for that he hath committed to the press many good books tending to the edification of the soul, and bettering of the minde; and that of all the Divines that have lived in Scotland these hundred yeers, he hath been the most charitable, and who bestowed most of his own to publike uses. The loving­ness of his heart dilates it self to many, and the center of his desires is the Common weal: in matter of great edifices, where he builds not, he repaires; and many Churches, Hospitals, Colledges and Bridges, have been the objects of his beneficence. But to shew the vertue of this man beyond thousands of others richer then he, even of those that had a nearer and more immediate call to the performance of such charitable offices, when he was prin­cipal of the old Colledge of Aberdeen, and that at a time, when, by reason of the sword everywhere raging through the land, all schooles almost were laid waste; so great was his industry, so prudent his government, and so liberal his erogations, that the number of the scholars there, all the time that he ruled, did by threescore and ten a yeer, exceed the great­est [Page 199] confluence that ever was therein since the foundation of that University; to which I wish all happiness, because of him for whom this book is intended, who learned there the ele­ments of his Philosophy, under the conduct of one Master William Seaton, who was his tutor; a very able preacher truly, and good scholar, and whom I would extoll yet higher, but that being under the consistorian lash, some critick Presbyters may do him injury, by pretending his dislike of them, for being praised by him, who idolizeth not their authority.

The same reason invites me not to insist up­on the praises of Master William Lawder preacher at Ava, a good Divine, and excel­lent Poet, both in Latine and English. And for the same cause must I forbear to spend en­comions upon that worthy Gentleman Ma­ster David Leech, who is a most fluent Poet in the Latine tongue, an exquisite Philosopher and profound Theolog.

Seeing I am come to speak againe of Scot­ish Poets, which have flourished of late, the foresaid Master Leech hath an elder bro­ther named John, who hath set forth four or five most excellent books of Epigrams and Eclogues in the Latine Tongue. One Master [Page 200] Andrew Ramsey likewise hath been the Au­thor of books of very good Epigrams in La­tine. Several others in that Nation are and have been of late very good Latine Poets; amongst which I must needs commemorate Doctor Arthur Jhonstoun, a Physician by profession, yet such a one as had been so sweet­ly imbued by the springs of Helieon, that be­fore he was full three and twenty yeers of age, he was laureated Poet at Paris, and that most deservedly, as may appear by his Par [...]r­gon, his Paraphrastick translation of the Psalmes, (wherein if he excell not, I am sure he equaleth Buchanan) and some other Trea­tises by name to me unknown.

His brother also Doctor William Jhonstoun was a good Poet in Latine, and a good Ma­thematician, acknowledged to be such (which was none of his meanest praises) by Master Robert Gordon of Straloch, one of the ablest men of Scotland in the Mathematical Fa­culties, and who, of all Mathematicians, hath done it most honor, by having taken the paines to set down all the Shires and Coun­tries thereof in most exact Geographical Maps; which designe though intended, essayed, and blocked by many others, yet was never brought to its full and compleat perfection, [Page 201] but by this gentleman of the name of Gordon, intituled the Laird of Straloch; who being loath his vertue and learning should expire with himself, hath the most hopeful and best educated children of any whosoever within two hundred miles of his house.

These Mathematical blades put me in mind of that D^r. Liddel (of whom, for his abilities in Physick, I made mention in p. 186. which I had reason to do, because of his learned books writ­ten in Latin, de Diaeta, de febribus, & de Me­thodo Medicinae) who for his profoundness in these Siences of sensible immaterial objects, was everywhere much renowned, especially at Francfort de maine, Francfort on the oder, and Heidelberg, where he was almost as well known, as the Monstrous Bacchanalian Tun, that stood thre in his time. He was an eminent professor of the Mathematicks, a disciple of the most excellent Astronomer, Tycho Brahe, and condisciple of that worthy Longomon­tanus: yet in imitation of Aristotle (whose doctrine with great proficiency he had imbu­ed) esteeming more of truth then of either So­crates or Plato, when the new Star began to appear in the constellation of Cassiopeia, there was concerning it such an intershocking of opinions, betwixt Tycho Brahe and Doctor [Page 202] Liddel, evulged in print to the open view of the world, that the understanding Reader could not but have commended both for all, and yet (in giving each his due) prais­ed Tycho Brahe most for Astronomy, and Liddel for his knowledge above him in all the other parts of Philosophy.

As this Doctor Liddel was a gallant Ma­thematician, and exquisite Physician; so be­ing desirous to propagate learning to future ages, and to make his own kindred the more enamoured of the sweetness thereof, especial­ly in Mathematical Sciences, he bequea­thed fourty pounds English money a yeer, to the new Colledge of the University of Aber­deen, for the maintenance of a Mathemati­cal professor; with this proviso, that the neer­est of his own kinsemen (caeteris paribus) should be preferred before any other. This any rational man would think reasonable; nor was it truly much controverted for the space of fourteen or fifteen yeers together, after the ma­king of the Legacy; at which time his Nephew on the brothers side being a childe, and but then initiated to the rude elements of Latine, one Doctor William Jhonstoun was preferred to the place, because there was none, at that time, of Doctor Liddels consanguinity [Page 203] able to discharge it: a reason verily relevant enough.

But by your leave, good Reader, when Doctor William Jhonstoun dyed, and that Doctor Liddels Nephew, Master Duncan Liddel by name, was then of that maturity of Age, and provection of skil in most of the disciplines Mathematical, as was sufficient for the exercise of that duty, and the meriting of his uncles benefice; did the good men rul­ers at the helme there, make any conscience of the honest Doctors latter will? no, forsooth; the oracle must be first consulted with: The Ministerian Philoplutaries (my tongue forks it, I have mistaken it seems one word for ano­ther, I should have said Philosophers) thought fit otherwayes to dispose thereof; for, say they, Master Duncan Liddel hath commit­ted the hainous sin of fornication, and begot a young Lass with childe, therefore his uncles Testament must be made voide, in what relates to his enjoyment of that dotation. O brave Logick, and curious commentary upon a later Will for the better explication of the mind of the defunct! Which Presbyterian doctrine, had it bin in request in the daies of Socrates, what fine pass would the world have been brought to ever since that time, by that ignorance [Page 204] which should have over-clouded us, through our being destitute of the works of Plato, Aristotle, and Euclid, with all the Scholi­asts that have glossed on them these two thousand yeers past; for, by all appearance, those three prime Grecians would have been forced in their younger yeers to betake them­selves to some other profession then Philoso­phy, for want of a master to instruct them in the principles thereof; for the Presbytery of Athens (no doubt) would have pearched up poor Socrates upon a penitentiary Pew, and outed him of his place, for having two wives at once (neither whereof, whether Xantippe, or Myrto, was either so handsome or good as Master Liddels concubine) and in lieu of that trespasser, supplyed the Academical chaire with the breech of a more sanctified brother, whose zealous jobernolisme would never have affected the Antipresbyterian spirits of Pla­to, Euclid, or Aristotle; nor gained to his schoole any disciples, who should have been a­ble from such a muddy fountain to derive any clear springs of learning to after-ages, nor be­nefit posterity with any other kind of literate works, then such as the pretended holy men (and accusers of Socrates) Anitus, Lycon, and Melitus by name, did set forth; which to [Page 205] the eyes of both body and minde, have ever since their time, been of the colour of the Duke of Vandomes cloak, invisible.

But if one durst make bold to speak to those great professors of piety, I would advise them out of the Evangile, to take the beam out of their own eye, before they meddle with the moat that is in their neighbors; and to consider, that the sin of theft which they com­mitted, in robbing Master Liddel of his due, is a far more hainous transgression, then that single fornication; for which, besides the for­feiture of what was mortified to him, he was by them for a long time together most rigor­ously persecuted.

Nor do I think their fault can be better ex­piated, then by fulfilling the contents of the legacy, and investing Liddal in his own right; which that I may seem to avouch with the better ground of reason, I dare almost per­swade my self, that there is not any within the Isle of Britain, with whom (taking in all the Mathematical Arts and Sciences together, practical and theoretick) he will not be well pleased (upon occasion) to adventure a dis­pute for superiority in the most, and that with a willingness to forego and renounce any claim, title, or priviledge he can, or may pre­tend [Page 206] to for the chaire of Mathematical professor in new Aberdeen, in case of non-prevalency.

This is more (some will say) then his out­side doth promise, and that to look to him, one would not think he had such abilities. What then? do not we see in Apothecaries shops, pots of the same worth and fashion containe drugs of a different, value, and sometimes the most precious oyntment put in the coursest box? so may a little and plaine man in out­ward shape inclose a minde high and sublime enough; a giant like spirit in a low stature, being able to overtop a Colossus with Pyg­maean endowments.

But were there no other Remora or ob­struction to retard his intended progress in Mathematical designes, the inward qualifica­tions of his minde to the advancement of those Sciences, would quickly raise his person to a greater estimation: yet truly as he is in London for the present, I can no better compare him, then to an Automatary engine, wherein there are many several springs, resorts and wheels, which though when once put into a motion, would produce most admirable effects, are ne­vertheless forced, for want of a convenient Agent to give them the due brangle, to lye im­mobile, and without efficacy.

[Page 207] Such an Agent is a Mecaenas, a Patron, a promover of learning, a favorer of the Muses, and protector of Sholars: in the production of which kind of worthy men, were this land a lone but a little more fertil, not only great Britain, but the whole world besides would be the better for it.

As for such of the Scotish Nation as of late have been famous for English Poesie, the first that occurs, is Sir William Alexander, afterwards created Earle of Sterlin: he made an insertion to Sir Philip Sidneys Arcadia, and composed several Tragedies, Comedies, and other kind of Poems which are extant in a book of his in folio, intituled Sterlins works. The purity of this Gentlemans vein was quite spoiled by the corruptness of his courtiership; and so much the greater pity; for by all appearance, had he been contented with that mediocrity of fortune he was born unto, and not aspired to those grandeurs of the Court, which could not without pride be prosecuted, nor maintained without covetous­ness, he might have made a far better account of himself. It did not satisfie his ambition to have a laurel from the Muses, and be esteem­ed a King amongst Poets, but he must be King of some new-found-land; and like ano­ther [Page 208] Alexander indeed, searching after new worlds, have the soveraignty of Nova Scotia. He was born a Poet, and aimed to be a King; therefore would he have his royal title from King James, who was born a King, and aimed to be a Poet. Had the stopped there, it had been well: but the flame of his honour must have some oyle wherewith to nourish it. Like another King Arthur, he must have his Knights, though nothing limited to so small a number: for how many soever that could have looked out but for one day like gentlemen, and given him but one hundred and fifty pounds Sterlin (without any need of a key [...]or opening the gate to enter through the Temple of Ver­tue, which in former times was the only way to honour) they had a scale from him where­by to ascend unto the platformes of Vertue; which they treading underfoot, did slight the ordinary passages, and to take the more sudden possession of the Temple of honour, went up­on obscure by-paths of their own, towards some secret Angiports and dark postern­doors, which were so narrow, that few of them could get in, till they had left all their gallantry behind them; yet such being their resolution, that in they would, and be wor­shipful upon any tearms, they misregarded all [Page 209] formerly-used steps of promotion, accounting them but unnecessary; and most rudely rush­ing in unto the very Sanctuary, they immedi­ately hung out the Orange colours, to testifie their conquest of the honour of Knight-Ba­ronet.

Their King nevertheless, not to staine his Royal dignity, or to seem to merit the impu­tation of selling honor to his subjects, did for their money give them land, and that in so ample a measure, that every one of his Knight-Baronets had for his hundred & fifty pounds Sterlin heritably disponed unto him six thou­sand good and sufficient Acres of Nova Scotia ground, which being but at the rate of six pence an Acre, could not be thought very dear, con­sidering how prettily in the respective parch­ments of disposition they were bounded and designed fruitful corne-land, watered with pleasant rivers, running alongst most excellent and spacious Meadows; nor did there want abundance of Oaken groves in the midst of very fertil plaines (for if they wanted any thing, it was the Scrivener or Writers fault; for he gave order, as soon as he received the three thousand Scots marks, that there should be no defect of quantity or quality, in measure or goodness of land) and here and there [Page 210] most delicious gardens and orchards, with whatever else could in matter of delightful-ground, best content their fancies; as if they had made purchase amongst them of the Elysian fieldes, or Mahumets Para­dise.

After this manner my Lord Sterlin for a while was very noble; & according to the rate of Sterlin money, was as twelve other Lords in the matter of that frankness of disposition, which not permitting him to dodge it upon inches & ells, better and worse, made him not stand to give to each of his champions terri­tories of the best and the most: and although there should have happened a thousand Acres more to be put in the Charter or writing of disposition then was agreed upon at first; he cared not; half a piece to the Clerk was able to make him dispense with that. But at last, when he had inrolled some two or three hundred Knights, who, for their hundred and fifty peeces each, had purchased amongst them several millions of Neocaledonian Acres, con­firmed to them and theirs for ever, under the great seal, the affixing whereof was to cost each of them but thirty peeces more, finding that the society was not like to become any more numerous, and that the ancient gentry [Page 211] of Scotland esteemed of such a whimsical dig­nity as of a disparagement rather then additi­on to their former honor, he bethought himself of a course more profitable for himself, and the future establishment of his own state; in prosecuting whereof, without the advice of his Knights (who represented both his Houses of Parliament, Clergy and all) like an absolute King indeed, disponed heritably to the French, for a matter of five or six thousand pounds English money, both the dominion and pro­priety of the whole continent of that kingdom of Nova Scotia, leaving the new Baronets to search for land amongst the Selenits in the Moon, or turn Knights of the Sun: so dear­ly have they bought their Orange Riban, which (all circumstances considered) is and will be no more honorable to them or their posterity, then it is or hath been profitable to either.

What I have said here, is not by way of di­gression, but to very good purpose, and per­tinent to the subject in hand; for as armes and arts commonly are paralleled, and that Pallas goes armes with a Helmet, I held it expedient, lest the list of the Scholars set down in this place, should in matter of preeminence be too far over-peered by the roll of the soul­diers [Page 212] above recited, that my Lord Sterlin should here represent the place of a King for the literatory part, as well as there did the great uncircumcised Garne for the military; and bring nova Scotia in competition with Bucharia.

Besides this Lord Alexander, Drummon and Wishart have published very good Poems in English. Nor is Master Ogilvy to be for­got, whose translation of Virgil, and of the fables of Aesop in very excellent English ver­ses, most evidently manifesteth that the perfecti­on of the English tongue is not so narrowly confined, but that it may extend it self beyond the natives on this side of Barwick.

I might have named some more Scotish Poets both in English and Latine, but that besides (as I often told) I intend not to make a compleat enumeration of all, there is a Latin book extant, which passeth by the name of Deliciae poetarum Scotorum, wherein the Reader may finde many (even of those that have lived of late yeers) whom I have here ommitted; as I have done several other able men of the Scotish Nation in other faculties, such as Master David Chalmers, who in Italy penned a very good book, and that in neat Latine, treating of the Antiquities of Scot­land; [Page 213] and had it printed at Paris: as also one Simson, who wrote in Latine four ex­quisite books of Hieroglyphicks: and one Hart in the City of London at this present, who wrote the Fort royal of Scrip­ture, &c.

The excellency of Doctor William Davi­son in Alchymy above all the men now living in the world, whereof by his wonderful ex­periments he giveth daily proof, although his learned books published in the Latine tongue did not evidence it, meriteth well to have his name recorded in this place: and after him, Doctor Leeth (though in time before him) designed in Paris, where he lived by the name of Letu; who, as in the practise and theory of Medicine he excelled all the Doctors of France, so in testimony of the approbation he had for his exquisiteness in that faculty, he left behinde him the greatest estate of any of that profession then; as the vast means possest by his sons and daughters there as yet, can testifie.

Amongst those eminent Doctors of Phy­sick, I ought not to forget Doctor Fraser; who was made Doctor at Toulouse, with the universal approbation and ap­plause of that famous University; and [Page 214] afterwards succeeded to Doctor Arthur Jhonstoun's place of Physician in ordinary to the late King. There is another Scotish gen­tleman likewise, of the name of Wallace (in France called Devalois) who enjoyeth (and hath so done these many yeers) the dignity of a prime counsellor of the Parlament of Gre­noble, the capital City of the Province of Dauphiné; and is withal the chief favourite and the only trustee of the grand Mareshal de Criky.

Now as in this Heterogenean miscellany we have proceeded from the body to the purse, that is, Metonymically, from the Physician to the Lawyer: so after the same desultory me­thod (which may be well excused in this un­premeditated, and almost extemporanean Treatise,) we may for the souls sake (which in this later age (so far as metaphors may with proper significations enter in competition) hath been no less subject to poverty and dis­eases than any of the former two) have ano­ther hint at some of our late Scotish Divines; the first whereof, and that prioritate digni­tatis, that to my memory presenteth himself, is Doctor William Forbas, principal once of the Colledge of New Aberdeen, and after­wards made Bishop of Edenburgh; who was [Page 215] so able a scholar, that since the daies of Scotus subtiles, there was never any that professed ei­ther Divinity or Philosophy in Scotland, that in either of those faculties did parallel him. He left Manuscripts of great learning behind him, which as I am informed were bought at a good rate by Doctor Laud late Archbishop of Canterbury, and primate of England; Whose spiritual brother Spotteswood, late Archbishop of Saint Andrews, and Chan­cellor of Scotland, was likewise endowed with a great deal of learning; by means whereof although he wrote many good books, yet that wherein he bestowed most pains, was a large book in folio, intituled The history of the Church of Scotland; which I believe was never printed: yet the Manuscript thereof, written with Spotteswod's own hand, I saw presented at Whitehall, in the Lobby betwixt the little gallery and Privy Chamber, now called the Admiralty Court, by Max­wel late Bishop of Rosse, to the late King, who even then delivered it to his Secretary of State for Scotland, William Earl of Lanerick by name, who was the same Duke Hamiltouu of Hamiltoun, that was killed at Worcester, and only brother to James Duke by the same aforesaid title, who two yeers before that, lost [Page 216] his head at Westminster in the Palace-yard: but what became of that Manuscript after­wards, I cannot tell; but this I know, that the tenderer thereof (upon his knees to his late Majesty, as the gift of a deceased man; for the Author dyed but the very day before) Master John Maxwel by name, was a very learned man, and Author of some good books. Yet lest the Readers humour should be in­flamed with the mentioning of these three malignant prelates, I must afford him for An­tidote another Trinity of a contraryoperation, all in one dose, the ingredients wherof are Hen­derson, Gillespick, and Rutherford; named Alexander, George, and Samuel, all Masters truly, and have been so to my knowledge these twelve yeers past; which three have been or are (for the first two of them are dead) very able and learned men; whose books never­theless (for they were all Authors) I will in some things no otherwayes commend, then Andraeas Rivetus professor of Leyden, did the doctrine of Buchanan and Knox; whose rashness (in apologizing for them) he ascribed prae fervido Scotorum ingenio, & ad auden­dum prompto.

Truly, and without flattery be it spoken, (for I believe none that knows me, will twit [Page 217] me with that vice) the Nation of Scotland hath, besides those I have here nominated, pro­duced several excellent spirits (and that of late too) whose abilities by the Presbyterian per­secution, and the indigence it hath brought upon them, have been quite smothered, and hid as a candle under a bushel.

Many learned books, written in Scotland, for want of able and skillful Printers, and o­ther necessaries requisite for works of such li­beral undertaking, have perished; and some­times after they are ready for the press (if the Author in the interim happen to dy) the wife and children (for the most part) like rats and mice (that preferr the chest where the bread and cheese is kept, to the coffer wherein is the silver and gold) to save a little money, make use of the aforesaid papers (without any re­gard to the precious things contained in them) to fold perhaps their butter and cheese into, or to other less honorable employments. So un­fortunate a thing it is, that either good spirits should be struck with penury, or that their writings should fall into the hands of igno­rants.

That poverty is an enemy to the exercise of vertue, and that non facile emergunt quo­rum virtutibus obstat res angusta domi, [Page 218] is not unknown to any acquainted with Plu­tocracy, or the soveraign power of mony: but if the great men of the land would be pleased to salve that sore (which possibly would not be so expensive to them as either their hawks or hounds) then peradventure would these ingenious blades sing out aloud, and cheerfully, with Martial, Sunt Mecaenates non deerunt flacce Marones; and it might ve­ry probably be, and that in a short space, that, by such gallant incitements (through a ver­tuous emulation who should most excell o­ther) Scotland would produce, for Philoso­phy, Astronomy, Natural Magick, Poesie, and other such like faculties, as able men as ever were Duns-Scotus, Sacroboscus, Regi­naldus Scotus, and other compatriots of these three Scots, whose names I would not insert in the roll of the rest, because they flour­ished before the yeer 1600.

Now as I have not mentioned any Scotish man to praise him for eminent actions done by him, either in the field or schoole, preced­ing the yeer 1600. (which if I had had a minde to do, I would not have omitted the naming of the several Constables of France, Admirals, and Generals of Armies, that have been of the Scotish Nation in the French ser­vice: [Page 219] neither would I have forgot the high and honorable employments the Scots had of Charlemaine the first occidental Emperor, nor the great exploits performed by the Scots under the conduct of Godfrey de Bullion in the Conquest of Jerusalem, and afterwards under his successors in the kingdoms of Syria, Antiochia, and Egypt, against the Saracens; nor what was done by the Scots in defence of the territories of Spaine against the Moores and Aethiopians: as also, I would have spoken a little of the Dukes of Chasteau le roy, and Dukes of Aubigny that were Scots; and of Count Betun, and Count de Mongome­ry, who killed the King of France in tilting) so is it, that of all those I have named, whether for Milice or Literature (so far short I have faln in the number of the whole) that not on­ly hath the greatest part of them all been na­tives of the North of Scotland, but hardly have both the South and West of that country, produced the fifth part of them: Such a fruit­ful Seminary hath that otherwayes obscure climate of the world, proved in the affording of excellent spirits both sor armes and arts. Whether what I have related here of the war­riors and Scholars of the Scotish Nation that have been famous abroad, be not for uncon­trollable [Page 220] truths received in other countries, by those that have been eye-witnesses to their actions, I appeal to Sir Oliver Fleemin, master of the Ceremonies, and to Master Dury; who, as they are both men of good judgement, and have been travelers in other States and Kingdoms; so am I certainly per­swaded that they cannot be altogether estran­ged from the report of the good reputation of those their compatriots in the places through which they passed: which I believe the rather, for that most of them do know Sir Oliver Fleemin to be a man of excellent good parts, wise in counsel, experienced in affaires of State, true to his trust, and in six or seven of the chief Languages of Christendome, the ablest, liveliest, and most pertinent spokes-man of this age: and that also they are not ignorant of the most eminent endowments wherewith Master John Dury (in Germany and France, where his learning is highly extolled, intituled Duraeus) hath his minde qualified and im­bellished: in Reason he is strongly principled, and alloweth prudence to be a directress of his actions: he doth not subordinate his faith to the affaires of the world, although it agree not with his faith to gainestand an established au­thority: he holds it more lawful to yeeld o­bedience [Page 221] to a power set up above us, then, to the hazard of the ruine of a Country, to erect another; he loveth an honest peace, and the wayes that tend to it; and with thankfulness payeth the favours of protection: he reve­renceth the all-seeing providence in the change of government; and where it commandeth, there he yeelds Allegiance. But if the Rea­der would have a more genuine Character of his worth, and that which shall represent him with a greater liveliness, his best course will be to have recourse to the perusal of the several Treatises composed by him, whereof he hath emitted good store.

Notwithstanding all I have written in praise of Sir Oliver Fleemin, and Master John Dury, I would expatiate my pen a little more at large upon this encomiastick straine, in be­half of them both, but that I hope ere long to extoll them againe by way of duty, when they shall be pleased out of their love and re­spect to Sir Thomas Ʋrquhart (who is the only man for whom this book is intended; for whether he be the Author, or some other that is but a friend or servant of his, it is not material, seeing the furtherance of his weal, and credit of his country, is the meer scope thereof, and end whereat it buts) to interpone [Page 222] their favour with the members of the Parlia­ment and Councel of State (seeing they are the only two of the Scotish Nation, that as yet have any kind of intimacy with either of these high Courts) and second him in his just demands, to the obtaining of what in this Tractate is desired in his name. And although nothing of those kinde of good offices hath by them hitherto been performed to him, lest perhaps their offering to open their mouth for any in whom there was suspicion of malignan­cy, might breed dislike and diminution of trust; yet must I needs desire them now to lay aside those needless fears, and groundless apprehensions, and like real friends indeed, be­stir themselves to do that Gentleman a courte­sie, which cannot chuse (though per impossi­bile he were unthankful) but carry along with it, like all other actions of vertue, its own remuneration and reward: and if by mischance (which I hope shall not occur) their forward­ness in sollicitation procure a reprehensory check, then let them lay the blame upon this page, which I shall take upon my shoulder, and bear the burthen of all; there is no in­chantment there. But that, Amicus certus in re incerta cernitur, was a saying of King James, of whom to make no mention a­mongst [Page 223] the literate men of the Scotish Nation, that have flourished since 1600. would ar­gue in me no less debility of memory, then Massala Corvinus was subject to, who for­got his own name: for besides that he was a King, history can hardly afford us amongst all the kings that ever were (Solomon and Alfonso of Aragon being laid aside) any one that was neer so learned as he: as is ap­parent by that book in folio, intituled King James his works, and several other learned Treatises of his, which in that book are not contained.

In this list of armes and arts-men, King James obtaines a rank amongst the Scholars; because the souldiery did repute him no fa­vourer of their faculty. His Majesty is placed last, as in a Parliamentary procession, and bringeth up the reer, as General Ruven Leads on the Van: for as Ruven was such a meer souldier, that he could neither read nor write; so King James was such a meer scholar, that he could neither fight by sea nor land. He thought James the peaceable a more Royal stile, then William the Conqueror; and would not have changed his Motto of Beati pacifici for the title of Sylla felix, although it had been accompanyed with the victory o­ver [Page 224] a thousand Mariuses; yet in his dayes were the Scots in good repute, and their gallantry over almost all countries did de­serve it.

Then was it that the name of a Scot was honorable over all the world, and that the glory of their ancestors was a pass-port and safe-conduct sufficient for any traveler of that country. In confirmation whereof, I have heard it related of him, who is the [...] of his discourse, and to whose weal it is sub­ordinated, that after his peragration of France, Spaine; and Italy, and that for speaking some of those languages with the liveliness of the country accent; they would have had him pass for a Native, he plainly told them (without making bones thereof) that truly he thought he had as much honour by his own country, which did contrevalue the riches and fertility of those Nations, by the valour, learning, and honesty, wherein it did parallel, if not surpass them. Which asser­tion of his was with pregnant reasons so well backed by him, that he was not much gaine­said therein by any in all those kingdoms. But should he offer now to stand upon such high terms, and enter the lists with a spirit of com­petition, it fears me that in stead of Lauda­tives [Page 225] and panegyricks, which formerly he used, he would be constrained to have re­course to vindications and apologies: The toyle whereof, in saying one and the same thing over and over again, with the misfortune of being the less believed the more they spoke, hath proved of late almost insupportable to the favourers of that Nation, whose inhabi­tants, in forraign peregrinations, must now al­together, in their greatest difficulties, depend upon the meer stock of their own merit, with an abatement of more then the half of its va­lue, by reason of the national imputation: whilst in former times, men of meaner endow­ments would in sharper extremities, at the hands of stranger-people, have carryed thorow with more specious advantages, by the only vertue of the credit and good name of the country in general; Which, by twice as ma­ny abilities as ever were in that land, both for martial prowess, and favour of the Muses, in the persons of private men, can never in the opinion of neighbour-States and Kingdoms, be raised to so great a hight, as publick oblo­quy hath deprest it. For as that City whose common treasure is well stored with money, though all its burgers severally be but poor, is better able to maintaine its reputation, then [Page 226] that other, all whose Citizens are rich, with­out a considerable bank, the experience where­of history gives us, in the deduction of the wars betwixt the Venetians and Genois: e­ven so will a man of indifferent qualifications, the fame of whose country remaineth unre­proached, obtaine a more amicable admit­tance to the societies of most men, then ano­ther of thrice more accomplished parts, that is the native of a soyle of an opprobrious name; which although, after mature examination, it should seem not to deserve, yet upon the slip­periest ground that is of honor questioned, a very scandal once emitted, will both touch and stick.

This maintaining of the reputation of the Scots in these latter dayes, hath at several times, in forraign countries, occasioned ad­venturing of the single combate, against such inconsiderate blabs, as readily upon any small (though groundless) misreport are prodigal of reproaches, and cast aspersions on men of the most immaculate carriage: many instan­ces hereof I could produce; but to avoid pro­lixity, I will refer the manifestation of the truth thereof to the testimony of Captain John Mercer, whom I might have nominated for his excellency in the sword, with Sir John [Page 227] Hume of Eatoun, and Francis Sinclair but that in a treatise of this nature, where the subjected matter doth not all at once present it self to the memory, to place each one in order as he comes, is methodo doctrinae nothing re­pugnant to the true series of the purpose in hand.

What ascendant he hath over others at the single rapeer, hath been many times very am­ply expressed by my Lord of Newcastle, and the late Earl of Essex, and (as I am infomed) by this same Earl of Salisbury, besides di­vers others, who have been eye-witnesses to the various proofs, he hath given of his exquisite­ness in the art of defence; amonst whom Sir John Carnegy, and Sir David Cuningham, are best able to relate, what with their own eyes they saw him do at Angiers, a City in France, where, after many exasperating provocations, he at last, to vindicate both his own fame, and that of his Native country, o­verthrew, in the presence of sundry gentle­men and Ladies, one of the most renowned for the faculty of escrime, that was in all that Kingdom. Some such trials are reported to have been undergone by him here in England, with so much applause, and deserved appro­bation, [Page 228] as from the mouths of men very skil­ful in that gladiatory profession, hath extract­ed (out of their sincerity of heart) an unfain­ed commendation of being the best sword-man of the Isle of great Britain; Which I say, not to disparage any of the English Nation; for that I know there are in it as truly valou­rous men, as any one breathing in the world: and of as good conduct for the improving of their courage, and making it effectual against their declared enemies; but that he hath some secret puntilios in the exercise of the single sword-fight, by pursuing all manner of wards with falsifying, binding, and battering of the sword, after a fashion of his own, with all due observance of time and distance; by pro­viding, in case the adversary after a finda, go­ing to the parade, discover his brest to caveat, & give him in a thrust in quart, with ecarting and volting the body: to alonge a stoccade coupee au ventre les deux pieds en sautant, and other such excellent feats, which the judgement conceiving, and the eye perceiving, the hand and foot, by vertue of a constant practise, execute with an incredible nimbleness and agility; to the perfection whereof, al­though a martially-disposed gentleman do ne­ver attaine, it can no more derogate from [Page 229] his eminency in Military employments, then it doth eclipse the credit of a commander in chief of cavalry, not to make a well-managed horse to go so neatly terre a terre, the inca­valar, the ripolone, the passades, the corvetti, the serpegiar, the two steps and a leap, the mezere, the gallop galliard, le saut de mou­ton, and other such like pleasant aires, as would a cavallerizo or master of the noble art of riding. Notwithstanding the frequent ha­zards, which many besids this Capt. Mercer, (whom now I will not nominate) have run themselves upon, in defence of the good name of the Scots, the nature nevertheless of com­mon spirits is (without any forecast of danger) to proclaim the disease of some, to be a leprosie cleaving to the body of the wholeNation.

Which custom truly, as it is disapprovable, for that the innocent do thereby suffer for the fault of the guilty; so do I the more dislike it, that the gentleman who in this treatise is the most concerned, when after that to my knowledge he had received some favour with expectation of greater ones, it no sooner happened, by his servants or some else, to be known of what country he was, but immediately the effectual courtesies formerly intended towards him, were exchanged into meer superficial complements, [Page 230] and general civilities; with this assurance ne­vertheless, that out of their respects to him, they should abstaine, in all times comming, from doing any injury to his compatriots: which hope of preservation of his country-men, upon the basis of his single reputation, from the danger of future prejudice, did afford him no small contentment, although the name of his country, in matter of himself, did prove a very dismal obstruction to the prosecuting of his own good fortune: and to speak ingenuously, seeing it is the case of many good spirits and worthy gentlemen besides him, I could hear­tily wish, as no man is anywhere praised for his mothers being in such or such a place at the instant of his birth, that also nowhere any should receive the least detriment, either in his means or estimation, for his parents residence when he was born.

Those productions of meer chance, and concomitances of what is totally out of the reach of our power to command, were under­stood by the wise and generous men of old, to deserve so little influence for procuring good or bad to the enjoyers of them, that Ana­charsis, although a native of Scythia, which was then a more savage country then at this time it is, albeit now it be the seminary of a [Page 231] wilder people then ever Scotland did bring forth, was by Greece, the most judicious Nation in the world, with great applause in­rolled in the sacred septenary of the most highly-renowned men, for prudence and true wisdom, that ever lived there: and Oxales, notwithstanding his being a high-lander of Genua, and born amidst the barren mountains of Liguria, was nevertheless by the mighty Emperour Tamarlain, although a stranger and of a different religion to the boot, digni­fied with the charge and title of one of the prime generals of that vast Asiatick army which overthrew the Turkish Bajazet.

In imitation of which specious and remark­able examples, that the State of this Isle, with­out regard to Ephestian or Exotick Country, exterior concernements, adjuncts of fortune, or any thing beyond the Sphere of our wills activity, should consider of men according to the fruits (whether good or bad, true or false) of the several acts and habits respectively, which, before the interior faculties by frequent iteration were therewith affected, did at first depend upon our own election, it is both my desire and expectation for that the gentleman, whose interest I herebyintend to promove, doth openly defie very calumny it self to be able to [Page 232] lay any thing to his charge, either for tergiver­sation, covetousness, or hypocrisie, the three foule blots wherewith his country is stained by those, that, for the blemish of a few, would asperse the whole, and upon all lay the imputation of faults done but by some

I dare swear with a safe conscience, that he ntver coveted the goods of any, nor is desi­rous of any more in matter of worldly means, then the peaceable possession of what is pro­perly his own: he never put his hand to any kinde of oath, nor thinks fit to tye his consci­ence to the implicite injunctions of any Eccle­siastical tyranny. He never violated trust; al­wayes kept his parole; and accounted no crime more detestable, then the breach of faith. He never received money from King nor Parliament, State nor Court; but in all employments, whether preparatory to, or executional in war, was still his own pay­master, and had orders from himself. He was neither in Duke Hamiltons engagement, nor at the field of Dunbar: nor was he ever forced, in all the several fights he hath been in, to give ground to the enemy, before the day of Worcester-battel. To be masked with the vaile of hypocrisie, he reputes abo­minable, and gross dissimulation to contrast [Page 233] the ingenuity of a free-born spirit. All flat­tering, smoothing and flinching for by-ends, he utterly disliketh, and thinks no better of adu­latory assentations, then of a Gnatonick sy­cophantizing, or parasitical cogging: he loves to be open-hearted, and of an explicite discourse, chusing rather by such means to speak what is true, to the advantage of the good, then to conceal wickedness under a counterfeit garb of devotion.

By vertue of which liberty, though rea­sonably assumed by him, and never exceeding the limits of prudential prescription, he in a little book lately published, of the genealogy of his house, had (after the manner of his predecessors, who for distinction sake were u­sually entituled by appellative designations) his proper name affected with the agnominal addition of the word parresiastes, which signifieth one that speaks honestly with free­dom: not but that above all things he ap­proveth of secrecy in the managing of affaires of moment, and holdeth the life of all great businesses to consist in the closeness of coun­sel, whilst they are in agitation; but as a woman should not sit with her face masked, in the company of her friends at dinner, nor a man keep himself alwaies skulking behinde [Page 234] a buckler, where there is no apearance of a foe; so should the affectedness of a servil silence utterly be exploded, when veracity of elo­cution is the more commendable quality.

This bound he never yet transgressed; and still purposeth to be faithful to his trust. I am not now to dispute the mutual relation of pro­tection and obedience; and how far, to the power God hath placed above us (in imi­tation of Christ) we are bound to suceumb. Those that are throughly acquainted with him know his inclinations, both that he will un­dertake nothing contrary to his conscience, that he will regulate his conscience by the Ca­nons of a well-grounded faith, and true dicta­men of reason, and that to the utmost of his power he will perform whatever he promiseth. As for those that know him not, and yet would in the censure of him as liberally criti­cize it, as if they were his cardiognosts, and fully versed in his intentions; if they be not men in whom he is concerned, as having au­thority above him, he will never vex his brain, nor toyle his pen, to couch a fancy, or bestow one drop of inke upon them for their satis­faction. It doth suffice him, that the main ground of all his proceedings, is honesty; that he endeavoreth the prosecuting of just ends by [Page 235] upright means: and seeing the events of things are not in the power of man, he voluntarily re­commendeth unto providence the over-ruling of the rest: he hath no prejudicate principles, nor will he be wedded to self-opinions.

And yet (as I conceive it) he believeth, that there is no government (whether Ecclesiastical or Civil) upon earth, that is jure divino, if that divine right be taken in a sense secluding all other forms of government (save it alone) from the priviledge of that title; those piae fraudes and political whimsies being obtrud­ed upon tender consciences, to no other end, but that, without expense of war, theymight be plyable in their obedience to the injunctions of the Vice-gerents of the Law, meerly by de­terring them from acting any thing contrary to the will of the primitive Legislator, for fear of Celestial punishment.

As for Pacts and Covenants, it is my opini­on that he thinks they are no further obligato­ry, (and consequently being annihilated, no more to be mentioned much less urged) when the ground whereupon they were built, or cause for which they were taken, are not in vigour to have any more influence upon the contracters: for idem est non esse & non operari; Non entium nullae sunt affecti­ones: [Page 236] and sublato fundamento tollun­tur & emnia quae illi superstruuntur.

I am confident the consistorian party will be so ill pleased with the freedom of this expres­sion, that they will account him a malignant or a sectary that hath penned it; therefore (in my conceit) to use their cavilling idiom, a ma­lignant and independent wil better sympathize with one another, then either of them with the Presbyter; whose principles how consistent they are with Monarchy, or any other kind of tem­poral soveraignty, let any many judge that is versed in the story of Geneva, the civil wars of France and Bohemia, and history of queen Mary of Scotland; although what hath been done by the Kirkists these last dozen of yeers, had been altogether buryed in oblivion, that nothing had been known of their una­nimous opposition by the Presbyterian armies at Dunslaw, Newburne, Marston-moor, and Hereford to the late Kings designes, crowned by his own imprisonment at Newcastle and Holmby; and that after proclaiming Charles the second, at the marker-cross of Eden­burgh, king of the three Realms of England, Scotland, and Ireland; that they had wounded him, and shed his blood, in the persons of the peerage of Huntely and [Page 237] Montrose, had been utterly forgotten.

What gallant Subjects these Presbyterians have been, are for the present, and will prove in times coming, to any kinde of Secular power, you may perceive by King James his [...], the late King's [...], and this young King's [...]: they to Basili­cal Rule (or any other Temporal Soveraign­ty) being in all its genders (and that at all oc­casions) as infectious as ever was the Basilisk's sight to the eye of man.

For of a King they onely make use, for their own ends; and so they will of any other Supreme Magistracie, that is not of their own erection. Their Kings are but as the Kings of Lacedemon, whom the Ephors presumed to fine, for any small offence: or as the Pup­py-Kings, which, after children have trimmed with bits of Taffata, and ends of Silver-lace, and set them upon Wainscoat Cupboards be­sides Marmalade and Sugar-cakes, are often­times disposed of (even by those that did pre­tend so much respect unto them) for a two-peny Custard, a pound of Figs, or mess of Cream.

Verily, I think they make use of Kings in their Consistorian State, as we do of Card-kings [Page 238] in playing at the Hundred; any one whereof, if there be appearance of a better game without him, and that the exchange of him for another incoming Card is like to con­duce more for drawing of the stake) is by good gamesters without any ceremony dis­carded: Or as the French on the Epiphany-day use their Roy de la [...]ebve, or king of the bean; whom, after they have honoured with drinking of his Health, and shouting aloud, Le Roy boit, le Roy boit, they make pay for all the reckoning; not leaving him some­times one peny, rather then that the exorbi­tancie of their debosh should not be satisfied to the full. They may be likewise said to use their King, as the players at Nine-pins do the middle Kyle, which they call the king; at whose fall alone they aim, the sooner to obtain the gaining of their prize: or as about Christ­mats we do the King of Misrule; whom we invest with that title to no other end, but to countenance the Bacchanalian Riots and pre­posterous disorders of the family, where he is installed.

The truth of all this, appears by their de­meanour to Charles the second; whom they crowned their King at Sterlin, and who, (though he be, for comeliness of person, va­lour, [Page 239] affability, mercy, piety, closeness of coun­sel, veracity, foresight, knowledge, and other vertues both Moral and Intellectual, in no­thing inferiour to any of his hundred and ten predecessors) had nevertheless no more rule in effect over the Presbyterian Senate of Scot­land, then any of the six foresaid mock­kings had above those by whom they were dignified with the splendour of Royal pomp.

That it is so, I appeal to the course taken by them, for assisting him whom they called their King, against them whom I must confess they hate more then him: for, admitting of none to have any charge in State, Church, or Army, but such as had sworn to the eternity of the Covenant, and inerrability of the Pres­byterian See, lest otherwise, like Achan's wedge, they should bring a judgement upon the Land; some Lords, and many others so principled, after that by their King they had been intrusted with Commissions to levie Re­giments of both Horse and Foot, together with other Officers subordinate to them, did, under pretext of making the King a glorious King, and the Covenant to triumph at the gates of Rome, with a pseudo-sanctimonial trick of zeal, Legerdemain-subtilty, and [Page 240] performing the admirable feats of making a little weak man, unfit for Military service, a tall, strong, and warlike champion, and that onely by the sweet Charm of laying twenty Rexdolars upon his head and shoulders; as also by the Arch-angelical inchantment of fif­teen double Angels, had the skill to make an Irish hobbie, or Galloway-nag, as sufficient for their Field-fight, as any Spanish Genet, or Naples courser.

In prosecution of which wonderful exploits, some of them approved themselves such ex­quisite Alchymists, that many of both the Ca­valry and Infantry, with their Arms, Ammu­nition, and Apparel, were by them converted into pure gold and silver: by means whereof, although the Army shrunk into half the pro­posed number, in both Horse, Foot, and Dra­goons, and all the most necessary accommo­dations for either Camp, Leaguer, or March, was chymically transformed into the aforesaid wel-beloved metal, they nevertheless put such undoubted confidence into the goodness of their Cause, that, by vertue thereof, no less miraculous acts were expected and promised by the prophecies of their Neo-Levites out of Scripture, atchieved by them against the Ma­lignants and Sectaries, then those of Gideon [Page 241] with his water-lappers, and Jonathan with his Armour-bearer, against the Midianites and Philist [...] ▪ to so great a height did their presumption reach: and yet when it came to the push, those that had received greatest profit by the Country Assesments, and ruined with cruellest exactions the poor Yeomanry, were the first that returned homewards, being loth to hazard their precious persons, lest they should seem to trust to the arm of flesh.

Notwithstanding this backsliding from Martial prowess of the godly Officers, with the epenthesis of an [...] (in which number I inrol not al, but the greater part of those that were com­missionated with the Scot-Ecclesiastical appro­bation) their rancour and spleen being still more and more sharpned against the English Nation, they in their tedious pharisaical pray­ers before Supper, and Sesquihoral Graces upon a dish of Skink, and leg of Mutton, would so imbue the mindes of the poor swains (on whose charge they were) with va­ticinations of help from heaven, against the Sennacheribs that were about to infest He­zokiah's host, and the peace of their Israel, that the innocent sufferers having sustained more prejudice by quartering, plundering, and continual impositions of those their hypocriti­cal [Page 242] country-men, then ever their predecessors had done by all the devastations of the ancient English, Saxons, Danes, and Romanes; the holier they were in outward shew, their acti­ons proving still the more diabolical; they, in recompence of those aerial, or rather fiery ejaculations, recommended the avenging of their wrongs to God, and heartily loaded them (and that deservedly) with as many curses and execrations as they had lost of pence; the pretty effect of a good Cause, and result sutable to the project of making the Jure-divine Presbytery a Government, which, besides its Universality and Eternity, should, in matter of Dominion, be, for its sublimity, placed above all the Potentates [...]n the earth; preferring, by that account, a Scotish Moderator to a Romane Dictator; although they minded not, that such as claim­ed most right to this Generalissima-Jurisdi­ction, were, unknown to themselves, chained in fetters of iron, as slaves to the tyrannie of two insolent masters, the Concupiscible and Irascible appetites.

Who doubteth, that is not blinded with the ablepsie of an implicite zeal, but that, by such contrivements, the three foresaid Domi­nions, together with Wales, were as fully pro­jected [Page 243] to be subject to the uncontrolable com­mands of the Kirk, as the territories of Ro­mania, Ʋrbino, Ferrara, and Avignon, to the See of Rome; though with this advantage on the Popes side, that joynt to the power wherewith he is invested by his Papality, he ruleth over those parts by the right of a Se­cular Prince; which title they cannot pretend to.

Were those Kirk-men free from covetousness and ambition, whereinto that most of them are no less deeply plunged then any Laick in the world, sufficient proof, within these two yeers, hath been given in Scotland, by their laying claim to the fifth part of all the rents of the Land, under the notion of Tythes; devesting Noble-men of their rights of Patronages, and bringing their persons to stand before them on Penitentiary Pews (like so many var­lets) in mendiciary and gausapinal garments, not so much for any trespass they had com­mitted, as thereby to confirm the Soveraign­ty of their Hierarchical jurisdiction, which is neither Monarchical, Aristocratical, nor De­mocratical, but a meer Plutarchy, Plutocra­cy, or rather Plutomanie; so madly they hale after money, and the trash of this world. If so, I say, they were not guilty of such-like enor­mities; [Page 244] and that, according to their talk of things above, their lives were answerable, or yet the result of their Acts, when all together in Assemblies, Synods, or Presbyteries they are congregated into one body; then to re­quire such matters, might in some measure seem excusable; because an unfeigned zeal to the furtherance of Learning, Piety, and good works, should be seconded with power and wealth: but that for a meer aerial discourse of those, whose hearts are ingulphed in the dross of worldly affections, others should part from their own means and dignities to enrich the wives and children of hypocrites, is a cry­ing sin before God (contrary to Saint Paul's admonition, who accounteth men infidels that do so) and the abusing of those benefits he hath vouchsafed to allow us, for the mainte­tenance of our families, and provision for po­sterity.

Is there any more common saying over all Scotland in the mouthes of the Laicks, then that the Minister is the greediest man in the Parish, most unwilling to bestow any thing in deeds of charity? and that the richer they be­come, (without prejudice be it spoken of some honest men amongst them) the more wretch­ed they are? grounding that assertion on this, [Page 245] That by their daily practice, both severally and conjunctly, it is found, that for their splen­dour and inrichment, most of them do im­mire their spirits into earthly projects, not caring by what sordid means they may attain their aims: and if they make any kinde of sermocination tending in outward appearance to godliness (which seldom they do, being en­joyned by their Ecclesiastical authority to preach to the times, that is, to rail against Malignants and Sectaries, or those whom they suppose to be their enemies) they do it but as those Augurs of old, of whom Aulus Gellius speaking, saith, Aures verbis ditant alienas, suas ut auro locupletent crume­nas.

I know I touch here a string of a harsh sound to the Kirk, of a note dissonant from their proposed harmony▪ & quite out of the sy­steme of the intended oecumenick government by them concerted: but seeing there are few will be taken with the melody of such a demo­cratical hierarchie, that have not preallably been stung with the tarantula of a preposte­rous ambition, I will insist no longer on this purpose; and that so much the rather, that he, whose writings I in this tractate intermix with my own, tempers his Heliconian water with [Page 246] more hony then vinegar, and prefers the Epi­grammatical to the Satyrick straine; for al­thoug (I think) there be hardly any in Scotland that proportionably hath suffered more preju­dice by the Kirk then himself; his own Mini­sters (to wit, those that preach in the Churches whereof himself is patron, Master Gilbert Anderson, Master Robert Williamson, and Master Charles Pape by name, serving the Cures of Cromarty, Kirkmichel, and Culli­cudden) having done what lay in them, for the furtherance of their owne covetous ends, to his utter undoing: for the first of those three, (for no other cause, but that the said Sir Tho­mas would not authorize the standing of a certain Pew (in that Country called a desk) in the Church of Cromarty, put in without his consent, by a professed enemy to his House, who had plotted the ruine thereof; and one that had no Land in the parish) did so rail a­gainst him and his family in the Pulpit at se­veral times, both before his face, and in his ab­sence, and with such opprobrious termes, more like a scolding Tripe-sellers wife, then good Minister, squirting the poyson of de­traction and abominable falshood (unfit for the chaire of verity) in the eares of his tenan­dry, who were the onely auditors, did most [Page 247] ingrately and despightfully so calumniate and revile their Master, his own patron and bene­factor, that the scandalous and reproachful words striving which of them should first dis­charge against him its steel-pointed dart, did, oftentimes, like clusters of hemlock, or wormewood dipt in vinegar, stick in his throat; he being almost ready to choak with the aconital bitterness and venom thereof, till the razor of extream passion, by cutting them into articulate sounds; and very rage it self, in the highest degree, by procuring a vo­mit, had made him spue them out of his mouth, into rude indigested lumps, like so ma­ny toads and vipers that had burst their gall.

As for the other two, notwithstanding that they had been borne, and their Fathers before them, vassals to his house, and the predeces­sor of one of them had shelter in that Land, by reason of slaughter committed by him, when there was no refuge for him anywhere else in Scotland; and that the other had never been admitted to any Church, had it not been for the favour of his foresaid patron, who, contra­ry to the will of his owne friends, and great reluctancy of the ministry it self, was both the nominater and chuser of him to that function; and that before his admission, he did faithfully [Page 248] protest he should all the days of his life remain contented with that competency of portion the late incumbent in that charge did enjoy before him: they nevertheless behaved them­selves so peevishly and unthankfully towards their forenamed patron and Master, that, by vertue of an unjust decree both procured and purchased from a promiscous knot of men like themselves, they used all their utmost endeavours, in absence of their above-recited Patron (to whom and unto whose house they they had been so much beholding) to out-law him, and declare him rebel (by open procla­mation, at the market-cross of the head Town of his owne shire) in case he did not conde­scend to the grant of that augmentation of stipend, which they demanded, conforme to the tenour of the above-mentioned decree; the injustice whereof will appeare, when exami­ned by any rational judge.

Now the best is, when by some moderate Gentlemen it was expostulated, why against their Master, Patron, and benefactor, they should have dealt with such severity and ri­gour, contrary to all reason and equity; their answer was, They were inforced and ne­cessitated so to do, by the synodal and presby­terial conventions of the Kirk, under paine of [Page 249] deprivation, and expulsion from their benefices: I will not say, [...], but may safely think that a well-sanctified mother will not have a so ill-instructed brat, and that in­juria humana cannot be the lawfull daughter of a jure divino parent.

Yet have I heard him, notwithstanding all these wrongs, several times avouch, that from his heart he honoureth the ministerial function, and could wish that each of them had a competency of livelihood, to the end that for not lacking what is necessary for him, he might not be distracted from the seriousness of his speculative imploiments, with which above all things he would have one busied, that were admitted to that charge; and to be a man of a choice integrity of life, and approved literature: he alwayes esteeming Philosophy, in all its Mathematical, natural, and prudential de­monstrations, rules, and precepts, so conveni­ent for inbellishing the minde of him whose vocation it is, to be sequestred from the toil of worldly affairs; that the Reason and Will of man being thereby illuminated, and directed towards the objects of truth and goodness, a Church-man or pretender to divinity regard­less of those sciences, might be justly suspected to be ignorant of God, by caring so little for [Page 250] the knowledge of his creatures, and upon a sacred text oftentimes to make an unhallowed comment.

I have heard him likewise say, he would be glad, that in every Parish of Scotland there were a free Schoole and a standing Li­brary, in the custody of the Minister; with this proviso, that none of the books should be em­bezeled by him, or any of his successors; and he impowered to perswade his parishioners, in all he could, to be liberal in their dotations to­wards the School, and magnifying of the Li­brary: To the end that besides the good would thereby redound to all good Spirits, it might prove a great encouragement to the Stationer and Printer; that, being the noblest professi­on amongst Merchants; and this, amongst Ar­tificers.

As also to intreat the Civil Magistrate, by the severity of the Law, to curb the inso­lency of such notorious and scandalous sinners as should prove unpliable to the stamp of his wholesome admonitions.

As for his wife and children, if he follow the footsteps of Solomon, & ask sincerely for wis­dome of God before he wed, he will undoubt­edly endow him with wealth sufficient for both; for whoever marieth, if he be wise, [Page 251] will either have a vertuous or a monyed wo­man to his mariage-bed; by means of either whereof, the discretion and foresight of a ju­dicious husband, will provide a dowry for her, and education for her issue; which, in a well-policied Country, is better then a patri­mony.

The taking of this course, will advance learning, further piety, improve all moral vertues establish true honour in the land▪ make trades flourish, merchandise prosper, the yeo­manry industrious, Gentlemen happy, and the ministers themselves richer then when their mindes were totally bent on the purchase of money: for, as patterns of godliness with­out morosity, and literature without affecta­tion (being men qualified as aforesaid) by their sweetness of conversation, and influence of doctrine, they would gaine so much ground upon the hearts of their acquaintance, that Country-men would not onely gratifie them dayly, and load them with variety of presents, but would also after their decease rather chuse to starve themselves, then suffer the wives and children of persons so obliging, to be in any want or indigence: specially if the traffick and civility of Scotland were promoved by a close union with England, not heterogeneal [Page 252] (as timber and stone upon ice stick sometimes together) bound by the frost of a conquering Sword; but homogeneated by naturalization, and the mutual enjoyment of the same privi­ledges & immunities; which design being once by King James set abroach, although some of his compatriot subjects, out of ambition to be called rather profound Scholars and nimble wits▪ then good Country-men and loyal Coun­sellors, did pertinaciously withstand the moti­on.

Yet seeing a wedge of Wainscot is fittest and most proper for cleaving of an oaken tree, and that Sir Francis Bacon, othewise designed by the titles of Lord Verulam, and Viscount Saint Albans, was pleased to make a speech thereupon in the Honorable House of Com­mons, in the fifth year of King James his raign in this Dominion; it is the humble desire of the Author, that the States of this Isle vouchsafe to take notice of his reasons (he being both a wise man and a good English man) after the manner as followeth.

He begins his discourse thus:

Having begun his speech after this manner, he proceeds yet further; and first, he fully answers all the arguments, concerning inconveniencies that have been alledged to ensue, in case of gi­ving way to this naturalization: next, he dis­closeth what greater inconveniencies would as­suredly befal this Land, if they did not condes­cend [Page 255] to the union: and lastly, what gaine and benefit would redound to England by meanes thereof: all which he displayeth in that learned speech, with such exquisite rea­sons, and impartial judgement, that, without prejudicacie of opinion, and sense-perverting passion, there is nothing to be said against it.

He resteth not here, but in another passage thereof, after his having acknowledged the difference or disparity betwixt the two Nations in matter of external means, giving therein the advantage to England, as the richer Country; he expresseth himself in these words: Indeed it must be confessed, that for the goods of the mind and body, they are alteri nos: for, to do them but right, we know in their capacity and understandings, they are a People inge­nious, in labour industrious, in courage va­liant, in body hard, active, and comely: more might be said, but in commending themwe, do but in effect commend ourselves; for they are of one part and continent with us; and, the truth is, we are participant both of their vertues and vices, &c.

He says furthermore, in illustration of the inconveniences which England will incur, in case of non-naturalizing the Scots, that what­soever [Page 256] several Kingdoms or Estates have been united in Soveraignty, if that union hath not been fortified and bound in with a further union, and namely that which is now in question (of naturalization) this hath followed, that at one time or other they have broken, being upon all occasions apt to relapse and revolt to the former separa­tion. Of this assertion the first example that I will set before you, is of the memo­rable union which was between the Romansand the Latines, which continued from the battel at the Lake of Regilla for many yeers, until the Consulship of Caius Plautius, andLucius Aemilius Mammercus: at which time there began, about this very point of Na­turalization, that War which was calledBellum sociale, being the most bloody and pernicious War that ever the Romane State endured; wherein, after numbers of bat­tels, and infinite Sieges and surprisals of Towns, the Romanes in the end prevailed, and mastered the Latines: And as they had the honour of the War, so looking back into what perdition and confusion they were neer to have been brought, they presently naturalized them all.

Immediately thereafter, setting before our [Page 257] eyes the example of Sparta, and the rest ofPeloponnesus their associates, he saith thus:The State of Sparta was a nice and jealous State of this point of imparting Naturali­zation to their confederates: but what was the issue of it? After they held them in a kind of society and amity for divers yeeres, upon the first occasion given, which was no more then the surprisal of the Castle ofThebes, by certain desperate conspirators in the habit of masters, there insued forthwith a general revolt and defection of their as­sociates; which was the ruine of their State, never after to be recovered.

In the same dicourse he introduceth ano­ther example, though of latter times, which is this, that notwithstanding the Kingdome ofAragon had in the persons of Ferdinand andIsabella been united with the rest of Spain,and that it had so continued for many years, yet because it was severed and divi­ded from the other Kingdoms of Spaine in this point of naturalization, it fell out so, that, long after that, upon the voice of a condemned man, out of the grate of a Pri­son, towards the street, that cryed Libertad, libertad, there was raised a dangerous re­bellion▪ [Page 258] which with great difficulty was sup­prest with an army royal: after which vi­ctory nevertheless, to shun further inconve­nience, they were incorporated with Ca­stile,and the remanent regions of Spaine▪ Pisa likewise being united unto Florence,without the benefit of naturalization, upon the first sight of Charls the eighth of Francehis expedition into Italy did revolt; yet af­terwards it was reunited, and did obtain the foresaid benefit.

A little after, the better to perswade the Parliament to the said Naturalization of theScots, he subjoineth these words. On the other part (Master Speaker) because it is true which the Logicians say Opposita juxta se posita clarius elucescunt; let us take a view, and we shall find, that wheresoever King­doms and States have been united▪ and that union incorporated by the bond of Natura­lization mutually, you shall never observe them afterwards upon any occasion of trou­ble or otherwise, to break and sever again; as we see most evidently before our eyes▪ in our Provinces of France; that is to say,Guyen Provence Normandy, Britain, which notwithstanding the infinite infesting trou­bles [Page 259] of that Kingdome, never offered to break again. We see the like effect in all the Kingdomes of Spain, which are mutu­ally naturalized; as Castile, Leon, Valeni­cia, Andaluzia, Granada, Murcia, Toledo, Catalonia, and the rest, except Aragon,which held the contrary course, and there­fore had the contrary success: and lastly, we see the like effect in our Nation, which never rent asunder after it was united; so as we now scarce know, whe­ther the Heptarchy was a true story, or a fable: and therefore (Master Speaker) when I revolve with my self these exam­ples, and others, so lively expressing the necessity of a Naturalization, to avoid a relapse into a separation, I must say, I do believe (and I would be sory to be found a Prophet in it) that except we proceed with this naturalization, though not perhaps in his Majesties time, who hath such interest in both Nations▪ yet in the mean time of his descendents, these Realmes will be in con­tinual danger to divide and break again. Now if any man be of that careless mind,Maneat nostros ea cura nepotes; or of that hard mind, to leave things to be tried by [Page 260] the sharpest sword: sure I am, he is not of Saint Pauls opinion, who affirmeth that whosoever useth not foresight, and provisi­on for his family, is worse then an Infidel; much more if we shall not use foresight for these two Kingdomes, that comprehend in them so many families, but leave things open to the peril of future division.

And so forth going on very efficaciously in confirmation of the premises, he proceeds to the benefits which arise to England by knit­ting the knot surer and straiter between these two Realms, by communicating Naturalizati­on to Scotland: his words are these.

The benefits may appeare to be two; the one surety, the other greatness: touching surety (Master Speaker) it was well said byTitus Quintus the Romane, touching the state of Peloponnesus, that the tortoise is safe within her shell, Testudo intertegumen tuta est; but if there be any parts that lie open, they endanger all the rest. We know well, that although the State at this time be in a happy peace, yet for the time past, the more ancient Enemy is the French, and the more the late Spaniard; and both these had as it were their several postern-gates, [Page 261] whereby they might have approach and en­trance to annoy us: France had Scotland, andSpaine had Ireland; for these were but the two accesses which did comfort and encou­rage both these Enemies to assaile and trouble us: we see that of Scotland is cut off by the union of these two Kingdomes, if that it shall be made constant and perma­nent; that of Ireland is cut off likewise by the convenient situation of the west of Scot­landtowards the north of Ireland, where the sore was, which we see being suddenly closed by meanes of this salve; so that as now there are no parts of the State exposed to danger to be a temptation to the ambiti­on of Forrainers, but their approaches and avenues are taken away: for I do lit­tle doubt, but these Forrainers, who had so little success when they had those advan­vantages, will have much less comfort now, that they be taken from them. And so much for surety.

He goes on: For greatness (Master Speaker) I think a man may speak it sober­ly, and without bravery, that this King­dom of England having Scotland united,Ireland reduced, and shipping maintained, [Page 262] is one of the greatest Monarchies, in forces truely esteemed, that hath been in the world; for certainly the kingdoms here on earth, have a resemblance with the king­dom of heaven, which our Saviour com­pareth not to any great kernel or nut, but to a very small graine, yet such a one as is apt to grow and spread; and such do I take to be the constitution of this kingdom, if indeed our country be referred to great­ness and power, and not quenched too much with the consideration of utility and wealth. For (Master Speaker) was it not, think you, a true answer that Solon of Greece made to rich King Croesus of Lydia, when he shew­ed unto him a great quantity of gold, that he had gathered together, in ostentation of his greatness and might? but Solon said to him contrary to his expectation, Why, sir, if another come that hath better iron then you, he will be Lord of all your gold. Nei­ther is the authority of Machiavel to be de­spised, who scorneth that proverb of State, taken first from a speech of Mucianus, Thatmoneys are the sinews of war; and saith there are no true sinews of war, but the very armes of valiant men.

[Page 263] Nay more (Master Speaker) whosoever shall look into the seminary and beginning of the Monarchies of the world, he shall finde them founded in poverty.

Persia, a country barren and poor in re­spect of Media, which they reduced.

Macedon, a kingdome ignoble and mer­cenary, untill the time of Philip the son ofAmintas.

Rome had a poor and pastoral beginning.

The Turks▪ a band of Sarmachian Scyths,that in a vagabond manner made incursi­on upon that part of Asia which is calledTurcomania; out of which, after much va­riety of fortune, sprung the Ottoman fa­mily, now the terrour of the world.

So we know the Goths, Vandals, Alans, Huns, Lombards, Normans, and the rest of the Northern people, in one age of the world, made their descent and expedition upon theRoman Empire; and came not at rovers, to carry away prey, and be gone againe, but planted themselves in a number of rich and fruitful provinces, where not only their generations, but their names remaine to this day; witness Lombardy, Catalonia, a word composed of Goth and Alan, Andalu­zia, [Page 264] a name corrupted from Vandalitia; Hungaria, Normandy, and others: nay, the fortune of the Swisses of late yeers, which are bred in a barren and mountanous coun­try, is not to be forgotten; who first ruined the Duke of Burgundy, the same who had almost ruined the kingdom of France, what time after the battel near Granson, the rich Jewel of Burgundy, prised at many thou­sands, was sold for a few pence, by a com­monSwisse, that knew no more what a jewel meant, then did Aesops cock: and a­gain, the same nation, in revenge of a scorn, was the ruine of the French kings affaires in Italy, Lowis the twelfth; for that king, when he was pressed somewhat rudely by an agent of the Swissers to raise their pensi­ons, broke into words of choler, What (saith he) will those villains of the mountaines put a task upon me? which words lost him his Dutchy of Milan, and chased him out ofItaly.

All which examples (Master Speaker) do well prove Solons opinion of the Authority and majesty that iron hath over gold. For confirmation hereof, a little after▪ he says, See­ing the nation of Spaine, which of ancient [Page 265] time served many ages, first under Car­thage,then under Rome, after under Sara­cens, Goths, and others, should of late yeers take unto them that spirit as to dream of a Monarchy in the West, only because they have raised from some wild and unarmed people, mines and store of gold; and on the other side, that this Island of Britain, seat­ed and named as it is, and that hath, I make no question, the best iron in the world, that is, the best souldiers of the world, shall think of nothing but accompts and audits,meum and tuum, and I cannot tell what, is truly very strange. Finally, he closeth that his speech with this period, I have spoken (Master Speaker) out of the fountaine of my heart, Credidi, propter quod loquutus sum;I believed, therefore I spake. So my duty is performed: the judgement is yours; God di­rect it for the best.

In another speech (again) used by the said Sir Francis Bacon, in the lower house of Par­liament, by occasion of a motion concern­ing the union of Laws, he spoke thus.

And it please you (Master Speaker) were it now a time to wish as it is to advise, no man should be more forward, or more [Page 266] earnest then my self in this wish, that his Majesties subjects of England and Scot­landwere governed by one law; and that for many reasons.

First▪ Because it will be an infallible as­surance, that there will never be any re­lapse in succeeding ages to a separa­tion.

Secondly, Dulcis tractus pari jugo; if the draught lie most upon us, and the yoak lie least on them, or inverse-wise, it is not equal.

Thirdly, The qualities, and (as I may terme it) the elements of their Laws and ours are such as do promise an excellent temperature in the compounded body; for if the prerogative here be too indefinite, it may be the liberty there is too unbounded: if our laws and proceedings be too prolix and formal, it may be theirs are too infor­mal and summary.

Fourthly, I do discern, to my understand­ing, there will be no great difficulty in this work: for their Laws by that I can learn, compared with ours, are like their Lan­guage: for as their Language hath the same roots that ours hath, but hath a little more [Page 267] mixture of Latine and French: so their Laws and customs have the like grounds that ours have, with a little more mixture of the civil Law and French customs.

Lastly, The mean to this work seemeth to me no less excellent, then the work it self; for if both Laws shall be united, it is of necessity▪ for preparation and inducement thereunto, that our own laws be renewed and recompiled, then the which, I think there cannot be a work more politick [...] more honorable nor more beneficial to the subjects of the land for all ages; for this continual heaping up of Laws without digesting them, maketh but a Chaos and confusion, and turneth the Laws many times to become but snares to the people: and therefore this work I esteem to be indeed a work (rightly to terme it) Heroical, and that which if I might live to see, I would not desire to live after. So that for this good wish of union of Laws, I do consent to the full. A little after he sayes, that this union of Laws should not precede the naturalization, nor go along with it paripassu▪ but altogether succeed it, and that not in the precedence of an instant, but in distance of time, because [Page 268] the union of Laws will ask a great time to be perfected, both for the compiling and for the passing of them; during all which time, if this mark of strangeness should be denied to be taken away, I fear it may induce such a habit of strange­ness, as will rather be an impediment then a preparation to further proceed­ing.

And albeit in the conclusion of his speech he saith, that he holdeth this motion of uni­on of Laws very worthy, and arising from very good minds, but not proper for that time; yet do I think that, for this time, and as the juncture of affaires is for the present, it is very proper and expedient.

Therefore, although, in some parcels of the foresaid discourse not here recited, many pregnant reasons to those that opposed the na­turalization of the Scots, because that Nati­on was annexed to England by inheritance, and not conquest, be exhibited, to shew that the grant of the benefit thereof should not be obstructed, for that Scotland was not a con­quered Country; as also why the Scots un­willigness to receive the English Laws, should be no impediment to their Naturalization: [Page 269] and that in Robert Calvin's Case, which is extant to be seen in the seventh book of Sir Edward Cook's Reports, many excellent things are deduced in favour of the post [...]ati of that Realm, notwithstanding the diversity of Laws, and Scotland's then unacknowledged subor­dination to the meer Authority of this Land; Yet seeing the face of affairs is quite altered from what it was then, and that the English civility and good carriage may gain so much upon the affections of the people there, as to make them in a very short space to be of the same Customs, Manners, and Language with them; I do really believe if Sir Francis Bacon and Sir Edward Cook were now living, that both of them would unani­mously advise the State and Soverainty of this Island to allow unto Scotland (which neither is nor never was a Kingdom more then Wales was of old) the same priviledges and immuni­ties (in every thing) that Wales now hath, (and which the Scots have in France, a transma­rine Country) to enjoy everywhere in all things, the emoluments and benefit competent to the free-born subjects of England; and to this effect, to impower that Nation with li­berty to chuse their representattves to be sen [Page 270] hither to this their soveraigne Parliament, that the publick trustees of England, Scot­land, and Wales, may at Westminster jointly concur for the weal of the whole Isle, as mem­bers of one and the same incorporation. These two Knights, one whereof was Lord high Chancellor of England▪ & the other Atturny General, and Lord chief Justice of the Com­mon pleas, were good and wise men, full of ho­nour, free from prevarication and by-respects, learned Lawyers, excellent Scholars, fluent Orators and (above all) worthy, loving, and sincere patriots of England; for which cause I hope so many exquisite qualities meeting (as it were) in one constellation, by vertue of a powerfull influence upon the mindes of the supreame Senate of the Land, will incline the hearts of every one not to dissent from the Judgement and approbation of these two so eminent Judges and zealous English men; and that so much the rather, that to the ac­complishment of so commendable a work, we are conducted by nature it self, which, having made us divisos orbe Britannos, sheweth, (by the antiperistatick faculty of a fountain or spring-well in the Summer season, whose na­ture is to be the colder within it self, the grea­ter [Page 271] circumobresistence of heat be in the aire, which surrounds it) that we should cordially close to one another, unite our Forces, and the more vigourously improve the internal strength we have of our selves, the greater that the outward opposition and hostility appear a­gainst us of the circumjacent outlandish Na­tions which inviron us on all sides.

This was not heeded in ancient times, by reason of the surquedry of the old English, who looked on the Scots with a malignant aspect; and the profound policie of the French, in casting (for their own ends) the spirit of division betwixt the two Nations, to widen the breach. But now that the English have attained to a greater dexterity in encom­passing their facienda's of State, and deeper reach in considering what for the future may prove most honourable and lucrative, will (like an expert Physician to a patient sick of a Consumption in his noble parts, who applieth cordials and not corosives; and lenitives rather then cauters) strive more (as I imagine) to gain the love and affection of the Scots, thereby to save the expence of any more blood or mony, then for overthrowing them quite in both their bodies and fortunes, to maintain the charge of [Page 272] an everlasting war against the storms of the climate, the fierceness of discontented People, inaccessibility of the hills, and sometimes uni­versal penury, the mother of plague and fa­mine; all which inconveniences may be easily prevented without any charge at all, by the sole gaining of the hearts of the country.

By which means, patching up old rents, cementing what formerly was broken, and by making of ancient foes new friends, we will strengthen our selves, and weaken our ene­mies; and raise the Isle of Britain to that height of glory, that it will become formidable to all the world besides.

In the mean while, the better to incorpo­rate the three Dominions of England, Scot­land, and Wales, and more firmely to conso­lidate their union, it were not amiss (in my o­pinion) that (as little rivers, which use to lose their names when they run along into the cur­rent of a great flood) they have their own pe­culiar titles laid aside, and totally dischaged into the vast gulph of that of Great Bri­tain.

But if upon any emergent occasion, it be thought fit to make mention of Ireland, and the several Dominions of Brttain, in an or­derly [Page 273] enumeration, to place Ireland (as I conceive it) before Scotland, is very preposte­rous; not but that Ireland is a far more fer­til Country, and that the Irish may be as good as any men: that the Scots in these lat­ter yeers may be much degenerated from the magnanimity of their fore-Fathers, and that the succeeding progeny may perhaps prove little better; or as you will: for be the soile or climate never so good or bad, with a perma­nence, or rather immutability in either of those qualities, the respective natives and inhabi­tants thereof will nevertheless, according to the change of times, be subject to a vicissitude of vice and vertue, as may appear by the in­clinations of the Greeks and Romans now, compared with those of their Ancestors, in the days of Xerxes and Hannibal: but onely that I conceive priority to be more due to Scotland (although I should speak nothing of its more immaculate reputation both abroad and at home, and of a longer series of Sove­raigns that swayed Scepter there in a continu­ate uninterrupted succession) and that because of its greater conformity with, and proximity to the Nation of England; the People where­of, if they would imitate the fashion of the warlike Romans, should say, Scots and Irish, [Page 274] as the Romans did, Latines and Gaules, or Latins and Sicilians, by reason of the La­tins vicinity and nearer adjacence to Rome; although Sicilie was more fruitfull and opu­lent then Latium, and the Gaules more po­pulous and every whit as fierce in the field as the Latins.

I am afraid that I have trespassed a little upon the patience of the Reader, by insisting so long in my discourse upon Scotland: yet in regard of my obligation and bound duty to the Author of the above-recited lost Papers, whose native soyle it is, I could hardly do less, seeing it is for the good of him, that this whole tractate is compiled, and to his behalf, who expects not, (as hath been said already in the 203 page, and abundantly proved by the fifteenth Axiom) either recompense or punish­ment for his Countrys sake: he likewise ho­peth, by vertue of the said axiom, that his be­ing a meer Prisoner of war, without any fur­ther delinquencie, will not militate much a­gainst him▪ if the subjects of the Land, by in­ventions of his, attain to what is conducible to them, in saving of expence, as by the discovery proffered to the publick, he is able to make good, when required thereto: that either mo­ney or lands, if not both, should be due to him [Page 275] for the disclosure of so prime a secret, is clearly demonstrated by the sixteenth: and that the State will be no less courteous and favourable to him, then to any other Prisoner of war proportionably, is plainly evidenced by the seventeenth: That the supreme autho­rity of the Isle, in matter of the liberty of his person, and that of his brothers and menial servants, together with the enjoyment of his own houses, lands and rents, free from seque­stration, confiscation, composition, and gari­soning, should allow him the same conditions granted to any other no more deserving then himself, is manifestly proved by the eigh­teenth: that therefore he should obtaine the greater favours (as aforesaid) is proved by the nineteeth: and that if to no other priso­ner of all his Country be truly competent, but to himself alone, the ample character (in all its branches, as it is specified in the 232, 233, 234, & 235, pages) which I have given of him, and could not conceal, being much less then his due; then, in stead of a recompence for the surplusage of wherein others are defective, which he covets not, none certainly of all the Scotish Nation, whether Prisoner or other, should receive from the State so great fa­vours and courtesies as himself, because (with­out [Page 276] prejudice be it spoke to any man) he did from the beginning of these intestine broyles walk in an even, if not a more constant track of blameless carriage, free from hypocrisie, cove­ousness, and tergiversation, then any of his compatriots: that notwithstanding the strict­ness of his allegience to supreme authority, and the many ties of obedience that lie upon any subject whatsoever, he may by vertue of his owne merit deserve a reward from the State, is clear by the twentieth: and that for the im­parting of this invention and others, to pub­lick acceptance, which are so properly his own, that no other braine, that ever was or is, did contribute any thing to their eduction, he may lawfully claim right to a competency of retribution, is made patent by the one and twentieth.

And lastly, the Author desiring no more but the grant of the foresaid demands, al­though by the strict rule of commutative justice, it should seem to be a reward by too many stages inferior to the discovery of so prime an invention; yet that the State doth him neither wrong nor injustice therein, provi­ded he be not denyed of what he requireth, is fully cleared by the two and twentieth or last Axiome.

[Page 277] This Apodictick course by a composi­tive method theorematically to infer conse­quences from infallible maximes, with all pos­sible succinctness, I thought fit to imbrace; because, to have analytically couched those ve­rities, by mounting the scale of their probati­tion upon the prosyllogistick steps of variously-amplified confirmations, would have been a procedure for its prolixity unsuitable to the pregnancy of the State, whose intuitive spirits can at the first hearing discerne the strength of manifold conclusions (without the labour of subsuming) in the very bowels and chaos of their principles.

I could truly (having before my eyes some known Treatises of the Author, whose Muse I honour, and the straine of whose pen to imitate, is my greatest ambition) have enlarged this discourse with a choicer variety of phrase; and made it overflow the field of the readers understanding, with an inundation of greater eloquence: and that one way, Tropologetically, by Metonymical, Ironical, Metaphorical, and Synecdochical instruments of elocution, in all their several kinds, Artificially affected, accor­ding to the nature of the subject, with empha­tical expressions, in things of great concernment with Catachrestical, in matters of meaner mo­ment; attended on each side respectively with [Page 278] an Epiplectick and Exegetick Modification; with Hyperbolical, either Epitatically or Hy­pocoristically, as the purpose required to be Elated or Extenuated, they qualifying Meta­phors, and accompanied with Apostrophes; and lastly, with Allegories of all sorts, whether Apologal, Affabulatory, Parabolary, Aenig­matick, or Paraemial. And on the other part, Schematologetically adorning the proposed Theam with the most especial and chief flow­ers of the Garden of Rhetorick, and omit­ing no figure either of Diction or Sentence, that might contribute to the ears inchantment, or perswasion of the hearer.

I could have introduced, in case of obscurity, Synonymal, Exargastick, and Palilogetick Elucidations; for sweetness of phrase, Antime­tathetick commutations of Epithets: for the vehement excitation of a matter, exclamations in the front, and Epiphonema's in the reer. I could have used, for the promptlyer stirring up of passion, Apostrophal and Prosopopocial di­versions: and for the appensing and setling of them▪ some Epanorthotick revocations, and Aposiopetick restraints. I could have inserted Dialogismes▪ displaying their Interrogatory part with communicatively-Pysmatick and Sustentative flourishes; or Proleptically, with the refutative Schemes of Anticipation and [Page 279] Subjection: and that part which concerns the Responsory, with the figures of permission and concession.

Speeches extending a matter beyond what it is, Auxetically, Digressively, Transititiously, by Ratiocination, Aetiology, Circumlocution; and other wayes I could have made use of: as like­wise with words diminishing the worth of a thing▪ Tapinotically, Periphrastically, by re­jection, translation, and other meanes, I could have served my self.

There is neither definition Distribution, Epi­trochism, Increment, Catacterism, Hypotyposis, or any Schem figurating a speech by reason of what is in the thing to our purpose thereby sig­nified, that I needed to have omitted: nor, had I been so pleased, would I have past by the fi­gurative expressions of what is without any thing of the matter in hand; whether Paradig­matical, Iconical, Symbolical, by compa­rison, or any other kinde of Simile: or yet Paradoxical, Paramologetick, Paradiastola­ry, Antipophoretick, Cromatick, or any o­ther way of figurating a speech by opposition, being formules of Oratory, whereby we subjoyn what is not expected▪ confess some­thing that can do us no harme▪ yeeld to one of the members, that the other may be remov­ed; allow an argument, to oppose a stronger; [Page 280] mixe praise with dispraise, and so forth through all manner of illustration and decore­ment of purposes by contrarieties, and repug­nance.

All those Figures and Tropes▪ besides what are not here mentioned (these Synecdochically standing for all, to shun the tediousness of a too prolixe enumeration) I could have adhibi­ted to the embellishment of this Tractate, had not the matter it self been more prevalent with me, then the superficial formality of a quaint discourse.

I could have firreted out of Topick Cel­luls such variety of arguments tending to my purpose, and seconded them with so many di­vers refutations, confirmations, and Prosyl­logistick deductions, as after the large manner of their several amplifications accord­ing to the rules of Art would, contexed toge­ther, have framed a book of a great quarto size, in an Arithmetical proportion of length to its other two Dimensions of bredth and thickness; that is to say, its bredth should ex­ceed the thickness thereof by the same number of inches and no more, that it is surpassed by the length; in which considering the body thereof could be contained no less then seven quires of paper at least; and yet notwith­standing this so great a bulk, I could have dis­posed [Page 281] the contents of its whole subjected mat­ter so appositely into partitions, for facilitating an impression in the Readers memory, and pre­sented it to the understanding in so sprucela garb, that spirits blest with leisure, and free from the urgency of serious employments, would happily have bestowed as liberally some few houres thereon, as on the perusal of a new-coined Romancy, or strange history of love-adventures.

For although the figures and tropes above rehearsed seem in their actu signato (as they signifie meer notional circumstances, affections, adjuncts, and dependences on words, to be a little Pedantical, and to the smooth touch of a delicate ear, somewhat harsh and scabrous: yet in their exerced act (as they suppone for things reduplicatively as things in the first apprehen­sion of the minde by them signified) I could, even in far abstruser purposes, have so fitly adjusted them with apt and proper termes, and with such perspicuity couched them, as would have been suitable to the capacities of courtiers and young Ladies, whose tender hearing, for the most part, being more taken with the insinuating harmony of a well-con­certed period, in its Isocoletick and parisonal members, then with the never-so-pithy a fan­cy of a learned subject, destitute of the Illu­striousness [Page 282] of so Pathetick ornaments, will soo­ner convey perswasion to the interior facul­ties, from the ravishing assault of a well-dis­ciplined diction, in a parade of curiosly-muste­red words in their several ranks and files, then by the vigour and fierceness of never so many powerful squadrons of a promiscuously-di­gested elocution into bare Logical arguments: for the sweetness of their disposition is more easily gained by undermining passion, then storming reason; and by the musick and Symmetry of a discourse in its external ap­purtenances, then by all the puissance ima­ginary of the ditty or purpose disclosed by it.

But seeing the prime scope of this Treatise is to testifie my utmost endeavours to do all the service I can to Sir Thomas Ʋrquhart, both for the procuring of his liberty, and in­treating the State, whose prisoner he is, to al­low him the enjoyment of his own, lest by his thraldome and distress (useful to no man) the publick should be deprived of those excellent inventions, whose emission totally dependeth upon the grant of his enlargement and free­dom in both estate and person: and that to a State which respecteth substance more then ce­remony, the body more then the shadow, and solidity more then ostentation, it would argue great indiscretion in me, to become no [Page 283] other waies a suiter for that worthy gentleman then by emancipating my vein upon the full carreer of Rhetorical excursions, approving my self thereby like to those Navigators, Gun­ners, and Horsemen, who use more saile then ballast, more powder then ball, and employ the spur more then the bridle:

Therefore is it, that laying aside all the con­siderations of those advantages and preroga­tives a neat expression in fluent termes hath over the milder sexe and Miniard youth, and setting before my eyes the reverence and gra­vity of those supereminent men to whom my expectation of their non-refusal of my request hath emboldened me to make my addresses; I hold it now expedient (without further adoe) to stop the current of my pen, and, in token of the duty I owe to him whose cause I here assert, to give way to his more literate and compleat elucubrations; which that they may the sooner appear to the eyes of the world, for the advancement of both vertue and learn­ing, I yet once more, and that most heartily, beseech the present State, Parliament, and supream Councel of great Britain, to vouch­safe unto the aforesaid Sir Thomas Ʋrquhart of Cromarty knight, heritable Sheriff and proprietary thereof, a grant of the release­ment of his person from any imprisonment [Page 284] whereunto at the discretion of those that took his parole he is ingaged; the possession likewise of his house of Cromarty free from garison­ing, and the enjoyment of his whole estate in lands, without affecting it with any other ei­ther publick or private burthen then hath been of his own contracting, and that with the dignities thereto belonging of hereditary Sheriff-ship, patronage of the three Churches there, and Admiralty of the Seas betwixt Catness and Innernass inclusively (with sub­ordination nevertheless to the high Admiral of the land) together with all the other privi­ledges and immunities, which, both in his person, and that of his predecessors, hath been from time to time accounted due by inheri­itance to the house of Cromarty, and that for the love of the whole Island on which he of­fereth, in compensation, to bestow a benefit (under pain of forfeiture of all he hath) of ten times more worth. As this is my humble petiti­on, so is it conform to the desires of all the best spirits of England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland.