A TRUE RELATION Of the late Unjust Cruel, and Bar­barous proceedings against the Eng­lish at Amboyna in the East-Indies, by the Neatherlanders there, upon a forged pretence of a conspiracie of the said English.

AFter the fruitless issue of two se­veral Treaties: the first Anno 1613. in Lon­don; and the o­ther An. 1615. at the Hague in Holland, touch­ing the differences between the English and Dutch in the East-Indies, at last by a third Treaty, Anno 1619. in London, there was a full and solemn composition made of all the said differences, and a fair order set for the future [Page 2]proceeding of the Supposts of both Companies in the Indies, as well in the course of their Trade and commerce, as otherwise. A­mongst sundry other points, it was agreed, That in regard of the great bloud-shed and cost, pretended to be bestowed by the Hollanders, in winning of the Trade of the Isles of the Molluc­cos, Banda, and Amboyna, from the Spaniards and Portugals, and in building of Forts for the conti­nual securing of the same, the said Hollanders therefore should enjoy two third parts of that Trade, and the English the other third; and the charge of the Forts to be maintained by Taxes and Impositions, to be levied upon the Merchandize. Wherefore in consequence of this agreement, the English East-India Compa­ny planted certain Factories for their share of this Trade; some at the Molluccos, some at Banda, and some at Amboyna. Of the two former of these, there will be, at this present small occasion to speak further; but the last will prove the Scene of a sad Tragedy.

This Amboyna is an Island ly­ing near Seran, of the circuit of forty leagues, and giveth name also to some other small Islands adjacent. It beareth Cloves; for gathering and buying in whereof the English Company for their part had planted five several Fa­ctories: the head and Rende­vouz of all, at the Town of Amboyna; and therein first Master George Muschamp, and afterward Master Gabriel Towerson, their Agents with directions over the smaller Factories at Hitte and Larica upon the same Island, and at Loho and Cambello, upon a point of their neighbouring Island of Seran.

Upon these Islands of Amboyna, and the point of Seran, the Hol­landers have four Forts, the chief of all is at the said Town of Am­boyna, and is very strong, having four Points or Bulwarks with their Curtains, and upon each of these Points six great pieces of Ordinance mounted, most of them of brass. The one side of this Castle is washed by the Sea, and the other is divided from the [Page 4]land with a Ditch of four or five fathom broad, very deep, and ever filled with the Sea The gar­rison of this Castle consisteth of about 200 Dutch Souldiers and a Company of free Burgers. Besides these, there is always a matter of three or four hundred mardikers (for so they usually call the free Natives) in the Town, ready to serve the Castle at an hours warn­ing. There lie also in the road (for the most part) diverse good Ships of the Hollanders, as well for the guard of the place by Sea, as for the occasions of Traffick: this being the chief Rendevouz, as well for the Island of Banda, as for the rest of Amboyna. Here the English lived; not in the Castle, but under protection thereof, in a house of their own in the Town; holding themselves safe, as well in respect of the ancient bonds of amity between both Nations, as of the strict conjunction made by the late Treaty before men­tioned.

They continued here some two years, conversing and trading to­gether with the Hollanders, by [Page 5]vertue of the said Treaty. In which time there fell out sundry differences and debates between them: The English complaining that the Hollanders did not one­ly lavish away much money in building, and unnecessary ex­pences, upon the Forts and other­wise, and bring large and unrea­sonable reckonings thereof to the common account; but also did, for their part, pay the Garrisons with victuals and cloath of Coro­mondell, which they put off to the Souldiers at three or four times the value it cost them, yet would not allow of the English Companies part of the same charge, but onely in ready mony; thereby drawing from the Eng­lish (which ought to pay but one third part) more than two thirds of the whole true charge. Here­upon, and upon the like occasi­ons, grew some discontents and disputes, and the complaints were sent to Jaccatra, in the Island of Java Major, to the Councel of defence of both Nations there re­siding: who also, not agreeing upon the points in difference, [Page 6]sent the same hither over into Europe, to be decided by both Companies here; or, in default of their agreement, by the Kings Majesty, and the Lords the States General, according to an Article of the Treatie of the year 1619. on this behalf. In the mean time the discontent between the Eng­lish and the Dutch, about these and other differences, continued, and dayly encreased, untill at last there was a sword found, to cut in sunder that knot at once, which the tedious disputes of Am­boyna and Jaccatra could not un­tie. And this was used in man­ner as followeth.

About the eleventh of Februa­ry 1622. Stilo veteri. a Japoner Souldier of the Dutch in their Castle of Amboyna, walking in the night upon the wall, came to the Sentinel (being a Hollander,) and there, amongst other talk, asked him some questions touch­ing the strength of the Castle, and the people that were therein. It is here to be noted, that those Ja­poners (of whom there is not thirty in all the Island) did, for [Page 7]the most part, serve the Dutch as Souldiers, yet were not of their trusty bands always lodged in the Castle, but upon occasion called out of the Town to assist in the watch. This Japoner a­foresaid, was for his said confe­rence with the Sentinel appre­hended upon suspition of Trea­son, and put to the Torture. Thereby (as some of the Dutch affirmed) he was brought to con­fess himself, and sundry others of his Countrey-men there, to have contrived the taking of the Castle. Hereupon, other Japoners were examined and Tortured, as also a Portugal, the Guardian of the Slaves under the Dutch. Du­ring this examination, which continued three or four dayes; some of the English-men went to and from the Castle upon their business, saw the prisoners, heard of their tortures, & of the crime laid to their charge; But all this while suspected not, that this matter did any whit concern themselves, having never had any conversation with the Japoners, nor with the Portugal aforesaid. [Page 8]At the same time there was one Abel Price, Abel Price ex­amined. Chirurgion of the English, prisoner in the Castle, for offering in his drunkenness to set a Dutch mans house on fire. This fellow the Dutch took, and shewed him some of the Japo­ners, whom they had first most grievously tortured, and told him, they had confessed the English to have been of their confedera­cie for the taking of the Castle; and that if he would not confess the same, they would use him even as they had done these Japo­ners, and worse also. Having gi­ven him the Torture, they soon made him confess what ever they asked him. This was the sifteenth of February 1622. Stilo veteri. Forthwith, about nine of the clock the same morning, they sent for Captain Towerson, and the rest of the English that were in the Town to come to speak with the Governour in the Castle: They all went, save one that was left to keep the house. Being come to the Governour, he told Captain Towerson, that himself and others of his Nation were accused of a [Page 9]conspiracie to surprise the Ca­stle, and therefore, until further Trial, were to remain prisoners. Instantly also they attached him that was left at home in the house, took the Marchandize of the English Company there in­to their own custody by Inven­torie, and seized all the Chests, Boxes, Books, Writings, and o­ther things in the English house. Captain Towerson was commit­ted to his Chamber with a guard of Dutch Souldiers. Emmanuel Tomson was kept prisoner in the Castle; the rest, viz John Beo­mont, Edward Collins, William Webber, Ephraim Ramsey, Timo­thy Johnson, John Fardo, and Ro­bert Brown were sent aboard the Hollanders Ships then riding in Harbour, some to one Ship, and some to another, and all made fast in Irons. The same day al­so the Governour sent to the two other Factories in the same Island, to apprehend the rest of the English there. So that Sa­muel Colson, John Clark, George Sharrock, that were found in the Factorie at Hitto, and Edward [Page 10]Collins, William Webber, and John Sadler at Larica, were all brought prisoners to Amboyna, the sixteenth of February. Upon which day also John Powl, John Wetheral, and Thomas Ladbrook, were apprehended at Cambello, and John Beomont, William Grigs, and Ephraim Ramsey, at Loho, and brought in irons to Amboyna the twentieth of the same moneth. In the mean time the Governour and Fiscal went to work with the prisoners that were already there: And first they sent for Iohn Beomont, and Timothy Iohnson, from aboard the Unicorn; who being come into the Castle, Beomont was left with a guard in the Hall, and Iohnson was taken into an­other room. Where, by and by, Beomont heard him crie out ve­ry pitifully; then to be quiet for a little while, and then loud again. After taste of the torture, Abel Price the Chirurgion, that first was examined and tortured (as is above remembred) was brought in to confront and ac­cuse him: But Iohnson not yet [Page 11]confessing any thing, Price was quickly carried out, and John­son brought again to the torture; where Beomont heard him some­time crie aloud, then quiet a­gain, then roar afresh. At last, after he had been about an hour in this second examination, he was brought forth wailing and lamenting, all wet, and cruel­ly burnt in divers parts of his body, and so laid aside in a by­place of the Hall, with a Soul­dier to watch him that he should speak with no body. Emanuel Tomson examined. Then was Emanuel Tomson brought to exa­mination; not in the room where Johnson had been, but in an­other, something farther from the Hall. Yet Beomont being in the Hall, heard him roar most lamentably, and many times. At last, after an hour and an half spent in torturing him, he was carried away into another room another way, so that he came not by Beomont through the Hall. Next, was Beomont called in, and being demanded many things, all which he denied with deep Oaths and protestations, [Page 12]was made fast to be Tortured, a cloath tied about his neck, and two men ready with their Jarres of water to be poured on his head. But yet for this time the Governour bad loose him, he would spare him a day or two, because he was an old man. This was all Saturdays work, the fif­teenth of February aforesaid.

Upon Sunday the sixteenth of February, William Webber, Edward Collins, Ephraim Ramsey, and Ro­bert Brown, were fetcht from a­board the Rotterdam, to be exa­mined. At the same time came Samuel Colson, William Grigs, and John Clark, George Sharrock, and Iohn Sadler, from Hitto and Lari­ca, and were immediately, upon their arrival, brought into the Castle Hall.

Robert Brown Tailor was first called in; Robert Brown examined. and being tormented with water, confessed all in order as the Fiscal asked him.

Then was Edward Collins cal­led in, Edward Collins examined. and told, that those that were formerly examined, had confest him as accessarie to the plot of taking the Castle. Which, [Page 13]when he denied with great Oaths and execrations, they made his hands and feet fast to the Rack, bound a cloath about his throat, ready to be put to the torture of water. Thus prepared, he prayed to be respited, and he would con­fess all. Being let down, he a­gain vowed and protested his in­nocencie; yet said, that because he knew that they would by tor­ture make him confess any thing, though never so false, they should do him a great favour, to tell him what they would have him say, and he would speak it, to avoid the torture. The Fiscal hereupon said; What, do you mock us? and bad, Up with him again; and so gave him the torment of wa­ter: which he not able long to endure, prayed to be let down again to his Confession. Then he devised a little with himself, and told them, That about two moneths and a half before, him­self, Tomson, Johnson, Brown, and Fardo, had plotted, with the help of the Japoners, to surprise the Castle. Here he was interrupted by the Fiscal, and asked whether [Page 14]Captain Towerson were not of that conspiracie. He answered, No. You lie, said the Fiscal; did not he call you all to him, and tell you, that those daily abuses of the Dutch had caused him to think of a Plot, and that he wanted nothing but your consent and secrecie? Then said a Dutch Merchant, one John Joost that stood by. Did not you all swear upon a Bible to be se­cret to him? Collins answered with great Oaths, that he knew nothing of any such matter. Then they bad make him fast again: whereupon he then said, All was true that they had spo­ken. Then the Fiscal asked him, whether the English in the rest of the Factories, were not con­senting to this Plot. He an­swered, No. The Fiscal then asked him, whether the Presi­dent of the English at Jaccatra, or Master Welden A gent in Ban­da, were not Plotters or privy to this business. Again he an­swered, No. Then the Fiscal ask­ed him, by what means the Iapo­ners should have executed their [Page 15]purpose. Whereat, when Collins stood staggering and devising of some probable fiction, the Fiscal holp him, and said, Should not two Japoners have gone to each point of the Castle, and two to the Governours Chamber door; and when the hurly-burly had been without, and the Gover­nour coming to see what was the matter, the Japoners to have killed him? Here one that stood by, said to the Fiscal, Do not tell him what he should say, but let him speak of himself. Whereupon the Fiscal, without attending the answer to his for­mer question, asked what the Japoners should have had for their reward. Collins answered, 1000 Ryals apiece. Lastly, he asked him, when this plot should have been effected. Whereun­to, although he answered him nothing (not knowing what to devise upon the sudden) yet he was dismissed, and very glad to come clear of the Torture, though with certain belief that he should die for this his confes­sion.

Next was Samuel Colson brought in, Samuel Colson examined. being newly arrived from Hitto, as is before touched, and was the same day brought to the Torture, who, for fear of the pain wherewith he saw Collins come out, in such a case, that his eyes were almost blown out of his head with the Torment of water; chose rather to confess all they asked him: and so was quick­ly dismissed, coming out weep­ing, lamenting, and protesting his innocencie.

Then was John Clark, John Clark examined. that came with Colson from Hitto, fetcht in, and a little after was heard (by the rest that were with­out in the Hall) to crie out amain, They Tortured him with water and with fire, by the space of two hours. The manner of his Torture (as also of Johnsons and Tomsons) was as followeth: First they hoi­sed him up by the hands with a cord on a large dore, where they made him fast upon two staples of Iron, fixt on both sides at the top of the dore posts, haling his hands one from the other as wide as they could stretch. Being thus [Page 17]made fast, his feet hung some two foot from the ground; which al­so they stretcht asunder as far as they would retch, and so made them fast beneath unto the dore­trees on each side. Then they bound a cloth about his neck and face so close, that little or no water could go by. That done, they poured the water softly up­on his head untill the cloath was full up to the mouth and nostrils, and somewhat higher; so that he could not draw breath, but he must withall suck in the water: which being still continued to be poured in softly, forced all his inward parts, came out of his nose, ears, and eyes, and often, as it were stifling and choaking him, at length took away his breath, & brought him to a swoun or faint­ing. Then they took him quickly down, & made him vomit up the water. Being a little recovered, they triced him up again, & pour­ed in the water as before, eftsoons taking him down as he seemed to be stifled. In this manner they handled him three or four seve­ral times with water, till his bo­dy [Page 18]was swoln twice or thrice as big as before, his cheeks like great bladders, and his eyes staring and strutting out beyond his fore­head: yet all this he bare, with­out confessing any thing; inso­much as the Fiscal and tormen­tors reviled him, saying, that he was a Divel, and no man, or surely was a Witch, at least had some charm about him, or was enchanted, that he could bear so much. Wherefore they cut off his hair very short, as supposing he had some witchcraft hidden therein. Afterwards they hoised him up again as before, and then burnt him with lighted candles in the bottom of his feet, untill the fat dropt out the candles; yet then applied they fresh lights un­to him. They burnt him also un­der the elbows, and in the palms of the hands; likewise under the arm-pits, untill his inwards might evidently be seen. At last, when they saw he could of himself make no handsome confession, then they led him along with questions of particular circum­stances, by themselves framed. [Page 19]Being thus wearied and over­come by the torment, he an­swered, yea, to whatsoever they asked: whereby they drew from him a body of a confession to this effect; to wit, That Captain Towerson had upon New-years day last before, sworn all the English at Amboyna to be secret and assistant to a plot that he had projected, with the help of the Japoners, to surprise the Castle, and to put the Governour and the rest of the Dutch to death.

Having thus martyred this poor man, they sent him out by four Blacks: who carried him between them to a dungeon, where he lay five or six dayes, without any Chirurgion to dress him, untill (his flesh being putri­fied) great Maggots dropt and crept frō him in a most loathsom and noisom manner. Thus they fi­nished their Sabbath dayes work; & it growing now dark, sent the rest of the English (that came that day from Hitto, & till thē attend­ed in the Hall) first to the Smith's shop, where they were loaden with Irons, and then to the same [Page 20]loathsome dungeon, where Clark and the rest were, accompanied with the poor Iaponers, lying in the putrefaction of their tortures.

The next morning being Mun­day the seventeenth of February, old stile, William Griggs and Iohn Fardo, with certain Iaponers, were brought into the place of exami­nation.

The Iaponers were first cruelly tortured, William Griggs examined to accuse Griggs, which at last they did: and Griggs, to avoid the like torture, confessed all that the Fiscal demanded. Iohn Far­do exa­mined. By and by the like also was done by Iohn Fardo, and other Iaponers: but Fardo himself endured the tor­ture of water, and at last confes­sed whatsoever the Fiscal asked him; and so was sent back to pri­son.

The same day also Iohn Beomont was brought the second time to the Fiscals chamber; Iohn Beo­mont exa­mined. where one Captain Newport a Dutch mans son (born in England) was used as an Interpreter. William Griggs was also brought in to accuse him; who said, that when the consultation for taking of the [Page 21]Castle, was held, then he (the said Beomont) was present. Beomont denied it with great earnestness and deep Oaths. At last being triced up, and drenched with water till his inwards were ready to crack, he answered affirmative­ly to all the Fiscals interrogato­ries: yet as soon as he was let down, he clearly demonstrated to Captain Newport, and Iohnson a Dutch Merchant, then also pre­sent, that these things could not be so. Nevertheless he was forced to put his hand to his confession, or else he must to the torture a­gain, which to avoid, he sub­scribed; and so had a great iron bolt and two shackles riveted to his legs, and then was carried back to prison.

After this, George Sharrock, George Sharrock examined Assistant at Hitto, was called in question; who, seeing how grie­vously others were martyred, made his earnest prayer to God (as since upon his Oath he hath acknowledged) that he would suffer him to make some such pro­bable lies against himself, as the Dutch might believe, and so he [Page 22]might escape the torment. Being brought to the Rack, the wa­ter provided, and the candles lighted, he was by the Gover­nour and Fiscal examined, and charged with the conspiracie. He fell upon his knees, and pro­tested his innocencie. Then they commanded him to the Rack, and told him; Unless he would confess, he should be torment­ed with fire and water to death, and then should be drawn by the heels to the gallows, and there hanged up. He still persisting in this his innocencie, the Fiscal bad him be hoised up. Then he craved respite a while, and told them, that he was at Hitto, and not in Amboyna, upon New-years day, when the consulta­tion was pretended; neither had been there since November be­fore, as was well known to sun­dry of the Hollanders themselves that resided there also with him. Hereupon, they commanded him again to the Rack: but he, craving respite as before, now told them, that he had ma­ny times heard Iohn Clark (who [Page 23]was with him at Hitto) say, That the Dutch had done them many unsufferable wrongs, and that he would be revenged of them: to which end, he had once broken with Captain Towerson of a brave Plot. At which word the Fis­cal and the rest were attentive, encouraging him to proceed. So he went on, saying, that John Clark had intreated Captain Towerson, that he might go to Maccasser, there to consult and advise with the Spaniards to come with Gallies, and rob the small Factories of Amboyna and Seran, when no ships were there. Here they asked him, what Cap­tain Towerson said to this. He answered, that Captain Towerson was very much offended with Clark for the motion; and from thenceforth could never abide him. Hereupon the Fiscal cal­led him Rogue, and said he prated all from the matter, & should go to the torture. He craved favour again, and began another tale; to wit, that upon Twelf-day then last past, John Clark told him at Hitto, that there was a practise [Page 24]to take the Castle of Amboyna; and asked him, whether he would consent thereunto. Whereupon he demanded of Clark, whether Captain Towerson knew of any such matter. Which, Clark affir­ming; then he (the said Sharrock) said, that he would do as the rest did. Then the Fiscal asked him, what time the consultation was held. He answered, In Novem­ber last. The Fiscal said, That could not be: for, the consulta­tion was upon New-yerrs day. The Prisoner said as before in the beginning; that he had not been in Amboyna since the first of De­cember, till now that he was brought thither. Why then, quoth the Fiscal, have you belied your self? whereto the Prisoner resolutely answered, that all that he had spoken touching any trea­son, was false and feigned, onely to avoid torment. Then went the Fiscal out into another room to the Governour, and anon re­turned, and sent Sharrock unto the Prison again. The next day he was called again, and a writing presented him, wherein was [Page 25]framed a formal confession of his last conference with Clark at Hitto, touching the plot to take the Castle of Amboyna: which being read over to him, the Fis­cal asked him, whether it were true, or no. He answered, No, Why then, said the Fiscal, did you confess it? He answered, For fear of Torment. The Fiscal and the rest in a great rage told him he lied; his mouth had spoken it, and it was true, and therefore he should subscribe it. Which as soon as he had done, he fell pre­sently into a great passion charging them bitterly to be guiltie of the innocent bloud of himself and the rest, which they should look to answer for at the day of Judge­ment: withall he grappled with the Fiscal, and would have stop­ped him from carrying in the confession to the Governour, with whom he also craved to speak; but was instantly laid hold on, and carried away to prison.

William Webber, William Webber examined. being next ex­amined, was told by the Fiscal, that John Clark had confessed [Page 26]him to have been at Amboyna on New-years day, and sworn to Captain Towerson's plot, &c. All which he denied, alledging, he was that day at Larica: yet being brought to the torture, he then confessed, he had been at the con­sultation at Amboyna upon New-years day, with all the rest of the circumstances in order as he was asked. He also further told them, he had received a letter from Iohn Clark; after which was a Post­script, excusing his brief writing at that time, for that there was great business in hand. But one Renier a Dutch Merchant, then standing by, told the Governour, that upon New-years day, the time of this pretended consulta­tion, Webber and he were merrie at Larica. So the Governour left him, and went out. But the Fis­cal held on upon the other point, touching the Postscript of Clark's Letter, urging him to shew the same. Which when he could not do, though often terrified with the torture, he gave him respite; promising to save his life, if he would produce that Letter.

Then was Captain Towerson brought to the examination, Gabriel Tower­son exa­mined. and shewed what others had confes­sed of him. He deeply protest­ing his innocencie, Samuel Col­son was brought to confront him: who being told, that un­less he would now make good his former confession against Captain Towerson, he should to the torture, coldly re-affirmed the same, and so was sent away. They also brought William Grigs & John Fardo to justifie their for­mer confessions to his face. Cap­tain Towerson seriously charged them, that as they would answer it at the dreadfull day of Judge­ment, they should speak nothing but the truth. Both of them in­stantly fel down upon their knees before him; praying him for Gods sake to forgive them, & saying fur­ther openly before them all, that whatsoever they had formerly cō ­fessed, was most false, and spoken onely to avoid torment. With that the Fiscal & the rest offered them again to the torture: which they would not endure, but then af­firmed their former confessions to be true.

When Colson (who had accused Captain Towerson before) was re­quired to set his hand to his con­fession, he asked the Fiscal, upon whose head he thought the sin would lie; whether upon his that was constrained to confess what was false, or upon the cōstrainers. The Fiscal, after a little pause up­on this question, went in to the Governour then in another room; but anon returning, told Colson he must subscribe it: which he did; yet withall made this pro­testation: Well, quoth he, you make me to accuse my self and o­thers of that which is as false, as God is true: for, God is my wit­ness I am as innocent as the child new born.

Thus have they examined all that belong to the English Com­pany in the several Factories of the Island of Amboyna.

The one and twentieth of February, John Wethe­ral exa­mined. they examined John Wetheral, Factor at Cambello in the Island of Seran. He confessed, he was at Amboyna upon New-years day: but for the consulta­tion, whereof he was demanded, [Page 29]he said he knew of no other but touching certain cloath of the English Company, that lay in the Factories rotting and worm­eaten, which they advised toge­ther how to put off to the best avail of their Imployers. The Governour said, they questioned him not about cloath, but of treason: whereof when he had protested his innocencie, he was for that time dismissed. But the next day he was sent for again, and Captain Towerson brought to confront and accuse him, having before (it seems) confessed some­what against him. But Mr. Tow­erson spake now these words onely: Oh, M. Wetheral, M. We­theral, speak the truth, and no­thing but the truth, as God shall put into your heart. So Captain Towerson was put out again, and Wetheral brought to the torture of water with great threats; if water would not make him con­fess, fire should. He prayed them to tell him what he should say, or to write down what they would, he would subscribe it. They said, he needed no Tutor; [Page 31]they would make him confess of himself. But when they had triced him up four several times, and saw he knew not what to say, then they read him other mens con­fessions, & asked him from point to point, as they had done others: and he still answered, Yea, to all.

Next was called in John Powl, John Powl exa­mined. Wetherals assistant at Camhello: but he, proving that he was not at Amboyna since November (save now when he was brought thi­ther prisoner) & being spoken for by one Iohn Joost, who had long been well acquainted with him, was dismissed without torture.

Then was Thomas Ladhrook, Thomas Ladbrook examined. ser­vant to VVetheral & Powl at Cam­hello, brought to be examined: but proving that he was at Cambello at the time of the pretended con­sultation, and serving in such qua­lity, as that he was never acquaint­ed with any of the Letters from the Agent of Amboyna, he was easily and quickly dismissed.

Ephraim Ramsey was also exa­mined upon the whole pretended conspiracie, Ephraim Ramsey examined. and particularly que­stioned cōcerning Captain VVel­den [Page 30]the English Agent in Banda, but denying all, and proving that he was not at Amboyna at New­years tide, being also spoken for by Iohn Ioost; was dismissed, after he had hanged in the Rack a good while, with irons upon his legs, and the cloath about his mouth.

Lastly, Iohn-Sadler, John Sadler examined. servant to William Grigs at Larica, was exa­mined; and being found to have been absent from Amboyna at New-years tide, when Grigs and others were there, was dismissed.

Thus have we all their exami­nations tortures, and confessions, being the work of 8. days, from the 15. to the 23. of February. After which, was two dayes re­spite before the sentence. John Powl, being himself acquitted as before said, went to the prison to visit John Fardo, one of those that had accused Captain Tower­son. To him Fardo religiously protested his innocencie; but e­specially his sorrow for accusing Master Towerson: for, said he, the fear of death doth nothing dismay me; for, God (I trust) will be mercifull to my soul, [Page 32]according to the innocencie of my cause. The onely matter that troubleth me, is, that through fear of Torment I have accused that honest and godly man Captain Towerson, who (I think in my conscience) was so upright and honest towards all men, that he harboured no ill will to any, much less would attempt any such bu­siness as he is accused of. He fur­ther said, he would before his death receive the Sacrament, in acknowledgement that he had ac­cused Captain Towerson falsly and wrongfully, onely through fear of Torment.

The five and twentieth of Fe­bruary, old stile, all the prisoners, as well the English, as the Portu­gal and the Iaponers, were brought into the great Hall of the Castle, and there were solemnly con­demned, except Iohn Powel, E­phraim Ramsey, Iohn Sadler, and Thomas Ladbrook, formerly ac­quitted, as aforesaid.

Captain Towerson having been (during all his imprisonment) kept apart from the rest, so that none of them could come to [Page 33]speak with him; writ much in his Chamber (as some of the Dutch report,) but all was sup­pressed, save onely a Bill of debt, which one Th. Iohnson, a free Burgher got of him by favour of his keepers for acknowledgement, that the English Company owed him a certain sum of mony. In the end of this Bill he writ these words: Firmed by the Firm of me Gabriel Towerson now appointed to die guiltles of any thing that can be justly laid to my charge. God forgive them their guilt; and re­ceive me to his mercie. Amen. This Bill being brought to M. Welden the English Agent at Banda, he paid the money, and received in the acknowledgement.

VVilliam Griggs (who had be­fore accused Captain Towerson) writ these words following in his Table-book: VVe, whose names are here specified; John Beomont, Merchant of Loho, William Griggs Merchant of Larica, Abel Price, Chirurgian of Amboyna. Robert Brown, Tailor, which do here lie Prisoners in the Ship Rotterdam, being apprehended [Page 34]for conspiracie, for blowing up the Castle of Amboyna: we being judged to death this fifth of March. Anno 1622. which we through torment were constrained to speak, that which we never meant, nor once imagined; the which we take upon our deaths and salvation: they tor­tured us with that extream torment of fire and water, that flesh and bloud could not endure: and this we take upon our deaths, that they have put us to death guiltless of our ac­cusation. So therefore we desire, that they that shall understand this; that our Imployers may understand these wrongs, and that your selves would have a care to look to your selves: for their intent was to have brought you in also; they askt cōcer­ning you; which if they had tortured us, we must have confessed you also. And so farewel; written in the dark.

This Table-book was after­wards delivered to M. Welden afore-named by one that served the Dutch

Samuel Colson also, another that accused Captain Towerson, writ as followeth in the waste leaves of a book, wherein were bound toge­ther [Page 35]the Common-Prayers, the Psalms, and the Catechism.

In one page thus;

On the other side, upon the first page of the Chatechism, is thus written:

In the beginning of the Psalms and in the leaf so referred unto, is thus written, viz.

Yet in another page were these words:

This book he delivered to one that served the Hollanders, who sowed it up in his bed, and after­ward, at his opportunity deliver­ed it to M. VVelden before named

All these said writings are yet extant under the hands of the se­veral parties, well known to their friends here in England.

The six and twentieth of Fe­bruary, Stilo veteri, the Prisoners were all brought into the great Hall of the Castle (except Cap­tain Towerson & Emanuel Tom­son) to be prepared for death by the ministers. The Iaponeers now all in general, as some of them had done before in particular, cryed out unto the English, saying; Oh you English men, where did we ever in our lives eat with you, talk with you, or (to our remem­brance) see you? The English an­swered, Why then have you ac­cused us? The poor men, percei­ving they were made believe each had accused others, before they had so done indeed; shewed them their tortur'd bodies, and said, If a stone were thus burnt, would it not change his nature? how much more we that are flesh and bloud?

Whil'st they were all in the Hall, Cap. Towerson was brought up into the place of examination and two great Jarres of water carried [Page 39]after him. What he there did or suffered was unknown to the English without: but it seemeth they made him then to under­write his confession. After supper John Powl, Ephraim Ramsey, Th. Ladbrook, and Iohn Sadler, who were found not guily, as afore­said, were taken from the rest, and put into another room. By and by also were Samuel Colson, and Edward Collins brought from the rest; into the room where Ema­nuel Tomson lay: The Fiscal told them, it was the Governours mercie, to save one of them three: and it being indifferent to him, which of them were the man, it was his pleasure they should draw lots for it, which they did, and the free lot fell to Edward Col­lins; who then was carried away to the Chamber, where John Powl and the rest that were quit, lodged, and Samuel Colson back into the Hall. Anon also John Beomont was brought out of the Hall into the Chamber, where John Powl, and the rest of the acquitted persons were, and was told, that he was beholding to [Page 40] Peter Iohnson the Dutch Mer­chant of Lobo, and to the Secre­tarie; for they two had begged his life.

So then there remained in the Hall ten of the English; for Cap­tain Towerson & Emmanuel Tom­son (as is said before) were kept in several rooms apart from the rest. To these that remained in the Hall, came the Dutch Mini­sters, who telling them how short a time they had to live, admo­nished and exhorted them to make their true confessions; for it was a dangerous and desperate thing, to dissemble at such a time. The English still professed their innocencie, and prayed the Mi­nisters that they might all re­ceive the Sacraments, as a seal of the forgiveness of their sins; and withall, thereby to confirm their last profession of their in­nocencie. But this would by no means be granted. Whereupon Samuel Colson said thus unto the Ministers; You manifest unto us the danger of dissimulation in this case. But tell us, if we suffer guiltless, being other wise also true [Page 41]believers in Christ Jesus, What shall be our reward? The Prea­cher answered, By how much the clearer you are, so much the more glorious shal be your resurrection. With that word, Colson started up, imbraced the Preacher, & gave him his purse,, with such money as he had in it, saying; Domine, God bless you: tell the Gover­nour, I freely forgive him; and I intreat you, to exhort him to re­pent him of his bloudy tragedy, wrought upon us poor innocent souls. Here all the rest of the English signified their consent to this Speech. Then spake John Fardo to the rest, in presence of the Ministers, as followeth: My Countrey-men, and Brethren, all that are here with me cōdemned to die, I charge you all, as you will answer it at Gods judge­ment seat, if any of you be guil­ty of this matter, whereof we are condemned, discharge your consciences, and confess the truth for satisfaction of the World. Hereupon Samuel Colson spake with a loud voice, saying, Ac­cording to my innocencie in this [Page 42]treason, so Lord pardon all the rest of my sins: and if I be guilty thereof more or less, let me ne­ver be partaker of thy heavenly joyes. At which words every one of the rest cried out, Amen for me, Amen for me, good Lord. This done, each of them know­ing whom he had accused, went one to another begging forgive­nes for their false accusation, be­ing wrung from them by the pains or fear of torture. And they all freely forgave one another: for none had been so falsly accused, but he himself had accused ano­ther as falsly. In particular, George Sharrock (who survived to relate this nights passage) kneeled down to Iohn Clark, whom he had ac­cused of the tale at Hitto above mentioned, and craved forgive­ness at his hands. Clark freely forgave him, saying; how should I look to be forgiven of God, if I should not forgive you, having my self so falsly accused Captain Towerson, and others?

After this, they spent the rest of the dolefull night in Prayer, singing of Psalms, and comfort­ing [Page 43]one another; though the Dutch that guarded them, of­fered them wine, bidding them drink Lustick, and drive away the sorrow; according to the cu­stom of their own Nation in the like case, but contrarie to the na­ture of the English.

Upon the morrow morning, being the execution day, the 27. of February, Stilo veteri, John Powl being freed (as is above re­cited) came into the room where the condemned persons were, and found them at Prayer. They all requested him to relate unto their friends in England, the in­nocencie of their cause; taking it upon their deaths, that what they had cōfessed against themselves & others touching this crime, was all false, & forced by fear of torture.

The same morning William Wehber was called again into the Fiscals room, and there pres­sed to produce the letter, which he had before confessed to have received from John Clark, in the Postscript whereof some great bu­siness was intimated. They pro­mised him his life, if he would [Page 44]deliver or produce them that let­ter: which although he did not, nor indeed could, yet at last they pardoned him, and sent him to the rest that were saved, and Sharrock with him.

That morning Emanuel Tomson understanding that John Beomont was pardoned, made means to have him come and speak with him; which, with much ado, he obtained. Beomont found him sitting in a Chamber, all alone in a most miserable fashion; the wounds of his torture bound up, but the matter & gore-bloud is­suing through the Rollers. He took M. Beomont by the hand, and prayed him, when he came into England, to do his duty to the Honourable Company, his Ma­sters, to M. Robinson, and to his brother Billingsley, and to certi­fie them of his innocencie, which (said he) you your self know well enough.

All things being prepared for the execution, the condemned were brought forth of the Hall along by the Chamber where the quit and pardoned were; who [Page 45]stood in the dore, to give and take the farewell of their Coun­trey-men now going to execu­tion. Staying a little for this purpose, they prayed and charged those, that were saved, to bear witness to their friends in Eng­land of their innocencie, and that they died not Traitors, but so many Innocents, meerly mur­thered by the Hollanders, whom they prayed God to forgive their bloud-thirstiness, and to have mercie upon their own souls.

Being brought into the Yard, their sentence was there read unto them from a Gallery, and then they were thence carried unto the place of execution, together with nine Japons and a Portu­gal: not the ordinarie and short way, but round about in a long procession, through the Town; the way guarded with five Compa­nies of Souldiers, Dutch, and Amboyners, and thronged with the Natives of the Island, that (upon the summons given the day before by the sound of the Drum) flocked together to be­hold this triumph of the Dutch [Page 46]over the English. Samuel Colson had conceived a Prayer in wri­ting, in the end whereof he prote­sted his innocencie: which Prayer he read to his fellows the night before, and now also at the place of execution devoutly pronoun­ced the same; then threw away the paper, which the Governour caused to be brought to him, and kept it,

Emanuel Tomson told the rest, he did not doubt but GOD would shew some sign of their innocen­cy; and every one of the rest took it severally upon their death, that they were utterly guiltless; and so one by one with great cheerful­ness suffered the fatal stroke.

The Portugal prayed over his Beads very devoutly, and often kissed the Cross; swearing there­upon, that he was utterly innocent of this treason: yet confessed, that God had justly brought this pu­nishment upon him, for that ha­ving a wife in his own Countrey, he had, by the perswasion of the Dutch Governour, taken another in that Countrey, his first being yet living.

The Japons likewise (accord­ing to their Religion) shut up their last Act with the like profes­sion of their innocencie. So there suffered ten English men, viz. Captain Gabriel Towerson the A­gent of the English at Amboyna, Samuel Colson Factor at Hitto, E­manuel Tomson Assistant at Am­boyna, Timothy Johnson Assistant there also, John Wetheral Fa­ctor at Cambello, John Clark As­sistant at Hitto, William Griggs Factor at Larica, John Fardo Ste­ward of the house, Ahel Price Chirurgian, and Robert Brown Tailor.

The Portugal also suffered with them. His name was Augu­stin Perez. He was born at Ben­gala.

The names of the Japoneses that suffered (if any be curious to know them) were as follow­eth:

• Hititso, all born at Firando.
• Tsiosa, all born at Firando.
• Sinsa. all born at Firando.
• Sidney Migiel, born at Na­gansacque.
• Pedro Congie, born at Na­gansacque.
• Thome Corea. born at Na­gansacque.
• [Page 48]Quiandayo native of Coraets.
• Tsabinda of Tsoncketgo.
• Zanchoe of Fisien.

Besides these, there were two o­ther Japoneses; the one named Soysimo, born at Firando; and the other Sacoube, of the same place: the former of which being tor­tured, confessed both to have been privy to this pretended trea­son, and to have offered his ser­vice unto the English to aid them in taking of the Castle: and the latter confessed to have had knowledge of the consultation of the other Japons to this pur­pose. But neither of them was executed, nor so much as con­demned. The reason whereof was not known to the English that were saved.

They had prepared a cloath of black Velvet, for Captain Tower­sons's body to fall upon; which being stained and defaced with his bloud, they afterwards put to the account of the English Com­pany.

At the instant of the execu­tion, there arose a great dark­ness, [Page 49]with a sudden and violent gust of wind and tempest; where­by two of the Dutch ships, riding in the harbour, were driven from their Anchors, and with great labour and defficulty saved from the Rocks. Within a few dayes after, one William Dunckin, who had told the Governour. That Robert Brown, the English Tai­lour, had a few Moneths before told him, he hoped, that within six Moneths the English should have as much to do in the Castle of Amboyna, as the Dutch: This fellow, coming upon an evening to the grave where the English were buried, being all (save Cap­tain Towerson) in one pit, fell down upon the grave; and ha­ving lien there a while, rose up again stark mad, and so conti­nued two or three dayes toge­ther, and then died. Forthwith also fell a new sickness at Amboy­na, which swept away about a thousand people Dutch and Am­boyners: in the space wherein, there usually died not above thirty at other seasons. These signs were by the surviuing Eng­lish, [Page 50]referred to the confident pre­diction of Emanuel Tomson a­above-named, and were by the Am­boyners interpreted as a token of the wrath of God for this barba­rous Tyranny of the Hollanders.

The next day after the execu­tion, being the eight and twen­tieth of February, Stilo veteri, was spent in Triumph for the new General of the Dutch then pro­claimed, and in publick rejoycing for the deliverance from this pre­tended treason. The day follow­ing, being the first of March, Iohn Beomont, George Sharrock, Ed­ward Collins, and William Webber, were brought to the Governour; who told Webber Beomont and Sharrock, that they were par­doned in Honour of the new Ge­neral; and Collins, that he was to go to Jaccatra, there to stand to the favour of the General. So the Governour made them drink wine with him, and curteously dismissed them: willing them to go and consult with the rest that were saved, who were fit to be placed in the several Factories. Which done, and their opinions [Page 51]reported to the Governour, he accordingly commanded each to his place; adding, that he would thenceforth take upon him the pa­tronage and Government of the English Companies business. To which purpose, he had within a few dayes past opened a Letter that came from the English Pre­sident at Iaccatra, directed to Captain Towerson; being (as he said) the first English Letter that ever he intercepted; further, say­ing, that he was glad that he sound by that Letter, that the English at Iaccatra were innocent touching this business.

The Governour and Fiscal ha­ving thus made an end at Am­boyna, dispatched themselves for Banda: where they made very di­ligent enquiry against Captain Welden, the English Agent there; yet found no colour nor shadow of guilt to lay hold on: but at last entertained him with courte­ous speeches, professing to be very glad, that they found him, as well as the English at Iacca­tra, to be without suspition of this Treason (as they tearm it.) [Page 52]Captain VVelden, perceiving the disorder and confusion of the English Companies affairs at Am­boyna, by means of this dealing of the Dutch; forthwith hired a Dutch Pinnace at Banda, and pas­sed to Amboyna: where, instantly upon his arrival, he re-called the Companies servants, sent (as be­fore) by the Dutch Governour to the upper-factories.

Having enquired of them, and the rest that were left at Amboy­na, of the whole proceedings lately passed, he found, by the constant and agreeing relation of them all, that there was no such Treason of the English as was pretended: as also understanding what strict command the Gover­nour had given to the surviving English, not once to talk or confer with the Countrey peo­ple concerning this bloudy busi­ness, although the said Countrey people every day reproched them with treason, and a bloudy in­tention to have massacred the Natives, and to have ripped up the bellies of women with child, and such like stuff; wherewith [Page 53]the Dutch have possessed the poor Vulgar, to make the Eng­lish odious unto them. The said M. VVelden therefore finding it to sort neither with the Honour nor profit of the English Compa­ny, his Masters, to hold any longer residence in Amboyna, he took the poor remnant of the English along with him, in the said hired Pinnace for Iaccatra; whither the Governour had sent Iohn Beomont and Edward Collins before, as men condemned, and left to the mercie of the Ge­neral.

When this heavy news of Am­boyna came to Iaccatra and the English there, the President forth­with sent to the General of the Dutch, to know by what Au­thority the Governour of Am­boyna had thus proceeded against the English, and how he and the rest of the Dutch there at Iac­catra, did approve these proceed­ings. The Governour returned for answer, that, The Governour of Amboyna's Authority was de­rived from that of the Lords States General of the United [Page 54]Neatherlands; under whom he had lawfull Jurisdiction both in Criminal and civil causes, within the destrict of Amboyna; further, that such proceeding was neces­sary against Traitours, such as the English executed at Amboyna, might appear to be by their own confessions: a Copy whereof he therewith sent to the Eng­lish President; who sent the same back to be Authentickly certifi­ed, but received it not again.

Hitherto hath been recited the bare and naked Narration of the Progress and passage of this acti­on, as it is taken out of the Depo­sitions of six several English Fa­ctors; whereof four were con­demned, and the other two ac­quitted in this Process of Amboy­na: all, since their return into England, examined upon their Oaths in the Admiralty Court. The particular of Captain Tower­son's, as also of Emanuel Tomson's examinations and answers, are not yet come to light, by reason that these two were kept apart from all the rest, and each alone by himself; nor any other of the [Page 55]English suffered to come to speak with them, except onely that short Farewell, which Iohn Beomont took of Tomson the morning before the execution be­fore mentioned. The like obscu­rity is yet touching the examina­tions and answers of diverse of the rest that are executed; being, during their imprisonment, so strictly lookt to, and watched by the Dutch, that they might not talk together, nor mutually re­late their miseries.

But because the Hollanders defend their own proceedings by the confessions of the parties exe­cuted, acknowledging severally under their hands, that they were guilty of the pretended crime; it will not be amiss to recollect and recall unto this place, as it were unto one sum and totall, certain circumstances dispersed in several parts of this Narration; whereby, as well the innocencie of the English, as the unlawfull proceedings against them, may be manifested.

First therefore it is to be re­membred, that the Japons were [Page 56]apprehended, examined, and tor­tured three or four dayes, before the English were attached; and the fame as well of their appre­hension, as torture, was rife and notorious in the Town of Am­boyna, and the parts adjoyning. Tomson, in this interim, and the very first day of the examination of the Japon, went to the Castle to ask leave of the Governour to land some Rice, and brought back the news with him to the English house of the cruel hand­ling of these poor Iapons. This had been Item enough to the English, if they had been guilty, to shift for themselves: whereto also they had ready means by the Curricurries or small Boats of the Amboyners, which lie along the Strand in great number, wherewith they might easily have transported themselves to Seran, to Bottoom, or to Maccassar, out of the reach and Jurisdiction of the Dutch; but in that they fled not in this case, it is a very strong presumption, that they were as little privy to any trea­son of their own, as suspicious of [Page 57]any treachcerous tran laid for their blouds.

In the next place let it be con­sidered, how impossible it was for the English to atchieve this pre­tended enterprise.

The Castle of Amboyna is of a very great strength (as is before declared;) the Garrison therein two or three hundred men, besides as many more of their free Bur­gers in the Town. What their care and circumspection in all their Forts is, may appear, not one­ly by the quick Alarm they now took at the foolish question of the poor Japon, made to the Sentinel above-recited; but also by that which a little before happened at Jaccatra, where one of their Soul­diers was shot to death for sleep­ing in the watch.

Durst ten English men (where­of not one a Souldier) attempt any thing upon such a strength and vigilancie? As for the assi­stance of the Japons, they were but ten neither, and all un-armed as well as the English: For, as at the seizure of the English house, all the provision therein found [Page 58]was but three swords, two Mus­kets, and half a pound of powder: so the Japons (except when they are in service of the Castle, and there armed by the Dutch) are al­lowed to have no Arms, but one­ly a Catan, a kind of short sword: and it is forbidden to all the Dutch, upon great penaltie, to sell any hand-gun, powder or bullets to the Japons or Amboyners. But let it be imagined, that these 20 persons English & Japons, were so desperate as to adventure the ex­ploit; how should they be able to master the Dutch in the Castle, or to keep possession when they had gotten it? what second had they? There was neither Ship nor Pin­nace of the English in the harbor. All the rest of the Japons in the Island, were not twenty persons, and not one English more. The nearest of the rest of the English were at Banda, forty leagues from Amboyna; and those but nine per­sons, all afterwards cleared by the Governour and Fiscal themselves from all suspition of this pretend­ed crime, as were also the rest of the English at Jaccatra.

On the other side, besides the strength of the Castle and Town of Amboyna, the Hollanders have three other strong Castles, well furnished with Souldiers in the same Island, and at Cam­bello near adjoyning. They had then also in the road of Amboy­na eight Ships and Vessels, name­ly, the Rotterdam of 1200 Tun, the Unicorn of 300 Tun, the Free-mans Vessel of 100 Tun, the Calck of 60 Tun, Captain Gamals Junck of 40 Tun, the Flute of 300 Tun, the Amsterdam of 1400 Tun, and a small Pinnace of about 60 Tun; and all these well furnished with men and Ammunition. It is true, that the Stories do record sundry valiant and hardy enterprises of the Eng­lish Nation, and Holland is wit­ness of some of them, yea, hath reaped the fruit of the English resolution; yet no Storie, no Le­gend scarcely reporteth any such hardiness, either of the English or others, That so few persons, so naked of all provisions & sup­plies, should undertake such an adventure upon a counter-party, [Page 60]so well and abundantly fitted at all points.

But let it be further granted, that they might possibly have overcome all these difficulties; yet to what end and purpose should they put themselves into such a jeopardie? They knew well enough, that it was agreed be­tween both companies at home, That the Forts in the Indies should remain respectively in the hands of such, as had possession of them at the date of the Trea­ty, Anno 1619. and that the same was ratified by the Kings Majestie, and the Lords States General. They knew likewise, and all the world takes know­ledge of his Majesties Religious observation of Peace and Treatie with all his neighbours, yea, with all the world: what reward then could these English hope for, of this their Valour and danger? Certainly none other than that which is expresly provided by the Treaty it self, that is, To be punished as the disturbers of the Common Peace, and Amity of both Nations.

But let these English men have been as foolish in this plot as the Hollanders will have them; is it also to be imagined, that they were so graceless, as when they were condemned, and seriously admonished by the Ministers to discharge their consciences, yet then to persist in their dissimula­tion, being otherwise of such godly behaviour, as to spend the time in Prayer singing of Psalms; and spiritual comforting one an­other, which the Dutch would have had them bestow in drink­ing to drive away their sorrow? Let Colsons question to the Mini­ster be considered: his and the rests offer and desire to receive the Sacrament, in sign and token of their innocencie; their mutual asking forgiveness for their like false accusations of one another, forced by the Torture; Tomsons last farewell to Beomont; Colsons prayer, and his writing in his Prayer book; Fardo's farewell to Powel; also his conjuring exhor­tation to his fellows, to discharge their consciences, and all their answers thereunto; craving Gods [Page 62]mercie or judgement, according to their innocencie in this cause; their general and Religious pro­fession of their innocencie, to their Countrey men, at their last parting with them, and finally, the sealing of this profession with their last breath and bloud, even in the very Article of death, and in the stroke of the Executio­ner. What horrible and unex­ampled dissimulation were this? If some one or more of them had been so fearfully desperate, yet would not there one amongst ten be found to think of the judgement to come; whereunto he was then instantly summoned without Essoin, Bail, or Main­prise? What? had they hope of reprieve and life, if they kept their countenance to the last? Yet what hope had Tomsom and the rest, when Captain Towerson's head was off? Nay, what desire had Tomson and Clark to live, being so mangled and martyred by the Torture? They were exe­cuted one by one, and every one several took it upon his death, that he was guiltless.

Now to blanch and smooth over all this rough and Barbarous proceeding; it is here given out, that the Governour and Fiscal found such evidence of the plot, and dealt so evenly in the pro­cess, that they spared not their own people; having used some of their Native Hollanders, partakers of this treason, in the same man­ner as they did the English. But this, as well by the Relation here truely and faithfully set down, grounded upon the sworn Te­stimonie of six credible witnes­ses, as also by other sufficient re­ports of diverse (lately come out of those parts) appeareth to be a meer tale, not once alledged by any in the Indies in many moneths after the execution, but onely invented and dispersed here, for a Fucus and a fair colour up­on the whole cause, and to make the world believe, that the ground of this Barbarous and Tyrannous proceeding was a true crime, and not the unsatiable covetousness of the Hollanders, by this cruel trea­chery to gain the sole trade of the Molluccos, Banda and Amboyna, [Page 64]which is already become the event of this bloudy process.

To adde hereunto by way of aggravation, will be needless; the fact is so full of odious and bar­barous inhumanity, executed by Hollanders upon the English Na­tion, in a place where both lived under Terms of partnership and great amity, confirmed by a most solemn Treaty.

A True Declaration of the News that came out of the East-Indies, with the Pin­nace called the HARE, which arrived in Texel, in June, 1624.

THe very causes and beginnings through which, the Gover­nour, and Councel, established in the name of the United Neatherlands in Amboyna, came into suspicion, that some thing was plotted against that Pro­vince; did first flow from the great licentiousness of the Tarnatanes in Moluque, and Amboyna: Who, contrarie to the contract of alli­ance 1606. A made with the High and Mighty Lords the States, at­tempted (without our consent and knowledge,) to make peace with the King of Tidore: B as also truce with the Spaniards, (their, [Page 2]and our ancient adversaries) by which, the said Tarnatanes had too much cast off all respect, which they, both in regard of our confederacie, and manifold assistance did owe to this State. The Spaniard also was master e­nough at Sea, C in the Moloque, be­cause the English Merchants there in the East-Indies were unwilling to furnish us with Ships of War toward the common defence, as they were bound to do, accord­ing to the Treaties 1619. to the number of ten. Through which, the voyages to Mannila, coming to cease, the Enemy traded there, without any interruption, and procured power to send Gallies, Ships, and Pinnaces to the Moloque, with great succours of people, and provision; and that because, a­gainst the same (through the de­fault of the English Merchants) there were no Ships of War kept, as there should have been.

D The Subjects of the King of Tarnata, begun to commit great insolencies (otherwise than they were wont) against our Nation, having outragiously assaulted di­vers [Page 3]of us, divers wayes, and al­so slain some, and we notwith­standing could not obtain any punishment upon them. And as one outrage (unpunished) pro­vokes many more, through hope of the like impunity, or other considerations; so were the said Tarnatanes of Amboyna, dwelling at Loho, Cambello, and those near adjoyning places proceeded fur­ther, and have armed them­selves at Sea, and invaded di­vers Islands, and places, standing under the Neatherlands Gover­nour in Amboyna, spoiling them, and killing our Subjects, and ta­king others, and carrying them away for Slaves. And notwith­standing the instant request of the Neatherlands Gouernour, no sa­tisfaction, or Justice, hath fol­lowed; but the said Tarnatanes are yet gone further, and openly threatened to murder the Dutch Merchants, and to spoil and to burn the Logie, or Factorie, which our people have many years there enjoyed: so that our Mer­chants have taken out the Dutch goods, to avoid dammage: [Page 4]And the Tarnatanes at Loho did actually set on fire, and ruined the said Neatherlands Factorie. In the Manichels (an Island being under the Province of Amboyna) they have in like manner shortly after, burned the Neatherlands Logie, with the loss of all the goods therein. The Neatherlands Governour, that by his presence and Authority, he might cause such Rebellions to cease, and to give order for time to come, and also to seek satisfaction, and pu­nishment upon the aforesaid inso­lencies; went toward Loho, with a small power of Sloops, and coming thereabout, was met (otherwise than was wont) by a Navie of Sloops of the Tarna­tans of Loho, stronger than his were. These (by their confe­rence) gave him well to know, how little reverence they gave the Dutch Governour they braved him, without hope of restitution of any thing to come; so that, (nothing done) he was fain to re­turn to his Castle of Amboyna. By reason of these things, the said Tarnatanes became so stout and [Page 5]daring, that they gave out open­ly, that they would come, and spoil our Subjects by a general Army, with above an hundred Friggots: with these, they said they would come against Amboy­na, to make a universal spoil of our people; through which, there came a great fear upon the In­dians, standing under the Sub­jection of the High and Mighty Lords the States, as also over the Neatherlanders.

E In the Islands lying far East­ward of Banda, it was also said, and the News went currantly there, That the Hollanders were sure enough quit of the Castle of Amboyna; And at that time there were divers secret corresponden­cies between the Indians, & others, which gave us great suspition. By this means the Neatherlands Governour, and Councel of Am­boyna, were moved to have spe­cial regard, and look narrowly unto all things, seeing that it might be thence clearly gathered, that something might be plotted against the State in Amboyna, and that the Indians (of themselves) [Page 6]durst not offer to undertake any such great design, F without some great help of some of Europe, ei­ther of Spaniarnds, Portugals, or some other; and also, they un­derstood, that they of Loho, Cam­bello, G &c. had great secret cor­respondence with the English Merchants. When things were in such a state in Amboyna, there came forth and was wonderfully discovered, in February 1623. a horrible conspiracie against the Castle, and Person of the Dutch Governour, and the whole state of Amboyna: and first, by the ap­prehension of a certain Iaponian (a complice of the feat) who at an unseasonable time was often seen upon the wall of the Castle, where he also over-curiously en­quired of the most unskilfull and filliest Souldiers, touching the set­ing, and change of the Watch, and what number of people might be in the Castle, and many other things. Whereupon, in the very Act, the said Iaponian was appre­hended, and being examined of many circumstances, he confessed that the Iaponian Souldiers un­der [Page 7]our service, had decreed to make themselves Masters of the Castle, and that they should have set upon this by the help of the English, who had solicited them unto it; and that he, with all the other Japonians in the English house, often-times within three Moneths before-going, had con­ferred with the English (whom he there named, by their names) touching the manner, whereby they should bring this treacherie to pass, Hereupon it came to pass, that all the Japonian Souldiers, which were in our service, were disarmed, and imprisoned, and by examination of them all, it ap­peared plainly, by an orderly and joynt-confession, that all the said Japonians, upon the intreaty of Gabriel Towerson, and other Eng­lish Merchants & Officers agreed to assist the said English, to betray the Castle, and to give it over into the English power: & that Gabriel Towerson, and Abel Price (an Eng­lish Chirurgion) and other English dealt often with them (whom he named by their names) of the way and means, how they should work [Page 8]it; the said Abel Price being before imprisoned, for a foul, and exe­crable fact, and yet remaining in durance.

And although it appeared suf­ficiently to the Governour, and Councel of Amboyna, out of the confession of the Japonians, what the said Gabriel Towerson with his Merchants and other Complices, had before resolved to do, and that the Councel had sufficient information to imprison them all; yet the General Councel would not precipitate, but commanded the said Abel Price, (who was in prison) to come before the Coun­cel, and (after the places persons, & time, nominated to him, where and when he had dealt with the Japonians, and other English, about the said treachery) it was also from him well understood, how he (in the name, and by the command of Gabriel Towerson) and another Japonian, (who was then also in prison) had perswaded all the Iaponians, to consent to this villany, and that consequently the said Towerson, as the first Au­thour, and all the other English [Page 9]Merchants, (being in the For­reign Cantore of the Province of Amboyna) had also knowledge of the said treacherie.

Upon this full and unifom exa­mination, and confession of 12 persons, as well of the 11 Japo­nians, as one English, is the said Gabriel Towerson called to the Councel, and there appearing, the said Towerson called together all his people unto the Castle, up­on the request of the General Councel, who were there taken, & imprisoned, except the said Ga­briel Towerson himself, to whom (upon his request) and in regard of his qualitie, being chief Mer­chant in Amboyna, in the name of the English Companie; his own house was allotted him for his safe keeping, and forth-coming, And the said Prisoners were all lawfully and orderly examined, and it appeared by them jointly, according to their own confes­sion (every one having under­written it with his own hand) as followeth:

H Gabriel Towerson, about New-years day 1623. having with him [Page 10]almost all the English Merchants of the forreign Cantore in Amboy­na, he assembled them in his Chamber, and propounded to them, that he had something of great moment to impart unto them, (which he alone could not effect) under the fidelity of an Oath to be taken before, for the keeping secret thereof, and being trusty therein; saying, It is neces­sarie so to be: for if the thing should come abroad, which I shall make known unto you, it will cost all our lives. Whereup­on the holy Gospel was produ­ced, upon which, every one, who was present did swear secrecie & fidelitie, as was required. Then Towerson (after a Preface) opened to the conspiratours, how he had a way and means to make himself Master of the Castle of Amboyna. And whereas some present made it difficult to do, being too weak for it: the said Towerson answer­ed, I That he had already won to his purpose the Iaponian Soul­diers who were in the Castle, and that they should execute his purpose when the Dutch, who [Page 11]were in the Castle, were in their greatest weakness: and worst pro­vided, or (unawares) when the Governour should be absent, a­bout some exploit; and that they should wait till some English Ships, or Ship, were in Am­boyna, whose People he might employ in this attempt; as also, when as all other the English Merchants, and slaves of the For­reign Cantore in Amboyna, should be sent for to the Castle. And said further, That he knew how to get men enough, & they should leave this to his care, and them­selves to their best; and that they of Lobo should also come to help him with certain Corrercorens, &c. Upon which inducemēts, all that were present swore to assist Tower­son herein. And concerning the manner of Execution, the said Towerson had prescribed to the Japonians, which were in the Ca­stle, that they should send to eve­ry point of the Bulwarks two men, and the rest, in the Court at­tend the Governour, and to mur­der him, & that at the sign which should be given to the English, [Page 12]they should make themselves Masters of every point of the bul­wark, and kill all who should re­sist, and imprison the rest; and further should take, and divide between themselves, and the Japo­nians, the goods of the Dutch East Indian Company, except a thousand Royals of eights; which every Japonian should have be­fore, and that they should kill the Citizens, who would not con­sent with them, and do them all the mischief they could. K And touching the time, he had not yet certainly set it, but that there should suddenly be another as­sembly of the conspiratours, when Gabriel Towerson would give or­der for all things, and give a sign to the Japonians, whereupon, when they shewed it, they should begin the work within.

L The said Gabriel Towerson be­ing asked in particular; what moved him to such a wicked fact; he answered, the desire of Honour and profit. Being fur­there demanded, who should in­joy that Honour and Profit, and for whom he would have taken [Page 13]the Castle: he answered, That if he did obtain his desire, he should presently have advertised those of his Nation being in Batavia, and called for their help, who if they had sent him succour, he would have kept the Castle for his own Company, viz. (for the English East-Indian Company) and if not, he would have held it for him­self, and have endeavoured a peace with the Indians, that so by the one means or the other, he might attain his purpose. After the examination of Towerson was ended, M the Dutch Governour in Amboyna upbraided Towerson of his cruel intent, and asked, if this should have been the recompence of the manifold honours, and kindnesses he had done unto him. Whereto Towerson answered with a deep sigh, Oh, if it were to be begun, it should not be done. This voluntarie confession, and penitent acknowledgement, with much sorrow, was made the 9. of March, being the day when the execution should have been done; but the examination of Towerson was ended the 18. of February, [Page 14]so many dayes before. This is the substance of the confessions of 10 Japonians, of 14 English, and of a Neatherlandish Merinho, or Cap­tain of the Slaves; who all con­firmed these their confessions with their own hands.

What crime this intended pro­dition was, is hence very manifest, and undoubted: what punishment is due to treacherie, according to the Law and Customs of all Na­tions, is also well known: no true Christian man will patronage any such horrible attempt, but will ad­judge it worthy of death, as it was determined upon the compli­ces of this conspiracie, according to order of Justice, as there in Am­boyna it is exercised (according to desert) by the Governour and Councel, in the name of the High and Mighty Lords, the States.

Here you have (Sir) the very substance of the Truth, both of the Fact and punishment; other than which, many things are spread abroad in England, but up­on what pretence, or intendment, I know not; let the matter it self speak for it self.

The first point, Object. 1 which is obje­cted against this Justice done in Amboyna, N is concerning the pro­ceedings; which are said to be holden without formality, and with extremity, against these conspiratours: Your Worship (and each reasonable man) know­eth, that every land hath their Laws and Ordinances, and their particular manner of pro­ceedings, as well in Civil as in Criminal causes. England hath hers, France, Spain, Dutchland, Neatherland, and all other King­doms and Governments have al­so theirs, which are just and law­full to every one in their Domi­nion; so that, when any man will judge of the equitie or injustice of a proceeding used in any Land, he must examine the same ac­cording to the Laws & customs of that Kingdom or Dominion, where the Justice & Proceedings were holden. These Proceedings were holden by the Neatherland­ish Governour, in the name of the Illustrious Lords, the States, having supream Power, many years since in the Isles of Amboyna, [Page 16]which were conquered (in the name of the said Lords, the States) from the Spaniards, or Portugals, who held that Castle in the name of the King of Spain, our heredi­tarie enemy; therefore they are now possessed in the name of the Lords, the States, and are under their Dominion, by a just and Lawfull Title of War, according to the Law of Nations. There (among other things) Justice is administred according to the Law of the Neatherlands, in that manner as was used in the pro­ceedings against these conspira­tours. I know that the Laws of England are divers from ours in Criminal cases, yea, and from all the Nations in Europe: howbeit therefore, no man hath any ground of reason to say, that the proceedings of the English judges (holden in England) against De­linquents, are not legitimate, though the said English proceed­ings do varie in the manner from the proceedings of France, Spain, &c. where other customs are: for that is lawfull, which agreeth with the Laws of that Land [Page 17]where the fact is committed. Now then the Japonian Souldi­diers, being in the service of the Neatherlands Company in Amboy­na, are discovered to have con­spired against the Castle, and the Governour there, under whose Oath and pay they were; they were apprehended, and examined, and convicted of the said conspi­racie. This proceeding is Law­full, and toucheth no man, be­cause the said Japonians knew no other Master than the Neather­landers, under whose Oath, ser­vice, and pay they stand. All these Japonian conspiratours with the said Merincho, a Captain of the Neatherlands Slaves, confessed with one mouth, that they were moved and induced to this con­spiracie, by the English Mer­chants resident in Amboyna, whose names they named. Now, not onely the right of Neatherland, but of England, and of the whole World requireth, that the Au­thours, abettours and complices of Murder and Treason, should be punished with death; whereto, according to the common Laws, [Page 18]as also the particular Laws of every Kingdom or Dominion, the suspected persons first, and be­fore all, should be imprisoned, not onely for preventing the ef­fect of their evil purpose, but that they might also receive their deserved punishment: which ap­prehensions, could not (in that place) be done by any other man, than by the command of the Neatherlands Governour, to whom it belongeth to take care, to see every act concerning Su­pream power to be there obser­ved; O and especially (all other reasons ceasing) the highest Eng­lish Officers there, could not ap­prehend these English Conspira­tours, because all the chief of the English Merchants in Amboyna were themselves of the conspira­cie, and complices of the fact, up­on which the apprehension was made. Therefore the apprehension of the English complices must be done by the Dutch Governour, who therefore hath therein pro­ceeded according to the custom of all Nations of the world. P And that these apprehensions may be [Page 19]holden more Lawfull; it appear­eth out of the written process, that the said English complices were not imprisoned upon the first su­spitions & gross evidences, which were had against them, but then at last, when all the Japonian Soul­diers were taken, examined, and convicted, and had discovered by the uniform confession of all the eleven, the names and sur­names of such English as had per­swaded and hired them to this fact; of which English, viz. (one Abel Price, Barber) was before apprehended (as an Incendiary) for burning and violence done upon other houses, who also was first examined & first confessed (as the other 11 Japonians) that he (by name, Gabriel Towerson) & other English Merchants, whom he na­med by their names, had suborned the said Japonian Souldiers, and that all the English Merchants in the Forreign Cantores in Amboy­na, had knowledge of this conspi­racie, &c. So that it may be seen, out of that which went before, that the Dutch Governour dealt no otherwise in the apprehension, [Page 20]and examination of the English, than according to his place, and power, and that with great dis­cretion, according to the Laws of these United Provinces.

Q The second point which is abu­sively dispersed in England, Oubject 2 against this execution, is, that it is said, that it did not appertain to the Neatherlanders in Amboyna to im­prison the said English, and to proceed against them, or to pu­nish them; but that it did belong to the Councel of Defence resi­dent at Jaccatra, consisting half of English, and half of Neather­landers, according to the Treaty of the year 1619. made between his Majestie and the Lords the States, between the two East-India Companies. That I might the better inform my self thereof, I took in hand, and perused the general Treaty of 1619. with the explication following there­upon; but I profess, that (as I think) every understanding man, (not loving discord) must con­fess, that neither in the said Trea­tie, nor in the enlargement, any one Article or word could be [Page 21]perceived, whereby (according to that which is untruely said in England) either this, or any such thing is ordained, or decided, by the said Treaty, as it ought to have clearly been in so great and important a point, as this part of Jurisdiction is. I appeal to all wise men, who I desire may judge of this, whether this speech of some in England (to wit, that the said Councel of defence should (alone) have judged these conspiratours) be agreable to the said Treaty, or contrarie to the same. I find many Arguments for my Negative opinions, to wit, that before the Treaty of 1619. the Duch in Amboyna administred Jurisdiction, and Judicature, up­on all and every one who dwelt in or under the Jurisdiction of the Castle, as well inhabitants as strangers, without difference; and that in this said Treaty, the Dutch, with the English Mer­chants, made onely a league in the matter of commerce and Nego­tiation of Nutmegs, Mace, Cloves; and Pepper, in some quarters, without having any further Trea­ty, [Page 22]or communication in the land; so that without the bounds of this common Negotiation, every one remained free, and un­hindered in the land by the right and possession which either Com­pany enjoyed, and exercised seve­rally, according as the same ap­peareth out of the 23 Article of the Treatie: where it is expresly said, That castles and Furts shall remain in their hands who at pre­sent do possess them: And out of the 13.14.15. Articles of the Treatie, all may see, that this common Councel of Defence hath no more power, save onely over the fellowship of the Trea­tie, that is, over the Navie of defence in the Sea, to the de­fence of the common Merchan­dize, and liberty of commerce; and lastly, to tax the charges for the provision of ammunition in the Forts: neither can any o­ther thing be sincerely collected out of the said Treaty, so far as I can conceive. Therefore this second point is found to be un­true and abusive, being not founded upon the said Treatie, [Page 23]which Treatie (not withstanding) ought to be the onely rule, both of the one and the other Company.

R Finally, it is given out in Eng­land, that in the examination of the Conspiratours there was ex­cess in the Neatherlands Judges, in the point of Torture: I ac­knowledge, that no argument or pretext against the Justice of this execution, hath more moved me in the beginning, than this pre­tence of excess aforesaid, because this stirreth Christian compassion; although I also judge, that wise men will not suffer themselves to be too much transported thereby, before the true reasons do fully appear, which should move us thereunto. For, I well remember yet, that in the time of former mi­stakings in the Indies many things were pretended on both parts, up­on which, there were great outcries one either side, which yet, by due examination, were found to be (though fair, yet) false pretexts of some ill-willers, and men desirous to wrangle: which pretences being throughly sifted by the High and much admired wisdom of his Ma­jesty, [Page 24]& the Lords, the States, were well discovered to be no such matters as they were made: as it is also undoubtedly to be believed, that his Majesty, and the States, will yet further do in this affair: and so the cause of the Dutch Company may be (in the carriage hereof) rightly justified. Of which I understand that the Lords the States have special re­gard, and that they have been throughly informed, what is the very truth of the things there past, and of the Execution in Amboyna upon the English con­spiratours. Unto which end the Lords the States resolved to see and peruse all the Papers and Letters, touching the said pro­ceedings: And now thereupon men speak far otherwise than heretofore; for pretences, and ca­vils (being once detected) cannot stand with truth. And it doth plainly appear, that there is little truth in the matter of Torture, reported to be most cruelly infli­cted upon these English conspi­ratours, as in England it is said. And I have ever suspected this [Page 25]for a slander: for I know the Dutch Nation doth naturally ab­hor this kind of cruelty, and are as much moved to commisera­tion, as any other people. But whether these evil minded men, who have scattered this great slander in England, and have so fowly defaced a just cause, have done it by occasion of our use of Tortures in these Lands, in some weighty causes, according to the custom of the most Dominions of Europe; I cannot Judge. But is that to be censured & Judged to be unjust of the whole world, which is repugnant to the Laws of England, (or any one Nation) where Torture is rarely used? Nothing so; but the Justice or injustice of a cause must be (as aforesaid) determined, according to the Laws where it is done, and not of other Lands. If this were not so, why then should not the whole World much more Judge that as a hard, & a thing unheard (and therefore condemnable) which in some causes is used in England, according to the Laws there, when they proceed against [Page 26]some guiltie persons; who being once & again asked of the Judge, and utterly refusing to be legally tried, is adjudged as dumb, that is, by contumacie; whose con­demnation then accordingly fol­loweth, that he is laid upon a ta­ble, or plank, and another plank upon him, and so much weight of stone or lead laid upon him, that his body is miserably bruised, and so pressed violently to death. The which, according to the consession of all Nations, (espe­cially, because this kind of justice is not used in other Lands) and by the English writers, is judged to be one of the most sharp and severe kinds of death, that can be invented; yet cannot such an ex­ecution be called cruel and un­lawfull, when it is done in Eng­land, because it is done accord­ing to the Laws of that Land, though strangers shall judge o­therwise of it. And in like man­ner the English Nation cannot complain of the Torture which evil-willers say, was used upon these English Conspiratours in Amboyna, because it is done ac­cording [Page 27]to the Laws of this Go­vernment, and is not unusual in cases of Treason, neither with-us, nor (almost) any Nation in Eu­rope. And for England it self, it is well known (and his most ex­cellent Majesty doth acknow­ledge by his own Princely pen) that the Rack, and the Manicles, are the onely Tortures, that are exercised upon Traitors, to force them to confess, (without conceal­ment) what they know to be dangerous to the State.

And to say the Truth, without taking parts, the English Conspi­ratours being affronted with the uniform & written confessions of the 11 Japonians (their complices) which could convince them suf­ficiently according to the laws, & find them guilty of the same con­spiracie, & consequently of death: if now, not withstanding this they had persisted in the stout denial of the fact, were not this, (to (speak according to the manner in England) enough to judge them dumb by contumacie, and so to esteem them worthy of this sore punishment of Pressing to [Page 28]death, as is afore-said? but this tor­ture of ours (if any in Amboyna were so tortured) is to be judged far less, than that pressing, where the Malefactor doth suffer such extream miserie, as cannot be imagined, and which is not to be lenified or eased at all, but ended by death. But to the sufficient fatisfaction of my self, and your Worship, and all men, and not to speak according to the sen­tence, and conscience of others; I have used all diligence to get into my hands the written Pro­cess, concerning the Conspira­tours in Amboyna, which I ob­tained authentically, and read carefully, and I find, that all, that is by me abovesaid, is con­firmed, to wit, That the Japonian Complices were examined, and made their confessions as afore­said, for three dayes, viz. the 23, 24, 25. of February, 1623. and that all this being done, and con­summated before, then at last, is Gabriel Towerson, first with the rest of the English Complices im­prisoned, the said 25. of Febru­ary, when their examination and [Page 29]confession began, & continued di­vers dayes, without over-hasting till the third of March. And the said examinations and confessi­ons being so finished, the Neather­lands Governour and Councel, deliberated whether the punish­ment might be deferred to any long time, or referred to any other place; but it was so con­cluded by joynt consent of all, that the said punishment (there deserved) must be executed in the same place for example, and that it could not (in any wise) be de­layed without extream danger, for reasons there related; and among others', because the Tar­natanes, and Indians about Am­boyna, had otherwise than they were wont, rebelled; neither could it be fully known, what great cō ­federacie these Conspiratours had made with them, and others. And touching any extraordina­rie, and cruel Torture, I have ac­curatly over-looked every ones confession, but I find not one word in any one, which maketh any mention of such Torture, as is unjustly spoken of in England; [Page 30]nay, scarce find any mention of that ordinarie Torture, which is in use, save onely these words, in one act of the 25 February 1623. viz. The Councel being gathered to­gether, have thought meet, that all the English should be presently ex­amined one after another (as accord­ingly it was instantly done) and some of them, before any torture, others, after a little (or rather a touch) of it, confessed as followeth. Unto which, followeth presently, the particular confession of each one, subscribed with his own hand, as aforesaid. So that hence it is manifest, that no extraordi­narie Torture was used, in such manner as is given out there, by those that wish us evil; nay, that those few that felt any, were one­ly touched (not punished) with ordinarie Torture.

S And thus your Worship hath the upright, and impartial truth of this business, touching the whole passage as it proceeded, and the punishment as it was inflicted; from which, some English were exempted by favour, that the English goods should not be lost, [Page 31]cording as order hath been given to that end: And I find that the sentence was given the ninth of March 1623. by a competent as­sembly of 14 Judges; who, (as it appeareth in the sentence) in the doing thereof did (before) earnest­ly call upon the Name of the Lord, that he would please to be President and Predominant in e­very one of their hearts in this their sorrowfull assembly; and that he would inspire them onely with that which might be judged to be expedient and just, &c. So that out of all that is above said, no­thing else can appear, but that this business was managed lawful­ly, and orderly, by men of hone­sty and conscience, against such as had undertaken against the State, against the wealth and ad­vantage of this East-India Com­pany, the lives of their Officers there placed, against the estate and welfare of many, who had little deserved, and as little ex­pected such wickedness from their friendly confederates in the same societie of Merchants, there resident with them.

And now (considering the pre­misses) I hope it shall be far from every Christian in any wise to protect or excuse this wicked Fact, but rather to mourn and grieve (as we do) for this con­spiracie, and for the evil, the Conspiratours have so deserved­ly drawn upon their own heads; and to honour them, who in Justice have punished villany, ac­cording to the due merit thereof; for we all know, that without JUSTICE, without reward of that which is Good, and punish­ment of that which is Evil, no societie of mankind can con­sist.

And of this information, (which I send in love, and ho­nour to your Worship, as unto a lover of Truth, and a hater of Treacherie) you may make such use, as to you shall seem good, in any place where you come, both for refutation of any thing alrea­dy reported contrarie thereunto, and for prevention of any further false rumours, or clamours; and finally, for propagation of that un­doubted truth, which here (to [Page 33]my best) I have endeavoured to discover. And if you shall meet with any thing of worth; which can be truly avowed, to be con­tradictorie unto any thing I have written, I desire to understand it from you, and you to suspend your wise and impartial judge­ment, till I have cleared it unto you. TRUTH remaineth ever the same. So I commend you to the God of Truth, desiring him to give us minds, Not to judge according to outward appearance, but to judge with a righteous judge­ment.

From my Lodging, July 23. 1624.

AN ANSWER To the Dutch Relation, touching the Pretended Conspiracie of the Eng­lish at AMBOYNA in the Indies.

THe Compiler of this Relation, percei­ving that he had an hard task to make it probable, that eighteen Englishmen Merchants and their servants, all un-armed, should, with the help and assistance of ten Japons, like­wise un-armed, undertake the surprize of a Castle, so provided every way, as that of Amboyna, is before in the Relation of the English truly described to be: as also the same Author, well weigh­ing, that albeit all that he was to write of this pretended Conspi­racie, [Page 36]should be taken for true, yet the fact would seem very poor to bear so rigorous a punishment in persons of that quality, and of that Relation to those that inflict­ed it; provides more skilfully than fairly, for both these points in the preamble of this Relation: To this end, he rakes and heaps together all the jealousies and dangers that the Dutch had in the Indies: yea, and more than they truly had, at or about the time of the pretended conspiracie, and applies them all to the suspicion of this business: as if all their ene­mies were likely to conspire with the English; and therefore the fact, under colour whereof they were condemned and executed, were possible and probable; and as if the state of the time had been then so dangerous, that eve­ry shadow of conspiracie was to be exquisitely enquired of, & the least offence to be severely punish­ed. Wherefore although this be no direct charge of the English, but used by the Author to sup­ply the want of probabilities in the process it self, it will not be [Page 3]amiss to examin the several cir­cumstances, and how far they may yield any suspicion against the said English.

A Now this Authour taketh the main grounds of this suspicion of some great plot against the Pro­vince of Amboyna, from the un­wonted boldness and insolencies of the Ternatans; first in the Mol­luccos, and then in Amboyna. For those in the Molluccos, he saith, they had lately before the pre­tended conspiracie of the English, gone about, contrarie to the Treatie, Anno 1606. between them and the Dutch, to make peace with the King of Tedore, and truce with the Spaniard, without the consent or know­ledge of them, the Dutch: which how honestly and conscionably it is alleadged to this purpose, may appear by the Journals of those parts, which evidently shew, that this Treaty between those of Ternata and Tedore, was in No­vember 1621. that is to say, fif­teen Moneths before this forged conspiragie; and that with the knowledge of Houtman, the Go­vernour [Page 4]of the Dutch, who, up­on the 19 of November the year aforesaid, acquainted M. Ni­chols, the Agent of the English in those parts, with the prepara­tions of this Treatie, which was actually holden at Ternata the 24 of the same moneth. But the matter was so well handled by the Dutch, to keep those neigh­bour Islands in perpetual War, that the Treatie was dissolved re infecta: And the seventh of December following, an Edict was published by the King of Ternata, commanding all the Tedorians forth with to depart the Island of Ternata, upon pain to be made Slaves. After this, the correspondence between the Dutch and Ternatans in the Mol­luccoes, returned into as firm state as ever; the Ternatans perform­ing dayly exploits against the Spaniards, and communicating the Triumph with the Dutch: As the seventeenth of February 1622. being a sull year before the seined Treason of the Eng­lish, the King of Ternata, with twenty Curricurries, took a Spa­nish [Page 5]Galley, slew forty in fight, and took 150 Prisoners, whom they sold to the Dutch for Cloath and Rice: and coming by the Hollanders Castle of Maalaio, the eighteenth of the same Moneth, with the heads of divers Spa­niards at his Stern, the Dutch saluted him from their said Ca­stle with nine shot of great Ord­nance. The 25 of April follow­ing, the Admiral of the King of Ternata took a Prow of the Spa­niards, slew some, and sold the rest to the Dutch. The 28 of the same Moneth, both Dutch and English were feasted by the King of Ternata. The 22 of May next ensuing, the King of Ternata went forth to Machian with six Curricurries, and at his departure was honoured with thirty shot of great Ordinance from the Dutch Castle. The 15 of June the Ad­miral of the King of Ternata made a Voyage towards Minda­now, carrying divers of the Dutch with him to assist him. The third of July the Ternatanes took other Prisoners, and sold them to the Dutch. The 24 of August the [Page 6]King of Ternata made one Vogler a Dutch Merchant his Treasurer; at whose instalment in his new Office, the Dutch gave seven great shot from the Castle. And this good correspondence, between the Ternatans and the Dutch in the Molluccos, continued even untill, and after the execution of the English at Amboyna: which was (as hath been shewed) in Fe­bruary, 1623. New stile. Upon the 14 of which Moneth, the Dutch gave the King of Ternata, and other Blacks, two hundred Bails of Japan Rice, with other presents: at the delivery where­of, there were shot off from the Castle seven pieces of Ordnance, and three Vollies of small shot. By all which may appear, how fmceerly this Authour applieth the diffidence between the Dutch and the King of Ternata, which was now none at all, to this bu­siness of Amboyna.

B The next point is, that the Ternatans in the Molluccos went about also to make truce with the Spaniards, without consent or knowledge of the Dutch; wherein [Page 7]this dealing of the Authour is worse than the former. For this Treatie of truce appeareth by the Journals, to have been holden the 19 of July 1623. which was five moneths after the execution of the English at Amboyna, and so came too late to move suspition against them.

C And yet this pretended fear and jealousie of the Molluccos is further amplified by the strength of the Spaniard, being then (as this Authour affirmeth) Master of the Sea there, and that by de­fault of the English; who, con­trarie to the Treatie of the year 1619, had deserted the defence, and sent no more ships, neither to the Molluccos, nor to the Ma­nilliaes: whence now the Spa­niards had means to send Ships, Gallies, and Pinnaces, to the Molluccos. What the strength of the Spaniard in the Molluccos (by Sea) was, at the time of this pre­tended fear, may appear by the exploits before mentioned, done upon them by the Curricurries of the Ternatans, without help of the Hollanders. But for the de­fault [Page 8]of the English, which is here odiously alleadged, it will be requisite to set down the true causes, wherefore the English re­linquished the action of defence, as well at the Manilliaes, as else­where; being a matter much ag­gravated upon all occasions by the Hollanders, albeit themselves have given the cause thereof. Wherefore shortly, the true mo­tives of the English, their desisting from the action of defence, were as followeth. The English had by agreement of the Councel of de­fence, two years together main­tained a Fleet of five tall & war­like ships, to joyn with the like strength of the Hollanders, for the action of the Manilliaes, and the profit of the Voyage (as the charge) to be common to both Companies. The Dutch prepared another Fleet of seven ships, all of their own, for Macao, bordering upon China, near the Manilliaes, without giving knowledge there­of to the English at Jaccatra, until their Fleet was ready to depart thence; well knowing, that up­on such warning it would be im­possible [Page 9]for the English to pre­pare a like force to joyn with them. To those they appointed also eight Pinaces that were then abroad, to joyn; and afterwards sent another Ship with provisions unto them. This Fleet passing by two of the English Ships, which were appointed for that quarter of the Manilliaes; the English wel­comed them, and offered to joyn with them in their exploit: which the Dutch refused, saying, That this being an exploit of their own, the English should neither parti­cipate of the fact, nor of the be­nefit that might arise thereby. Likewise, by agreement of the Councel of defence of both Na­tions, there was another Fleet of ten Ships set forth at the equal charge of the English and Dutch, for the coast of Malla­bar, to secure the Trade in that part. Of the Dutch Ships (about a moneth after they set sail) two were found to be so weak and leak, that they were fain to re­turn to Jaccatra. The rest being come to their quarter, two of the best of the Dutch Ships were [Page 10]sent away by the Dutch Admiral, for the Red-sea, contrarie to their instructions and Commission at Jaccatra from the Councel of de­fence, and notwithstanding the protestations, obtestations and ex­clamations of the English against this prevarication. So that four Caracks of the Portugals coming that way, the rest of the Fleet of the English and Dutch being thus weakned by the default of the four Dutch ships aforesaid; the fairest opportunity that ever hap­ned either before or since the joyning of the English and Dutch Companies, or is ever likely to of­fer it self in the future, was lost and utterly defeated. By this it appeareth, what cause the Dutch have to complain of the English for deserting the action of de­fence, and what reason and en­couragement the English have to continue the joynt action and charge with those that use so lit­tle sincerity, ever contriving the common actions and charge to their private advantage; that when the joint forces are imploy­ed to give the enemy work in one [Page 11]part, they (the Hollanders) might with ease oppress them in ano­ther, and appropriate the whole benefit to themselves.

D The next suspicion that this au­thor gathereth, is from the insolē ­cies of the Ternatans of Amboyna, dwelling at Lobo and Cambello, & thereabouts; who (as this Author saith) presumed now beyond for­mer example, to outrage the Sub­jects of the Dutch, slaying them, & carrying them away for slaves, yea, burning two of their houses, one at Lobo, and another at Manichels: for which, when the Governour went out with a Fleet to crave ju­stice and reparation, he was braved by the Ternatans with a stronger Fleet than his own; yea, they threatned to come with an hun­dred Curricurries against Amboyna.

This dealing of the Author is like the former about the Treaty of peace with the Tedorians, and truce with the Spaniards. For when the Governour of Amboyna set forth the last Fleet of Curricur­ries before the apprehension of the English, he stood in good tearms with the Ternatans at Lobos [Page 12]neither of the Factories here mentioned, being then burnt or injured. The Governour then went onely, according to his yearly custom, to visit the skirts and out-parts of Amboyna, and had no affront offered him. Af­ter that, upon occasion of a Slave of the English that ran away, and being afterwards laid hold on, was rescued by a reputed holy man of or near that part; the English craved assistance of the Dutch Governour, who did his best, but was therein abused by those of Lobo; and not onely some of his men outraged, but the English Factor M. Beomont (to whom this Slave belonged) was way-laid by the people of the said holy man: and in stead of him, one of the servants of the Dutch was slain between Cambello and Lobo. The next day also, was Beo­mont himself assailed, and shot in the hand by the same holy mans people, who also a little be­fore did their best to kill William Grigs, another of the English Factours, that finding the said Slave at Lobo, laid hold on him [Page 13]there. Upon this occasion, both the English and Dutch left their Factorie at Lobo, which was shortly after burnt by those Ter­natans. That other, touching the burning of the Factorie at Mani­chels, is more grossely applied than the former; for that Factorie was burnt after the English were ap­prehended: besides that, this Au­thour dissembleth that there was a vehement and common suspi­cion at Amboyna, that this Factory at Manichels was burnt, not by the Ternatans, but by the Dutch Fa­ctor himself, who, being there alone, was said to have first con­veyed away the goods of the Dutch and the English there for his own use, and then to have burnt the Factorie; laying the fact upon the Ternatans.

After this ended, the Go­vernour of Amboyna made out a Fleet of Curricurries, to procure reparation of those excesses; and therein not going so strong as he might, was braved by those Ter­natanes of Amboyna. But this was after the apprehension and execution of the English; and [Page 14]so is as honestly applied to move suspicion in this place, as the joynt quarrel of the English and Dutch with those of Lobo, beginning up­on occasion of the English, and as the burning of the Factorie at Manichels, done after the English were apprehended and imprison­ed. As for the threats of the Ter­natans here mentioned, that they would come with 100. Curricur­ries against Amboyna, it is (for ought any of the English ever heard) a meer fiction; at most, it was a vain bragge, and such as could not affright the Gover­nour, that knoweth well that the Ternatans have no gun-powder, nor other provisions for such an exploit; and yet are far behind the Governour of Amboyna for number of Curricurries, besides the Dutch ships and Caffles.

E The next cause of suspicion, this Authour makes to be an idle report in the East parts beyond Banda (uncertain which, or by whom) that the Hollanders were already quit of their Castle at Am­boyna. A poor pretēce, & not wor­thy to be answered; yet still further [Page 15]discovering what penurie of good matter this author had, that he was fain to borrow such crazie stuffe.

F But the last, and that which alone is expresly applyed to the English, is, That about this time the Dutch understood, that those of Lobo and Cambello held great and secret correspondence with the English. How did the Dutch understand this? or why doth not this Authour express the particular proof, in a mat­ter so pertinent? It is true, the English had their Factories at Lobo and Cambello; but in the same houses with the Dutch; and for their joynt accompt, and had Traffick with the Countrey-people, as the Dutch had, but what secret correspon­dence is this? or what danger to the Dutch? Was the burning of the Factories, which belonged to the English as well as to the Dutch, a note of good intelli­gence between the English and the Imcendiaries? What was that for correspondencie with those of Lobo, when at one time they way-laied M. Beomont to kill him, [Page 16]and at another time shot him in the hand with an Arrow, offered to kill Williams Grigs, and from time to time abused and outra­ged our People, equally with, and as the Dutch? further, our Peo­ple as well as the Dutch, had now dissolved their Factorie at Lobo, and were come all thence. What Letters or Messages did they ever send thither after­wards? or how, and by what means maintained they this cor­respondence? Yet this was un­derstood, saith this Relation. How understood? Perhaps by the Governours dreams: for that (as he afterwards told M^r. Wel­den, Hill, and Cartwright, that came thither from Banda) was a motive to him to examin the first Japon, which was the beginning of the whole process.

G The Authour having thus quit himself in this preface, pro­ceedeth to the matter it self, first setting down the occasion and manner of the discoverie of this pretended plot, and then the confessions of the Japons and of the English: but he maketh no [Page 17]mention of any torture used up­on the Japons that first confessed, nor of any other indicium or pre­sumption to torture or examin that Japon; but onely his curious questioning, touching the setting and changing of the Watch, and of the number of the Souldiers in the Castle: which, what suffi­cient indicium and cause it was to torture a Souldier of their own, that serving them, had rea­son to desire to understand the course of their Watches, and the strength of the aid he might ex­pect, if any sudden attempt should happen in his quarter; is easily to be judged. And how this poor man, and the rest of his Countrey-men were tortured, appeareth in the English relation. Here also is concealed, by what manner and kind of questions, this and the other Japons were led along in their confessions, to make up the plot just as the Dutch had devised it: as also, what o­ther answers they made, before they were thus directed. That they, and the English both, con­fessed what the Dutch would [Page 18]have them, is no doubt nor won­der, being so tormented and fear­ed with torture; etiam innocentes cogit mentiri dolor, But what like­lyhood or possibilitie there is of the truth of their confessions (if yet they confessed, as is here re­lated) may appear by that which hath been alreadie discoursed in this point, towards the end of the English Relation, which for bre­vities sake is here forborn to be repeated: yet some circumstan­ces, which the Dutch Relation hath more than the English, de­serve here to be examined. And first, that of Abel Price the English Barber, who is made the messenger and negotiator of this practice with the Japons. It is true, that he (and he alone of all the English) had some kind of conversation with some of the Japons, that is, he would dice and drink with them, as he likewise did with other Blacks, and with the Dutch also. But is it credible, that Mr. Towerson would com­mit any thing of moment, nay, so dangerous a matter as this to a drunken debauched sot, who [Page 19]also (as the English, that were there, constantly report) threatned to cut his, the said Towerson's throat, for that he had punished him for his misdemeanours? Fur­ther, this Relation maketh this Abel Price confess, that all the English Merchants in the out-Factories, were privy and acces­sarie to this pretended treason: Yet the Governour and Fiscal in in their own process found John Powel, Ephraim Ramsey, and two other, guiltless.

H After Price his confession, he sets down the general substance of all the confessions in one hody; where first having assigned M. Towerson a preface to the rest, to induce them to the exploit, he tells us; that they made doubt of the point of possibility, (as well they might) knowing the weakness of their own part & impregnable strength of the Dutch, in comparison of theirs: for satisfaction of which their doubt, he saith, M. Towerson told him that he had already won the Japons within the Castle to his purpose, and that he would at­tempt this matter; not when the [Page 20] Dutch were at their full strength, and the English at the weakest, but would expect till the Gover­nour should be somewhere abroad upon some exploit, and some Eng­lish Ships, or Ship at least, at Am­boyna; the people whereof he would use in the enterprize: Like­wise he would send for the Fa­ctors and slaves of the other Fa­ctories, and should have a supply from the Ternatans of Lobo, of certain Curricurries, &c.

I Here he hath inrolled a goodly army for this action; but let us see the manner how they should have executed their exploit: and first for the Japons in the Castle, we must believe, if this Authour or his voucher say true, that Master Towerson had acquaint­ed those, and won them to his plot, before he had imparted it to his own Countrey-men the English. And yet in the acts of the process, Emanuel Tomson is re­corded to have confessed, that 8. dayes after the consultation, Ma­ster Towerson told him, that he had then sent out Johnson and Price to treat with the Japons, and win [Page 21]their consent to this enterprize. But what should these (being all but ten) have done? Marrie (saith the relation by and by) Mr. Tow­erson had ordeined, that eight of them should have been bestow­ed, by two in a company, upon the four points of the Castle, to kill all those that would resist them, and to take the rest Priso­ners. It must be (therefore) here imagined, that the Dutch and their Mardikers in their Castle, being three or four hundred, would scorn to take the advan­tage of sending fortie or fiftie; much more of an entire compa­ny to any point of the Castle, but would combate with the Japons at even hand by two at a time, and so give the Japons leave and respite to kill or take them by two and by two. A sweet con­ceit, and such a service as per­haps hath been sometimes repre­sented upon a stage, but never act­ed in surprise of a Castle in good earnest.

Thus we see how eight of the Japons were to be imployed; what should the other two have [Page 22]done? forsooth they should have waited in the great chamber to murder the Governour. Yea, but this relation told us yer while, that this plot should have been executed when the Gover­nour was abroad upon some acti­on. How then should these two Japons have killed him in the Ca­stle, at the same time? But we see how all the Japons (that is) all the pretended party of the Eng­lish within the Castle, should have been occupied. Who should have opened the gates to the English, and their other aids? who should have killed the Court of guard at the Gate? These parts were left for them that were without; therefore let us take a review of them, what they were. The Relation mustereth them to be fourteen English, whereof ele­ven were Merchants; one Stew­ard of the house, one Tailor, and one Barber, to dress the wound­ed, besides God knows how ma­ny English shippers, Slaves, and Ternatans: First, for the Eng­lish Merchants, of what dexte­ritie they are to take Forts, is [Page 23]easily judged; and in all the English house, when it was seized by the Dutch, upon this pretend­ed Treason, the whole Provision was but three Swords, two Hand-guns, and about half a pound of Powder. Yea, but the English ship or ships would have brought both fitter men and better provision. But how knew Master Towerson that those of the English ships, when they came, would joyn with him in this work, being so contrary to the Treaty, and it self so danger­ous? or why did he not stay the opening of the Plot till this ship or ships were come, that he might swear the shippers also, or at least the chief Officers amongst them, and take their advice? Is it possible that Master Tower­son was so slight, as to open his plot to all the English at Amboy­na, yea, to the Tailor and Bar­ber, so long before it was to be put in execution, and before he knew the minds of his chiefest assistants, of whose arrival he was so uncertain? Yea, but he was sure of the Slaves of the English, [Page 24]and of the Ternatans of Lobo, with their Curricurries in quem­libet eventum. This indeed is the remainder of the Army; let us view them. The Slaves were, in all the English Factories, just six in number, and all boys: The Ternatans were Enemies as well to the English as to the Dutch, as is before shewed in answer to the Preface. When were they re­conciled? how cometh it, that in all the examinations of the English, this point was not sifted, and somewhat confessed of it amidst so many Tortures? There is no confession thereof in all the examinations; and M^r. Tower­son in his expresly denied it, and was pressed no further. The truth is, the Governour and Fis­cal of Amboyna knew, that what ever had been confessed in this point, would not have been believed by their own People there; who knew well enough, that the first beginning of this breach between the Dutch and Ternatans of Lobo, was about the Slave of the English: and the outrages thereupon following, [Page 25]were done upon the English, as well as upon the Dutch. Yet this Authour seems to hope that that may be believed here in Eu­rope, which had no colour at Am­boyna.

K Concerning the time of exe­cuting this plot, it was not (as the Relation saith) yet prefixed, but left to the next meeting of the Conspiratours, which should be shortly holden, when Gabriel Towerson had prepared all things, &c. Here was certainly a hot practice of Treason, and wor­thy to be tearmed by this Au­thour, An horrible conspiracie. They met together on New years day, and plotted as is before re­lated: and now it was the five, and twentieth of February, and not onely nothing done all this Interim, but not so much as a new consultation. But this (for­sooth) is the body and substance of the unanimous confession of all the English, by themselves se­verally subscribed. L In the next place the Authour relateth some­what singular in M. Towerson's confession; as that he said, he [Page 26]was moved to this fact by hope and desire of honour and profit: and being demanded from whom he attended this honour, and for whom he meant to hold the Ca­stle, his answer was, That if he could have compassed his project, he would forthwith have given advertisement thereof to the rest of his Nation at Jaccatra (which now they have christened Bata­via,) and have craved their aid: which if they had yielded to him, then he would have held the Ca­stle for the English Company; and if not, then he would have kept it for himself, and have used means to have agreed with the Indians; and so, by one means or other, would have compassed the enterprize.

Here first is to be observed, that he would not (as this Au­thour makes him speak) have sent for aid to Jaccatra, until he were first Master of the Castle; and yet in the general confession before, it is said, he would attend the coming of some English ships or ship, before he would adven­ture upon the Castle. Next, let the [Page 27]ambiguous and alternative reso­lution, here said to be confessed by Master Towerson, be consi­dered in both the parts thereof, and it will appear, that no man in his wits would have any such conceit as is here pretended. What hope could Master Tower­son have, that the President and English Councel at Jaccatra, li­ving under command of the Dutch Fort there, and altogether Subject to the Hollanders, durst join in any such action, thereby to give occasion to the Hollan­ders to arrest, torture and con­demn them of Treason? Master Towerson knew well enough, that about six Moneths before, the General of the Dutch at Jacca­tra, had caught at a very slight occasion to entrap the English President there: who having sent out two of his people in the night to the English Cow-house, to see what watch the Blacks in their service kept over their Cattel; the said two English were appre­hended by the Dutch Souldiers, kept in prison seven dayes, and charged, that they had said, that [Page 28]they went the Round: and one of them, being last examined, was told by the Balieu (the Officer of the Dutch in Criminal causes) that his fellow had confessed, that they had said they went the Round, and that by the English Presidents Commission; and if he would not confess the same, he should be tortured: but the fel­low, being constant in the truth, came off at last without torture, yet this was Item enough to the English President and Councel, how the intent of the Dutch was to entrap them upon the least oc­casion: and this, and other day­ly captious dealings of the Dutch at Jaccatra, which were too long here to recite, were all advertised from time to time to M. Tower­son, who therefore was sure he could expect no assistance from them, that were themselves in in such a predicament. The other part of Mr Towerson's resolution is said to have been, To keep the Castle for himself, and to agree with the Indians, in default of help from the English. This is yet more improbable than the former. [Page 29]Were the Portugals and Indians not able to keep out the Dutch from Amboyna, when they had no footing there; and shall Cap­tain Towerson, with twenty or thirty English and Japons, with­out ship or Pinnace, be able, with the help onely of the poor naked Indians, to drive them out, ha­ving already three Castles in the Islands of Amboyna, and at Cam­bello hard by, all well furnished with men and provision, besides their power of shipping, which makes them stile themselves Lords of the Sea? And yet how could Master Towerson hope to win the Amboynezes (the Hol­landers sworn Subjects) to his side? He might rather assure him­self, that after he had mastered the Hollanders (if yet that must be believed to be possible) the Amboynezes would have sur­prized him, and cast him out (being so weakly provided to stand of himself,) that so they might utterly free themselve frō their servitude. Here also must be remembred, that this Authori him­self in his preamble saith, that [Page 30]the Indians themselves durst not undertake any such great design (as he there feineth) against the State of Amboyna, without some great aid of some Nation of Eu­rope, either of Spaniards, Portu­gals, or some other. Whereby is not onely confessed, how weak the Indians of themselves are; but withall it followeth, how small hope Mr. Towerson might have, being deserted of his own Nation (as here the case is put,) to hold the Castle for himself by the help of those Indians, if yet he could once have won it. In a word; they that know the power of the Hollanders in Amboyna and thereabouts, and the weakenss of the poor Indians there, will judge this conceit of Master Towerson's (to keep the Castle for himself) to be a mad plot; and for which, Master Tow­erson should rather have been sent to Bedlam, or the Dullen Kist (as the Dutch call it,) than to the Gallows.

M But this Authour hath one vo­luntarie confession, upon which he taketh special hold; to wit, [Page 31]that Master Towerson, after his examination was finished, being expostulated withall by the Dutch Governour, and demanded whe­ther this should have been the recompense of his (the Gover­nours) manifold courtesies to­wards him; answered with a deep sigh, Oh! were this mat­ter now to do, it should never be done. This voluntarie confes­sion and penitent acknowledgement, saith this Authour, was made the ninth of March, being the day when the execution was to be done: but the examination of Tower­son was ended the eight and twen­tieth of February, so many dayes before. But how shall we be­lieve this? Forsooth, he hath it out of the Acts of the Process of Amboyna. Yea, but in these Acts are omitted many material passages of these examinations, as is already shewed: why may they not then be guiltie of addi­tion, as well as of such mutilation and omission? But let us peruse the words of the Act it self, which are these:

WE whose names are hereun­to subscribed, to declare upon our troth, in stead of an oath, that Gabriel Towerson, after that he had been already examined touching his said offence, and that the Worshipfull Governour Van Speult had expostulated with him thereupon, asking him whether this should have been the recompense of his courtesies from time to time shewed unto him, the said Tower­son: thereupon he, the said Tow­erson, with a deep sigh answered him, and said, Oh! if this were to be begun again, it should never be done. Actum this ninth of March, in the Castle of Amboyna, and subsigned.

• Harman van Speult.
• Haurence de Maerschalck.
• Clement Kersse boom.
• Harman Cray-vanger.
• Peter van Zanten.
• Leonart Clock.

Thus we see the Act it self, and this pretended voluntarie confes­sion of M^r. Towerson; which is not delivered upon the credit of [Page 33]the Court or Councel at Amboy­na (and yet how small that is, is before shewed) but upon the Attestation or Affidavit of the Governour and five others, the principal actors in this bloudy Tragedie: And this not upon their Oath, but upon their troth, or honest word (forsooth) in stead of an Oath. The time when these words were uttered by Mr. Tow­erson, is not described by the day when he spake them, but onely by the precedent Act of his exa­mination. And yet the circum­stance of time is not onely an usual and customrie solemnity, and requisite in all such Attesta­tions; but also in a business of this nature altogether necessarie: as likewise in this case, that of the place was. For if these words were spoken in the place of Torture, or incontinently after the examina­tion ended, they are by their own Law, esteemed no more volunta­rie, than the confession upon the Rack it self. Neither yet doth this Attestation affirm, that this confession was voluntarie. But this Authour, unconscionably [Page 34]reporting the date of the Atte­station, for the time of the con­fession, collects it to be volun­tarie, because (as he saith) it was made the ninth of March, being so many dayes after his examina­tion, which was taken the 28. of February. Can a man attest nothing but what was done up­on the very day when he maketh Affidavit? The Attestation saith, that these words were spoken by M. Towerson, after he had been already examined. Why may not that have been rather upon the very day of his examination, than upon the day when this Act was entred; if yet he ever spake any such words, or meant them, as he is here interpreted? the contra­rie whereof is the more probable by all the circumstances of this business, truely set down in the Relation of the English.

But in that this Author makes so much of this poor circumstance, of M. Towersons profession of sor­row for what was done, naming it a voluntary confession; it is plain how destitute he was of volunta­rie confessions, and of all true and [Page 35]concluding circumstances. What? was there not a Letter or other Paper, to be found in all the Chests and Boxes of the English, so suddenly seised at Amboyna, Larica, Hitto, and Cambello, to discover this treason? nor amongst so many complices of diverse Nations, a false brother to betray the rest, and to accuse them vo­luntarily; but the process must begin with the Torture, I and the Heathens confession upon Tor­ture, be sufficient to bring Chri­stians to Torture, the debauched and notoriously infamous persons (such as Prive was) to draw tor­ture upon the sober, orderly, and unstained? And yet this Rela­tion it self confesseth, that Price's confession was drawn from him by the Examiners specifying of place, person and time unto him. Certainly one of their own Na­tion had reason to advice, that more Advocates might be sent over to the Indies, Demon­stration to the Lords States, t [...]u [...]hing the govern­ment of the Majores. to aid the ac­cused, to make a legal answer: For, saith he, they go to work there so villanously and murther­ously, that the bloud of the poor [Page 36]people crieth to heaven for ven­geance.

But why have we no particu­lar of any mans confession, but this of Price, and M^r. Towerson, and all the rest blended together in one body? Did none of all the rest go farther than his fellows, or confess more than they? Where is Sharrocks confession, that he was at Amboyna upon New-years day, when ten or twelve of the Dutch themselves witnessed he was at Hitto? Where is his confession of Clarks plot to go to Maccassar, to deal with the Spa­niards there, to come and rob the samll Factories? Where is Collins confession of another plot, about two Moneths and a half before his examination, under­taken by Tomson, Johnson, Price, Brown, Fardo, and himself? Where be the leading Interrogatories, that directed them to the accu­sation framed by the Dutch, lest otherwise there had been as many several Treasons confessed, as persons examined? Not a word of all this, nor of a great deal more of this kind, which is here [Page 37]in England proved by the oath of six credible persons, to have pas­ed in the examinations. Where­by appeareth, how faithfully the Dutch at Amboyna have entered the Acts of this process. Well, at last he concludes the Narration of the confessions, with the sum­ming up of the number and Na­tions of the parties, that had thus confessed; which, he saith, were ten Japons fourteen English, and the Neatherlandish Marnicho, or Captain of the Slaves By which last words, he would give the Reader occasion to think, that the fact was so clear, and their own proceeding so even and just, that they had executed one of their own Neatherlanders for it. Which how true it is, is already declared in the conclusion of the English Relation. The truth is, this Captain of the Slaves was of the Portugal race, and born in Bengala. His very name, Augu­stin Perez, sheweth, he was no Neatherlander.

Having thus finished this Re­lation, this Authour proceedeth to a disputation: and taking no­tice [Page 38]of some aspersions in Eng­land cast upon these proceedings at Amboyna, he divideth them into two heads; the one, that the process was without its due formalitie; the other, that there was excess and extremitie used against the Conspiratours. For the point of formalitie, he first taketh great pains to prove, that the formalities of process in Am­boyna, are not therefore unlaw­full, because they agree not with our form in England. Which labour he might have spared: for no wise man will denie him this point. And such as shall be so ignorant as to blame the Dutch for varying from us herein, were not worthy the answering. Here­withall also he deduceth the Ti­tle of the Lords States General to the Sovereignty of Amboyna; and so the Governour of Amboy­na'es Jurisdiction, in causes as well Criminal as Civil, to be rightly grounded. Thence he concludes, that the Japons being sworn ser­vants to the Dutch, and in their pay, were Subject to the Juris­diction of the Dutch Governour. [Page 39]Then he telleth us, that the Au­thour, and complices of murther and treason, are by the Laws of all Nations to be punished with death; all which points may be granted him without any preju­dice to the cause of the English in this question.

O At last he comes in particular to their case, and affirms, that the chief of the English there might not apprehend the English complices of this conspiracie, be­cause themselves were complices of the fact. All which also may be granted in this point of ap­prehension, and safe custodie: but how it may proceed also in the point of cognisance, shall be anon in due place examined.

P In the mean time, this Au­thour, to make the point of ap­prehension clear beyond excepti­on, saith, that the English were not apprehended upon the first suspi­tion, when yet there was evi­dence, and indicia sufficient to it; but after the examination of all the Japons and their joynt confession, that the English, whom they specified by name [Page 40]and surname, had moved and hired them to this treason: yea, not until Abel Price had also con­fessed as much, and that all the English in the out-Factories were privy thereunto. For answer here­of, that must be repeated which hath been upon other occasions before alleadged; that the first be­ginning of the process, was by the Torture, there being no suf­ficient evidence or indicium to Torture the Japon, that onely sought to enform himself of the course of the Watch, and of the strength of the Castle, where­in himself was a Souldier: and so the whole Series of the exami­nation proceeding from the con­fession of one Tortured person, to apprehend and Torture an­other, without other evidence; though it brought forth more confessions, and those with name and surname, and other circum­stances, according as the Inter­rogatories (or rather directories) of the Governour and Fiscal led the prisoners, was wholly against the form and rule of all Laws of Tortures.

But here must be answered an objection that may be made a­gainst this, from another part of this relation, that is, that some of the English confessed without or before Torture; yea, this Price here mentioned, was either not Tortured at all, or very lightly. Yea, but he was shewed the Tor­tured bodies of the poor Japons, martyred with fire and water, and told, that unless he would confess that, which they told him they had first confessed, he should be Tortured as ill, or worse than they. This fear of Torture is by their own Law, equalled to the Torture it self, and consequent­ly, the confession thereupon made no better indicium or evidence to bring another man to the Torture, than the confession made upon the Rack it self. A­gain, it must be here remembred, that the very matter of Price his confession here mentioned, to wit, that all the English [Page 42]Merchants of the out-Facto­ries, were privy to the pretend­ed treason; was resuted by the process of the Dutch themselves, that found Powel, Ramsey, and two others of those Factories guiltless.

Q Next, this Authour taketh notice of an objection made in England against the Jurisdiction of the Dutch Governour, and his Councel at Amboyna, over the English there; because this power is, by the Treatie of the year 1619. disposed of, and agreed to consist in the Councel of defence of both Nations at Jaccatra. For information in which point this Authour saith, he hath perused over all the seve­ral Articles of the said Treatie, and findeth in the 23. Article, that the Fortresses were to re­main in the hands of them that then possessed them; and in the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fif­teenth, that the Councel of de­fence hath no other power, but onely over the Fleet of defence, over the commerce, and finally, to tax the charges of maintenance [Page 43]of the Forts: But he could not see the thirtieth Article; which orders, that all disputes that can­not be decided by the Councel of defence, should be remitted into Europe; first, to the two com­panies there, and in default of their agreement, to the King and States. Why then was not this dispute so proceeded in? There is nothing in the former Articles, to limit the Councel of defence; and this general Ar­ticle appeareth to be added by way of ampliation, to provide for that which was not particu­larly and expresly cared for in the former. Which is most plain by the words of the expla­nation upon this thirtieth Arti­cle, agreed upon at the first, and subscribed by the Commissio­ners on both sides, Anno 1619. where this course of proceeding is expresly directed, not onely in disputes about the meaning of the Articles, but also about any o­ther matter hapning in their com­mon aboad. Since which also the Kings Majestie hath, upon a smal­ler occasion, than the life of his [Page 44]Subjects, clearly declared himself in the point of Sovereignrie; That both Nations in the Indies should wholly lay aside all pretence thereof. Which Declaration was sent to the Lords States General, and by them accepted before this bloudie butcherie was executed. But if it were granted, that the Hollanders are absolute Lords of their partners, the English, in those parts, without respect to the Trea­tie, yet at least the Hollanders in Amboyna are bound to observe the Laws of the united Provin­ces; for so saith this Authour himself. Do these allow to be­gin the process at the torture, and to bring persons of honest fame to the rack, upon others confessi­on made in the torture? Do their Laws allow of the leading inter­rogatories above mentioned to direct the prisoner what to say, to avoid the torture? Where, in the United Provinces, is that drown­ing with water in use? or the tor­ture with fire, used to Johnson, Tompsan, and Clark? or especial­ly the splitting of their toes, and launcing of the breast, and put­ing [Page 45]in Gun-pouder, and then firing the same, whereby the body is not left intire, neither for innocencie, nor execution? Clark and Tomson were both fain to be carried to their execution, though they were tortured many days before.

Lastly, their confessions were contradictorie, apparently false. and of things impossible to be done, much less practised before by the said parties; and therefore ought not by their law to have been believed, nor the prisoners to have been condemned thereupon, without other sufficient indicia or evidence besides.

In the last place, this Au­thour handleth the excess of torture whereof (he taketh notice) there is much com­plaint in England; and saith, That the Lords States Gene­ral take great care to inform themselves of all the passages of this business, and to that end have desired to see all the Letters, Pieces, and Papers that con­cern this processe: by which it appeareth not, that there was [Page 46]any cruel torture used. But sup­pose the Acts make no mention of them; is it any marvel that the Authours of this murtherous and tyrannous process, being them­selves the persons that also form­ed the Acts, would omit those things that made against them? It is to be presumed also, that the Acts kept by their people at Polo­way in Banda, have omitted many things of their process, against the poor Polaroons, whom in Au­gust 1622, being about 6 months before this execution of the Eng­lish, their Governour there used in like sort, as the Governour of Amboyna did the English, and gave him a Model and precedent of this process; which it will not be amiss to relate briefly, because this Authour, in the next place alleadgeth the mercifull dispositi­on of the Netherlands Nation in general; to inferr thence, that it is therefore unlikely, that their Governour at Amboyna was so cruel as is reported in England.

Polaroon, one of the Islands of Banda, was in possession of the English at the time of the Treatie, [Page 47] Anno 1619, and by the agreement was to remain theirs. After the Treatie came to the Indies, the Hollanders forbare the publishing thereof in the Islands of Banda; untill they had taken Polaroon. But, knowing that it must be re­stored again, according to the Treatie, they first take all courses to make the Island little or no­thing worth: they demolish and deface the Building, transplant the Nutmeg-trees plucking them up by the roots, and carrying them into their own Islands of Nera and of Poloway, there to be planted for themselves; and at last find a means to dispeople the Island, and to leave it so, as the English might make no use of it, worth their charge of keeping; and that upon this occasion: There was a young man, the son of an Orankey, or a Gentleman in Polaroon, that had committed Fe­lonie; for which by the Laws of his Countrey, he was to die. This fellow, to save his life, fled to an­other Island of Banda, called Ro­finging, and there turned Christi­an: but quickly understanding, [Page 48]that that would not make him safe from punishment, he went back secretly to his own countrey of Polaroon; and, having lurked there a few days, took his passage for Nera, another Island, where the Dutch have a Fort; and told the Dutch Governour, that the Orankeys of Polaroon had conspi­red to Massacre the Dutch, as well at Polaroon, as at Poloway, with help of the people of Seran, that should send over thirtie Curricur­ries for that purpose. Immedi­ately upon this indicium of this Malefactor, certain Prows, or Fisher-boats of the Polaroons, that were fishing at Poloway, were sei­sed, and the people made prison­ers. Command was sent by the Dutch Governour to Polaroon; that the Orankeys should come over to him, that there might be further inquisition made of this matter. The Priest of the Pola­roons and seventie Orankes instantly took a Prow or small vessel of their own, and imbarked them­selves for Poloway. As they were at sea, and yet out of the sight of the Dutch Castle, they were met [Page 49]by a Fisher-boat of Bandanezes, and told, how all the rest were apprehended; and that, if they went to Poloway, they were all but dead men. Nevertheless, the Priest and the rest, although they had space and means to have esca­ped to Seran and other places safe enough from the Hollanders, yet were so confident of their inno­cencie, that they would needs to Poloway to purge themselves. Where, as soon as they were arri­ved, they were instantly carried prisoners to the Castle: and with­all the Governour, with a force of two hundred men, went pre­sently for Polaroon; whence he fetched all the rest of the Orankeys, and brought them prisoners to the same Castle. As soon as they were come, they were presently brought to the torture of water and fire, even in the same sort as our people were afterwards at Amboyna; onely herein differ­ing, that of those at Poloway, two were so tortured, that they died in their Tortures, the rest, being one hundred and sixtie two persons, were all, [Page 50]upon their own forced confes­sions, condemned and executed. The Priest, when he came to the place of execution, spake these words in the Maliaian tongue: All ye, great and small, rich and poor, black and white, look to it: we have committed no fault. And when he would have spoken more, he was ta­ken by the hands and feet, laid along, and cut in two by the middle with a sword. Forth­with, the Governour caused the Wives, Children, and Slaves of those of Polaroon, to be all car­ried out of the Island, and di­stributed in other Islands subject to the Dutch; and so have made a clear Countrey for the Eng­lish, where they may both plant and gather themselves, destitute of the help of any of the Coun­trey people; without whom, neither the English nor Hollan­ders can maintain their Trade in the Indies. And yet this is not here recited, to the end thereby to charge the Neatherlands Na­tion with those cruel proceed­ings, but the persons themselves [Page 51]that have committed those Bar­barous Tyrannies: Who, Noot­wendich discourse, printed An. 1622. under the name of Ymant van Waer mond. if we shall believe an Authour of their own, are not of the best of that Nation. For the Majors (as this Authour sayes) use the Indies as a Tucht-house or Bride-well, to manage their unruly and un­thrifty children and kindred; whom, when they cannot rule and order at home, they send to the Indies, where they are prefer­red to Offices and places of Go­vernment. Yea, saith he, they prefer such to be Fiscals there, as never saw Studie nor Law. So that it is no marvel, that such persons proceed not with that justice and moderation as is used generally in the Low-Countries, by the choice of the Nation there. And this agreeth well with the report of our Mer­chants of credite, that came lately from Amboyna; who aver, that, excepting the Governour himself, who is well stept in years, of the rest of the Councel there, as well the Fiscal as others, there was scarce any that had hair on their faces, yea, that most [Page 52]of them are lewd drunken de­bauched persons; and yet must be Judges as well of our English, as the poor Indians there.

Now to return to this Au­thours proofs, that there was no excess used in the proceedings; at the last he taketh one Argument by way of comparison, from the Law of England, to press men to death: which he saith, hath much more cruelty than their course of Torture, used by the Dutch in Amboyna, and is holden, as well by some Authours of our own Nation as others, for damnable. How pertinently is this matter of pressing alleadged, for justifying of their Tortures, since no man in England is pressed for not con­fessing, which is the cause of Torture in Dutchland? But the cause why any is pressed, is, for that he obstinately refuseth the Trial of his Countrey, and chal­lengeth the Judges as incompe­tent, which the Law appoint­eth him: which he doth (for the most part) to save his goods, which, but by that ordinarie course of Trial, cannot be con­fiscate. [Page 53]What is this to the point of confession, for refusal where­of, the Dutch use the Torture? And yet no man blameth them for proceeding according to the Law of their Countrey herein; nor yet in their execution, when they break the legs, arms and thighs of the Malefactours, and then fet them upon a wheel on the end of a great pole, there to languish to death: an execution far more direfull than the Eng­lish pressing, which is so sudden­ly done, and so seldom used. But why doth he not name the Authour of our own or forreign writers, which condemn this kind of execution? Let him do it yet, and he shall have moe Au­thours of his own Countrey that condemn their course of Tor­tures: and yet the English com­plain not of the course in gene­ral, but of the unlawfull use of it; contrarie to the rules of the Laws even of the United Pro­vinces. Lastly, in this point the Authour pretendeth, that little or no Torture was used in this process. What the Torture was, [Page 54]and in what degree, appears in the English Relation: but he can find little or none mentioned in the Acts. What if he will not find it? or what if their Officers of Amboyna have concealed it? shall we not believe those that suffered it themselves? shall we not believe those, that being themselves acquitted, yet heard the cries, and saw the bodies of Johnson, Clark, and Tomson, and have confirmed their Relation by their corporal Oaths? As for the Act of the five and twentieth of February, which this Authour hath here transcribed; it cannot be a true Act: for therein it is said, that that day all the English were examined one by one, and some before Torture, and some after confessed the Fact. Where­as it appeareth not onely by the English Relation, but by this very Authour in the precedent page, that they were not all exa­mined the same five and twen­tieth day of February; but that the examination continued six dayes together, even to the third of March inclusive. How then [Page 55]could the Act of the five and twentieth of February have all their confessions? By this may appear, what credit may be gi­ven to these Acts, or else to this Authour. Here also by the way he tels us of the deliberation of their Councel; whether the pu­nishment of the Fact might be respited, or the cause removed: wherein it was resolved, that exe­cution must needs be done in the place of the delict, for example sake; and might not be respited, for fear lest the Conspiratours (as he tearms them) might have more Dependances than yet were known; and in particular, the Ternatans and other Indians about Amboyna. A poor pretext: as if, having all the English in Irons aboard their several ships, they should need to fear their joyning with the Ternatans. But it may be, they feared some English ships also to come thither: for so they had made their own people believe. And therefore, two ships being descried at Sea, the Dutch and their free Burghers cried out, That there were the English that [Page 56]should have holpen to take the Castle: but when they arrived, they proved to be two ships of the Hollanders come from Jac­catra; wherein was a Letter from the President of the English there, to call away Captain Towerson and all the English from Amboyna to Jaccatra. Which Letter was opened and read by the Dutch Governour, while our people were yet in prison, and not executed; and might well have secured him, that there was no further danger to be feared of the English aids of shipping, what-ever the English prisoners had through Torture confessed.

At last the Authour comes to the sentence it self, transcribing out of the Acts of the ninth of March, That the Colledge of Judges being then competent, and calling upon the name of the Lord to assist them in this mourn­full assembly, to preside in their hearts, and inspire them with equity and Justice; proceeded to sentence, &c. Who knoweth not, but the Act may be thus formed, [Page 57]and yet no prayer at all made? or if there were any such prayer, yet the proceedings well weighed, will shew it to be but like Jeza­bels Fast, the preparative to the false judgement against Naboth. Neither will the wise and indif­ferent Judges of this whole mat­ter, conceive the better of the cause, for the Hypocritical forma­lities therein observed.

Last of all, he concludes his treatise with a justification, yea, an Elogie and commendation of the whole proceedings of the Dutch at Amboyna against the Eng­lish; not finding the least to be blamed to the Dutch, but aggra­vating the crime of the English very ridiculously, because (for­sooth) that this plot amongst o­ther things, was against the great means of the Neatherlands East-India Company: as if a conspi­racie to rob them, (if any such had been) must needs be Trea­son, or as if the intent onely in any Crime but treason, were Capital.

Thus have we examined this strained justification of that most [Page 58]Barbarous and execrable process of Amboyna; consisting of a pre­amble, full of false and forged suspicions; a Narration of the Fact, fraught with ridiculous absurdities, contrarieties, and im­possibilities, and of a dispute of impertinences, with conceal­ment of the main grounds of the English griefs. All which veri­fieth that of Papinian. That Par­ricides are more easily commit­ted than defended.

REMARKS upon the fore-going HISTORIE.

TO husband the Remainder of these Sheets the best that I can, to avoid impertinence, which is certainly the speaking of few things in many words (though grave men use it) and withall to clear up, or to say better, exaggerate one of the most criminal Stories that ever was, I presume to affix what considerations of mine I can set down; not out of any enmitie to the Nation, nor to rip up old soars, nor in [Page 2]order to provoke a Natio­nal jealousie, but upon a clear Intention, to let this Nation see, that as by Gods immediate hand, they are rescued out of the bondage of a Monarchy, so in requi­tal of that mercie, they ought to look to be thank­full for it. And as he hath provided for them beyond means and hopes, so they ought not to be wanting in any thing that may make appear their detestation of those offences that are in his eyes of anger, but seek by all their power and might, to acquit them­selves.

For the nature of the plot; you have seen what it is, a design of a few Japon­nesses to surprise a Castle, [Page 3]whereas in it self, both as they stood unfurnished with arms, and unseconded with ships, while their enemie was strongly Garrifoned, little better than a simple impossibilitie, besides that, there wanted an end to en­courage and recompence such an attempt; and it is withall to be supposed, that the English, in a matter of that importance and dan­ger, would have chosen o­ther Confidents than a number of Japonesses, a peo­ple that any reasonable man might from their barbaritie suspect; and we are to note, that in the examination of the first Japonness, (which was the beginning of the whole process, there were no legal indicia found from [Page 4]him, the behaviour that he used, being no other than what may be used by any Souldier in the place where he serveth, other indicia there were none in the least, neither of provisions of the English for such an attempt, nor of correspondencies to that purpose, nor any other agreeing with the rules and examples given by the law or its expounders. Besides, it is not enough for to take a confession upon the Rack, God having not sent all men courage of bodies to endure high tortures (as Collins, Beamont, Sherrock some in this tragedie, wea­ried with suffering, bade them propose what they would have them confess) but it is by Law required, that they should be iterated [Page 5]and confirmed some days after, when the pain of the partie is over, and no fur­ther torment offered unto him. Now in this case, there is never a confession entered in the Acts of the Council of Amboyna, but it is forced from the parties themselves by unsupporta­ble tortures, not one witness being either examined or deposed. Withall, if there had been as much guilt a­mong the English as is sus­pected, why did none of them attempt, either to transport themselves in the Curricurries, and other vessels, that then departed as freely from Amboyna as at other times, as it was no hard matter, or seek to hide themselves? a guiltie consci­ence [Page 6]being the insecurest thing in the world, and the Japonnesses being at that time at the torture.

Thus much for the pro­babilitie of this dangerous machination; now for the le­gallitie of the proceeding of the Dutch thereupon, we will sit down and consider. The English that were tortured, were subject to an absolute Prince, independent of the Hollander, but in league with them: so they were friends and companions to the Hol­landers, and not subjects, and were to be governed by their own Laws, or in case an offence given to the Dutch, by a joynt Compa­nie of both Nations. But the Governour of Amboy­na, took jurisdiction over [Page 7]them, and therefore the whole proceeding had been illegal, had it been as gen­tle as it was cruel. Nor is it enough to say, that the sub­jects of another Countrey, offending against a Forreign jurisdiction (under which they are at present) ought to be punished by those Laws, for the English had an interest and share in the place, and there were, as I said before, as socii, not as subditi: not to say that there was no offence at all, so that the ground of the Objecti­on is taken away. Nay, suppose that we had been under their jurisdiction, yet were the proceedings abso­lutely illegal: For they should have been agreeable to the custom of the Low-Countreys, [Page 8]which those were not, and therefore it was an offence in the Governour, and a high one against the laws of his own Countrey. For all penal Laws, strictly circumstantiate, as well for executing just rigour, as for preventing of crueltie; and every Minister of Justice that transgresseth herein, as if he behead a man that is adjudged to be hanged, he renders himself little better than in the same capacitie. Yet notwithstanding, there was no just indicium for the torturing of the first Japan, nor any proofs against the English, but forced confessi­ons of those tortured wret­ches, which for the most part were directed by the Dutch, in his verbis: which [Page 9]ground of Torture is pro­hibited by their own Law.

For matter of Torture, if you have had the heart to survay it, I suppose you will think it needs neither heightning, nor shadowing, it is so foul of it self. For my part all the debauched cruelties of the first Ro­mane Emperours, when the invention of a good exqui­site Torment was a good way for advancement, though savage devices in­flicted upon the Martyrs, when the continuance of persecution hardened and instructed cruelty; all those sanguinarie Barbarisms of the most unciviliz'd Na­tions have not appeared to me so foul and exquisite as this single process; and that [Page 10]by a people in league with us, of opinion with us in Re­ligion, and obliged to us in effect for their being, pur­chased by us with the loss of so many brave lives, and the profusion of so much treasure, even in our own most dangerous times, when they were like to be swallowed up by a ravenous invader, and stood deserted by all their other neigh­bours; yet these men for the engrossing of that Trade, wherein they have been unhappily fortunate, could cancel all these obli­gations, and break the Laws of nature, nations, and hos­pitality to bring it about.

And truly me thinks up­on this occasion, I cannot but look back on the feli­city [Page 11]of those times, the ex­cellencie of the Govern­ment, and the Honour of that Prince that could sleep so soundly, when such cries were so loud in his ears. This it is to be under the Government of one, who notwithstanding is govern­ed by a Pimp or a Parasite, who though he have such a sacred trust as the safety and the righting of the peo­ple, yet to please his Cate­mit,e and the better to sacri­fice to his lust and luxurie, would be blind to such a violation of his own Ho­nour, and the safety of his people, while the bloud cries in vain behind the Al­tar, and so becomes entayl'd on his own head, and for ought we know, may still lie [Page 12]upon ours. But the Dutch knew well enough what an easie and secure Prince they had to deal with, and there­fore like crafty Foxes ad­ventured to play tricks with the old drowsie Lion; they knew well enough that the exorbitancies, prodigalities, and ill provisions of that Court would ever keep it beggarly and needy, and that there wanted not in­struments in it that Gold would work upon: and therefore they had old Jammy fast enough besieg'd (though he were a place easie enough to take in of himself) so that this busi­ness was hushed up in si­lence for a little money, and the cautionarie Towns were sold for nine pence, which [Page 13]had cost us a Noble, they themselves laughing at the credulitie of that stupid Prince, that would give up so considerable places (which held them in aw, and preserved us ever a good means to right our selves) and thinking so great a ma­ster-piece, that their engine, the then Secretarie, had a present of no less than 30. or 40000. l. for that one service. But the best of it is, the enchantment is now broke up, and we begin to rouse our selves again, and with the blessing of God upon our Liberty, may ar­rive at a higher pitch of glorie and happiness than any of our Ancestors? if they, that have overcome, sheath their swords (as God [Page 14]be thanked they do) and they that are overcome lay aside their hates, as I wish they may. For so we shall grow up to be one body, and shall be formidable to all round about us, and be able rather to right our di­stressed Neighbours, than be in a capacity to receive injuries of the least, much less of the most horrid na­ture.