Ten necessary quæries touching the personall treatie very usefull and necessary to be considered. Also a right description of a cavalier: with some drops to quench the fiery bull of Colchester. By James Tasvvell, a true lover of King, Parliament, truth and peace. Taswell, James. 1648 Approx. 32 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2013-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 2). A94711 Wing T175 Thomason E457_8 ESTC R204972 99864420 99864420 116649

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Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 2, no. A94711) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 116649) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 73:E457[8]) Ten necessary quæries touching the personall treatie very usefull and necessary to be considered. Also a right description of a cavalier: with some drops to quench the fiery bull of Colchester. By James Tasvvell, a true lover of King, Parliament, truth and peace. Taswell, James. [2], 1, 4-5, 4-5, 8-15, [1] p. printed by R.I. for A.H., London : 1648. Text is continuous despite pagination. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Aug: 7th". Reproduction of the original in the British Library.

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eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Colchester (England) -- History -- Siege, 1648 -- Early works to 1800. 2020-09-21 Content of 'availability' element changed when EEBO Phase 2 texts came into the public domain 2010-01 Assigned for keying and markup 2010-02 Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2012-11 Sampled and proofread 2012-11 Text and markup reviewed and edited 2013-02 Batch review (QC) and XML conversion

TEN neceſſary QUAERIES Touching the Perſonall Treatie Very uſefull and neceſſary to be conſidered. ALSO A Right Deſcription of a Cavalier: WITH Some drops to quench the fiery Bull of COLCHESTER.

BY JAMES TASVVELL, a true lover of King, Parliament, Truth and Peace.

LONDON, Printed by R. I. for A. H. 1648.

Ten QƲERIES Touching the Perſonall Treaty.

PRay take into conſideration whether all thoſe ſpecious pretences coyned by the Malignant party, in order to make a peace, are not onely cloakes to cover their deſigne; and whether all tenders made by the Parliament, though onely tending to peace, and the ſafety of the people, have not ever been ſlieghted, and no agreement liked, but that of their owne propoſing, though they never yet gave any good account for their decenting, ſave onely becauſe it was, and have been propoſed by the Parliament; and whether they onely feare the tying of their mutinous hands thereby? or what elſe is it that keeps them from complying and joyning with the Parliament, they being all men that are ſworne to doe the whole Kingdome right, and which were once thought the fitteſt to be confided in, alſo they are men of their familiar acquaintance, and neare to many of them in blood, and all of one and the ſame reformed Proteſtant Religion, by outward profeſſion; nay and many of the oppoſers have by Covenant alſo promiſed to be the ſame in all circumſtances? or whether doe they believe the Parliament will contrary to their oath, and ſolemne Covenant impoſe, and the Synod coyne a Religion falſe and damnable to themſelves, of purpoſe to croſſe other men thereby; yet the Parliament and Synod are not ſo well conceited of the accuteneſſe of their owne judgements, as to thinke they can reforme immediately and perfectly according to the word and will of God, and therefore (for which they are much to be commended) have made ſome proviſion for tender conſciences. But their enemies indeed having no juſt cauſe to complaine, do for want of a better accuſation, charge them with robbing the ſubject by impoſition of taxes, &c. Is this charge true, or doe they occaſion the Parliament to impoſe thoſe taxes, to maintaine a power in the Kingdome, to ſuppreſſe their rebellions, and their enemies which are the Plaintiffes? do not they occaſion them ſtill to continue the ſame force in the field, and otherwiſe to preſerve the peace of the Kingdome, to the expence of many hundred thouſand pounds; and whereas they ſay the Parliament robbeth the Kingdome by taxes, it was but lately they themſelves were guilty of impoſing the like, and as many taxes for their uſes, and had they the like power as they againe earneſtly ſtrive for, whether they will not impoſe the like againe, and the ſame, and more then the Parliament doth.

But they aske how the Parliament is inforced by them to continue ſuch force in the field, they deſire rather that the ſubject may be eaſed, to purchaſe which, is the chiefe cauſe of their ſtirring.

Indeed you ſo pretend, to delude the people, but your actions diſcover the contrary, witneſſe your often provoking the Parliament, by comming to the doore of the Houſe, threatning them that if they durſt deny what they required of them, they would cudgell them into a better diſpoſition, and not onely ſo, but you have alſo offered violence to their perſons, in ſo much that their lives have been indangered, witneſſe the action of the City, 1647. cauſing the Parliament to fetch an Army for their guard, (before which time you ſaw the Parliaments readineſſe to disband, ſo that if they deſerved blame at all, it was rather for disbanding too faſt) and now againe the Eſſex men, under pretence of a Petition, all which you have done onely to picke a quarrell with the Parliament to finde an occaſion to raiſe Armes, and having no juſt cavell, nor faire pretence, they begin it in plaine tearmes without either; witneſſe the Kentiſh men, raiſing thirty or forty thouſand men in Armes to preſent a Petition to the Houſe, belike they intended to preſent it after ſome new and ſtrange manner, all which men tooke the field, before any Petition was drawne, and therefore it was before they knew whether it would be refuſed or not; and when the Generall demanded what they intended by their ſo drawing together, they anſwered ſcornfully, and ingage to fight with him, doubtleſſe the Generall would not have ſtopped their proceedings, had it been onely to deliver a Petition, nor had they need to have fled into Colcheſter to have garriſoned it for their defence, had all their buſineſſe been onely to deliver a Petition: I might inſtance ſeveral inſurrections in divers parts of the Kingdome, and ſeiſing on ſeverall Garriſons, all plainly manifeſteth their intentions; and whether it be the Parliament that injureth the ſubject by taxes, or whether it be themſelves, by inforcing the Parliament to maintaine an Army to inforce their obedience to the Law and government.

But they have gotten a new pretence, ſaying, If we might have the King come to a perſonall Treaty, we would be all quiet. To which I anſwer.

Whether they may not accuſe themſelves moſt juſtly for the nonreſtauration of the King ere this time? and whether if they had not buſled ſo, and been ſo eager for it? whether the King had not ſigned the Propoſitions long ſince, and ſo have been in Statu quo prius?

Whether the Parliament have not deſcended as low as poſſibly ſafety wil permit, in compoſing the Propoſitions, and drawing them into onely three, and they ſo eaſie, as tendeth onely to the ſafety of the people, and peace of the Kingdome, neither incroaching on the Kings Prerogative, nor advancing their owne private ends?

Touching the Militia: Whether it can be prejudiciall to the honour of the King to aſſure his Subjects by all wayes and meanes he can, that they ſhall live in ſafety? And whether in reaſon ſuch aſſurance ought not to be given, ſith the Armes, Ammunition, Caſtles, Ships, &c. are bought and provided by the Subject wholly for their ſafety and defence.

Touching Church government; ſith the Parliament doth not intend to make the ſigning this Propoſition a laſting binding, but rather apply it as a preſent ſettlement, in a caſe of neceſſity: whether the King may not notwithſtanding all former pretences to the contrary, joyne with them without prejudice? and whether in ſuch time, theſe jarring and diſcenting ſpirits might not apparently diſcover their errours, and become calmer and more plyable to bee reduced, or elſe more clearly manifeſt the truth of their tenets, whereby a continued government might alſo the better be conſidered and agreed on, and more eaſily ſetled to, and by the conſent of all parties, then at preſent it can be? and whether much ſtrife and controverſie might not thereby be quenched? and whether in that time his Majeſties Divines might not by conference with other, be made ſenſible of their failings, and ſo be reduced? or whether they might not (as happily they conceive) diſcover the errours of our Divines, or at leaſt that all men might thereby have opportunity thereby to heare and know what each party can ſay in defence of their cauſe? and whether that might not prove the neareſt way to ſatisfie all thoſe which have an over-weaning conceit of the adverſe party, and alſo of all deſcenting perſons? alſo whether the King and Parliament might not thereby have opportunity to heare all controverſies diſcourſed, and ſo might eſtabliſh that which brought beſt evidence with it? and whether would it be requiſite that ſuch ſettlement or government as ſhould at preſent be agreed on, ſhould ſtand irrevocable, untill another government ſhould at preſent be agreed on by King and Parliament, ſo we ſhould have a government at preſent, and alſo be in a condition to imbrace another, when it ſhould be preſented by the authority aforeſaid?

Touching the Kings recalling his Votes and Declarations againſt the Parliament, and the diſclayming all ſuch wherein he hath proclaymed the Parliament Rebells and Traytors.

Whether the King ought not to vouchſafe the Parliament equall or as much favour as the Iriſh Rebells, in that he formerly likewiſe proclaymed the Iriſh, Rebels and Traytors, and doubtleſſe not without juſt cauſe, and that not Rebels of the meaneſt ſort neither, in that they made the King himſelfe, the authour of their Rebellion, by ſaying, they had his Broad-ſeale for it, which if the King to leſſen their guilt ſhould acknowledge, whether he would not then confirme theſe jealouſies formerly taken up againſt himſelfe? and whether it would have been more honourable for the King, though ſome way it might have been prejudiciall to have joyned with his Parliament here, being in part neare allyed to him in blood, and of one and the ſame Religion, or at leaſt ſo pretended to be, then to joyne with a ſo much deſpiſed Nation, as the Iriſh againſt his Parliament, to whom he was ſo nearly ingaged and conſerved; but this by the by: I ſay againe, that notwithſtanding his ſo proclayming them, he after owneth them againe, and calleth them his good ſubjects? whether may not the King doe the like as well by the Parliament? and whether the Parliament under the notion of Rebells and Traytors, are in a capacity to treat with the King or not? and whether the King muſt not of neceſſity repute them free ſubjects before ſ •… a Treaty; and if of neceſſity that muſt be done before the Treaty, whether the King may not, if he intend to doe it at all, do it as well in the Iſle of Wight, as when he commeth to London? and alſo why in theſe times of danger, the King ſhould urge the Parliament to let him come firſt to treat before he ſigne (if he intended to bee reall) and ſo deſire the Parliament to run ſo great a hazard and taske, for a thing no more available to him, and of ſuch dangerous conſequence to them?

Whether if the Parliament ſhould adventure all the blood and treaſure which hath been hitherto expended, at this one caſt, on the Kings bare word (nay and he ſcarce paſſing that?) whether the Kingdome might not juſtly charge the Parliament with the breach of truſt?

Whether the King may not at his comming to his pretended Treaty give commiſſion, or onely intimate, which would be warrant enough for ſome of his violent, head-long accomplices, whom we ſee are ſo inconſiderately eager to act for him, as that they would deſire no better warrant then for his Majeſty to hold up his finger to them? and ſo whether this pretended Treaty may not bee made an opportunity to make a further breach with the Parliament? and whether there be not ſome juſt cauſe given for this doubt, by his Majeſties unwillingneſſe to afford the Parliament any kinde of ſecurity which lyeth in him to withhold from them?

Whether it be not to be doubted, that the King hath ſome unſeen deſigne againſt the Parliament, in that he and his accomplices indeavours to remove themſelves from under the protection of the Parliament? and whether it be to ſtand on their owne guards in this Kingdome, or to convey the perſon of his Majeſty out of this Kingdome? whether either of theſe two things (one of which muſt be their intent) are not like to be prejudiciall to the Kingdome in a very high nature? and whether this action of his Majeſty be not ſufficient to cauſe the Parliament and their adherents to doubt, whether the King hath ſuch a deſire to compoſe theſe differences by a perſonall Treaty, as many would make us believe he hath? and whether the comming of his Majeſty into, or neare the City, may not be the neareſt way to finiſh what he deſires?

Whether the Parliament, what dangers ſoever preſents themſelves, are not bound in conſcience, by reaſon of the truſt impoſed on them by the Kingdome, as alſo by their Oath and ſolemne Covenant which they have taken, to ſtand with the hazard of their lives and fortunes, for the maintenance, and defence of that which appeareth unto their judgements and conſciences, to be moſt juſt and ſafe, from which if they ſhould be deterred by threatning dangers, and ſo ſhould imbezzle the Subjects priviledges, and bereave them of their right? whether it may not be a burden to their ſoules in the day of their accounts defore Almighty God?

Whether if the Parliament ſhould by unexpected violence be ſurpriſed, whilſt they lye under the brand of Rebellion and Treaſon, and the King ſet up by the ſword? whether I ſay, they and all their adherents, ſhould not be forthwith proceeded againſt as Rebels and Traytors, they being already condemned by ſuch as doubtleſſe would as willingly proceed to execution, had they but power? and whether when the verduit was paſt, it were not by the approbation of thoſe Lawyers which would be in higheſt ſeats, and courts of judicature in the Kingdome, were the King brought in as is indeavoured (I meane if any Courts at all were kept?) and then whether theſe men which ſo adjudged and condemned the Parliament, and all that did adhere to them, when they had no power over them, and when it was but diſputable whom ſhould prevaile, either the King or Parliament? whether I ſay theſe men ſhould now contradict themſelves of their owne accord, and confeſſe themſelves in an errour for ſo cenſuring the Parliament? or whether they would when they had power ſo to do, be more violent then ever, and deſirous to proceed to execution? and whether it may be done lawfully or not lawfully, that's all one, the King hath declared them Rebells; and what Law ſhall contradict that now, which could not contradict it then, when the King had not the like power which now he may have; alſo all that ſhall ſit in Judicature then, ſhall be men of the Kings own judgement, and then which of them will ſay to his Majeſty, this proceeding is contrary to Law, though they know it to be ſo, but rather urge the contrary with bitterneſſe.

But they will object: What neede all theſe doubts, have not the City proferred to ingage their lives and eſtates, to preſerve the Parliament in ſafety during the treaty, and that in caſe the King and they doe not accord at laſt, that they will deliver the perſon of the King into the Parliaments cuſtody againe, as now hee is.

To which I anſwer, That in caſe a private deſigne be carried on, to take this opportunity to give the King his deſired liberty, and to prevent and ſtop the Parliaments proceedings, as have been already ſaid, by the gathering together the many thouſands in and about the City which would bee ready for ſuch a work on ſhort warning, whither it may be then in the Cities power, or at leaſt in the power of that ſmall party in the City which have ſo ingaged, to make good that ingagement, or whither the City may deſert or willfully faile the Parliament herein, or doe juſt the contrary, I mean oppoſe the Parliament, at that time; and ſo the Parliament be forceably, diſperſed, and made uncapable to act, and at the ſame time the King attaine to his purpoſe, how ſhall the Parliament after all this is done, repaire themſelves upon the City for not making good their ingagement, ſo that it plainly appeareth that this ſpecious pretended Ingagement of the City is of no value, nor ſecurity to bee confided in at all, And now whither the Parliament will adventure theſe ſeaven yeares toyle, with the larger happineſſe and welfare of themſelves and poſterity, and alſo the happineſſe and wellbeing of the whole Common-wealth, on the Kings bare word, without any ſecurity at all, I ſhall leave to their juditious conſideration.

Whither now in this condition, and cauſe, as the caſe now ſtands with the Parliament, all good Subjects in this Kingdome are not bound in conſcience to aſſiſt the Parliament to the utmoſt of their power, I ſhall leave to all the world to judge, and ſo ſhall conclude, onely by putting them in mind of ſome few things more worth the noting, And firſt.

Whither if the Parliament through want of ſufficient aſſiſtance, ſhall be diſperſed and made uncapable of acting, or defending themſelves and others? Whither tyranny would not be aboundantly exerciſed on the Members of Parliament, and on all their adherents, and indeed an inlet made, for tyranny to ſpread over the whole Kingdome, and the King being ſo brought in by the ſword, whither he would rule alone? and whither he might not coulourably do it, and if he ſhould, whither thoſe of his own party which have ſo much laboured to procure that liberty for him, will either for ſhame, or for feare to diſpleaſe him, find fault therewith? and whither the other party, reputed as enemies, ſhall dare to find fault? And whither a few capitall men of the Kings party may not have content given them on their owne parties for a while, thereby to have their aſſiſtance to carry on their grand Deſigne on the whole Kingdome beſide, according to the example of France, where the Subject is much inſlaved, yet many of the Gentry, as free as in any common-wealth in the world, made ſo by the King, to ingage them thereby to cleave to his aſſiſtance, to tirannize over the commonalty, and being once ſo, whither it may poſſible ever be ſhooke off againe?

Further alſo, the King being ſo ſet up, whither the diverſity of opinions amongſt his party, and the ſtrict and cruell dealing with the other party, may diſquiet the Kingdom then, as much as now it is, and that for many yeares? and likewiſe whither all things the Parliament hath reformed, ſhall not be brought back again to their former eſtate? & whither all Goſpell preachers, beneficed by the Parliament ſhall not immediatly be thruſt out, how able or well deſerving ſoever they be, onely becauſe the Parliament placed them in, and thoſe of the contrary judgement how ſcandalons ſoever ſhall be re-inveſted, in oppoſition to the Parliament? and whither all Ceremonies and fopperies, caſt out of the Church, and whatſoever have been done by the Parliament, ſhall not be turned into its former condition again, nay, and thoſe things which they ſhal think to be moſt grievous to tender conſciences, preſſed with much more violence then formerly. To prevent all which, let us earneſtly ſeek unto God by earneſt prayers, that he would be pleaſed to fend the ſpirit of peace and concord into the hearts of both King and Parliament, that they and us, may all reſolve with one heart, to lay all particular and private intereſtes aſide, and unfainedly ſecke and inſue peace, doing what we doe without deceit, and for Gods ſake, and as it were in his preſence, and that in reallity, without ſeeking the prejudice or detriment of others, but that on all ſides the glory of God, the welfare of each other, and the happineſſe and proſperity of the Church and Common-wealth, may be the prime things aimed at, and deſired, that ſo we might walke comfortably together as becommeth profeſſors of the Goſpell, uſing the world as if we uſed it not, alſo let us ſeek unto God for humility and charity, both which are in theſe times much wanting, for that we ſee many which by having overgood conceits of themſelves, have not ſo good opinions as they ſhould have of others, in a word let us wholy turne our ſelves unto the Lord, and he will turne himſelfe unto us, and who knoweth whither God may bee yet mercifull, and heale our land.

A Right Deſcription of a CAVALIER: With Some drops to quench the fiery BULL of COLCHESTER.

GEntlemen what various ſtories our diſtractions have already produced, moſt men do to their ſorrowes know, which were firſt occaſioned, and to this day continued by a ſort of creatures like men, which have left no meanes unatempted to extirpate Religion, Law and Government in this Kingdome, and theſe are they which are commonly called Cavaliers, a fine name, and they are as fine men, and doe in nature well agree with their name, for though they are not always riding, yet they ſeeme to be very active, for they are ever kicking and ſpurning of the Common-wealth where they live, in ſo much that no Government durſt ſhow its noſe for them, witneſſe their actions ever ſince their firſt appearance in England; firſt they began with the Scots, endeavouring to ingage that Kingdome and this Kingdome in a War; next they diſpatched the Queen to France, on what imployment is more ſafe to beleeve then expreſſe, and ſith all their actions tend wholly to deſtruction, or at leaſt to the thraldome of the Kingdome; how can we thinke there was likewiſe any other intent in that action alſo, then they ſuggeſted an evill conceit into his Majeſty, of his Parliament thereby to coyne a diſtraction by his abſence in the Houſe, and how far they have prevailed thence, & what effect that hath taken, we all too well know; but when they ſaw they could not bring a finall deſtruction hereby, then they goe and ſend the Prince of Wales into France, thereby to give a further occaſion and opportunity to that Kingdome to ingage againſt us, which ere this doubtleſſe we ſhould have had experience of, had not their imployments elſewhere prevented it; and to be ſure to make us worke enough, and ſufficiently to manifeſt that their aime and deſire is deſtruction, they ſent the Duke of Yorke into Holland to ingage that Nation againſt us likewiſe, for they it ſeemeth careth not by whom it be, ſo the deſigne be going on toward deſtruction and deſolation.

But that which is moſt worthy note, is, how they have cheated the Scotiſh Jockies at laſt, onely on pretence of a Covenant, which all their actions ever have and doe manifeſt to be altogether againſt, as the Boares might well perceive by their eager fighting againſt it, whilſt they could procure any Epiſcopall party to ſtand up, and doth alſo very plainly appeare yet, by their endeavouring to bring in the King by the ſword, and ſo put them in a poſture of government, who is a profeſſed enemy to Presbytery and the Covenant; and the Cavalliers ſaith that they deſire to buy the King, and as hee will; how can they then conforme to the Scots Covenant? doth it not then appeare that the Scots doe now fight againſt themſelves, in that they joyn with the Cavalliers to ſet up the King by the ſword who is clearly againſt their Covenant, as appeareth by his refuſing to take it, and alſo to hear any Covenant Miniſter: Now how the Cavalliers can thus bring in the King to rule againſt the Covenant, and yet ſtand for the Covenant, I would have the Scots to judge, and that they endeavour to ſet up the King, is plain, as appeareth by their endeavour ſo to ſteal or take him away from out of the Parliaments hands, all which the wind-mil-headed Scots might ſee, if they would be pleaſed but to move their bonnets of their eyes, and alſo how the Cavalliers did the loſt year endeavour as much as in them lay, to ſcrue themſelves into the affections of the Independent party, calling them their friend, and telling them, that the King accounted them his friends, and they be the happy men to put a period to the differences, and preſently they would joyne with Sir Tho. Inſomuch that they called him their Generall, and declared him to be for the King, and preſumed to ſet forth Declarations in his name, and that point blanke againſt the Covenanters, witneſſe the Proclamation to remove all the Clergy placed by the Parliament in Delinquents livings, and the re-inveſting of thouſands put out, notwithſtanding all which the Independents ſoone diſcovered their lime-twigs (being indeed a little better able to diſcerne theſe and ſuch like things pertaining to the Church, then the Presbyterians are, though they exceed them in temporalls) and ſo eſteemed of them accordingly, ſince which time they have fully teſtified by their actions how reall their love was toward them, witneſſe the many hundred callumnies, ſcandalls, and all manner of falſe and baſe reports, which the Divell can coyne for them, they have ever ſince, and to this day doe caſt on the Army.

But this I muſt ſay for the Cavalliers, they are vigilant men to purſue their deſignes, and neglect no opportunity wherein they might doe the Devill ſervice, witneſſe their late Rebellion breaking out in Wales, Cornwall, the North, Kent, and divers other places of the Kingdome at one at the ſame time, in which, ſurely there was a myſtery more then is yet ſeene, as appeareth by the diſtinctneſſe and remoteneſſe, of the inſurrection, but indeed all their actions are ſo myſticall, that no man can diſcerne what they drive at in any of their deſignes, which makes me thinke that their grand Deſigne is a finall deſtruction, and that they act it ſo many ſeverall wayes to finde the neareſt way for that purpoſe, as not caring, ſo they bring it to paſſe, which way it be done, they would ingage the French, they would ingage the Iriſh, they would ingage the Hollanders, they would ingage the Scot, with whom they have prevailed, they would be glad of any Nation or people that would come in to their aſſiſtance to help to deſtroy this poor Kingdome, juſt viper like, who is the greateſt enemy to her owne dam, with deſire of drawing in ſo many ſeverall Nations, plainly ſheweth it is not Religion they contend for, or care at all of what Religion they are, alſo their joyning with Epiſcopacy, and after with Independency, and now with Presbytery, doth plainly declare that they are of no government, neither doe they care likewiſe with what government they joyne, and ſo are at preſent men of no Religion, and of no government, are like a Nowne Adjective which cannot ſtand alone, and therefore are never like to make a Commonwealth of themſelves, nor indeed are they fit to live in any Commonwealth amongſt others: They cannot indure any thing in that forme and ſhape which God hath put it in, witneſſe the honour and dignity of the King, which is wholly by them deminiſhed, alſo the freedome and power of Parliaments, wholly by them oppoſed and infringed; likewiſe the liberty and peace of the ſubject, by them altogether violated, and for the Church, which are the people of God, and his Elect and Choſen, and immediately and eſpecially governed by him, and whom are as himſelfe ſaith, as tender unto him as the apple of his eye, and yet theſe are moſt of all perplexed by them, they would if they might new mould all things, yea even the beaſts of the field, not mend any thing that they leaſt thinke on, but to change it into ſome other forme then it ſhould have, or then it hath in being, as appeareth by that late pretended Bull, which they metamorphized at Colcheſter, they would make all Monſters like themſelves, both King, Parliament, Lawes, Church, and Commonwealth.

Now what thinke you of theſe men, ſurely Ile tell you what I thinke of them, that is, that if they had ſo much divinity, or the devill could teach them ſo much, as to know what were moſt diſpleaſing to God, that would they firſt act in deſpite of the Deity.

They had made this Bull of Colcheſter they ſay a very good embleme of the devill, by which diabolicall Idolatry they manifeſt their love and ſervice to be to the Devill. By the example of the Papiſts who draweth the Image of God in honour of him, to worſhip him thereby, as alſo moſt deſiring to ſee him whom they moſt love & ſerve, or whither is it for that they are impatient of being without his viſible company whiles they live here on earth, and therefore draweth his picture, and that it may be ſaid that they are ſervants to whom they obey, then wee may gueſſe whom they ſerve, by raiſing a picture in honour of him, and ſo much delighting themſelves at the ſight thereof, as they did alſo at the ſight of 400 houſes which they ſet on fire in and neer Colcheſter, ſurely they would make it but their ſport to ſee the whole Kingdome in a flame, as they doe to ſee it died in blood, you ſee what griefe they expreſſe for the aboundance of blood and treaſure which have been expended by reaſon of this wicked action of theirs; and how they having drawn up their accounts, have given the country a Bull for it, the making of which have been their ſtudy, tis true, but the Countries coſt to the value of 500000 li. The calves of which ſaid Bull doth yeeld ſcarce pence a peece, at which rate the ſumme above ſaid will be long ariſing, in which I have obſerved this, that all the calves which commeth out of Eſſex are Bull calves, which makes mee thinke there will bee none but Cow calves left in Eſſex ſhortly.

But to continue this ſport and paſtime the Gentlemen hath fetched two or three brace of Beares, roaring meg and her Squadron from Paris Garden, or Tower-wharfe, which will ſoon bee there, to the Cavaliers neverlaſting content, this buſineſſe of Colcheſter ſhall be called on record, Colcheſter-watch, where Goring ſhall be recorded Hoſt, and Capel Fidler, and Lucas Bull-keepers, and their accomplices ſhall no longer bee called Cavaliers, but Calves-yeares or Bull-babies, ſo I ſhall leave them at preſent to their ſport, with an intent to take view of their actions againe ſhortly, In which time I deſire they would not give mee juſt cauſe to conclude they are all Rebells, blood-thirſty, profeſſed enemies to peace, and Government of all ſorts, and when they ſhall give me cauſe to thinke better of them, I ſhall communicate the ſame to many more, which would be glad to heare good of them.

FINIS.