Ten QƲERIES Touching the Personall Treaty.

PRay take into consideration whether all those speci­ous pretences coyned by the Malignant party, in or­der to make a peace, are not onely cloakes to cover their designe; and whether all tenders made by the Parliament, though onely tending to peace, and the safety of the people, have not ever been slieghted, and no agreement liked, but that of their owne proposing, though they never yet gave any good account for their decenting, save one­ly because it was, and have been proposed by the Parliament; and whether they onely feare the tying of their mutinous hands there­by? or what else is it that keeps them from complying and joyning with the Parliament, they being all men that are sworne to doe the whole Kingdome right, and which were once thought the fittest to be confided in, also they are men of their familiar acquaintance, and neare to many of them in blood, and all of one and the same reformed Protestant Religion, by outward profession; nay and ma­ny of the opposers have by Covenant also promised to be the same in all circumstances? or whether doe they believe the Parliament will contrary to their oath, and solemne Covenant impose, and the Synod coyne a Religion false and damnable to themselves, of purpose to crosse other men thereby; yet the Parliament and Synod are not so well conceited of the accutenesse of their owne judge­ments, as to thinke they can reforme immediately and perfectly according to the word and will of God, and therefore (for which they are much to be commended) have made some provision for tender consciences. But their enemies indeed having no just cause to complaine, do for want of a better accusation, charge them with robbing the subject by imposition of taxes, &c. Is this charge true, [Page 4] or doe they occasion the Parliament to impose those taxes, to main­taine a power in the Kingdome, to suppresse their rebellions, and their enemies which are the Plaintiffes? do not they occasion them still to continue the same force in the field, and otherwise to pre­serve the peace of the Kingdome, to the expence of many hundred thousand pounds; and whereas they say the Parliament robbeth the Kingdome by taxes, it was but lately they themselves were guilty of imposing the like, and as many taxes for their uses, and had they the like power as they againe earnestly strive for, whether they will not impose the like againe, and the same, and more then the Parliament doth.

Object. But they aske how the Parliament is inforced by them to continue such force in the field, they desire rather that the subject may be eased, to purchase which, is the chiefe cause of their stirring.

Answ. Indeed you so pretend, to delude the people, but your a­ctions discover the contrary, witnesse your often provoking the Parliament, by comming to the doore of the House, threatning them that if they durst deny what they required of them, they would cudgell them into a better disposition, and not onely so, but you have also offered violence to their persons, in so much that their lives have been indangered, witnesse the action of the City, 1647. causing the Parliament to fetch an Army for their guard, (be­fore which time you saw the Parliaments readinesse to disband, so that if they deserved blame at all, it was rather for disbanding too fast) and now againe the Essex men, under pretence of a Petition, all which you have done onely to picke a quarrell with the Parliament to finde an occasion to raise Armes, and having no just cavell, nor faire pretence, they begin it in plaine tearmes without either; witnesse the Kentish men, raising thirty or forty thousand men in Armes to present a Petition to the House, belike they intended to present it after some new and strange manner, all which men tooke the field, before any Petition was drawne, and therefore it was be­fore they knew whether it would be refused or not; and when the Generall demanded what they intended by their so drawing toge­ther, they answered scornfully, and ingage to fight with him, doubt­lesse the Generall would not have stopped their proceedings, had it been onely to deliver a Petition, nor had they need to have fled into Colchester to have garrisoned it for their defence, had all their businesse been onely to deliver a Petition: I might instance several [Page 5] insurrections in divers parts of the Kingdome, and seising on seve­rall Garrisons, all plainly manifesteth their intentions; and whether it be the Parliament that injureth the subject by taxes, or whether it be themselves, by inforcing the Parliament to maintaine an Army to inforce their obedience to the Law and government.

But they have gotten a new pretence, saying, If we might have the King come to a personall Treaty, we would be all quiet. To which I answer.

Query I. Whether they may not accuse themselves most justly for the non­restauration of the King ere this time? and whether if they had not busled so, and been so eager for it? whether the King had not signed the Propositions long since, and so have been in Statu quo prius?

Query II. Whether the Parliament have not descended as low as possibly safety wil permit, in composing the Propositions, and drawing them into onely three, and they so easie, as tendeth onely to the safety of the people, and peace of the Kingdome, neither incroaching on the Kings Prerogative, nor advancing their owne private ends?

Query III. Touching the Militia: Whether it can be prejudiciall to the ho­nour of the King to assure his Subjects by all wayes and meanes he can, that they shall live in safety? And whether in reason such assu­rance ought not to be given, sith the Armes, Ammunition, Castles, Ships, &c. are bought and provided by the Subject wholly for their safety and defence.

Query IV. Touching Church government; sith the Parliament doth not in­tend to make the signing this Proposition a lasting binding, but ra­ther apply it as a present settlement, in a case of necessity: whether the King may not notwithstanding all former pretences to the con­trary, joyne with them without prejudice? and whether in such time, these jarring and discenting spirits might not apparently dis­cover their errours, and become calmer and more plyable to bee re­duced, or else more clearly manifest the truth of their tenets, where­by a continued government might also the better be considered and agreed on, and more easily setled to, and by the consent of all par­ties, then at present it can be? and whether much strife and con­troversie [Page 4] might not thereby be quenched? and whether in that time his Majesties Divines might not by conference with other, be made sensible of their failings, and so be reduced? or whether they might not (as happily they conceive) discover the errours of our Divines, or at least that all men might thereby have opportunity thereby to heare and know what each party can say in defence of their cause? and whether that might not prove the nearest way to satisfie all those which have an over-weaning conceit of the adverse party, and also of all descenting persons? also whether the King and Parlia­ment might not thereby have opportunity to heare all controver­sies discoursed, and so might establish that which brought best evi­dence with it? and whether would it be requisite that such settle­ment or government as should at present be agreed on, should stand irrevocable, untill another government should at present be agreed on by King and Parliament, so we should have a government at pre­sent, and also be in a condition to imbrace another, when it should be presented by the authority aforesaid?

Query V. Touching the Kings recalling his Votes and Declarations against the Parliament, and the disclayming all such wherein he hath pro­claymed the Parliament Rebells and Traytors.

Whether the King ought not to vouchsafe the Parliament equall or as much favour as the Irish Rebells, in that he formerly likewise proclaymed the Irish, Rebels and Traytors, and doubtlesse not with­out just cause, and that not Rebels of the meanest sort neither, in that they made the King himselfe, the authour of their Rebellion, by saying, they had his Broad-seale for it, which if the King to lessen their guilt should acknowledge, whether he would not then con­firme these jealousies formerly taken up against himselfe? and whe­ther it would have been more honourable for the King, though some way it might have been prejudiciall to have joyned with his Parliament here, being in part neare allyed to him in blood, and of one and the same Religion, or at least so pretended to be, then to joyne with a so much despised Nation, as the Irish against his Par­liament, to whom he was so nearly ingaged and conserved; but this by the by: I say againe, that notwithstanding his so proclayming them, he after owneth them againe, and calleth them his good sub­jects? whether may not the King doe the like as well by the Parlia­ment? [Page 5] and whether the Parliament under the notion of Rebells and Traytors, are in a capacity to treat with the King or not? and whether the King must not of necessity repute them free subjects be­fore s [...]a Treaty; and if of necessity that must be done before the Treaty, whether the King may not, if he intend to doe it at all, do it as well in the Isle of Wight, as when he commeth to London? and also why in these times of danger, the King should urge the Parliament to let him come first to treat before he signe (if he intended to bee reall) and so desire the Parliament to run so great a hazard and taske, for a thing no more available to him, and of such dangerous consequence to them?

Query VI. Whether if the Parliament should adventure all the blood and treasure which hath been hitherto expended, at this one cast, on the Kings bare word (nay and he scarce passing that?) whether the King­dome might not justly charge the Parliament with the breach of trust?

Query VII. Whether the King may not at his comming to his pretended Treaty give commission, or onely intimate, which would be war­rant enough for some of his violent, head-long accomplices, whom we see are so inconsiderately eager to act for him, as that they would desire no better warrant then for his Majesty to hold up his finger to them? and so whether this pretended Treaty may not bee made an opportunity to make a further breach with the Parlia­ment? and whether there be not some just cause given for this doubt, by his Majesties unwillingnesse to afford the Parliament any kinde of security which lyeth in him to withhold from them?

Query VIII. Whether it be not to be doubted, that the King hath some unseen designe against the Parliament, in that he and his accomplices in­deavours to remove themselves from under the protection of the Parliament? and whether it be to stand on their owne guards in this Kingdome, or to convey the person of his Majesty out of this Kingdome? whether either of these two things (one of which must be their intent) are not like to be prejudiciall to the Kingdome in a very high nature? and whether this action of his Majesty be not sufficient to cause the Parliament and their adherents to doubt, whe­ther [Page 8] the King hath such a desire to compose these differences by a personall Treaty, as many would make us believe he hath? and whether the comming of his Majesty into, or neare the City, may not be the nearest way to finish what he desires?

Query IX. Whether the Parliament, what dangers soever presents them­selves, are not bound in conscience, by reason of the trust imposed on them by the Kingdome, as also by their Oath and solemne Cove­nant which they have taken, to stand with the hazard of their lives and fortunes, for the maintenance, and defence of that which ap­peareth unto their judgements and consciences, to be most just and safe, from which if they should be deterred by threatning dangers, and so should imbezzle the Subjects priviledges, and bereave them of their right? whether it may not be a burden to their soules in the day of their accounts defore Almighty God?

Query X. Whether if the Parliament should by unexpected violence be sur­prised, whilst they lye under the brand of Rebellion and Treason, and the King set up by the sword? whether I say, they and all their adherents, should not be forthwith proceeded against as Rebels and Traytors, they being already condemned by such as doubtlesse would as willingly proceed to execution, had they but power? and whether when the verduit was past, it were not by the approbation of those Lawyers which would be in highest seats, and courts of ju­dicature in the Kingdome, were the King brought in as is indeavou­red (I meane if any Courts at all were kept?) and then whether these men which so adjudged and condemned the Parliament, and all that did adhere to them, when they had no power over them, and when it was but disputable whom should prevaile, either the King or Par­liament? whether I say these men should now contradict them­selves of their owne accord, and confesse themselves in an errour for so censuring the Parliament? or whether they would when they had power so to do, be more violent then ever, and desirous to proceed to execution? and whether it may be done lawfully or not lawfully, that's all one, the King hath declared them Rebells; and what Law shall contradict that now, which could not contradict it then, when the King had not the like power which now he may have; also all that shall sit in Judicature then, shall be men of the [Page 9] Kings own judgement, and then which of them will say to his Ma­jesty, this proceeding is contrary to Law, though they know it to be so, but rather urge the contrary with bitternesse.

But they will object: What neede all these doubts, have not the City proferred to ingage their lives and estates, to preserve the Parliament in safety during the treaty, and that in case the King and they doe not accord at last, that they will deliver the person of the King into the Parliaments custody againe, as now hee is.

To which I answer, That in case a private designe be carried on, to take this opportunity to give the King his desired liberty, and to prevent and stop the Parliaments proceedings, as have been alrea­dy said, by the gathering together the many thousands in and a­bout the City which would bee ready for such a work on short warning, whither it may be then in the Cities power, or at least in the power of that small party in the City which have so ingaged, to make good that ingagement, or whither the City may desert or willfully faile the Parliament herein, or doe just the contrary, I mean oppose the Parliament, at that time; and so the Parliament be forceably, dispersed, and made uncapable to act, and at the same time the King attaine to his purpose, how shall the Parliament af­ter all this is done, repaire themselves upon the City for not mak­ing good their ingagement, so that it plainly appeareth that this specious pretended Ingagement of the City is of no value, nor se­curity to bee confided in at all, And now whither the Parliament will adventure these seaven yeares toyle, with the larger happinesse and welfare of themselves and posterity, and also the happinesse and wellbeing of the whole Common-wealth, on the Kings bare word, without any security at all, I shall leave to their juditious consideration.

Whither now in this condition, and cause, as the case now stands with the Parliament, all good Subjects in this Kingdome are not bound in conscience to assist the Parliament to the utmost of their power, I shall leave to all the world to judge, and so shall conclude, onely by putting them in mind of some few things more worth the noting, And first.

Whither if the Parliament through want of sufficient assistance, shall be dispersed and made uncapable of acting, or defending them­selves [Page 10] and others? Whither tyranny would not be aboundantly exercised on the Members of Parliament, and on all their adherents, and indeed an inlet made, for tyranny to spread over the whole Kingdome, and the King being so brought in by the sword, whi­ther he would rule alone? and whither he might not coulourably do it, and if he should, whither those of his own party which have so much laboured to procure that liberty for him, will either for shame, or for feare to displease him, find fault therewith? and whi­ther the other party, reputed as enemies, shall dare to find fault? And whither a few capitall men of the Kings party may not have content given them on their owne parties for a while, thereby to have their assistance to carry on their grand Designe on the whole Kingdome beside, according to the example of France, where the Subject is much inslaved, yet many of the Gentry, as free as in any common-wealth in the world, made so by the King, to ingage them thereby to cleave to his assistance, to tirannize over the com­monalty, and being once so, whither it may possible ever be shooke off againe?

Further also, the King being so set up, whither the diversity of opinions amongst his party, and the strict and cruell dealing with the other party, may disquiet the Kingdom then, as much as now it is, and that for many yeares? and likewise whither all things the Parliament hath reformed, shall not be brought back again to their former estate? & whither all Gospell preachers, beneficed by the Par­liament shall not immediatly be thrust out, how able or well de­serving soever they be, onely because the Parliament placed them in, and those of the contrary judgement how scandalons soever shall be re-invested, in opposition to the Parliament? and whither all Ceremonies and fopperies, cast out of the Church, and whatso­ever have been done by the Parliament, shall not be turned into its former condition again, nay, and those things which they shal think to be most grievous to tender consciences, pressed with much more violence then formerly. To prevent all which, let us earnestly seek unto God by earnest prayers, that he would be pleased to fend the spirit of peace and concord into the hearts of both King and Parlia­ment, that they and us, may all resolve with one heart, to lay all particular and private interestes aside, and unfainedly secke and in­sue peace, doing what we doe without deceit, and for Gods sake, [Page 11] and as it were in his presence, and that in reallity, without seek­ing the prejudice or detriment of others, but that on all sides the glory of God, the welfare of each other, and the happinesse and prosperity of the Church and Common-wealth, may be the prime things aimed at, and desired, that so we might walke comfortably together as becommeth professors of the Gospell, using the world as if we used it not, also let us seek unto God for humility and cha­rity, both which are in these times much wanting, for that we see many which by having overgood conceits of themselves, have not so good opinions as they should have of others, in a word let us wholy turne our selves unto the Lord, and he will turne himselfe unto us, and who knoweth whither God may bee yet mercifull, and heale our land.

A Right Description of a CAVALIER: With Some drops to quench the fiery BULL of COLCHESTER.

GEntlemen what various stories our distractions have already produced, most men do to their sorrowes know, which were first occasioned, and to this day continued by a sort of creatures like men, which have left no meanes unatempted to extirpate Re­ligion, Law and Government in this Kingdome, and these are they which are commonly called Cavaliers, a fine name, and they are as fine men, and doe in nature well agree with their name, for though they are not always riding, yet they seeme to be very active, for they are ever kicking and spurning of the Common-wealth where they live, in so much that no Government durst show its nose for them, witnesse their actions ever since their first appearance in England; first they began with the Scots, endeavouring to ingage that Kingdome and this Kingdome in a War; next they dispatched the Queen to France, on what imployment is more safe to beleeve then expresse, and sith all their actions tend wholly to destruction, [Page 12] or at least to the thraldome of the Kingdome; how can we thinke there was likewise any other intent in that action also, then they suggested an evill conceit into his Majesty, of his Parliament there­by to coyne a distraction by his absence in the House, and how far they have prevailed thence, & what effect that hath taken, we all too well know; but when they saw they could not bring a finall de­struction hereby, then they goe and send the Prince of Wales into France, thereby to give a further occasion and opportunity to that Kingdome to ingage against us, which ere this doubtlesse we should have had experience of, had not their imployments elsewhere pre­vented it; and to be sure to make us worke enough, and sufficient­ly to manifest that their aime and desire is destruction, they sent the Duke of Yorke into Holland to ingage that Nation against us likewise, for they it seemeth careth not by whom it be, so the de­signe be going on toward destruction and desolation.

But that which is most worthy note, is, how they have cheated the Scotish Jockies at last, onely on pretence of a Covenant, which all their actions ever have and doe manifest to be altogether against, as the Boares might well perceive by their eager fighting against it, whilst they could procure any Episcopall party to stand up, and doth also very plainly appeare yet, by their endeavouring to bring in the King by the sword, and so put them in a posture of govern­ment, who is a professed enemy to Presbytery and the Covenant; and the Cavalliers saith that they desire to buy the King, and as hee will; how can they then conforme to the Scots Covenant? doth it not then appeare that the Scots doe now fight against themselves, in that they joyn with the Cavalliers to set up the King by the sword who is clearly against their Covenant, as appeareth by his refu­sing to take it, and also to hear any Covenant Minister: Now how the Cavalliers can thus bring in the King to rule against the Covenant, and yet stand for the Covenant, I would have the Scots to judge, and that they endeavour to set up the King, is plain, as appeareth by their endeavour so to steal or take him away from out of the Parliaments hands, all which the wind-mil-headed Scots might see, if they would be pleased but to move their bonnets of their eyes, and also how the Cavalliers did the lost year endeavour as much as in them lay, to scrue themselves into the affections of the Independent party, calling them their friend, and telling them, that the King accounted them [Page 13] his friends, and they be the happy men to put a period to the diffe­rences, and presently they would joyne with Sir Tho. Insomuch that they called him their Generall, and declared him to be for the King, and presumed to set forth Declarations in his name, and that point blanke against the Covenanters, witnesse the Proclamation to remove all the Clergy placed by the Parliament in Delinquents livings, and the re-investing of thousands put out, notwithstanding all which the Independents soone discovered their lime-twigs (be­ing indeed a little better able to discerne these and such like things pertaining to the Church, then the Presbyterians are, though they exceed them in temporalls) and so esteemed of them accordingly, since which time they have fully testified by their actions how reall their love was toward them, witnesse the many hundred callum­nies, scandalls, and all manner of false and base reports, which the Divell can coyne for them, they have ever since, and to this day doe cast on the Army.

But this I must say for the Cavalliers, they are vigilant men to pursue their designes, and neglect no opportunity wherein they might doe the Devill service, witnesse their late Rebellion breaking out in Wales, Cornwall, the North, Kent, and divers other places of the Kingdome at one at the same time, in which, surely there was a my­stery more then is yet seene, as appeareth by the distinctnesse and remotenesse, of the insurrection, but indeed all their actions are so mysticall, that no man can discerne what they drive at in any of their designes, which makes me thinke that their grand Designe is a finall destruction, and that they act it so many severall wayes to finde the nearest way for that purpose, as not caring, so they bring it to passe, which way it be done, they would ingage the French, they would ingage the Irish, they would ingage the Hollanders, they would ingage the Scot, with whom they have prevailed, they would be glad of any Nation or people that would come in to their assistance to help to destroy this poor Kingdome, just viper like, who is the greatest enemy to her owne dam, with desire of drawing in so many severall Nations, plainly sheweth it is not Religion they contend for, or care at all of what Religion they are, also their joyning with Episcopacy, and after with Independency, and now with Presbytery, doth plainly declare that they are of no govern­ment, neither doe they care likewise with what government they [Page 14] joyne, and so are at present men of no Religion, and of no govern­ment, are like a Nowne Adjective which cannot stand alone, and therefore are never like to make a Commonwealth of themselves, nor indeed are they fit to live in any Commonwealth amongst others: They cannot indure any thing in that forme and shape which God hath put it in, witnesse the honour and dignity of the King, which is wholly by them deminished, also the freedome and power of Parliaments, wholly by them opposed and infringed; likewise the liberty and peace of the subject, by them altogether violated, and for the Church, which are the people of God, and his Elect and Chosen, and immediately and especially governed by him, and whom are as himselfe saith, as tender unto him as the apple of his eye, and yet these are most of all per­plexed by them, they would if they might new mould all things, yea even the beasts of the field, not mend any thing that they least thinke on, but to change it into some other forme then it should have, or then it hath in being, as appeareth by that late pretended Bull, which they metamorphized at Colchester, they would make all Monsters like themselves, both King, Parliament, Lawes, Church, and Commonwealth.

Now what thinke you of these men, surely Ile tell you what I thinke of them, that is, that if they had so much divinity, or the devill could teach them so much, as to know what were most displeasing to God, that would they first act in despite of the Deity.

They had made this Bull of Colchester they say a very good em­bleme of the devill, by which diabolicall Idolatry they manifest their love and service to be to the Devill. By the example of the Pa­pists who draweth the Image of God in honour of him, to worship him thereby, as also most desiring to see him whom they most love & serve, or whither is it for that they are impatient of being without his visible company whiles they live here on earth, and therefore draweth his picture, and that it may be said that they are servants to whom they obey, then wee may guesse whom they serve, by rais­ing a picture in honour of him, and so much delighting themselves at the sight thereof, as they did also at the sight of 400 houses which they set on fire in and neer Colchester, surely they would make it but their sport to see the whole Kingdome in a flame, as they doe [Page 15] to see it died in blood, you see what griefe they expresse for the a­boundance of blood and treasure which have been expended by rea­son of this wicked action of theirs; and how they having drawn up their accounts, have given the country a Bull for it, the making of which have been their study, tis true, but the Countries cost to the value of 500000 li. The calves of which said Bull doth yeeld scarce pence a peece, at which rate the summe above said will be long a­rising, in which I have observed this, that all the calves which commeth out of Essex are Bull calves, which makes mee thinke there will bee none but Cow calves left in Essex shortly.

But to continue this sport and pastime the Gentlemen hath fetch­ed two or three brace of Beares, roaring meg and her Squadron from Paris Garden, or Tower-wharfe, which will soon bee there, to the Cavaliers neverlasting content, this businesse of Colchester shall be called on record, Colchester-watch, where Goring shall be recorded Host, and Capel Fidler, and Lucas Bull-keepers, and their accom­plices shall no longer bee called Cavaliers, but Calves-yeares or Bull-babies, so I shall leave them at present to their sport, with an intent to take view of their actions againe shortly, In which time I desire they would not give mee just cause to conclude they are all Rebells, blood-thirsty, professed enemies to peace, and Govern­ment of all sorts, and when they shall give me cause to thinke bet­ter of them, I shall communicate the same to many more, which would be glad to heare good of them.