The ENTRANCE of MAZZARINI.
IT may be thought admirable [...]o such, as being forrainers to the French; have not beene somewhat curious to knit their ends of intelligence, how the present high engine of that Monarchy, being himselfe a forrainer, and borne a subject of their Grand enemy, the King of Spaine, should arrive at that place, where he now governs: especially considering that these two emulous Nations, howsoever continually [Page 2] intrigued to out-bid one another for the amity of their neighbours, are yet alike propellers of them from their politicall interestly. They both court equally every Italian (and he againe is as great a courtier of them both) but it is to get the rule over them, and not to be ruled by them, wherein they reciprocally understand one another, and vie it out in policy; so that all parties serving their owne turne keeps the ballance even. The Italians upon occasion lend their interest; the opposite parties lend their strength which is the cause why the first can never want at their pleasure to have honorable commands in either armies: but for intrinsecating in their civill government (if I may so speak) this Mazzarini is the first example; and that also at such a time and state of affaires, which happened by dissention of the Princes, when there was no other to advise [Page 3] with him or command his actions, besides the daughter of SPAIN, and sister of the present PHILIP, with whom the warre was commenced. I shall therefore take some pleasure to goe a litle forth with my Reader to meete this Cardinall, and so follow him with his train from his first scene of Italy to his second of France, where we intend to consider him in his first act of fortune: for he has beene as great a subject of strange concurrences of events in his owne person, as any other. Nor is it any disparagement to his personall sufficiency, since whom it pleaseth God to advance above others, he commonly endoweth more.
The Card. Mazzarini was a soldier, a courtier, put into the prelacy, and made a Nuntio by one and twenty, and in these severally knew his game so well, [Page 4] that it might be soone seene he was not to throw for small matters. Savoy was the tennis-court, which first admired his dexterity, where he saved Casale, and therein the whole French interest (at that time) towards Lombardy, before his play, being very serious, was discovered; and then hitting also Pignerol into their hazzard, by his incomparable addresse in treating that Duke, he went off with the great regret of the Spaniards, and applause of his Frenchmen. The former in recompence of his services, sought to ruine his interests at Rome, as a traitor to both the Pope and the Catholick King. And it seemed the Pope had beene much injured in his quality of Umpire, by the partiality of his Nuncio, who therefore found it most convenient to accept of the Savoyards courtesy for a time, till his interests might be adjusted. But the Card. of RICHELIEU [Page 5] had a greater passion to receive and remerce him at the Court of France, where he so entertained him, that he made his pretensions good to the hat (the usuall reward of those Nuncio's, that returne with a re benè gestâ) by the continuall applications of the French Ministers at Rome; but would never let him go thither to receive it. And now being qualified with the title of Cardinall, he procures the King to nominate him as his pleny-potentiary for the Generall peace, which was no lesse then to entrust him with the interests of the Crowne and of its confederates: and accordingly Richelieu now treats with him, disjoining every spring, and parcelling every implement of his breast to discover to him; and the quality of this employment might allow time for it, for it was not presently to be entered on. In the interim, this new creature to commend his Services [Page 6] the more dearly to the Crowne, undertakes two famous treaties to reduce the Princes of Savoy from the interests of Spain to the contrary of France: The first was concluded and signed; but the sudden breaking out of the Counts of Soissons and Bouillon hindred the effect, and gave the Cardinall leisure (as some would have it) being now nigh upon the place, to gaine also the Prince of Monaco, whose accession afterwards was accounted of great consequence. The second treaty brought the first to an issue, reuniting those Princes at the same time to the side of France, and to the head of their house, the then Infant-Duke of Savoy: an union whereunto the most part of the places conquered in Piemont and Montferrat is ascribed. After his returne from these affaires, he accompanies the Cardinall of Richelieu in that voyage; which [Page 7] brought Cincmars (the grand Escuyer, and his competitor in the Kings favour) his designes to the light, and his head to the block: but while the Cardinall Duke is urging still his jealousies to greater envie in this businesse, this other Cardinall finds himselfe a better worke to perswade the Duke of Bouillon, one of the Complices, to deliver up his soveraignty of Sedan to the Kings power, as a ransome for his treason, which accordingly he obtained, and the King seized. This was the gate by which Mazzarini entered equally into Richelieu's and the King's favour, but especially by the douceur and gentlenesse of his proceeding, which made the King desire his imployment; being inwardly weary of Richelieu's excessive, and now more intemperate rule by reason of his malady: so that that favorite could not comply better with the King's pleasure in [Page 8] any other suit then this of serving himselfe of Mazzarini: in whose person both might find their private ends, as well as their publick. The Cardinall might raise in him a Protector of his house and kindred against their most incensed emulators; and the King find a subject by whom to ballance the Princes of the Blood, when he was gone; especially the Duke of Orleans, against whose sway he devised all means possible to provide.
The Cardinall of Richelieu had tooke his fortune, as it were, to farme, putting his terme of life into the lease, which was therefore to be circumscribed with his Master's: for had he outlived him, it is a question whether all his admirable expedients could have served to represse a harder fate, which being instigated by much envy would faine have stetched a long arme to reach him. And the sense of this, [Page 9] while the King's health seemed to decay faster then his owne, had cast the Cardinall into many pangs of contrivances, how to make his estate good, when his plea in chiefe was gone. Sometimes to reconcile himselfe with his grand enemies, especially the Queene whom he had highly disobliged: Sometimes to get the King's children to his owne power and wardship; sometimes to ruine or at least how to ballance the Duke of Orleans; and sometimes to retire, for which purpose he had layed up a vast summe of readie gold at Haure de Grace, and had purchased in the King's name and licence, but with his owne mony, A soverainty on the Meuse, with Chastean Reynaud, and a territory adjacent, whereby he doubted not but to render himselfe considerable both to France and the neighbour Princes, without any feare of his enemies. But all this was in vaine, for death [Page 10] tooke him at the best time, at the bound of his glory, The newes of the taking of Tortona in the state of Milan coming to Paris the same day to bring new Laurells to his hearse. But when he was about to die, he may seeme to have over-reached his fortune, and driven her beyond her intention, in leaving her favours to his successors in a way scarce before observed: for besides his leaving a creature of his owne to survive in; he bequeathed the most important charges of the Kingdome under the King's good pleasure (who accordingly allowed of his disposall in all; but a few church livings, and that only to save the prerogative which the Kings of France claime in such causes) to his owne kindred: which proved a great disappointment to his enemies, for they soone found that they could not pluck up his residue without the danger of the [Page 11] whole. Then he recommended to the King the Officers and Ministers of state as he was to leave them, particularly the Secretaries de Chauvigny and de Noyers, wherein he promised his majesty, he might continue to prosper as he had thither to. The King accepts well of his advice, resolves to use the same instruments that he had before: but never to admit the like partager in his royall authority, as the Cardinall of Richelieu had been. For the Cardinall Mazzarini he forth with makes him president of his councell, committing the Secretaries of state to his orders, which in effect was to make him his prime Minister.
My purpose is to digest some memorialls from this period: yet I cannot leave that great subject (before mentioned) till I have brought him to his funerall. Not that I intend any long digression [Page 12] to bring in the Ceremonies of his interring: but only to note one or two circumstances on this occasion, which have respect to some ensuing passages. The first was the composing of an ancient difference betweene Cardinalls and the Princes of the blood about precedencie, which before was only regulated by the Kings favour. Now they agree with mutuall satisfaction, that in the Churches and Ecclesiasticall functions, the Cardinall should have priority; in other places the Princes; and in other things should treat one another with equality: Whereupon the Prince of Condè and his sonne the Duke of Enguien come to visit the Cardinall Mazzarini. The second is this; There was a chaire covered with velvet and somewhat raised, set for the Cardinall Mazzarini in the church of Nostre-dame in Paris, where the obsequies were to be solemnized, which occasioned [Page 13] a hot dispute about the manner of being seated, betwixt the said Cardinall and the Bishops; these pretending that he should stand in the same ranke with them; and among these the Arch-Bishop of Rheims and Bishop of Beauvais were most earnest, breaking out into high words, in saying, That with other Cardinalls for dignity, birth, and merit more regardable then he, there never fell the like pretension. This offence the Cardinall was faine to digest at that time, not without straining a dissimulation▪ but found opportunity afterwards to turne it on the authors, to a greater jacture of their reputation. Richelieu is now covered, the court is soone filled with such as had fled or retired: The new Ministers are as diligent to make new friends, sueing for some that were proscribed the court (among whome Monsieur de Baradas, and the Duke of St Simon [Page 14] who had beene both favourites and afterwards disgraced, were graciously received by his Majesty) For others that were Tower'd in the Bastille (among whom were the Mareschaux de Vitry & de Bassompierre with the Duke of Cramail, which last are set at libertie; but to retire and keepe themselves confined at their owne places.) The Queene her selfe also by the Bishop of Lisieux, sends intimation to the Duke of Beaufort, then fled into England, to avoid answering upon suspicion about the late conspiracy of the Grand Escuyer, to returne into France, and with his Father the Duke of Vendosme a while after to the court; and the like to the Madam of Guise, and her sonnes at Florence, the occasion of whose persecutions is not here to be recounted.
Lewis XIII.
From the beginning of December 1642.
The first act of state wherein the King would be seene by himselfe was the sending for the * Parliament to expresse his mind thus to them.
I would have you verifie the arrest which my Attorney Generall shall reade to you against my brother, for that being so often relapsed into the same errors, after I have so often pardoned Him, I can no longer beare it, having reason to doubt least He hatch some designe pernicious to my state. Wherefore I am resolved to take the meanes from Him, and for the future to render Him unable to wrong my Queene, and Children after my death, by excluding Him for ever from the GOVERNMENT. [Page 16] My CHANCELLOUR will declare the rest of my intentions to you.
After which the first president offers some remonstrances in behalfe of Monsieur, in regard of his Quality, which might well passe as a complement, but when the matter came to be reported, notwithstanding the, great instances of Mademoiselle, it was accordingly verified shortely after. The declaration is in my judgment not only pertinent to illustrate, and be compared with other ensuing passages; but as one of the foresaid great designes of the late Minister, worthy to be at large inserted.
LOVIS, by the grace of God, King of France and Navarre; To all to whom the present letters shall come, greeting. When we consider in what manner our most deare and beloved only Brother the Duke of Orleans, hath behaved himselfe [Page 17] towards us, we cannot without wonder reflect on all the enterprises which he hath undertaken against our Service. We may say in truth that, never was any son of France charged with so great favours by the King his brother, and who hath lesse acknowledged them. Our love hath alwaies beene so great towards his Person, that his ingratitude hath not beene able to make us change the purpose that we have had to ingratiate him; insomuch that at the same time when he has set himselfe against our service, we have continually sought to reduce him, not omitting any meanes to oblige him thereunto. But all these good offices which should have beene as so many cords to bind him to us the more streightly, have not proved strong enough to hinder him from joyning with our feircest enemies, and advancing their designes. The Conspiracies [Page 18] of Chales wrought under his name and with his consent in the yeare 1626 gave us the first experiment of his ill will. He incited our Cosin the Duke of Espernon against our service to seize himselfe of the City and Citadell of Metz, wherein we used such bounty that we were willing to forget that failing, contenting our selves to punish only the delinquency of Chales. When we were obliged to go into Piemont to the succour of our confederats, where the onely appearing of our armes secured their peace, we were no sooner returning from this expedition, but he severed himselfe from us, retiring in the yeare 1629 without occasion to the Duke Charles of Lorraine. Although this action so extravagant in a time when all France and our allies expressed their resentments for the happy successe of our journey, gave us great occasion of disgust towards [Page 19] him: yet covering his failings, we did not cease to make him way to returne to us, changing the chastisements which he deserved into so manie favours which we did him, augmenting his appanages, and giving him the government of Orleans and Amboyse: However so favourable entertainement might have obliged him to reunite inseparably to our interests; neverthelesse a while after he departs from Paris, returning to Orleans, and in suite to Lorrain in the yeare 1631, where wounding the fundamentall Lawes of our state he married himselfe against our will to the sister of Duke Charles, which marriage being accomplished he flies to Brussells in the yeare 1632, putting himselfe in the power of our enemies, who induced him to enter hostilely armed into our Kingdome, to joyne himselfe in Languedoc to the forces of a faction which he had formed with the Duke [Page 20] of Monmorency, which faction being then dispersed and broken by our armes, we received him the third time into our grace. We thought that our aforesaid Brother, being affected with so many tokens of our good will, would at last apply himselfe to the resolution of holding to his duty; but we had scarce abandoned Languedoc to returne to Paris, ere he went the third time out of our State, and ligued himselfe anew with the King of Spain taking his part against us. In which appeared his ill will by so much the greater, in that he had not sought or received our grace at Besie [...]es, but to be able to abuse it the more easily, by removing those obstacles, that (without this) would have beene inevitable to him in the passage by him premeditated, and resolved into Flanders. This bad carriage did not hinder in the least, but that, when he withdrew himselfe from [Page 21] the ill treatment of the Spaniards, resolving to set himselfe at liberty by returning to our person, with intention to acknowledg his fault, we should againe freely pardon him the fourth time. A litle while after, having notice given us in France that his actions were not such as we might desire, and that he followed the pernicious counsells of the Duke of Puy-Laurens, wee became necessitated, to prevent a greater evill, to cause the aforesaid Duke to be arrested, to obliege the more our said Brother to unite himselfe the more strictly with us, and to render us the honour and the service which is due to us. We did him in this respect all the good offices which he could expect from our affection, even to honour him with the command of the most flourishing and numerous armie which of a long time hath beene seene in our Kingdome. Instead of conducting [Page 22] our forces so vigorously as he might have done against the armies of our enemies, which had surprised a fortresse on our frontier of Picardy; the suggestion of the Count of Soissons and of the Duke of Valette had so much power over him, that they plotted together to employ them against our selves. But being averted from that pernicious designe by the notice which they had, that they could never so dispose of the soldiery, the said Count of Soissons retires to Sedan, and our foresaid brother to Blois in the yeare 1636, with intention to passe thence into Cuienne. We pursued him thence to Orleans, where he giving us to understand the displeasure which he had taken in agreeing to such designes, obtained from us the fifth pardon for this fault, with the same facility as the rest. In vertue of this last grace as his actions in the course of some yeares past had given [Page 23] us to believe that he would be far from lending eare any more for the future to such councells as he had before harkened to, we readily condescended, as we had done on divers occasions, to graunt him all effects that he might possibly expect from our goodnesse. The opinion therefore which we had conceaved of his good disposition cleared us of all doubt to have seene him in the last Campagne at Roussyllon. But notwithstanding some promise given us, he prolonged the execution, under various excuses, which made us judge that he was contriving some ill designe. And when we were travailing to discover it, God vouchsafed us the favour to inlighten us about the detestable conspiracy, which had formed a powerfull party in our state, and established a treaty with Spain Tis true that we remained greatly amazed that our foresaid Brother [Page 24] the Duke of Orleans, from whom we might have expected all manner of assistance for the sustenance of the prosperity of our armes, should attempt to uphold our enemies, and put himselfe in the head of their forces, to enter on our State, while we were employed in a great seige. We were then most intimately affected to see that neither the innumerable benefits, nor graces, which we had on divers occasions granted him with such bounty, nor the love of his Country, nor the glory of a Crowne, in the interests whereof he hath so great a part by his birth; could retaine him in his duty, and that he would rather, by violating all these sacred respects, pursue an unjust passion to raise the grandeur of our enemies upon the ruines of our owne. The resentment notwithstanding which we were to have of such and so many offences did nothing hinder; but [Page 25] (as soone as our foresaid Brother did acknowledge and confesse his fault, with promise for the future to remove farre from his Person all such malignant spirits, and those particularly which we nominated) we did what possibly in us lay, to draw him from the perill wherein he had precipitated himselfe. We contented our selves to punish only two of the principall authors of the crime, agreeing for this time also, to reject any memory of his ill conduct.
But as Nature hath given us these good inclinations, and made us second them with advantageous dealings; so we judge that these favours are to be regulated with the good of our Crowne, and the interest of our Children. These motives have perswaded us, that it was of necessary consequence to take from our foresaid Brother those means, which might for the future lead him to disturbe the [Page 26] peace of our State, suppressing his companies of men at Armes, and Light-Horses; and depriving him, at the present, of the Government of Auvergne, wherewith we had gratified him; and for the future of all sort of administration in this State, and especially in the Regencie, during the minority of our children, in case God should call us to himselfe before the yeares of their majority: whereunto we are moved with so much the juster reason, forasmuch as it is impossible to apprehend otherwise, then the continuing of bad intentions of a person that (in the middle of our prosperities, and in the strength of our power, in a time when all our subjects do conspire in one vote for the goodissue of our designes) hath sollicited the King of Spain to furnish him with forces and monies to make warre upon us, and on condition to make no treaty with us, without remitting into our enemies [Page 27] hands, all the fortresses gained from them, or acquired by Princes our confederates. And in effect, if the perillous state, whereinto a grievous infirmity hath brought us, during this Campagne, hath not at all touched his Heart, as we are informed to the contrary, by the deposition of the complices of his conspiracy, that he hath assured a designe to the Spaniards after our decease, besides the party which he could make in our State, that he had fortified himself with other Forreign correspondences; we should be needs insensible of the good of our Realm, which is more dear to us then our life, not to feare and fore-see, that if our foresaid Brother, should have one day in his hands, the power of the Regencie, in the weaknesse and minority of a young King, he might suffer himself to be drawn to raise troubles, and divisions, which might produce ruines to our State, more then the [Page 28] grandeurs which we have acquired by all our travels. Wherefore we make it known, that of our own motion, especiall grace, full power, and Royall authority, we have forgotten, remitted, and pardoned to our foresaid Brother the Duke of Orleans, the fault by him committed, in making a faction in our State, and establishing a treaty with the King of Spain, and we permit him to enjoy his pensions and appanage, wherein he may freely sojourn without transferring himselfe to our Court, unlesse he have first obtained our licenc in good & valid form: which notwithstanding we have declared, and do declare by our same power and Royall authority, that we have suppressed, and do suppresse his companies of men of armes, and light horses, we have deprived, and do deprive him of his government of Auvergne; and ordained, and do ordain, that he may never for the future have any government in this [Page 29] Kingdome, nor be Regent during the minority of our Children, and therof we have declared, and by these presents do declare him uncapable, for the considerations and reasons above specified. And so we command our beloved and faithfull subjects, which hold our Court of the Parliament of Paris, and the other Courts of Parliament, that they cause these present Letters of Declaration to be read, published, and registred, when they shall be presented to them by our Atturney Generall, notwithstanding any Letters, Edicts, Ordinances, Reglements, Arrests, or any thing else to the contrary, for so is our pleasure. In testimony whereof we have caused our Seale to be put to these presents. Given at S. Germans the first of December, in the yeare of Grace 1642. & of our Reign the 33.
[Page 30] Read, published, and registred by expresse commandment of our Lord the King. Heard, and upon the instance of his Atturney Generall, to be executed according to their formes and tenor. At Paris in the Parliament the 9. of December 1642.
The Duke of Orleans is now overbal lanced; but we shall soon find the scale in other hands, which afford him more allowance. In the meane time, let us see another expedient, the King takes to comply with his friends, and raise his reputation of independency, which was to direct letters to his Ministers abroad giving an account of his intentions; One of which to his Ambassador at Venice was of this tenor.
Since every one knowes the great and signall services, which my Cosin the Cardinall of Richelieu hath [Page 31] done me, and with what advantageous successes it hath pleased God to blesse those councells which He suggested to me, so no one can doubt but the losse of so faithfull and good a Minister cannot but be neerly sensible to me, and so I would have all the world know how great displeasure I have conceived here by, and how dear his memory is to me, by the testimonies which I shall render on all occasions. But the knowledge that I have that the thoughts of well governing of my State, and for the good of my affaires ought to prevaile above all others, doth oblige me to take care now more then ever, and to apply my selfe in such manner, that I may be able to maintain the great advantages hitherto obtained, 'till it shall please God to grant us a peace, the sole and only scope of my enterprises, and for the gaining of which I will not spare my own life. [Page 32] To this purpose I have taken resolution to retain the same persons in my councill, which have served me during the Ministry of my Cosin the Cardinall of Richelieu, and to take to me my Cosin the Cardinall Mazzarini, who hath given me so great proofs of his affection and fidelity, and of his capacity in divers occasions wherein he hath been by me employed, rendring to me most considerable services, so that I can no lesse assure my selfe of him, then if he had been born my subject. My principall thought shall ever be to maintain the good union and correspondence which hath been between us and our confederates, to use the same vigour and constancy in my affaires, which I have hitherto held, as far as justice and reason may permit me, and to continue the war with the same application and the same forces that I have done since my enemies constrained me to make [Page 33] it, till such time as God shall touch their Hearts, that I may contribute with all my other confederates somewhat to the establishment and generall peace of Christendom, but so established that nothing for the future may disturbe it. You shall therefore communicate what is above expressed to the Republick of Venice, to the Ministers of the Princes of Italy, which are there, and to all others that you shall think fit, that they may judg that the affairs of this Kingdom hold the same course that they have heretofore, and that nothing will be wanting to their good conduct, assuredly hoping that they shall ever continue happily. Whereupon I pray God to keep you Monsieur des Hameaux in his holy custody.
[Page 34] In pursuance of these his resolutions, his Majesty forthwith issues a proclamation commanding all officers of war, of whatsoever quality, to depart from Paris by the beginning of February, and render themselves to the actuall exercise of their charges, with a purpose to part himselfe in person in the Month of March, to begin the next campagne. But the preparations for it did not answers the King's desire through the slacknesse of those instruments, which being now out of fear of the late Cardinall, and finding a more remisse hand (as the more remote is wont to be) carried over them, did regulate their actions to their own commodities. So that now the two emulous Monarchies were counterpoised only by a reciprocall kind of fate, that one could get no start upon the impediments of the other. For about the same time, that the Cardinall Duke of [Page 35] RICHELIEU died in France, the Count-Duke of OLIVAREZ fell in Spain: and that King resolves in like manner to returne his Royall authority on his own person: and so for a few moneths kept his businesse in his owne hands, imparting them with indifferency to his Ministers, and referring their dispatch to severall Councils, where they lay a long time sleeping; and the King, having lived 22 years in repose, began now to find more unpliancy in his affaires then he expected; and thereupon to discover some change of his resolution by inclining to a new favorite, which at last riseth with great expectation in the person of D. Lewis de Haró (nephew of the Count of Castriglio the present Vice-roy of Naples) who beginning his course almost as soon, (and without any opposition) as his corrivall inreputation, may seem to have lost nothing in the setting out.
In the interim the armes of both [Page 36] nations are not idle, and the suite of those councils, which had issued from their late Dictators (subjects both of them of extraordinary finesses) though intercised from their heads; yet run out their courses: especially in the two Republicks of Venice and Holland, which were highly to be courted at this time. Of the first of which we have somewhat ready to insert here.
There had happened lately in Italy a war meerely Italian, neither French nor Spanish having any hand in it, nor knowing how to intermeddle in it, though they sought many waies to inultratetheir practises about the Quarrell. A war it was not very violent; but full of expedients in the managing, in the treating, and in composing of it, the occasion was the seizing of the Dutchy of Castro (a place lying conveniently near to Rome, and bordering upon the Duke of Florence his dominions, [Page 37] but belonging to the Duke of Parma) by the Nephewes of Urban the eight, pretending to satisfy the Montists in Rome, to whom that Prince was much indebted: the Republick of Venice, the Duke of Florence, and the Duke of Modena, as Freinds and Neighbours to the Duke of Parma, or as jealous of the Ecclesiasticall State since the accruing of the new estates of Urbino and Ferrara, or as no well wishers to the Barberini, ligue together to aid and restore the said Duke to his sequestred Dutchy: the French and Spaniards hold themselves a while Spectators, as if they were to study their interests in this emergent, the Spaniards for the hate they bare the Barberini, and for the love which they secretly hugged of the Pope's trouble, could well have bin contented with the war, but that they equally hated the progresse of the league, their jealous Neighbours, whom they desired [Page 38] to over-awe, wherefore when the Pope was very Importunate by his Nuntio Panziroli at Madrid to get that King to Joyne with the Pope, and to declare himselfe against the league, as also to supply him with the succours of 900 horse and 3000 foot, which the King of Spain is bound to furnish the Pope withall, when his estates are invaded, by vertue of his Fief of Naples, the Spaniard returned but formall answers, as expressing his thought to be that the restitution of Castro was but reasonable; and this no occasion for him to aid the Pope (to the prejudice of the League) considering that he was the invader, rather than invaded: for the Spaniard well knew that by declaring for one side he should but give the French occasion to take the other, and so draw the greater prejudice on his own estates, giving them the more pretensions to invade him. So that all considered, [Page 39] he was not unwilling to carry himselfe only as an arbitrator, and not permit the French to get the start of him in the management. Yet he suffers the Switzers, which the Pope had levied for the war, to passe through the State of Milan, as a counterbalance to the league, and not long after he also granted the same liberty to other forces of the Duke of Parma's, as a like counterpoise to the Papalins, which he thought might well consist with his publick indifferency: for otherwise he had a secret grudging against the League; also being his neighbour Princes, and less potent that had formed an union without his knowledg, consent, or comprehension; it inwardly▪ displeasing him that the Princes of Italy should shew to act independently of his Crown; a thought so much the harder to be digested in that it might be thence gathered that such resolutions were [Page 40] taken upon a ground of weaknesse and decay of his greatnesse, while in spite of their bad fortune the Spaniards still desired to treat and to be treated▪ as when they were at the highest ascendent of their felicity. And if now a war being broken outit should be again composed without his arbitration, as umpire of the affairs of Italy, or the French out strip him in this negotiation, he would be a great deal worse to like it. But I will not follow these comments any further.
The French were yet more busy and more subtle to handle and wind themselves into these treaties, so that it is not so easy to penetrate their true designes, I will therefore be a little more punctuall and more large on this point as a part of my set purpose, for the sake of which I have brought in any thing of the contrary to illustrate it: nor do I regard any other art or method then [Page 41] what directly serves the nature of of the things themselves which I am treating.
Presently after the seizing of Castro, the Marquesse of Fontenay is appointed Ambassadour to Rome to accomodate this difference, with order to Cardinall Bichitill he should come, to apply himselfe earnestly in this matter to the Pope and his Nephews, which as a preparative might serve to farther negotiation. 'Twas about the beginning of November 1641 when Fontenay arrived: besides the adjusting of the business of Parma, being also encharged to endeavour the reception of the Bishop of Lamego Ambassadour from the new King of Portugall, Shich the Pope made many excuses to defer, as a point involved with other interests nothing perfunctory: with it highly concerned the obliging or disobliging of the two Crowns for the restitution of Castro and other [Page 42] goods to the Duke of Parma: the Ambassadour makes great instances with the Pope, alleaging him to be under his Majestie's protection, with many protestations that he could not abandon him: but the Pope still insisted on the obedience and humiliation of Parma to him, as his sovereigne, in his own person, and not by another's interposall to capitulate with him, he being a Feudatary of the Holy See; whereupon notwithstanding the Barberini (which had hitherto greatly countergrained the Spaniards by their partiality to the French) thought it now time to manage some complyancwith them, & if need were to come over to their party: in reference whereunto they practise at the Court of Spain by their Nuntio Facchinetti a conjunction with them to oppresse the Duke of Parma, as a Partisan of the French, and a complotter of designs [Page 43] on the state of Milan, not omitting at the same time to treat on other conditions to the same drift at the court of France, and according to the variablenesse of their designs with the answerablenesse of either party; so they carried towards the Bishop of Lamego: but the Spaniards finding (when they had once well setled themselves to hold the State of Castro, wherein they expected no such opposition as they afterwards met withall) that the former treaties soon cooled; they sought rather to secure themselves by modelling the intentions of the Duke, pressing reiterated promises from him, that he would not call the French to his succour, nor accept of their aids while the Spaniards would support him: but whatsoever point it was that failed, the best assistance which the Duke had afterwards was by the men and mony that came from France. The Marquesse of Fontenay's reports [Page 44] being come to his Master's court, the King of France to second his ambassadour no lesse then to discover whether in the Pope there were any new inclinations towards the Spaniards, dispatcheth the Sieur de Lyonne (a young gentleman of an exquisite capacity, that had also bin bred up by his uncle the secretary de servient in affairs of great consequence) who comming as an intercessor might promote in person between the parties those affairs which his Resident Ambassadour could not otherwise treat but by Corriers and so consequently not without jealousies and delayes. De Lyonne presents himselfe first to the Duke at Parma while he is busy in Levying of his forces and there delivers his charge to this purpose, that his Majesty of France continuing his wonted protection to the person and house of his Highnesse, had expressly sent him to the Pope to perswade [Page 45] him to accord, praying his Highnesse on his part to facilitate a businesse so proper for him and so desiderable to France, and so exhorted him in his King's name to render to the Pope all manner of Humiliations, which as done to a common Father, would no waies derogate from the Honour of a Soveraign Prince, and that his so doing would be very acceptable to his Majesty. The Duke offers any submissions not prejudiciall to his interests, or admitting of such faults as might be of ill consequence to him and his house hereafter, and with that answer, De Lyonne hasts to Rome where he presently stop't the publication of the Interdictment intended by the Barberini, by assuring them, that in such case the Ecclesiastick's were resolved (Not observing the censures) to hold at their Duke's Devotion, or otherwise he to employ their revenues in his war, which would have a-amounted [Page 46] to a great sum (I will insist a little further here, though somewhat below the times which I intended to resume) Being afterwards brought to the feet of his Holyness, & there rendred the accustomed most humble reverence, he presents to him the credentiall letter of the King of France written with his own hand, wherein with most affectionate and efficacious instances, he beseecheth him that qualifying those disgusts that he had conceived against the Duke of Parma, he would be graciously pleased to restore him to his former good grace; and embracing him with paternall benevolence, condescend to some agreement to their reciprocall satisfaction, which courteous expressions being answered by the Pope in words testifying a very reall acceptation; Monsieur de Lyonne proceeds to a further discourse, importing that it was his Majesty's earnest desire and [Page 47] request to his Holynesse to Restore the Duke of Parma to all his goods and estates, since he had so amply satisfied his reputation in the conquest of Castro, and now to forget things past, as his Majesty himselfe had dealt with the Duke of Lorrain in restoring him to astate of such advantage upon his humble submission only to his Majesty's clemency. To this the Pope answered in these precise tearms, Castro is already the Apostolicall See's. There is nothing to be said of that.
If you will treat of Parma and Placentia [which were now pretended to be forfeited] somewhat may be done at the Kings intercession. About Castro we will afterwards do justice. Monsieur de Lyonne replies, that, that was not the grace which his Majesty had employed him to seek, it being probable that the neighbour Princes would not suffer such disaster to befall the Duke [Page 48] of Parma, nor such an acquisition to a mightier confinant as was the State Ecclesiasticall; where the Pope apprehending a secret conceipt shadowed that the King of France would aid the Parmesan, discovered great alteration, saying that the Duke of Parma was a rebell and excommunicated, and that whatsoever Princes should assist him were wicked and Impious, in which case he would put his trust in God assuring himselfe that he would not abandon him in his most righteous cause; That therefore he should not speak any more to him about Castro, as a businesse not practicable, but only of Parma, and Placentia: whereat de Lyonne not troubling himselfe replyed; That if his Holynesse would do any grace to the King, it must be about Castro, for of the other he had no commission to treat any thing: which more inflaming the Pope's displeasure, he tooke his [Page 49] leave in time, that he might reserve his further application for another audience, which a while after he again obtaining with like successe, tooke his course back to Parma to propound new overtures. The French having bin before dealing with the Duke of Parma to draw his assistance towards Lombardy, were now willing to degage him from any embroilments on the contrary side, or otherwise to study how to serve themselves upon occasion. The Spaniards though they longed to revenge the injuries of the Barberini were fain to mortify that passion with better councell, holding it no good time to break with Rome, any more then to joine with Parma. The Republick of Venice, The Duke of Tuscany, The Duke of Modena (being both allied in blood to Parma) are yet but making long debates about a league in his favour: Wherefore De Lyonne thinks best to propound [Page 50] some suspension for the present, fearing least Parma should be over-powred, which he being a Prince of great Courage, and now if he followed not his enterprises likely to sink under great charges, which the forces that he had gathered must needs put him to in his own countrey, was very unwilling to hearken to: so that entring with his forces into the ecclesiasticall state he brought great dammages & terror to Rome it selfe, till at last he was overperswaded to attend the issue of a treaty at Castel-Georgio, wherein the Papalins to divert the present shock consented to deposite Castro in the Duke of Modena's hands for three or four months, while affairs in difference should be treated, The Ministers of France being all this while instant with the State of Venice, first to mediate for, and then to assist the Duke of Parma, practising also at the same time with other [Page 51] Italian Princes on this subject, cannot avoid jealousies on all sides interchangeable. The Venetians (though moved thereunto by the French Ministers yet) are very cautious how they interpose their offices in this affaire, least they should seem to deprive that Crown of the Honour of mediation, whereupon they impart all their negotiations at Rome with exact diligence to the French Ambassadour, passing one concurrence and correspondence in their treaties: But for the matter of assistance, however they were enclined to the joyning with their Neighbour Potentates to keep Italy still in the same Ballance; yet the instances of the French in this regard they accounted no way free from suspicion; now especially that the Princes of Savoy were turned to their service and away thereby opened to the heart of Lombardy: They hold the old proverb good, [Page 52] Have the French for thy Friend, but not for thy Neighbour. For although they had the Spaniards ambitious and troublesome Confinants, which by their monies and intelligence had made them many chargable and unseasonable diversions; yet the differences since a whole age had never come to a breach between them, besids that, they did not count them of so desultory an humour as other Ultramontans. On another side the Spaniards seeing the French so busy in their treaties from the one side to the other, and knowing how much they were oblieged to respect them both; now they saw also the Duke of Parma proceed so prosperously in the state Ecclesiasticall without foot or artillery, began to confirme themselves in a former suspicion, that some mystery was under those enterprises, and that the Pope was indeed of some agreement with the Duke of Parma, the [Page 53] King of France and the Princes of the League, against the Kingdome of Naples, whose Vice-roy was allied to That Duke; which apprehension might have bin the more justified by an overture of Monsieur De Lyonne (if at least it did not escape the inquisitivenesse of the Spaniards) made to the Duke of Parma, about the leaving of Castro to Don Tadco, and accepting of the Pope and King of France his assistance to invest him in the Kingdome of Naples: To which the Duke roundly answered, Nay, but rather let them restore me my Dutchy, and bestow their Kingdome on Don Tadco. However this conceipt, especially the League being now formed, and his Neighbours in armes round about him, made the Spaniard keep him on his guard, to his great charges, and leave those forces on his frontiers of Naples which he needed elswhere: being also (as before was intimated) not [Page 54] a litle troubled at such a league made with his exclusion. The Pope and the Barberini are no lesse satisfied of the French Negotiations as too too partiall to the interests of Parma, and otherwise suspected to aime only at embroiling all things. The other Princes are jealous of the Duke of Parma, least he should be brought to cast himselfe onely on the French assistance, and to bring a formidable guest to their doores; whereupon they are willing rather to assist him themselves, that he might enter on no course prejudiciall to their common Interests: And so at last concluding and conjoyning in one league, rendred no lesse jealousy to the French themselves then they had done to the others, least it should tend to contravene their designes now ready against the State of Milan. But let us now returne to the Court, and thence take our licence to some other Quarter.
[Page 55] We left the Duke of Orleans a moneth since shadowed with a dismall, and thick cloud: but as mighty offices were not wanting to dispell it: particularly of the Secretary de Chauvigni, a creature of the late Cardinall, and speciall Confident of the present. Whereupon on the 12th of January, he arrives at Paris, and next morning presents himselfe to the King in his Cabinet, at St Germans, with one knee on the ground, in expression of reverence, and humiliation, protesting hereafter never to deviate from that loyaltie which on so many respects he owed to his Majesty: from whom he had this answer. That it was now high time the effects should agree in perfect harmony with his words: in which case he might expect the fruits of a loving brotherhood, knowing that he could not from any other hand, then that of his royall bounty, hope for any advantage. [Page 56] The King had reason, considering his owne health, and the high interest's of the person, not to leave him in such disgusts, as were likely to fall heavy on his Infant-successor. But Monsieur to use this grace the more nobly, disdains not a while after to visit the Dutchesse of Ayguillon (the neece of his great adversary of Richelieu, to whose rigidnesse his slips were imputed) his generosity not allowing him to imitate a vulgar spleen, which hates for malice, though the obstacle be removed, wrecking it selfe with aemulation on all that belong's to the person or his memory.
The arms of France by confederacie with the Swedes, and by joining the troops of the late Duke of Weimar to the forces of the Count of Guehriant were now high in Germany, they urging all their power to make the Electour of Saxony, and these the Electour of Bavaria desist [Page 57] from aiding of the Emperour, and embrace a neutrality. Wherefore Guebriant to comply with the hardy Swedes (to whom the rigour of the winter did but seeme to facilitate their warfare, in plaining the passes over rivers, and giving them the nigher accesse to any ramparts opposite) abandons his quarters in Franconia to conduct his Army into the Dutchy of Wittemberg, where he harassed all the Country betwixt Hailbrun, and Ulm, that he might thereby give deeper apprehensions to the Electour of Bavaria and hold his, and the imperiall forces still in distraction, while Generall Tortenson accredited with his late victory at Leipsick, was overrunning of Moravia, and striking terrour into Austria. In the meane time the Baron of Oysonville, that was left in command with the forces of Alsatia, having somewhat drained Brisach, and Rhin-feld with the other garrisons, conducts them to [Page 58] Uberlinghens a place situated on the lake of Constance, and without any great opposition, possesseth himselfe of it, to the great griefe of the Electour of Bavaria, because it flanked on his estates, and no lesse jealousy of the Switzers, because their confines were terminated here. Whereupon they take alarmes, despeede souldiers to their borders, and raise new works for more security about the fort of Stein, and because the like dangers were imminent on the County of Burgundy, which on that side also distermined their countrey from so powerfull a neighbour, they call a diet at Baden, and thence (notwithstanding the offers of the French, to give them a fair partage in that Country) they dispatched their Deputies to the Court to make their humble remonstrances for the indemnity of that province, with protestations of being bounden to defend it, as an [Page 59] ancient confederate of the Helvetian body, in case of invasion; which would oblige them most unwillingly to draw their sword's against those, in whose cause they were ready to brandish them on another occasion: which offices had made no breach in the King's mind (being most determined to begin his next campagne, with the attaquing of Salins, that so intercepting the communication 'twixt Germany and Dola, the whole country might fall into his power without any further trouble) if his languishing health had not inclined him to think rather, of the mean's of the generall peace, then of incurring new enemies, whereupon Neutrality was granted to that Province, paying only some contribution to the Kings troops.
The affairs of Catalonia were yet more importunate with the Court, as indeed more important; for having [Page 60] lost their old friend, that never failed them in their need, they began now to doubt of their wonted aids, and upon the sense of that apprehension to be handled more warily by the French, who first publishing an Edict through all the principality to declare the constant applications, and intentions of their crown to uphold the fortunes of those people to the uttermost, did afterward enjoyne all those, that possessed any feif in Catalogne, to appeare at a time appointed in Barcelona, to swear allegence to the King of France, in the hands of their Viceroy the Mareschal de la Mothe Houdan court. Which was a greivous Edict to some of the Catalans, that in their hearts did not wish ill to their old Master, and to others of them, that were loath to engage so publikely to the King of France, desiring rather, as neutrall spectators, to follow the aire only of [Page 61] that fortune which otherwise would overwhelme them: But no palliating will serve their turne, the French Ministers, and the Catalans that sided with them are resolved to know whom to trust to, and by sequestring the estates of the rest to strengthen their owne, and weaken the Spanish party. Only the Ecclesiasticks and especially the Bishops, whose authority bears high in this Countrey, were at closer guard to wave this stroke, pretending conscience, and necessity of a dispensation to be first obtained from their former oath, given to the Catholicko King, for which some of them encounter a speedy Chastisement. for the Bishop of Barcelona is hereupon forced to take his leave, only with faire promises, which afterwards he did not find observed, that he should enjoy the revenues of his Bishoprick in any place by him assigned, which rigor of proceeding against their [Page 62] Prelates effected no small passion in the people, as was seene a while after more evidently in expelling the Bishop of Girona, a person counted of great worthinesse in his Charge; with whom when the Viceroy, and the royall Ministers could availe nothing they send the Count of Argenc'on, and Don Joseph Margarita, one of the principall in the late revolutions, to the Pope's Collectour Generall, who in his name was resident in that principality, to receive the revenues of vacant Bishopricks, as is also used in all the other Kingdomes of Spain, to acquaint him what matter of just suspicion they had against the Bishop, and that they came by order from the Vice-Roy to communicate thus much to him, as an Apostolicall Minister: that he might advise at Rome of the merits of their procedure, the need which they had of security and the necessity, which the foresaid Bishop had [Page 63] brought upon himselfe, that so their action's might be character'd by their respect, and zeale to the Holy See. The Collectour answered (thanking the Vice-Roy for this office) that he should advise his Holinesse punctually about it, in the mean while letting him know, that notwithstanding the necessity by them supposed, they should consider the regard and reuerence due to the Episcopall dignity, being subject to no other then the Pope; That therefore they should abstain from any umbrage of violence, setting before them the dreadfull censures which which they might incurre thereupon. The Governour Margarita answered with an oath not to offend his own conscience, nor his reputation, and so with a great company takes his way to Blanes, a Sea towne in the province of Gironne, where the Bishop then sojourned. At first he shewed his Commissions to the [Page 64] Bishop with a studied discourse, bidding him departure in discreet terms, yet intimating necessity. But when the Bishop made answer smiling, and called for a Notary to make a publick act of the violence done him, the Governour somewhat altered, commands him to depart in rounder terms, limiting a few hours to the execution, which he stood in a Balcone not farre off to see effected. But the Bishop goes immediately to celebrate Mass, and after takes his leave of the people with such Eloquence, and in term's so compassionable, as drew his Auditors to flow in tears after him to the sea shore, lamenting his departure, and blaming the rigidnesse of the Governour, which was also the longer thought on, because his brother a Dominican Friar was appointed to receive the revenues of that Church, and shortly after made Bishop of it by the King of France.
[Page 65] The Catalonians in another case shewed not only disgust, but suspicion: for when the French were treating with them of raising a Fortroyall on a hill, which stood too near to prejudice their city of Barcelona, perswading them to demolish their imperfect fortifications, which being built without art might serve, it may be, to offend more then to defend them, and in pursuance of these councells brought an Engineer to designe the form of it: they endeavoured not only to throw Jealousy on this action, but openly shewed so resolute a repugnancy, as obliged the Kings Ministers to surcease in it. And the Magistrates of Barcelona levelled the old works, leaving only an ancient tower which served for a Pharos on the Sea-side.
Meanwhile the Spaniards imploy such forces as they had under the banner of the Marquesse of Inoijosa [Page 66] about five thousand foot, and five hundred horse to take up their quarters within the territory of the Castle of Amposta, and that with such successe, that they were like to recover all that tract lying between the Eber, and Arragon. From thence he accosteth the a place belonging to the Jurisdiction of Barcellona, but a sudden rising of the waters obligeth him to dislodge, bringing great damage upon the country, whereupon he turns his course to Mirave, and enters that town with a thousand horse and an hundred foot, planting his batteries against the Castle which he had brought almost to tearms, when the Marshall de la Mothe on a sudden passeth the Eber, and arrives with a strong brigade to their succour, enters the place without dispute, and finds means to cast in a recruit of eight hundred men, which [Page 67] not at all delaying to sally out on their Assaylers, while the Marshall invested them on all sides there ensued an hardy conflict for about three houres, but at last the Castilians, were fain to leave the field to their enemies, with the death of some hundreds, and prise of four hundred more. But the losse of the French was so considerable, that it imbittered the victory. The Marquesse of Inoijosa being then at Gandesa, solliciting Cannon, and provisions (not suspecting that La Mothe could passe the river so soone, which he had left so high and impetuous between them) did not come to aid his men with the rest of his his forces. On this successe the French over-runne the country to Tortosa and then leaving Flix, and Miravet well provided returne with the rest, and their prisoners in a way of triumph to Barcellona, where the Vic [...]roy was thought to use a French [Page 68] liberty too much in standing to view them with Donna Eusalia, a beautifull Lady, and wife of a Catalan Gentleman from a balconie in his house.
This fate of Inoijosa was sadly resented in Spain, fearing lest the residue of their forces should scarce suffice to hinder excursions into Arragon and Valentia, so that, that King was fain to call two thousand Italians and Germans to these parts, which had beene sent to the frontiers of Portugall: Nor was this piece of service, though in it selfe of no great consequence, any lesse applauded at the court of France, especially by the Secretary de Noyers to whom the Mareschal was allied: so that not omitting such an opportunity, he never left recommending La Mothe's services, till he got the King to grant him the investiture of the Dutchy of Cardona, which is one of the fairest and amplest domains in [Page 69] Catalogne, & had formerly been denied him, as a bounty exceeding his merits and condition, he being advanced from a mean estate, and of the house of an ordinary Gentleman. The Catalans did inwardly ramaricate this largesse to a stranger, when so many of their own Nobility were ruined by following of the party, yet accommodating themselves to the time, shewed outwardly to gratulate that favour done to their Viceroy, as intended to themselves.
The Spaniards in Flanders began now to be sensible of a criticall time ascending over France, and of changes likely to be incident, whereupon they are the earlier this year in their preventions, hovering about the frontiers of Picardy, with their squadrons, to be ready either to foment, or make some Impression as occasion served. The Duke of Enguien (now Prince of Condè) had [Page 70] been appointed Generall for the French in these parts, at the issuing of the next Campagne the Mareschal de l' Hospitall being declared his Lieutenant-Generall, and the Marquesse of Geures, Gassion, d' Aumont, and la Ferte-seneterre his Mareschal's of Campe, but in the mean time the Count of Guicke (now Marreschal de Grammont) is sent to wait upon their motions where we leave him at the present, and take our tour back into Italy,
The French having made themselves Master's of Tortona, employ their studies how to preserve it, and make their way to further acquists. In suit whereof they make a Donative of the Tortonese to Prince Thomas of Savoy as a principality, and he freely offers it to the Duke of Parma, as a place fit for him (bordering upon his estates) to receive the aids of France upon occasion, and shoulder out the Spaniards from re-entring, & make himselfe amends by some other acquisition according to the orders of his Majesty of France; for it was commonly beleived that by private articles between that crown, and the house of Savoy it [Page 72] was agreed that the Prince Thomas should possesse in soverainty whatever he should gain in the Milanese, by the joint arms of the French and Saovoyrds; as a way not only to encourage him, but also to remove Jealousies from the Princes of Italy about the designes of that King, which how farre it may be veritable, we may guesse farther by the negotiations of the French Minister's at Venice, and in particular of Monsieur de Lyonne comming to give account of the breach of the treaty at Castel-Georgio, and of the little syncerity of the Ecclesiasticks in those proceedings: whereupon he tooke occasion to move them farther to unite their forces and councels with those of France, for the totall expulsion of the Spaniards from the Dutchy of Milan, with protestation that the most Christian Crown, to take away all jealousies from the Princes of Italy, contenting it selfe with the [Page 73] only glory, and advantage to have beaten their enemies in all places, would not appropriate to it selfe one foot of land: but would either invest some Italian Prince in it to their common satisfaction, or divide it among such Princes of the same province, as should partake in the travaile of the enterprise. That it would be no hard matter for the powerfull arms of France on the one side, and those of that Republick on the other, to strike into the heart of that Dutchy; upon which resolution his Majesty to shew his most disinteressed good will to the Italian Princes, his complices herein, would freely engage not only to take his garison out of Casale, but also to abandon Pignerol, not retaining any thing on that side of the mountains. And that they might the better secure themselves [Page 74] of his Majesties royall purposes, he offered to leave the entire management and direction of this businesse to the Republick, and that the King would concurre in such manner, as best might comport with the liking of the Princes of Italy, whether by a limited number of soldiers, or by sea forces, or by powerfull diversions, or by aids of mony only, which agreement howsoever desirable to the King of France, if notwithstanding it should not succeed, his Majesty was most determined to make this invasion by himselfe (that Republick only guarding its professed neutrality) and there to repay himselfd for his own travells as well as he could, not admitting afterwards of any conjunction on the same terms now profered.
These overtures of the King of France assayled the minds of the [Page 75] Senators with various agitations, They knew how much themselves and all Italy had enjoyed a calme by the indifferency of their councells, and although the Spaniard had been somewhat a sullen Neighbour: yet they could not set themselves to expell him, without bringing a deluge of bloud and confusion over Italy, since the house of Austria would hazard all to their patrimoniall States, before they would permit so noble an estate to be dismembred from them: nor was it forgotten how deceitfull an ambition it proved to this Republick, when they joined with Lewis the 12th of France, to the extreame hazzard of themselves, and of the liberty of Italy: which things might well teach them to adhere to their ancient Maxime, to beware of hardy councells, and hold themselves [Page 76] only to temperate resolutions: Besides that the violent and moody designes of the French proved for the most part fatall to the Italians that joined with them: whereof the Republick had a fresh example of this very Kings; to second whose Impressions after he had taken the passe of Sura, and advanced to raise the siege of Casale, then distressed by the Spaniards, they had entred with an Army into the Cremonese according to agreement, and on a sudden found themselves abandoned to make their own conditions with the Spaniards, the King leaving Italy in hast to go stifle the last insurrection of the Hugnenots in Languedoc. In fine they held it for their best security that the two crowns should be aequiballanced.
The Venetians being thus resolved [Page 77] give an answer most expressive of their affectionate disposition, and wellwilling towards the interests of France, of their ancient observance and devotion to that Crown, of their common ends and councells, and of their own propension to quietnesse, with many other fair words, which did not exceed the generall terms of obsequious complementing. Notwithstanding the Republick was not free of much anxiety about their answer, knowing that great Monarchs will not be paid with empty words, and that the King being resolute to passe into Italy, they might be like to incurre some hazzard of his amity, if they held themselves precisely to the terms of their neutrality. But alterations being now like to happen in France, they resolved to attend the issues which longer time might produce.
[Page 78] We are to leave our silken furniture here: The Trumpet and the Cannon call us to the other side of the Apennines to the tents there pitched, in spite of winter, about the avenues of Tortona.
The Count of Sirvela, Governour of Milan having much lost his reputation at the Court of Madrid by loosing of Tortona, dispatches a Gentleman of quality thither to make his excuses: and then applies himselfe with great instances to the Vice-Roy of Naples for recruits of men and monies, at the same time pressing the Milanese to do their utmost efforts on such an occasion as this was, to shew their Loyalty to his Majesty of Spain. Prince Thomas of Savoy, the New Generall of the French forces in Italie was no lesse sensible on the [Page 79] other side, of the great importance of this Place, to signalize his further services if he could but keep it till the next Campagne; and therefore sollicites the Court of France with equall fervency to hasten a supply to him of 3000 foot & 1000 Horse, with which he might not only hold the Town, but the Adjacent Country in subjection: but affaires there (as before was intimated) not having yet found a current Channell, foreslowed those recruits so long that the Spaniards were ready before him.
The Governour of Milan provides first to block the towne at large, and then drawes with all his forces towards Casale (a jealous piece both to French and Savoyard) to make them hold their strength there, and not to send them to Tortona, which done, He sends a party to wast Montferrat, [Page 80] and all the Country that was to lie in the Frenches way, if they thought of relieving the Towne to be invested. Then, bringing all his Army on the 8 of February before the place, He planted his Batteries in such manner, that at 20 shots with two peeces of Cannon, and within 24 hours he opened a breach, forcing the French with the best goods in the Citie, to retire into the Castle and Convent of St Dominico, which they had strongly fortified; and this gave the Spaniards conveniency to forme their siege, and draw their Line (though oppos'd by vigorous Sallies) entrenching themselves so strongly in their Works, that when they were accomplished, and afterward considered by the Mareschal du Plesis Praslin, and the Marquesse of Ville (the one Chiefe Commander for the French, and the other for the [Page 81] Savoyards under the Princes Orders) they commended them for the most secure, and admirable that ever they had seen.
This Poyanant newes being come to the Prince, speedily ramasseth his Troops, crosseth the Po, ravages the Navarresse, making shew of an hardy Enterprise on some other place; but finding all passes strongly guarded, and don Vincenzo Gonzago, and the Marquesse of Taracena with strong parties dispatched to wait upon His motions, so that, that way would be like to bring him into great difficulties, He retir'd between the Gogno, and the Sesia (2 small Rivers) as a secure place, to stay for 2000 Foot that were already imbarked at Oneglia to recruit Him▪ and then re-attempted many waies to pursue His purpose of relieving the Citie: but found all the Fords, [Page 82] and Wharfes of the Rivers so strickly kept, that he was fain to beat the same way back into Montferrat; where coasting up and down, to amuse the Spaniards of his intentions, and elude their diligence; on a suddain He passes the River Tanaro without opposition, and so accosting the City of Asti by a round, and quick assault given on an imperfect Fort, scituate between the town, and the River, he gained the City also, and shortly after the Cittadell.
The Governour of Milan was at hand (having left a body of 3000 men to prosecute the siege at Tortona) to have relieved this place: but being intercepted by the River, that he could not apply his aid so speedily as was requisite he sends the Marquesse of Caracena into Montferrat, to revenge himselfe on the Savoyards by attempting Aicqui; [Page 83] where the Citizens made resistance till they had secur'd the best of their goods in the Castle, and then compounded at 2000 Doubles for the Citie to save it from sacking. Mean while Prince Thomas makes a Tour, and sees himselfe ere long, within the sight of Tortona. The Governour, as soon as he found his March recalls all his forces to the siege, some 16000 men effective, besides a Nerve of Cavalry, with which the Marquesse of Caracena was left to guard the Posts of the River Scrivia: Prince Thomas having seiz'd some little hils behind the Spanish Trenches, resolves to attaque their lines: but a Councell of Warre being cal'd (after a slight skirmish, whereby their dammage sufficiently shewed the difficulty of their attempt, and the impenetrablenesse of the Lines, together with the impossibility [Page 84] of staying there for want of forrage) they planted a piece of Cannon, whereby (as had bin done formerly at the siege of Turin) they conveyed Letters into the Castle to Monsieur de Forenville the Governour, advising him, when he could no longer hold out, to capitulate, and He by the same means answering, advised them of his extremity, having now maintained himselfe 4 Moneths; whereupon, the delivery of the Castle upon honourable Terms ensued shortly after; The French going out with 4 Pieces of Cannon, which they had brought in, and were convoyed by the Spaniards to the head of the Princes Army, and treated so curteously by them in the way, that on the other side of the River Scrivia, they had provided a refreshment for them of 50 Barrells of Wine, with Bread, and Cheese. The [Page 85] Towne being thus regain'd, both parties seem'd to admit a tacit truce, and went to refresh their souldiers with better Quarters. I must also serve the occasion, and returne to the spiny subject that before I was handling.
Monsieur de Lyonne finding himselfe much aggrieved at the non-suiting of the treaty of Castel-Georgio, which had snap't the Line of the Duke of Parma's progresse, giving respite to the Ecclesiastiques (though the Barberini pretending that his Arms had not rested thereupon, as was engaged, tooke occasion, not only to break in, but to recriminate the more exquisitely) came to Rome with high complaints to the Marquesse of Fontenay Ambassadour Lieger there, giving out, that he would treat no more in the negotiation; but notwithstanding intermitt's it not: Only [Page 86] the Marquesse, casting this Manleon his other disgusts, retires from Rome to Caprarola, a place not far distant belonging to the Estates of the Duke of Parma. His other pretences were the non-admission of the Bishop of Lamego, as had bin promised, and the not confirming of an Election made at a Chapter Generall in Genova of Father Mazzarino (the Brother of the Cardinall) to be Generall of the Friar Dominicans; Which grounds (being judged insufficient for such a dereliction) gave jealousy at Rome of some mysterious Object in the eye of France: But when the dispatches of Fontenay came to the Court with account of his departure out of Rome and the motives of it, the King send's for the Nuntio, and with much efficacy complain's of the Pope's proceedings in the breach of the Treaty of Castel-Georgio and deluding [Page 87] of his Ministers there, annulling the Election of Father Mazzarino, of the partiality of Cardinall Barberino to the Spaniards, with the injuries he had done his Royall person, and interposition, whereupon he counted himselfe engaged in his reputation to use all means to bring that treaty to effect. The Nuntio set himselfe to excuse the Actions of Rome, beseeching the King to suspend his judgment about the reasons of his Ambassadours departure, of which he confessed that yet he had had no notice; but hoped in a short time to be acquainted of particulars; in the mean while that he could not admit of any ill judgment about his Holinesse's good intentions. Notwithstanding, his Majestie much resented this act of his Ambassadour without orders; and as earnestly desired his return to the court; so it might [Page 88] be without blemish to his reputation. The Ambassadour of Venice comming not long after to an audience, and being advertis'd of these dissatisfactions, thought it a fit time for the credit of his State to make proffer of their offices to bring the Marquesse of Fontenay back with honour, which he doubted not, but his Republick would endeavour by all the fair means possible. The King hearkned to this overture, entreating him to write effectually to that purpose. The Nuntio being also advised hereof by the Ambassadour, promised to sollicite at the Court of Rome, that the good offices of the Commonwealth on this behalfe might be accepted.
But however, this forwardnesse of their Ambassadour, was not liked so well at Venice, till the issue it selfe approved it: for at this time [Page 89] they themselves were at no good Terms at Rome, in being a part of the league against the Barberini, though still they continued their Ministers of state there.
The Spaniards seeing the French Ambassadour gon from his Residence, thought it now a time for them to interpose more vigorously to inflame these disgusts, and to forme an union of the Princes of Italy to their Crown, as the onely way to effect the depositing of Castro in the hands of the League, and exclude the French (which were now become jealous to them, lest they should get that depositing into their own hands) from interesting themselves any further in this Mediation, the honour whereof they desired to carry from them: to this purpose they sought how to bring themselves and the Pope within the League, so modelling the designe [Page 90] of it, that they might get the chiefe arbitration both of the difference, and deposition, propounding that Castro might be put into the hands of the Duke of Savelli, the Emperours Ambassadour at Rome, till the treatie might be brought to an issue: but the Pope and the ligued Princes were too sensible to be drawn by any other motives than those of their proper Interests▪ and the suddain recalling to Rome of the Marquesse of Fontenay by the intercessions of the offices of Venice, set on foot new practises, and put a new lustre on them, by the graciousnesse that ensued on a kind of reconcilement, between his Holinesse, and the most Christian King, which was accompanied with the satisfaction of the Father Mazzarino, in being made Master of the Sacred Palace, a thing that sweetned all imbitterings; for it was [Page 91] thought that the cause of this Father, was the very motive (how ever palliated) that made the Ambassadour shew so high resentment, to the end that he might thereby ingratiate the Cardinall his Brother, a matter which yet proved a scandall to the Cardinall in France, that the pretentions of his Brother should hazzard the interests of the State, and the amity of the Pope, which also gave him displeasure at them both, using his utmost prudence to recompose those differences.
Our story begin's now to prey upon the last wiek, the Oyle of the Kings life is 'ee'n exhausted, the vanishing Flame having long wavered about the brims: But his declining makes the severall Ministers gather as much authority as they could within the folds of their respective Robes, whereby [Page 92] they could not misse of some such Rent, as put Hortensius to a suit in Law, when they encountred one another in passages too strait for them. The Parliament is jealous of the Ministers of State, and these of the Princes of the Blood, since they saw the Queen, the Duke of Orleans, and the Prince of Conde close together, and likely to bear before them the entire management of affaires, which in all probability would ruin the Creatures and dependences of the late RICHELIEU, that held themselves yet at the height of their Fortune in the King's favour. And these apprehensions wrought so intemperately with the Secretary de Noyers that at last it procured his dismission: For the King, now imploying his best thought's, and advise with his Councellours about the framing of His Will, and leaving a sure estate [Page 93] to His Infant-Heir▪ Monsieur de Noyers was in many points of a different opinion from the others, pretending to regulate too much with His Conceipts (whether by his proper inclination, or adhering to the Maximes of the late Cardinall, whose great Confident he h [...]d bin) especially in the great businesse of excluding the Duke of Orleans from the Government, and nominating the Persons of the Councill: This rendered his employment the lesse desirable to the other States-Masters, which still applyed themselves to clear his Majestie of prejudices conceiv'd against the said Duke, and of the ill consequence that was likely to ensue upon any division of the Royall house. Nor did it a litle contribute to the laying aside of this Instrument, that he was so zealous against the Protestants, ever traversing the aids [Page 94] of Germany, which the Cardinall Mazzarini procured with great Ardour; as a most important interest of the Crown; discovering also the like aversnesse to the Huguenots, insomuch that it was reported he should one day tell the Mareschal de Chastillon that when he was to signe any thing in favour of his Sect, it seem'd to him as if he were to gash his own hand: But above all, His importunacy with the King was the greatest maturer of his downfall, he taking upon him to use (as his Master Richelieu had done) and in case he found not that Countenance which he desired, to demand retirement; a thing which the other would do with great art, knowing the necessity which the King had of his Services: But of Noyers his ill successe in this way, we may see at one instance how he came to knock [Page 95] off from his attendance. He had the office of Receiver Generall of the rate of Subsistance (an Imposition laid at first, with exemption of the payers from quartering of Souldiers; but since made as the other ordinary Tallies) of which he dispos'd at his own discretion, making no accompt to any other: It came to the King's eare, that this Subsistance, the year before, was ill dispensed, and onely to the friends, and kindred of the Foresaid Noyers: whereupon the King take's occasion to ask him on what he had expended those sums, which passed through his hands for the service of the War, and of which he used to render no Accompt. (Tis a certain Revenge on our own ill humour to think amisse of Him, that we depend on; or entertain any Umbrage that he dislikes us, or is mistaken in our [Page 96] good intentions, for commonly such a passion is apt to fennow, and so to mantle in its sowernesse, that one cannot afterward restore it to that Object.) Noyers, who had either made, or phancied the King's Countenance to be not so good as usually towards Him, tooke this word for a signe of diffidence, and so answered that he had ready in his Cabinet, a Book of all Expences made by him; and then let himselfe lavish in expressions; that since his hard fortune did now render him suspected, after a service of so many years uninteressed, 'twere better that his Majesty would permit him to render his charge to some other, that might be more fortunate; since, neither could a Prince satisfy himselfe in a Servant whom he distrusted; nor such a Servant enjoy any quiet, that knew his integrity to be doubted of. [Page 97] (Twas thought that Noyers was the more bold in venting this Passion, presuming that his two Confidents, as he presumed, the Cardinall Mazzarini, and the Secretary dè Chauvigny would sufficiently secure Him from having this request easily granted, but) his Majestie hereupon discover'd such displeasure, that Monsieur de Chauvigny first withdrew him handsomely from the King's bed, and then from his Chamber, perswading him to consider, and not to precipitate with himselfe, but give way to his Majestie's anger for the time; which some interpreted as the act of a true Friend, but others as the Ruse of a Courtier to draw him from the King, and so from all hope of accomodation: for some make a great question whether the buds of Noyers his disfavour, were not cultivated by the [Page 98] two other Ministers of State, Mazzarini, and Chauvigni, because they were the dependants of these two that most incens'd the King against Him; and immediatly after his decession his Charge was confer'd by the Cardinall's instance, on Monsteur de Tellier then in Piemont, [...]as Auditor Generall of the Army; besides that it was many waies evident, that the Cardinall's designes did not meet in Noyers of a fit Instrument, and that he had at severall times treated with the King, of such matters, as de Noyers would have possest him with the Contrary. Which things if reall (as they have a great shew of truth) one would think, by de Noyers's proceedings, that his desires also were no less reall then pretended to retire to his privacy: He goe's to Chauvigny, desire's his opinion as his friend, whether he should [Page 96] demand his Licence in person of the King, or by another: who after many fair offices to perswade with him, at last advise's him to serve himselfe of the assistance of the Cardinall, to avoid disgusting of the King any further. De Noyers meets the Cardinall in the Louvre, demand's this grace of him publiquely, and with a kind of Pompe, that the world might take notice of it, as a generous, free action of his own, and accordingly the Cardinall does the office, after some excuses, with more shew then reality; at his return bringing him that dismission which he desired, and received with demonstrations of the cordiallest alacrity. This fall of Noyers was onely grievous to the Mareschal de Mesteraye, who being much interessed in his preservation, addresseth himselfe a new to the Cardinall to have this businesse put upon the [Page 100] file again; whom the Cardinall answering, that he resented this act of Monsieur dè Nayens as much as any other, and had omitted no office to divert him from the course that he had taken.
The Mareschal suffered himselfe to be so farre transported with his passion, as to tell him, That he did not understand these finesses of Italie, proceeding frankly and in the French fashion: The Cardinall notwithstanding continued in his excuses, treating him with acts of more respect, so that both seemed to part with satisfaction. From hence the Mareschal takes his way to dè Noyers then at Pontoise, to treat with him, and finds him most determined to acquiesce, desiring the Mareschall to let his Majestie know, that he tooke it for an infinite obligation that his Majestie had been pleased to dispense with his [Page 101] retirement. Which carriage of his was accounted more to commend his courage, then his courtship, considering especially that the King's death was by all tokens near at hand, which would have broke up those clouds that then overshadowed him.
Aprill 17. The King's maladie being intermissive had hitherto observed some uncertain periods, allowing him his lucida inter [...]lla to treat and give orders about affairs▪ but now betraying worser symptomes, the physitians advise the Statesmen of their opinion, that it was to terminate ere long in death. Whereupon the Prince of Condè, and Cardinall Mazzarini consult together how to give his Majestie admonition, and so present themselves to him in his chamber, telling him, that [Page 102] although the Physitians did not despaire of his Majestie's recovery; yet since he found his health continually declining, and running some hazard of a sad event; that the glorie of his Majestie, the good of the Princes his children, and of the whole State seemed to require, that as his Majestie had hitherto established his greatnesse, and augmented the splendor of his crown, so now he should consider of leaving his affairs in such order, that no emergent might alter them for the future. That the Spaniards had not refused a suspension of arms, before so earnestly desired by them, on any other ground, then a certain misprision which they had conceived of the troubles of France likely to ensue on the failing of his Majesty, and therefore that the true way to undeceive them was to make it evident, that whatsoever [Page 103] event should happen his Majestie's will should stand for a sure and inviolable Law for the Government of his Kingdome.
The King accepted not onely of their discourse, but affectionately thanked them, and then desired to hear the Prince's judgement about the disposall of the Government. Who thereupon took occasion to extoll highly the wisdome and goodnesse of the Queene, and after set himselfe to excuse the Duke of Orleans, ascribing his escapes to the over-rigid treatments of the late Cardinall, shewing that these two persons as the chiefe of the kingdome, ought by consequence to have the principall part in so important an administration.
The King having well learned by his own experience how subject France is to alterations in the times of Minority, was the more desirous [Page 104] to leave a state well setled, wherein neither the Queen nor the Duke of Orleans (whom he did not eye so well) should invelope the whole authority in their own persons, which he devised to distribute among severall Councellours, and to give them the Cardinall Mazzarini for their Principall, much after the manner of the Government of Sweden, with the superintendency of the grand Chancellour Oxenstern: which thoughts when he had discovered to the Cardinall, he found not such approbation as he desired, but rather met with strong arguments, perswading him to observe the ancient usances of the Crown. But after all deliberations the King at last resolved to forme a Councell, according to the tenor of a declaration which he sent forthwith to the Queen, by the hand of Monsieur dè Chauvigny▪ [Page 105] the prime secretary of State, that shee might see it, and signifie her desire about any change in it for her better satisfaction, that so being afterward approved by the Parliament, it might be to passe as a Salick Law among the people; which last words touched to the quick, though at that time the Queen dissembled them with discretion, and presently passed to the King's chamber to render thanks, and to condole with him, till both melted into tears with expressions of love and tenderness. Next morning the Cardinall Mazzarini comes to Paris to give account of the King's resolutions to the Duke of Orleans, with intimation to the Parliament, Princes, Dukes, Peeres, and officers of the Crown, to present themselves to his Majestie at S. Germans, where a fit time being waited, till the Kings maladie was somewhat [Page 106] alleviated, they were all called into his Chamber, where the Queen and her two Sons stayed for them; and then his Majesty▪ speaking all the while uncovered, made a passionate speech unto them, accompanied with such carriages as pressed tears from the by-standers. After which the Secretarie de la Urilliere read the declaration of his Majestie's last will, which was to this effect:
That although it had pleased God to bestow admirable successes on him through the whole course of his raign; yet now in the middle of his prosperities, he had also put him in mind of his frailty by a languishing disease, whereof howsoever there were good hope of his recovering, notwithstanding because the judgments of men most experienced are fallible in these cases, he thought himselfe oblieged to provide for the peace of his Kingdome, [Page 107] when he was gone. That he judged the best way to obtain this end, and to disappoint the projects of the enemies of France, to be the uniting of all the royall family with one Spirit to maintain the present state of his Crown; which would be also a great tie to his confederates to adhere to the interesses of France, when they shall find it governed by the same maximes that had hitherto upheld its grandeur. To execute which designes he thought no course more expedient, then that which the King's his predecessors had taken on the like occasions, who judged that the regency of the Kingdome, and education of the minor Kings could not be better placed, then on the persons of their Queen Mothers; and therfore that he did ordain, that in case his death should ensue before the Dauphin should enter on the fourteenth year of his age, or in case that [Page 108] the Dauphin should die before the Majority of his second Sonne the Duke of Anjou, his dearest spouse and consort the Queen Mother of his foresaid children should be Regent of France, and have the education of them during their minority, together with the administration of the government of the Kingdome, during his nonage that should be King, with the advise of her councell in manner hereafter following. And in case the said Queen after his death, and during her Regency should be in danger of finishing her daies, he ordained that she should provide with the advise of her Councell herein specified, for the Regency and government for the time. And to testifie to his dear and beloved Brother the Duke of Orleans, that nothing hath been able to diminish the Love that he hath ever borne him, he ordained him Lieutenant Generall [Page 109] of the non-aged King, and to exercise the said charge in all the provinces in the Kingdome under the authority of the Queen Regent and of the Councell; and this notwithstanding the declaration registred against him in the Court of Parliament: onely declaring that if he in any wise shall contravene this establishment, he remain ipso facto deprived of this charge. That although from the wisdome, piety and vertue of the Queen he might well promise himselfe a happy government of his state▪ yet considering the weight of such a charge, and the impossibility of her taking cognisance of all affairs necessary, that he thought fit to establish a councell of the Regency to assist her, by whose judgments and authority the great and weighty affairs of State should be examined and resolved by plurality of Voices: to compose which Councell, he thought he [Page 110] could not make better election for Ministers of State, then of his dear and beloved Cosins, the Prince of Condè, and the Cardinall Mazzarini, of his trustie and well beloved the Lord de Seguier Chancellour of France, and keeper of the seals, the Lord de Bouttiglier Surintendant of his finances, and the Lord de Chauvigni Secretarie of State, and of his Commandments.
He ordained also that the Duke of Orleans, and in his absence the Prince of Condè, or Cardinall Mazzarini should be chiefe of the Councill, and if any place should become void, that the Queen should supply it by advise of the Councell and all other important charges of the Kingdome to be so disposed by plurality of votes. Only for all Ecclesiasticall preferments, which belonged to his nomination, he left the providing for their supply to the Queen and the Cardinall [Page 111] Mazzarini, of whose worthy discharging this trust he had good reason to rest most assured by the eminent proofs which he had had of the faithfulnesse and great sufficiency of the person. In fine: he ordained that the Queen and the Duke of Orleans should swear in the presence of him, and of the Princes of the Blood, with the other Princes, Dukes, Peers, Mareschals of France, and Officers of the Crowne to keep and observe the Contents of the present declaration without any manner of Contravention. Which was accordingly subscribed and sworne at the same instant by the Queen, and Duke of Orleans, and sealed before the rest, and accordingly next day ratified in the Parliament in presence of the Duke of Orleans, the Prince of Condè and the other Princes and Officers. Given at S. Germans in the month of April. 1643. and of his raign the 33.
[Page 112] Which declaration being read, the King gave free liberty to all the exiles of the Court or State, against whom no Sentence had been given, to make their return, and commanded corriers to be sent to some more remote, that they might have timely notice, and his Majesty had content before his death to receive the Duke of Vendosma, the Mareschaux de Bassompierre and d' Estree, and divers others into his grace. If a man might be politique before the proofe of events, this act of State might be a subject of strange descantings: but if we can content our selves with such conjectures as best please us, till the Regency begin to take place, we may better guesse at the true interests of the parties concerned by this deed, & of the true interest of the Crown. His [Page 113] majesty having now freed his thoughts of this care, tooke pleasure to order a private ceremony in the chappell of S. Germans, appointing the baptisme of the D [...]uphin by the name of Lovis, and the Princes of Condè with the Cardinall Mazzarini (on whom the King would conferre this honour (as he himselfe said) to oblige him the more streightly to serve the King and the Crown) to present him to the font, that so with the powerfull cords of interest he might, as much as in him lay, twist an artificiall kind of nature, making him the Compater, or Spirituall Father of that Prince, in the forming of whose youth he might now seem to claime a priviledg with the Queen. To both which, and to all his other officers and nobles having so effectually recommended [Page 114] his State and childrem, what more could remain to such a Prince, but to die in the arms of that Honour that had ever lived with him, and to deserve those characters, in which a terser pen then mine ha's designed him? And so I leave him in the way to his funerall pomp, which a while after followed with great Solemnity.