Qui monet, amat, ave, cave, vale.

LONDON, Printed for Iohn Wright, January 26. 1642.

To the Reader.

I Had not arrogated the pri­viledge of the Presse, but that I considered the dis­tempers of this Nation have proceeded from va­rious influences, and so must the cures. The quali­fications of mens minds are as different as the dispositions of their bodies, and therfore my notions may aptly meet with some capa­cities. The judicious may retract my mistakes, the ignorant may rectifie their owne; sublime straines over-reach, mude expressions reach not a common judgement, my faculties fit with the meane. If my Treatise want matter or method, art or argument, humanity may impute it to want of time and yeers, I desire the generall good, but expect not a generall approbation.

A servant to the Republique, J. S.

MALIGNANCY UN-MASKED. WITH A Plea for the Publique Faith.

IT is a principle in reason aswell as policy to support great designes with firme resolutions, and endea­vours equall to both; wisdome (which is the object of the intellect) speakes no lesse, and common pru­dence (which acts in the will) di­rects what it is to decline the ac­complishment of an expedient once attempted; Many justifie publique folly, and deny publique faith; they approve of safety, but dislike the meanes; they affect the appearance, and reject the essence of truth; they seeme to obey the King, and yet repugne the Lawes; they honour the Parliament, and sleight its power; they are ambidexters, and yet neuters; for they looke one way, and swim another. If you demand a reason, passion shall step in, and plead tradition; and if you [Page 2]make a further progression, they will be ready to swallow you up with your duty of Submission to higher powers; they urge a personall, and connive at a nationall good; if they be learned, they speake and write obscurely; if ignorant, it is sufficient they have the learned (though malefactours) for their presidents; private relations so charme them, that they seem to be asleep, and happy were this Kingdome, if they might not be awaked till reformation may receive a deepe rooting; the discipline (or circumstantiall part of reli­gion) they dote upon, but which of them have appea­red in defence of any doctrinals which have been wounded by Arminians and others, or have supprest superstition, or the graduals of Idolatry? It is a facile matter, to make lubricke professions, and reserved oathes; but how doe they checke such semblances by the expresse opposition of the generall good. But they say they have a Protestant King, who will defend the Religion of Queene Elizabeths time, they have known Lawes still in force, and with whom, or for what should they contest? In answer to which, my subject will admit of variety of matter as a necessary introdu­ction to my conclusion) therefore let it not offend the Reader, that a method is propounded to so short a worke.

Quest. 1 First, I demand, Whether at the Queens time, there were not reliques of superstition fit to be abolished?

Quest. 2 Secondly, Whether since that time the same have not multiplied?

Quest. 3 Thirdly, Whether if the same be urged, they may not be denied?

Quest. 4 Fourthly, if innovations of law or religion be infor­ced by power, they may not be forceably resisted?

Answ. 1 For the first, It is notorious, whose immediate suc­cessour Queen Elizabeth was, and how active in refor­mation; but as in nature a habit is not without great perill deserted, so in policy a suddaine change causeth a Catastrophe; undoubtedly had that good Queene had the command of time, or that the threed of her life had been prolonged, she would have prevented the plea of the present opposers, Sed non reluctandum est cum Deo.

Answ. 2 For the second, who can be ingnorant what Commis­sions for composition with Recusants have beene since authorized? and what growth such toleration hath occasioned; what indempnities, appeales, and connivences have been fostered, what incouragements they have implicitely and expressely received? and how in many places they have trampled upon our most refined Protestants? they began to overlooke the power provided for their suppression, and under the Armes of their papall protectors to undermine au­thority, but I hope I may speake to them as Seneca in another case, Non in re sed opinione laborasti, your en­deavours have not been pertinent, but opinionate.

Answ. 3 For the third, if I justifie not the dissenting from, I doe (ipso facto) tolerate the assenting to an impious im­position; power is no further extensive, then it hath subordination from, and reference to the divine pre­scripts, duo contradictoria non possunt simul esse vera, contrary powers cannot be at once effectuall, and I am confident this subject would not be insisted upon, but that Casus plerumque ridiculus multos elevavit, a ridiculous matter will blow up some disputations.

Answ. 4 For the fourth question, it is as undeniable as any of the former; for if it be examined whence this high [Page 4]strain of resistance is derived, it is answered from Maje­sty, and there it is patronized, and though I approve not what Keck [...]rm. cites in his question (qualiter judicandum est de resistentiâ Principis) posse Principem eodem ordine & jure Regno dejici quo admissus est si eas leges & pacta v [...]olet sub quibus admissus est: yet I say with Augustine, Regna sine justitia, magna potius l [...] trocin [...]a sunt quàm im­peria, A government without justice, is rather a rob­bery then a Royall authority. When the Apostle saith Submit to every Ordinance of man, for the Lords sake; it must be intended they are such Ordinances which the Lord will favour; and these words (for the Lords sake) are a limit,Rom. 13.1. and not a motive to obedience And for the words of submission to the higher powers it is denied that they referre to the Kings personall command; His Majesty in His owne Declaration acknowledgeth His government to be a mixt Monarchy, and that mixture presupposeth somewhat (at least) of an equall power to Majesty; and what can that be, but the lawes Divine and Humane?

Obj. But say some, of all difficulties, none equalizeth this, that profound judgements, proficients in Law and po­licy, act this Tragedy on either part, and who shall presume to be a moderator; humane reason steps back, divine precepts seem ambiguous, and who shall fur­ther explaine?

Ans. It is a maxime in experiment, that an united strength, is most prevalent; in nature all things move towards their first element, singularity is an enemy to good, for that the entity of good is mutuall, and diffuseth it selfe into reciprocals. All the sences of man may have their deceptions (though not all at once) and as the object of sight is better discerned, one eye being shut, [Page 5]when they are both open, because that sence is more contracted to the object: so when a whole Kingdom acts by its representative, there is the most cleare con­veyance of discerning. Then hence will arise this pro­position, That they that best know the Kingdomes danger, can best provide for its safety; but the Parlia­ment doe best know the Kingdomes danger, ergo, &c.Q. Q. And here comes in the quaere, The danger being thus knowne, may they be by power impugned? Reason rules us to decline things destructive, and prevention is the best of policies. Seneca saith, Facilius est pernitiosa resistere quam regere, & non admittere quam admissa mo­derari, It is more easie to resist than rule; and not to admit, then being admitted to moderate a mischiefe; where the supreame priviledges (politicall or divine) are in hazard, the greatest ayd may be made use of for their preservation; and if the King deny to secure his people by His power, they may secure themselves by their own; For as farre as publique are preferrable before private advantages, so farre an Ordinance in Parliament before the meere personall commands of a Prince. A King is as a private person, if not considered in the execution of his Kingly Office, and in that Office he hath His limits. It is a paradox to reason, that the will of one should subvert the being of a Nation; for posterity may have cause to curse such an Introduction to slavery; obedience is no further lawfull, then it hath a mutuall reflection of good; and is so much the more unjustifiable, by how much the more the pub­lique detriment may be occasioned therefrom. If the subjects Jewels (the Lawes) may be defended, they may in such manner be defended as they are opposed. It was an excellent saying, spoken by a milde King (as [Page 6] Kecker. in his Curs. philosophici disput. 35. cites it) Hoe gladio pro meutitor si recte imperâro, sin rempublicam laesero conirame utitor, Use this Sword for me if I rule rightly, but if I wrong the Commonwealth use it a­gainst me. The case might be concluded with Doctor Ferne, if the King did solely deviate, the best way were to withhold from him what he willeth where­with to accomplish his unjust ends, and so the flame might be extinguished by withdrawing the fuell; but this case is of a different complexion, His Maje­sties actions have an influence upon many, or rather, theirs upon him; and for former want of Parliaments, there is such a swarme of evill doers in the Land, that they stand in need of a protection; and because they cannot safeguard themselves, they will have assistants of equall guilt, and for that a resistance (so pernicious) cannot be supported without some power that may strike terrour in the people, they have got the King to owne them, and that no sooner attain'd, but (by some superusuall prevalency, which we have cause to feare Heavens have permitted for our scourge) have sedu­ced our Soveraigne to leave His Parliament, (a fatall blow, and the seed of our sufferings,) and now they can boast of their cause, their Captaine, and their quar­rell; and woe unto us, in that our Kings personall and politicall powers are intercombatants. It is not un­knowne how their Army consists of many who would not stay to heare the meaning of justice; that pretend to fight for, what apparently they fly from, who fame truth, and therefore feare the touchstone; some there may be (whose worth the weale publique hath never heard of) and for ought that can be judged of them are meere indifferents for Law, and Laodiceans for [Page 7]religion, and of such I conclude that these troubles might sooner be determined, were they as good as they are great. Those who are related to His Majesty, as Servants, Officers, Favorites, (or that expect any such interests in reversion, or otherwise) are many, and we wonder not if they are borne away in the streame of their expectations: What Bishops doe proceed (un­doubtedly) from a spirit of revenge (which is ever acted with envy) and ceaseth not till the object of its malice be made the subject of their chastisement: we expect not reasons from ignorants, nor why indigents thrust themselves upon such a service; it is more then sufficient, that defect of wit and wealth are their prime inducements. Papists (whose Religion tolerates them to be cruell) begin to make us sensible of a papall ene­my; they acknowledge Protestancy, and their usurped Catholisme, to be direct contraries, and yet they are undertakers for defence of the Protestant religion, (a mystery to reason, and a perillous insinuation) indeed they are (ad haras aptiores quam ad aras) fitter to be marked for mortall enemies, then competent assistants, and beyond contradiction they will make use of their power to root out their opposers; of all which per­sons take a survey, and you will finde the remain­der of their strength very inconsiderable; so that the instruments the matter, and manner of their first disseverance from us, and association amongst themselves and the ends they apparently propound may so stigmatize their pretences that none who prize their owne or posterities good can forbeare to endea­vour their suppression. To what distresses we are now subjected, a tender heart cannot conceive, without great reluctancy; and we are the more unhappy in [Page 8]this, that we begin to be weary of defending our lives, liberties, and religion; great Forces are raised, a great worke is on foot, the hearts of people are enlarged, and why should their hands be straitened? There is a publique Felicity, which claimes the Publique Faith, Justice is the efficient cause of Law, execution the life of power; the protection of offenders justifies the of­fence, and to dispence with punishment is an implicite incouragement: to intrust the Kingdome in unsafe hands is to provide for its ruine; and should the Na­tion perish, the Parliament sitting, what blemish would accrue to such future assemblies? many are acquainted with their disease and remedy, and sleighting both, blame the Phisitians; what monsters are they to na­ture, what mockers of God, whiles they thus persist? many never appeared, and some appearing have dis­animated multitudes by their apostacies, so sweet is the name of propriety, and the Mammon of this world, that they dote upon the increase of wealth, whiles a losse of the totall should more affect them; they are so far from believing, that it is requisite to hazard all for the preservation of all, that they will not hazzard part for the securing of the rest; they imagine not how in­dividuall and dependant all interests be, nor how they are bound by the Lawes of God, nature, and Na­tion to sacrifice themselves, much more their estates, for the generall good (wherein they have a particular share.) There is a strange misprision of the word Pub­lique, when it is taken for the essentiall independency of the Kingdome; for it doth, or ought to receive in­fluence from every member, and so by participation they are both compleated. Those that fall backe from their good beginnings checke their owne judgements, [Page 9]and discover their diffidence; in the one, they become objects of scorne to the world; in the other, they pro­voke the Almighty to punish them with what they feare. The vulgar presuppose some invisible power in a Kingdome to preserve it selfe, and twere more tolerable if it were in them an act of faith; but being otherwise, how doe they injure themselves, the weale publique, and succeeding ages, by their shuffelings; (and it were well if the practise of greater persons did not savour of these or more ridiculous tenets.) The worke is framed, the instruments appointed, and the wheele of reformation is now rouling about, and will you deny Oyle to refresh the decayed sinews thereof? And although it be the opinion of every Christian, (quod non pecuniam sed militum ducumque virtutem belli & imperii nervum esse) that it is not money, but the good cause and vertuous Captaines, that are the chiefe causes of victory, yet in concurrent and second causes we may urge the saying of Demosthenes, Opus sunt opes & sine iis nihil fiet quod opus, There is need of riches, and without them nought can be done that is needfull. Thucyd. saith, Bellum non est in armis, sed in expensis & sumptibus per quos efficacia arma & utilia siunt, warre consists more in expence then Armes. And as the Ora­cle said to the father of Alexander, Hastis pugna argen­tatis atque omnia vinces, Fight with gilded Spe [...]res, [...]. and be confident of the conquest. Much use may be made of such morall sentences. Gods usuall way of working is by meanes, and where such a way is offered it is a great sinne in man to neglect it; a supernaturall potency is not limited to naturall, but naturall to it; we tempt our maker, in losing our opportunities; in all contrivances there are the principles and instrumen­tals [Page 10]& it is a grosse omission not to improve things for their proper ends, Evangelum non tollit politias & fides non destruit naturam, The Gospell takes not away po­licy, nor doth faith destroy nature; spirituall things doe not exclude temporall, but regulate them; Our trust in our divine Captaine forbids not the use of helpes, but declares them subordinate. Oh let not the practice of men publish them guilty of such unreaso­nable opinions; nor let them conceale themselves, lest judgement finde them out; he that gives the Talent will demand an account; and shall thy brethren pe­rish whiles thou hast meanes to prevent it? It is an un­naturall and ingratefull part to accompany designers to a hazard, and there to leave them; to assist the ini­tiations of a good worke, and to relinquish the same unfinished, manifests an ill qualified mind; (for such variation is inconsistent with the life of a Christian.) Doe you dispute the security of moneys lent out? you may rather doubt of the safety of what you retaine; what greater ingagement can be expected, (or being expected, can be given) then the body representative of a Kingdome? they are intrusted in the whole, and shall they be distrusted in regard of part? can any knowing man conjecture, that they have not consci­ences, interests, and expectations equall to any other? shall your election give them (and your diffidence di­vest them of) your confidences? they are agitating your affairs, & will you not allow their disbursements. For your satisfaction, they have exceeded the presi­dents of any of their predecessors, and are become your particular accountants, and doe you still repine? we ne­ver read of any denials of supply (when demanded by former Parliaments, but how the people have un­boweld [Page 11]themselves in such a case is obvious, to every Historian;) will you be the first that ever deserted (take heed you bewaile not being destitute of) such a Councell? Is it probable they will so dilacerate the au­thoritys of future Parliaments, as not to dis-ingage themselves? Not to give credence to a private friend, is inhumanity; not to a Parliament is morall infidelity. When that serene day shall appeare wherein these troubles shall admit of a tranquillity, you may be con­fident to receive your owne with advantage, in the in­terim they are sharers with you in your sufferings. He that gives to the poore, lends to the Lord; necessity deno­minates poverty, and what so great as that which is publique? if times thus continue, the rich will be made a prey, and will rejoyce to preserve any part of their estates; To be involved in a condition equall to the most miserable, is a thing we feare not, but are like to taste of. When His Majesties forces were at Branford, many of the malignants sent necessaries to the Army against him, what they did (against their seeming selves) because of feare, shall not we doe much more for con­science sake? so stupid are the hearts of men, that no arguments have any inforcement, unlesse tipt with ex­tant danger, and those onely referring to their perso­nall losses; perils meerely imminent (to what ever ob­ject they relate) leave a sleight impression, but I pray such may escape a too late repentance. What I here im­portune refers onely to those who see a necessity of re­formation, and who either have not afforded some supplies, or if they have, intend no addition; Alas, our miseries grow, the enemies forces are like Caterpillers in the land; we have Moses prayers, but want Aarons rod; nature cals upon you, to be tender of thousands who [Page 12]carry their lives in their hands for your sake; religion dictates this way, to prevent the powers of the prelates, &c. who have long tyrannized over the truth; your own safety may inform you what sadnesse will seize upon you when you must survive your liberties The Question is not whether religion or no religion, lawes or no lawes, but whether both in their purity and vi­gor shall take place? As for those who delight in these distractions, who gaine by the peoples groanings, or who are such persons formerly intimated, or their ad­herents, I invoke the omnipotent for their conviction, and that in the meane time their hands may not bring to passe their owne enterprizes. And here sorrow su­persedes expressions, Labeo. omnis morbus est habitus con­tra naturam, (every disease being a habite against na­ture;) the disease and cure of this Region do much de­ject me, warre is the physick, and must we not expect a doubtfull combat betwixt the spirits and the humors? The animadversion of His Majesties past, and present condition, doth dissolve my thoughts into teares, even in this that the Defender of the Faith should (per acci­dens aut aliter) become an offence to the faithfull. But we hope the principles of Law and Religion have still residence in His Royall brest, & will appeare, when the obstructions occasioned by evill Counsellors shall be made perspicuous, and that in the close of differences the hearts of the people shall have cause to make in­ward acclamations for their Soveraignes safety, their Parliaments fidellity their owne liberty, their religions settlement, and posterities approaching happinesse; which sweet saeson heavens hasten to this Kingdomes comfort.


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