Pretended to be penned by Sir A. W. and published since his death, 1650.

— Auribus oculis (que) recepta.
Nemesis à tergo.
[printer's or publisher's device]

London, Printed for Henry Seile, over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet, 1650.


PAge 5. line 20. which read with. p. 7. l. 24. Chimstry r. Chimistry. p. 11. l. 15. Turnpike. p. 36. l. 24. sore. p. 39. l. 10. Tercera's. p. 45. l. 1. deserve. p. 52. l. 14. Assassinations. p. 54. l. 5. to. p. 54. l. 7. Exception. p. 67. l. 15. the. p. 82. l. 2. leave. p. 97. l. 6. of. p. 105. l. 24 was. p. 120. l. 11. her.


THere are some Men so delight in sinne, who rather than be idle from doing evil, will take much pains to scandall the Dead.

My fear to offend, hath with­held my hand a convenient time, lest I should fall into the like error with Him that published the Pamphlet, Entituled, The Court & Character of King [Page]James, and Father's the Brat up­on Sir A. VV; And if common fame mistake not the meaning, His Parent took rise from Q. E­lizabeths Kitchin, and left it a Legacy for preferment of his Issue.

This Man went the same way, and by grace of the Court got up to the Green-cloth. Jn which place attending King James into Scotland, he practised there to libell that Nation, which at his return home was found wrapt up in a Record of that Board, and by the hand being known to be his, he was deservedly removed out, [Page]as unworthy to eat of his bread, whose Birth-right he had so vilely defamed. Yet by favour of the King, with a piece of money in his Purse, and a pension to boot, to preserve him loyall during his life, though as a bad creditor, he took this course to repay him to the purpose.

And I have heard, that in his life, he discovered a part of this Peece to his fellow Courtier, who earnestly diswaded him not to publish so defective and false a scandall, which as it seems in Conscience he so declin'd.

And therefore my Exception [Page]willingly falls upon the practice of the Publisher, who by his Addi­tions may abuse us with this false Story, which he discovers to the Reader in 5 Remarkable Passages, and gives me the oc­casion to spare my censure on the deceased person: but to bestow my unkindness (which necessa­rily intervenes in this Vindi­cation) on him who yet lives, to make out his bad act with a Reply (if he please) more Pe­stilent, upon Me.


  • QUeen Elizabeth pag. 1
  • 1. Remark. Gowryes Conspiracy, of the name Ruthens, and Family, the manner of the Treason, and effects af [...]erwards 5
  • George Sprott, Confederate with Gowry, his confessions, arraignment, execution, and testi­mony hereof 16
  • E. of Essex his Character, undertakings, Treason and execution, 36
  • Caecils. Sir Rob. Caecil his services, sicknesse, and death 49
  • Hen. Howard, E. of Northampton, his character and death 64
  • James L. Hay, E. Carlisle his character, Em­bassies, and Interest 67
  • 2. Remark. Sir Walter Raleigh his character, treason, tryall, and reprieve; observations upon him, and his former voyage to Guiana, sentence, and execution 74
  • Sir Tho. Lake his character, rising, & ruine, with his Wife and Daughter 98
  • 3. Remark. Sir Tho. Overbury, and Sir Rob. Carr 110
  • The Nullity of Essex Marriage with Suffolk's daughter, with the Legall proceedings 113
  • Of Archbishop Abbot 130
  • [Page]Sir Rob. Carr, E. of Somerset his Marriage with Essex's Relict 133
  • 3. Remark. Sir Tho. Overbury, his imprison­ment, and poysoned 135
  • Somerset and his Wifes tryall, and Sir Thomas Monson 138
  • 4. Remark. Pr. Henry his character, sickness, di­sease, and death, not by poyson 143
  • Sir Arthur Ingram his condition 158
  • Sir Lionel Cranfield, E. of Middlesex, his birth breeding, and advance 160
  • George Villiers his discent and advance, a Fa­vorite, and Duke of Buckingham, occasioning se­verall narrations, &c. 164
  • E. of Nottingham Admirall 169
  • Egerton Lord Chancellor 171
  • Bacon Lord Chancellor 171
  • Buckinghams Kinred. 174
  • Williams Lord Keeper. 178
  • 5. Remark. Spanish Match, the Princes journey into Spaine, and return 179
  • Bristolls concern'd 180
  • Inicossa, Spanish Ambassador 182
  • Yelverton Attorney Generall 186
  • King James sicknesse, the playster, and death, not by poyson 192
  • Conclusion 197
  • The Character 200


QUeen Elizabeth died, Queen E­lizabeth. Anno Domini 1602. having bin long sick; and indeed despe­rate; which gave this State, time enough to conclude for his reception, the undoubted [Page 2] Heir to these Crownes; JAMES then King of Scotland; She hath been highly valued, since Her death; the best of any former Soveraigne over us. She was fitted for for­tunes Darling, but with some Im­prisonment, the better to mould Her, for the Rule and Soveraignty of a Kingdome; and for the cu­stody of a Scepter. She shewed Her Justice and Piety as a President to posterity. She was a Princesse learned, even then, when Letters had estimation, and began them into fashion; which brought forth many rare and excellent Men, both of the Gowne, and of the Sword. Some say, She had many Favorites, but in truth She had none. They were neer, and dear to Her, and to Her affaires, as Partners of her care; not Minions of phansey. And yet such as they were, she ever mastered, by her own Rules; not they Her, by their [Page 3]own Wills. And she wanted not many of them at need, or pleasure. She was Magnificent, (compara­tivè with other Princes;) which yet she disposed frugally; Having alwaies much to do with little mo­ney: for truly, those either Wise or Gallant Men, were never cloied with her Bounty, more then in her Grace; which with her Mannage, passed for good payment.

The Irish affaires was to her Maligne, which drew her Trea­sure almost dry; the only cause of distemper in the State, and end­ed not, but with her life. At which time, she left her Cofers empty, and yet her Enemies potent; Pamp. 34. And therefore it could be no Trea­son in them, that afterwards coun­celled the Peace, but rather in such who indeavoured then, and after, the re-establishing a New War.

Amongst Her Favourites of the Sword, none could boast more of [Page 4]her Bounty and Grace, Essex. Pamp. 10. then the Earle of Essex; whose ingrate dis­position, blown beyond the Com­passe of his steere, by too much Popularity and Pride, cosened him into that absolute Treason against his Soveraigne, that notwithstand­ing many forewarnings of his neer­est friends, and unwilling Resent­ments of his deerest Mistresse, his open Rebellion at last brought him to publique tryall, condemned and executed as the most ingrate that former times could produce. (Of which we shall take occasion here­after in some particular.) Where­in Sir Robert Cecill acted no more, then a dutiful Subject, Councelour and Judge ought to have done a­gainst him, and such like of her time, evermore attempting by Assassination or Poyson to take a­way her life. As were also the like attempts, by others in Scotland, (witnesse the forewarning of the [Page 5]Duke of Florence, by expresse Message of Sir Henry Wootton, to King James, a year before his comming to these Kingdomes) a­gainst Her beloved and undoubted Heir; and in Them to destroy the Protestant Religion.

The most remarkeable, was, Gowries Conspira­cie. that of Gowries Conspiracy, in Scot­land. And I never read or hear'd (till our Pamphlet) That Sir George Hewms his gravity and Wisdome ushered him into the Secrets of the KING [therefore] and chiefly to make good that story]. Pamph. 8. The first passage of the Pre­face Re­markable. For of that Nation, both the wisest and most honest, gave great Credit thereto; And the commemoration, was advisedly settled, by Acts of their Parliament; which Anathematize upon Gowries House and Name. And Solemnized there and here, with Narratives in print, of each particular Circumstance, and the ground the cause inviting that Treason.

And truely, the Anniversary feast-day in August, was usually so­lemnized to God's Glory, by the most Reverend Preachers: witnesse those rare Divine Sermons of our Bishop Andrew's and others, whose Consciences no doubt were not so large, to cozen God Almighty with a fained tale. Indeed there might have been more additionall truths, annexed to the relation, which I have heard, to make it more apprehensive to our Pamph­leter; whose Speculations, in this as in other his stories of Court and State, took Information (belike) but in his Office, Below-staires; And which makes his faith drawe downe the effects of those Sermons for the Father, Pamp. a Cause of the sad Events, and sufferings of the Son, and us all to this present.

The Name of Ruthen in Scot­land was not notorious, until Anno 1568, when Ruthen a­mongst [Page 7]others, confederates, in those divided times of trouble, laboured, much, for the Impri­soning Queene Mary Mother to King James. In 1582. his sonne William was created Earle Gowry, in the time of that King's minority. Though the father bore deadly hatred to the King's prosperity. And in 1584. himselfe was in actuall Rebellion, in which he suf­fered at Dondee. His eldest son John, then in travell in Italy, returns home to inherit his lands and ho­nours; But not one jot changed in disposition, from the traiterous wayes of his Predecessors: For not long after, he falls into this Con­spiracy. Which is not so antient, but that many then and now li­ving can relate, and my self, have often heard the repetition.

The House of Gowry, were all of them, much addicted to Chi­mistry. And these more, to the [Page 8] Practise; often publishing (as such professors usually do) more rare experiments then ever could be performed; wherein the King (a general scholar) had little faith. But to infuse more credit to the practise, Alexander Ruthen the second Brother takes this occasi­on; and withall conspires with Gowry to assassinate the King; and taking opportunity in his hunting, not far from his house, St. John­stone; invites the King, to be an eye-witnesse, of his producti­ons. In their way, Sir Thomas Er­skin (after Lord Kelly), overtakes them and others, Demanding of the Duke of Lenox, then present; why Alexander had ingrossed the King's eare, to carry him from his sports? Peace man, said the Duke, Wee's all be turned into gold. Not far they rid, but that the Earle Gowry, made good by pro­testation his Brother's story. And [Page 9]thus was the King brought to Guest. Neere the end of Dinner, at his fruit, and the Lords and Wai­ters gone to eate: Alexander begs of the King, at this opportunity, to withdraw, and to be partaker of his Production; to the view of that, which yet he could not be­leeve.

And up he leades the King, into by-lodgings, locking each door behind them, till they came into a back-Roome: Where no sooner entered, but that Alexan­der claps on his Bonnet, and with sterne Countenance faces the King; and saies: Now, Sir, you must know, I had a father, whose bloud calls for revenge, shed for your sake. The King amazed, deales gently with his fury, excuses the guilt of his death, by his then Infancy. Ad­vising him, not to lay violent hands on the sacred Person of his Anoint­ed Soveraigne; Especially, in a [Page 10]cause of his Innocency. Pleading the laws of God and Man: which so much wrought upon him, that he said: well, I will speak with my Brother; And so put the King into a Lobby Room, next the Cham­ber, where no sooner entered, but that there appeared a fellow, weaponed, ready for execution; to whose custody the King is commit­ted till his return.

Alexander gone downe; the fellow trembles with Reverence, puts down his sword, and craves pardon; which gave the King oc­casion to worke upon that passi­on; and to aske him whether he resolved to murther him? Being assured to the contrary, the King gets leave, to open a window, that looked into a back Court. When presently Alexander returnes, and tells the King, that he must dy. But much affrighted, at the fellowes countenance, with his sword, offers [Page 11] violence to the King. Which the fellow seemingly opposes; and be­tweene them began a scuffle; which gave advantage to the King, to cry Treason, at the Win­dow, which looked into a back Court; where Sir Thomas Erskin, and one Herries, were come, In pursuite of the King, who was ru­mored, to be gone out, the back way to his hunting.

At the cry of Treason, and known to be the King's voice; they both hastened up a back staire, called the Turnepike; being directed by a servant of the house, who saw Alexander ascend that way. And so forcing some doores, they found them above panting with the fray; And up comes also, at heeles of them, John Ramsey (af­ter Earle of Holdernesse) by them Alexander was soon dispatched.

Not long after, came the Earle Gowry (by his double key) the first [Page 12]way, with a case of Rapiers, his usu­all weapons; and ready drawn. To whom, Erskin said, as to di­vert his purpose; what do you meane my Lord, the King is kil­led? (for the King was shadowed, having cast himselfe, upon a Bed, from his sight: and his cloak was thrown upon the Body of Alex­ander, bleeding on the ground.) At which Gowry stops, sincking the points of his weapons; when suddainly Herries strickes at him, with a hunting fawchion. And Ramsey having his Hawke on his fist, casts her off, and steps into Gowry, and stabs him to the heart; and forthwith, more Com­pany came up.

And the truth, very notorious, then, to every eye and eare-wit­nesse, not a few.

There remained but one young­er sonne of that House, who though a childe, was from that [Page 13]time Imprisoned, by Act of their Parliament. And so continued afterwards, here in the Tower of London, until that King's death; and the grace of the late King Charles, restored him to liberty; with a small pension, which kept him like a Gentleman, to these times. But now failing, he walks the streets, poore, but well experi­enced, also, in Chimicall Physick, and in other parts of Learning.

Not long after this Conspiracy, Herries dies well rewarded. John Ramsey hath the Honor of Knight­hood, with an additional bearing to his Cote of Armes, A Hand hold­ing forth a Dagger, reversed proper, piercing a bloudy heart, The point crowned Empcriall; with this Di­stick, Haec Dextra Vindex Principis & Patriae. Afterward he was cre­ated Lord Haddington, and Earle of Holdernesse.

And our Pamphlet, bestowes [Page 14]on him this Character, A very good Gentleman by nature, but (in this Story) a Lier by practise: Pamp. 9.for which all these favours were too little Re­ward.

Sir Thomas Erskin was after. wards created Earl of Kelly, Knight of the Garter, Captain of the King's Guard, and Groome of the Stoole. And the Fellow, designed for the Murtherer, had a large Pension confirm'd, by Act of their Parlia­ment.

And all these men (but Herries) were living, with other witnesses at King JAME'S journy, when he went from hence to visit Scot­land; and met together by dire­ction at the same House, with Ce­remony; and all of them with a number of Courtiers, ascended in­to the same Roome, the bloud yet remaining, where the King rela­ted the Story; and confirmed by them. And afterwards kneeling [Page 15]down, with tears of Contrition for his Sinnes to God, and thank­fulnesse for this Mercy; using ma­ny pious Ejaculations, embraced all these Actors in the former Tra­gedy; when the poor fellow, also kist the King's hand.

These circumstances gave oc­casion then, that this whole story was freshly revived, to the com­mon Satisfaction of the whole Countrey, and our English Cour­tiers. And in especiall, unto the very Reverend Bishop, and No­bly borne, James Mountegue, then present; to whom the King ad­dressed himself, in this Relation, and from whose Mouth, I recei­ved these particulars, at his return into England.

And thus much we have by word of mouth: somewhat I shall add out of writings for more satis­faction.

This Treason was attempted [Page 16]the 4. of August 1600. And though there followed sundry Suspitions and Examination of several other Persons supposed Abbetters & Con­trivers; yet it lay undiscovered, tanquamè postliminio untill 8. years after, by the circumspection principally of the Earle of Dun­bar, a man of as great wisdome as those times and that Kingdome could boast of. Upon the per­son of one George Sprot, Notary­publick of Ayemouth in Scotland. From some words which at first he sparingly or unawares expressed, and also by some papers, which were found in his House; whereof being examin'd, with a little adoe he confessed, and was condemned and executed at Edenburgh the 12. of Aug. 1608.

A Relation I conceive not com­mon, but in my hands to be pro­duced, and written by that lear­ned Gentleman Sir William Hart, [Page 17]then Lord Justice of Scotland, and Principall in all the Acts of Judi­cature herein.

And first George Sprot confes­seth, That he knew perfectly that Robert Logane late of Restal­rig, was privy and upon foreknow­ledge of John late Earl of Gowrie's Treasonable Conspiracy: That he knew, there were divers Let­ters interchanged betwixt them, anent their Treasonable put pose July 1600. which Letters James Bour, called Laird Bour, Servitor to Restalrig (imployed betwixt them, and privy to all that arrand) had in keeping, and shewed the same to Sprot in Fast-Castle. That Sprot was present, when Bour, after 5. daies absence, returned with [...]n­swers by letter from Gowry, and staid all night with Restalrig at his house Gunuesgreen, & rode the next morne to Lothiane, where he staid six daies, then to Fast-Castle, [Page 18]where he abode a short space.

That he saw and heard Restal­rig read these letters, which Bour brought back from Gowry, and all their Conference there anent. And that Bour said, Sir, if you think to get Commodity by this dealing, lay your hand on your heart: and that Restalrig answered, though he should lose all in the world; yet he would passe through with Gowry: for that matter would as well content him as the Kingdome. To whom Bour said, you may do as you please Sir; but it is not my Councell that you should be so suddain in that other matter. But for the Condition of Darlton, I would like very well of it. To this Restalrig answered, content your self, I am not at my wits end.

That Sprot himself entered in­to conference with Bour, demand­ing what was to be done between [Page 19]the Earle and the Laird? Bour answered, that he beleeved, that the Laird would get Darlton with­out gold or silver: but he fear'd it would be deerer to him.

That Sprot inquiring further, how that should be done? Bour said they have another pie in hand then buying and selling of land: But prayed Sprot for God's sake, that he would let be, and not be troubled with the Lairds business: for he fear'd, that within few daies the Laird would be landlesse and livelesse.

And Sprot being demanded af­terwards, if all these Confessions were true, as he would answer upon the salvation of his soul, see­ing his death was neer approach­ing? Sprot said,

That he had no desire to live, and had care only of cleer­ing his Conscience in the truth. And that all the former points [Page 20]and circumstances were true, with the depositions made by him the 5. of July last, and the whole con­fession made by him since, as he hoped to be saved, and which he would seale with his bloud.

And further being deposed; where was now the letter of Re­stalrig to Gowry? He answered, That he had this letter amongst other of Restalrig's papers which Bour had in keeping, and which Sprot copied out, and that he left the principall letter in his Chest amongst his writings when he was taken and brought away, and that it is closed and folded in a sheet of paper.

These depositions made by George Sprot the to of August 1608. and others before (being all inclu­ded in his Indictment following, to which for brevity I shall remit the Reader) and written by James [...]rimrose, Clerk of the King's Coun­cell, [Page 21]and subscribed Georgè Sprot.


Earl of Dunbar, Earl Lothiane, Bishop of Rosse, Lord Schone, Lord Hallo-rod-house, Lord Blautire, Sir William Hart Lord Justice, Mr. John Hall, Mr. Patrick Gahoway, Mr. Peter Hewet, Ministers of Edenburgh; and subscribed with all their hands.

The next day 11. of August, Sprot was re-examined, and to him de­clared the assurance of his death, and was advis'd not to abuse his Conscience to witnesse untruths, and upon the Innocency of the dead or living. To which he de­poseth, That being resolved to die, and as he wishes to be parti­cipant of Heaven, upon the sal­vation or damnation of his Soul, that all that he had deposed were true in every point and circum­stance, and no untruth in them.

The next day being the 12. of [Page 22] August 1608. Sprot was presented in Judgement upon Pannell with­in the Talboth of Edenburgh; before Sir William Hart, Knight Lord Justice of Scotland assisted with these Persons, viz.

Alexander, Earle of Dunferling, Lord Chancelour. George, Earle of Dunbar, Lord Treasurer. John, Arch-bishop of Glascoe. David, Bishop of Rosse. Gawen, Bishop of Galloway. Andrew, Bishop of Brechine. David, Earl of Craw­ford. Mark, Earl of Lotharine. James, Lord Abernethie of Saltonne. James, Lord of Balmerinoth Senita­pie. Walter, Lord Blautire. John, Lord Burley. Sir Richard Coburn, Knight. Master John Preston, Col­lector Generall. Sir John Skewe, Knight, Register.

And he was declared, accused and pursued by Sir Thomas Hamil­ton, Knight, Advocate to the King, for his Highnesse entries of the [Page 23]Crimes contained in his Indict­ment; whereof the tenure follows viz.

George Sprot, Notary in Aye­mouth, You are indicted and ac­cused, forasmuch as John some­time Earle of Gowry, having most cruelly, detestably and treasona­bly conspired in the moneth of July the year of God 1600. to murther our deere and most gracious Soveraigne the King's most excellent Majesty. And having imparted that divelish purpose to Robert Logaine of Re­stalrig, who allowed of the same, and most willingly and readily undertook to be partaker thereof. The same comming to your knowledge, at the times and in the manner particularly after spe­cified. You most unnaturally, maliciously and treasonably con­cealed the same, and was art and part thereof in manner follow­ing. [Page 24]And first, In the said moneth of July 1600. after you had per­ceived and known, that divers let­ters & messages had past betwixt the said John somtimes Earl of Gowry and the said Robert Logane of Restalrig, you being in the house of Fast-Castle, you saw and read a letter written by the said Restalrig with his own hand to the said Earle of Gowry. viz.

My Lord, &c. At the receipt of your letter I am so confuted, that I can neither utter my joy, nor find my selfe sufficiently able to requite your Lordship with due thanks. And perswade your Lordship, in that matter I shall be as forward for your honour as if it were my own cause. And I think there is no Christian, that would not be content to revenge, that Machiavilian Massacring of our deer Friends: yea howbeit it should be to venture and hazard [Page 25]life, lands and all things else. My heart can bind me to take part in that matter, as your Lordship shall find proof thereof. But one thing would be done; namely, that your Lordship should be circum­spect and earnest with your Bro­ther, that he be not rash in any speeches touching the purpose of Padua.

And a certain space after the exe­cution of the aforesaid Treason, the said Robert Logane having desired the Laird of Bour to deliver to him the said letter or else to burn it; and Bour having given to you all tic­kets and letters, which he then had either concerning Restalrig or others to see the same, because he could not reade himself, you abstracted the above-written let­ter, and retained the same in your own hands, and divers times read it, containing further, to wit,

My Lord you may easily under­stand, [Page 26]that such a purpose as your Lordship intendeth, can not be done rashly, but with delibera­tion. And I think for my self, that it were most meet, to have the men your Lordship spake of, ready in a bote or bark, and ad­dresse them as if they were taking pastime on the Sea in such faire Summer-time. And if your Lordship could think good, either your self to come to my house Fast-castle by sea, or to send your Brother; I should have the house ve­ry quiet, and well provided after your Lordships advertisement. And no others shall have accesse to haunt the place, during your being here. And if your Lord­ship doubt of safe landing, I shall provide all such necessaries, as may serve for your arrival, with­in a flight-shot of the house. And perswade your Lordship, you shall be as sure and quiet here, while [Page 27]we have setled our Plot, as if you were in your own Chamber. For I trust, and am assured, we shall have word within few daies from them your Lordship knowes of. For I have care to see what ships come home by. Your Lordship knows, I have kept the Lord Both­well quietly in this house in his greatest extremity, in spite of King and Councell. I hope if all things come to pass (as I trust they shall) to have both your Lordship & his Lordship at a good Dinner ere I dy. Haec jocose. To animate your Lord­ship, I doubt not but all things will be well: and I am resolved there­of, your Lordship shall not doubt of any thing, on my part: Peril of life, lands, honor and goods; yea, the hazard of hell shall not affray me from that; yea, though the Scaffold were already set up. The sooner the Matter were done, it were the better. For the King's [Page 28] Buck-hunting will be shortly, and I hope it will prepare some dain­tier cheer for us to live the next year. I remember well my Lord, that merry sport which your Lord­ship's Brother told me, of a Noble-Man at Padua: for I think that a Parasceve to this purpose.

My Lord, think nothing that I commit the secret hereof to this bearer: for I dare not onely ven­ture my life, lands, honour, and all I have else on his credit; but I durst hazard my soule in his keeping: I am so perswaded of his fidelity. And I trow (as your Lordship may ask him if it be true) he would go to Hell-gates for me, and he is not beguiled of my part to him. And therefore I doubt not, but this will perswade your Lordship, to give him trust in this matter as to my self. But I pray you direct him home again with all speed possible; and give [Page 29]him strait command, that he take not a winck sleep, till he see me again after he comes from you. And as your Lordship desireth in your letter to me, either rive or burn this letter, or send it back a­gain with the bearer: for so is the fashion I grant.


Which letter writ every word with the said Robert Logane's own hand, was also so subscribed with this word, Restalrig.

And albeit by the contents of the aforesaid letter, you know per­fectly the truth of the said most treasonable conspiracy, and the said Logane his foreknowledge, allowance and guilt thereof, like as you were assured of the same by his receiving divers letters sent by Gowry to him, and by his re­turning letters to Gowry for the same purpose, and by sundry con­ferences [Page 30]ferences betwixt Logane and Bour, in your presence and hearing, con­cerning the said Treason, as well in July preceding the attempt there­of, as at divers other times short­ly thereafter: as likewise by Bour his revealing thereof to you; who was upon the knowledge and de­vise of the Treason, and was im­ployed as ordinary Messenger by Logane to Gowry; whereby your knowledge, concealing and guilt of the same was undenia­ble.

Ye [...] for further manifestation thereof, about July 1602. the said Logane shewed unto you, that Bour had told him, that he had been somewhat rash, to let you see a let­ter which came from Gowry to Lo­gane, who then urged you to tell what you understood by the same. To whom you answered, That you took the meaning thereof to be, that he had been upon the coun­cell [Page 31]and purpose of Gowrie's Con­spiracy: And that he answered you, what e're he had done, the worst was his own: But if you would swear to him, that you should never reveale any thing of that matter to any person, it should be the best sight that ever you saw. And in token of fur­ther recompence, he gave you twelve pounds of Silver. Ne­verthelesse, albeit you know per­fectly the whole practise and pro­gresse of all the said Treason, from the beginning to the end; as also by your Conference with Bour and Logane, during all the daies of their lives, who lived till the year 1606. or therabouts: and so by the space of 6. years you concealed the same, and so you was and is art and part of the said Treason, and of the concealing, and so you ought to suffer under the pain of High Treason. To the token, that [Page 32]you have not only by your depo­sitions subscribed by you, and so­lemnly made in presence of many of the Lords of his Majestie's Privy Councell, and the Ministers of the Borough of Edenburgh, of the dates of the 5.15. and 16. daies of July last past, and 10. and 11. of August instant, confessed every head, point and article of the Indict­ment abovesaid, but also by di­vers other depositions subscribed by you; you have ratifyed the same, and sworn constantly to a­bide thereat, and to seal the same with your bloud, Which Indict­ment being read openly, before Sprot was put to the knowledge of Inquest, he confess'd the same and every point to be true; And therefore the Indictment was put to the Inquest of the honest, fa­mous and discreet Persons, that is to say,

William Trumball of Ardre. Wil­liam [Page 33]Fisher Merchant and Burgesse of Edenburgh, Rob. Short there, Ed. Johnstone Merchant Burgess there, Harb. Maxwel of Cavens, Ja. Tennent of Linchouse, Wil. Trumbill Burg, of Edenburgh, Geor. Brown in Gorgy Mill, Joh. Hucheson and John Lewes Merch. Burg. of Edenburgh, Ja. So­mervill, & Wil. Swinton of the same, John Crunison of Dirlton, Th. Smith & John Cowtis Burg. of Edenburgh.

Which Persons of Inquest sworn and admitted, and reading over the same Indictment again in his and their presence, the said George Sprot confessed the same to be true. Whereupon the said Sir Thomas Hamilton, his Majesties Advocate, asked act and Instrument; and therefore the Inquest removed to the Inquest-House, and elected Har­bert Maxwell to be their Chancelour or Foreman. And after mature deliberation, they all re-entred againe in Court, where the said [Page 34] Foreman declared the said George Sprot to be guilty, filed and con­vict of Art and Part of the said Treason; for which cause the said Justice by the mouth of the Demster of Court, by sentence and Doom ordained, the said George Sprot to be taken to the Market. Crosse of Edenburgh, and there to be hanged upon a Gibbet till he be dead, and thereafter his head to be stricken off, and his bo­dy to be quartered and demeaned as a Traytor, and his head to be set up upon a prick of Iron upon the highest part of the Talboth of Edenburgh, where the Traytor Gow­rie and other Conspiratours heads stand, and his lands and goods for­feited and escheat to our Soveraign Lord the King's use.

Extractum de Libro Actorum Ad­jornalis S. D. N. Regis per me D. Johannem Coburne de Ormeston Milifem, Cle­ricum [Page 35]Institiarii ejusdem gene­ralem. Sub meis signo & sub­scriptione manualibus.

And so was George Sprot con­veyed to a private house, remain­ing at his Meditations; and after­wards conferred with the Mini­sters, confessing all aforesaid with extreame humiliation and pray­er. Afterwards ganging up the ladder, with his hands loose and untyed, he was again put in mind of the truth of his Confessions. He for the greater assurance thereof, perform'd an act marvelous; pro­mising by God's assistance to give them an evident Token before the yielding up of his Spirit; which was, when he had hung a very good while, he left up both his hands a good height, and clapped them together three severall times, to the wonder of thousand Specta­tors, and so dyed.

For more Confirmation of the [Page 36]afore Narration, there was present George Abbot, then Doctor in Divi­nity, and Dean of Winchester, after Arch-Rishop of Canterbury, who was present both at his Examination & Execution, & hath made the same writing and observance even al­most verbatim, as all the afore spe­cified Relation intends; which I can produce also.

And more one—Dr. of Divi­nity present also, saies as much; which no doubt is sufficient sa­tisfaction to all reasonable Men, that there was such a Conspiracy and not fained. Earle of Essex his Treason.

And now we come to remem­ber the Earl of Essex; the univer­sal Love of whose memory, was but of such whom he formerly caught, by his affected Popularity; or of others, that followed his Treasonable practises, which were grosse enough to be sore appre­hended, by every faithful Subject, [Page 37]especially, being prosecuted a­gainst the Person of that glorious Sunne, his obliging Mistresse, Pamp. 10whom a little before, our Pamphlet com­memorates with much Passion, till now, that he comes to Ireason; a small fault, belike, and pardon­able in Essex. For he saith, that King James hated Sir Robert Ce­cill: it seemes, for but prosecuting amongst other Councelours and Peers a Traytor's death. Intimating no doubt the King's impatient de­sire to inherit these Crownes by a­ny Treason. But he spares no In­vectives against any of worth or honor, that comes in his way.

This Earle was eldest Sonne to Walter Devoreux, Robert E. of Essex. (of a Norman family) Viscount Hereford, and Bowrchier; Lord Eerrers of Chart­ley: and by Queen Elizabeth created Earle of Essex, and Ewe; Anno 1572. and Knight of the Gar­ter.

He was sent into Ireland, Lord Marshall against the Rebells; and as if but sent of an arrand, he presently falls sick, and dies at Dublin, 1576. His body brought over, and intomb'd at Carmarthen in Wales.

This Robert succeeded his Father's Honours; and was looked upon in Court, by all with pitty, through the Sacrifice of his Father: But by the Queen with great affecti­on; whome she advanced (his fortunes being lowe), with ma­ny gifts of grace and bounty. At his Arraignment, accounted to the Lord Treasurer Dorset to be 300000. l. sterling, in pure gift for his only use; besides the fees of his offices and the disposition of the treasurein his Armies. Of all which he soon became a bold ingrosser both of fame and favour.

And first in Anno 1585. he re­ceaves Knighthood. In 1588. [Page 39]Knight of the Garter. In 1589. he had command in chief; in an Expedition into Portingal against Lisbone. In 1595. sworn Counce­lour of State. In 1596. he was sent with a Navy to the Isle Cadiz in Spain; and presently after made Lord Marshall of England. In 1597. he commanded in another Fleet, to the Islands Sercera's; his Con­temporaries who stood in Competi­tion with him for fame, were, Sir Charles Blunt, afterwards Earle of of Devonshire, and Generall Norris, Blunt late E. of Dev. his neer friends; and yet whom he envied, the last to his ruine; Men, of greater merit and truer value. And after the destructi­on of Norris; He takes upon him the Expedition into Ireland; the place of Exercise for the best of the Militia.

And who durst oppose him? Though the Queen had an eye of favour upon Blunt, often saying, [Page 40]That She presaged him, the Man, to end Her cares in that Kingdome. And She was a true Prophetesse, though not in Her time, but in Her Successor, King James.

This Blunt was a Gallant Gen­tleman, and learned, on whom She bestowed a Jewell for his beha­viour at a Tilting, which he wore after, tackt with a Scarlet Riband, upon his Arme; and for no other cause, Essex must needs fight with him, and was runne through the Arme, for his labour.

But Essex got Imployments from them all; offering the Service evermore, at lesse charge of Men and Money, then others his Com­petitors.

And over he goes, Deputy of Ireland and Ge­nerall. Deputy of Ireland, and Generall of all the forces there: with Commission strickt enough, to imbound his Popularity with the Souldiery, and his own family, which followed [Page 41]him in Troops, either to devour or undo him.

No sooner landed, but ere he drew sword on the Enemy, he dubbs Knighthood upon seven Gentlemen, Volunteers; which honour, he had very lavishly be­stowed at Cadiz; and was there­fore soundly chidden by the Queen.

And now restrained by his Com­mission, with much a do, unlesse to Men of known Merit, and those after Battaile.

For this first Act, the Queene swore he began his Rant: Of which he had present Intelligence from his deerest Friend and Uncle, Sir Francis Knowls, a Councelor of State, Sr. Francis Knowles his Cor­respon­dent. and Controwler of Her Houshold, and after Earl of Banbury: Who spa­red not his advise and Councel at all times. And between them there passed Intelligence, with e­very dispatch; whose letters and [Page 42]papers, Principall from Essex, and Copies to him I have seen; by which there appears, even from the beginning of that Imployment, a very plaine and Intentional re­solution in Essex, to make himself Master of his own Ambition, and by this way and meanes to effect it; grounding all his discontents and dislikes, that the Queens eare was o­pen to his Enemies at Court. And therefore it behooved him, to guard himself; which he resolv'd to do, by help of his Friends and fate; And indeed having fallen into remarkeable offences, together with the Treaties with Tyrone the Arch-Rebell, without Order from England, and without acquaint­ing his Councell of Warre, with whose advise he was limitted to act.

'Tis true, Treats with Ty­rone. he advanced against the Enemy, and soon accepts an In­vitation to a Treaty accompanied with his Councell of Warre. But [Page 43]comming to the brinck of a River; the place assigned, he plunges his Horse to the Midde stream, a­lone; and there meets him Ty­rone on Horseback; where their private discourse gave sufficient Caution, to all that looked on a-loof-off, that Essex meant no fair play for his Mistresse. For which fact, and no blow stroock in all this time, Men and Money wasted; He was soundly blamed by the Councell at home; and no more letters from the Queens own hand, which he usually received afore.

In great choler, Returns home. as to Dispute or Revenge; and without leave from hence, he leaves his Command to a Lieutenant; and comes over with a hundred Gentlemen, his best Confidents; hastens to Court, ere it was known to any, but to his deer Ʋncle, to whom he writes, Deer Ʋncle, Receiving your last, at my entring on Ship-board, Ireturn [Page 44]the accounts thereof, at my Landing; being resolved with all speed, (and your Silence) to appear, in the face of my Enemies; not trusting afarre off to my own Innocency, or to the Queens favour, with whom they have got so much power &c.

At sight of him, with amaze to the Queen, She swore, God's death my Lord, what do you here? Your presence is most unwelcome, with­out Tyrone's head in your Portman­tle. But he, falling more to a Dispute, then any Excuse: She, in disdaine to be taught, but what She pleased to do: Bid him begone, his bootes stunck.

And so was he presently com­manded, is com­mitted & censured. and committed to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to Lam­beth; where not long after, he was convented before a Commit­tee of the Councel, and Correctio­nem, not ad destructionem. The Queen very gracious, hoping his [Page 45]offences might discerne favour. for according to his Examinati­ons then, and the merit of his cause. I have seen his Ʋncles papers, breviates, (who was one of his Judges) intended as his Censure, to condemnation, and so fitted for fur­ther Tryall. But the day before, they had other direction from the Queen, saying, he was young enough to mend, and make amends for all.

And so their Censures, shew'd him his Errors, and left him to Her grace and mercy; only restrain­ing him to his own House, against Saint Clements. Not without dayly letters from Knowles; with advice to be rid of his ranting fol­lowers; Captaines and Sword-men of the Town flocking, and Incou­raging him, to a Revenge on his E­nemies.

It was not long that he could contain; Saying, His rebel­lious ri­singhe was engaged to go on. And on a Sunday morn­ing, [Page 46]the Councell sat; (which was usuall, untill the late Arch-Bishop Lawd in honour of the Morning Sa­crifice, altered that course, to the Afternoon. Then the first flame brake out.

To him, Imprisons the Clerk of the Councell, they sent their Clerke of the Councell, to know the rea­son from his Lordship, of the meet­ing of so many weaponed Men at his house; But the Messenger not returning, being kept Prisoner, the chiefest Councelours com­manded by the Queen, came to him; and no sooner entered Essex house, but the Gates were clapp'd too, all their Train kept out, the Court-yard full of Gallants. Some cryed kill them; Imprison them; and the Lords of the Coun­cell.To the Court; seise the Queen, and be our own Carvers. Essex comes down with all reverence, ushers them up, resolving to de­tain them Prisoners, and pledges for his Successe.

Indeed in this hurly burly of advice he took the worst. For leaving them in safety with Sir Ferdinando Gorges; He with the Earle of Southampton, in one boat; and some others in other boats, took water at his Garden staires; and landing neer the Bridge, went on foot, up the streets, with such stragling company as came in their way; To whom he protested, that the Queen should have been murther­ed, and his, and other good Coun­cellors lives, in perill, by enemies of the State, that forced a power from the Queene, to the emiment destructi­on of the Kingdome. These speeches with their swords drawne, took little effect with the people, who came running out of the Churches, being Sermon-time; without wea­pons, or any offensable assistance, contrary to his expectation.

But on he goes to Sir Thomas Smith's, where he kept his Shreeve­alty [Page 48]neere Fan-church, his confi­ding friend; by whose counte­nance he hoped to worke with the Multitude. He being absent, at Paul's Crosse Sermon, Essex staid no longer, then to shift his shirt; and so passed through Cheape-side to Paul's west-end; where he found his first opposition by some forces got together, by the Bishop of Lon­don, and the trained band. And after Proclametion, That Essex and Southampton were Traitors, & all those that followed their faction: Many dropping from the Crowd, there was little defence by his party, though some were killed; and himselfe forsaken of the wi­sest. He retires back to Queen­hithe, and so to Essex-house by wat­er; where finding the Birds flow­en, the Councellors released, by their Keeper; who in hope of par­don, accompained them to the Queenes presence; discovering [Page 49]so much as he knew, concerning his Lord; who finding himselfe too weake, to withstand the force of a peece of Cannon, mounted up­on the Church, to batter his House; He and Southampton yeelded themselves Prisoners to the Tow­er; Arraigned and exe­cuted. where being arraigned and con­demned, Southamton had repreeve, and after pardon; But Essex the reward of his merits, and Execu­ted in March 1601. upon the Inner Hill in the Tower; to the regret of None either wise or honest: Leaving behind him one onely Son, the last of his Line.

William Cecill, Cecils. Pamp. 10. illustrate from the family of Cecils (who suffered persecution in the times of Henry 8. Edward 6. and Queen Mary) he was knighted by Queen Elizabeth, so soone as she was setled in her Crowne, then Secretary and Coun­cellor of State. Afterwards crea­ted Baron of Burligh. Then made [Page 50] Lord Treasurer of England, and Knight of the Garter: and died Chauncellor of the Ʋniversity of Cambridge, Anno 1598. Intomb'd at Westminster, leaving two Sons. The elder Thomas, was then Lord President of the North; And after­wards created Earle of Exeter by King James, and privy Councellor of State. He died Anno dis­creet and honourable, whom the world could never tax with any taint.

The other son Robert, Sr. Robert Cecill. was the second; But a true Inheriter of his Fathers wisdome, and by him train­ed up to future perfections, of a Judicious States-man: after his Knighthood, the first imployment from Court (for he was not at all bred out of it) sent him Assistant with the Earle of Darby Embassa­dour to the French King. At his returne, the Queen took him se­cond Secretary with Sir Fr. Walsing­ham, [Page 51]after whose decease, he con­tinued Paincipal, and so kept it to his death; Not relinquishing any Preferment, for the Addition of a Creater. A remarkeable Note; which few men of the Gowne can boast of. His Father liv'd to see him setled in these preferments, and after Master of the Wards and Liveries. These he held to the Queenes death: Being in all Her time used amongst the Men of weight, as ha­ving great sufficiencies from his In­struction who begat him. Those offi­ces here in public, with perpetual Correspondence by Emissaries of his own into Scotland, might no doubt make him capable of Re­ception with King James, who was to be advised by him, how to be received here of his people. Without any necessity, then, to make use of Sir George Hewmes or his Initiatiation afterwards, with any juggling trickes, Pamp 13. his merrits cer­tainly [Page 52]appeared to the King, who not onely not diminished his for­former preferments; But often added to them, even to the day of his death.

As first Baron of Essenden; then Viscount Cranborne; after Earle of Salisbury, and Knight of the Gar­ter; and lastly Lord Treasurer of England.

He was a Councellor of singular merit. A very great discoverer of the late Queens enemies abroad, and of private Assinations at home: For which She valued him, and the Papists hated him; which they published by several Manuscripts, (which I have seen,) and printed Libels; and that most pestilent against his birth and honour, threatning to kill him, which himselfe answered wisely, learnedly and religiously, Extant in English and Latine Ad­versus Perduelles.

Indeed, It behoved the King to bestow upon him the waight of the Treasurers Staffe. The Cofers then in some want; which the King was not likely soon to Reco­ver, but rather to increase in debt: having the addition of wife and children to boot. And being now come, with common opinion in­to the Capacity, (by his additional Crownes) to reward his old ser­vants; and to appear obliging unto new Ones.

The world wondering at the worth of this great Councellor, I know not upon what score, our Pamphleter should endeavour to scandal his memory.

Which he rancks into Numbers of ill Offices to his Nation; Pamp. the burning of a whole cart-load of Par­liaments Presidents; which no man can be so sottish as to beleeve, that knowes the strict concer­ving of those Records by sworne Officers.

As for the Baronets, Baronets. It was the earnest suite of two hundred prime Gentlemen of Birth and e­states to my knowledge; for I co­pied the list before ever it came this Lord. And as true it is, That this Lord's Reception thereto, was in the same words which our Pamph­let puts upon the King, That it would discontent the Gentry; to which themselves replyed, Nay my Lord, It will rather satisfie them, in advance of Dignity, before others; who now, come behind those Meaner Men, whom the King was for­ced to Knight for his own honor, and some merits of theirs, ha­ving no other Reward, or money to spare: and therein not much to blame, to oblige them that way.

As for that supposed jugling, Pamp. 13.which the Duke of Bullion should dis­cover: As it was never known to wiser men; So we may take it, a devise of his, who in these, as in [Page 55]other such like, of his own, may truly merit that Character which he bestowes before [On the good Gentleman.] Pamp. 9.

I desire pardon, if I speake much and truth, in the memory of this Noble Lord; being somewhat concerned, to speak my owne knowledge.

I know, that this Earle of Sales­bury, declining his health, with continuall labour for the good of this Nation, both in the former, and in this his Soveraign's Service; And am willing to give some light thereof, to such as are plea­sed to read these particulars, be­ing an Account of his concernments.

For first, Salisbury his service to the State. Mannors, Lands. he found the King's Mannors, and fairest possessions, most unsurveyed, and uncertain, rather by report, then by Measure. Not more known, then by anci­ent Rents; the Estate granted ra­ther by chance, then upon know­ledge.

The Custody-Lands, Custody-hands. (antiently termed Crown-Lands) much char­ged upon the Sheriffs; yearly discharged by annual pensions. A Revenue which seemed decayed, by descent of times, and worne out of all remembrance: these he evermore revived, by Commissioners of Asserts.

The Woods, Woods. were more uncer­tain then the rest. No man knew the Copices, Number of acres, growth or value; nor of Timber-Trees, ei­ther Number or worth. So as tru­ly he might well find himself in a Wood, indeed. The Trees wasted without controwle, because no Record kept thereof. These he caused to be numbred, marked and valued, easily to be questioned, when thereafter missing.

The Copy-hold Lands, Copy­holds. where the arbitrary sines ceased, by the discretion of the Stewards; and did seldome yeeld the Parsons [Page 57]part; and that also vanish'd, in fees and charges. The State was then after like to raise of these Natures, the true values; and to receive equal benefit, with the rest of the Subjects; if the Book had bin since observed, which he caused in print.

And for the Copy-holders of Inheritance, who by many Re­cords, prove their fines certain; they did hereupon, offer for their freedome 20.30.40. and 50. years purchase, where they could shew probable Records, without sine; to free themselves. The Wastes and Commons, were ten­der Titles; Wastes & Commons. full of murmering and Commotion; which truly he never durst offer to inclose; Nor to urge the Tenants to be­come Suitors themselves; with whom Commissioners were to be appointed, to compound for a part; and so he made a good Pre­sident for the rest.

The Casual fines, Casual fines. due to the King, out of the private possessi­ons, (as other Lords have by their Courts of Leets, Court Barons and such like) and out of publique of­fences, as the King was Parent of the Common-Wealth; unto whom belong'd & praemium & poena. These being natures, left for the King's bounty, he com­mended them also to Commissi­oners, for a better Revenue, to be raised; being till his time ut­terly neglected and almost lost.

As for the extended Lands; where the Officers became indebt­ed to the Crown; and made it an Art, to have their Lands ex­tended, at easy rates; He caused the most of these to be surveyed; commended the Improvement to Commissioners, and command­ed the Tenants to appear before them.

The Improvements of the Cu­stomes, [Page 59]he advanced from 86000. l. to 120000. l. and from that to 135000. l. by the year.

He bargained, for the River­water to be brought to London, River wa­ter. and so to the driest parts, which brought a great yearly value.

He alwaies incouraged all In­dustry of Manufactures. Manufa­ctures. Such In­ventions as the Statutes admit and countenance. As home-making of Allome; Salt by the Sunne; Busses for fishing; Salt upon Salt, by new fires and In­ventions; Copper and Coperas of Iron, and of Steele; That the Sub­jects at home, might be set on work; and the small Treasure of the Nation kept within.

It concerned him as Secretary to have Intelligence from all parts of the World; Intelli­gence. and Correspon­dence with all Em bassadours and Forreigne States; not to be neg­lected at any hand; which he did [Page 60]at his own cost. So did all parts grow confident of such a Coun­celour. And so he kept Rules with the united Provinces whose Friendships he would say, much concerned this State.

I may not forget his Christian care, Ireland improved. for poor Ireland; Planta­tions there, and transplantations of the Natives; to advance the Customes there, and to abate the charges of the Garisons. And he did endeavour, and in manner did effect an universall course of Law and Justice, in the most bar­barous and remote parts of that Nation.

And now concerning the Court of Wards and Liveries; Wards & Liveries. By con­stitution of this State, all the lands of this Nation, are holden by two Tenures: By Soccage or by Knights Service. By the Plough to feed us; or by the Sword to defend us. And who so died, [Page 61]leaving an Heir within age, un­able to do this service, his Heir and Lands, fell both to the Pro­tection of the Soveraign. And this in antient time, was promis­cuously carryed, in the Court of Chancery; until the middle time of Hon. the 8. when this Court of Wards, was first erected. Since which time the Masters thereof, by favour of the Soveraign, did accustome (as a bounty of State) to grant unto Noble Men; the King's Servants and their owne followers, both the marriag of the body, and the lease of the Lands for a third peny, of their true worth.

But in all humility, his Lord­ship finding the estate in a Retro­grade Consumption, did with all obedience present his Patent, at the Kings feet: and so the whole benefit became the profit of the Crown.

Thus, he wrought in the Mine of the State-affaires, and wasted his Carkasse with desire, to have done better Service, in these his offices of Treasurer, Secretary and Master of the Wards: And yet these were sufficient, just and true merits; Without Friends, Wit, or Wealth, to raise him so much, in his Master's esteem: Or with­out ill offices done by him, to this Nation, as our Pamphlet will make us believe, in many absurd parti­culars.

And truly, Pam. 11.12. his studious labours in the State, brought him the sooner to sicknesse, a Consum­ption of the Lungs; wherein he wasted some years, and at last, by advise for cure at the Bath; he took leave of the King, who came to visit him at Salisbury-House; and with tears, at his parting, pro­tested to the Lords attending, his great losse of the wisest Councelour [Page 63]and best Servant, that any Prince in Christendome could Paralel. Of whom one saies,

Tu Pater & Patriae Princeps, Pru­dentia cujus Extulit immensum Re­ges, Populósque Britannos.

His time at the Bath was short; being spent to extreamity, ere he came thither; and returning back by the way, he was taken out of his Litter, and put himself in his Coach, and died afterwards at St. Margarets, in the House of that worthy Gentleman Mr. Da­niel, in May 1612. My Lord Vis­count Cramborne, now Earle of Salisbury, and the Lord Clifford, Sir Robert Manton and many more Gentlemen of quality then pre­sent, whom I saw there: He was Imbalmed, and after Intomb'd, at his Princely Mannor of Hart­field. Pamp. 14. A fairer Corps then any brasen face, that belies his dis­ease. His death was extreame [Page 64]sadnesse to the King, and to all his friends, and others of worth and honour. For in spite of the Pamphleter, Pamp. 14. he will be valued, as he does confesse

Never came a Better.

The next we meet with is Hen­ry Earle of Northampton. Henry Howard Earle of Northam­pton.

The Antient and Illustrous fa­mily of the Howards, were here more Eminent, then any other, that ushered the King to his Ad­ditionall Crownes.

This Henry Howard was Brother unto Thomas Duke of Norfolke; who suffered for his attempt of marriage with the Queen of Scots, whilst she was Prisoner here in England. Which might be some Motive to induce the King to consider the advance of that family, though they were indued, with large possessions from their Ancestors.

The Duke left two Sons Philip Earl of Arundell & Thomas Howard [Page 65]Earle of Suffolk afterwards Lord Treasurer.

Henry Howard their Uncle, Pamp. 15 was more wedded to his Book, then to the Bed: for he died a Bacheler; and so had the lesse occasion, to advance his fortune, by Court-flattery, or State-Imployment: nor indeed was he ever any Suitor for either.

He was accounted both wise and learned; and therefore out of the Kings great affection to Letters, especially when they are met in a Noble Person, he was ad­vanced, in his Creation of Baron of Marnhill and Earle of Southam­pton; then Pryvy Councelor, Lord Privy Seale, and Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, and Knight of the Garter. He had very plentifull for his single life, and to spare for his friends.

In his expence not over frugal; maintaining his Port, the most remarkeable (like the Ancient NO­BLE [Page 66]MAN) in his family and Dependants; of any other Lord then, or since his time. He as­sisted his Nephew the Earl of Suffolk by his designing and large contri­bution, to that excellent Fabrick Awdley-end. He built the Noble structure at Charing-Crosse, from, the Ground, Northampton House and presented it a New-years-gift to the Lord Walden, Suffolkes eld­est Sonne, and now called Suffolk-House: and yet left his other Ne­phew, the Earl of Arundell, the rest of his estate; so to appear to the world, his equall distribution to such even kinred. He was Re­ligious, and gave good testimony thereof in his life, built that hand­some Covent at Greenwich, and in­dued it with Revenue for ever, for maintenance of decaied Gentle­men a sufficient number; and for women also considerable. He died in Anno 1613. full of years and [Page 67] Honourable fame: though Our Pamphleter wil not know so much; Pamp. 16. and yet no doubt must needs be Iutimate with his Person: for he tells us his thoughts; That he had assuredly promised to himself the Treasurers staff. Although we can produce this Lord's Letters, and other testimonies, imploying all his own and his Friends Interest, for that preferment, upon his Nephew Suffolke, and excusing himself, of the burthen and weight of that Office, by his known Infirmity of Stone of the which he died.

Indeed; James Hay Earle of Carlile. Pamp. 18. It is no matter upon what Score, that the King gave his affection, to this Favorite James Hay.

The Scots were never very e­minent, with Neighbour-Princes; what credit they had, came by the French, to keep ballance with England and them. The begin­ning might then be hoped, when [Page 68]their Ʋnion with these Crownes, should afford the meanes, to set them forth.

And it was prudentiall in the King, to pick out one of his own to splendour that Nation, in our way of peace and Court-ship: Especially when all was done at the Master's cost. For Hay was poor, unlesse what he got by his first Match, with the Lord Dennis heir, for by his last he had nothing; the great spirit of Pearcy Earle of Northumberland, disdaining the Marriage, and refused to afford a Groat, to a beggerly Scot, as he call'd him.

And now this Lord (for so was he soon made Lord Hay, His vaine [...] spences. then Vis­count Doncaster, and Earl of Carlile) did most vainely prodigallize, what he often begg'd. And in truth, he had it granted for no o­ther purpose; to put down the Engl [...]sh Courtier at that vanity. [Page 69]And which, both abroad and at home, was often paid for, by the King's Privy Purse. As that feast at Essex-House, Pamp. 19. and many his Masque­radoes at Court (for he medled not with the Tilt-staff, as being no Sword-man) but in the other, and such like, he never escaped, to act One part.

And these expences, fam'd him with little credit; how erche appears to our Pamphleters Judge­ment; who cries up, Pamp. 21. the bounty of his Mind, beyond the Moon at least; who in truth, was never good, to Man or beast.

His Embassies, His Em­bassies to Germany. were not so weighty when he posted so long through Germany, to find out the Emperor; who afforded him the Wild-Goose-Chase, as knowing his Arrand, before he came at him. Which in truth was pur­posely so designed by the King; only to spend time, and to amuse [Page 70]mens expectations (who were wild after a Warre) to beget a Treaty, concerning the lost Palatine. The effects wherof, (as the King wise­ly prophesyed,) would produce distemper, through all Christen­dome, if not destructive to his Son in law.

He went into France Extraordi­nary; France. it was to treate with that King, in favour of the Hugenots (the Religion as they account it) be­ing risen to a Civill Warre, by management of the Duke d'Ro­hau, Count Sobeeze, and others; to a dangerous consequence, in se­verall places, almost over France: which to allay, that King had raised a great Army; resolving with countenance of his own Per­son, to give end thereto: But King James, being invited by se­veral troublesome Commissioners, their Agents, to implore for their cause, and take upon him their [Page 71]protection, which he (a wise Prince in that) declined, yet not to neglect them; and the rather to satisfy some of our People, of the like Gang, medled thus farre to mediate by Embassy of Hay; who as in that of Germany, did no­thing with effect, but went up to Montaban, and so come home again.

'Tis true, he went into Spain, Spaine. with a message to our Prince; with no more matter, then others that came after, to waite on him in that Courtship. For there as in other Kingdomes, his Scots va­nity must also be blazon'd.

And for his last Embassy in France, about Our Match with that Daughter, and our Queen; Again in­to France. he came not into Commission, till the Trea­ty was confirmed, and the Mar­riage concluded, by Embassy, only of the Earle of Holland; and Car­lile put in afterwards, to dance [Page 72]out the Measures; His name, being used in the Proxie, for that Ceremo­ny; and at this time, the Earl of Holland, Earle of Holland. had some colour for his expence which he lavished without reason, to the weakening of his unsettled fortunes; being forced to follow the other then, in all his fashions. And which Infection, by after-Custome, became his dis­ease also, and almost if not over­mastering, yet over-shadowing his Natural, eminent parts, with which his inside was habited, and perspicuous to such as knew him.

But I am not delighted, to urge out this story of the Earl of Carlile: as not willing to speak ill of any; unlike our Pamphlet that spares none, but Him. For I should know; that vertue and vice, are Inherent in Man. And as it be­comes us to tell truth, when we speak their vertue: yet with mo­desty and compassion to discover [Page 73]their vices: either being Examples for the future; that, to imitate; this, to shun. And I cannot but with Compunction remind, That the monstrous excesse of the belly, and the back, by his first President, became then the Mode of those times, for great Persons (the most part) to follow, and for the Com­mon People to this hour to practise.

And truly, a wise and a good Man, ought justly to have hated his condition in this without suspi­tion of malice or envy; Pamp. 21. as it is said Northampton did, who yet, as may be remembred, took leave of this life, ere Hay was setled on horsback.

And that other marke of Re­proach also, may without partial­lity be taken oft the Score from that Noble Northampton; who on my conscience (for I knew him well) disdained the Guilt in that frivolous story of Sir Robert Man­sell. Nor is it material, to credit [Page 74]the rest of that Rant, in his Vice-Admirall voyage.

The Second Remark of the Pre­face, Second Remarke. Pamp. 30. falls upon the Treason of Sir Walter Ralegh, which the Pamphlet calls an arrant trick of State; and Cecil the Imenire facias thereof.

Sir Walter Ralegh was a Gentle­man of good alliance, Sr. Walter Ralegh. in the west of England, and very well descend­ed. He began his Improvements, by the Ʋniversity, and Inns of Court; the latter was alwaies the place of esteem with the Queen which, she said, fitted youth for the future. But he staid not there. And as his fate would have him, of the Sword first; so his destinie drew him on, to have a mixt reputation, with the Gown: For he was often called to Councell but never sworn. He was twice in Expeditions of Land-service into Ireland, under Generall Norris and Grey, a Volun­teer in either, as also in the Low-Countries, [Page 75]and a voiage at Sea ere he was known at Court.

And such waies as these, were his Introductions (the best hopes of his rising:) some Naturall parts he had, a good wit and judgement; but his best weapon was his tongue, which gave him repute to be lear­ned then; but after he improved to a great value, in his future trou­bles; the best School to a wise man.

He had a quarrel with Grey in Ireland, which being referred to a Councell of Warre, it had like to cost him his life: But by reference came afterwards to repetition, at home before the Lords. Grey had the better cause, but Ralegh the advantage in pleading; who so took them, especially Lester, that the Queen was told the tale; and somewhat more of him. And no sooner he came to be known to Her, but She took him, to grace. In whom (as in other of the like [Page 78]form) their alwaies meet oposites, Enemies of greater ranck, and they kept him under, sometimes in, sometimes out, which when it fell out to be so, he would wise­ly decline himselfe, out of the Court-rode. And then you found him not but by fame. In voyages to the West Indies, Gueana, New Plantations, Virginia, or in some Expeditions against the Spaniard: Against whom, his and other the like successe, of Drake, Candish, Forlisher, Hawkins, with other Island-voyages, neer home, con­firm'd Ralegh, a grand Opposer of the generall peace which King James brought in with him; and that brought Ralegh to his ruin.

And for all these his good parts, he rose to no more, then Governor of Jersey, Lord Warden of the Stan­naries in the West, and Captain of the Guard to the Queens person; which last place, brought him to [Page 79] esteem in the Court, but not in the State at all.

Yet busie he had been hereto­fore, to speak his mind, of the Generall affaires; and therein he pleased his late Mistresse. For then his inclination went with the hu­mour of those times of War; But now, his Councell came out of sea­son. For at the entrance of the King; He was presented by Ra­legh with a Manuscript of his own, against the peace with Spain. It was alwaies his table talk, to be­get the more esteem, which took accordingly. And the way to make him the contrary, was the work of the Spanish faction. Either to buy him out of that humour, or to abuse him into a worse condition which was thus effected.

And indeed to mould this Trea­son, His Trea­son. there was a medly of divers conditions; but the contrivers were two Priests, Watson and Clarke and [Page 77] count Arembergh, Embassedor Extra­ordinary for the Arch-Duke, who brought in the Lord Cobham; and he, his brother George Brooke; and he, Parham; and these, the Lord Grey of Wilton. Then came in Sir Walter Ralegh, the wisest of them all; who dallied like the flie with the flame, till it consumed him. Willing he was (it seemes) to know it, and thought by his wit, to over-reach the confederates; whom he knew well enough; though none but Cobham, for a good while, dealt with him. And with him, Ralegh plaid fast and loose, till himselfe was caught in the Gin.

There was one Mathew De Law­rencie, here at London a Merchant of Antwerpe; with whom Cobham held Intelligence, for many years be­fore; & for some reasons of State, connived at, by the late Queen and her Councel. This Man, was the [Page 78] property, whom Arenbergh made use of, to Cobham; who now was much discontented.

These 3. made the first step to the contrivement: And it hath bin my jealousie, that Lawrency betrayed it, to this State: for I never, could be assured, how it was discovered; though I have bin often present with Sir Walter, in his Imprisonment, when he pri­vately discoursed hereof.

But being ripe, they were se­verally examined, & resirained; first to their owne homes, not without watchful eyes, on either of them; then to Imprisonment, and lastly, to their Tryals at Winchester; whi­ther the Terme removed, out of this evermore Pestilentiall City.

And on the 17. November 1602. His ar­raignment the day of Arraignment for Ralegh, and the Jury called to the Bar. A­gainst whose Persons he did not except; nor could: for they were [Page 80]the most able sufficient, in Middle­sex, (where the fact had its scene.)

I shall name them. Sir Ralphe Conisby, Sir Thomas Fowler, Sir Ed­ward Peacock, Sir William Roe, Knights. Henry Godwin, Bobert Wood, Thomas Walker, Thomas Whitley, Thomas Highgate, Robert Kempton, John Chalke and Robert Bromley Esquries.

The Indictment was managed, by the King's Atturney Sir Edward Cook, Serjeant Heal, and Ser. Philips; and drawne from the 9. Iun. 1603. The accusation was double, against the King, and the State. The perso­nall, had 2. parts, first against his life.

Secondly to disable his title to this Crowne.

To the first, was read Brookes confession; That his Brother Cob­ham used these speeches, That it would never be well, till the King and his cubs were taken away, and [Page 81]said, that he thought it proceeded from Ralegh.

To this Ralegh answered, That Brookes was his enemy. It was replyed, but Cobham was ever your friend; and it would seeme, a strange malice in Brooks, to ruin his brother, to undo you.

To the second part, there was produced a Booke, (which I have read) a defence of the Queens pro­ceedings, against Mary Queen of Scots; which Cobham confessed Ralegh had delivered to him, and he to Brookes, and Brookes to Gray, upon Cobhams discontent.

Ralegh acknowledged, that it contained matter of scandal to the Kings title. And that he had leave of Sir Robert Ceill, after his Fathers death, to search his study, for Cosmographicall Manuscripts, of the Wests-Indies, and so lighted on this Book.

Sir Robert Cecill then present [Page 82]upon the Bench acknowledged this lease: and said, He would then as really have trusted him, as any man; Sir Ro­bert Ce­cils words.though since for some Infir­mities of Sir Walter the bonds of af­fection were crackt; and yet, reser­ving his duty to the King, which may not be dispensed withall, in this his Masters service, he swore by God, he loved him; and had a great conflict in himself, that so compleat a mem­ber was fallen from this State.

And this passage, needs no sooth­ing, to excuse Cecill either for the Father or the Son. For I have heard Sir Robert Cecil, when he was Salis­bury, say publickly at his own ta­ble, That he had intercepted and kept all the considerable Libells, against the late Queen and this King. But though Justifiable in them as Councelours of State; yet it was a crime in Ralegh, who never was any. And this Book, as I re­member, was of one Bragg or Stagg [Page 83]a Jesuite. But Sir Walter excused it; That there was nothing acted thereby, to the Kings prejudice; for the Book was burnt.

But to insist hereupon; Cobham had confessed, That Rale g had a­greed; That Cobham should treate with Aremburgh for 600. thousand Crownes, to the intent, to advance the title of the Lady Arabella, to this Crown. That Cobham under pretence of travelling should pro­secute this designe, in the Lowe­countries, France and Spaine; and to carry 3. letters from her, to the Arch-Duke, Duke of Savoy, and to the King of Spaine, and to promise toleration of Religion, and her Marriage to be disposed of, by them. That at his returne, he should meete Ralegh at Jersey the place of his command; and there a­gree, to dispose the money to dis­contents. And Ralegh should have 7. thousand crownes from Arenberge, for himselfe.

And further confessed, that Ralegh had Instigated him to all these Treasons.

And that Ralegh should say; that he thought the best way to trouble England, was to cause di­vision in Scotland.

To this, onely of Scotland, he answered & confessed the words; and that he had so thought, these 20. yeares. It seemes by the se­quell since he was not in staken.

Lawrencie confessed that he and Cobham and Ralegh being together, he delivered a letter to Cobhane, from Arembergh; and presently Ralegh went with Cobham in pri­vate, to conferre thereof.

To all these confessions, Ralegh craved that Cobham might ap­peare, to accuse him face to face.

I may not omit one passage acted heretofore, which comes in properly here to be considered. When the confederates had suffer­ed [Page 85]under some Examinations, and were restrained to their several houses: And Ralegh knew well that Lawreney was then suspected, but not examined; then did Ralegh discover in a letter to Sir Robert Cecil, where Cobham was with Lawrency; and that then was the time, to apprehend Lawrency, and so to intercept their Intelli­gence, ere matters were ripe.

What Ralegh's designe was here­in, I must confesse, my conceipt is very blunt. But this use was made of it to Raleghs ruine. For after that Cobham, had denied much of the former stuffe, upon his first Examinations; this letter was shewed him, under Ralegh's hand, & upon mature & often delibera­tion, to be assured, that it was his hand: Then Cobham in an Extasie, calling Ralegh Villain, Traitor; deli­vered his positive Accusation of Ralegh, as aforesaid: and added, [Page 86]That Ralegh, after his first Exa­minations, before the Lords, had writ to Cobham, that although he had bin examined of many things, yet that he had cleered Cobham of all, when (as the Lords protested) he had not at all, been examined concerning Cobham. And there­by this was inferred by the Coun­cell) to confirm Cobham to deny all, when he should be examined; Sir Walter said, That Cobham had not signed his accusation, and that he was at the worst but singularis Testis. To which my Lord Chief Justice gave it for law, that it was not necessary, to signe, nor to have more then One witnesse: after much pleading herein; and Ra­legh alledging law and Scripture, for not admitting a single witnesse, to condemn one, yet the Court was satisfyed therein, by the Judges to the contrary.

Ralegh said, Then prove it by [Page 87] One witnesse face to face, and I will confesse my self guilty: but the Judges were of opinion, that it was not to be permitted by law: yet Ra­legh insisted hereupon, with many stories which took up much time: Then being asked, if he would be concluded thereby if Cobham would now justify his accusation, under his hand. To this it may be observed that Ralegh made no answer at all but consented that the Jury should go together.

Then was produced Cobham's letter to the Lords, writ but the day before, in effect thus.

That Sir Walter, had writ a letter to him wrapt in an apple, and cast in at his window ten daies since, in the Tower, to intreate him for God's sake to write to him, under his own hand, that he had wronged him in his accusatious: and odvised him to be constant in denialls, rather then to appeale to the King. And now [Page 88](writes Cobham) It is no time to dissemble; and therefore protested before God and his Angells, that all and every part of his accusation, of Sir Walter Ralegh, was substvntially true. And added; That Ralegh had dealt with him, since the King's comming to procure him a pension from Spain, for Intelligence &c.

Then Ralegh, rayling against Cobham, confessed this letter was in an Apple, to which Cobham re­turned an answer; which Ralegh produced, and desired that it might be read. But the Atturney opposed Sir Robert Cecil's consent thereto. To whom Cecil replied: Sir, you are more preremptory then honest, come you hither to direct us? And so read it. Which in effect was a confession that he had wronged Sir Walter, and that he was Innocent. This bore date 10. dayes before. And here Ralegh confessed, That Cobham had of­fered [Page 89]to him a Pension, from Spain, to the effect before confessed: And that he had concealed it, as loath to ruine Cobham.

Then the Jury went out, and re­turned in halfe an houre, with their Verdict; Guilty. So was Sen­tence, as in Case of Treason. And he was returned, to the Tower of London, and there lay upon Re­prieve 2. yeares, and 3. years af­ter was executed in October 1618. Observa­tions up­on this Tryall.

And because this Second Remarke in the Pamphleter and this Prefa­cer, stickes in their stomacks, with which they indeavour to choke the Readers; I have theresore bin the more prolix; Pam p. 35. that thereby the whole world may judge, with the Jury, of his guilt or Innocency. Vide page 35.

Ralegh's rise of preferment, was occasioned upon a contest with the Lord Grey in the Queenes time, which they were to plead face to [Page 90]face: Where indeed, but not in truth, Sir Walter had the better by the tongue, telling his tale to ad­vantage; which tooke the Queen, who tooke him from that instant into favour as before remembred. Belike he expected the same pro­vidence at this time, when so oft he desired to plead face to face, Pamp. 35. with Cobham.

How could Wade the Lieutenant of the Tower (as is surmized) tamper with Cobham, to write his name to a blanck, to which Wade framed the accusation against Ra­legh. When it appeares, Cobham never signed at all, to his Exami­nations; which therefore was so much insisted upon, at his tryall, for his advantage.

But in truth; besides the confession of Cobham, the fatal evidence was Cobham's own voluntary last letter of accusation, or confession over night, writ every whit with his own hand.

The King commanded (as the COURT was assured at the triall) that upon any examination, there should none be rackt, which made Captaine Kemish (who was the Instrument of messages and letters betweene Ralegh and Cob­ham) often to protest, in my hear­ing, That in truth, he was threat­ned with the Rack, which was shewed to him, but had he tasted therof, he said, that he should have bin inforced, to tell an odd tale, meaning of discovery.

Sr. Walter was admitted a chair, pen, Inck and paper for his memory. And truly he rather ty [...]ed the Court and Jury, Repree [...]. ed. with Impertinences.

And thus was Sr. Walter Ralegh reprieved to the Tower, and many years of Imprisonment in that li­berty, till his future merits, and fame of learning, begat many to pitty his sufferings; So that at last, by meanes of the French Embassa­dour, with others of our own Lords, [Page 92]he had freedome, to repair for his health, to his House at Saint James, and after a year or two, he pro­cured a Commission, to make a Voyage to Gueana in the West-Indies for the return of Gold Oare or Mine. But was expresly limitted, not to trench upon the Spaniard, to the breach of Peace.

His landing was at St. Tomaz, a Town of the Spaniards, upon the opening of the Great River Oreno­que, in America. Where he kil­led many of them, and there lost his eldest son Walter, under the Walls. Then sends he Captain Kemish, his old Servant, (upon whose confidence it appears this voy­age was resolved) up this River, to the foot of a Mountain, where here­tofore, and also during Ralegh's Imprisonment, he had been sent, and returned, with wonderfull Remarks of a rich Mine, or rather Madre-del-Ore. But now comes [Page 93]from thence. And all the account came to no more, but that the Mountain was fled away, he could not find it.

Upon this, the whole sleet 4. or 5. saile, mutiny forces him home again as a Prisoner: in the return, Kemish kills himself, in his own Cabin, & so no tales could be told.

Ralegh's ships were first, cast up­on the south of Ireland: then they land in the West of England; where warrants were ready to apprehend him Prisoner to the Tower. In the West, he is disco­vered to deal with a French Master of a ship, to steal away into France. Then in his journy to London, he combines, with a French Mounte­banck, who assisted him with In­gredients, (which he desired) that would without danger of life, bring him to breake forth into Blanes: Purposely done, by this meanes to get longer time, to work [Page 94] opportunities to save his life; which he knew he had so deeply forfeited.

Then being delivered into the hands of Sir John Stukely, Lieute­nant of the Tower he deales with him for a sum of Money, part in hand being paid, to join with him in Escapeboth of them, into France. Stukely yields to all, and accom­panies him by water, in the way to Gravesend; where (by designe of Stukelie's treachery, in that, and so it prospered with him, being hang'd afterwards, for clipping of Gold) they were seized and brought back to the Tower. From whence, very speedily, Ralegh was com­manded to the King's-Bench-bar at Westminster, before the Lord chief Justice Mountegue; where the Records of his former Sentence only were read; & hedemanded, why Execution should not be done?

Sir Walter acknowledged that Sentence, and the King's Mercy for [Page 95]his life thus long: And that he hoped, seeing he had bin imploy­ed by Commission, with power of life and death, over the King's Lie ge People, it did make void that former sentence.

He was told to the contrary, and that his time of Execution was the next morning: and so the Sheriff of Middlesex, took him into custo­dy to the Gate-House, and to Exe­cution the next day, in the old Palace yard, at Westminster; where he had the favor of the Ax. which he said (smilingly touching it) was a sharp Medioine, but a true Physitian, to cure all diseases: and so it proved to him, at this very time in his Ague. sit.

At his death, himselfe endea­voured; to cleere some points, (which it seemes our Pamphleter knew not of otherwise he would have done it for him.)

To have had often plots with [Page 96] France, which he denied, but confessed, that he had bin solici­ted thence; and indeavoured to escape thither at twice. That the French Agent, came oft to him, with Commission from that King to him; But he returned the Com­mission.

That he should speake disloy­ally of the King: his accuser, he said, was a base runagate, French­man, and perfideous, whom he trusted; being sworne to secrecie, which he betrayed; much he said in these particulars, which he did not deny, but traversed.

So then there were, other bu­sinesse of charge, to which he was liable to a new Tryall. But the prudence of the King would not ha­zard further proceedings, having a sufficient upon the old score. Pamp. 38. And now for that additional tale of the Pamphleter concerning Sir Walters recovery of Queen Anne; for which [Page 97]he begg'd the boone, viz. for the Ex­amination of the Lord Cobham by 4. Earles and 2. Councelors.

I never heard nor read thereof before, nor can beleeve it. For this I know by severall relations of those great Ladies of her Bedcham­ber; and of her Chirurgians and Physitians now living, That She was never cured of her disease, but by death, that ends all Maladies. It followes in the Pamphlet, That after he hath ranted his Stories of Mansell and Monson, and of the peace, ratifyed and sworne; He makes Cecill the chief Ringleader of the King by the Nose.

But to say truth, The King was alwaies brought up to his ease, though the fore-part of his Raigne in Scotland, proved troublesome enough to his Councell. And therefore now, he was to follow his affaires, in peace, and his own Inclination, in a Sportfull life. The [Page 98]rather; He being much Subject to unwildines or weaknes in his Limbs, and which because of his extream dis-affection to Physick, he was ad­vised to the best Aire, most agreable to the Nature of Scotland, fresh and bleak: and for that end, he chose Roystan, and Newmarket.

Without, that Scandalous In­timation, of leaving his Queen, without any love or liking.

We are forced to fall upon One Lake, Sir Tho. Lake. Pamp. 54. whom we find to be that learned Gentleman Sir Thomas Lake, apted in his youth with ru­diments of the Book, to attend Sir Francis Walsingham (that sub­tile Secretary of State to Queen E­lizebeth) as Amanuensis to him: And after good experience of his desarts, he was recommended to the Queen, and read to her French and Latine. In which tongues, she would say, that he surpassed her Secretaries, and was so im­ployed [Page 99]to her death; for he was reading to her, when the COUNTESSE of WAR­WICK told him, that the Queen was departed.

But not long before; & merits she recei­ved him Clarke of her Signet. And he was chosen, by this State in that place to attend the King from BARWICK. And so sufficient he was, that the King made use of his present ser­vice, in some French affaires, af­ter he came into England. Which indeed Secretary Cecil had reason to resent, as too much trenching on his Office. And therefore cra­ved leave of the King, that he might not attend beyond his Moneth to prejudice the other Clarks Which was excused, and he kept still at Court.

These Sufficiencies of his, enabled him in those times of gaining, with much repute, and direct [Page 100]honesty, to purchase large posses­sions.

After Ccils death, the Place of Secretary, as secreta­ry. was joyned in two Prin­cipals. And not long after he was one of them, & so continued, with Honourably esteem of all men; un­til that Malice and Revenge, two violent passions, over-ruling the Weaker Sexe, concerning his wife and daughter, involved him into their quarrel, the chiefe and onely cause of his ruine. He had by his Wife, His In­gagement with his wife and daughter. sons and daughters. His eldest married unto the Lord Ba­ron Rosse (in right of a Grand-mo­ther) the son of Thomas Earle of Ex­eter by a former venter. And up­on the credit of Sir Thomas Lake, he was sent Embassadour Extraor­dinary into Spaine, in a very gal­lant Equipage, with some hopes of his own, to continue Leiger, to save charges of transmitting any other.

In his absence there fell out an extreame deadly fewd (tis no matter for what) betweene the Lady Lake and the Countesse of Ex­eter. Against the Coun­tesse of Exeter. A youthful widow she had bin and vertuous; and so became Bedfellow to this aged, gowty, diseas­ed but noble Earle. And, that preferment had made her subject to Envy and Malice.

Home comes the Lord Rosse from his Embassy, when being fallen into some neglect of his wife and his kindred; I conceive, upon refusal of an increase of al­lowance to her settlement of joyn­ture, which was promised to be compleated at his returne.

Not long he staies in England, but away he gets into Italy, turnes a professed Romane Catho­lick, being cousened into that Re­ligion, by his publick confident, Gondamore.

In this his last absence (never [Page 102]to returne) the Mother and daugh­ter, the accu­sation. accuse the Countesse, of for­mer Incontinencie with the Lord Rosse, whilst he was here, and that therefore, upon his wives discove­ry, he was fled from hence, and from her Marriage. Bed, with o­ther devised Calumnies by seve­ral designes and contrivements, to have poisoned the Mother and daughter.

This quarrel, was soone bla­zon'd at Court, to the King's eare, who as privately as could be, singly, examines each party. The Countesse, with teares and Impre­cations, professeth her Innocency, which to oppose the Mother Lake and her daughter, counterfeit her hand, to a whole sheet of paper; wherein they make the Countesse, with much contrition, to acknow­ledge her selfe guilty, craves par­don for attempting to poisonthem, & desires friendslsip with them all.

The King gets sight of this, as in favour to them, and demands, the place, time, and occasion, when this should be writ. They tell him, that all the parties met, in a visit at Wimbleton, (the house of the Lord of Exeter) where, in dispute of their differences, she confesses her guilt of attempting their poison. And being desi­rous of absolution and friend­ship, (being required thereto) consents, to set down all Circum­stances therein, under her own hand, which presently she writ, at the Window, in the upper end of the great Chamber, at Whimble­ton, in presence of the Mother and Daughter, the Lord Rosse, and one Diego a Spaniard his confiding Servant. But now they being gone, & at Rome, the King forth­with sends Mr. Dendy (one of his Serjeants at Armes sometime a domestick of the Earl of Exeters, [Page 104]an honest and worthy Gentleman) post to Rome, who speedily re­turnes with Rosse, and Diego's hand, and other testimonialls, confirm­ing, That all the said accusation, and confession, Suspitions and pa­pers, concerning the Countesse, were notorious false and Scanda­lous, and confirmes it by recei­ving the Hoast, in assurance of her Honour and his Innocency. The King well satisfyed, sends to the Countesse friends and trusties, for her Jointure and Estate; who com­paring many of her letters, with this writing, do conclude it coun­terfeit.

Then, He tells the Mother and Daughter, that this writing, being denied by her, and their testimo­nies being parties, would not pre­vaile, with any belief. But any other Additionall Witnesse, would give it sufficient credit. To which they assure him, That one Sarah Swarton, their Chamberesse stood [Page 105]behind the hanging, at the en­trance of the Room, and heard the Countesse reade over, what she had writ: and her also they procure, to swear unto this, before the King.

To make further tryal, the King in a hunting journy, at New Park neer Wimbleton, gallops thither, viewes the Room; observing the great distance of the Window, from the lower end of the Room, and placing himself, behind the hanging, and so other Lords in turn; they could not hear one speak a loud, from the window.

Then the House-Keeper was call'd, who protested those hangings had constantly furnisht that room, for 20. years; which the King ob­served, to be two foot short of the ground, and might discover the woman, if hidden behind them. I may present also, the King saying, Oaths cannot confound my sight.

Besides all this, the Mother and [Page 106] Daughter, counterfeit another writing, a Confession of one Luke Hutton, acknowledging for 40. l. annuity, the Countesse hired him to poison them; which Man, with wonderful providence, was found out privately; and denies it to the King.

And thus prepared, the King sends for Sr. Thomas Lake, whom in truth he very much valued; tells him, the danger to imbark himself, in this quarrel; advising him, to leave them to the law, be­ing now ready for the Star-cham­ber. He humbly thanked his Ma­jestie, but could not refuse: to be a Father and a Husband, and so puts his Name with theirs, comes to Hearing in Stur; chamber. in a crosse Bill. Which at the hearing, took up 5. several daies, the King sit­ting in Judgement. But the for­mer testimonies, and some private confessions, of the Lady Rosse, and Sarah Wharton; which the King [Page 107]kept in private, from publick proceedings, made the cause, for some of the daies of triall, appear­ed doubtful to the Court, untill the King's discovery, which con­cluded the Sentence; and was pro­nounced upon severall Censures. Sr. Thomas Lake and his Lady fined 10000. l. to the King; five thousand pounds to the Countesse; 50. l. to Hutton, Sara Wharton to be whipt, at a Carts taile, about the streets, and to do penance at Saint Martin's Church; The Lady Rosse for confessing the truth and plot in the midst of the triall, was par­doned by the Major Voices, from pe­nall Sentence. and sen­tenced.

The King, I remember, compa­red their crimes, to the first plot of the first sin in Paradise: the Lady Lake to the Serpent, her daughter unto Eve, & Sir Thomas to poor A­dam; whom he thought in his con­science, that his love to his wife had [Page 108]beguiled him. I am sure, he paid for all, which as he told me, cost him thirty thousand pounds; and the losse of his Masters favour, and offices of gaine and honour; but truly with much pitty and com­passion of the Court.

Our Pamphleter. Pamp. 57. concern­ing the Scots. enters upon the Scots, pa. 57. and would cousen us, to credit their Story, where he begins a division, between the English and them at Court, & goes smoothly on, to the middle of these last times, Pamp. 58. when it seemes he writ this: And, as he saies, saw all our happinesse derivative, from their favours, by their own valour, and bravery of spirit. Good Man! He beleeves, what he thought he saw; But wanting the eye of faith to forsee this great Alteration, which he lived not to find; but We, now to feele: Our late gude Presbyterian Brethren, turne false Loones, and become the traiterous [Page 109]Rebells to that reformation, which not long ago they professed, & he, & others beleeved, and so disunited the union of all our quiet, and happines. Pamp. 60. Scandal. upon E. of Salis­bury.

He tells us of a trick, that the Earle of Salisbury had, to com­pound with the Scots Courtiers, for their Books of Fee-farmes, which they bought at 100. l. per annum for a thousand pound. Then would he fill up these bookes with prime land, worth 20. thousand pounds.

A pretty trick indeed to make himselfe Lord Para-Mount, of the best lands in England; but it had bin a gainful trade of our Author, to have turn'd Informer to the State, in the particulars of these Tricks; and so the return of these lands so deceitfully got, would prove now as hard a bargain to his son (as the Lord-like purchasers of Deben­turs have done latly) & to his son, that may succeed him.

We are come to the consideration of the third Remark in the Preface; Remar. 3. Pamp. 61. Robert Carre and Sir Tho. Overbury. and so we fall into the History of Rob. Car, after E. of Summerset, and intermixed with that of Sir Thomas Overbury.

Ro. Car, was a Scottishman, of no eminent birth, but a Gent. and had bin a Page of honor, to the King in Scotland. And in truth, he became the first Favorite that we find; that is, one whom the Ki. fancied, meerly for his fashion: upon no other score, nor plot of design. His Confident, was one Sr. Tho. Overbury, a man of good parts, whom our Author, hath well characterized; and his policy, was to please the English, by intertaining them his Domestiques.

There was amongst other persons of honor & quality in Court, a young L. of great birth and beauty, Fra. the daughter of Tho. Howard, then E. of Suffolk, & L. Treasurer of Eng. mar­ried in under-age, unto the late and last E. of Essex.

Of him, cōmon fame had an opinion (grounded upon his own suspition) of his insufficiency, to content a wife. And the effects of this Narration, with the sequell of his life and con­versation with his second wife, is so notorious, as might spare me and the Reader our sever all labours, for any other convincing arguments. But with his first, when both were of years, to expect the event and bles­sing of their Marriage-bed; He was alwaies observed, to avoid the com­pany of Ladies, and so much to neg­lect his own, that to wish a Maid into a Mischief, was to commend her to my Lord of Essex: Which in­creased the jealousie of such Men, whose interests were, to observe him; That he preferred the occasion him­self, to a separation. And which indeed from publique fame, begat private disputation, amongst Ci­vilians of the legality thereof, wherein those Lawyers are bound­lesse.

This Case followed the heeles of a former Nullity, fresh in me­mory, between the L. Rich, and his fair Lady, by mutual consent. But because the E. of Dev. married her, whilst her Husband lived, the King was so much displeased thereat, as it broke the E. heart: for his Ma­jesty told him, That he had pur­chased a fair woman with a black soul. And this is a known truth, That before Viscount Rochford (for so was Carre lately created) had made any addresse to this Lady, her own friends in Justice and ho­nor to her birth, exposed her to the plaint of her Husbād, & to the seve­rest triall in a Course of judicature.

And 'tis as true, that the King knew hereof, our Pamphlet saies: [A party in this [...]udy businesse] for, what was le­gall for the meanest Subject, Pamp. 77. could not in justice be denied unto Her: Which in fine, sentenced them both, by Divine and Civil Canon, loose from their Matri­moniall bands.

And, because the Nullity gave freedome to either, and so the means to the Countesses after-Mariage, with the sad occasions of all the sequell mishaps, and suspected scandalls, so untruly expressed by the Pamphlet; I have with some diligence, laboured out the truth, precisely and punctu­ally, as it was acted, and procee­ded by Commission Delegative; not easily now otherwayes to be brought to light.

Upon Petition of the Earl of Suf­folke and his Daughter Francis to the King.
Procee­dings of Nullity.

That Whereas his Daughter Francis, Countesse of Essex, had been Married many years, unto Robert Earle of Essex, in hope of comfortable effects to them, which contrarywise, by reason of certaine latent, and secretem­perfections, [Page 114]and impediments of the said Earl, disabling him in the rights of Marriage, and most unwillingly discovered to him by his daughter; which longer by him to conceale, without remedy of Law, and the practice of all Christian policy, in like ca­ses, might prove very prejudici­all.

And therefore pray the King,

To commit this cause of Nullity of Matrimony, which she is forced to prosecute against the said Earl, to some grave and worthy per­sons, by Commission under the great Seal of England, as is usuall, &c.

Which accordingly was gran­ted unto foure Bishops, two Privy Counsellers learned in the Law, and to foure other Civill Law­yers; with Clause to proceed Cum omni, qua poterint, celeritate, & [Page 115]expeditione, Summarie, ac de plano, sine strepitu, ac figura Judicii, sola rei & facti veritate inspecta, & me­ra aequitate attenta. And with this Clause also, Quorum vos praefat. Reverendissimū patrem Cant. Archi­episcopum, Reverendissmum patrem Lond. Episcop. & Iul. Caesar. Mil. Aut duos vestrorum, in fe­renda sententia, interesse volumus. But for some exceptions concer­ning the Quorum by the Commis­sioners in the words sententia esse, not interesse, A second Commis­sion was granted and adjoyned two Bishops more, with this Quo­rum. Quorum ex vobis praefat. Re. Pa. Georg. Cant. Archiepis. Ioh. Lond. Episc. Tho. Winton Episc. Launcelot Eliens. Episc. Richard Covent. & Lichs. Episc. Ioh. Ross. Episc. Iulio Caesare, Tho. Parry Mil. in ferenda sententia, tres esse volumus.

Upon this the Lady procures [Page 116]Processe against the Earl to An­swer her in a cause of Nullity of Matrimony. The La­dies Li­bell.

The Earle appears before the Commissioners, by his Proctor, And She gives in her Libell, viz.

That the Earl and the Lady, six years since, in Ianuary Anno Dom. 1606. were Married, her age then thirteen, and his four­teen, and now she is 22. and he 23 years old.

That for three years since the Marriage, and he 18. years old, they both did cohabit as Married folke, in one bed naked and alone, indeavouring to have carnall knowledge each of others Bo­dy.

Notwithstanding, the Earl neither did, nor could ever know her Carnally; he being before, and since, possessed with perpetu­all incurable Impediment, and [Page 117]Impotency, at least in respect of her.

That the Lady was, and is apt, & fit, without any defect, & is yet a Virgin, and Carnally unknown by any man.

That the Earl hath confessed often times to persons of great credit, and his neerest friends, that he was never able Carnally to know her, though he had often attempted, and used his utmost in­deavour.

And therefore prayeth the Commissioners upon due proof hereof, to pronounce for the Invalidity & Nullity of the Mar­riage.

The Earl by his Proctor, denies the said Contents, Contestatio Li­tis negativè.

His Answer is required by Oath, by second Process, where, His An­swer u [...] Oath. in open Court his Oath was administred, with so great care, [Page 118]and effectuall words, to minde him of all Circumstances, as the like hath been seldome obser­ved.

The Earl confesseth the Mar­riage, Viva voce. and Circumstance, (as in the Libell.) And were not ab­sent above three moneths, the one from the other, in any of the said 3. years.

That, for one whole yeare of the three, He did attempt divers times, carnally to know Her. But the other two years, he lay in bed with her nightly, but found no motion to copulation with Her.

That in the first year, She shew­ed willingness, and readiness thereto.

That he did never carnally know Her, but did not find any impediment in himself, but was not able to penetrat or injoy Her.

And beleeveth, That before and [Page 119]after the Marriage, he found in himself ability to other Women; and hath sometimes felt motions that way.

But being asked, Whether he found in himself a perpetuall, & incurable Impediment towards Her? He answered, that in 2. or 3 years last, He hath had no motion to Her; and beleeveth, He never shall, nor that She is apt as other women: And that She is Virgo integra & incorrupta.

And confesseth, That He hath often, before Persons of credit, confessed thus much.

Notwithstanding this his Oath, She produced sundry Witnesses of the Marriage, Time, Age, Cohabitation at Bed and at Board; as before in the Libell, &c.

So then that period of time, limited by the Civill and Canon Law, proved his Cohabitation, [Page 120]and Condormition, for consum­mation.

The next was, That notwith­standing, She remained Virgo in­tegra, incorrupta. But, because the Earl beleeved not the Lady to be fit and apt for copulation, Therefore her Councell desired, Matronas aliquas probas & hone­stas, fide dignas, & in ea parte peritas, per dominos assignari, ad inspiciendum Corpus dictae domi­nae.

Whereupon it was decreed,

That six Midwives of the best Note, and ten other Noble Ma­trons, fearing God, and Mothers of Children, out of which them­selves would choose 2 Midwives and 3 Matrons; and out of which the Delegates did select 5. ut se­quitur.

Tune Domini viz. Arch. Cant. London: Eliens: Coventry & Lichf: Caeser, Parry, Dun, Bennet, Ed­wards, [Page 121]habita inter eos privata de­liberatione, ex numero Matronarum praedict. eligerunt, The Lady Martha Terwhite, wife of Sir Ph: Terwhite, Baronet; the Lady Alice Carew, wife of Sir Mathew, the Lady Dalison, wife of Sir Roger. Et in supplimentum Casu earum impedire. The Lady Anne Waller Widdow, & ex obstetri­cum numero, &c. Margaretam Mercer, & Christianam Chest. Et assignarunt procuratorem dictae do­minae Francis. ad sistendum cujus­modi Inspectatrices, coram Reve­rendissimo patre Lond. Episc. Iulio Caesar, & Daniele Dun, &c. Inter caeteros nominat. islo die, inter hor as quintam & sextam post meridiem, juramentū in hac parte subdituras, at (que) inspectione facta fideliter rela­turas; earū judiciū juxta earū sci­entiā et experientiā, &c. Corā dictis dominis, delegatis, sic ut praefertur, assignatis, quam cito fieri possit, [Page 122]ante horam quartam, post meridiem diei Iovis prox. alioquin, ad com­parendum, hoc in loco coram Comis­sariis, dicto die lovis, inter horas quartam et sextam post meridiem ejusdem dici earum Iudicium in hac parte, tunc relaturas, et inter­essendum diebus, hora & loco, re­spective praedict, ad videndum In­spectatrices praedictas, Iuramento in hac parte enerari. Necnon quibus­cun (que) aliis diebus, hora & loco per dictos Dominos Commissarios nominat, dictis inspectatricibus ad referend, earum Iudicium assigna­tum.

Accordingly, between the hours of five and six in the after­noon that day, were presented be­fore the said Delegates, London, Caesar, et Dun; the said Lady Ter­white, Lady Carew, Lady Anne Waller, Margare [...] Mercer, and Christian Chest Midwives, sworn ad Inquirend. & Inspect.

1. Whether the Lady Francis were a Woman, apt and fit for carnall Copulation, without any defect that might disable Her to that purpose.

2. Whether she were a Virgin, unknown carnally by any man.

Whereupon, they went from the presence of the Commissio­ners, into the next room, where the Lady was, accompanied then with the Councell of both sides; into which room was no entrance but at one dore, whereout the Councell came forth, and only the Lady left with the said women, who after some convenient time returned their report under their hands; the Commissioners having first sequestred from their pre­sence, the Councell of the Earle and Lady, who had been present in all these passages, and all other persons except the Register, that so the Ladies and Midwives might [Page 124]more freely deliver their secret reasons, &c. though it was not fit to insert them in the Re­cord.

And this is their sum of their re­lation, viz.

1. That they believed the said Lady fitted with abilities to have Carnall copulation, and apt to have Children.

2. That she is a Virgin incor­rupted.

And to coroborate all this, the Lady in open Court produced 7 women of her Consanguini­ty;

That, in as much as the truth of all was best known to her selfe, She might by vertue of Her Oath should be no further regarded, than it was confirmed by the oathes of these her kinswomen.

The Law presuming that such kindred should be best acquainted [Page 125]with the inward secrets of their kinswoman.

In order hereto, the Lady Francis, in open Court, had an Oath administred to her, with all the like grave admonition, as before to the Earl.

And so She affirmed;

That, since the Earl was 18-years old, for three years, He and She had divers times layn naked in bed all night; And sundry times there, the Earl had attempted, and indevoured to consummate Mar­riage with her, & She accordingly yielded, and willing thereto, and yet he never had Copulation with Her.

And then these seven Noble Women, viz. Katherine Coun­tesse of Suffolke, Francis Coun­tesse of Kildare, Elizabeth Lady Walden, Elizabeth Lady Knevet, Lady Katherin Thinn, Mistris Katherine Fines, Mistris Dorothy [Page 126]Neal, her Kinswomen, being char­ged by the Court to speak with­out partiality what they beleeved as to the Ladies deposition, they did all depose, that they believed the same to be true.

1 And in particular. That post plenam pubertatem utrius (que), they both endeavoured Copulation.

2 That notwithstanding this Cohabitation, and ability on his part per Inspectatrices, she remained a Virgin incorrupted.

3 That the Earl had Judicially sworne, that he never had, nor could, nor should ever know her carnally.

And this the Law being, That Impotentia coeundi in viro, howso­ever, whether by naturall defect, or accidentall means, and whether absolute towards all, or respe­ctive to his wife alone; If it pre­cede Matrimony, and be perpe­tuall, as by Law is presumed, [Page 127]when by 3 yeares continuance, after the Mans age of 18 years, there having been nil ad copulam, the Marriage not consummated. the Law allowing the said proofs, &c. was abundantly sufficient to convince the said Earle of Im­potency.

Because, Canonum Statuta custo­diri debent ab omnibus; & nemo in actionibus, vel judiciis Ecclesiasticis, suo sensu, sed eorum authoritate duci debet.

The said Reverend, and grave Judges Delegates, gave this sen­tence unanimously, as follow­eth.

Idcirco nos Episcopi, &c. in dicta causa Iudices, Delegati, & Commis­sarii, Christi Nomine (primitùs) in­vocato, & ipsum selum Deum, oculis nostris praeponentes, et habentes, de (que) et cum consilio Iurisperitor cum quibus in hac parte communicavimus; ma­turéq, deliberavimus, praefatum Domi. [Page 128]num Comitem Essex, dictam dominam Franciscam, ob aliq uod latens, & incurabile impedimentum perpetu­um; praedictum contractum, & solem­nizationem, praecedens, citra solemni­zationem, et contractum praedictum, nunquam carnaliter cognovisse, aut carnaliter eandem, cognoscere potuisse, aut posse, et eundem dominum Comi­tem qu [...]ad carnale copulam, cum ca­dem domina Francisca, exercend omnino inhabilem, et impotentem fu­isse, et esse: Pronunciamus, decerni­mus et declaramus praefatum praeten­sum Matrimonium, sic inter praedict­um virum Robertum Devoreaux, Comitem Essex, Et praedictam praenobitem faeminam, Franciscam Howard, de facto contractum, et so­lemnizatum, Omniaque exinde se­quentia, ratione praemissorum, om­nino invalidum, ac nullum, nulla fuisse, et esse, viribusque juris caru­isse, et carere debere; atque nullo et aullis; et invalido et invalidis; [Page 129]ad omnem Iuris effectum, ettamque pronunciamus, decernimus et declara­mus, dictum matrimoniumpraetensum, omnia (que) ex inde sequentia, cassamus, anullamus, & irritamus; Memora­tamque Dominam Franciscam Howard, ab aliquo vinculo, huiusmodi praetensi Matrimonii, inter Eam, & dictum dominum Robertum Comitem (ut praefatur) de facto contracti, & solemnizati, liberam, & solutam fuisse, & esse. Et sic tam liberam, & solutam insuper pronun­ciamus, decernimus & declaramus. Eademque dominam Franciscam, ab eodem domino Comite Essex, quoad vinculum Matrimonii prae­tensi praedicti, omnia (que) ex inde se­quentia, liberandam & divortian­dam fore debere, pronunciamus, & sic liberamus, & divortiamus; eosdem quo ad transitum ad alias nuptias, conscientiis suis, in domino relinquere per hanc nostram sententiam desi­nitam, sive hoc nostrum finale [Page 130]decretum, quam si ve, quod secimus, & promulgamus in his scriptis.

And these Records extant, doe mention the proceedings (you see) modest and legall; parallell with any former of the like kind, though our Pamphleter with his baudy tale, pleaseth himself to de­fame those Reverend Bishops, whose dignities gave them place of Judges; acting no more, or otherwayes, than the Ecclesia­sticall Canons in such cases prescribe. Nemine contradicen­te.

Yes sayes He [Archishop Abbot, Pamph. 78.who was therefore excluded the Councell Table, and so dyed in disgrace of that King, though in favour with the King of Kings.]

The truth is otherwise. For the Archbishop (providence permit­ting) ayming with a Crossebow to strike a Deere, kill'd his Game keeper; for which Act, having [Page 131]His hand in blood, by the Canons of the Church, he cannot be ad­mitted to officiate at the Altar; and so, He not being admitted to the full use of his spiritual calling; Himself forbore the Councell Table, as He told me in these words. [Since they will have it so, that I am uncapable of the one, I shall spare my self the trouble of the other.]

But he enjoyed the benefit of that See, whilst he lived, and retyred in that time (most con­stant) to his Palace at Lambeth.

Much displeased he was (as I well remember) with the Court and Clergy; and upon that Score. And, forsooth, to justifie, that his Function was not weakned, by his Mischance, quarrelling with the Canons, he fell upon down-right Puritan Tenents; which gave occasion to many Discontents of our Church and State, to visit him [Page 132]so frequent, that they called them­selves, Nicodemites, and his Disci­ples.

And I observed very often, perhaps therefore, (for I could not meet with a better reason) that the Archbishop, constantly with Candell light in his Chamber and Study, made it Midnight at Noon day.

And here he began to be the first Man of Eminency in Our Church, a Ringleader of that Faction, for I can name those, then his private Disciples, which lately appear desperate Proselites. And thus He lived, Pamph. 1 [...]5. but [died not in displeasure of King James] for the Phamphlet perswades us after­wards to believe [him to be the Kings confessor] living long after in the late Kings time, from whom no evill Resentment could passe in relation to this former Story; it being buried in Oblivion [Page 133]to Him and all good Men, till that Our Pamphletter, rakes in the Embers, to light His owne Can­del.

And thus, after all the former proceedings, and the Nullity pro­nounced, a Marriage was so­lemnized, with Viscount Roch­ford then Earl of Somerset.

And truly, here I should be unwilling to prosecute this Story; but our Pamphletters foule mouth leads me back to Master Copinger, Pamph. 6 [...] Mr. Cop­pinger. whose birth, breeding and beha­viour deserves no lesse of fame, than to leave him quiet in the silent Grave. [But He knew Him otherwise deserving.] I am sure many men now living know, that Our Author may give himselfe Copingers Character; faces about, and in truth you have Him to a haires bredth.

Master Copinger had been here­tofore, Master of a larger fortune, [Page 134]which yet, fell not so low, [as to turne Baud for want of better maintenance] Indeed he was entertained a Dependent on Roch­ford, a favourite, and Lord Cham­berlaine, and so no dishonour, for Him, or other Men, of better Ranke, and Birth, than Our Authors family, to be near atten­ding so great a Person, as Gen­tleman of his Bed Chamber; and thereby, the more proper to be trusted, with the Secrets and Civilities of his Masters lawfull Affection, and addresse to so great a Lady; which might then, well become Him, or any other honest Man to advance; and I may believe, he afforded the con­veniency [of His own house for their meeting and consent of Mar­riage] which was not long after solemnized with much honour and magnificence. Sir The­mas O­verbury. And Sr. Thomas Overbury, congratulating the [Page 135]Ceremony, with as publique profession as others in Court ex­pressed. And it concerned this great Favourite, to look upon Him with respect of preferment; and as he failed not the meanest, so it became Him, to advance his Confident Overbury, most e­minent. Pamph. 65. (Whose Character Our Pamphletter hath more deservedly hit upon, than any other.)

And therefore, it was his own seeking, as best fitting his excel­lent parts, 69 to present the Kings Person in Embassie to France, which to my knowledge he ac­cepted and seemingly prepared to advance.

Conceiting, perhaps, that the power which he usurped over Somerset; and the Interests of ei­thers affection, (which Overbury knew best how to Master) could not endure absence, without much regret, which accordingly had for [Page 136]some time, the true effects, as Overbury intended.

But when Somerset had wisely considered, that there would be no great loss of so loose a friend; Then Overbury would not goe; no, though I know his Instructions were drawn, and Additionalls thereto, by his own consent.

And this was a just, and true ground, for the King and Councell, to punish so great Insolency, with Imprisonment in the Tower, which Somerset heartily endeavoured in due time to release.

But Overbury (to shadow his own demerits,) devised the reason and cause, from his disaffection of the former Marriage, and which he published, with much dishonor, though not the tythe which is studied in our Pamphleters Libell. For which, the Malice of Women, (as it often meets) sought Revenge by Poyson, to punish him, to the [Page 137] death. And for which Fact, they were arraigned, and some suffe­red death.

In prosecution of which, it be­hoved the Kings Piety and Iustice, to be severe and serious, without [any King-craft.] And therefore needed not such an additionall falsehood [as to kneel down to the Iudges] when then, as usuall he gave them their Charge, upon their Itinerate Circuits.

For then, the truth of Over­buries poysoning was but suspected; And therefore it was not unnaturall nor wonderous [for the King to take his leave of his Favorite and friend, with expressions of great kindness] who yet in Iustice he exposed to Persecution.

And truly, in this much forced story of our Author, take him at his own dimension, an ingenious good Nature, may find out much strugling in the King, to make [Page 138] Iustice and Mercy, kiss each other.

I was present at their Arraign­ments, and the [Pictures, Puppets, for Magick spells] were no other, but severall French Babies, some Naked, others Clothed; which were usuall then, and so are now a dayes, to teach us the fashions, for dresse of Ladies tyring and apparrell.

And indeed [Foremans Book was brought forth] wherein the Moun­tebanck had formerly for his own advantage and credit, sawcily [inserted the Countesses name, so of many others that came to seek For­tunes] which she cleared by her own Protestation, and Foremans confession, that she was never with him.

Sir Thomas Monson was brought to the Bar, Sir Tho­mas Mon­son. and began his Tryall, but was remitted to the Tower, with as much Civility, as is usuall to other Prisoners.

And Sir Geo. More then Lieute­nant of the Tower, took him from the Bar, and both together were carried in his Coach to the Tower. I say the truth, for I saw it.

But I cannot pick out the mea­ning, why [so much pains is taken to tell out Monsons tale] was he Guilty, or No? By the story, he had hard measure. So perhaps had some of the others; for He was a Creature of that Family. And yet for some (no doubt) pri­vate respects of our Author (for he was his Companion) He is in, and out, and out, and in, and in, and out again.

And now comes Somerset, Pamph. 115. who he sayes [being warned to his tryal, absolutely refused, and was assured by the King, never to come to any] when was this assurance? For he tells us, [At their parting at Roy­ston, they never met after] but we must conceive it by Message.

And why for this, must [More a wise man be at his wits end?]

The warrant for Tryall came o­ver night late; and it is so usual as it never failes, that the Lieute­nant of the Tower hath freedome of accesse [to waken his Soveraign] at any hour.

The importance of his Place and Trust, having that consequence annexed. And in speciall to give Knowledge of Warrants, either of Tryalls, or of Execution of Prisoners. And this, of Course he did. [When the King in tears, is told a tale in his Eares] that none knew, but he that was furthest off.

[A trick of wit brings him to the Barre, and a desperate plot by two men placed at his Elbow, with Clokes to clap over him, made him calm at his Tryall] And thus it was, that the Lieutenant on his right, and the Gentleman Iaylor [Page 141]on his left hand, with Clokes on their backs, [but not on their armes] might colour our Authors conceipt.

It had appeared a mad Presi­dent, when a Prisoner at his tryall, upon Life and Death, hath Freedome to speak for himself, in publique Course of Justice, [to be snatch'd from the Bar, and from the power of the Iudge, at the pleasure of a Iaylor.] But to make out this Monument,] the King rewards him with 1500 l.] Pamph. 119. And for a truth [More tells all this to the Author, of whom (him­selfe confesses) he had no assu­rance of his honesty] nor I beseeve any body else.

The Conclusion of all is, That due execution was done upon Sir Iervice Ellowayes, Mrs. Turner, Weston and Franklyn. Mo [...]son cleared, the Countesse and [Page 142] Earl reprieved, [our Author and most men cleer him of the Poyson, and condemn him only in the high point of friendship, for suffering his imprison­ment] which he could not release, And the Countesse only guilty of connivance.

And now comes this.

Our Prefacers 3. Remarke to the Iudgment Seat for sentence. Let him pick out a greater Presi­dent in any History, more Remarke, than this of the King, to make good this His former Protestation, wherein by the way He may take leave, to be allowed, His owne even Conscience, for Iustice and Mercy both.

Which no doubt, hath found acceptance at Gods Tribunall, in behalfe of Him and His, His own death being Ordinary, not forced by any Poyson. And His posterity in due time, by our Saviours merits, shall be gathered up in the mystery of [Page 143]everlasting salvation.

But by the way how smoothly we are told a Story of the Pittifull Palsgrave [how He Married a Kings Daughter, with much joy, Pamph. 82 Palsgraveand great misfortune to all the Princes of Christendom; but fayling of that, and all the rest, how He was cast out, He and His, to beg their bread, But had His Father-in-law been half so wise, (with our Authors good Counsell to boot) and had He bought swords, with a quarter ex­pence of words, He had bin —] What? As his Sonne that suc­ceeds him; Palsgrave.

But we hasten; Prince Henry. having much matter to meddle with, confusedly put together in our Pamphlet; The 4th. Remarke in the Preface. which wee must take leave to separate, for each single story: and Re-mind back, the death of that Heroick Prince HENRY (in the midst of Somerset's Greatnes) [Who had he liv'd to have bin King [Page 144]would no doubt (with our Authors leave) have been so gracious as to leave alive, Pamph. 85one HOWARD, to pisse against the Wall.] When as with reverence to His Memory, it was a notorious truth, that He made Court to the Countesse of Essex before any other Lady then li­ving.

But He is dead, [and poysoned too, as we shall have it in his following discourse] and yet speaks not one word more of Him after­wards.

Prince Henry was borne in Scotland, at Striveling Castle, in February 1594. the first sonne unto King JAMES and Queene ANNE.

His breeding, apted his excel­lent Inclination, to all Exercises of Honor, and Arts of Knowledge, which gave him fame, the most exquisite, hopefull Prince in Christendome.

In the nineteenth yeare of his Age, His Sick­nesse. appeared the first Symptome of change; from a full round face, and pleasant disposition, to be paler and sharpe, more sad and retired; often complaining of a giddy heavinesse in his for-head. Which was somewhat eased, by bleeding at the Nose; and that suddenly stopping, was the first of his distemper, and brought him to extraordinary qualms, which his Physicians recovered, with Strong waters.

About this time, severall Ambassadors Extraordinary, being dispatched home, He retired to his House at Richmond; pleasantly sea­ted by the Thames River; which in­vited him to learn to swim, in the Evenings after a ful supper: the first immediate pernicious cause of stopping that gentle flux of blood, which thereby putrifying, might ingender that fatall Feaver that [Page 146]accompanied Him to his Grave. His active Body, used violent Exercises; for at this time, being to meet the King at Bever, in Nottinghamshire, he rode it in two dayes, neer a hundred miles, in the extremity of heat in Sum­mer. For he set out early, and came to Sir Oliver Cromwells neer Huntingde [...], by ten a clock before Noon, neer 60 Miles, and the next day bet mes to Bever, 40 Miles.

There, and at other places, all that Progress, He accustomed to Feasting, Hunting and other sports of Balloon and Tennis, with too much violence.

And now returned to Richmond, in the Fall of the Leaf, He com­plained afresh of His pain in the Head, with increase of a meager complexion, inclining to Feverish; And then for the rareness thereof called the New disease.

Which increasing; Takes His Chamber, the 10th of Octob. He took His Camber, and began Councel with His Physician Doctor Hammond, an honest and worthily learned Man. Three dayes after He fell into a loosness (by cold) 15 times a day.

Then removes to London, to St. Iame's contrary to all advise. And (with a spirit above his Indisposi­tion) gives leave to His Physician to go to his own home.

And so allowes Himselfe too much liberty, in accompanying the Palsgrave, and Count Henry of Nassaw, (who was come hither up­on Fame to see him) in a great Match at Tennis in His Shirt, that winter season, his looks then presaging sickness. And on Sunday the 25 of Octob. He heard a Ser­mon, The text in Iob; Man that is born of a Woman, is of short continu­ance, and is full of trouble. After that, He presently went to White-Hall, [Page 148]and heard another Sermon before the King, and after dinner being ill, craves leave to retire to his own Court, where instantly he fell into sudden sicknes, faintings; and after that a shaking, with great heat and Head [...]ach, that left Him not, And His Bed. whilst He had Life.

Instantly He takes His Bed, continuing all that night in great drought and little rest; The next day Head ache increa­sing, his Body costive, pulse high His water thyn and whitish.

Doctor Mayern prescribes Him a Glister; After which he rose, playd at Cards, that, and the next day: But looked pale, spake hol­low, dead sunk eyes, with great drought.

And therefore Mr. Nasmith should have let him blood by Mayerns Counsell. But the other Physicians disagreeing it was de­ferr'd; yet He rose all this day, [Page 149]had His fit, first cold, then a dry greatheat.

On his 4th. day comes Doctor Butler, (that famous Man of Cam­bridge) who approved what had bin ministred, gave hopes of re­very, and allowed of what should be given Him.

Mayern, Hammond and Butler, desired the assistance of more Doctors; but the Prince would not, to avoid confusion in Counsell. His Head-ache, drought, and other ac­cidents increased.

This Evening there appeared 2. hours after Sun set, A Lunar Rainbow, directly cross over the House, very ominous.

The 6.7. increasing His di­sease.

The 8th. His Physicians bleed the Median of his right arm, 8. ounces, thin and putride: After which He found ease, with great hopes; and was visited by King, Queen, [Page 150]Duke, Palsgrave, and Sister.

The 9th. worse than before; His disease and therefore, Doctor Atkins, as­sisted their opinions, That his Di­sease was, a corrupt putrid Feaver; seated under the Liver, in the first passage. The Malignity, by reason of the Putrefaction, (in the highest degree) was venemous.

The 10th. increasing Convulsi­ons, greater ravings, and Fea­ver violent. And therefore May­ern advised more bleeding: But the rest would not; but applyed Pigeons and Cupping glasses, to draw away the pain.

The 11th. small hopes, All accidents violently increasing, no applications giving ease. His Chaplains continuing their daily Devotions by His Bed side. The Archbishop of Canterbury, and Doctor Melborn, Dean of Roche­ster, and others, with whom He daily prayed.

The 12. No hope. The King with excessive grief, removes to Kensington House.

There were added Doctor Palmer, and Doctor Guifford, all imaginable helps, Cordialls, Dia. phoretick and Quintessentiall spirits; & a water from Sir Walter Raleigh Prisoner in the Tower: all these were by Consent administred; with­ [...]ut any effect.

And so He died at 8 a Clock at night, Friday the 6. His death. of November 1612.

The Corps laid upon a Table, Corps laid out, the fairest, cleerest and best proportioned, without any spot or blemish.

The next day was solemnly appointed, for imbowelling the Corps, in the presence of some of the Counsell, all the Physicians, Chirurgions, Apothecaries, and the Palsgraves Physician.

And this is the true Copy of [Page 152]their view, And view­ed by Cer­tisicate. under their hands as followeth.

The Skin, as of others, Blac­kish, Skin, but no way spotted with Blacknesse, or Pale marks, much lesse purpled, like Flea bites, could shew any Contagion, [...]r Pestilenticall Venome.

About the place of His Kidnies, Kidnies.Hipps, and behind His Thighs, full of rednesse; and because of his continuall lying upon his back, his belly somewhat swollen, and stretched out.

The Stomach whose & handsom, Stomach. within and without; having never in all his sicknesse, been troubled with vomiting, lothing or yelping; or any other accidents which could shew any taint.

The Liver marked with small spots above; Liver. and in the Lower parts, with small lines.

The Gall Bladder, Gall. void of any humour; full of wind.

The Spleen on the top, Spleen. and in the lower end, blackish, fill'd with black heavy blood.

The Kidnies without any blemish. Kidnies.

The Midrise, under the Filme or Membraine, Midriffe, containing the Heart (wherein a little moysture) spotted with black leadish colour by reason of the brusing. Heart.

The Lungs, the greatest part black, Lungs. the rest all spotted with black, imbrewed and full of a­dust blood, with a corrupt, and thick Serocity, which by a vent made in the Lungs, came out fo­ming in great abundance. In which doing, and cutting a small Skin, which invironeth the Heart to shew the same, the Chirurgian by chance cutting the Trunck of the great Veine, the most part of the blood issued out into the Chest, leaving the lower Veins empty; upon sight whereof, they concluded an extream heat and [Page 154]fullnesse; & the same more appea­red, that the windpipe, with the Throat & Tongue, Throat. were covered with thick blacknesse.

The Tongue cleft and dry in many places. Tongue.

The hinder Veins called Pia­mater, Piamater. in the Inmost Filme of the Braine, swolne, abundance of blood, more than naturall.

The Substance of the Braine, Braine. faire and clcere; but the ventricks thereof, full of cleere water, in great abundance, which was en­gendred by reason of the Feaver Maligne, divers humors being gathered together, of a long time before. He not being subject to any dangerous Sicknesse by Birth.

The other part, Without poyson. by reason of the Convulsions, resoundings and benummings, and of the fullnesse, choaking the naturall hear, and destroying the vitalls, [Page 155]by their Malignity, have convayed Him to the Grave without any teken or accident of Poyson.

His admirable patience, in all his sicknesse, might deceive the Physicians never dreaming dan­ger.

The Urines shewd none. And the unknown state of His greatest griefe, lay closely rooted in His head, which in the opening was disco­vered.

But the Picture of Death by a strange extraordinary Counte­nance, from the beginning, And vain­ly surmi­sed. pos­sessing him, hath been the cause, that some vainely rumored, that He was Poysoned.

But no Symptome appearing, By sent. it is surmised, that He might be Poysoned by a Sent.

But indeed, He died in the Rage of a Malicious Extraordinary Bur­ning Fever.

The seventh of December, [Page 156]He was Interred at Westminster 1612.

His Motto's Fax mentis, Honestae Gloria.

Juvat ire per Altum.

He was comely tall; Descripti­on, five Foot eight Inches high; Strong and well made; somewhat broad Shoulders; a small Waste, Amiable with Ma­jesty. and His Haire Aborn colour. Long Faced, and broad For-head, a pearcing grave Eye; a gracious Smile; but with a Frowne, dan­ting.

Courteous and affable; Character. naturall Shamefast and modest. Patient and slow to Anger. Mercifull and ju­dicious in punishing offendors. Quick to conceive, yet not rash. Very constant in resolves. Won­derfull secret of any trust, even from his Youth. His Corage Prince­like, fearless, noble, undaunted; say­ing that there should be nothing impossible to Him, that had bin [Page 157] done by another. Most Religious and Christian, Protesting His great desire to compose differences in Religion.

In a word; He was never heard, by any body living to swear an Oath, And it was remembred at his Fu­nerall Sermon by the Archbishop, that He being commended by one for not replying with passion in Rlay, or swearing to the truth; He should answer, That He knew no Game, or Value to be won or lost, that could be worth an Oath.

To say no more, Such and so many were His Virtues, that they co­vered Sin.

We are told by our Pam­phlet [that his death was foretold by Bruce, Pamph. 85who was therefore banished] And if so, he deserved rather to be hanged.

But in truth, He was not ba­nished at all, but wisely remo­ved [Page 158]himself into Germany, where his Profession of Prophesying gai­ned most profit. And from whence all Christendome are fill'd with such lying foretellings. But in this particular he needed not much Art or Devills help to say [That Salisburies crazy body should yeeld to Nature before Prince Henry's.]

And this true story of Prince Hen­ry, Pamph. 86 may answer the fourth Remarke in the Preface, that he came not to untimely death.

Sir Arthur Ingram, Sir Arthur Ingram. Sir Lionell Cranfield. and Sir Lionell Cranfield, our Pamphlet couples upon the score of Mer­chants; though the latter being of merit and was rank'd with the Peers.

Ingram was bred a Merchant, and for his wit and wealth imployed as a Customer: and afterwards came to that esteem, as to be pre­ferred Cofferer in the Kings house; [Page 159]and with much Reason and Policy, so to be. For the vast expence of the State, kept the Treasury dry; Especially, the needfull disburse­ments of the Court, divided into Severalls, of King, Queen, Prince, Princess, and Palsgrave, and Duke. And at this time also of the Mar­riage, and, who more proper to assist (the Revenue failing) but such able men as these; who could, and honestly might, discover the cun­ning craft of the cosening Mer­chant. And it was high time so to doe, or the Customers had In­gros'd all the wealth of the Com­monweal.

Though our Pamphlet bestowes on them the Characters [of evill Birds desiling their own Nests] what is our Anthor then? Pamph. 87 who de­sil'd the Court that gave him bree­ding, defamed the King that gave him hread?

And this I know, That the King [Page 160]most prudent, put this course in practice at Court (somewhat dif­fering I confess in the Line of As­cent, to the Houshold preferment, which rises by Order and Suc­cession.)

This Man Sir Arthur Ingram a stranger in Court, stept in to dis­cover the concealments of the Green Clo [...]h also, and when this Tyde had its Ebb, it returned a­gain to its wonted Chanell. And 'tis true, that the King shif­ted the fault upon his Favorit. An ordinary fate, which of ten fol­lows them, to beare the burthen of their Masters mistakes. Which yet was but an Experiment, proper enough for the Lord Chamberlain to put in practice.

He being layd aside, Sir Lionell Cranfield. Sir Lionell Craufield came into publick, up­on such like Design, but in a nobler way.

I find him of an antient Fami­ly [Page 161]in Glocestershire, as by their bea­ring of Arms in the Heralds office appears.

This Gentleman, a Brother unto Sir Randall Cranfield, who inhe­rited his fathers possessions there, and in other Counties, of good value; And in Kent; Neigh­bouring Our Authors habitati­on.

He was bred, a Merchant Ad­venturer, in London, and by his extraordinary qualities, and the blessing of God upon his indea­vours, in that most commendable way of Adventure, (besides his great understanding in the affairs of the Customes) became usefull to the State.

And first, had the honour of Knighthood; then the Custody of the Kings Wardrobes; afterwards Master of the Court of Wards and Liveries; and lastly succeeded Suffolke, in the place of Treasurer [Page 162]of England; and in that time, created Earle of Middlesex.

In all which Offices of Trust; I never knew then, nor can find sithence, any suspicion, unlesse in that of the Treasury. The ground whereof is hinted unto us by our Author. Pamph. 166. But in truth, in this He hath but Scumm'd the Pot, to cleere the Broth. For indeed, who more fit (for the reasons I have shewed) than this man of experience, in Stating the Accompts, for the Revenues of the State, which I know he improved, and not unlikely thereby, purchased Envy for his Eminency. And to say truth, according to his Place, He did indeavor to Husband the same to piece out with the expence, which the Princes Iourney into Spain, had wonderfully and unne­cessarily exhausted; as by the Prin­ted accompt thereof lately divul­ged by Parliament, doth manifestly [Page 163]appeare. Then which no better Evidence can be produced to ac­quit the Treasurer, together with what the Pamphletter publishes as a supposed crime, Pamph. 166. [His refusall to supply that journey and Bucking­hams folly and prodigality;] and this [He did deny] as the duty of his Office required, and which He well understood, as being [of Counsell and acted as a Counsel­lour in that undertaking] to My knowledg; and as indeed being then the Statesman at the Counsell Table.

But his refusall of supplying Buckingham, upon that Score only, wrought him (no doubt) at his returne home, the Treasurers great enemy.

And whom He opposed [a small accusation might serve the turne, to turne any Man out of all] as He did, Him.

And yet to the Honour of his [Page 164] Memory; though they raked into all his actions, and racked all mens discoveries, to the height of Infor­mation, the power of Buckingham could never produce any Crime, (though mightely attempted) against his exact accompts, in that boundlesse trust of the tempting Treasury.

And in spite of Malice, though they divested him of that Office, yet He lived long after in Peace, Wealth, and Houour; And died since these times of inquiry, lea­ving to his Heire, his Honors un­taint; with a plentifull Estate to all his Children; enabling them to beare up the worthy Character of their Fathers meritts.

And thus, having digressed in our matter beyond our time; we returne to the first appearance of our new Favorite, George Villiers, 89 His di­scent.George Villiers, who was of an Ancient Family in Leicestershire. His Father Sir Ed­ward [Page 165]Villiers, begat him, upon a second Wife, Mary Beomont, of Noble birth; whom for Her beauty and goodnesse He Married. He had by Her three Sonnes, Iohn Vis­count Purbeck, George Duke of Buckingham, and Christopher Earle of Anglesey; and one Daughter, Susan Countesse of Denbigh.

Our Pamphlet tells us. Page. 90. [That He came over by chance, from his French Travells; and sought his pre­ferment in Mariage with any body, but mist of his match, for want of a hundred Marks Ioynture.] And so pieces him for the Court (like in the Story of Dametas Capari­sons) borrowing of every one piecemeal, to put him forward for the Kings Favourite.

The truth is thus, His Mother a Widdow, was lately Married unto Sir Thomas Compton, second Brother to the Lord Compton; who by chance falling upon a wonder­full [Page 166]match (for matchless wealth) with Alderman Sir John Spencers Daughter and Heir.

And his Father then lately dead, this Lord was Master of all, which was of more than credible; and so might be enabled bountifully to set up a Kinsman, without help, or alms of the Parish.

And it was plotted long before, and Villiers sent for to the same purpose. And this indeed, was done by practice of some English Lords.

And I can tell him the time and place. There was a great, but private Entertainment at Supper, at Baynards Castle, by the Family of Herberts, Hartford and Bedford, and some others; By the way in Fleet­street, hung out Somersets picture, at a Painters Stall; which one of the Lords envying, bad his Foot­man sling dirt in the face; which he did: and gave me occasion there­by, [Page 167]to ask my Companion upon what score that was done. He told me, That this meeting would dis­cover. And truly, I waited neer, and opportune, and so was ac­quainted with the Design, to bring in Villiers. And thus backt. [Our new Favourite needed not to borrow, nor to seek out many Bravo'es to second his Quarrels,] which at first, I con­fess he met with.

For, having bought the place of Cup bearer to the King, his right was, to have the upper end of the Table, at the reversion of the Kings Diet; only during his mo­nethly wayting. But he, not so perfect a Courtier in the Orders of the House, set himself first (out of his month) when it was not his due; and was told of it, and so removed: which was not done with over much kindnesse; for in­deed, the Other was Somersets Crea­ture.

But not long after, this party by chance, (rather than by designe) spilt upon Villiers cloaths, as he carried meat to the Kings Table; and returning to Dinner, Villiers gave him a box on the Eare; For which the Custome of the Court was to have his hand cut off, and which belonged to Somerset, as Chamberlain, to prosecute the Exe­cution, Favorite. as he did. And here the Kings mercifull pardon, without any satisfaction to the party, made him appear a Budding Favorite.

And now we are fallen upon a story [of fooling and fidling] sometime used for Courtlike recre­ations I confesse; Pamph. 91. but alwayes, with so much wit as might well become the Exercise of an Acade­my; Not Ger­biers. which our Author miscon­strues, and calls [a Brothelry] to usher in the New Favorite, and to out the Old One, (whose Misfor­tunes with his Lady, brake out, [Page 159]even now as we have told of before.

And now indeed, Pamph. 124. all the browse boughs cut downe, or removed, to plain the Stemm; our Favorite appears, like a proper Palm.

His first step into honourable Office, was in the Admiralty, Admiralls. to succeed a good and gallant Old Lord of Nottingham, who being almost Bed ridd, made sute to the King, That himself might dispose his place, as a Legacy, in his life time upon Villiers: which was so done; and who, to my know­ledge, went in Person to acknow­ledg the Kindnesse, and presented his Young Lady, with a very noble and valuable reward, which my Lord Compton paid for, and besides a Pension therefore, during his life. And all this was done with so much love and liking, that I have often observed Villiers his great [Page 170]Civility to him ever after, at each meeting to call him Father, and bend his knee, without the least re­gret of the Lord, that gained more than he lost by the bargain, and did not cost the King a penny.

And because Sir Robert Mansell (a dependant of Nottingham) had the place of Vice-Admirall at plea­sure only; Villiers (for his Lords sake) continued him by Patent, during life.

For which Courtesie, the good Old man came himself to give thanks, (as I remember) the last Complement his age gave him leave to offer.

And thus was this Office of Ho­nor and Safety to the Kingdom, Ordered from the Command of a decrepid old Man to a proper young Lord, and strengthned with the abilities of an experien­ced Assistant, Pamph. 124. without deserving the least quarrelling Item, of [Page 171]our Carping Pamphleter.

The next in our way, Chancel­lor Eger­ton. is that of the Lord Egerton, He was Chan­cellor of England, a man very aged, and now with sicknesse fallen on his aeath-bed. Pamph. 125.

The Term come, and the Scal to be disposed, In order thereunto, the King sent Secretary Winwood (not Bacon) for the Seal, with this Message, That himself would be his under keeper, and not to dispose it whilst he lived, to bear the name of Chancellor. Nor did any receive the Seale, out of the Kings sight, till Egerton was dead, which fol­lowed soon after.

Sir Francis Bacon succeeded him in the Chancery. Chancel­lor Bacon. He was Attorney Generall, and as others by that Place, and the usuall way of pre­ferment (time without memory) come to high Office of Iudicature, either in Chancery, or to the other Benches, so did he rise.

He was a man of Excellent parts, of all other learning, as of that of the Law; and as proper for that place as any man of the Gown. His merits made him so then, which in after time his vi­ces blemished, and he justly re­moved to his private Studies, which render him to the world full of worth: and with the small Charity of our Author, might merit the Bayes, before any Man of that age.

And so we shall spare our labor, to observe his entrance into that Honor; by the idle Message from Buckingham, Pamph. 127.made up only by our Au­thors mouth. [Who tells us of his grow­ings, heighth and pride. Particularly intimated afterwards to the King in Scotland,Pamph. Letters from Winwood, which the King read unto our Au­thor.] At which [he sayes, they were very merry.] Good God! The King opens his bosome to him, at [Page 173]that instant (not usuall to any of the Green-cloth) when this Man, so vilely studied, and plotted his Soveraigns, and that Kingdoms dis­honor? Vide Pre­face. for which he was turned out of the Court. Was the King so gracious to him, & he so grace­less, then, and since, in the Pam­phlet to defame him, and his Po­sterity? He that eats of his bread, lifts up his hand to destroy him.

And afterwards we are told his downfall: which he says, at last hum­bled him to a Horse boy.

He did (as became him to do to the House of Peers) prostrate him­self and sins, which ingeniously he acknowledged, craving pardon of God and Them, promising with Gods mercy to amend his life; which he made good to the worlds Eye. Those excellent works contrived in his Retirements, dee manifest.

And let me give this light to His better Character; from an observation [Page 174]of the late King, then Prince; re­turning from hunting, He espied a Coach, attended with a good­ly Troop of Horsemen, who it seems were gathered together, to wait upon the Chancellour to his House at Gorembury, at the time of his declension.

At which, the Prince smiled; Well! do we what we can, said He, This Man scornes to go out like a Snuffe. Commending his un­daunted Spirit, and excellent parts; not without some regrett, that such a Man should be falling off. And all this, much differing from Our Authors Character of Him.

Those times are complained of. Pamph. 129. [What base courses our Favourite took to raise moneys for advance of his beggerly Kindred.] Heretofore we are told, that the Great Men mastered all: & now, the affairs are Managed with beggerly fellows; & [Page 175]concludes against himselfe, that Riches make Men Cowards, and Poverty Valiant.

Tis true, Plenty makes Men Proude, and Industry brings a Man to Honour. Had our Author lived to these our dayes, and observed as much now, as he pried into then; He must have spoke other Lan­guage; unlesse (as likely He could) hold with the Hare, and run with the Hounds.

We all know the Duke of Buckingham had many Kindred, for his Family were Antient. And dispersed by time, into severall Matches with the Gentry; who no doubt, did addresse to the Favou­rite for preferment. And what strange, or new device was it in Him, to raise them, that were neere in Blood, by Noble and worthy wayes, as he did; and if our Author had liked, to lick after the Kitchen-maid, had [Page 176]it been handsome for a Kinsman, to have kickt at his kindnesse? Pamph. 129, 130.

Good God, what a Summary Bead-roll of Pensioners are listed in our Authors Account; Sure He became Register, to the Revenue of that Rabble. Chancellour, Attorney, Deans, Bishops, Treasurers, Rich and Poore, raking upon the rates of Offices, Bishopricks, Deaneries with Fines and Pensions. Other­wise he sayes It had been impossible that three Kingdomes could have Maintained His Beggerly Kin­dred.

Oh, Pamph. 7. but He must tell us, He made them all Lords, wch. got him much haued. He did so, and he did well. He made his two Brothers Peers, his Mother and Sister Countesses, the rest of his kindred, by his Countenance, got means to live like their Birth-rights, being a Race Handsome and Beauti­full.

And yet let me tell him, I have been often present, when it hath been urged as a Crime to this great Man, the neglect of his owne; when the discourse hath been prest, for preferment of his Freinds. And this I know, for I acted there­in. The Late King in honour of Buckinghams Memory supplied the necessities of his Kindred, which his untimely death left without support.

As for the base Observations, through and through the Pam­phlet, though I liv'd in the shadow of the Court reasonable years, to see many turns of State; Yet I confesse, my time other wayes diverted, than to rake after so much Ribaldry, and beastly baw­dery, as now to question this his peeping, pimping, into each Petti­coat Placket; and for his sufficien­ency therein, he might have been made Master of the Game.

In Bacons place, Pamph. 139. Doctor Williams Lord Kee­per. comes to pre­ferment Doctor Williams (by the title of Keeper of the Seal, during pleasure, which the Chancellor hath for life.) He was also Dean of West­minster, and Eishop of Lincolne; brought in (sayes he) [to serve turns, to do that, which no Layman was sound bad enough to undertake.]

Former Ages, held it more consonant to Reason, to trust the Conscience of the Clergy, with the Case of the Layman they best know­ing a Case of Conscience.

And antiently, the Civill Law was allwayes judged by the Mi­nisters of the Church: and the Chan­cery, and Courts of Equity, in charge of a Divine Minister.

So ran that Channell, till Bacons Father had it from a Bishop, and now a Bishop has it again.

And had King Iames lived to have effected his desires, the Cler­gy had fixed firm footing in Courts [Page 179]of Iudicature, (out of the rode of the Common Law.)

And this was the true Cause of Williams Initiation thither. How he fell from that, and other his wayes since, from worse to worst of all, we leave him, if he be living, to lead a better life, and make a Godly end, Amen.

'Tis no new matter to tell us, Pamph. 143. Spanish Match. Fift Re­mark. That the Spanish Iesuit is more than our Match in the intricate way of Treaty, being enabled to Out-wit us and all the world besides. Of which we made tryall, upon trust of our Emissaries, and now the King was minded to put it to the touch.

And so resolved, That the Prince, with Buckingham and Cot­tington, and a domestick of the Dukes, should hazard a Iourney into Spain; Being invited thither by secret Intimation of Sir Walter Aston, Ambassador Extraordinary, with the Earl of Bristow, Leiger. Which was [Page 180]to put period to that business of a Marriage, that had lasted long enough in Design, to weary both Parties. Nor was it held such a Ranting journey by wise Men, that knew more perhaps, than our Author would make us beleeve he did.

For the great busines Inclusive with the Match, was to get Render of the Palatinate, which this way, or none, was to be expected.

And it appeared afterwards, That though the Spaniard did pre­tend it, yet he had other Overtures with the House of Austria, as a double bow-string.

All which, we suspected before; and therefore it was a Prince-like boldnesse, to bring it to issue by him­self, or to break the Bonds asunder. Which at his being there, he soon discovered, and so retur­ned.

Wherein, Bristoll, a suspected [Page 181] Pensioner to that State, did not so timely unmask the Spanish Coun­sells, to the Princes advantage, as he might and ought to have done. For which neglect, it had like to have cost him his life, when he came home to the true Examina­tion.

But evermore we must expect a bawdy tale in our Authors stories. Pamp. 146. Which, to all Men that know the retired custome of the Spanish Wives (much more of the Grandees Ladies) from conversing, or sight of their owne, either kindred, or friends, (much more of strangers) must needs discredit this Tale of Buckingham, with Olyvares Countess, as absurd and feigned.

Nor hath our Author, either Courtship or Civill breeding other­wise to understand, what the Princes behaviour should have been, towards so great a Person as the Infanta of Spain: but to al­low [Page 182]him, his cap cap on his head, and prevacy in her Cabinet.

But above all the strains of im­pudency, Give me leave to marke out the Insamy which he endea­vours (oh horrid!) to cast on King James; as of many other which he asperts him, so this Sans-parell; intimating thus much, [That, not glutted with the blood of his dear, Pamph. 149.and eldest Sen (that most incomparable) Prince Honry, for whose death he should cunningly dis­semble with a feigned sorrow. So now to adde to that, and for hatred to Buckingham (whom the world know he could have blasted with his breath) He should think it no ill bargain, to lose this Prince, his only Son, and Successor to all his Crowns.

And to illustrate the Kings wearinesse of Buckingam, Pamph. 150. he tells us a Tale of the Lieger Spanish Am­bassador Marquesa d'Innocossa, and a [Page 183]Spanish Confessor, Padre Maiestre, which he sayes, was sent to reveal to the King, what he had received under seal of Confession, and on pain of dam­nation never to utter) which was, 153 That the King should be Murthered by Buckingham, or some body else, (or no body at all.)

Then, The Kings passion hereupon, 154(without any other proceeding, to secure his own life, that was so fearfull to lose it.)

And then, That the Duke being challenged with the truth, durst not fight in his own defence; which cer­tainly, had he bin so wicked to designe, the Devil might have assisted him with courage to have countenanced it.

Indeed, Pamph. 155 there was a Letter of Complaint sent to Spain, by advice of the whole Councell here, to de­mand of that King, how far he had Commissioned his Ambassdor in an affair of Consequence, which [Page 184]Letter was inclosed and returned to him, with peremptory com­mand, to give satisfaction to the Prince and Duke: or to be subject to worse Construction. Which to my knowledge the Ambassador did recant, (for I copyed the tran­sactions;) and with much adoe, begg'd favour of the Prince, to be reconciled, upon sulmission; which the Prince in Honor was pleased to accept, or it might have cost Innocossa his head, at his comming home.

The former story is interlaced, Pamph. 151 with Observation; [How Buck­ing hamshifted from trusting the King, as knowing his desire to be rid of him. And so the Duke wrought himself into the Princes poor spirit, with much re­gret of the old King, and every body else, Especially, when he should rather have call'd to mind, the bravery of his brother who hated the whole Family, although, he sayes, none of them [Page 185]had ever offended him.

Certainly, Euckingham was not in beeing, when Prince Henry died; And if he were, he was more brave indeed, than to hate the Family that never did him hurt. But sure our Author meant, So­mersets Ladies Family Howards; For he tells us before, That Prince Henry would not leave one of them to pisse against the wall (the Male ones he means.)

And taking occasion before, to smell out something of suspition of Poyson in Prince Henries death; we are promised in his page 84. Pamph. 84 that his discourse following will tell you the truth thereof, and yet he ne­ver speaks word of him, no more, nor otherwise than in this place.

Our Author proceeds, and says, Pamph. 156[Now that we have heard, what made the King hate Buckingham, wee shall know the reason of Bucking­hams [Page 186]extreme hatred to the King, which is believed to be the cause of his so speedy death.]

More poyson yet?

But first we proceed to the story of Yelverton.

Sir H. Pamph. 156 Yelverton, was Attorney Generall; Sir H. Yel­verton. Attorney Gener all. and by his place of Im­ployment, it was his duty to manage the charge of Impeachment against Somerset, or any Subject whatso­ever, without dispute: which he refused, as receiving that place by his Favour; and this contempt to the Kings service, (not without suspition of concealment of some passages concerning Overburies death) He was for those Reasons, (and deservedly) by the whole coun­cell, committed to the Tower, close Prisoner.

Where (we are to be perswaded [the Lieutenant Balfore, admits the Dake to treat with him in pri­va [...]e, and then, to peece out a [Page 187]Peace between them.

Certainly Yelverton had Law to teach him, or any other Pri­soner of Reason, that this was trea­son in Balfore, and in the Duke to attempt. And therefore to cleer it, Balfore himself hath vowed to a Prisoner, sometime under his Guard, that there was never any such act done by the Duke, or by his permission to any body else.

But afterwards, upon Yelvertons humble submission, for his former fault; and his Innocency cleared in the other suspitions; he was set at liberty. And in truth, accor­ding to the merit of the Man, other wayes, he was afterwards trusted with the Judgement Seat.

And what was this secret in­formation, which we are told he should tell the Duke, [For­sooth, That which the King spake in [Page 188]Parliament [not to spare any that was dearest or lay in his bosome, by which he pointed to you; (meaning the Duke.)]

And must Buckingham adven­ture his, and the Lieutenants head to learn this News, which no doubt the Duke heard before, being then at the KING's Elbow.

Pamph. 161 After this impertinent digres­sion (or great secret) he dis­covers (which none ever dream'd of) a wonderfull [failing of the Spaniards both wisdom and gravity] And why? gravity?) forsooth. [That (which had bin against all Humanity, Comerce and Cu­stome of Nations) the Spaniard mist of the advantage, to imprison the Prince] a sure pledge (no doubt) for the Spaniard, to have gotten the Heir-dome of Eng­land.

And this he tells us for truth, [Page 189] [out of their own confessions] But they were caught with a trick [having the Princes faith, and his Proxy to boot, remaining with Dig­by, which might cosen them into this kindnes, to let him come home again] Where at a Conference of both hou­ses of Parlament, Bristoll is blam'd, and (it being truth) the Prince owns it, and Bristoll is sent for by au­thority, (otherwise it had bin pet­ty Treason in him to return home from his Commission.) Pamph. 163

The King of Spain (he sayes) dis­swades Bristolls return, as doubting the successe, (as well he might, knowing him to be his Pensioner) who for his sake is like to suf­fer.

But, he being come, and convented before the Parliament, endeavors to cleer himself, with a single Copy of a Paper (and a bawdy tale to boot) against Buckingham, but forbore to tell it out, for offending their chast Ears.

In this, Pamph. 165 the Author is so in­genious; as to be judged by the Reader, what a horrible wound, Bristoll gave the Prince or Buckin­ham? and yet by his Confelsion the wisdome of the House com­mitted Bristoll to the Tower, but some dayes after (not the next day) he was set at liberty, nor durst any bring him to further tryall.

He was committed for his con­tempt, and might have lain there longer, Prisoner; But the Duke made means for his Release, lest it should move a jealousie, that it was his designe thereby to delay the Tryall. Which, to my knowledg, was earnestly pursued, by the Duke, and had that Parliament lasted, might have been a dear bar­gain for Bristoll.

In this Parliament, Pamph. 168 our Author observes [the Princes early hours to act by, where (he says) he discer­ned so much juggling, to serve his [Page 191]own ends, that being afterwards come to be King, he could not affect them.

A notable Note, he calls that Parliament Iugglers, and gives it a reason, why the late King must needs disaffect all other Parlia­ments that succeeded.

Then have we a discovery of our Authors owne making, Pamph. 169 which is intended (he says) as a caution to all States men, with a singular Commendation of the wisdome of the late Earl of Sa­lisbury, (whom before through­out his Pamphlet he loads with singular disgraces.)

He tels us of a Treaty hereto­fore with Spain, for a Match with Prince Henry, where the jugling was discovered, that there was no such intention. And that the Duke of Lerma, the Favorite of Spain, leavs the Spanish Ambassador here in the lurch to answer for all; who [Page 192]in a great snuff, against those that sent him hither, prostrates his Commission and letters of Cre­dit, (under the King his Masters hand and seale) at the foot of our Councell Table; and so returnes home, (and yet was not hanged for his labour) but liv'd and died, bonus Legatus.

And thus, our author having hunted the King hitherto; blowes his death at parting; Pam. 171. King James's Sickness. which he sayes [began with a Fever; but en­ded by a poysoned Plaister, applyed by Buckingham. For which being questiond the very next Parliament, it was hastily dissolved for his sake, only to save his life.]

In the entrance of the Spring, the King was seized with a Ter­tian Ague; which to another Constitution might not prove Pe­stilentiall.

But all Men then knew his [Page 193]Impatience in any pain, and al­wayes utter Enmity to any Phy­sick. So that nothing was admi­nistred, to give him ease in his sits.

Which at length grew violent, and in those Maladies, every one is apt to offer advice, with such Prescriptions as have been helpfull unto others; and in truth, those as various, as the disease is Com­mon.

So it was remembred (by a Noble, vertuous, The Play­ster. and untaint La­dy, for Honour and Honesty, yet living) of a present ease, by a Plaister approved upon severall Persons, which, because the Ingre­dients were harmless and ordinary, it was forthwith compounded, andready for application; not with­out serious resolution, to present it to the Physicians consent.

But the King, fallen into slum­ber, about Noone the Physicians [Page 194]took opportunity to retire, having watch'd all Night, till that Time.

When in the interim of their absence, the King wakes, and falls from a change of his Fit, to timelier effect, than heretofore it usually happened; which to allay, this Playster was offered, and put to his Stomach.

But it wrought no mitigation, and therefore it was removed by the Doctors. Who being come, were much offended, that any One durst assume this boldness with­out their consents.

But by Examination, they were assured of the Composition, and a peece therof eaten downe by the Countesse that made it; and the Playster it selfe then in being, for further tryall of any suspition of poyson. Which, if not satisfactory, it must, and ought to lodge upon their score. Sir Mathew Lister, Doctor Chambers, and others, [Page 195]who were afterwards examined herein, with very great satisfacti­on, to clear that calumny, and are yet living, to evince each ones suspition.

It was, indeed, remembred the next Parliament following; and whereof the Duke was accused, as a Boldness unpardonable; But in the Charge, (which as I re­member, Littleton Managed, at a Conference in the Painted Chamber,) it was not urg'd as poy­sonous, but only criminous.

But [ere the King dyed, Pamph. 174. it is told us, That Buckingham was accused to his face, by an honest servant of the Kings, (name him if you can) who valiantly tript up the Dukes heels (that his pate rung Noone) for which, he call'd upon the gas­ping King (no body being by) for Justice. And though speechlesse, we are told, what he would have said, viz. Not wrongfully accu­sed.]

And here observe; Pamph. 175. he makes Archbishop Abott the Kings Con­fessor at his death; who before, he sayes (pag. 78.) lived in dis­grace, and excluded the Counsell Table. And dyed in disgrace of this King on Earth,175.but in favour of the King of Kings. [Bishop Willi­ams, then Lord Keeper, was the other Confessor] and in the mouths of two Witnesses consists the Truth. What regrett and jea­lousie remaines then in our Au­thors heart? that some Mischief should lye hid in the secrets of the Sacrament of Confession; which he could not learn, to out-live the Honour and Fame of his Sacred Soveraign?

How hath our Author patch'd up a Pamphlet of State Notions, pick'd up from the Gleanings of some Smell-feast Guests, at his Ta­ble Diet, afforded him by the bounty of his Soveraign Master? [Page 197]and which, this Man hath as a Rap­sodie, mingled with Misconstru­ction, Incertainties, Improbabilities, Impossibilities, In as much he can to poyson the Memory of His Ma­jesty, and blanch the Govern­ment of the State, and Court. Wherein, his Fore-Fathers, and Himselfe tooke Lise and Livings, in the advance of his Family, with some repute and Fortune, to be what they are.

But he is dead; Peace be upon his Grave.


ANd thus have we done, with our Pamphleter, and his Book, My pen being dull'd with disdain, to deale with such a subject, were i [...] not to enligh­ten good Men with the knowledg of a Truth; before that either [Page 198] age, or longer time had wasted with too much Oblivion, or that the negligence of others, (of any) (more able I confesse) had given but too much way to con­firm the ignorant.

What I have don, may seem defe­ctive in some part to some Persons; whose Eminence in Court, and years of Experience, could have limm'd the Originalls with a bolder Pencill.

However, I have adventured upon this Copy; not to discou­lour Truth, by any Conceale­ment.

A hard Taske, I confesse; When Modesty forbidds the de­facement of Persons, departed to their Graves of Rest, whom living, we should not dare to look in the Face; And whose Posterities enjoy the merits of their Parents Vertues.

To them I submit; craving par­don, that without their leave, I have bin bold to speak in their Cause; which might better be­come greater Abilityes to plead.


IT may merit dis­pute, whether I shall Quarrell with the Character of King James, or let it alone, as the Pamphletter hath describ'd Him, which (he says) Is easier to doe, than to take his Picture; and he gives the Reason for't, His Character was obvious to every eye, I am sure His outward observations are so; in­fering that His Picture was Inward; Tis true indeed, His best Peece was His Inside, which wise men admir'd.

Was ever Prince thus Limn'd [Page 201]out to Posterity, by His quilted Doublets, and full stuft Breeches? who reads His Court, needs none of this Character; so like they are in belying. But I spare the Author, and pitty the Publi­sher. — The deficiency of the One, could not make out the O­ther. For it becomes the Wit of Man, in truth, to apprehend King James, whose wisdome in His So­veraignty, had esteem beyond any Contemporary Potentate, with His Reign. Take Him in His turn, who had to do with all about Him. For at his entrance into His In­heritance, He was engaged to go through with the difficulties, in Order as He found them, Or to make Bargain with All, the better to conserve it.

Had He not done so, He might have sound little leisure, to live in Peace, and to enjoy His Realms as He did, with as much quiet as [Page 202]ever any King upon Earth, since the Story of Solomon, Who bent all his Counsells and endea­vours to promote that now exploded Motto of Beati Pa­cifici. and yet (in the like Example with us) fell to distraction in his Son that succeeded. Compare them toge­ther, and find me a Parallell with more even conclusion.

I know it were to be wished, That in evill effects we could find out the true Cause; But like blind men, we grope, and catch hold of the neerest; not looking up to Him who ballanceth Counsell with His Hand, and disposeth the Suc­cesse in the future, not alwayes by the failings of the former.

In the Government of His Birth­place at home, what wisdome was there not, to preserve Himselfe from jealousie of His Predecessor, of being too hasty an Inheritour here? what Jesuiticall plots in the many against Queen Elizabeth, as Defender of the Protestant Faith, which because Providence prote­cted [Page 203]Her to the last, was not re­vived with more cunning designs upon Him, who was to act over Her part, with disadvantage a­gainst fresh plots to oppose Him?

What Emissaries, and secret dis­patches by severall Princes addres­sed to prepare and gain Him, as an advance to eithers Interest?

VVith what amaze to all Chri­stendome? how He could so easily enter His possessions, and then to amuze them all, how to deal with Him?

How He was welcommed, and caressed, by Ambassadors of each Potentate, upon severall designs of their Own?

VVhat Contracts were made, and to be made, amongst His Neigh­bours, upon sundry Overtures in Case He should doe, even any thing but what He did, with what difficulty to any other, He main­tained Himselfe in Peace against [Page 204]the Envy of them all.

How was He by Consanguinity imbroyl'd in His Son in Law's too hasty Accession to the Kingdome of Bohemia, when as a wise King He forewarn'd, and prophesied His destruction, and Christendoms distraction?

VVhat Ambassies publick, and Messengers priva [...]e He wisely dis­posed, for advantage of His and the Peoples Interest?

How he managed the Generall affairs of the Church Protestant, as a wise Patriarch, against the plots of the Pope?

How far His Reputation, reacht out, to Forraign Princes far off?

How from abroad and at home, He enriched His Subjects, and en­creas'd His own Revenue?

VVhat did he not doe without the Pike, if not with his Pen?

How He preserved Himself with friendship of all?

And thus in particular to put down in print, is the work of a weighty Pen.

But to take His true dimension, we have no Scale.

Nor can it be done without much dishonor, to patch Him up in a petit Pamphlet: We shall re­mit it to mature deliberation.

And for the present, leave Him so great a King to His continued Memory, by His own excellent Impressions in Print, that same Him to Posterity; whom we did not value, because we could not comprehend.


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