The False Brother, OR, A NEW MAP OF SCOTLAND, Drawn by an English Pencil; Being A short History of the Political and Civil Transacti­ons between these two Nations since their first Friendship: Wherein the many secret Designs, and dangerous Aspects and Influences of that Nation on England are discovered; With the Juglings of their Commissioners with the late King, Parliament, and City.

The Grounds of the Entrance of our Army into Scotland cleared, from their own Principles and Actings; Their main Pleas impleaded, and answered.

Humbly presented to the Councel of State.

Frustra blanditiae venitis ad me;
Attritis miserabiles labellis.
Victurus Dominum, deum (que) non sum,
Jam non est locus, hac in urbe vobis. Martial.

1 Sam. 11.1, 2. Make a Covenant with us, and we will serve thee. And Nahash the Ammonite answered; on this condition will I make a Covenant with you, that I may thrust out your right eyes.

London, Printed by R. W. for Francis Tyton, and are to be sold at the three Daggers in Fleetstreet neer Temple-Gate. 1651.

To the Reader.

THis Map was drawn by day light, though it represents persons in their Night-Gowns and private walks; all the design in it, is but to make us Englishmen, or keep us so. Necessity hath now forced out ma­ny things, which in former times prudence and better hopes would have stifled; We have sad reason to repeat former miscarri­ages, if there were any thing remaining to help, but remembrance of what is past, and caution for the future in our correspondence with that Nation. The Author hath no­thing to say absolutely against Scotland (may they live as happy without us, as we can do without them) only, that which this lit­tle Treatise deals withall, is either their ill-neighbourhood, or deceitful friendship, in [Page] managing close designs against England, by loving and brotherly expressions. Its whol­ly submitted to an English Judgement (if it be not quite lost in many) some having already engaged it a great way beyond the borders, others are ready to give it up (with all their priviledges) for enjoying the name of a Scotish King. What is related needs no Apologie; its Truth is its Shield and Buckler; the use and improvement of it will be the great thing that remains, which will be easily effectuall, if we retain any sence of our former priviledges, or present ad­ [...]

The false Brother.

IT is not unknown (though it hath been sad, and dangerous) how many intricacies and strange emergencies have occurred in the affairs of this Nation, since the Parliament first began to oppose the Tyranny of the late King; so many changes and divisions within such a compass of time, and ground, ne'r have been experienced among any people; which hath not proceeded either from the in evidence of our first principles, or for want of the knowledge of our advantages over our common enemy, but meerly from the designs of our seeming friends, and bosome acquaintance, who (making use of our affections and indulgences) as fast as God hath made way for an end of the warr, have found out other instruments, and pleas, either to new model the old Enemy, or alter our spi­rits and principles by secret divisions among our selves.

But among all the secret enemies this Nation hath had, none have been more eminent and active with so much ad­vantage as the Scottish Party, with whom, as we had most special correspondencies, so they have had the fairest pre­tences, and strongest influences on all parties, all others be­ing but under-agents to their designs, whose craft and policy meeting with the ambition and discontent of some English spirits, hath of a long time wrought together, to the per­plexing [Page 6] of all our affairs, and to the recruiting our common Enemy, either in their strength, or hopes; all which though it hath been a long while acted under-board, and carried on by fair and unsuspected steps; yet it hath at last broke out, that all true Englishmen may see who were the first Agents, and are to be the last reserve of the Malignant Interest.

For the full discovery of which plots and transactions of Scotland against England, their methods, and ends from first to last, as far as can be gathered out of their dark and close negotiations with the King on the one side, and Parliament and City of London on the other, without any envy to that Nation, but of faithfulness to England, I have undertaken this short Discourse; for the better carrying on of which Narrative, it will not be amiss to begin at the first original of our acquaintance, and to glance at the grounds of our di­stances and unions.

We may all remember, that the beginning of our dear­ness and acquaintance with Scotland hath been but of late years; Our Ancestors thought we were as providentially dis­joyned from them by Tweed, as they and we are by the O­cean from all the world besides; and in all their overtures with that Nation, their care was more to keep peace then friendship, and to imprison them (with observance) in their own Nation, rather then to inlarge our Dominions with theirs; it being our utmost design to keep them from being bad Neighbors, for good and profitable friends we never could expect them to be, there being no parity or proportion for such a converse between us; but on the one side there would be envy and design, on the other jealousies and indignation; they wanted too much, and we enjoyed more then we could spare upon meer acts of love and Nati­onal correspondencies.

And the Scots (who naturally hate or envy Englishmen) observed their own advantages; and therefore rather sought to strengthen their alliances abroad (especially with France, who have been long our secret observing enemies) then to be one with us, knowing they could get more by helping others to annoy us, then by themselves, who have been ever [Page 7] too weak in strength (though not in policy) to deale single with the English Nation; many and bloody battels have been fought between us; the English to preserve their own borders (which was the top of their design) the Scots to in­large their territories on ours, which yet they never could obtain, but have of late cast very hard for, and have it still in their eye. The neerest conjunction this State could ever formerly in prudence seek after with them, was by Matches with their Princes, which at last brought forth a more visible union of both Nations under one King, which fell out for­tunately for the Scots, that their King should be translated into England, whereby they should have his small Revenues in Scotland, and advantage of place, and insight to the privi­ledges and secrets of this Kingdom, and yet lye out of our way, and keep their own Nation to themselves; This union, though it was hopeful and very welcome to the English (whose borders were never free from their ravenous inva­sion) yet it proved not so well for England; for, as it brought more charge on us to maintain a King of three Kingdoms by one (for we could expect little or nothing from Scotland to ease our burthen) so that person laid the plot of Prero­gative, and persecution, and left the prosecution of it to his Successors, which they have not failed in.

But our neerer acquaintance, and that which begot friend­ship betwen us, seemed to have laid on a more contrary, yet sure foundation; not on our union under one King, but their falling out with him, and opposing the effects of his Fathers plots, and his sons Tyranny (an act then very new and strange, that both gained them hatred and respect) ac­cording to the disposition of the Court, and the tempera­ture of the Kingdom, and had gained them immortal glory to all Nations, if they had been as uniform and even in the series of action, as they were hot and violent in their first motions and agitations about it.

For the late King having been fully acquainted with his Fathers principles (which he had a peaceable time to fortify) and observed whom he made his enemies and friends, did endeavour to go on where he left off, and to propagate them [Page 8] with that zeal that an interested Agent ought to do, upon whom only the active part of the work lay; which design, as it was chiefly to advance the Prerogative above the Law, and Episcopacy above the Gospel, and both as a step to Po­pery; so it was carried on by degrees in England, both as to Civils and Ecclesiasticals, and so less discerned; and the great method was to begin with Scotland first, which as it was more remote, so it taking full effect there, as an Essay, it might be effected in England with more power, knowing that England was the more Heroick, free, and noble Nation, and more incapable of bondage, and slavery; and they well knew, it would be hard on a sudden to make a Civil War in England after so long a Summer of peace, especially ere they had tryed what could be done with the two other Kingdoms.

But it first brake out in Scotland on a sudden (and too vio­lently) by the zeal of the Archbishop of Canterbury, who (to provoke them) sent them a new Common-Prayer-book, worse then ours (which was bad enough) with many revi­lings and affronts publickly to the whole Nation; that the Scots had nothing else but the grosness of the plot to oppose, which yet was sufficient to move them to preserve them­selves; our condition was much worse, by how much we lay more directly under the design, and both the burthens of op­pression and persecution with less plea and power to op­pose. The Scots soon resent those actings (and unite them­selves together) and put themselves into a posture of de­fence against the King, and his Incendiaries at Court, and at last come into England, to prevent the Kings coming with an Army to Scotland, and in a little time they gained their de­sires, with something from England over and above. This first engagement against the King, Common-Prayer, and Bishops (all which lay heavy on our consciences) did not only gain them their own desires, but got them the hearts of true Englishmen, and abundance of reverence to their Cause and Nation; yea all honest and godly men (to whom then the thoughts of any Liberty was sweet, and the glimmerings of probable hopes precious) fell down at their feet, espoused [Page 9] their quarrel; and though their actings had but an occasio­nal influence upon our condition; our whole Parliament suffered a dissolution, rather then they would contribute a farthing to make a war against them, though Parliaments were then rare monuments of Priviledges to us, and of such necessity to our affairs, and we were hopeless of attaining any more; and when the necessities of the King (to get mo­ney) moved him to call this Parliament, (as meaning once more to try the people) we not onely again refused to act against Scotland; but the first thing we did, was to proclaim them our Dear Brethren, and instead of granting Subsidies against them, we gave them a gratuity of three hundred thousand pound sterling, for standing up for their own just Liberties, and giving us occasion of doing the same; though some wise and single eyed men are not afraid to say, that there was somewhat more in the end then preservation of Religion in that expedition: First, because there were many private animosities long before ripening about places among some great ones at Court, and Scotland, and that there was fire enough in these breasts to kindle a very great flame, however they took occasion to kindle it at a fit season for the Scots.

2. The revenues of the Court in Scotland were not so equally distributed among the Scots Noblemen, but some got all.

3. It was a fine Essay for the Noblemen and Gentry of Scotland, having so good a pretence, to try the temper of the English, and take a clear prospect of our State: But that which makes many especially believe that Religion was but a pretence, is, because they have made so little progress in the Reformation, and purifying it among themselves, and yet have made so many divisions in it, and by it among us; Others think their hatred was not so much against Super­stition, as Ceremony; nor of Episcopacy, but of its pontifi­calness in outward Ornaments, which they could no so well maintain, and their Nobility together.

But we must give them their due, they had the first eminent occasion given them to oppose Innovations, and they must have the honor of the first start; we then thought them all [Page 10] Saints; and at that time, every breath after Religion and Pro­fession of Reformation was so taking to good men, who knew no way of attaining it by themselves, that the Scot laid in a stock of credit which hath lasted them ever since (having the first commendation of early risers, though afterwards they might, and did lie abed) striving to secure their own interests, and make use of others necessities, which they have ever since carefully held to in all opportunities.

But the last and most special friendship hath been by our mutual conjunction in a common Cause against the late King, and his malignant interest; the King having for the present altered the Scene from Scotland to England, though the de­sign was the same against both, we were fain to unite more closely, and to profess against our common enemy; yet as the Scots did not move or engage, untill solemnly invited by our Parliament, so we were loth to trouble them, untill we saw them like to be engaged by others, and we at present (through the delayes and divisions of our first Armies) were not able to improve our own strength.

This union was confirmed by the Solemn League and Co­venant, which one would think had been an everlasting foun­dation of Amity and love between us, had it been well made, and honestly kept. But concerning this Covenant (it is to be feared) though it was solemnly taken, yet it was carelesly made, with much design and craft (which God will punish as well as the breach of it.) For it was drawn by the Scots, according to their sense; and what dawbing there was in that affair, some know that will not speak: Some of our Commissioners did wish and desire some other terms to be inserted, and some explained; but it was husht, as not being a time to dispute, that it would offend the contrivers, and retard the issue of affairs; the Scots resolving not to move, untill they had our consent fast in their net; and our charity making us willing to hope they would be honest in their use and interpretation of so sacred a Text. Thus it came out in the Scottish Dialect, which was then in fashion in England, as the Spanish formerly at Court, and yet we were fain to buy the paper, and pay the Compilers, and I pray God it prove [Page 11] not the costliest sheet that ever was drawn between two Nations; yet we now thought our selves well, and looked on our affairs, as in a very hopeful condition (the Scots being of late so high in all honest mens thoughts for their first expedi­tion) and being so firmly united against the common enemy, sung Requiems to our selves, hoping the War would soon be ended by the faithfulness and activity of the Scots Army, and that the Royal Standard would fall down at the appearance of such a Covenanting Militia: And truly the eyes and hearts of all honest-hearted men were so on them, that they thought that God would onely make use of their Arms to effect our happiness; their very name now (which was for­merly in English accounted as a barbarous expression) was almost become sacred, and spoken of with abundance of de­votion.

But time that brings forth Truth, soon discovered them, and ere a year past over, many men began to be startled, and to see day through many little holes, and to discover that England was like to pay well for their Charity, and Affecti­ons; yet while we were loving, they were designing, and making their advantages of our necessities; the opening of which is one of the main ends of this Discourse.

This great Expedition, as it drew on much expectation on all sides, so it gave them many advantages over us, which they carefully improved; for they had their own demands, both in Treaties, and the Covenant; they got into our affe­ctions and councels, and had a predominant influence in all our affairs without suspition, and were behind the Screen in all transactions; besides, they had their stakes in every hedge, their Agents in every corner, in the Parliament, Assembly, both the Armies of the Lord of Essex, and Sir William Wal­ler, where the most of the Field Officers were Scotchmen, who were made Lieutenants, and Major Generals, Colonels, and Governors of great Garrisons, besides a peculiar stand­ing Army in the North, and their Commissioners at London waiting on the design; and so handsomly were they placed in all great Offices, that the management of all affairs was al­most come into the Scots hands; and had not God wisely [Page 12] defeated their enterprizes, England had been Scotland long ere this; of which more anon.

But that I may quit scores as I go along, because the Scots heighten their actings for us in this Expedition, and in their Papers speak so largely of their assistance of us against the Royal Party, as the greatest act of love and favour that ever was done unto a Nation, charging of us with ingratitude and ill requital; Let us a little remember, that it was a common cause, that but the day before (as it were) we did the like for them; we paid them for the meer standing up for their own priviledges, that we bought their love at a greater rate then brotherly assistances are used to be sold for, and were at all the charges to maintain the Covenant both in England and Scotland.

And whereas they urge the Kings offers of the four Nor­thern Counties to be annexed to that Crown, if they would joyn with him, with abundance of large promises. In gene­ral, as it would be worse than inhumanity for them to have engaged against the Parliament, who had a but year or two before helpt them, and sent them home with money in their purses, when they came but about their own business: So in particular, they knew who were better paymasters, the King or the Parliament; and though they had not the four Northern Counties made over by the Covenant, yet they did not doubt but to work them out, and to have them for their Arrears (which was more safe and honourable;) in the mean while, they knew they should enjoy them for their Quarters.

However, we must acknowledge their assistance was then seasonable, and a favour; And yet when we pay well for respects, something of thanks may well be spared.

But to return to our main discourse, It is very observable to consider the great difference in their carriages between their first Expedition for themselves, and their second upon the score of the Covenant; in their first coming they came with Bibles in their hands, singing of Psalms, and in a very lovely form of godliness, and their behaviour generally was not much unsutable; but in the second Expedition when [Page 13] they came with the Covenant in their hats and hands, there was a sudden visible change, both in persons and carriages, the constitution of the Army of a more loose temper, and Reli­gion marcht in the rear; for having us now fast by Cove­nant, and lying under the shelter of so sure a pretence, they presently fell to plunder, and to challenge all things as their own; and (as I take it) the first night they entred England, they slew a thousand sheep, though by the Treaty they should have brought in a moneths provision sutable to their Army; and so acted, as if they had nothing now to look af­ter but an intire communion, and mutual injoyment of all things in common with us; and though we had Commissi­oners with them, which by the Treaty were to order all things joyntly with them; as they were seldome consulted withall, so hardly ever obeyed; these Gentlemen (though tender enough of the English Interest) giving way, and yeelding to many things, being loth to make broils, and hinder the main work, they so encroached ere they were a­ware on our priviledges and enjoyments in the North, that there was nothing but sad oppressions and violences reigning over the poor Countreys, without any redress; and after they had warmed themselves with our English refreshments, they without any Warrant from the Parliament, or Appro­bation of our Commissioners, lay on a universal Sess upon every thing that was of any concernment to the people, be­sides Free-Quarter and particular plunders.

Thus our Commissioners remained among them rather as spectators of the misery of the people, then as Counsel­lors and in authority with them; These things were sad presages, and opened many mens eyes in the North (to see such sudden changes) though the South knew not but they were all Saints; It was wisdom then to conceal these things, and not give them publick vent, lest we should rejoyce our Enemies, hoping likewise that it would be but for a while, and that they might be drawn farther South, where better means might be had for redress; in the mean time the bur­then and misery was enough to busie us in patience and prayer; yea, so high they were grown, that I heard a Gene­ral [Page 14] person say (debating about the rights of England, and of their power over Englishmen) that these distinctions must not be admitted; the Covenant had made us one, and that we were to be ruled by their Laws as our own. I had not inserted these relations, but only that we may see what use they made at first, and meant to make of the Cove­nant.

The series of the actions and carriages of the Army were alwayes proportionable to these principles, as if in their first Expedition they came to take our affections; in the se­cond, to take away our priviledges, and possess our in­heritances.

As for their Military actions in prosecution of the War, we need make no large Chronicle, setting aside their ly­ing before York, the battel of Marston-Moor, where they were assisted with two distinct English Armies, and the ta­king New-Castle and Carlile, in which they served them­selves as well as us; you may reduce all their services to a preserving their own borders, saving their last journey (in that Expedition) into the South (for March I cannot call it, being there was no enemy in the way, which yet was hardly obtained) where though they shamefully left Here­ford, yet they got Newark, and the King to boot (of which more anon.) All the particulars of their strange deportment in the North will require a particular discourse, and but bur­then this. I am sorry we have cause to repeat any thing of their miscarriages, neither would I lessen their services; but its time now to keep even reckoning, and for England to know its own Interest. But to go on.

God having almost beyond the faith of his people, and expectation of Politicians, blest our New Modell under the Command of that ever to be renowned Lord Fairfax, to conquer the Kings Forces at Naseby, Langport, Cornwall, that they had on a sudden beaten all their Field Forces, and taken in most of their Garrisons, save Oxford, Hereford, and some few more; It put the Scots into new shifts and poli­cies; for they had kept their Army as the only reserve and Umpire, and seeing things so strangely, and without expecta­tion [Page 15] altered (by almost a miracle of providence) and the main work to be done without them, and no Martial work at all left for them on the Royal Party, they secretly strive to make some, that they might not leave us without doing something.

They were at a great loss in many regards (by these new providences) for first all their Commanders, who had before the great command of the English Army, had happily thrust themselves out of Office, proudly slighting the New Model, and scorning to stoop to a necessary Reformation, and re­duction of Officers, which the State then saw fit, whereby they wanted that influence in the Military part of our af­fairs, which was of most concernment then unto us; and we found the misery of it in the Lord General Essex his time, by the delayes and neglects of opportunities, which wasted our Treasure, and gave the King too much ground to have got all; and by the way its not a useless observation (seeing it is drawn by providence) that God should lay aside, and not use the Scots Army, nor any of their great Officers in the full conquest of the common Enemy; but while they were lying safe in their Quarters in the North, (getting in their Sesses) God should prosper a poor despised Army, and carry them from South to West, conquering, and to conquer, that we may impartially say that they never were instrumen­tal in one battle, nor had a hand in the effectual accomplish­ment of that conquest; there is something more in it then hath been taken notice of either by them or us; and so much were they affected with the envy of that mercy, that it was wonderful to see with what strange made faces they kept dayes of thanksgiving for every Victory which was obtained, as ordinary as we had Marches.

Besides, they might well think it mightily reflecting upon them, that they should leave the Nation so much indebted to them, and do them so little service.

But what an unexpressible favour God hath shewn to Eng­land in that he used our own Army to do the last work, after-Ages will better judge; if they got so much into our hearts, and prevailed by the name of their brotherly assistance, and [Page 16] reckoned on so much deserts from us, that all our money and respects can never requite; what would it have amount­ed unto, if God had made them to do all that work for us? The four Northern Counties had been a small testimony of our acknowledgements.

But that I may avoid tediousness; the Scots seeing them­selves so defeated, and all their old instructions out of date, think of a new way, either to lengthen the war, or slubber over the Peace, which they had well contrived by their Commis­sioners, (who pretty well knew how to act their parts) and had taken a full view of our affairs; and having by our re­spects been admitted to all our Counsels, and privy to most of our secrets (for so kind we were) they did soon cast our water, and having had special advantages to view the gene­rality of the people in the Parliament, they observed them to consist of different tempers, some but loosely principled, and inclinable to the Royal Interest; others but warily in­gaged, and almost neuters; others very zealous for some express publick and national Government in the Church, and capable of their severest notions; others who were not much addicted to any seriousness, and but a few truly enga­ged in the English Interest; they strike in with the most com­prehensive partie, and fit baits sutable to them; having but one interest to oppose, they thought to crush them by strengthning the rest: To take the one party which was not quite of Royal principles, they deal with Mountril the French Agent, to bring the King to their Army, that after our Army had conquered him, they might make use of him, at least to gain breath to some other work.

That they might take the other party, they press Reforma­tion, and cry up Presbyterial Government; and that this temptation might not miss, they closely joyn Royalty and Presbytery together, as King James was wont to do Episco­pacy and Royalty, saying, No Bishop, no King: The Forge wherein they formed all their Engines, was the City of Lon­don; the prime instruments to effect their design, were close­ly some old formal discontented Citizens, who had worn out their consciences with telling of money, and some back-sliding, [Page 17] and rotten Lords and Commons, especially those who had been in the Army & had lost their places, and honor with the Scots Officers, as Hollis, Stapleton, Waller, Massey, Graves, Gentlemen who had their names up for a while among the people in regard of some particular acts in the war, untill they became moderate towards the Kings interest, and fell into a discontented, and envious humor against the new Model, who were assisted from heaven, to do that in one Summer which they had been dallying about some years, and had lost more ground then ever they gained, striving rather to ballance the Parliaments interest, then improve it to a Conquest: These Gentlemen (with many others) being now out of Office in the Army, and so remoter from influences, (which much depended on the Military power) and seeing all their former services swallowed up, and lost in the pre­sent faithfulness and usefulness of this Army, joyn in with the Scots party (whose condition was much alike as to their o­vertures) and the Scots (who were glad of such instruments in our own bosoms) strike in with them, and lay their heads together how to work upon all tempers, and distempers of men, that they might either make a new war for themselves, to manage or patch up a peace wherein they might be seen to be the eminent instruments, thinking that would be most rai­sing, and advantagious to themselves, it being more taking to the people to be instruments of making any unjust peace, then of conquering by just war.

But the most plausible and teeming Agents they used were some Ministers in London, and other places, who had (by their good Doctrine) got into mens affections, whom they used as fit bellows for such a flame; and the religious vail, and peculiar engine, was the Covenant which was made use of to serve both ends. So that this design hath been well composed, and made up of English materials, and Scot­tish spirits, who were as the predominant ingredient in a Po­tion, of the most secret and effectual influence.

The proper subject of these new contrivances, were that remnant in the Parliament, whom they had observed most im­movable in their principles, & set against the Tyranny of the [Page 18] King and his interest, which they knew would be more af­terwards then ever, hating to be so unfaithful to Gods Provi­dences, and their own engagements to this Nation, as to sell away their Liberties after a conquest, which they might have had in as good terms, and with less hazard before the war.

And because God had kept the Army to the same princi­ples, and united them with that honest party, they must be the main Butt of all these envenomed arrows, which after­wards were shot at Rovers, as well as in a level against them.

This poor Army, because they had been too active, and had been honored to Conquer that proud and insolent par­ty; (the bare opposition of whom by the former Armies, cost this Nation some millions, to little purpose) must now be put in their place, and accounted the common enemy, and the tables were presently turned, and new names invented of distinction, and disgrace, that what they could not effect by force they might by craft, which the Scots Com­missioners were the great Masters of: but that I may go on by degrees as this plot was managed,

The first work they set about in order to effect their end' was to get the King into the Scots Army, that he might be further out of the sight of the English, and to prevent the Army from having the onely glory of doing all, that though they had conquered his party, they might not have the ho­nor of taking his person.

I know the Scots deny any capitulation with him, and pro­fest they were as men that dreamt; but if Martial, and Hud­son, and Ashburnham, who were the prime Agents in it, or the King himself, who swore it oftentimes upon his discon­tents, may be believed (as in these secret affairs which con­cerned themselves they were the best witnesses) then it is out of doubt; you may see this more full in a little Book, Intitu­led The English Translation of the Scots Declaration against Montross; where both Hudsons and the Kings Affidavit a­bout this business are recorded.

Nay, so fond they were of this new design, and the Offi­cers of the Army so transported with it, that the old General [Page 19] Lesley told Hudson, that his Majesty might be sure of his wel­come, he would willingly meet him half way bare-foot, and on his knees, rather then to miss his company; besides, they presently hasted away with him to Newcastle, contrary to the advice of our Commissioners then amongst them, and the absolute command of our Parliament, as if they had got some rich prize, and their ultimate end in this war; and that they might have no objection of delay, the King gave up Newark, as a token of his love to them; and though by being at Newark he was full half way to the Parliament, yet they without stop carry him farther off, that they might draw him at a greater distance from us, and keep him as a pawn for themselves.

This transaction, how ever guilded over, was of a strange and dangerous import in such a juncture of time, and shews much of the Scots ends, that when he was beaten out of most of his Holds, he should take Sanctuary in the Scots Army, and they to keep him, not onely in the place where they first met him, but to convey him away so far from the Parliament, and that by the alone authority of their Army (which after­wards they condemned in our Army, though what they did was upon more special Reasons;) all the world must needs judge that there was something in it more then ordinary, and some great change, not in the King, who knew his own principles, and was too much indeared to them, but in the Scots, who were so glad of his coming unto them.

But the truth is, by this they thought to undermine the Army, and that party they had their eyes on in Parliament, to have frustrated all triumphs of our Conquest, having got the prime Standard, or at least to have so puzled, and altered all our af­fairs, that they might be looked upon once more as the first and last causes of our salvation.

The King was not all this while unmindful of his Interest; neither were his Agents idle everywhere; for after the Scots had conveyed away Ashburnham, and Hudson (lest they should discover the secrets, and spoil the play) The French Embassador, and their Agent Montril ply the Kings business with the Scots, and improve the interest of that Nation [Page 20] (which with Scotland is most powerful) & all things had been done at that time (which was promised in the next Expedi­tion) but that some of the wiser, and men of greatest interest, saw that it was not now time; the King was so fast, and stiff to his principles, that they could make him do nothing in or­der to the Covenant, which must have been their greatest pretence; and the thoughts of espousing such an interest so soon, and publikely standing for him ere he had given any delusive satisfaction, would have been too gross, as being a re­newing of the old Cause, which would make all men suspect the design ere it was ripe, or handsomely veil'd; and they knew well enough our Army had been all this while in action, and yet in the eyes and hearts of the people for their rare ser­vices, and that their spirits would fain be at the main person to end the war, whom the Scots had unworthily conveyed from them; and they might well imagine that our Army could ea­silier beat the Scots out of England, then the King into the Scots Army. Yet when he went from them, he was laden with as many promises as he could carry, or well believe, (which was too well performed afterwards, though private­ly,) of which more hereafter; some of their great men told him he had done too much, to be presently stood for ere they had worn out the thoughts of his miscarriages by their new strategems on these they were then pleased to call his ene­mies; others told him that they could do him more service in his absence from them, and with less suspition; neither could the King have gone away with comfort, nor they with that quietness, had not they promised to make up all at last; for (besides the shifting off the burden from themselves in regard of maintenance) they had the advantage of freer actings from him, by how much they had so orderly given him up to the charity of the English Parliament.

2. Great things lay visible to any Observer, as to that transaction; first, that it was too costly for them to maintain him alone, when they saw they could make no present use of him.

3. That they could not part with their former engage­ment to the King without new promises, in a more hopeful [Page 21] way of accomplishment; and some of their Grandees at that time, were for a present appearance, and the Army was dealt withall to that purpose; and the Regiments that were en­gaged; I could relate, and tell you how forward David Lesley himself was in that business, and how far the Lords, Calander, Lanerick, Sinclare yea and Lowden also acted in that affair; but wiser, and more concerned men knew the Kings temper, and how little they had from him to satisfie their best and most followed men, and what it was to fight so soon in a new mask for the old Cause; and what need they had of two hundred thousand pounds at present to pay them­selves and their Army, that they changed the Case, and gave up that person to us to look after which they could get then no more by.

The King, who was no fool, (as to Politicks) was not much discontented at his removal, but looked upon it as his usual ghuesse and progress, for he saw the Scots were too far engaged to England on the one way, as he was on the other against both, to expect a sudden opposition; but he contented himself to think that he had laid a good foundation for their future designs, and had both gained, and engaged his formerly most opposite party. And you shall finde that the Kings party did more storm at his giving up, then the King himself, who knew both his design, and their promises; they curse the Scots, and fall on them as those that sold their King, and betrayed their Trust, but he knew that he was not sold, but bought; and as his necessities did drive him to come to them, whom he perfectly hated, so their necessities made them give him up, and renew their first promises to be performed in a more convenient way, they not finding mediums as yet so propor­tioned, and fitted to their main end

But it hath been thought with much seriousness by many, that could the Scots have prevailed on him to have taken the Covenant, they would have made a greater Cheat of him, then ever they can now hope to make of Charls their Se­cond.

Argyle (who was their main man in his surrender (to his praise be it spoken) though he hath since opened his heart) [Page 22] parted very fairly, and with much complement from his Ma­jesty, and told him that he could be a better friend to him at a distance then in their quarters; and whereas he could have now but one wheel moving for him (if he staid) he should hereafter have many.

Yet that I may not diminish any thing from them, they were very zealous in pressing on him the Covenant, and some other acts, which was well done; and indeed they had no other visible way (without shame) to make their best market by him; and the King knew them so well, that he would often tell them, They loved him onely for themselves, and yet he expected no more from them, then that they might serve themselves by him.

Many particular discontents there were between them in their debates, which the King would often put up, and re­member; onely when he knew their full minde of delivering him up to the Parliament of England; he laboured twice to escape from them, which whether it were to try what they would do further for him, or what he could do by himself, I know not, but he was prevented, and not onely kept more safe, but secured, that future actions should manifest their real intentions.

But however the King is now delivered up to our Com­missioners, who was very cheery, whether because he was freed from a Scottish bondage, or was comforted with new hopes through their close Protestations, I will not dispute; but certainly he was no way danted, or melancholy in sight; he now saw himself the special Umpire of all affairs, and the great prize of all Parties, and therefore intended to let them try out among themselves their own differences, and rejoyced in our divisions, that he might raign.

But though the King was thus made ours (after many dis­putes of the propriety of each Nation) yet the Scots Army must have something else (which they valued more then his personal presence, viz. that English two hundred thousand pounds (which was rather as a gratuity, then pay, all things considered) and yet was gladly given to fore-speak a Peace) ere they would march; and yet to their Commendation, [Page 23] they did keep their Articles upon reception of their money; and I have nothing to say to dispraise their peaceable de­parture; onely for the honor of England, it may be well con­sidered what a fruitful and blessed Nation we are in our soci­eties, and converses, that whereas they came in with between two or three thousand Scots Naggs, they marched out of England with about sixty Troopes of as gallant horse as ever any Army in Christendom was furnished withall, and every Captain (besides the extraordinaries of Colonels) had his two or three led horses of as great value as some would judge their patrimony to be in Scotland, were they equally divided by a sterling account. But yet England have much to bless God they went away with no more then they did. But still to the design.

This Army went into Scotland not to be disbanded after their pay, but as into their Winter Quarters (which though their march was at almost the end of our Winter, yet but the middle of theirs) and they were designed to go aside, and lie out of sight, untill things were prepared in the South for their next March, and those had been the next Invadors, had not Hambleton (who was too crafty) changed the Commanders, not the design; but of that in its place, the progress will de­monstrate the intentions.

And now begins the play; (having discharged themselves of that burthen) most honest men began to renew their good thoughts of the Scots, and to think them very honest, and true-hearted to the interest of England, whereby they got fresh advantages to their intended work. And having understood fully our condition, as is related, set their Engines in motion, and by their Commissioners at London, transact all their secret contrivances; yet as men not onely zealous, but careful, they took their times, and made such handsome vizards for their faces, as should not onely hide them, but set out their design, as Paint doth ugly visages. But to par­ticulars.

The King by this time is setled at Holdenby, Hunting and Hawking under the protection of his Overseers, very pleasant and jolly, thinking he had need to do little, when his business [Page 24] was like to be done to his hand, by such happy and unsuspect­ed instruments. The Scots Commissioners are now busie at London with that party which they found most sutable in the Parliament and City, with whom they fully strike in, not neglecting to lay baits for all collateral and hopeful instru­ments, not yet so directly brought to that design.

The first plot of this new confederacy, is to destroy the Army, or weaken it, that it should be no considerable block in the way; for this end many secret trains are laid to un­dermine them, and blow them up, both in their persons, and reputations; they had many plausible arguments at hand for the countenance of their intentions, as the burthen of an, Army, the uselesness of them now they had taken the King, and all was prepared for peace; yet they shew not so visibly their hatred at first, but strive to divide them, and to cast them into another model, that they might not be looked on as the Army that conquered the King, but as reformed and made fit for their use.

For God having by special providences removed from this life the old Lord General Essex, who lived to see, what faithfulness and activity in an Army could effect, and to have his glory clouded by a New Model, which was formed out of the dust of his greatness: This Gentleman (some thought seasonably taken out of the way) being verily supposed to be the fittest person to head this design, having been laid aside (as well as the Scots Army) and only honoured to begin the war, which might render him under the same animosity, espe­cially having more of honour on his person to provoke him to envy and revenge.

About this time also Major General Massey's Brigade, who raunted and vapoured in the West, were happily dis­banded, which was a great mercy, and done with much re­luctancy, but that the new conquering General was sent to see it done; this Army was designed to be the materia pri­ma of this Model, and the Scots Army to be the form and spirit of the whole; but seeing themselves thus disappointed, first from Heaven more immediately concerning the one, and by an over-powering force as to the other; they presently [Page 25] fell to work with the Army it self, on whom they laid seve­ral plots. First, they strive to gain them to themselves, as knowing they were instruments fit to be used: For this end they pretend their pitty and compassion to Ireland, and to send some part of them over there, or the whole as need should be; this was the most taking and religious veile next the Covenant, that ever could be thought prevalent to make all men think their intentions honest and spiritual; but be­hold the mystery! they must have new Commanders to con­duct them, their own faithful Officers (who had waded e­qually with them in blood) must be reduced, for fear they should do more service, and have the honour of reducing that Nation also (which since God hath, maugre all designs, blest them to effect) and strange and engaged Officers put upon them, as Waller, Massey &c.

This enterprize had too much of the spleen in it, and was not so handsomely managed, as the others were; for pre­sently the very common Souldiers smell the Scots fingers in it, and by a wonderful way of providence they unite, and resolve to live and dye with their own Officers.

When they saw this would not take (they having got the casting Vote now in Parliament) think to quash them by that Authority they had most carefully preserved, and get them voted Rebels and Traytors, and all that took part with them, which were new and exotick words to be given to an Army, who had saved them from being executed ac­cording to that account; and doubtless such a vote had ne­ver been breath'd forth in that house, if the Scots Ayr had not blown on the humors of some discontented English spirits, who would fain have had them provoked and tempt­ed to have done something which they might more plau­sibly take advantage of for their ruine.

But it proved afterwards that was too rough a way to deal with Souldiers, to whom then, Parliament, and City, and Countrey (as instruments under God) did owe the en­joyments of all their peace and power.

This great and terrible Vote was past then against the Army, only upon their desiring and petitioning (the fairest [Page 26] and most customary way of address to the Parliament) for the continuance of their own Officers over them, for an Act of Indemnity for acts done out of the necessity of their ser­vice, which were not justifiable in times of peace, for their Arrears, and such like equitable requests. It was noted as a strange change of the Parliaments complexion at that time, towards such faithfull and active servants, and judged to pro­ceed from great prevailings of humor, that it made the souldiers consider more seriously what they fought for all this while, and to judge that Tyranny had but changed its outward and looser garments; and that they were under the designs of the old Enemy in a new dress; so that this stratagem not being by it self effectuall, they add another; for that party having now the power of the Treasury of the Nation, they spare not for monies to encourage our dis­courage, promising large rewards to those Officers and Souldiers that would leave the Army, threatning others, en­tertaining all the Ruffianly Reformadoes of Massey's and Wallers Army, paying them all their Arrears with gratuities, whereby they got them privately listed, spending all that money upon their own creatures, which should of right have been long before paid to the Army who had dearly earn'd it, gallantly made it due.

At this time to make a full breach, the Scots Commssio­ners acted behind the Curtain, and more remotely, yet most powerfully, having the advantage of secrecy; they lie in the City, ply the Ministers to provoke the people against the Army, and to engage with these whom they had formerly made theirs in the Parliament; and that they might not want pleas, propose the necessity of a personal Treaty with the King, to make up all former miscarriages; all these like so many twisted cords, they thought could never be bro­ken; a great part of the City, and the then visible power were so courted, and the Ministers of London so Coacht up and down the City by the Scots, and these Lords and Com­mons, that the Trumpet was blown for a new War; all pay hindred from the Army (they withdrawing their contri­butions) refusing to lend any more money, without they [Page 27] would disband; and so vigorously was this design carried on, that the City put themselves in a posture of hostility (as if the Royal Army were at their Gates) and Reformadoes and others duly listed, encouraged by money and promises, the Army so hated on a sudden, that it was dangerous and capi­tal but to mention them with respect; at the same time a multitude of Prentices and listed Souldiers came down to Westminster from the City, to awe the moderate party, and make them to vote in the King to London; upon which the Speaker, with many honest Members left the House, and fled to the Army at Hounslow-Heath, who were marching to prevent the design in the City, which had proved a bloody and doleful overture, if God had not by the wise mediation of some instruments prevented it.

But that the Scots were the main wheel in this work, may be easily known, if we remember their converses then in the City, and the series of their carriages since in prosecuting the same design; for after that issue, when the Grandees, as Hollis, Stapleton, and the rest of the eleven Members were up­on the Armies charge against them laid aside, that they could not act, the Scots come forth, and act the part in sight them­selves by other pretences, especially that the world may know how deeply the Scots were interested in the making a new war between the Army and the City (thinking it best to begin at the head.) Let us but view their affections and car­riages to our Commissioners in Scotland, who were soon after sent to keep up good correspondencies between us, they were very much sleighted, especially Mr. Marshal that pious and prudent Minister (to whom England is much be­holding) whom they would hardly own or look on, or suffer to preach, and all because God had made him a happy in­strument at that time to prevent that bloody Engagement, and had for the present been used to qualifie the spirits of the Ministers, and to make all friends; a work which was his great honour, and the Cities and Kingdoms most sea­sonable mercy, at which nothing but envy, malice, and a deep engaged spirit could have any exception.

So zealous have the Scots been for Englands good, that [Page 28] they will not let us flourish too much in peace, lest we should grow proud and wanton.

But to go on (for if one means fail, another may effect all) the next weapons the Scots take up are more spirituall, and these kept for the last (as being of the most keen and prevailing nature) and they were the Covenant and Presby­terial Government, both good, but badly handled to such ends; the first being most large they put most weight upon, as comprehending the other. From both these they drew a necessity of a personal Treaty with the King; all which were prosecuted in their seasons.

It fell out a little before the height of these workings, that the King was brought by Coronet Joyce into our Army, who though he was sent towards Oxford about another business, yet had a mind to visit Holdenby, and try a conclusion on the King, which he did, though without any command from the Army, yet with some advantage at present, at least of freeing them from fears of his being made use of against them; for the Scots with that party in Parliament had in­tended his surprizal to make a new work for the Army, and once more to try a Northern trick in England.

This accident more incensed their spirits than ever, when they thought how they were disappointed in their best laid plots; and now they fall pelmel on both Parliament and Army, urging Treaties, plying the Kingdom with Remon­strances, and Declarations, which none durst to do but the Scots Commissioners; nor they, had not our Parliament had a large gift of patience and long-sufferance, accompanied with great tenderness of the preservation of the union of the two Nations, and they too great a mind to make England Scot­land.

Yet truly they had little reason to envy the Armies en­joying the King, but as it gave a check to their designs; for they never got any thing by him but repentance, which cost them dear to obtain, and with some loss of Reputation in the eyes of many dis-ingaged spirits; the King striving to drive on his own Interest by every party he converst withal. How­ever the Scots thought it a great loss, and that which did [Page 29] perplex their Motions, & therefore first cryed out against the Army for that act, as if they had forgotten what their Army did (in a far different cause) or were not yet got out of their dream of their Armies stated reception of him at Southwell, and carrying him to Newcastle; but the great cause of the murmur was this, That they were afraid that the Army would have made that use of him, which the Scots Commissioners, and the English Scots intended.

It will too much lengthen this Narrative, to repeat every circumstance about these Transactions; the general and mo­ral account I doubt not but will suffice.

When the Scots saw all this would not do, they fall to their pens, and shoot up and down their paper pellets against the Army, and now flie to the Covenant, as their last refuge; tax­ing the Parliament and Army with breach of Covenant; all England and Scotland is now filld with nothing else, but the cries of breach of Covenant (the most hainous, and destroying sin of any Nation) the Army given out as the Army Royal of Heresies and Schismes, names as odious in Ecclesiasticals, as Rebelion and Treason in Politicks, that no good Christian can think of but abhor. And these are so fastened on the ar­my, and reflected on the Parliament, that all good men that were not very wary and observant, looking on them both through this black Glass, could not imagine them to be otherwise then Monsters, who are incapable of any privi­ledge in a Commonwealth; this Plea hath, and doth do the Scots more service than any that ever they made use of, because it leaves something alwaies suspicious, and doubtful at the best in those which bear the brand of it, and wild still prevail on implicite-faith'd men, of which the whole world is full.

The Personal Treaty must be usherd in by this, (which was nothing else but a way to bring the King into London with Peace, Honor, and safety, and to lessen, and mittigate all for­mer actings) which the Scots Commissioners prosecute with the greatest violence, and are the onely main men in view standing for it; whether to regain their lost Honor in deliver­ing up the King at Newcastle, and vindicate themselves of [Page 30] these aspersions, of selling him for two hundred thousand pound, or to make good their secret promises at his departure from them, its no great matter to be informed in; but all the world may know they negotiated that affair, more like the Kings authorized Commissioners for that purpose, then the Commissioners of the Covenant, and Nation of Scotland. For when the Parliament stood on the way of Propositions, (wherein the Fundamental principles of both Nations should have been stuck unto, and the absolute necessaries of our peace without restriction insisted on) nothing would serve the Scots but a Personal Treaty, which in effect was no more but this, That we must yet be at the Kings mercy for what we had by the sword wrung out of his hands; that this was a dangerous design, that the Scots had a chief hand in it, I shall demonstrate in these particulars.

For the first, That it was not the right way, but a by path found out on purpose for to act some other affair by, is evi­dent, if we consider,

First, that the way of Propositions was judged at the ut­most pinch of our affairs to be the safest, and fairest by both Nations; and though the King often desired it, when he had an Army as an argument, it would not be granted, knowing the influences of Royal aspects, and respect. 2. Any other way would be most useless; for what could not be done by Propositions, could not be by a personal presence; for those Propositions were not as Ceremonial and State Comple­ments which can be omitted without danger, but of that consequence, and Fundamentalness to this Nation, and so connected together, that we could not lose one, without ha­zard of all.

Besides, our affairs were not in that equal ballance at that time, we having the King as our prisoner, to Treat with him upon equal terms, or to admit his person, to explain or dash out our demands.

Yea, the way of Propositions was most serious, as safe; for if the King refused to grant our desires in cold bloud, when he had time to peruse them so long, and to know his own heart towards them, and yet refused to sign them, and we [Page 31] durst not recede from them, how could we expect by debate and conferences (where men are many times surprized, and lie under strong influences, and have not time of looking so round about them,) to have got any thing by such a Treaty? but these things have been in other Manifestoes more fully spoken unto.

That the Scots have been the prime instruments in it, its a Record in their own Remonstrances.

And their carriages too gross in it to be kept private; they protested against the Parliaments way of Propositions, and when they had nothing against the matter, they carp at the method, and cry out upon them for not putting the Cove­nant in the fore front, while the Parliament intended nothing but to secure it in the middle, and make it the center in which all things should rest, and by which they should be determi­ned; this was judged a little politick Superstition in the Scots, to make the world believe they had the onely care of the Co­venant, and the Parliament of themselves: the high incroach­ments of these Gentlemen, on the priviledges of England, and the Parliament, (though it might give us a full discove­ry of their designs on us,) yet it is not to be paralleld by any Ministers of State in the Christian, or Heathenish world; for still (wrapping themselves up in the Covenant) they peremp­torily take upon them to determine what proposals we shall make concerning our peace, and when they have granted the substance, will take on them to hold our hands in the writing of them, that we must not place a letter or syllable in any order, but what these Commissioners would have us; nor could we have liberty to point our own words, or add an accent without a severe check from them.

And when we had profest our selves proper Judges of our affairs, and not to meddle with any proposals that immediat­ly concerned their Nation, the Scots Commissioners ride post presently to the Isle of Wight, and protest against all those things that our Parliament thought most fit for setling the peace of this Nation: That all English men may see the aims of that Nation for power, and domination in England; and I may say it without partiality, the Spanish Faction never had more [Page 32] power in the conclave at Rome, then the Scots had at that time on the most of the English Nation.

And so strenously do they follow this affair, that a perso­nal Treaty is obtained at last; but least it should not have been effected, to bring the Parliament low, and ballance the Kings power with theirs, an universal insurrection is design­ed in all Counties in England, and the Scots to come in on the back, that the Army might be divided and broken, and the Scots might back their papers with their swords: this was the deepest and most dangerous design, that ever was set on foot, and the greatest power of God was maifested in pre­venting the efficacy of it; which did not onely make a new War, but would have utterly undone all former hopes. For upon a suddain they revolt in Wales, under Poyer, Powel, and Laughorn, get together a great Army in Kent and Essex, afterwards in Surry; & had all been as ready as these Coun­ties, and the word so fully given, it had been a blow indeed unto this Nation, as never was yet given: the poor discoun­tenanced Army is now fain to divide, and to go into several corners to fight, and suppress their new enemies, among whom had not God appeared by an extraordinary presence, we had not known the wonders we now see.

That the Scots were the great occasion, if not the prime causes of this new, and desperate plot, will not be very diffi­cult to discover, though they seemed to veil it never so se­cretly; for all these things fell out upon their Declarations against the Parliament and Army, and were but the result of their transactions with the King, and doubtless formed espe­cially in the Ile of Wight

Their great endeavour (as you may observe) hath been since the work was done without them, to destroy the Army (the onely bulwark God hath given us to preserve our selves from the designs of the King, and them) and to disaffect the people from the Parliaments power, and actings; many strange things being blown up and down, and kindled in the Nation by their Papers to this end; it now breaks out into a flame; besides all the pretences, the new Mutineers make as the utmost of their desires, is for the disbanding the Army, for [Page 33] a personal Treaty, and to suppress Sectaries; and though the King lay close all this while, and was glad of his Prison, while his Agents were so instrumental, yet he had his predominant influences, and as they raised men, he put Commanders over them, especially in Essex, and Surrey, and Scotland: but to make it without question, that the Scots had the first hand in this business, let us but look back, and remember with what discontents and contempts of the Parliament and Army, and with what complements from the King the Scots Commis­sioners parted, when their Secretary was made Sir John Chiesly (a dangerous Omen in such a juncture) and with what respect (notwithstanding the complaints and charges of our Parliament against them, which were sent after them) they were re-ceived by their Parliament, and what thanks were given them, as if they had fully exprest the hearts of that Na­tion towards us.

But that which puts all out of doubt that the Scots were principal, and trump in this work, is that just at the same time to a hair Duke Hamilton invades England with a mighty Army, by the authority and commission of the Scotish Par­liament, as knowing his time, and how things were formerly agreed upon. For the Commissioners of Scotland, having laid fuel enough for the hottest flames to break out, and took their last leave of his Majesty (and Hamilton having over and above private instructions) they withdraw to Scotland to receive thanks, and prosecute the remainder of their work, in preparing all things for it in Scotland, which was fully done & to the utmost advantage. And had not God (who hath not yet failed to prosecute this Cause, and help his instruments in all their perplexities) made bare his own Arm, we should have had England peopled with that Nation, at least mor­gaged to inrich them; but God which out of abundant mercy, was pleased to bless our Army, in every corner where any op­position was made, did specially help them to beat that Army, which was like to an overflowing land-flood, threatning ruine to every Countrey, and to make use of this Army, both to help some particular dissenters into that power (which they now use against them) and at last to cut off the root, that no more influence might be from such a malevolent conjunction.

Thus the Reader hath had a faithful, and plain relation of the secret and open designs of the Scots to be Conquerors of this Nation, or to be joint-Rulers with us, whereby we may look about our selves, and remember what it is to be too much ingaged with poor and prying neighbours, where so many advantages are to be had on the one side to tempt, and so little on the other to provoke, and at last to learn how dangerous it is for States, which are like Sphaerical bo­dies, to touch but in a point.

But things stay not here; when the Scots saw themselves ferreted out of all their holes, and the Parliament assisted notwithstanding. all designs to remove out of the way the great stumbling block, and to do Justice on the head of all our misery, the late King, that there was no more now for the Scots to do in England; the Parliament having wisely chan­ged the Government to a Commonwealth, and cut off that hereditary usurpation of Monarchy, which was never, either justly begun or continued, the Scots presently to make new divisions, and that they might both continue the war, and renew the old advantages, proclaim his Son King of England as well as Scotland, by the name of Charls the Second, and af­terwards without our consent, nay, in contempt of this Com­monwealth, treated with him at Breda by themselves, both for England and Scotland, and did engage to him to endeavor to advance him to the English Throne; all this but to incense and provoke us to a new war with them, and to make them­selves by our ruines.

I am now come to the rational part of this Discourse, and to capitulate with them, about our entrance of Scotland. No man I know of any disingagedness from that interest, after all these passages will wonder that the Parliament of England should send an Army into that Nation, who have invaded us so often, both by their Armies and deceits; especially when they have now taken our greatest enemy into their bosoms; and have never given us satisfaction for all their former inj [...] ­ries. Though the grounds of this have been cleared fully by the Parliament and Army, yet I shall take the boldness to vindicate this overture by some further reasonings, and [Page 35] taking off their objections against our persons, and actions.

In General, no man can imagine, and retain in his under­standing, that our entrance of Scotland could be out of any by-end, either to inrich our selves, or enlarge our Common­wealth; all the world know that Scotland hath not so many temptations to make English men to lose all their accommo­dation, to forsake their wives and children, and venture their lives to injoy them; without poverty and penury, cold and hunger could allure them in, (which they have sadly experi­enced, since they set their feet on that ground) neither could power and domination be their ground, seeing it would cost us more to gain such a power, then ever we could get by the most intire communion in it; and it would be a sad exchange for English men to remove from such a fertile and flourishing Nation, to make a plantation in the fag end of the Creation.

Neither can it be imagined, that the Parliament hath so much money to spare to keep an Army to plow up the fallow and barren mountains of another Nation; or that they are so unfaithful to this Commonwealth, as to hazard their most faithful and active instruments in a meer bravado against hunger and cold, as well as Swords and Canons.

All men must needs conceive its a matter of greater conse­quence, and built upon higher grounds then meer pettishness or envy, seeing the subject is incapable of any such working distempers.

Our great desire is nothing else but satisfaction for their invading of us, and security against the next; terms most rea­sonable; especially when we consider the wrongs, and dama­ges done to this Nation by their means and the grounds of more then fear and jealousies we have reason to entertain concerning their thirst after the power and priviledges of this Commonwealth; yet I do not doubt but the concession of the latter would serve us, though we have just ground to stand on the first.

We appeal to all the world, whether we have not put it to the last, and deferr'd it to the utmost period; it will be a won­der to all Kingdoms and States (if it were once fully known) with what patience the Supream Authority of this Nation [Page 36] hath born their affronts, from time to time, with what cere­mony and affection we have courted their favours, desired a fair understanding, & a hearty compliance with us in friend­ship; and that Commissioners might be appointed on each side to give, and take satisfaction; but as if we were already designed to ruine, we could neither get money nor good words; and as if they meant to hold out the blackest flagg of defiance, they return all our endeavours for Peace with the dirt of reproach and slanders in our faces; what can be done next? when Treaties are refused, offers of Peace slighted, must England bear all burdens like Issachar, and stoop under them? shall all the providences of God for this Nation be still darkned by a Scottish Mist? must we let them do what they please to undermine & overthrow all the happy issues of divine actings, and yet we sit still? shall they (without rebuke, and out of conscience) be left alone to abuse our Parliament and Army, enter into confederacies with all the enemies of this Nation, and take upon them to impose a yong and raw Stripling as a King on us, and yet no remedy to relieve our selves? doubtless, neither God, nor the Scots would ever thank us for acting such a piece of folly. There is a necessity of preventing a necessity; and it is as lawfull for us to anti­cipate a mischief, as to extricate our selves out of it, when we are involved in it.

But that I may go on distinctly, and by degrees, let it be pondered in the weights of Justice and Equity, what reason we have to enter Scotland, to require satisfaction for their in­vading us, (whereby the Kingdom of England was endan­gered in the whole, and many Counties were so much ruina­ted;) is it not enough that we have forborn all this while? must we lose our Debts for want of demanding them? and must we be slighted for our patiences? and had not we need to ask satisfaction for the one, when they are preparing for another, that we may not trust too much, where there is little to pay at last? These questions are not in vain, when we con­sider all things.

But whereas they say (Its enough they have protested against that Invasion, and that may be sufficient satisfaction.)

Its easily answered, if we reflect on the former Transacti­ons, and preparations to it, who were the authors of it; even these that protested against it, who rather protested against the leaders then the Covenant, and the person then the thing it self; for the truth is, these Gentlemen who had plaid their Cards so well in the South, were cheated by Hamilton in the North, who made use of all their preparations to in­gross the power into his own hands: Hamilton used the same arguments, and profest the same principles which the Ministers had preacht; used the same words, for the Cove­nant, and personal Treaty to reduce the Sectaries, &c. all these good words that they themselves now use, and we have no reason but to belive with as true a heart.

Neither did ever the Kirk disavow a War with England upon these grounds, until they saw their General, and so we caught in their own snare; for having by all their zealous a­gitations in Pulpit and Press, made ready all things for a War, they found they had unawares raised up a blacker Di­vel then they expected, which they could not conjure down until God met him in the height of his progress by that Ar­my, which both he and they still make the Butt of their designs.

Besides, grant all this to be a truth, what is the protesta­tion of private and particular persons, to make satisfaction for National Dammages? That invasion was by the Autho­rity of a full Parliament, after long and serious debates; it is not for us to pry into their constitution; if every party must be judge of the whole, the Scots will soon lose all their pleas against England, and their pretences against all our proceed­ings. They may well remember how we acted to them in a far different cause at first, when but a party in England, and at Court, acted against them, and made a War to overthrow that Nation, and infringe their Rights and Liberties, (as by Canterbury, and Strafford) though our Parliament abhorred the thoughts of it, yet they would not out of England untill they had satisfaction for all their charges, and gratuities to boot for preserving themselves, (which our Parliament free­ly, and conscienciously gave them) and yet it must be a crime [Page 38] in us to demand satisfaction for an actual and ruinating in­vasion, by the absolute authority of their Parliament, onely because some few private men (who were as deep in the de­sign, as the invadors) have out of some selvish reasons prote­sted against it: let our Brethren give us leave to reason; would not the Protestation against all Transactions undertaken a­gainst the Scots by some few men in England, by a full Par­liament, and all good peoples disaffection, prevent the Scots from craving satisfaction of England, (who was innocent of any precedent missdemeanor?) but they must have full satis­faction onely for giving them occasion to form and raise an Army by these private designs, (without any actual ruin to that Nation) and shall a discontented protestation against persons, not the thing it self, by some particular dissenters, (who laid the plot first of the same invasion, for themselves) be thought a just plea against our demands of satisfaction for the actual ruins of many of our Counties, besides the Act of Oblivion of all the rest of their personal mis-behaviors? we shall still appeal to Heaven, if men will not hear us.

Had God permitted it, That England had seen that mise­rable day that Hamilton had prevailed, we should have had farther demonstration of their secret intentions; its now suf­ficient that we had an invasion, to a very vast dammage to this Nation, by the Commission of the Supreme authority of Scotland in that Act, and no satisfaction but a bare protesta­tion, and a continued inveterate prosecution of the same de­sign by these particular persons, who are now the chief men in the Royal Covenant Engagement against England: if God hath given us so much before hand, as to forbear the paiment, yet we should not be abused for the demands of our just debts; and its most hard and dis-ingenuous that we must be forced to pardon all former mis-carriages because of their words, who are now ready on the same principles to cut our throats: but let us not daub that Engagement against Eng­land; as it was laid by Ecclesiastical principles, and agitati­ons, so if God had not defeated, and over-reached the lay­ers of the Foundation, or had but prospered Hamilton in that undertaking, you would soon have seen the bottom of the [Page 39] business; for either had the old design been headed by their Commanders, or had the new been victorious, we should have seen to what use the Covenant would have been put un­to; a full demonstration we have now, if we do not want eyes.

But that the world may see how tender we were of that protesting party (though we knew their principles and ends were the same) as men forgetful of their own losses, we did not onely (by Gods strength) beat that Army for them, and take away their great eye-sores, but never left (upon a small intreaty) until we had set the protesters in the Committee of Estates in Scotland, and had disbanded our enemies, though unto this day we never had either pay or thanks; yet these very men (that you may know their hearts) were, and are those which ever since have abused our Parliament and Ar­my, and have made use of all their authority to overthrow us; and yet we must be contented with their onely dissent, onely to the manner and order of that invasion. And yet tru­ly, I think, we might well be satisfied in their dislike, if we had not found that they have been both the first Agents, and mean to be the last prosecutors of the same design; but grant all these protesting spirits to be never so entire to the Eng­lish interest, (the contrary to which we have found by woful experience) yet we may see the complexion of that whole State in its aspects on England, and may very well demand full satisfaction for a Parliamentary publick Commission to enslave and abase this Free born Nation.

When England was guiltless of any design, they must satis­fie. When they come and invade us for their own security against two or three persons at Court, we must out of Con­science reward them. And when we make use of them in a Common Cause, which would at last fall as hardly on them­selves (if they meant to keep their first principles) yet we must pay them both for their own good as well as ours, and maintain them in their zeal and love, and Religion together: and yet its unreasonable for this Commonwealth to propose satisfaction for an Authorized invasion on us, to the undoing of thousands in the North.

But the onely, and best reason that ever I could find out to salve and quench such a motion, is drawn from that way of arguing which is ab impossibili, that its impossible for us to get satisfaction, were they as Free as they are Froward; and where there is nothing, we may remember our English Pro­verb, In that cause there the King must lose his Right; intima­ting, that if any thing could be got per fas, aut nefas, by hook or by crook, Kings would be sure to get it, who were nothing else but the Royal Catch-poles of a Commonwealth.

But grant that all arrears were discharged between us, is it not reason that we should have security, at least when we are willing to take that for satisfaction? that is the next ground of entring Scotland, to secure our own Borders: and have not we reason when they have joyned with an interest diame­trically against us, to intreat that after they have laid their designs on England, they will promise not to act them? we desire nothing but peace at home, and to reap the fruit of our own labors, and Gods mercies.

Let Scotland sit down with the Triumph, and Joys of their now Politick Convert; we shall not envy them; but they must give us leave to remember our own Condition when we have such neighbors and enemies joyned together; who have been the bawds to all parties in their utmost Rapes and Ra­vishments of the Priviledges of this Commonwealth. We wish we had as equal Judges, as we have sufficient grounds for this Act; they have given us cause of Jealousie, should they prove never so honest now, by their former Transacti­ons; but when both the former and latter designs are made one, and the same pretences still pleaded to dress the old de­sign, and all waies of information and correspondencie is absolutely shut up by them, its time for England to look to it self, and to endeavor if they can to prevent that which they mean to prevail by, viz. our facilness and delay, up­on what pretence soever. And we mean to go by examples; the Scots have led us the way, and taught as the Method of invading, long before Hamiltons Expedition, upon sleighter, and lower grounds, and less occasion then we have.

For when the King by the prevailing Favourites at Court [Page 41] had raised an Army with intention to make war on them, to prevent the miseries of war in their own Countrey, and get before-hand with the King, they fairly march over Tweed, enter England, and take New-Castle, and by that means dis­appointed that intended mischief in their own Nation; and have not we the same just reasons to take our opportuni­ties, when they have proclaimed a King over us, and were forming an Army to enthrone him in this Nation? let all the world judge.

If they say they had not stated a war against England, or did not intend to invade us, we shall desire nothing more from them than a full confirmation of that Protesta­tion.

But what meant the Treaty at Breda? what meant that Article, wherein they promise upon his full satisfying the just demands of that State and Kirk, they would endeavour to restore him to his rights in England? Would they do it by an Army, or not? or could they restore him but by force up­on us? These juglings will not now serve the turn; Can any man of any competency of reason, judge that Charls Stuart, who hath been bred up in his Fathers principles, and who hath had such Tutors all this while, would give up himself to live on the charity of that Nation? or that he would ever enter Scotland, but as a back door to England, intending to make the furthest way about the nearest way home? Or will any imagine that the Scots are so in love with a King, as to be burthen'd both with his power and maintenance alone, but that they meant to make use of him to get a greater footing in England than ever they had, and to be enriched with the spoiles, and rewards of this flourishing Nation, for such a special service? let every mans conscience speak this truth: and should not we be for ever branded as fools to posterity, to let them make their own preparations, and take their own advantages to ruine us, while we are terrified with the nicety of a word (which they call in­vasion) from securing our selves? and certainly if the absolutest necessity had not enforced Expedition, pru­dence and policy would have rendred it a madness for [Page 42] us to send our faithful and special Army into Scot­land to suffer all that misery and hardship, which they have since undergone; and notwithstanding all former affronts (without any acknowledgement) much less redress from them, God knows, and honest men might see, with what frame of spirit our Army entred Scotland; in their addres­ses to the borders you would not think (to see them) they had been an Army of Souldiers, but of suiters and humble Petitioners for a peace; and it was no small encourage­ment to some silent and observing spirits, to see the order of their addresses unto that Nation, sending in their desires for nothing else but the security of England, begging that they might not be put to extremities against that Nation, but might yet receive some hopes of satisfaction; writing as unto Saints, not enemies; and those that viewed their car­riages, saw as much of the workings of Christian bowels in that Remonstrance as ever any that came from an Army; But all these amicable and sweet motions were returned with Fire and Sword, with the utmost revilings and contempt, as if they were rather shooting Canons at them, than writing answers: which was a sad provocation, as it was a dangerous presage of their own ruine.

It is likewise most observable in our March into Scotland, what a change there was in the spirits of most of the Officers and Souldiers (though they had been so egregiously abused) yet with what fear and trembling they went on in that work, not doubting of the justness of their Cause, but as out of a loving shyness, and unwillingness, and Christian tenderness to do any thing that might endammage that Nation, pau­sing every step, hoping God would find out some other way to preserve England, humbling themselves for former errors and miscarriages; and so leisurely and sadly they went to this work, that they seemed rather to be trayling their Pikes backwards, than advancing them; as if they were ra­ther going to the Funeral of some dead General, than to charge a formidable and inveterate Enemy.

And we have much reason to say, that God hath, and will answer them according to the sincerity of their hearts in that [Page 43] Expedition, as he hath and will remember the juglings of that Nation, both in England, and among themselves. So that they themselves by these carriages have at least strengthned our former just grounds of motion that way; and the nigher we drew to our own borders, the more reason we saw of entring Scotland. Had they had any mind to peace, or any other principle, but that which acted them to do all these things in England, they would have prevented a war in their own Nation, by some loving and respectful answers to our just desires and tender motions; and truly any kind Essay in that behalf would have too much prevailed upon our na­tures to stop our course for the present, and hope more; but as if they longed for such an act, they daily provoked us to it, scorning our motions, denying so much as a name of ho­nour to our chief Commander, only styling him by the name of Lieut. General Cromwel, whereby they would demon­strate themselves as perfect haters of their persons, as of their actions: Is there no blood left in gallant and noble Spirits (who have conquered Armies of a more high and Noble Command and Model, than any Army that could be raised in Scotland) to be provoked to revenge? But, alas these things were past by as nothing, by the greatness and magna­nimity of the General, who looked after Things more than Titles; and had they but seemed to be any way plyable to a satisfying peace, he, and all the rest of the Officers would have been willing to have left their Titles behind them in that Treaty, and been content also to have born all the af­fronts they put upon them besides; but that they might ren­der themselves absolute and implacable Enemies to this Army and Commonwealth, they will not so much as admit a good motion with any sence, but scorn us in our best acts of love, that they might confirm the truth of all our former suspitions of them. What could we now conclude on (after all our care and timerousness in that Expedition) but to be fully clear in that which we did but debate before? and what was but probable before, is now made necessary, and of pre­sent concernment. Thus God was pleased by the hight and hardness of their hearts toward us, to add a more immediate [Page 44] ground of our entrance of Scotland, to all we had before; but the Scots thought to have undone us by this Act; for first they thought to make this a foundation of a surer pre­tence of all future actings towards us, and by the name of (Invasion) both to make us odious, and to give themselves liberty hereafter to do what they would with England.

Secondly, they drew them in to ensnare and destroy them, as verily beleeving that ayr to be too sharp for English bo­dies, and that hunger and cold should do their work for them; which had been according to their design, if God had not given them more than ordinary strength; the miseries which in these few moneths that Army suffered in that King­dom, hath been more than ever they suffered in all the wars of England and Ireland.

Let all the world (once more) judge what ground we had to enter Scotland, and whether it was not high time, when we could get neither former dammages repaired, nor present hopes of respect, or correspondence from them with this Nation, when they were preparing for an invasion of us, and had put themselves out of a capability of peace? What, shall England be alwayes playing after-games? Have we bought our priviledges at so easie a rate as to sell them all away upon mistaken charity? We hope now the Scots have taught us wisdom to take opportunities, though we have paid too much for the learning it.

But that I may not waste paper, and tire the Readers pa­tience with things so clear and demonstrative, that I may re­move any thing out of their way that may be further con­sidered of by ingenuous and knowing men; Let us now fall on their objections, and take off their pleas against the Army and this Commonwealth in their proceedings, formerly, and now.

The great and main pretence of all their quarrel and sto­mack against England, is the breach of the Covenant, which they lay wholly on this Nation, professing themselves as the makers, so the only keepers of the Covenant; a charge that's heavy, and sad enough if it were as true. But as the word is general, so is the charge; God hath, and will judge who hath [Page 45] been most faithful, shortly, as to that act; only let it be con­sidered, that its hard to keep the Covenant according to the forc'd and fixt sence of every party; but if by keeping the Covenant be meant the genuine and true end of it, from the natural and right meaning of it (ere it be brought forth from the womb of a design) then we shall not doubt but to clear our selves before God and men, that England hath kept the Covenant more intirely then Scotland; and while they seem to keep their own words and syllables, we have kept the sence and end of it; and though we have not (as it is repor­ted of quondam Alderman Bunce, a young Convert to the Scots) kept the paper of it in our breasts, yet we have had the true interpretation of it in our eyes and hearts, and have prosecuted the Malignants to it (against whom it was prima­rily made) with the utmost justice, that they might no more hinder the literal keeping of it by England and Scot­land.

I only ask what was become of the Covenant when Ha­milton came in to invade England? whether was it pub­lickly torn and burnt by that Nation? Or whether ever it can be read clearly since without any hoblings and blots? If they say they protest against it as formerly, its no doubt but the Scots themselves judge, that there be many private per­sons in England which cannot be taxed with such a breach: and yet because they think the publick authority hath broken it, they lay the charge on the whole, and so reflectively, we do not doubt but many private spirits in Scotland have kept chast, and are not mixed with the former and present designs; but as we are not to take notice of particular persons, but as in their sphear, but must judge of things by authoritative and National acts; so we must lay the first and absolute breach of Covenant on that Nation, which can never be re­payed by any private professions; and if England have bro­ken it since, it hath been by their example, and because they have taken themselves discharged from their part in per­formance, seeing the Scots have broke on their part first.

But if men will be impartial, the ill use of the Covenant [Page 46] may be as bad as the breach of it, if not worse; and the truth is, the several ill uses the Scots have made of that good thing, hath made many careless in keeping of it; for it hath been put to serve all turns, the Personal Treaty, the insurre­ctions in England for a second war, the Invasion of Scotland, who came with the fullest sayles of the Covenant; and now at last it is made to serve the Malignant Interest, and to ad­vance the Royal Party, once the common Enemy, (against whom it was first made;) these and such like actings by it hath made the world beleeve that it was but a Scottish stratagem at first, and is now become a defiled and common thing; yet I could wish from my heart, that it had been more conscien­ciously made and kept by both Nations; But let us view the particulars of this charge.

The first is, the not setting up of Presbyterial Govern­ment in England as it is in Scotland, Reformation of Dis­cipline being one of the main ends of it. I have nothing to say against Reformation and of Discipline, but only to say in general of it, as the Apostle doth of the Law, 1 Tim. 1.8. It is good if a man use it lawfully; Yet that we may seri­ously weigh the thing; as the Parliament held all care in calling together an Assembly of Divines, and have hearkned unto their results; so there were several precious spirits in the Assembly, that could not well agree to a Scottish Presby­tery; and many things were offered by dissenting parties, which (though all were not of the mind of) yet they saw much reason and Scripture in it; and though Government were necessary, yet they saw not that clearness of a Jure Divino, as these of the North would have forc'd them unto; the Assembly at first, and after full debates, were contented with such an expression as this, (That many Congregations may be under one Presbyterial Government) which shewed only the prudential conveniency of the way at present, and it never advanced further until the Scots would needs intrude their own Jus Divinum; Discipline was with us, and is a hard proposition, and there are so many conscientious, and honest, and learned dissentors, that it was found one of the [Page 47] hardest works to settle it either way; however Scotland did leap over it by their opportunities.

But if we mean to lay the saddle on the right horse, we may thank the Scots that Presbyterial Government hath not been fully setled in this Nation, although they make it their great pretence.

For first, they only proposed their own Model (which was to be the exact pattern, from which he was a Schismatick that dissented) and to which they made the Word of God to stoop, and by which they judged the whole nature of grace, and all the State of Saints; a Government which as it was much controverted, and really thought unfit by moderate men; so truly it was too course for our Christians, and too tyrannical and imperious for the generousness and freedom of English Spirits.

Besides, they wanted fit matter in every Congregation in England, to build such a large superstructure upon; the most of our Parishes being either under the darkness of formal or superstitious blindness, or Malignant and horrid aversness from such an order and Government. And if we could pos­sibly get competent Members (which must be a wonder) yet for Elders you might traverse many Parishes ere you got one of a common capacity for such a work, unless the Scots usual way of judging Elders and Members by, were admit­ted; viz. by taking the Covenant; besides, there was so much to say by Episcopal men on the one side, and Congre­gational on the other; and so much for an English, and so much for a Scots Presbytery, that the utmost result could be no more then a convenient probability.

And as all things were Schisme and Heresie, that were not fully to that pattern (which they thought infallible) so Eng­land was utterly unprepared for such an universal and new structure, that we were rather surprized and hurried into a form, than any way fitly and ingenuously adapted to it. For ere we had time to make any sutable survey of our fitness, or a­ny clear sight of the principle, we were imposed upon by the Authority of a Government whose rule yet lay under de­bate; [Page 48] the materials were so unfit, and the rule so unclear, that it made many of good affections to Discipline, think it not to be the time for setting of it up, or at least that the rule was not so fairly written for to hold it forth to all men; in a word, all things were so confused, as to the materials of it in all, or most places, that many godly men thought either they must change their habitations, or be put to sad shifts to satisfie their consciences in exercising all Ordinances which ought to be in a publick established Church Government. But if we come to the manner of their actings; the Scots (who were the great Agents) drove so furiously and made such faces on it, that affrighted all sober and tender consci­ences from full closing in with it, according to such a repre­sentation; for ere they had proved the Divinity of it, they would needs set up the Authority of it; yea, before they had cleared their principles, they would have it enforc'd on all men to obey it, and subscribe to it, without any care of the best sort of consciences, who were but newly released out of a like sort of bondage; which certainly was not a wise act, nor very religious; for though many good men in the Assembly and Parliament were for that Government in its true nature and exercise, yet they loved only an English, not a Scottish Presbytery, which differs little from Episco­pacy, but in the pontificalness of Ceremony, it claiming and exercising as full and tyrannical a power against those that cannot stretch themselves to that uniformity, as the other doth against non-conformity, the great design of Scotland in urging, (not a but) their Presbyterial Government so fierce­ly on England, was to make their civil and Ecclesiastick trans­actions meet; for as they had by their Treaties, and our favours, got a kind of a negative voyce in all our Coun­sels, so by introducing their own pattern in the Govern­ment of the Church, they should have been to us as Rome to other Churches, the last judge to whom all appeal; and what influence the Church hath on the State, all may guess.

But moreover the temper of our Ministers was yet contrary unto what the Scots would be at, the most of them being not yet refined from the dreggs of Episcopacy; and it would be very much unsuitable to wise and foreseeing transactors to put new wine into old bottles, and trust unexperienced men with so large a power as was contended for, which would but have made them and us presently remember the old principles they were more naturally instructed by: whereas, had they been willing to trust Christ with his own Government, and had first cleered up to all men their way, and waited for the full power, untill they had given some eminent testimony of the goodness of it, either to unite Saints, or set up the power of godliness, it might have have been by this established with abundance of peace and hap­piness to this Nation; but as most good men were very jealous of an old Tyranny under a new name, (especially when the good thing contended for was Power and Authority) so they found too many carnal mixtures, both publikely and privately, which frighted their consciences, from a full compliance; yea, which is far worse, so highly would the Scots party carry it, that the utmost distinction of godly and honest men should be ac­cording to their submission to that rule; neither would all the power of godliness serve to give out the manifestation of a Saint, or to make a Christian, but he must be called a Heretick, and Schismatick, without he were exactly measured by that ten­ter, and rackt to make that profession. And when the dissent­ing Brethren themselves, (men of known integrity, and of spe­cial anoyntings) who agreed with them in all the principles of Religion and Directory for Worship, yea the principles of Discipline, onely dissenting in the extension, and subject of power and Authority, when they desired but a forbearance, and dispensation to their conscience from the utmost rigidness, and severity of the Rule, so far did the Scots model prevail, that such a tender, and rational request would not be granted, which unheard of severity opened many mens eyes, and made them think there was more than spiritual zeal in these designs, especi­ally when they saw Ministers of the Gospel, looking after such a full Secular Power to prefer it before the power of godliness, and full consent in the Orthodoxness of Doctrine, or the purity of the matter of such a Government: So that I cannot but lay the [Page 50] great blame on the Scots, as the impediments of hindring the free and full establishment of that Discipline, which would have surely took effect if it had been at first proposed in Scripture terms, and language, and afterwards had been prosecuted with the meekness, and gentleness of a Gospel-Government; and doubtless, had not the Scots rid on the fore Horse, and driven the Chariot Jehu like, with their own principles and ends, we should have had Presbytery in a better form, and settlement than now we have; for nothing opened our English eyes so much as their desperate thrustings of their pattern on us, ere we had well cast off thoughts of Episcopacy, or were in any re­ligious capacity for another Government; all men then began to wonder what Tabernacles these men did mean to build in Eng­land, who would have engrost the legislative power both of State and Kirk into their own hands; so that the true and real lovers of Presbytery were hindred by the violence and design of the Scots party, who because they got more by their Ecclesiastical pretences than any civil actings; therefore nothing would content them but their own Model in it, by which they thought to have the most special influences on all the rest. I hope by this time the Reader will see something into the nature of that Plea, and will look upon the Scots, who though they are accounted to Presby­tery as the Spaniards to Popery, the eldest sons of the Church, yet fairer and better mediums might have been used to have wrought it out more effectually than a new inquisition, or a pe­remptory imposition of a Government, without clearness of principles, or care of good consciences; no more of that.

I come to the next main Objection, which is the doing Justice on the late King; an objection which is very unbecoming Scot­land to make against us, though it be too freqent; for first, Let our accusers be our Judges, they laid the foundation, we did but follow the same principle to its last end; they taxed him as a man of blood, profest there were no hopes of him to any good; and when we come to joyn issue with them by our actings, they exclaim on us for prosecuting their principles. When they had him at Newcastle, they knew not what to do with him, but to give him over to make more work for them among us. After all their desires of a personal Treaty, their Kirk declares that to [Page 51] make a peace on these Concessions would be dangerous, and destructive to the whole Cause, and that God would curse us if we did centre in these grants. And what could possibly be gain'd more, (seeing that was the last and utmost overture with him) but to cut him off as immedicabile vulnus, all wayes, and essays were used to the utmost, to gain but hopes of happiness by him; but his returns were so gross, that the Scots themselves protested in Print, there was no residing in these concessions; and what way was there else, but a bringing him in unto his full power a­gain, though he utterly refused either to take the Covenant, or abolish Episcopacy?

And truly the Scots rejoyce the Act is done, though they are also glad that they were not the active instruments of it; for they clearly saw he was too much engaged to several parties in England and Ireland, for them to make use of his person for themselves, and they could do no more for him than they had done, and keep up any credit and esteem amongst good men; this gallant piece of Justice, is rather envyed by others, than ha­ted; however it was done in a more noble and serious way than poysoning, a way which the Scots have been (of all Nations) most guilty of; he having a fair trial, and a free hearing of what he could say for himself.

But we may lay the Kings death also very honestly on the Scots; for they by the height of their expressions against the King, both confirmed and aggravated our own experiences of him, and provoked us to do some act to make their words good; they cal'd him often a man of blood, one that had shed more blood than any of his predecessors; and what could we do less than revenge blood with blood, the blood of millions with the blood of a particular person? what attonement could be less and what more proper? And shall the Scots thus sprinkle blood upon all his garments, and pass the sentence of condemnation on him; and may not we lawfully execute it? when never more bloody expressions were given to any Nero in the earth than Scotland gave to that King, and as truly; and yet they are angry with us for drawing out that blood, which else would putrifie in his veins, and for ever defile us.

This great and hainous act which the Scots so abhor, as they [Page 52] led the way to it first, so they were the hastners of it sooner than in probability it could have been effected; for they made him stand out against all those just Propositions which were so often offered, and denied, and hardned his heart against giving full sa­tisfaction, giving him hopes of a better way for him to regain his ends, and he who judged as a selvish Polititian, could not but imagine, that he need not to improve any other than his own principles; for when they stirr'd so much for a personal Treaty, and to wave the way of Propositions, which he had so often knowingly rejected, and made such ado about his person, what could he think less, than that his person was the unum necessariū, and that we could never make our own peace without his being Umpire? at least it made him believe his person, was of more use than our Propositions; and if we may make rational conje­ctures, he had complied to any thing, if the Scots had not made him think, that he was the most useful person to the peace, as he was to begin the war; an Emblem of this the King himself gave (I take it) in the Isle of Wight, when the King talking with our Commissioners, threw a bone at his doggs before their faces, that he might laught at them by a resemblance; and intimate, that while they were contending for him, he would get his own ends. When the Parliament of England saw how he was hardned against them, and heightned by the Scots overtures to deny and scorn all our necessary Propositions; what could we do less than improve our power to remove such a block, which lay as the snare and temptation of all parties, and at the catch of all our respects unto him?

What way was there left to prevent mischiefs, and to settle affairs, but that just severitie? either we must have gi­ven him over to the Scots to Reform him, as they have done his Son, (which is in English nothing but to make their own use of him against us) or have lest the stain of all the Bloud unsatisfied for, on this Nation; or have been content to part with, and be willingly cheated of our dear bought Liberties, to save the bloud of a Tyrant, who if he had lived longer, would have cut a fresh vein in these three Nations, which could hardly ever have been bound up; what a Monument would it have been in England, to see CHARLS STƲART set up again in the English [Page 53] Throne, with his Garments sprinkled (do I say) nay dyed in the bloud of the best people in the three Nations? and to ride to the Parliament in such Robes, and in a fair capacity of a double, and deeper Tincture; shall we ever be deluded with names, and Ti­tles, and circumscribe Justice in the compass of some particular persons, and not let it reign on the university of mankind? But all men may easily judge the Scots never much lamented that per­son, whom they did first condemn as a Tyrant, and unfit to live; of whose death they laid the surest foundations; and is it not as lawful to behead him, as imprison him, when the urgency of af­fairs, and his deserts, merit the one as the other? But no more of that; he is sent to his Grave more Honourably, than bloud-thirsty men are wont to be, and so wil his Son if the Scots do not poyson him before he come to so much Honor.

The next great ground of their hatred of us, is, The change of Government, that we have not set up the Son, to propagate his Fa­thers principles, and follow his ends with revenge; here they begin to Act according to their old way, and take upon them to deter­mine what Government we shall have; what if England will change seven times yet more? what is that to Scotland? But the Mystery lies in this, That we have cast off their King, by whom they meant to share with us in the Priviledges of this Common­wealth; and they are vext they must maintain a King alone, whose name would do them better service in England, than his Rule can do in Scotland.

Of the conveniency and necessity of a Change, as we are the proper Judges, so Scotland will invade us more really, than we them, if they offer to make another change among us; we have not altered any thing of the Laws and Priviledges which are fun­damental, or fit for the happiness of our own Nation, we have onely removed those persons who were the great obstructions in the full execution of them, and who labored alwaies to ren­der them useless, or to overpower them by prerogative; so that there is no alteration of the Government (we having many good Laws which must not be abrogated) but of the ill and Titular Governours, whose names did more sway than the Laws, and who superseded all Laws by their own wills.

But how comes it to pass that the Scots are so zealous about [Page 54] the Change of our Governors? can they make us believe that they have so much care and love to us, as to be so sadly troubled at our Changes, seeing they themselves have made so many sad Changes amongst us? or so much judgement as to know what Government is onely best for us? No, no, we have got now so much out of that Fogg, that we can discern between a Scotish Brotherly affection, and an English Priviledge; had not we chan­ged him who must be their King, and by whom they mean to fur­ther their old designs on us, (which are now grown riper by their cunning pretences of the Covenant) we might have had what Government we would; and had we altered, and rased out all the Laws, which are the veins and sinews of this body, they would never have repin'd, had we not cast off that person, and so frustrated their hopes; and I doubt not but if we had embra­ced Mahomets Religion, we should have had better corresponden­cies with them than now we are like to have, onely because we cannot jump the whole Nation into their form, both in Kirk and State.

But had not we reason to change the Governors, when we had like to lose both our first principles, and the sense of all the signal victories of Gods Providence, by a new name added to an old Malignant, though a young pretender? Could we possibly expect any savory fruit of such a rotten stock? or that the Son who was engaged in the Fathers quarrrel, and educated in his principles, would act contrary to both? if the Scots have more faith than we have, or can get for the present, they must pardon us until we be gotten to it by experience, and that we have learnt that piece of Reformation of them, as they would have us learn all the rest.

For though the young mans years and experience cannot ad­mit of any great judgement: yet his former principles and edu­cation may, and doth make him desperate enough in the old design.

But because we are fallen on this new business, though we have cast him off, yet let us consider how the Scots received him.

First, as they were fain to go a begging to get him to be their King (which he hated as by it self) so they were forced to [Page 55] make many a promise, and strain many a point both in Kirk and State, e're they could get his approbation but to come amongst them, and were fain to be telling him of England too, as the full point of every sentence, to make up every Article taking, and powerful. For CHARLS STƲART (like a wise young man) kept them to it by the advice of his Councel, and rather held them to what they would do for him in England, than whether they would receive him into Scotland, as know­ing he should onely be more sensible of his misery in that Nati­on, if he had not a sleight pass into this by it: so that we are rather beholding to their King, than Parliament, who loved us better than them, and would onely love them as instruments to advance him in the English Throne; and yet truly the Scots are not behind hand with him, who never loved him as King of Scot­land, but of great Britain, and as they might discharge them­selves of him, and recruit their designs or parties, among their flourishing neighbours.

But what are the great hopes they have entertained concern­ing this Son of bloud? wherein lies his conversion? why, he hath taken the Covenant; a goodly Reformation at the utmost. But alas, will they gull the world still, and themselves by such a Pre­tence?

We all know what a face he made when he lifted up his hand to that Brazen Serpent; and with what Reluctancies, and re­serves he took it, and that we may charitably judge considering all circumstances, that though he took the Covenant, it never took him; for both before, and since he hath given suspitions to the Kirk themselves, and full demonstrations to us, that he swallowed the Covenant as a little Pill, & as Physical, not natural food; for as the taking of the Covenant was put off by him un­till he came to Scotland, that so he might see how it might further, or hinder his affairs; so when he came he was fain to thrust it down by force, lest it should stick in his throat ere it came to his stomack; and all the godly party were presently afraid of a Vomit, as that they saw was most nauseous to his natu­ral constitution; and truly it was nigh coming up (to follow the Metaphor) when the Scots sent him that Declaration to sign concerning his Fathers bloud, and his Mothers Idolatrie, and [Page 56] which he refused at present, upon which the Kirk Declared not to stand for him; and it had come fully up, if the present exigen­cie, and probabilitie of his coming into England had not been administred as a cordial; yet as a thing not fully digested, it oftentimes made qualms, and now and then something of Phlegm and Choler came forth together; for after the glorious victory at Dunbarr by which God did check the Pride of that State and Kirk, and for the present disappointed their confident hopes, when the news of it was brought to the young Convert, who was then a fishing for Salmon, its credibly reported (and its very sutable to the rash, and discontented humors of so raw a Ruler) that he fell on his knees, and blest God for it, saying, He expe­cted no other from them, who had forct him to take the Covenant against his Conscience: I report this as from credible authors, yet will not assert it but as a great probability: but since also he hath manifested his heart by his late escape, which he was like to make from the Kirk to Middleton, had they not carefully pre­vented it, lest they should both lose all their former hopes, and be too suddenly shamed for their delusive Transactions with him,

But what a sad thing is this, that the Covenant must be put to such a use at last, as to be the protection of the Common ene­mies? who will not now take the Covenant, seeing its become a Royal Ensign? had Montross lived, e're now he had been as great a Convert, and as much Sainted as his Master, if he would but have taken the Covenant; but the poor Gentleman (with­out any civil respect as to a man) must be hanged, and quarterd, used like a heathen, and Mahumetane, but for acting by the Commission of him (yea, and given at that time when they were Treating with him) who is thought worthy of the highest pow­er, because he can fainedly sign a Scots paper.

As for that Politick Declaration of his, whereby he is made to renounce all his Fathers ways, and to be humbled for his bloud, and his Mothers Idolatry; we know how it was extorted, and who penned it, and mended the expressions of it, and how ma­ny drops of bloud it took from his heart with it; but we may justly fear by such jugglings, he is like to shed as much bloud as his Father hath done, if God cut him not off in season, as [Page 57] he hath done his great assistant, the yong raunting Prince of Orange. God that judges the secrets of mens hearts will re­member the Scots ravishments of the Covenant, and of all things punish such deceits; and its most dreadful to observe, how when the Lord of Hosts, which was our word in that glo­rious day, met with the Covenant, which was their word and confidence; he overthrew the false Covenant party, and hath for ever stained it, though it had Carolus Rex new writ on the top of it, as hating to see men take his Covenant into their mouth and hand, and yet hate to be reformed; if God had not hardned their hearts, they might remember the determination of that day (after solemn appeals) as at least a warning from Heaven, and a witness against them and their deceits.

The next and greatest objection they are pleased to make against us, is, that we are not a sufficient authority to do the acts that we have done, not owning us by any other name than the prevailing party.

For which, though they need no Answer, but to stand on our own guard, and vindicate our Authority by our Swords, yet that the world may see what little reason the Scots (of any people) have to make such an objection, let us compare the Scots Model and Authority, by which they act what they do, and our Constitution (for we must still make them our rule.)

When Duke Hamilton came into England, he was sent in by their Parliament, in their fullest authority; and when they brake up, or adjourned, they chose a Committee of Estates, with whom they left their power, which was the only lawful power; our Army having beaten Hamilton in England, by the invitation of some private men, prose­cutes the remainder of that Army in Scotland, where they make them lay down Arms, and come to an agreement, and set up the former Committee of Estates (then accounted more honest) and dissolve that Committee of Estates, who sate by the full authority of the Supream power, and besides whom all were but private persons; this Committee hath ever since called Parliaments, ordered all affairs as the Com­mission [Page 58] of the supream Authority of that Nation; and yet they will have us to be no authority, though the main of the body of the Commons of England in the same Parliament remain, only because they have purged out many, and predominant, and Malignant humours, which disturbed the health, and marr'd the beauty of the whole, and have cut off some rotten Members which were like to gangrene; the Scots themselves also confessing in their Answer to the Ar­mies Remonstrance, that there was a party in Parliament which did betray their Trust; and is it a destroying of the Authority to remove such a party? And who are to be the Judges but these they call the prevailing party? Were not the Scots drunk with malice and venome against this Nation, they must be ashamed to deny us to be a lawful Authority when they remember themselves; who did not only act without King or Parliament, but got their Authority by dissolving the only lawful Parliamentary Power, and courting the Roy­all; which Committee of Estates was a meer non-entity, untill our Army formed them in that Estate.

All that ever hath been acted in England, need no other demonstrations to make them legal (if examples may be ar­guments) than the Scottish pattern; but these pleas are grown too common and stale to have any efficacy on discer­ning and impartial spirits; and if the Scots be admitted once as competent Judges of the Authority of our Parliament, we may be sure they will judge according to their own sence and interest; we have reason to bless God, we have yet power to maintain our just Authority; only we must observe to what end these men meddle so much in our affairs, who have enough to reform at home; and how unsutable is it to our carriages as to their Kingdom? When did England ever send Commissioners into Scotland to tamper with parties, or to print Declarations against any of their proceedings to di­vide the people from them? when did we take upon us to say that Scotland did do ill in dissolving and annihilating the acts of a whole Parliament, and by force set themselves in their places? we know not their reasons of State as to their special actings (neither care we to pry into them) its fit they [Page 59] should be their own Judges, and take their own advantages for their safety and security; neither would England ever have been angry for their taking a King in among them, or askt them why they did so, if they had not proclaimed him K. of England also, and agreed with him about imposing him on us, especially when he is the common Enemy to both Nati­ons: I will add no more to this, let actions speak; if judge­ment belongs to them, Justice and vengeance I am sure be­longs to God, who will judge his people, and discover and punish the Tyrannical Government of men, for the base and deceitful intentions of plausible and designing Neighbors.

We are now come to the last and most fiery Dart which is shot against us, especially the Army, which amounts to no less than a charge of Heresie and Schisme, words of the sad­dest import to terrifie Christian spirits; which is as bad, and worse in a Church sence, than Treason and Rebellion in the States; for, as they have used all mediums both Ecclesiasti­cal and Civil, that might hinder or destroy this Parliament and Army: so they have invented all sorts of names which might make them odious in the eies of good and honest men; to effect which no terms could be more proper and effectual than these; something must needs be therefore spoken as to the charge, and then of the application.

I am no pleader for any that are justly branded with these characters, I have learnt the Doctrine of the Gospel better than to be an Heretick, and have tasted so much of Gospel-love, that I abhor to be a Schismatick; but as these are names of the ugliest visage in Religion; so they ought to be most warily, and with great demonstration fixt on any who pro­fess Religion, or that are not obstinately opposite to all wayes of sound Doctrine and peace; but when such horrid and black marks are fastned on men at a distance from con­verse, and out of politick and particular ends, it commonly either makes Hereticks, or forces them to be Schismaticks, & ne'r to look after cōmunion with that party. It would be wel, ere men make use of such names, they knew how to define them; what a Heretick, & what a Schismatick is, hath took up [Page 60] many debates among learned men, & when a man is proper to be called a Heretick; not every error is Heresie, nor every withdrawing from some particular acts a Schisme; but we need not wade further into this controversie; the Scots He­resie is not to take the Covenant, and their Schism is not to follow the rules of the Kirk of Scotland; for else we bless God (setting aside some particular private desperadoes, we have their marks) we hold to the fundamentals both of Do­ctrine and Discipline, though we cannot yet see all the par­ticularities of either, as we long after; but especially we must confess we want eyes to see into the divine right of a Scotish Uniformity. As for the Army on whom they lay the weight of both these expressions, which they epitomize in the word Sectaries: I shall not undertake to clear every particular person from many errors; but this I must say, if they have miscarried, I hope they have repented; and for the most of the Officers, they have publikely profest their hatred of any that can really be called by such names.

Its true, they had long since some subtle and windy spi­rits, who vapoured in some high notions, and for the pre­sent took frothy and active fancies among them; but as they soon vanished, so since they have seen much of the vanity and unsavouriness of such opinions, and it hath been a cause of great humiliation among them; and like the shaking of well planted trees, it hath strengthned many of them more in the root; and I hope these delusions of some among them, hath but furbished and brightned the understanding of others, who kept always the root of the matter in life, and vigour in their hearts.

Yet if things were sifted to the bottome, the Scots were great occasions, if not causes of such opinions among them.

For they (who minded nothing but their own design) did so imprison and circumscribe all Religion in the Northern Model, and in a particular Discipline, with such rigid and unli­mited severity against any that had but a conscientious scru­ple, that it made them believe, that either there was no form Jure Divino, or certainly that was not that, which came so nigh Episcopacie, and had no mixture of the tenderness, and [Page 61] love of the Gospel in it; thus many went to seek the Church in the wilderness, and imagined the Dragon to be pouring out a flood after her; besides, had not the violence of the Scots design hindred it (whose end was to destroy them, not reform) many fair and Gospel courses had been used to have shewed them their error, and make them confess; but no way or course did they ever take, or prompt any unto, to convince them, or hear them ere they condemned them. These things (blessed be God) are in a good measure reformed & execution done on many, and both the Parliament and Army have pro­tested against owning any such errors, yea have made exact and severe Laws, unto which the utmost punishments the Word of God requires are annexed; and yet still they are the Sectarian Army and Parliament, and so they will be account­ed, though they should be never so refined in Doctrine and Discipline, if they come not fully up to that pattern which they have set to us, whereby they may have their influences on our consciences, and Estates.

It is wonderful to consider how any men can be deluded with such names, which are only coined on purpose to make some contrary design Orthodox and godly; words which are fit for any party, and made use of as ordinary for designs, as common places are to help dull and crazie memories. The Papists have made much use of them against the Protestants, the Lutherans against the Calvinists, the Bishops against the Non-conformists and Anti-ceremonialists, calling them He­reticks and Schismaticks, and now the Scots against the Par­liament and Army; so that its no unusuall strategem, to put strange names on those which men have a mind to make odi­ous or destroy. Yet if we compare the Army under this de­sperate censure, with that Army which was in England, un­der the banners of the Covenant, we shall find, that if the Scots had looked better at their own Army, they would have found little reason to fall so foul upon ours; for while our Army were debating and controverting about Religion (a rare thing among Souldiers) and professing to be above all outward forms (which though many were very erroneous in) the Officers of the Scots Army were carowsing in every Ta­vern [Page 62] and Ale-house in the Countries, and drinking Healths, not only in Ale and Sack, but Aqua vitae, and other strong waters to an incredible proportion; and when the now Lord General Cromwel (who was particularly pitcht on by their malice for the blackest mark) was exercising his gifts to be­nefit his Souldiers, which God hath given him a special fa­culty in, David Lesley, then their Lieutenant Generall of Horse, was jovialling up and down Yorkshire with a Gentle­woman (which should be of kind to that County by her name) leaving some fruits of his love behind him; I could tell many such stories, but that I am loth to rip up too much of their failings, and had not done this, but that you may guess at the difference between the English Sectarian and the Scotish Army, who pretend to have kept the Covenant. Is it a greater offence to have a working and elevated fancy, beyond the setled Rule in Religion, which may soon be brought down and consolidated by rational converses, than to walk in all excess of riot? Are speculative errors more sinful than practical abominations?

I plead no excuse to any error, I only wonder how the Scots can so clearly discern motes in the eye of our Army, and stumble over such visible beams in their own; we have reason to prize them as much as the Scots to hate them; and had they or any Nation an Army of such faithfulness and in­strumentalness, they would be loth to part with them upon the envious and false aspersions which a Neighbor Nation (out of particular disaffection to the State and them) can cast upon them.

We have much cause to bless God for what he hath done by them, and what he is still doing in them, humbling them for former errors, and engaging them afresh in spiritual du­ties; and I could wish now that they are in Scotland, the Kirk would use all good means to convince them further, and win them from the error of their wayes, by an amiable and powerful discovery of truth in love.

The Reader hath by this time seen a coarse, yet true Rela­tion of the Scots designs in England, and how nigh they have come to a full communion in our privileges; what friends [Page 63] we have made them, and what Neighbors they have been, and are like to prove to England, how cunningly they have shuffled the Cards, that they might Trump. I need make no observations on the whole, wise men may see, honest men have felt enough already, especially in the North; And,

I have nothing else to add but a Paraenetick to all English men, to learn at last how they trust such pretenders. Its high time for us to look at home, and preserve our own in­terests, when we have such needy and crafty Neighbors to deal withall; God hath by a wonder of mercy and provi­dence freed us from the advantages of that Nation, and brought us to an even standing upon our own legs; let us keep our own distance, and we may be kind enough to them; too much friendship will but tempt them, and ensnare us. Kingdoms and Commonwealths of different tempers and interests have need to be wary in their conjunctions and u­nions, neither to be too strange, nor too dear, especially where the one must suffer all, the other act all. Its with States in their friendship, as with bodies in a different com­plexion and constitution, they will never agree but in a transient and remote converse; the disproportion be­tween our Nation and Scotland, in our enjoyments, and privi­ledges is so great, that we cannot but lose by any other neerness, than what may exactly be fit to distinguish the two States, and yet unite them against a common Enemy; what ever nigher approach we have to each other, will but enforce us daily to wariness and observance, and them to design and temptation; for we can get nothing worth our labour and cost in Scotland, they may too much soon in England ere we are aware. What a sad and miserable business will it be for England to beg of Scotland to provide us a King, and to give way to the greediness of that Nation, to make their own ends upon us by new pretences? God hath gloriously owned our actings, notwithstanding all the strategems of all sorts of ene­mies, and hath followed us with more than fortunate events in all our actions; and while we keep up the sence of Gods glory, and the distinct Gallantry of English Spirits, and avoid mixtures with that deceitful people, we shall regain soon our [Page 64] ancient generousness, and be the most flourishing and free people under the Sun; yea, and be the first provocation and pattern to all the world, to prize Liberty and Freedom.

But if ever we suffer the Scots (out of what pretence soe­ver) to bring in a King on their backs to England, we may never expect to know what English names or freedoms were, but may write our names before-hand in brass, and lay them in some dark and stinking Vaults; for, no other memory of our names, or persons, or priviledges is like to be preserved with honour and respect.


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