THE JOURNAL OF Monsr. de Saint Amour Doctor of SORBONNE, CONTAINING A full Account of all the Transactions both in France and at Rome, concerning the Five Famous PROPOSITIONS Controverted between the JANSENISTS and the MOLINISTS, From the beginning of that Affair till the POPES Decision.

Faithfully Rendred out of French.

A like Display of the Romish State, Court, Interests, Policies, &c. and the mighty influences of the Jesuites in That CHURCH, and many other CHRISTIAN STATES, being not hitherto extant.

ACT. IV. Verse. XX.

Non enim possumus quae vidimus & audivimus non loqui.

[ornament of a crowned rose]

LONDON Printed by T. Ratcliff, for George Thomason, at the Rose and Crown in S. Paul's Church-yard, 1664.

To the Right Honourable ROBERT, Earle of ELGIN, Baron of WHORLETON, &c.

MY LORD,

IF the Greatnesse of the Subject may serve to justify the Inscription of a Book to so Great a Name, I may with reason affirme that none ever treated of an Argument of more weight, extent, and difficulty then This; and consequently hope, that the Considerableness of the Matter will supply for the little Ti­tle which the Translation hath given me in it, and upon which I have presumed to present it to your Lord­ship. Fatality and Liberty were disputable Points in all Ages of the World, and in all Religions. But the Controversies a­bout them have been infinitely multiply'd amongst Christians, and scarce any Questions agitated with greater heat both in the Purer and the Ʋnreformed Church. The Hypothesis of Absolute Predestination and Physical Predetermination of all Events, hath engaged its Promoters in the defence of sundry Consequent do­ctrines, of very great importance, yet no lesse controverted then their foundation. Of which no more need here to be mentioned, besides those contained in the Five Propositions of late years with incredible subtlety and artifice contested between the Jesuites and Jesuitical Faction on one side, and the Jansenists on the other, [Page] in the Romane Church, viz. touching The Possibility of keeping Gods Commandments, The Resistibility of Grace, The Liberty of the Will, The Efficacy of Preventing Grace, and The Ʋniversali­ty of Redemption.

In these Points the doctrine of the Jansenists is in some respects different from that of the Calvinists; yet not so much, but their subtle Adversaries took advantage of the Conformity, to con­trive Five Propositions capable of a double Construction, name­ly, both according to the opinions of Jansenius, and those of Calvin; that by this means they might involve the former in a Censure of the latter, which they doubted not to obtain, as being equally condemned for heretical by either dissenting Party, the Adherents of the Jesuits, and the Disciples of Jansenius, or (as they style themselves) of S. Augustin. The Intrigues, Confedera­cies and solicitations for the accomplishment of which design are the matter of this Journal, as some Manuscript Pieces concerning the same affair are of the adjoyned Collection.

I know not whether at any time so ample an Account hath been given the world of the manner of Proceeding held by the Roman See in passing a Decision of Doctrine. But I perswade my self, that whosoever shall impartially peruse This, cannot have any great opinion of the Popes Infallibility (which yet is the Basis, at least of all points held by the Romanists in opposition to the Prote­stants) when he finds that the Pope professeth himself no Divine, and the Cardinals pretend to no more but a Prudential Judgment (that is, such as is requisite to be pass'd in point of interest) that the Popes meaning in his Constitution is as much controverted as the Cause it determines, while one Party adheres to what he writes, and the other to what he speaks; and that the Authority of the Church as well as that of the Fathers, is made use of to esta­blish Contradictions, (That I mention not the disparagement of the so much pretended Unity of that Church.) Nor can any Ex­ception lye against the Relator who was a principal Agent in the Affair, and upon all occasions makes as great profession of zeal and affection for the Roman Church as he doth of Truth and sin­cerity.

I pretend not, my Lord, to exhibite your Lordship a Patron of the Cause, by dedicating the History of it to your Honora­ble [Page] Name. 'Tis not more indubitable that the Church of Eng­land hath delivered her sense upon these Points with singular pru­dence, caution, and moderation, then that your Lordship hath been always a most firme Propugner of that Church, even in the worst of times. And truely the late happy Revolution, in which your Lordship was so active as to venture all earthly Interests, hath redounded highly to the advantage of the Church, as to these very Doctrines: Since whatever Ecclesiastical Government might have been established during our Distractions, no Termes of Com­munion could be more rigid and unreasonable, as to these Points, then those required by the two most prevalent Factions of those Times; as appears by the publisht Confessions of Faith of the Assem­bly and the Congregations.

Should I here take occasion to mention your Lordships indefa­tigable Industry and Assiduity, Fidelity and Disinteressedness, in the Service of the State, certainly no man could be more justly accu­sed of a superfluous undertaking, since I should speak no more then what is already most perfectly known to the whole Nation, at least in its Representative. Nor is it to be doubted but that being now in a higher sphere, your influences will be as great for the Pub­lick Good, since you are still accompanyed with the same Ver­tues which rendered you a Peer of both Kingdomes by Merit, be­fore you were so by Inheritance. Nor shall I attempt to give a Character of your Lordships personal accomplishments; as, an Ex­traordinary Measure both of Divine and Humane Learning Per­fection in the Moderne and ancient Languages; together with sin­gular Generosity and Beneficence (of which a more illustrious proof could not be given then your late vigorous actings for relief of the Sufferers by the late times.) It may suffice me to say that I have found particular effects of your Lordships goodness, and that I should but little care to own the Translation of this work so publickly, did it not give me so fair an opportunity to declare the honour I have to be,

MY LORD,
Your Lordships most humble, obedient and obliged servant, G. HAVERS.

THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE, Giving an Account of the publishing of this JOURNAL.

THe Affair of the Five Propositions being become by its Consequences so conside­rable, that it is at present the principal part of the Church-History of this Age, those very consequences which were soon foreseen and by divers of the most emi­nent Bishops of the Gallicane Church committed to me to represent to the H. See, caus'd me alwayes to consider it as of very great importance: and the exact Account I conceiv'd I ought alwayes to be ready to render to those Bishops and the Church of all that I had done and could observe had pass'd therein, oblig'd me to apply my self about it with so much greater care, for that I esteem'd it a Matter above me, and as a particular Engagement impos'd on me by the providence of God, who is sometimes pleas'd to make use of weak Instruments about the greatest Matters. Hence it came to passe, that when after my return from Rome, I went about to reduce all I had acted and remark'd there­in into a Body of History, I found I had scarce any thing more to do but to transcribe the Memoires I had formerly prepar'd at Rome, and to join together the principal Accounts I had already gvien of this businesse. There are, I doubt not, many Histories more delightful then this for style and variety of matters, but perhaps there never was any more exact and faithful. I have not writ any thing but what I saw or heard, and that while it was fresh in my memory; It hath been alwayes my care to speak nothing false, or that might be exprobated to me, not only before men but far more before God; well knowing that if it be pronounc'd Ʋniversally, That we shall be justified or condemn'd by our words, it more eminently belongs to words of such importance as these, by which a publick Testi­mony is render'd to the Church of what hath been acted in an Affair wherein she is so highly con­cern'd.

Truth then hath been the proper scope I aim'd at in writing, which because it is not alwayes sea­sonable to publish, and never unlesse great and weighty considerations require it, though many made me desirous to print this Journal assoon as it was finish'd, yet others restrain'd me, and some made me wish if possibe wholly to suppresse it. Several yeares were spent in this Irresolution; but at length the Rela­lations full of falsities which have been offer'd to the world concerning what pass'd at Rome in this Affair, and the numerous false rumours spread abroad about it convinc'd me of my Obligation to un­deceive the world, by giving it a true History thereof. The different things which have been spoken about it, have made all learned men desirous to know the truth of what hath pass'd; and they have thought it serviceable to the Church, that a History so conducing to the elucidation of the present Con­tests should not remain longer in the confusion and obscurity wherein it lay.

I was confirm'd in this thought by the extreme satisfaction which the Assembly of the Clergy of France in the year 1655. express'd to my Lord the Bishop of Lodeve, now Bishop of Mont-pellier, with the Relation he made them of what he had learnt from the mouth of Innocent X. about this mat­ter; it being so great that they desir'd he would give it them in Writing, to the end it might be inserted in the Verbal Proces which they caus'd to be printed a little time after. For hence I infer'd, that, if that Illustrious Assembly was so well pleas'd with that Account (in which things are not resumed from the bottom, but in grosse and confusedly enough) that they judg'd it deserving to be publisht under their [Page] name and by their orders; there would be other grounds of satisfaction, both to the Clergy in general and the rest of Christians, to behold distinctly and orderly the particulars contain'd in this Journal touch­ing the same matters which were related but in a word in that Account. Moreover, the care Pope In­nocent X. told the said Bishop of Mont-pellier, he had taken to cause all transactions in this Affair to be compil'd in a Volume, and deposited in the Archives of S. Peter, after he had declar'd the same in the Consistory he [...]d to that purpose; this Care (I say) clearly shewing that Popes desire to preserve to the Church the remembrance and information of all that pass'd in this Affair, and the said Volume be­ing not likely to contain other Pieces then what are either intire or sufficiently set down in this Journal, I thought I should second his good intentions by presenting the same to the Publick.

I consider'd further, that besides those Pieces there were many things in this Journal which might be verify'd, not only by other proofs which I can produce thereof, but also by the Testimonies of the conside­rable Persons whom I call to witnesse by mentioning them: divers of which being since the finishing thereof pass'd to another life, I fear'd that if I longer defer'd the publishing of it, I might one day be reproach'd for attesting only the dead and persons incapable of gainsaying me. Wherefore the faith­fulnesse I have us'd herein, keeping me from fearing that any person might find any thing in it that were not most true, I judg'd that the sooner I divulg'd it, it would be the better, in regard of having the more witnesses of all that I have said, and of the sincerity with which I have said it.

These considerations induc'd me to resolve upon the Impression which I have caus'd to be made this present Year 1662. that so I might consummate the Work of the Commission, in which it hath pleas'd God to employ me however incapable and unworthy of it, and dye with more quiet, having hereby payd the Churuh what I conceiv'd I ow'd to her.

But because this Journal was written in the end of the Year 1653. and in 1654. I advertise those that shall read it to be mindful thereof, lest they be mistaken in some things which should have been ex­press'd otherwise, had it been written at the present time. Thus, by those words [M. the Arch-Bi­shop of Tholouse that dy'd last,] M. de Marca is not meant, but M. de Montchal his prede­cessor; they not being intelligible of any but him when I writ them, and likewise when they were print­ed. When I name the Pope, Innocent X. must be alwayes understood, because it was under his Ponti­ficate that all this Affair was transacted and reduc'd into writing. And when I speak of My Lord Ghiggi, or M. Cardinal Ghiggi, it must alwayes be understood of Pope Alexander VII. who sits in S. Peter's Chair at this present; because during all the time I was employ'd about this Journal, there was no other Cardinal Ghiggi besides him.

A TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS.
A JOURNAL of what observations I made of things pass'd at Rome, touching the matter of the Five Propositions.

  • The Division of the Work.
  • THE FIRST PART. Containing that which pass'd at Pa­ris in reference to the matter of the Five Propositions, particularly in sundry Assemblies of the Facul­ty of Divinity, held during the years, 1646. 1647, 1648, and 1649, page 1.
    • CHAPTER I. OF what pass'd in the Assembly of the Faculty on the first of October 1646. Of a Speech pronounc'd in the Grand Chamber by M. Omer Talon, Advocate General, on Fry­day the 10th of May 1647. And of the Arrest issued forth on the 15th upon his remonstrances. p. 1
    • Chap. II. Of what pass'd in the Assembly of the Faculty on the first of March 1647. concerning a Scandalous Libel against Petrus Aurelius. p. 3
    • Chap. III. Of what pass'd in the Assemblies of the Faculty on the 2d. of May, the first of June, and the first of July in the year 1648. touching a Libel of F. Veron. p. 4
    • Chap. IV. Of divers things which pass'd in several Assemblies of the Faculty in the same year 1648. touching the Number of such of Mendicant Orders as might be admitted into Licences and Assem­blies. p. 5
    • Chap. V. Of what pass'd heretofore in the year 1626. touching the number of the foresaid Orders admit­ted into the Facultie's Assemblies; and of the an­cient adherences of M. Cornet with them and the Jesuites. p. 6
    • Chap. VI. Of what pass'd in the Assembly of the Faculty on 1. July 1649. in which M. Cornet produc'd the Five Propositions, to cause them to be censur'd. p. 10
    • Chap. VII. Of what pass'd during the rest of the moneth of July, consequently to the deputing cer­tain Doctors nam'd by the Faculty for the exami­nation of the said Propositions. p. 13
    • Chap. VIII. Of the Writings publish'd the same moneth of July by the Disciples of S. Augustin con­cerning the Propositions. p. 15
    • Chap. IX. Of what pass'd in the Assembly of the Faculty on the first of August following, and the rest of that moneth, upon occasion of a Petition which we presented to the Parliament against the enter­prise of M. Cornet. p, 16
    • Chap. X. Of what pass'd in the Assembly of the Fa­culty on the first of September the same year, 1649. p. 19
    • [Page]Chap. XI. Of a false Censure publish'd in Septem­ber against the Propositions. And of a second Pe­tition which we presented to the Parliament. ibid.
    • Chap. XII. Of the Arrest which followed upon the said two Petitions, and of what passed in the Par­liament about this matter. p. 21
    • Chap. XIII. Of what passed during the Moneths of October and November, touching the Election of M. Hallier to the Office of Syndic. p. 26
    • Chap. XIV. Of what was done in the Assembly of the first of December 1649. in order to the agree­ment which the First President desir'd. p. 29
    • Chap. XV. Of what passed after that Assembly in prosecution of the propounded agreement till the se­venth of December. p. 15
  • THE SECOND PART. Containing a Relation of divers things which pass'd, and which I learnt at Rome during foure or five Months of my residence there, from the end of November 1650. till June 1651. when I returned back thither about the affair of the Five Propositions. p. 37
    • CHAP. I. OF my Voyage from Paris to Rome in the year 1650. And of what I learnt concerning the prosecutions against M. Hersent, whilest I was at Venice. p. 37
    • Chap. II. Of the Letter of M. de Vabres. The Designe of the Jesuites against (the book called) the Houres, translated into French. How odious such as are called Jansenists, were at Rome. p. 38
    • Chap. III. The Complaint of the Venetians. The ill usage of the Kings Ambassador. The Kings Letter to the Cardinals in complaint thereof. A conference with Cardinal Barberini about the Houres and the Letter of M. de Vabres. p. 41
    • Chap. IV. A false Censure of the Propositions sent to Rome to be confirmed. A Letter written to Pa­ris about that matter; and Others received from Paris. p. 43
    • Chap. V. Divers visits, in which the five Proposi­tions were spoken of; and a remarkable Circum­stance touching the same. How few people at Rome well understood those matters, and the rea­son. p. 45
    • Chap. VI. Letters written to Paris containing the reasons whcih perswaded the good there would be in sending to Rome, and others which disswaded it as unprofitable or prejudicial, concluding never­thelesse, that it seem'd best to send thither. p. 47
    • Chap. VII. Newes from Paris of a check which M. Hallier receiv'd in the Assembly of the Faculty on the first of February, 1651. Discourse with Car­dinal Lugo. Certain Propositions taken out of the Sermon of M. Hersent accused and justified. A strange secrecy concerning what passeth in the In­quisition. p. 48
    • Chap. VIII. A visite to Cardinal Lugo. The fasilfication of the Bull of Urban VIII. The ve­hemence of M. Albizzi against S. Augustin. The Censure of Vallidolid. p. 51
    • Chap. IX. Of what pass'd at Paris during this time. The Irish sollicited. Complaints of some Bishops to the Nuntio of the practises of the Jesuites to get the Letter of M. de Vabres signed. Those Bishops deliberate of sending to Rome. A Proposal of a Conference. p. 53
    • Chap. X. That the Haereo fateor, is that which render'd Jansenius so odious at Rome. Sundry declarations of Cardinal Barberini that the Bull of Urban VIII. is only provisional, and reacheth not Jansenius's doctrine. The zeal of the Gene­rals of the Dominicans and the Augustines for S. Augustin, joyned with fear of incurring displea­sure thereby. p. 55
    • Chap. XI. Intelligence of my danger of being put in­to the Inquisition. Of the Molinomachie of Aure­lius Avitus. The Explication of Haereo fateor. Such as were believed inclinable to defend Jansenius, removed from the Assemblies of the Inquisition. An audience of the Pope. p. 58
    • Chap. XII. Divers confirmations of the intelli­gence given me of the danger wherein I was. A Re­solution of the Bishops to write and send to Rome. Difficulties about that sudden dispatch. A per­fect discovery of the design there was to stop me. My leaving Rome. p. 60
    • Chap. XIII. A Letter written from Florence to excuse my self absolutely from returning to Rome, though I had promised so to do. What I saw most considerable at Milan. p. 62
    • Chap. XIV. A Letter from Paris receiv'd at Ge­nua, to engage me to return to Rome. Which I ac­cordingly resolved upon notwithstanding my former resolution to the contrary. My return to Rome. p. 63
  • [Page]THE THIRD PART. Containing what pass'd at Rome after my return thither as Delegate from the Bishops, 15. June 1651. till the end of the year. p. 67
    • CHAPTER I. THe Letter of the Bishops to the Pope. Delibera­tion whether it were fit to deliver it. Resolu­tion to do so. p. 67
    • Chap. II. A Visite to Cardinal d' Este, who gave me to understand that it was not safe for me to abide at Rome; But I was not mov'd therewith. Di­vers Visites upon the occasion of my return. Dis­course with F. Annat. p. 69
    • Chap. III. Visites at the end of June and be­ginning of July, in which I discover'd the ob­jections made against the Houres. Notice of an in­tention to put me into the Inquisition. p. 73
    • Chap. IV. Audience of the Pope on the 10th of Ju­ly at my delivering him the Bishops Letter, and declaring the subject thereof. p. 77
    • Chap. V. A Relation of all that pass'd in the business of the Houres. An answer to all objections made by the Jesuites against them. That they were put in­to the Index only because of a Bull of Pius V. pre­tended to forbid the translation of the Office of the Virgin into the vulgar language. The violence of M. Albizzi. p. 79
    • Chap. VI. Divers Visites in the end of July and beginning of August, principally to the Cardinals Spada, Roma, Barberini, and the Ambassa­dor who was return'd to Rome from Tivoli. p. 89
    • Chap. VII. Visits during the moneth of August to the Qualificators of the Holy Office. Letters of M. Hallier full of falsities. Sundry discove­ries of the false Censure sent to Rome in the name of the Faculty. p. 91
    • Chap. VIII. Visits in September. A writing full of falsities by an Augustin Doctor of the Fa­culty, which was dispers'd secretly at Rome. Of the Bull of Urban VIII. Of F. Lemos; and of the zeal of Clement VIII. for the do­ctrine of Grace. Frequent prohibitions to speak of Jansenius. p. 98
    • Chap. IX. The History of the fraud us'd by M. Hallier in sending a vagabond Cordelier nam'd F. Mulard in quality of Deputy from the Faculty. With what boldness the said Cordelier (who had been sometimes a Capuchine and afterwards an Apostate and married) took upon him that quality in his addresse to the Pope. p. 106
    • Chap. X. Visits in the end of September and be­ginning of October. A story of Clement VIII: Manuscripts of the Congregations de Auxiliis in the Library of the Augustins. Of that whereof I took a Copy from thence. The Jesuites indea­vor in vain to draw the Dominicans to their side. p. 114
    • Chap. XI. Letters from Paris confirming the re­solution of the Bishops to do nothing but in a regu­lar Congregation where the Divines of either side might speak in the presence of their Adversaries. p. 117
    • Chap. XII. An Audience of the Pope 17. Octob. A Letter of the Bishop of Grasse deliver'd to the Pope at that Audience. p. 119
    • Chap. XIII. Visits in the end of October and the whole moneth of November. The Manuscript of the Bull of Paul V. against Molina in the Li­brary of the Augustins. Of the secrecy us'd in the affair of the Propositions. A Lie of M. Hallier and F. Mulard. Violences of M. Al­bizzi. p. 112
    • Chap. XIV. Of the arrival of other Deputies on 5. Decemb. and the Visits we made together till the end of the moneth. p. 130
    • Chap. XV. The Account of some Sermons made by M. Brouse upon the way at Die, against the Calvinists of that place, touching the Possibility of keeping God's Commandments. p. 133
    • Chap. XVI. Passages at Paris towards the end of the year 1651. An accusation against me by M. Grandin the Syndic at the instigation of the Nun­tio, as if I had styl'd my self at Rome the De­puty or Agent of the Faculty. The Jesuits con­fidently boast that the Propositions will be condem­ned at Rome. A scandalous Libel of F. Bri­sacier a Jesuite, against the Religious Virgins of Port Royal, censur'd by the Archbishop of Paris. p. 135
  • [Page]THE FOURTH PART. Containing the things which pass'd during the first six Months of the year, 1652. p. 139.
    • CHAP. I. OF what pass'd both at Paris and at Rome, du­ring the first three weeks of January. page 136
    • Chap. II. Of the first Audience we had together of the Pope, January 21, 1652, at the end of which we gave him our first Memorial. p. 141
    • Chap. III. The verification of the original of the Me­moires of M. Regna Dean of the Rota, touching the Congregations de Auxiliis. Divers things which we did during the rest of January and be­ginning of February. p. 147
    • Chap. IV. Of what we did till the end of February. A Promotion of Cardinals, amongst whom the Lord Ghiggi was one. Of a Memorial we pre­sented to the Pope against a book of Father Annat, which was under the Presse: and of the Visits we began to make to all the sacred Colledge. p. 151
    • Chap. V. Of the Visits which we continu'd during the first dayes of March, as well to the sacred Colledge as to the Consultors and Qualificators, ordinari­ly employed at Rome about matters of Do­ctrine. p. 155
    • Chap. VI. The continuation of the said Visits; and of what pass'd till the end of March. Of the neces­sity of M. Brousse's returning into France for his health-sake. Of the two Copies of the Memoires of M. Pegna, which we caus'd to be prepar'd very exactly with the original: and, of the successe of our Memorial against F. Annat's book. p. 161
    • Chap. VII. Of a small Tome of the principal works of Saint Augustin against the Pelagians and Se­mipelagians, which we put to printing after Ea­ster, and of the obstructions rais'd against the said Impression. p. 168
    • Chap. VIII. An incidental History of the exemplary punishment of the Subdatary Mascambrun, con­victed of sundry forgeries, which hapned at this time, and whereof I learnt very weighty particu­larities by an assured way. p. 176
    • Chap. IX. Of an ancient Manuscript which fell in­to my hands, touching an Affair of M. Grimani Patriarch of Aquileia; by which I found that the ground of all the matters in question had been ex­amin'd, and decided by the Council of Trent. p. 186
    • Chap. X. Of other lesse important passages (besides those of the three foregoing Chapters) during the moneths of April and May; amongst others, Of the arrival at Rome of MM. Hallier, Lagault and Joysel, Doctors of our Faculty; and of the De­claration they made to us in the presence of the Am­bassador, that they came to demand the Censure of the Five Propositions as of things already con­demn'd, without making any Examination or Con­gregation. p. 187
    • Chap. XI. Of what pass'd during the whole moneth of June and the beginning of July. p. 192
  • THE FIFTH PART. Containing what pass'd during the last six months of the Year, 1652. page 201.
    • CHAP. I. OF the Declaration made to us on the eleventh of July by Cardinal Roma, that the Pope had constituted the Congregation which we desir'd of him. Of the Visits we made till the twenty first, to the Cardinals which were of it; and, of a Letter we writ thereupon to the Bishops who sent us. p. 201
    • Chap. II. Of the first suspitions we had, that our Adversaries endeavor'd to hinder what was most essential to the said Congregation, namely, an open hearing in the presence of one another. Of the sol­licitations we us'd to that end the rest of the month; and our discovery of an intention to put into that Congregation persons wholly suspected by us. An incidental Letter very considerable which I receiv'd at that time. p. 206
    • Chap. III. Of the distribution we made in the begin­ning of August of our little Volume of Saint Au­gustin. p. 211.
    • Chap. IV. Of an Audience I had of the Pope Au­gust 9, when I presented the said Tome of Saint Augustin to his Holinesse. p. 213
    • Chap. V. Of the extraordinary summons given by Cardinal Roma at the sollicitation of M. Albiz­zi, to provide in a fortnights time all the Writings we had to deliver. Of the two first which we got ready by that time, and signed on Saint Augustin's day. p. 214
    • Chap. VI. Of two Conferences held at Paris during the month of August, between M. de Sainte-Beuve Doctor and Professor of Sorbon, and F. l' Abbé a Jesuite. Other Letters written to us from Paris during the same moneth, to instruct us not to ap­pear but in presence of our Adversaries. p. 216
    • Chap. VII. Of what was contain'd in our two first Writings; the one treating of what had pass'd in the Affair of the Five Propositions; the other of the authority of Saint Augustin. p. 218
    • [Page]Chap. VIII. Of a certain Writing of M. Hallier and his Collegues, which came accidentally to our hands. p. 221
    • Chap. IX. Of our sollicitations during the whole month of September, to obtain that the Writings which we should present to the Cardinals, might be com­municated to our Adversaries. Of the death of Cardinal Roma which hapned in the said moneth. Of the private Congregations which began to be held at the Palace of Cardinal Spada. p. 223
    • Chap. X. Letters written to us from Paris in Sep­tember, continually enjoining us not to engage our selves in the Congregation, but on condition to be heard in presence of our Adversaries. Two or three remarkable things which hapned to the Je­suites about this time. p. 233
    • Chap. XI. New endeavors for the communication of our Papers: and of a new Writing of M. Hallier, which came to our hands. p. 235
    • Chap. XII. Of Letters written to us from Paris du­ring the moneth of October, concerning the pro­ceeding which they understood there was us'd at Rome in the Congregation. p. 245
    • Chap. XIII. Of our Negotiation during the whole moneth of November, chiefly endeavouring to get an Audience of the Pope, that we might deliver our Papers to him, and obtain that the same might be communicated to our Adversaries, with an E­pistle to his Holinesse to that purpose. p. 248
    • Chap. XIV. Of what pass'd at Paris during the said moneth; chiefly of the violences us'd by the Je­suites against some Doctors disciples of Saint Au­gustin, to deprive them of their employments. p. 256
    • Chap. XV. Of the continuation of our endeavors during the moneth of December, to get the Au­dience of the Pope we desir'd, to the end we might present our Papers to him; With two Memorials: one to obtain that our Writings might be communi­cated; the other against F. Modeste, M. Albizzi and the Jesuites. p. 257
    • Chap. XVI. How we were at length constrain'd to take occasion of the Popes return from taking the ayr, to present those Papers and Memorials to him. Of a conference with the Ambassador, and other things which I learnt till Christmas, in the year 1652. p. 263
    • Chap. XVII. Of a consultation between my Collegues and me, whether, in case they should persist at Rome to refuse to receive from us in order to the exami­nation & sentence, any other then secret and private informations, we should at length yield and deli­ver such. The reasons we had on the one side and the other. Of the Letters we writ to Paris, and the Answers we receiv'd thereupon. p. 264
  • THE SIXTH PART. Containing the passages of the first six moneths of the Year, 1653. p. 275.
    • CHAP. I. NEw endeavors us'd at the beginning of the Year 1653. for the communication of our Writings, Discourses upon that matter with divers persons, particularly with Cardinal Spada and the Ambas­sador. p. 275
    • Chap. II. Of Cardinal Spada's offer in the end of January, to hear us in the Congregation held at his house, and our Answer, That we were ready to appear there assoon as justice should be done us upon the conditions which we had desir'd. Of a Letter I writ thereupon to my Lords the Bishops, who had deputed us. p. 282
    • Chap. III. How we observ'd that the Congregation held at Cardinal Spada's house, was only a part of that of the Inquisition. Of the hearing given there to M. Hallier and his Collegues. Of the Letter I writ thereupon to the Advocate General Bignon; and a Discourse I had with the Ambassador, touch­ing what had pass'd between us and Cardinal Spa­da. p. 288
    • Chap. IV. Of what I understood pass'd at Paris and elswhere upon occasion of these Contests, by Let­ters written to me during the said moneth of Ja­nuary. p. 291
    • Chap. V. Containing what pass'd in the first dayes of February, particularly of a Memorial prepar'd by the General of the Augustins, touching the Five Propositions; And, of a Letter which we writ to the Bishops, signifying, that the Congregation cho­sen by the Pope, took upon them the quality of Con­gregation of the Holy Office. Of a writing of M. Hallier; which accidentally came to our hands. p. 293
    • Chap. VI. Of the conference between M. Hallier and his Collegues on the one part, and the General of the Dominicans and some principal Fathers of his Or­der on the other part, February 14. p. 298
    • Chap. VII. Of a long Audience I had of Cardinal Ghiggi the same day. p. 304
    • Chap. VIII. Of two Memorials our Advocate pre­sented in our behalf to the Pope at an Audience which we had of him, February 17. p. 306
    • Chap. IX. Of the Papers the General of the Domi­nicans intended to present to the Pope, with his Me­morial to intervene in this Affair. p. 309
    • Chap. X. Of what pass'd at Rome from the 19th of February till the last of the same moneth. p. 310
    • [Page]Chap. XI. Of divers Pieces publish'd at Paris by the followers of M [...]lina during the moneth of February. Of divers rumors and threatnings which they spread there. And of the Letters written to us from Paris during that whole moneth and the beginning of March, both touching that matter, and the An­swers we had given to the offers of Cardinal Spa­da p. 313
    • Chap. XII. The confederacy of M. Hallier and his Collegues with the Jesuites, manifested by the Pa­pers these Doctors presented to the Consultors, and printed at Paris under the Name of F. Annat; which I endeavor'd to discover to the Cardinals Ghiggi and Spada, but in vain. A new discovery of a Paper of M. Hallier concerning the third Pro­position p. 320
    • Chap. XIII. Proposals to me by Cardinal Barberini about the Doctrine of the Thomists. The beginning of the Congregation. The Reconciliation of the Pope with Madam Olympia, who entertains him at Dinner on the day of the Annunciation, toge­ther with his Nephew, by whom in vain he is dis­swaded from applying himself to the said Congre­gations p. 322
    • Chap. XIV. A Visit I made to the Ambassador con­cerning the said Congregations. Assurance given me by him that we should be heard selemnly, and as much as we desir'd. New Propositions deliver'd to the Congregation as equivalent to those under ex­amination, but for the most part compriz'd in more odious words. The judgement M. de Sainte-Beuve made thereof assoon as he saw them. Four Congre­gations held eight dayes before the Pope p. 327
    • Chap. XV. The arrival of F. Des-mares and of M. Manessier at Rome. A notable change of a zea­lous Disciple of Molina, who became an ardent one of Saint Augustin by reading the little Volume I gave him, and the twelve chief Maximes of the Christian belief touching Grace, which he reduc'd into so many Latin Distiques. A scandalous Me­morial dispers'd through Rome and all Italy, as presented to the Pope by the Clergy of France con­cerning this Affair. Another Paper of our Adver­saries contriv'd to delude the Dominicans, and full of falsities p, 330
    • Chap. XVI. The Declaration of our opinions con­cerning the sufficient Grace of some of the Tho­mists, approv'd by the Fathers of that Order. A Congregation held on the 18th of April by the five Cardinals and M. Albizzi without Consultors. An Audience we endeavor'd for F. Des-mares and M. Manessier. A remarkable saying of a Gallicane Prince. The reason which induc'd the Pope to be willing that we should be heard in his own pre­sence. p. 335
    • Chap. XVII. Of the Letters written to me from Pa­ris during the whole moneth of April, concerning how the posture of this Affair stood at Rome. p. 337
    • Chap. XVIII. Of the first certain Newes I receiv'd on the fourth of May, that the Constitution was made against the Five Propositions; and of the Au­dience which F. Des-mares and M. Manessier had of the Pope that day. p. 340
    • Chap. XIX. The Discourse of Cardinal Ghiggi with an other Cardinal concerning the new Bull in the Consistory, May 5. Reasons which mov'd us to inform the Pope, that we should be ready to appear before him whenever he pleas'd, and in such man­ner as should seem fit to his Holinesse. p. 343
    • Chap. XX. Our signification of this Resolution to the Ambassador. The care he took to intimate the same to the Pope, and demand a day of him for that purpopse. Notice given to him by M. Hallier and his Collegues, to be ready to appear likewise before the Pope a day or two after us. Our Visits upon this occasion to the Cardinals of the Congregation. The Bull prepar'd, and revis'd by those Cardinals by turns. p. 345
    • Chap. XXI. Of the Papers we prepar'd to present to the Pope at the end of our intended Audience. p. 348
    • Chap. XXII. Of the Audience the Pope gave us May 19. which was the first and last we had of all that had been promis'd us. p. 354
    • Chap. XXIII. The Letter we writ May 26. to the Bishops who sent us, touching the grand Audience the Pope had given us. p. 380
    • Chap. XXIV. Endeavors to get permission to print our Papers in order to present them to the Cardinals and Consultors. Visits to the Cardinals of the Congregation to present them our Piece of the Di­stinction of senses, and thank them for being pre­sent at our grand Audience. Congratulations re­ceiv'd thereupon from their Eminences and others. The Calumnies which Cardinal Rapaccioli in­form'd us were utter'd to himself by M. Hallier and his Collegues against our Doctrine. p. 395
    • Chap. XXV. New rumours of the Bull against the Propositions. A considerable saying of Cardinal Ghiggi in our favour concerning the same occasion. The publick entry of Cardinal Pimentelli into Rome, who takes this opportunity to disswade the Pope from the purpose of this Bull, but without effect. M. Hal­lier and his Collegues are not heard before the Pope, and the reason. The last conference I had with Car­dinal Ghiggi. The pretension of F. Modeste to be General of his Order frustrated. p. 399
    • Chap. XXVI. Of the Letters written to me from Pa­ris during the moneths of May and June, concerning what passages at Rome I had related during May. p. 402
    • Chap. XXVII. Of certain things we were inform'd of, and of our Visites from the first of June till the thirteenth. In what manner the Constitution against the Five Propositions was publisht. With what re­striction and circumspection we resolv'd to subscribe to the Condemnation in case the Pope should require it of us. p. 408
    • Chap. XXVIII. M. Hallier and his Collegues de­sire audience of the Pope to complain of the publick [Page] joy we testified throughout Rome, for the declara­tions the Pope made to us at our audience of par­ting; which the Pope confirmes to them. The General of the Augustins gives us Letters of Asso­ciation to his Order. The Ambassador by a letter to the Count de Brienne secetary of State con­firmes in what manner I spoke in all the Account we have had of the Propositions, and that the Pope hath condemn'd them.
    • Chap. XXIX. Containing a relation of what pas­sed in the Assembly of the Cureés of Paris on Mon­day, 9. June 1653. and in the King's presence on Wednesday after in reference to that Assembly.
  • THE SEVENTH PART. Containing what passed at our de­parture from Rome, and after till our arrival at Paris; and what par­ticulars I observed after we were arrived there, till the conclusion of this Journal.
    • CHAP. I. COntaining the Popes Constitution against the five Propositions; our departure from Rome; our arrival at Florence; a Letter we writ from thence to the Bishops; some Reflexions we made upon our departure from Rome; our departure from Flo­rence; our arrival at Venice; the stay we made there.
    • Chap. II. Containing the Letters which I receiv'd from Rome concerning the Pope's new constituti­on during our stay at Venice.
    • Chap. III. Containing the Letters writ to me from Paris, assoon as the certain news of the Pope's con­stitution was arriv'd thither; and the Answer F. Morin Priest of the Oratory made to one of his Brethren who consulted him about the said consti­tution.
    • Chap, IV. Of our Journey from Venice to Paris, and our passage through Switzerland.
    • Chap. V. Of particulars which came to my know­ledge after our return to Paris. A calumny spread at Rome that we had caus'd a book to be printed at Venice against the Popes Constitution. The Pope informes the Consistory of his Constitution and with what submission it was receiv'd. The Imprison­ment of F. Nolano a Dominican falsely attri­buted to the doctrine of Efficacious Grace. p. 440
    • Chap. VI. The return of M. Hallier and his Col­legues. Calumnies which he spred against me. Newes come from Rome towards the end of the year, 1653. p. 442

ERRATA.

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In the Collection.

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A JOURNAL Of what Passages I observ'd at ROME Relating to the Matter of The Five Propositions.

The DIƲISION of this Work.

WHat hath pass'd at Rome in reference to the Five Propositions is so well worth knowing, and yet so little known; that I account my self oblig'd to set down in writing all the Occurrences concern­ing them, which during two whole years, wherein I was imploy'd about that affair, arriv'd to my knowledge; and also to fit the same either to be printed in my own life-time in case occasions so require and permit, or else transmitted to the no­tice of Posterity by the help of some Copies which I shall take care shall be made and reposited in Libraries.

During the space of those two yeares I was carefull to write down daily every thing that I either did or learn'd concerning this businesse. The principal par­ticulars whereof I likewise every week sent into France, according as I was ob­lig'd. So that for the framing of my intended Narrative I shall onely need to se­lect out of the Journal I made then, and the Copies of Letters I preserv'd, such things as will not be unworthy the publick Eye, leaving apart such as deserve [Page] not to be produc'd thence. Possibly I may relate some few that will seem at first View superfluous, or little important; but I hope even those which appear least considerable in themselves, will be in the sequel found serviceable to the illustra­tion of such as are more so. However, I am secure I shall not mention any but what is most true; it not being possible for One who speaks only such things as he knows, and according to his knowledge, to utter falsities, unlesse he will him­self; from which by God's grace my Intention is perfectly free.

I shall divide the Journal of Passages at Rome into Four Parts; Each of which shall comprise Six Moneths of those two years: whereunto I shall adde a Fifth, containing what came to my particular knowledge from the time of our depar­ture from Rome till the end of the year 1653. But because the Propositions were not carried to Rome, but in consequence of the Motion made in Sorbonne in the Assembly of the First of July 1649. by M. Cornet, Doctor, and at that time Syndic of the Faculty of Divinity of Paris, for the nomination of Doctors to ex­amine and censure them; there shall be Two Parts antecedent to the menti­on'd Five; the former of which shall comprehend what pass'd at Paris concern­ing this matter; wherein, that I may not omit any thing contributory to the manifestation of this business, I shall relate other things which preceded that Assembly, without the knowledge of which, neither the Judgements of some Doctors who deliver'd their sentence thereupon would be so well understood, nor the sequels it had sufficiently apprehended. The Second shall treat of what I learn'd at Rome in the first journey I made thither in the H. Year 1650. at which time this affair seem'd wholly laid asleep amongst the Faculty. For af­ter I had sojourn'd there three or four Moneths, although it was no part of the design of my residence, yet I occasionally learn't some things of reference to it; and possibly what I writ to Paris thereupon, was the inducement to some Bi­shops of France to engage my return to Rome about this affair, when according to my own purpose I was upon the way back towards France. The account of the Seven Parts of the Work is as followeth.

The First shall contain what pass'd about this matter at Paris particularly in several Assemblies of the Faculty in the years 1646, 1647, 1648, and 1649.

The Second shall comprise sundry things which pass'd, or which I learn'd at Rome, during four or five moneths of my residing there upon my private account, from the end of November 1650. till May 1651.

The Third shall recite what pass'd at Rome from the time of my return thi­ther as the Envoy or Delegate of some Bishops, at the end of June 1651. till the end of the same Year.

The Fourth shall set forth what pass'd at Rome during the first Six Moneths of the Year 1652.

The Fifth shall relate the Passages of the last Six Moneths of the same Year.

The Sixt shall shew what pass'd from the beginning of the Year 1653. till the Moneth of June, when we departed from Rome to come back to France.

And the Seventh shall declare what occurr'd from the beginning of our voy­age, till our arrival at Paris, and also what came to my particular knowledge, after our return till the end of the same year 1653.

THE FIRST PART.

October 1646. Containing what pass'd at Paris concerning the affair of The Five Propositions, particularly in several Assemblies of the Faculty of Divinity, held in the Years 1646, 1647, 1648, 1649.

CHAP. I.

Of what pass'd in the Assembly of the Fa­culty, 1 Octob. 1646. Of a Speech pronounc'd in the Grand Chamber by M. Omer Talon Advocate General, on Fri­day 10 May 1647. and, Of the Arrest issu'd from thence on the 15th, upon his Remonstrances.

AT the beginning of the year 1646. my time of Licentiate being ac­complish'd, and the Ceremonies of conferring Degrees deferr'd till after Easter, I thought fit to employ that interval of time in a journey to Italy, invited there­unto by the company of M. de Souvré, Chevalier of the Orders of the King, and first Gentleman of his Chamber, and of M. the Abbot de Bassompierre, now Bishop of Xaintes, and of some other persons of quality whom I had the honour to know at Court. M. Bourgeois Doctor of Paris, and M. Duchesne an antient Professor in Philosophy, were then at Rome by Order of my Lords the Bishops who had licenc'd the Book Of Frequent Communion, to defend the same against the prosecutions us'd by the Jesuites there to get it censur'd. During the short abode I made there, M. Bourgeois and M. Duchesne told me the Book Of Frequent Communion was wholly acquitted, but the Jesuites had turn'd all their forces against another Book, to which That had given occasion, namely, that Of the Greatnesse of the Roman Church. Neverthelesse that they con­ceiv'd they had so clearly evidenc'd to divers Cardi­nals the validity of the passages of the said Book, (which establisheth in the two Princes of the Apo­stles, S. Peter and S. Paul, the Authority in question) that they believ'd it now out of all danger of Cen­sure.

In these very termes I inform'd of this matter di­vers of our Confreres who requested intelligence thereof at my return, which was in the moneth of August the same year. And in September follow­ing, having receiv'd the Doctor's Cap, the first time I had the honour to enter into the Assembly of the Faculty, (which was 1 Octob. 1646.) M. Cornet, then Syndic, acquainted the Faculty that the Nuntio had told him, that certain Manuscript Gazettes [or Mercuries] were come to his hands from Rome, which spoke two Doctors there who preten­ded to be Delegates from the Faculty for the main­taining a Book as Orthodox, which undertook to shew, That there may be two Heads in the Church; Of which he advertis'd the Faculty in regard of their concernment therein, and intreated them to declare to him, whether they had sent the said Doctors to Rome for the defence of such Book. This proposal was made after a manner so odious and captious a­gainst the said Book, that M. Chastellain (who was friend to M. Bourgeois, and was satisfy'd of the goodnesse of the Book defended by him at Rome, in which also he knew it was not maintain'd That there may be two Heads in the Church) conceiv'd that enough would be done both for the Book and for M. Bourgeois, if it were declar'd to the Nuntio, That no person of the Faculty had so much as heard speech of any Book written to that purpose; and accordingly he nominated M. Pereyret and some o­ther Doctors to carry this answer to the Nuntio. This disowning of an Imaginary Book, was very well pleasing to the enemies of the True Book which M. Bourgeois defended. For they saw well, it would not be difficult for them to involve the true one in it. So this advice was universally assented to, though with different ends and aims.

My turn of suffraging came not till the last: but I did not forbear to give some intimation of the ill [Page 2] use I fear'd would be made of this Declaration; which when I saw ratifi'd by the Conclusion of the Fa­culty, speaking after the Assembly with the Doctors (to whom, upon the assurance given by M. Bour­geois and M. Duchesne, I had signify'd that I con­ceiv'd the Book out of danger of Censure) I told them that after this Declaration of the Faculty, I judg'd the Censure would indubitably follow, and believ'd two Moneths would not passe before its appearance. Moreover, because I saw the repu­tation of M. Bourgeois and M. Duchesne unjustly impeach'd, I gave such a testimony of them in this Assembly as I believ'd I was bound to do, being so lately return'd from Rome, where I had seen (as I assur'd the Assembly) that they took not upon themselves the quality of Delegates of the Fa­culty, that all people of honour that knew them, look'd upon them as sent by those of my Lords the Prelates of France who had given approbation to the Book Of Frequent Communion; and that none but framers of Gazettes [or Mercury-mongers] could speak otherwise of them.

However, upon that Gazette which came to the Nuntio, and from him to the Faculty, the Conclu­sion pass'd. M. Pereyret went to visit him, accord­ing to the commission given him so to do: and al­though he had receiv'd none to leave any thing in writing with the Nuntio, yet he declin'd not to give him a Memorial of what he said to him, which he drew up as himself pleas'd, without communi­cating any thing thereof to the Faculty.

The term of publishing the Decree of the Inquisi­tion of Rome, which appear'd against the mention'd Book, consequently to the Declaration of the Fa­culty, was longer then I imagin'd it would have been: for it was deferr'd till the 25th. of January the following year 1647. being the very day of the Conversion of St. Paul, which I cannot but ob­serve here, because I doubt not but it was design'd by the authors of the Decree.

Some time after, this Decree came into France to the Nuntio, with command from the Pope to cause it to be printed, and sent to the Ordinaries of pla­ces; by which order, and for which purpose it was printed by Sebastian Cramoisy. I shall mention no other particulars of this Decree, but what are in the Speech of the deceased M. Talon Advocate General, whereof, and of the Arrest which follow'd it, I had a Copy; which I shall insert here to preserve the same to posterity, though they have been printed since in flying and perishing pamphlets.

A Speech deliver'd in the Grand Chamber by Mons. Omer Talon, Advocate General, on Friday 10 Maii 1647.

Gentlemen,

VVE receiv'd on Wednesday an order from the Court to make inquiry concerning a Bull printed a few dayes since, and a Sentence issued forth by the Provost of Paris on Monday last; whereby he hath condemned a small Writing and Book con­taining one sheet of Paper; which Writing is con­trary to the authority of the said Bull. Moreover the same day we heard what pass'd in the presence of the Queen touching the same affair, where you were pleas'd, Sir, (addressing himself to the first President) to expresse the sentiments of the Com­pany, and their reasons for opposing the enterprise of the Popes Nuntio, who goes about to establish a new Jurisdiction in this Realm: After which dis­course, the Queen having called us and heard from our own mouths something of the particulars of this affair, and afterwards conferr'd of it with M. the Cardinal Mazarin, M. the Chancellor gave us to understand, that there was a difference to be made between a Bull issu'd by authority of the Holy See, for the printing and publishing of which there is the King's Privilege, and one set forth by the Mandate or Certification of the Nuntio, who makes no part of the Bull.

Whereupon, Gentlemen, to tell you our thoughts concerning this Bull, we have found in it three things especially to oppose;

First, that there ha's been printed in France, pub­lish'd, and endevour'd to be executed, a Decree of the Congregation of the Inquisition of the Holy Of­fice, and that it hath been intitul'd, Decretum San­ctissimi D. N. D. Innocentii divinâ providentiâ Papae, under pretence that the Pope assisted and was present at that Congregation. For in France we acknowledge the authority of the Holy See, and the power of the Pope head of the Church, common Fa­ther of all Christians. We owe him all sort of respect and obedience. This is the belief of the King, eldest Son of the Church, the belief of all Catholicks, and of all such as are within the true Communion. But we acknowledge no Authority nor Jurisdiction of Congregations held in the Court of Rome, which the Pope establisheth as seems good to himself. But the decrees and arrests of these Congregations have no authority nor execution in this Kingdom; and when upon occasion of contentious businesses such decrees have been presented (as in the matter of Dispensations, Nullity of Vowes, translation of Religious persons, and the like), the Court hath declared such Briefs null and abusive, with a salvo to the parties to have recourse to the ordinary wayes, that is to say in the Chancery, in which Acts are expedited in the Name of our Holy Father the Pope, in whose person the lawfull authority re­sides. And for what concerns matters of Faith and doctrine, they ought not to be determin'd in these Congregations, except by way of advice and counsel, not of power. 'Tis true, in these Congre­gations are censur'd Books suspected of Heresie and bad doctrines; here is made the Index Expurgato­rius, which encreases every year; and here have sometimes the Arrests of this Court been censur'd; as namely the Arrest issu'd against Jean Chastell, the History of Thuanus, the Liberties of the Gallicane Church, and all others which concern the preserva­tion of the sacred persons of our Kings, and the establishment of Regal Jurisdiction.

Now, were the Decree in question, and others of the like nature publisht and authoriz'd in this Realm, it would be in effect to receive the Inquisi­tion into it, and that for this Remark, which seems to admit of no answer. The Congregation write themselves Generalis & Ʋniversalis Inquisitio in Ʋni­versa Republica Christiana adversus Haereticam pravi­tatem; hence they assume a power of making pro­cess against the Kings Subjects, and think they have a right to do the same against Books printed within the Kingdom. Wherefore having examin'd the Title of the Decree issued from the Inquisition in the aforesaid terms, which testifie a pretension to Uni­versal authority, we thought our selves oblig'd to notifie the same to the Court, that we might make [Page 3] our protestations thereupon according to the duty of our Offices.

The second thing we observ'd, is the Mandate or Certification of the Nuntio to the King's person at the foot of the said Bull, wherein he styles himself Nuntio to the Kings person, and the whole Realm of France; which is a Title unusual and extraordinary: for the Nuntio performing the Office of an Ambassadour in France, and being capable of executing no other, it follows that he hath no other in this Kingdom: be­sides that, if he thought fit to speak of the Kingdom, he ought to have mentioned the Kingdoms of France and Navarre; it being certain that the omission of the latter is ordinarily affected, and that not with­out design.

There is a second observation to be made upon this Commission, and it consists in one word, viz. That the Nuntio saith he receiv'd the Pope's com­mand to cause the said Decree to be printed. Now Printing being a thing purely temporal, and relating to policy, cannot be allowed but by the authority of the King or his Magistrate.

The third Consideration ariseth from that he saith, That the Original of the Decree aforesaid remaineth in the Records of his Nuntio's Office; which man­ner of speaking agrees not with our Customes; be­cause the Nuntio hath neither Court nor Records in France, no more than the Ambassadors of other Princes, or than the King's Ambassador hath when he is at Rome.

In the last place he hath added, That this Bull shall be sent to the Bishops and Archbishops within his Nuntiature; as if the Office of Nuntio had any cer­tain and limited Territory. Now in as much as this manner of speaking is a new and springing incroach­ment, we think there is reason to provide against it.

This Speech was follow'd by an Arrest compris'd in the following words.

An Extract of the Registers of the Parliament of 15. May 1647.

THis day the Court having deliberated upon the Remonstrance and Arguments of the King's Advocate General contain'd in the Registers of the tenth of this Month concerning a certain Paper enti­tuled, Decretum Sanctissimi D. N. D. Innocentii X. divinâ providentiâ Papae adversus propositionem istam [Sanctus Petrus & Sanctus Paulus sunt duo Ecclesiae Principes qui unum efficiunt] & libros in quibus ista propositio asseritur & defenditur, printed at Paris by Se­bastian Cramoisy, the King's Printer in ordinary, this present year 1647. at the end of which is the Copy of an Instrument made at Paris on the thirteenth of March last, signed, Nicholaus Archiepiscopus Athenarum, whereby the said Archbishop of Athens stiles himself Apostolical Nuntio to the most Christian King, and the whole Realm of France, and declares, that by special Mandate of his Holyness given at Rome, he hath caused to be printed the Copy of the said Decree according to its Original kept in the ar­chives of his Nuntiative to send the same to all the Ordinaries within the said Nuntiative, and others to whom it might appertain: which is an innovation and incroachment upon the authority of the King; wher­fore the aforesaid Decree made in the Roman Inqui­sition on the 25th. of January last, and other Bulls and Briefs having taken into consideration, The said Court prohibits and forbids all Archbishops and Bishops, their Vicars and Officials, Rectors and Deputies of Universities to receive, publish, or put in execution the Decrees and other Acts of the Con­gregation of the Inquisition of Rome, as also any o­ther Bulls or Briefs whatever, without the King's permission confirm'd in this Court. Provided ne­vertheless, that the supplying of Benefices and or­dinary Dispatches concerning the affairs of particu­lar Persons, which, according to the orders of this Realm and laws of State, are obtained in the Court of Rome, be not included in the abovesaid Prohibition. Moreover, this Court hath ordained, and doth or­dain, That all the Copies of the said Decree of the Inquisition bearing date on the 25th. of January last shall be seiz'd on at the sute of the Attorney Gene­ral, and brought to the Bar of the said Court to be suppressed. Also, it forbids all Persons to have, keep, or retain any Copy of the same under the penalties provided by Law in such Case. And re­quires all Printers and Stationers to keep and observe the Rules and Orders made about the matter of Prin­ting, under penalty of being fin'd at pleasure. Last­ly, The Substitute or Deputy of the said Attorney General is hereby required to be diligent in causing this Arrest to be put into execution, and to certifie the Court thereof within a Month, to which end it shall by the care of the said Attorney General be forth­with sent into all Bailywicks and Precincts through­out the Realm.

Sign­ed, Du Tillet.

CHAP. II.

Of what pass'd in the Assembly of the Fa­culty on the first of March, 1647. con­cerning a scandalus Libel against Pe­trus Aurelius.

AMongst the Libels publisht this year by the Je­suites or their Partisans, there was one in Latin, intituled, The Divinity of Petrus Aurelius, or, His principal Errors against Faith and Good Manners, a Libel full of abundance of falsifications and calum­nies, charging that famous Writer with errors di­rectly contrary to his sentiments, and fixing the name of Error upon Catholick Truths. In the Assem­bly of the Faculty on March 1. M. Pereyret, according to appointment formerly laid upon him to read the said Libel, and make his report of the same that day, declar'd, that he had found that It contain'd a hun­dred Propositions, most of which were drawn intire and word for word out of the Works of Petrus Aure­lius, and the rest made up of his words taken out of several places, and so put together as to make perfect sense: that the Author of the said Libel had to eve­ry one of those hundred Propositions added as many Conclusions, by which he attributed sundry Errors to Petrus Aurelius. That moreover it would be not only unprofitable but prejudicial to set upon the ex­amination of the said Libel, because it would cost the Faculty not only some Months but even many years, multos annos, to discusse the sincerity of the extracted Propositions, and the truth of the conse­quence drawn from them, according to their accu­stomed diligence and fidelity, and to the rules of Theology; Wherefore he concluded that he judg'd it suitable to the interest and dignity of the Faculty to bury the whole Matter in silence, especially seeing the Epistle prefixt to the Libel was already torn by [Page 4] the Hangman's hand, and the Book condemned by a sentence of the Lieutenant Civil at the request of the Agents of the Clergy. This subtilty M. Pereyret made use of to engage the Faculty to abandon him who had so generally defended them. And for that men are easily led to such course as exempts from trouble, this Motion met with no opposition.

CHAP. III.

Of what pass'd in the Assemblies of the Fa­culty on the second of May, the first of June, and the first of July, in the year 1648. upon occasion of a Libel of F. Veron.

IN the year following (1648.) was publisht a­nother Libel, intituled A Gag for the Jansenists and Arnaudists, whereof F. Veron was the Author. It was sold by all the News-Sellers of Paris in the end of Lent. It contain'd Maxims so scandalous and prejudicial to the salvation and edification of Christi­ans; it was fill'd with so many injuries and calum­nies, and was so apt to trouble the publick Tranquil­lity, that the Lieutenant Civil having taken notice of it, thought himself oblig'd not to fail in the duty of his Office to cause it to be suppressed. To which pur­pose he sent for the Syndic and Jurates of the Book­sellers, forbad them to sell it, and gave order that the said Prohibition should be printed and fixt up in pub­lick places.

F. Veron was rather exasperated by this Prohibiti­on, than convinc'd of the mischief his Libel might do. He had publisht it at first without any Licence, and therefore sought to get one; but not finding any at Paris, he procured one from a Cordelier Doctor of Tours, and forg'd another of another Doctor a Cor­delier at Chartres; with which approbations he caus'd his Book to be publisht and distributed again after Easter.

Amongst the Errors and Calumnies wherewith this Libel was fill'd, especially against the antient Fathers and Councils, in the sixth Page of the first Impression he writes, That antiently many judg'd that it was not commanded by Jesus Christ to make Con­fession even at the time of death, much less that there was any Precept to do it before Communicating, even by such as had sinn'd mortally; conceiving that Contrition alone was sufficient: And that there was in those times no Precept to confesse every year; but that it was so ordain'd only by the Fourth Council of Lateran in the year 1215. And Page 7. That the use and practice of the Sacrament of Pennance, and Confession for Mortal Sins, either be­fore the Communion, or at the time of Death, appears very rarely in Antiquity.

The new publication of the Libel, with the said approbations being likely to propagate the seditious Maximes contained therein, and do wrong to the Faculty, by reason of the approbations of those of their Body wherewith it was authoriz'd, M. Guille­bert Doctor of Sorbonne made complaint in the As­sembly of the second of May following against the said Libel and the Doctors that appear'd Licencers of it.

Assoon as they who were in the Assembly heard M. Guillebert read one or two of the Maximes of the Libel, they were so mov'd thereat, that they were ready to nominate certain Persons to read it, and make report thereof, according to Custom, in the Assembly following. But M. Cornet diverted them from so doing, by desiring that before they de­bated upon this businesse, the Doctors who had gi­ven the Licences might be sent for to give account of what they had done. Whereupon the Faculty de­murr'd, and gave charge to F. Lavaux, who was then Warden of the Cordeliers, to write to them to that purpose.

In the Assembly of June, F. Charruau appear'd and justified his Approbation with all imaginable boldness, proceeding from the assurance he had of a Party in the Faculty sufficiently potent to protect and bring him off. He discours'd with great vehe­mence against the Book Of Frequent Communion, and that of Jansenius; so long as he pleas'd to speak, he was not interrupted by any one, but heard peace­ably. But when M. Guillebert offer'd to represent with singular moderation and few words some of the principal Points, and most pernicious Maximes he found in the said Libel, he was interrupted seve­ral times by divers Doctors, and particularly by M. Cornet who omitted nothing he could do to disturb him every moment, to disorder the coherence of his Discourse, and to keep him from being heard and understood. At last, the time of this Assembly be­ing elaps'd, and having been spent in several alterca­tions, which clearly appear affected for that end, it broke up, after they had given charge to M. Guille­bert to make an Extract of the Propositions of the said Libel which he should find most dangerous, and represent the same to the Faculty in the Assembly following, which was to be on the first of July.

M. Guillebert perform'd his Charge, and on that day presented to the Faculty a Paper, in which he had reduc'd what he found worthy of Censure in the said Libel, to three principal Heads; The first of which contain'd what F. Veron had there written to destroy Confession; The second what he had urg'd against Pennance; And the third what he maintain­ed against the authority of Councils. M. Cornet made himself likewise in this Assembly F. Veron's Protector, as he had done in the former. He took upon him to justifie F. Veron, in that he oppos'd the Propositions of the Bishop of Ipre; which, he main­tained, it would also be necessary to examine, if this Libel were examin'd, (although that which M. Guil­lebert reprehended therein, had no affinity with those Propositions.) Which also he formally made a request for, for fear, if the Faculty should examine and disallow the Libel alone, it might be a kind of Fore-judgement in favour of those against whom it was written. Hereupon M. Pereyret failing not to represent at large, as he had done in the foregoing year, the length of time and greatnesse of pains it would be requisite to spend in that examination; in­somuch (said he) that to do it well, Jansenius, S. Augustin, and sundry other Books must be read from one end to the other; and after ten years imploy'd therein, there will be no great Progress made: The Faculty concluded, that for the interest of peace it was fit to forbear examining both F. Veron's Libel, and the Propositions opposed.

I have lightly passed over this affair, omitting sun­dry very considerable Circumstances, that I might not stay upon any thing but what makes to my pur­pose: yet Two there are which I cannot passe in si­lence. One, that M. Cornet drew up the said Con­clusion on the first of July, 1648. as he liked him­self; [Page 5] and when it was read on the first of August following, M. Guillebert moved the Assembly that the same might be corrected, as being neither true, nor correspondent to what he had represented to the Faculty, touching the Libel. Yet this was hin­dred by the artifices and slights of M. Cornet.

The other is a clause annex'd to the said Conclu­sion, importing that if notwithstanding the difficul­ties which render'd the examination so laborious at that time, that it was not to be thought on, it should please God to inspire any one to present to the Fa­culty any Propositions to be examined and decided by them, it should be free for him to do so after two months. In which, besides the manifest contra­diction appearing in the thoughts of these people, who make semblance of being lovers of the tran­quillity of the Faculty, and neverthelesse are ready to disturbe the same within two months; who at this present judge an examination so difficult, which yet they are at the same instant dispos'd to under­take two months after. It is visible that they had already in their breasts a setled purpose of attemp­ting the Five Propositions, the performance of which they deferr'd till July, in the following year, only by reason of the broyles of Paris. For when the proposal thereof was made in Sorbonne, on that day M. the Abbot de l' Isle, Marivault Doctor of Navarre, told one of his friends from whom I learnt it, that M. the Bishop of Rhodez had told him before the Kings departure from Paris, on the day of the Three Kings 1649. that the said Propositions had been already shewn him, to be censur'd on the first day by the Faculty.

CHAP. IV.

Of sundry things which pass'd in several Assemblies of the Faculty, in the same year 1648. touching the number of such of the Mendicant Orders as might be admitted into Licenses and Assem­blies.

IN the same Assembly of the second of May 1648. wherein complaint was made of F. Veron's Libel, another seed of division brake forth, which was of much longer continuance. Almost all the Religious Mendicants, Doctors of the Faculty, were so link'd to M. Cornet and Pereyret, that they had no other rule of judgement in any matter under debate, but the opinion of the said two Doctors, insomuch that their Suffrages were almost alwayes conceiv'd in these terms, Sequor sententiam Domini Pereyret; Idem cum Domino Pereyret. In acknowledgment of which good offices, and to multiply voyces they were so well assur'd of, these Doctors conspir'd with such other Secular Doctors as they could draw to their party, to get receiv'd into Licenses, and advanc'd to the degree of Doctor, as many Religi­ous Mendicants as they could introduce, above the number prescrib'd by the Statutes of the Faculty, and Arrests of Parliament. In this Assembly, two Jacobins desir'd to be receiv'd as Supernumeraries, besides three Cordeliers and another Jacobin who had been already receiv'd as such. I signified to the Assembly, the Statute which hindred us from doing them this favour, and declar'd that if they proceed­ed to effect it, I would oppose it; neverthelesse it was carri'd by the plurality of voyces. I oppos'd the Conclusion, and M. de Roux Doctor of the house and society of Sorbonne, joyn'd with me in the op­position.

We presented our Petition to the Parliament, and an Arrest pass'd thereupon, whereby the parties that pretended to take benefit of the said Conclusion; were summoned to the Court on the first day; and in the mean time prohibited to make use of it.

This Arrest was signified to the Faculty on the third of June, and all the Secular Doctors (except­ing perhaps M. Cornet and his intimates) who had consented to do that favour to the said Religious Mendicants, only out of complyance, and had not been instructed in the matter, follow'd joyfully with one voyce the judgement of M. Messier; which was, That the Arrest was to be obey'd, leaving the Religious to present themselves, if they thought good, before the Kings Ministers, and re­present to them their reasons if they had any.

The four Mendicant Orders interpos'd in behalf of their Batchelors, who were concern'd in the cause, which was pleaded on the eleventh of August. The said Arrest was confirm'd, and besides it was enacted, That without regard to our Petition, but in justice, according to the Arguments of the Kings Attorney General, the Arrests of the year 1626. (whereby, conformably to the Statutes and other Arrests, the number of Mendicant Doctors that might be admitted into our Assemblies, is restrain'd to two of each Order) should be read every year on the first day of October in our Assembly, to the end the memory and performance of the same may be per­petual, with injunction to the Dean and Syndic to see to the observation of the same, as they would answer the contrary at their peril.

The University having heard the report of this Processe, and consider'd the importance of it, con­cluded on June 13. to interpose therein, if need were; but the Arrest pass'd without mention made of their interposing, or concerning themselves in the cause.

This last Arrest of the eleventh of August, was signifi'd and read in the Assembly of the first of Sep­tember. But it was so far from being executed by the Religious Mendicants, that on the contrary, not only they, but also divers Secular Doctors, sway'd by M. Cornet, became together opposers of its exe­cution. They were summon'd to the Court upon this opposition, and September 3. appeared at the Palais with the said Mendicants, to the number of eighteen, amongst whom were MM. Pereyret, Morel, le Moine, Amiot, Grandin, Bail, Denis, Guyard, and others. The Mendicants were heard by their Speaker Fryer Bernard Guiart, a Jacobin, and the Secular Doctors by M. Pereyret. The Re­sult of the day was, that they should be heard more at large about their causes of opposition, on the first day after the feast of Saint Martin, but in the mean time the abovesaid Arrests should be observ'd.

Which yet they were not in the Assembly of the first of October, though the said Result was declared there, and notwithstanding all the instances M. de Roux and I could use to procure the execution of the same. On the contrary, there arose new resistance on the part of the Mendicant Doctors, and those Se­culars who joyned themselves in the cause with them. Of this, M. de Roux and I having made new [Page 6] complaint to the Court of Parliament, another Arrest pass'd on the 27. of October, by which it was again enacted, that the aforesaid Arrests should be observed; that to that end MM. Viole and Broussel should with one of the Substitutes of the Attorney General, repair to the Assembly of the Faculty, which was to be held on the fourth of November following; and that what should be done and or­dained by the said Counsellors, should be executed, notwithstanding any oppositions or appeals whatso­ever, but without prejudice to the same.

On the fourth of November following the said MM. Broussel and Viole, accompanied with M. Becheser, Dean of the Substitutes of the Attorney General, and M. Boisleau, Clerk of the Court, and two Ushers, repair'd accordingly to our Assembly in the Sorbonne. There they caus'd all the Arrests I have spoken of above, to be read by M. Boisleau, and afterwards added sundry arguments and in­junctions to oblige the Mendicant Doctors to obey those Arrests, and M. Cornet to procure the execu­tion of the same, according to the duty of his place. But neither the Mendicants nor Cornet yielded to any thing said to them, or enjoyned by Broussel and Viole; but on the contrary, they and some other Secular Doctors made replyes to them very little re­spectfull, which obliged them, after signifying their displeasure therewith, to professe that they would charge them with a verbal Processe for it, and in­form the Court of the disobedience they found to their Arrests in this Assembly. Hereupon they arose, and by name forbad M. Cornet to continue the Assembly after their departure, judging the same unlawfull, because there were in it more then two Mendicants of each Order. However he did not forbear to continue it after they were departed.

Divers Doctors, to the number of above fifty, amongst whom were M. Messier, Dean of the Fa­culty at present, M. de Heu Curé of S. Severine, M. de Mincé, M. Hennequin, M. the Curé of S. Roch, M. Duchesne of Sorbonne, M. Breda Curé of S. Andrews, M. Dabes, M. Sachot, M. Renier, and several others, who were not suspected of any adherence to the doctrine decry'd for new, to purge themselves from the reproach they conceiv'd the resistance offer'd to the Arrests of the Court in the face of the Com­missioners, sent by it to cause them to be executed, deserved: after the Assembly declar'd, that they were so far from bearing a part in such resistance, that on the contrary their will and intention was to observe the said Arrests, and that they accounted it very important for the glory of God, the honour of the Church, the preservation of the authority of the Pope and other Ecclesiastical Prelates, the ser­vice of the King and State of France, the peace and perfect liberty of the said Faculty, in all its resoluti­ons and conclusions concerning doctrine, as also for its policy and discipline; that the above-mention'd Arrests should be maintain'd, kept, and executed inviolably, as the words of the Writing run, sign'd for that purpose by them on 4. November 1648. and the dayes following.

The purpose of MM. Broussel and Viole was, to make report to the Court of all that pass'd in the Assembly, before the first of December following, to the end the Court might as they thought fit, take for whatever course they should find necessary to be obey'd, and get their Arrests put in execution. But so great a number of unusual and strange things pass'd in the Assembly, that M. Broussel, who besides his slownesse and ordinary exactnesse, was incum­bred with multiplicity of other affaires, had not per­fectly framed his Processe verbal before the end of November, and could not make report of it in the few dayes which pass'd till the first of December, when the Parliament had assembled again after the feast of Saint Martin.

Thus was the Report deferr'd till the month fol­lowing. But in the mean time M. Cornet made his, I mean, the conclusion or relation of what pass'd in our Assembly of the fourth of November, which he drew up according to his own pleasure, to cause it to be read according to custome in the Assembly of the first of December, which was accordingly done; but it was so full of falsities and calumnies, that M. de Mincé complain'd of it, and desir'd a copy of it of M. Bouvot, the Register of the Faculty, who deli­ver'd him one forthwith; and that M. de Roux and I thought our selves bound to present a new Petiti­on to the Court, against the injurious words M. Cornet had put into his relation or conclusion to our d [...]sadvantage, wherein we beseech the Court to or­dain them to be ras'd and expung'd; that by doing this, the said conclusion would be reform'd and re­duc'd to the termes of the Processe verbal, drawn up by the said MM. Broussel and Viole, referring our selves moreover to the Court for meanes to hinder M. Cornet from using hereafter such like falsifications and enterprises as we complain he had us'd since our first opposition of his designs, to multiply more and more Religious Mendicants in our Faculty.

This request was suddenly follow'd by another, which M. de Roux and my self found it requisite to present, against a Libel compos'd and dispers'd by the Mendicant Doctors, in which we complain'd were contain'd many things scandalous and oppro­brious, not only against our selves and the antient Doctors who joyn'd with us in prosecuting the exe­cution of the Arrests, against the Notaries that made the Processe verbal of what pass'd in the Assembly of the first of September, and against the Usher of the Court, who made that of the first of October, but also against the honour and respect due to the Court and its Arrests.

But before the report of all these things could be made in the Court, that sad Division hapned which made a combustion in the whole Kingdom, and held Paris besieg'd the three first months of the year 1649. for which cause a more calme and favourable time was to be attended, to provide for the particular concerns of the Faculty.

CHAP. V.

Of what pass'd heretofore in the year 1626. touching the number of those of the said Orders admitted into the Facultie's As­semblies; and of M. Cornet's antient conjunction with them and the Jesuits.

BEfore I proceed further in my design'd relation, it will be worth considering what was the principal ground upon which M. Cornet withstood all the said Arrests, and all the arguments us'd by MM. Broussel and Viole, to move him to see to the execution of them in the Assembly; for though it may seem a little remote from my principal matter, [Page 7] yet it may be somewhat contributory to the perfect elucidation thereof.

In the year 1626. appear'd in France a Book prin­ted at Rome, compos'd by a Jesuite nam'd Sanctarel; which Book was dispers'd there, and is still, to this day, with the permission and approbation of the Su­periors. Assoon as it was seen in France, and the sentiments of the said Author were found seditious and contrary to the respect, obedience and subjection due to Kings, the Faculty Assembled extraordinarily on 16. March 1626. and deputed MM. Rumet, Daul­truy, Dupuis and Chappellas to examine the said Book and make report thereof at the ordinary Assembly of the first of April following.

On which day they reported that in the 30, and 31. Chapters they found these Propositions, That the Pope may punish Kings and Princes with penalties temporal, and dispence with the obedience which their Subjects owe unto them. That this custom hath al­waies been in the Church, even for other causes than he­resie, as for faults committed by them, in case it were ex­pedient, in case Princes were negligent, in cases of their incapacity, and in case of unusefulness of their Persons; with some other of the like strain to these; all which were censur'd both by the Deputies and the other Doctors of the Faculty assembled on the 1. of April, as containing a Doctrin false, erroneous, contrary to the word of God, giving ground of hatred of the Papal dignity, opening a way to Schisme, derogating upon the Soveraign authority of Kings dependant only from God, and apt to hinder the conversion of infidel and heretical Princes, to disturb the publick tranquillity, to avert Subjects from the obedience and subjection due to their Princes, and excite Rebellions, Seditions and Parricides.

This Censure was confirm'd on the day of S. Am­brose, April 4. in an extraordinary Assembly, and publish'd forthwith, to the great satisfaction of King Lewis the Just of glorious memory, and with the applause of all France. But within a short time af­ter, arose divers Persons even of the body of the Fa­culty, who endeavour'd to get the said Censure re­vok'd or at least mitigated. The sollicitations and canvasings which agitated the Faculty upon that de­sign, and which at length prov'd ineffectual, conti­nu'd almost a year. But that which makes to my purpose, is, that there was no hopes of such revoca­tion but by the aid of the Mendicant Doctors which were caus'd to come for that end to Paris from the most remote Provinces by commands sent to them from the places where their Generals make their re­sidence.

Hereupon thirty antient Doctors of the Faculty, (amongst which was M. Hardivillier, afterwards Archbishop of Bourges, M. Hollandre Curé of S. Sa­viour, M. Faiet Curé of S. Paul, and M. Fonnellier Curé of S. Eustache last deceas'd) seeing this extra­ordinary concourse of Mendicant Doctors, resolv'd, consequently to a Conclusion of the Faculty on 15. June 1626. to have recourse to the Court of Parlia­ment for the execution of the 15. and 16. Articles of the Statutes, to become formally Plaintiffs, and have a pleading in their own names, if need were, to ob­tain the Court to cause its Arrest of the year 1552. to be put in execution; which Arrest appoints the Religious Mendicant Doctors to retire into the houses of their Or­der assoon as they had taken the Cap; and to know of the said Court whether it did not intend that the said Mo­nastick Doctors sojourning at Paris in regard of any Of­fices they might have there in their Covents, or because their Professions had been made there, or otherwise, should be restrain'd to a certain number, as to two at most, to have a Vote in Assemblies; and this to the end the Faculty might be at peace, and retain its rights in all freedom for the accompleshment of the service of God, of the King, and of all France. These ate the words of the Writing signed upon this matter by those thirty antient Doctors on the 16th. of July, 1626.

The arrest of the year 1552. which they mention, was issued upon occasion of a Brief obtained by the Cordeliers of Pope Julius the 3d. for the adding of two more to the number of Batchellors which might be admitted to Licences, and upon the Kings Let­ters Patents for the verification of the said Brief; Both which, the Brief and Letters were entered into the Register, but with a charge that (conformably to the Item jurabitis quod sine fraude aut dilatione vos recipietis in Con­ventum in quo pro­fessionem fecistis. Oath taken alwaies and at this day by all the Mendicant Doctors so soon as they have received the Cap, to retire into the Covents of their Profession without fraud or delay) they should not fail to retire thither assoon as they had com­menced, and so be incapable of being present in the Assemblies of the Faculty.

Consentaneously to the said Statute, to the cu­stom observed in all times in the Faculty since the ad­mission of the Religious Mendicants thereto, to the said Arrest of the year 1552. and to the purport of the above-mentioned Writing of the 6th. of July, an Arrest was issued by the Parliament on the 24th. of the same Month, which was explained and con­firmed by another of the first of August following, by which the number of Religious Mendicants capable of entrance and a deliberative voyce in the Assemblies of the Faculty was restrained to two of each Order at the most.

To the invalidating of those Arrests one was pas­sed in the Council Nov. 2. 1626. whereby the cog­nisance of the matter was interdicted to the Parlia­ment, and it was ordained, That notwithstanding those Arrests of Parliament, all Mendicant Doctors might be present at our Assemblies in what number they pleased.

There is come to my hands the Copy of a Letter written by Fillessac Dean of the Faculty to Cardinal Richlieu touching the said Order of the Council, which may inform the Reader in what manner and by what instigations the same was passed. I shall in­sert it intire here, to that purpose.

A Letter of M. Fillessac to Cardinal Richlieu.

My Lord,

'TIs not onely your Place of Superintendent of the Sorbonne, whereof I am the least, but your na­tural Goodness, which every one acknowledges, and of which all good Servants of the Kings and true French­men are daily sensible of, that gives me boldness to repre­sent to you our just complaints and real apprehension of the persecution intended against us. The Arrest of Council given in favour of the Religious Mendicants some daies since, wherewith all Paris rings, furnishes us with most certain proof, and undoubted ground of be­lief of the mischief which is projected against us. Your in­comparable gentleness and benignity will give me full li­berty to represent to you freely & without dissembling any thing, that which most of all grieves us. Inimici nostri sunt Judices; M. the Keeper of the Seals is our Judge [Page 8] and Adversary too. This is verified by sundry reasons. First, it is known how that above twenty years ago he contracted a strict amity and familiarity with Doctor du Val. The same hath been cemented and diligently continued by the common administration wherewith they are intrusted by the Carmelites; the one for temporal, the other for spiritual concernments. I omit what other correspondences they have usually together; every one knows that the said Doctor du Val is our principal Ad­versary, and hath raised all his tempests in favour of the Religious for the accomplishment of his designs. The first President hath informed some of our Doctors that the said M. du Val came to him to recommend the Religious Mendicants. On the other side, every one knows that Cardinal Spada persues this affair with all eagerness, and hath so perfect a correspondence with the Keeper of the Seals, that when his Majesty placed him in that Office, the Cardinal being informed thereof, said in the presence of some Bishops, Io non temo piu, per­che Marillaco a i Sigilli Reali, I am out of fear now since Marillac hath the Royal Seals. Moreover we see in the Sorbonne the daily commerce of the said du Val with the said Cardinal, who according to the instru­ction he received at his comming into France could not do otherwise. For, as I understand by Letters from Rome, one of the Nuntio's Instructions was, that he should lodge as near as might be to the Sorbonne, and have perpe­tual correspondence with Doctor du Val whom he might make use of as a Spy upon the Sorbonne. Lastly it hath constantly been observ'd that the Keeper of the Seals is one of the most resolute Defenders and Protectors of the Jesuites: and that, whenever the said Fathers have had need of his assistance. Now that these Fathers are not profess'd Adversaries of the Sorbonne, no Person can deny; all Paris having seen the experience thereof in their Sermons, Pasquils and defaming Libels, I shall adde that they have Doctor du Val amongst us who serv'd them as a powerfull instrument in our Assemblies when the question has been about securing us amongst them; and he being admonish'd that he acted against his Oath and against his Mother the Faculty, answered that he could not act against the said Fathers, quia, said he, commiserunt mihi secretum suum. Furthermore, we are not ignorant how the Keeper of the Seals is extremely confirm'd in his aversion towards us by Father B. who hath great influence over him, either by occasion of the common imployment they have had from the Carmelites, or for other reasons. Now this Father cannot patiently bear the particular Decree made in the Colledge of Sor­bonne for execlusion of such Doctors from the said Col­ledge as have enter'd or shall hereafter enter into the Congregation of the said Father; which is also the grievance of the said Doctor du Val, who, as intimate Friend of the aforesaid Father B. hath perverted and sollicited seven Doctors of the College of Sorbonne; to found and establish the said Congregation by becoming the first associates of the same, to the great scandal of the College. You see, my Lord, our just fear of ruine, which is pursu'd by our enemies with so great violence and eagernesse. You see our adversaries openly profess'd, without comprehending those who out of interest dare not declare themselves; in the number of which I shall rec­kon a Cardinal, who speaking of your most generous de­sign for the building of your Sorbonne, said, he estee­med it highly for it self, but was sorry it should be in­tended for Schismaticks. However, my Lord, if that pretended Arrest must be signify'd to us, We most humbly beseech you, that it be not done publickly in our Assembly on the next day after the Holy-dayes, which will be Wednesday. To conclude, what ever victory our Adversaries may gain over us, this glory will re­main ours to posterity, that we thirty who were depress'd for being faithfull to our King, and true Frenchmen, signed this common cause in behalf of the King and France.

This Remonstrance of M. Fillessac to Cardinal Richelieu did not hinder the Arrest from having its course; after which, the sollicitations and canva­sings to get the abovemention'd Censure revok'd, were renew'd more then ever. But the Parliament check'd the torrent of those canvasings and sollicita­tions, by several Arrests issued forth to maintain it, and by an order given to the President le Jay, and four Counsellors of this Grand Chamber to repair to the Sorbonne (as accordingly they did) to hinder all innovation touching this affair in the Assembly of the moneth of February 1627. in which it was to be fear'd one might happen, unlesse the Parlia­ment interpos'd its authority to prevent it.

Matters stood in this posture till the year 1631, when the University of Paris having maturely weigh'd the prejudice it receiv'd as well from the said Arrest of the Council of 2 Novemb. 1626, as from another of the same Council of 18 July pre­ceding, concerning the same matter; and having gravely consider'd what necessity there was both for its own interest and that of the King and State to provide against the said Arrests, they repair'd to the late King at St. German's to present to him a Petition, in which they complain'd of those two Arrests, as having been pass'd by surprise, contrary to all right, and upon false suppositions; for which reasons they beseech'd his Majesty the same might be vacated. M. the Rector went to wait upon the King with this Petition, and spoke to his Maje­sty concerning the importance of this affair three quarters of an hour. The King heard him with attention and pleasure. He receiv'd himself the Petition which the Rector held in his hand, and caus'd it to be reported in his Council in his own pre­sence; Whereupon on 8 July 1631, an Arrest was pass'd, whereby the aforesaid two of 18 July & 2 Nov. 1626, and all others prejudicial to the Statutes and Privileges of the University were an­null'd; and hereof Letters Patents were expedited for the University.

M. Cornet could not be ignorant of all this; for I reviv'd the memory thereof to all the world in the Assembly of 1 Octob. 1648. when it was needfull to mention the same in answer to those two Arrests of the Council of 8 July, and 2 Nov. 1626. which had been signify'd to me anew that day by the Order and at the desire of the Mendicant Doctors. Ne­verthelesse he forbore not in the Assembly of 4 Nov. to oppose those very two Arrests to the in­junctions which M. Broussel and Viole us'd to him to see to the execution of those of the Parliament, ac­cording to the duty of his place.

But it seems there is no great reason to wonder that M. Cornet so little valued those Letters Patents of 8 July 1631. sixteen years after they had been granted to the University; seeing that so soon as they were granted he set himself with all his might to hinder the effect they might have, causing him­self by a party wholly of Mendicant Doctors to be install'd before the end of three Moneths in the Of­fice of Syndic; in which he would not want means to requite the good turns which he should receive from them, and to continue the fidelity and corre­spondence [Page 9] he had sworn with them. I shall menti­on nothing that pass'd in that election besides what I have learn'd from another Letter of M. Fillessac to Cardinal Richelieu dated Nov. 5. 1631. the Copy of which is come to my hands, together with the Cardinal's answer. And here they follow.

Another Letter of M. Fillessac, Dean of the Faculty, to Cardinal Richelieu.

My Lord,

ACcording to the command you were pleas'd to lay upon me, to give you an account of the election of our Syndic, I shall tell you in the first place, that God having visited me with his merciful justice by afflicting One of his Domesticks had the Pesti­lence. one of my Domesticks, I was constrain'd to leave Paris; and in my absence on the first of October, according to our Sta­tute, the election of a Syndic was ta­ken into consideration, the term of the former be­ing expir'd. In this Assembly fifty Doctors were present. But when I return'd to Paris, I was de­sirous to know how the business pass'd. Divers Doctors of our Fraternity coming to see me, re­presented to me two considerable defects; one, in the person; the other, in the form of the ele­ction.

As to the first, they represented him to me as a young Doctor of about five years standing, unac­quainted with our Statutes, Customs and Forms; besides which, he ha's alwayes been train'd up and instructed by the Jesuites, having once purposed to enter into that Society, and to that end put himself into their Novitiate, where he was indo­ctrinated for some time; and had it not been for a sickness that befell him, he would perhaps be now of their Society, to which neverthelesse he remains allied by affection. And every one knows how little reason we have to be well pleas'd with Them, considering the scandalous Libels they have written against us heretofore, and those they publish'd lately against our Censure pronounc'd against two Books compos'd by two English Je­suites; Now it may here be presum'd, that when ever there comes forth such like Papers from the said Society, this new Syndic will not fail to crosse the businesse, and generally all others relating to that Society, (as it hath hapned too often) which will be a perpetual cause of trouble and division amongst us. Our said Confreres make it appear, that the Syndic of our Faculty is nothing else but a Censor; and what Censure can he passe being ig­norant of our Lawes and Customs? And besides, how will one more antient then himself take in good part any reproof or check from him, who hath no credit and authority, being a young Do­ctor. — As for the second defect; of the fifty Doctors present at the election the first of October, four and twenty voted it fit to stay till the return of the Dean, the other twenty six chose this new Syndic; and in this number there were eighteen Religious Mendicants suborn'd by the Nuntio, and of them two were interdicted by the Faculty. You may consider, my Lord, if you please, that it was never known that his Holiness's Nuntio had any thing to do with our affairs, or to attempt to give us Syndics, to the prejudice of the Rights of the King, the Liberties of the Gallicane Church, and the Maximes of France. Now if this procee­ding be allow'd, and this power of the Nuntio confirm'd, I think in conscience I ought to dis­charge my self of the Deanship, before I see with my eyes the evident ruine of our Faculty by the losse of its liberty. It had been better to have re­tain'd the former Syndic, an antient Doctor, very well vers'd in our affairs, and who knew how to maintain our discipline. These things I have re­monstrated to the Nuntio, who is obstinate for re­taining the new Syndic. I conceive it to as little purpose to send M. de Nantes, seeing the Abbot of St. Mark your Almoner having come to our As­sembly hath declar'd it your intention that the said Syndic be retain'd in his office, and perform the du­ties thereof; which neverthelesse seems not to a­gree with the words of your Letter, which speak only of Superseding the businesse, till you be more punctually inform'd of the state of it. Giving power to the Syndic to execute the place, is a confir­ming of him, and thwarting the tenour of the Let­ter. Wherefore it should seem there is no more room left for Remonstrances, but much for com­plaints, which I shall continue in my retirement, where I shall not cease to the last breath of my life to pray God for your prosperity and health, as being

Your most humble and obedient Servant, J. FILLESSAC.

The answer of Cardinal Richelieu to the fore­going Letter.

SIR,

I Have seen the Letter you writ to me, in which there are very considerable reasons. When we come to Paris, I shall be glad that you take the pains to see me, that I may advise with you about what will be necessary to be done in this matter. In the mean time, I can as­sure you, there is no person that desires more to maintain your College in its liberty, and procure its advantage upon all occasions then my self, who am in particular, Sir,

Your most affectionate to serve you, The Cardinal de Richelieu.

And is it to be wonder'd, after this Letter written with so great resentment by so eminent a Dean of the Faculty, whose remonstrances were receiv'd and esteem'd by the prime Minister of State, whose worth was so highly acknowledg'd by the Commis­sioners of Parliament when they came into Sorbonne, Feb. 2. 1627. that in the draught of their Process verbal they professe to be sorry in behalf of the interest of France that his years were so far advanc'd; Is it to be wonder'd, I say, since this Letter and Remon­strances became ineffectual, that M. Cornet hath al­wayes had so great an adherence both with the Je­suites and Mendicant Doctors, who rais'd and main­tain'd him in the office of Syndic; and that he hath so successfully labour'd the ruine of the Faculties li­berty in doctrine and discipline, notwithstanding any obstacles the most sagacious and faithfull Do­ctors have endeavour'd to oppose to his dangerous practices. But when it pleases God, for the execu­ting of his secret judgements, (many times inscruta­ble, [Page 10] but alwayes just) to humble the most great and illustrious Societies; he knowes how to [...]ave them under the administration of such as are capable to destroy them; nor is it in the power of any mor­tal to hinder the revolution and downfall thereof.

CHAP. VI.

Of what pass'd in the Assembly of the Faculty on the 1 of July 1649. in which M. Cornet propounded the Five Propositions, to get the same cen­sur'd.

WHen Publick tranquillity was restor'd to the Kingdom, by the Peace concluded at Ruel, in the begining of April 1649. we desir'd nothing so much, as to see this Blessing accompani'd with the particular benefit of establishment of good order in our Faculty, by the execution of its Statutes, and of the A [...]rests of Parliament, which I have spoken of. For which end it was requisite for a survey to be made of all that had pass'd in our Assemblies, to the infringement thereof, and of the Petitions which M. de Roux and I had presented, for obtain­ing reparation of injuries, done us by M. Cornet in the Conclusions of the Faculty, which he penn'd and drew up according to his own pleasure. But the remembrance of the particular divisions and animosi­ties which had been rais'd amongst the Doctors, by occasion of the prosecution us'd by us for the execu­tion of the said Arrests, and establishment of our Statutes and discipline, causing us to fear if we be­gan the same prosecutions again, they would a­waken our division, and raise a new combustion, (wherewith we were threatned by the Mendicant Doctors, who dar'd to tell M. Brousel and M. Talon Advocate general to their faces, that they would dye martyrs rather then consent to withdraw from our Assemblies, and that ere they would be brought to it, there should be made new barricadoes, which perhaps would prove more dangerous then those made the foregoing year) we thought our selves oblig'd to defer our prosecutions, till we saw the minds of men more calmed from the storm which was but begun to cease.

We continu'd living with this restraint and cir­cumspection, and prefer'd the sweetness of the tran­quillity in which the faculty seem'd to breath, before its greatest interests and our own; when M. Cornet wholly disturb'd this peace by the Propositions, which he produc'd in the Assembly of 1 July 1649. and requir'd the Faculty to debate upon.

Though this design had been fram'd above a year before, as I observ'd by the Clause put at the end of the Conclusion, made the same day of the foregoing year, concerning the affair of F. Veron; yet it was not taken notice of till this day, when the concourse of Doctors both regular and secular, whom M. Cornet had drawn from all parts (themselves not knowing for what cause) began to cause suspicion that they were not thus resorted in so great a number, but for some considerable matter to be done. M. Cornet himself seem'd more musing and pensive then ordinary; and although he had as much leisure as needed to make that extraordinary resolution familiar to himself, yet he hesitated & seem'd at a losse when he was upon the point of putting it in execution; as if God thereby gave him some presage of the dreadful mischief he was about to cause to the Church by the said propo­sal. When he was beginning to break the matter assoon as the usual supplicates and relations were finish'd, after he had half open'd his mouth twice or thrice, he stop'd and cast his eyes upon the ground, then lifting them up again, he turn'd to­ward the door of the Assembly from which he was very distant (for this Assembly was held in the great Hall of the Sorbonne) and seeing the door a very litle open, he commanded him that kept it to shut it close.

At length, after he had remain'd a good while in suspense, and held the Assembly a sufficiently long time in expectation of what he had to propound, he began and said, That he had for the time past us'd his utmost endevour to maintain quiet and unity in the Faculty, and that his affection to preserve the same perpetually, had made him condescend to sign several Theses, in which it was well known some went about to introduce new opinions; but he had conniv'd thereat, and comply'd as much as he could, in hope to remedy the same by gentlenesse; have­ing, to a void dissatisfyng any, contented himself onely with adding to such Theses what he judg'd necessary to keep the truth from being injur'd, and the decrees of the Faculty from being violated. That at present he saw all his fair carriage and pati­ence were unprofitable; that the same were abus'd against his intention; that his own silence, and that also of the Faculty, was taken for a tacite ap­probation of the said opinions. Wherefore he conceiv'd he could not in conscience connive longer at such disorders without advertising the Faculty thereof, and beseeching them to apply thereto such remedies as were necessary: That the mischief was proceeded so far, that in June last, after he had cor­rected a Thesis of a Bachelor, the said Bachelor did not, in his Act, defend it as it was corrected and printed, but as himseif had fram'd it at first; and that the President of the Act did not dispute against him upon the said Thesis as it was corrected and printed, but according to the declaration made vivâ voce by the Bachelor of his sence in maintain­ing the same. That there hapned in the same Act, a thing not wont to be done in the Faculty, name­ly, for a Doctor to speak from the Hearers seats when there is a President of the Act, and that M. de Sainte Beuve had not forborn to do it in this. That the liberty taken by the Bachelor had gone yet further, in as much as the said Bachelor had caus'd a Thesis to be printed otherwise then it had been corrected for him. That unlesse the Faculty remedied this unheard of boldnesse, neither order nor submission was longer to be hop'd for among the Bachelors. That he hop'd they might be all reduc'd to the terms of their duty, if the Faculty would please to declare their judgement concerning some Propositions which occasion'd all the disorders, and excited all those heats and contentions. That the propositions of that kind were few, and he con­ceiv'd might all be reduc'd to six or seven principal ones; which he also rehearsed. The five, which have since made so great a noise, were the first. There was also this, Omnia Infidelium opera sunt peccata; and another touching Repentance. At the end of his discourse, he requir'd the Faculty to deliberate upon what he had propounded, and en­treated [Page 11] that for Commissioners to be nominated they would principally choose the Professors.

M. de Sainte Beuve being present at this Assem­bly, and finding himself accus'd by M. Cornet of have­ing spoken from the Hearers seats in the said Act, thought himself oblig'd to informe the Fa­culty in what manner he had done so.

M. Mulot presided as Dean at that time, and as­soon as M. de Sainte Beuve made shew of going to speak, he interrupted him in anger, and told him he should do better to teach (as he ought) the receiv'd Doctrines, then to give scandal to the world by his writing and make a combustion, as he did.

When M. Mulot had ended, M. de Sainte Beuve resum'd his speech, and said, that it hapning in that Act that a Bachelor disputing (who is since known to have been set on purposely to raise that quar­rel) had divers times call'd the Respondent Per­fidious and Perjur'd, because as said the Disputant, the Respondent's Thesis was full of doctrines con­demn'd by the Faculty; he thought himself oblig'd (being the most antient Doctor present in the Audi­tory, and the others intreating him) to tell the Disputant, that the Faculty took it ill that he gave the Respondent ill language, and condemn'd Propositions contain'd in a Thesis signed by the Syndic and the President of the Act. That which M. de Sainte Beuve did, happens not every day, but hath been often practis'd, when occasions made it necessary and convenient; as when silence was sundry times impos'd by the Auditory to F. Arnould the King's Confessor, whom the deceas'd Prince of Condé would cause to dispute in a Tentative Question.

M. de Sainte Beuve having thus justifi'd what he had done, M. Mulot reply'd some cholerick words against him, and then betook himself to put M. Cornet's proposals under deliberation.

M. Messier advis'd that the Propositions men­tion'd by M. Cornet should be examin'd, and to that end nominated for Deputies or Commissioners out of the Colledge of Sorbon, M. Hennequin, M. Morel, and M. Grandin; out of that of Navarre, M. Pereyret, and M. Capellas, and moreover M. Bail, M. Pignay, and F. Nicholaï a Jacobine. M. Messier in nominating these Deputies, hesitated like a man that sought them in his memory, and to whom they had been suggested before, and indeed he forgot one of them. M. Henriot who spoke second, re­dress'd the inconvenience; for having been desir'd at his going out of the Chappel, to go up to M. Mulot's Chamber, and there told that it was mate­rial, in relation to an affair which M. Cornet had to propound, to nominate such and such Deputies; for fear lest his memory should fail him, he desir'd their names in writing, which were given him in a Note written by M. le Moine's hand, as the Doctors behind him perceiv'd, (and amongst others M. Hodencq) in which Note (which he drew out of his pocket when he was to speak) besides those nam'd by M. Messier, was also written the name of M. Gauquelin of Navarre, whom M. Messier had forgotten. Him M. Henriot nam'd with the other, and upon this sole nomination, he was, by the Con­clusion, taken into the number of Deputies, though he was at that time in the Country, and almost all the other Doctors that nominated Deputies for this businesse, not observing the difference between the votes of M. Messier and M. Henriot, had in theirs barely follow'd M. Messier. M. Pereyret who voted the third, took better notice of the difference; for in his vote he nam'd those that were nam'd both by M. Messier, and by M. Henriot; but so it was, that the Doctors his adherents did not observe it. For had they markt it, they would not have fail'd to have said the same. M. Pereyret added besides, that he doubted not but amongst the Propositions men­tion'd by the Syndic, there were some manifestly Heretical, and which needed no examination in or­der to their being condemn'd.

M. Coppin said, that if these matters were to be examin'd, it behov'd that it should be by all the Doctors in general; that it was not an affair for Deputies; that it was fit every particular Doctor should have a copy of the Propositions given him, to examine the same at leisure, and come prepar'd to deliver their Judgements thereof.

Some there were so zealous in seconding M. Cornet, that they gave advice for an extraordinary Assembly on the 15. day of the month, wherein to receive the report concerning the Propositions, and determine the whole controversie. On the other side, M. Chappellas and F. Nicholaï seem'd very re­serv'd, and said, Nothing was to be done with preci­pitancy. M. Bourgeois said, he conceiv'd that the affair whereof the Syndic made proposal, was per­haps the greatest and most important the Faculty ever had; that M. Cornet had set afoot Propositions upon which General Councils and the Holy See had abstain'd from pronouncing a definitive judgement, though the same matters had been ventilated before them; that there needed very much study, reading, meditation, leisure, and prayers to understand the same perfectly, and far more to passe any judgement upon them; that therefore his advice was, that every one would imploy himself seriously in study­ing them, before they spoke of making any determi­nation upon them, or of nominating Deputies to make report thereof to the Faculty.

M. de Hodencq testifi'd some indignation at the precipitancy and partiality with which they went about to handle this affair; and because he saw a de­sign in the choyce, which was made of persons all addicted to one side, he aim'd to make them sensible of the injustice by a quite contrary nomination; and therefore said, that if the Propositions must be examin'd, he should depute to that imployment M. Chastellain, M. Coppin, M. Bachelier, M. Bourgeois, and M. Retart.

M. de Launoy also nominated Deputies wholly different from both sides; he chose persons whose names I will not relate, because they were all so little capable of such matters, that one of them, otherwise a very honest and intelligent man, hear­ing himself nam'd for this businesse, became offend­ed at it, and pray'd M. de Launoy not to mock him.

M. de Sainte Beuve said, the motion of M. Cornet to bring the Propositions he spoke of under exami­nation, was made without any necessity; since, having no other foundation but the carriage of the Batchelors he complain'd of, it was certain that if at any time they put any thing ill into their Thesis, the Syndic had full power to expunge it before they caus'd the same to be printed; and if afterwards they let any thing fall in their Disputations con­trary to the correction of their Thesis, it was the duty of the Syndic to complain thereof, and of the Faculty to punish them; That as for the matter of [Page 12] the Propositions produc'd by M. Cornet, it was not lawfull for us to pronounce judgement thereof, but that we ought to leave liberty to Divines, ac­cording to the determination of Paul V. conse­quently to the Congregation de auxiliis, this very matter being then under consideration, though it was endeavour'd to be disguis'd. Neverthelesse if the resolution of the Facul [...]y tended to take them in hand, he desir'd that some Propositions which him­self should propound, should likewise be examin'd; and accordingly he forthwith mention'd divers. M. Cornet instantly accepted the offer, and sundry others by his example signifi'd their assent there­unto. After which M. de Sainte Beuve spoke against the artifice wherewith M. Cornet had made his motion, and said, that it was not necessary to pronounce concerning the possibility of keeping Gods Commandements by the righteous, it being concluded de fide by the Council of Trent, that they are possible; that all Catholicks were agreed here­in, because, Possibile est quod per gratiam possibile est. Now, said he, none but a Heretick denyes that by grace they are possible. That the Question was, Whether all the righteous have alwayes all grace necessary to keep them, and without the which it cannot be done. That in this point the Schoole was divided, Molina holding the Affirmative, and the Disciples of S. Augustine and S. Thomas (who ac­knowledge grace effectual by it self, necessary to every action) holding the Negative. That the case was the same concerning that other Proposition, about resisting Internal Grace. In respect of Infi­dels, he said it was de fide, that Infidels can dispose themselves for the Grace of Baptism; but that the Question was, Whether without grace they can do any thing morally good, or any virtuous action; non solum quantum ad officium, sed etiam quantum ad rectum finem. As for the point, Of Satisfaction, that there was no Divine but acknowledg'd it an error to say it ought of necessity to precede Absolu­tion; that Sextus IV. had condemn'd it; but that the Question was, Whether it be not convenient in many cases not to give Absolution immediately after Confession. To conclude, M. de Sainte Beuve so clearly and in so Orthodox a sense explain'd the Propositions, that the Dominicans, who spoke after him, especially F. Bernard Guyart, being convinc'd that he had reduc'd them all to the Capital point of Grace effectual by it self, necessary by it self to every pious action, and consequently that it was that Grace which was struck at, nam'd him to be one of the Deputies.

M. Retart in his advice, recall'd the memory of F. Veron's affair, spoken of above: He said, that when the several maximes and scandalous injuries vented by that Father in his Libel, were question'd, M. Pereyret and most of those in this Assembly that nam'd Deputies for the examination of M. Cornet's Propositions, were of opinion that the said Book could not be medled with, because the censure of it could not be made without holding the Faculty im­ploy'd above ten years, by reason of the connexion of F. Veron's Propositions with the matters of Grace and Repentance, upon which nothing could be pro­nounc'd without first examining S. Augustine, Jan­senius, Petrus Aurelius, M. Arnauld, the Gospel; and that he wonder'd how this was become in a years time so easie to decide. This argument very much press'd M. Pereyret and the rest of his party. M. Pereyret went to wave it off, by interrupting M. Retart about the word Gospel, denying that he com­pris'd it amongst the things he then said were requi­site to be examin'd. M. Retart on the contrary maintain'd that he did comprise it; whereupon M. Pereyret held his peace, and M. Retart concluded that the same reasons which at that time induc'd the Faculty to lay aside the examination of F. Veron's Libel, still holding and being much more valid and evident in the case of the Propositions produc'd by M. Cornet, in which S. Augustine's doctrine is con­cern'd, it was his advice that the examination there­of be deferr'd.

M. Guillebert said, that to perform the examina­tion aright, requir'd a man of great leasure, great labour, and great reading; that M. Coqueret, who complain'd that M. Launoy nam'd him for the em­ployment, and so excus'd himself from it, had acted with very great prudence, in regard of his great businesses; and that his modesty deserv'd to be commended, and to serve for an example to others.

M. Marcan press'd again very vigorously the ar­gument from the Conclusion made the foregoing year, upon F. Veron's Libel, which M. Retart had us'd against M. Pereyret. He represented, as also divers others had done, the importance this affair was of, it concerning the doctrine of S. Augustine, so often authoriz'd by Popes and Councils, and so generally follow'd in all ages by all Catholick Di­vines, which it was just before all things to put out of danger of all impeachment. He said, (as also some Doctors had done before him) that it was not the custome of the Faculty to examine Propo­sitions without noting the places from whence they were taken, and mentioning the Authors which deliver'd them, to the end every one might under­stand in the places themselves the meaning of the Authors. That M. Cornet did not declare whence he took those he produc'd, which he desir'd him to declare; and that till he had done so, he could neither consent to their examination, nor take any more expresse resolution upon his motion. He added, That it was neverthelesse well enough dis­cern'd, that under pretext of those Propositions Jansenius was aim'd at, and that the design was to cause the censure to fall one day upon that Author. But M. Cornet (who desir'd to divert and stiflle this thought in the Faculty as much as he could) being surpris'd to hear M. Marcan speak in that manner, and making use of some sway of authority which he had formerly had, and thought he had still over him, conceiv'd he might hinder him from speaking fur­ther of it, by intimating to him in one word, that he was not pleas'd therewith. Wherefore as soon as M. Marcan had nam'd Jansenius, M. Cornet was mov'd to tell him hastily, though civilly too, That the Question was not about him, and consequently that he ought not to speak of him; Non agitur, (said he to him) de Jansenio, Domine mi. But M. Marcan notwithstanding his very modest and respectfull temper, had no regard to what M. Cornet said to him; he did violence to himself by proceed­ing, in behalf of the truth which he knew, beyond the respects which engag'd and subjected him to M. Cornet, and continu'd firm in his opinion, which he reiterated in answering to what M. Cornet said to him, which thing as much astonish'd M. Cornet, as any other that pass'd in this Assembly.

To what was spoken by all the rest he held his peace: They might represent what they would, he [Page 13] continu'd silent, letting the Suffrages passe along; and being well assur'd that such as were come to this Assembly to promote his design, consider'd not what others might say, but only what themselves came to do, and what the intentions were of those that sent them.

When I deliver'd my sentence, I said that M. Cornet's care would have been much better imploy'd in seeing to the publication of the censure of Father Bauny's Book, (which was pass'd so long agoe, as was so necessary in this age to stop the enormity of Usuries which that Author teaches so confidently) then to require a new one upon the matters he pro­pos'd. But if it were necessary to make any exa­mination hereof, I should not gain-say it, provided all things were done according to our Statutes, Customes, and the Arrests of Parliament; because should those be violated in any thing (I us'd that passage, Nisi omnia fiant in pondere, numero & men­sura, which I repeat here, because M. Cornet who cited it in the Conclusion he drew up, left out the word numero; which related to the excessive num­ber of Religious Mendicants that were there) I should think my self bound to make opposition thereunto upon every occasion; and that I saw at that present sundry things that gave me cause to do so; I accordingly oppos'd the same as far as was needfull.

M. Mulot the Dean, however, concluded, accor­ding to the plurality of Suffrages, that the Proposi­tions should be examin'd, and that the persons no­minated by M. Messier and M. Henriot were deputed to that purpose. It was further added, that a copy of them should be given to every Doctor to debate thereupon at the next Assembly of the first of August; that in the mean time the Deputies should conferre together about them, and should summon before them the Bachelor of whom the Syndic complain'd for having printed in his Thesis the Pro­positions which he had corrected for him.

CHAP. VII.

Of what pass'd during the rest of the month of July, consequently to the de­putation of the Doctors nominated by the Faculty for examining the Propo­sitions.

I Have not hitherto set down the six or seven Pro­positions, to which M. Cornet said all the contro­versies might be reduc'd, because I judg'd it better to reserve them for this place, and represent them as they were printed in the Chartels distributed to the Doctors five or six dayes after at a Doctor's Act, which occasion was made use for the more commodious distribution. But I took notice of that concerning the works of Unbelievers, which he mention'd and requir'd the examination of, Omnia infidelium opera sunt peccata; because its not being found in these distributed Chartels, is a certain evi­dence of the liberty M. Cornet took to adde or dimi­nish in the Faculties Conclusions. The like dealing he us'd in reference to the Propositions which M. de Sainte Beuve demanded to be examin'd also, in case the Faculty would examine the former; for he put but one of them into the Ticket, which is the last, and concerns Attrition; but M. de Sainte Beuve was so far from restraining himself to that alone, that on the contraty, he propos'd sundry more upon the place; and yet all were but a sample, and as it were a spark of such as he thought more necessary to be examin'd, then those of M. Cornet. Where­fore after M. Cornet himself, and almost the whole Faculty with him, had consented to the examination of M. de Sainte Beuve's Propositions, it behov'd ac­cording to order and justice, to have desir'd a copy of them from him, and added the same to that of M. Cornet.

However see here the form in which they were all printed and distributed in the Tickets I spoke of, there being no intimation of a pretence that they were taught and deliver'd by any Author, M. Cornet not only not naming any in the Assembly, but also declaring that he did not meddle with Jansenius.

  • 1. Aliqua Dei praecepta hominibus justis volentibus & conantibus secundum praesentes quas habent vires, sunt impossibilia: deest quoque iis Gratia, quâ possibilia fiant.
  • 2. Interiori Gratiae in statu naturae lapsae nunquam resistitur.
  • 3. Ad merendum & demerendum in statu naturae lapsae non requiritur in homine libertas à necessi­tate, sed sufficit libertas à coactione.
  • 4. Semipelagiani admittebant praevenientis Gratiae interioris necessitatem ad singulos actus, etiam ad initium fidei; & in hoc erant Haeretici, quod vellent eam Gratiam talem esse cui posset humand voluntas resistere vel obtemperare.
  • 5. Semipelagianorum error est dicere Christum pro omnibus omnino hominibus mortuum esse aut san­guinem fudisse.
  • 6. Sensit olim Ecclesia privatam Sacramentalem poenitentiam pro occultis peccatis non sufficere.
  • 7. Naturalis Attritio sufficit ad Sacramentum poenitentiae.

The accusations made by M. Cornet against the Bachelors he spoke of, were nothing but vain pre­texts, upon which he endeavour'd to ground his de­sign of getting these Propositions condemn'd, which he sought to colour by some seeming occasion. For indeed the Bachelor he complain'd of, had main­tain'd nothing at all in his answers but what M. Cornet had approv'd in expresse termes by his signa­ture or subscription; and so far was it from being true, that he had caus'd any other thing to be prin­ted in his Thesis but what M. Cornet had sign'd for him, that on the contrary M. Cornet having, long after he had sign'd for him a Proposition of very great importance, bethought himself to bid him ex­punge it; the said Bachelor obey'd him without any repugnance, though a great part of his Thesis were already printed. Whence the said Deputies, though so chosen as I have declar'd, and sifting very narrowly in their private Assemblies the busi­nesse about the Bachelors, found nothing reflecting upon them to make report of to the Faculty.

They were lesse favourable to the Propositions. For in some private meetings which they had during the said moneth to advise amongst themselves about them, almost all concluded upon their condemnati­on. But it is material to consider, in what manner [Page 14] they proceeded to their examination. My know­ledge of which I gather'd partly out of two Letters still in my hands, partly out of an Article touching the Abusive Courses joyn'd to a Petition mention'd hereafter, which we presented against the said De­putation; and partly out of what M. Hennequin, the Dean, spoke about that subject upon a remarkable occasion in the face of the Parliament, as I shall re­port in due place.

The first of those Letters was written by a Do­ctor who was in a Coach with M. Chappellas one day as they return'd from S. Denis, where they had been present at a Service which the Masters and Boursers of the College of Navarre are accustom'd to celebrate every year in that Church for the re­pose of the souls of the King and Queen who foun­ded their College. M. Brousse, M. Taignier, and M. Tallendier were there, and 'tis one of these three that writ it. See what it saith. — It was signifi'd of M. Chappellas, of what consequence the Judgement was, which all the Deputies nam'd with him for exami­ning the Propositions, were about to make. It was told him, that it was a shamefull thing to go about determi­ning an affair of that consequence in so little space, and exposing S. Augustin to the Censure at a time when Hereticks would not fail to heighten all faults commit­ted by Catholick Doctors. Hereunto M. Chappellas answer'd, That he very well understood the consequence of such a Judgement; that himself had made a display thereof to all the Examiners in an Assembly held at M. Bouvot's house, in declaring to them, that the Propositions not being taken out of any Book that ap­pear'd, and having much affinity with opinions not con­demn'd but still receiv'd in the Church, it would be very difficult to passe any judgement upon them, un­lesse they were compar'd with those opinions, and the books explicating the said opinions were examin'd; that for his part, he conceiv'd it necessary for this reason that the examination of the Propositions should proceed in that manner. He answer'd further, that he very well un­derstood the connexion of these Propositions with the doctrine of S. Augustin, and of the first amongst the rest (it being that, whereof they had already debated) that he had represented the same to the Examiners, and shewn, that in the doctrine of the said Saint it behoo­ved to acknowledge a Differencing Grace which comes from God, and consentaneous to the truth of that sacred Oracle, Quis te discernit? Quid habes, &c. That this Grace is not given to all the Just, but only to such as fulfill the Commandements, by which Grace they are made to differ from those that do not fulfill them, that it behooveth also to acknowledge that this Grace is absolutely necessary to perform the command of God; seeing that without the same, he that performs it cannot be made to differ from him that performs it not, saving by the strength of his own will; which is a manifest er­ror: and consequently that it was necessary to use very great circumspection in this Proposition. — He told us further, that here he was interrupted, and told that he was not to trouble himself, whether the Proposi­tions were S. Augustines, or had any affinity with his doctrine, or with that of any other Catholick Doctors; that it suffic'd to consider the same according to the de­terminations of the Council of Trent, and the Holy Scripture, and to find what affinity they have with the Doctrine of such Hereticks as have been condemned by that Sacred Council; that this was the sole rule which it behooved them to follow in their judgement up­on those Five Propositions; that to stand upon S. Au­gustin's or any other Catholick Doctor's doctrine, were to engage in such inexplicable difficulties, as would hinder them from making any judgement at all thereof: That to this, he remonstrated that the judgements of the Church were not made otherwise then by considering what the Holy Scriptures, and the Councils, and the Holy Fathers had said concerning the matters to be judg'd of, that the Church alwayes thought her self ob­lig'd to follow the doctrine of the Holy Fathers as con­stituting a part of Tradition; that the Faculty was not higher then the Church, and therefore it behoov'd it to conform to the rules of its mother, and to consider the Holy Fathers as well as she doth; and because this first Proposition's affinity with the Doctrine of S. Augu­stin, he persisted in his first sentiment, that it behoov'd to consider S. Augustines doctrine, together with the Holy Scriptures and the Council of Trent. Ʋpon this Remonstrance some of the Examiners seeming willing to proceed, as if what he said were nothing but his single opinion, he assur'd us that he insisted upon the maintai­ning what he had deliver'd, and hinder'd them from passing further. Whereupon the Examiners, seeing him resolute to have S. Augustin's doctrine consider'd as a rule (in part) of the Censure they design'd to passe upon the Propositions, broke up this Assembly.

I shall adde one thing very considerable, namely, that he told us one of the Examiners brought into this meeting the determination of the First Proposition, and the condemnation he intended to make thereof. And upon my telling him that I believ'd it was M. Perey­ret, he reply'd nothing to me; So that it's easie to judge that the said determination of the Five Propo­sitions was before-hand fram'd by them who maliciously compos'd them. I intreat you to make use of this te­stimony, and averre it before whom you shall think meet; I assure you it is very sincere, and I will make it good in presence of any person whatsoever.

The second Letter speaks of another Occurrence in the auditory of the Sorbonne, between M. Launoy and F. Nicolaï, at which M. Grandin was present also. Take it as it followeth. — I think my self oblig'd to give you some intelligence which may be usefull in the cause you defend. I have amongst my Notes one remark which lately I made, namely that the Deputies who were to censure the Five Propositions within a moneths time, triumph'd in the Auditory of the Sorbonne, as being assur'd of the carrying of their cause, for that they had made themselves the Judges thereof. Father Nicolai a Dominican, and one of those Deputies, discoursing with M. Launoy a very eminent Doctor of our Faculty, said, That the intention of the Deputies was not to consider whether the Five Proposi­tions had affinity with the doctrine of St. Augustin or no, but only what affinity they have with the doctrine of the Hereticks that have been condemned by the Council of Trent; that there is no obligation to receive S. Au­gustines doctrine or propose it to themselves for a Rule in the judgement of the Faculty; and therefore it is not to be stood upon. Ʋpon M. de Launoy's answer­ing him, that S. Augustin's doctrine was never con­demn'd, and that it was twelve hundred years old, and that therefore it was not fit that Doctors who were not seventy five should undertake to condemn it; That Fa­ther reply'd, that what ever was contrary to the Coun­cil of Trent, and the Holy Scriptures, was likely to be condemn'd; and that there would be no speech of any particular persons doctrine, but only the Five Proposi­tions. M. de Launoy gave him an account how S. Augustine's doctrine stands in reference to the first Pro­position; and told him after his pleasant way, That S. Augustin was too old to be plac'd upon the seats of [Page 15] the Doctors in Divinity of the Faculty of Paris, F. Ni­colai answer'd, that this doctrine taken in the sense of Hereticks deserves to be condemn'd; but that the busi­nesse in hand is only about censuring or judging of Five Propositions.

M. Grandin said that there was no obligation to follow S. Augustin; and mention'd some opinions of S. Augustin which ought not to be follow'd now. Which is a shamefull evasion, and unworthy of a Christian man. Thus you have what is in my memory; make use of it as of a thing very certain, and testify'd to you by him who is, &c.

As for the Abusive Courses upon which we grounded our Petition, of which I shall speak be­low; amongst ten compris'd in a Memorial annex'd to that Petition, the third ran thus. The Faculty hath not given power to the said Deputies for any of them to act in the absence of the rest, and neverthelesse they never are together, and have not forborn to pro­ceed. M. Pignay after the first Assembly retir'd dis­satisfy'd, and repair'd thither no more. M. Chappel­las withdrew himself after the second conference, be­cause he having gainsay'd him that gave his opinion be­fore him, and branded the First Proposition of Heresie, (the said M. Chappellas maintaining the same to be Catholick and S. Augustines) neverthelesse the plu­rality concluded that it was heretical. M. Gauque­lin arriv'd at the meeting in the middle of the examina­tion, and having seen the proceeding held therein, would be present at it no more. M. Hennequin assisted not at the last Assembly where the Deputies sign'd the Re­sult in the presence of M. the Dean, who was present there to conclude, though he had not been at the other As­semblies. For there is a Law which begins, Si duo ex tribus, &c. which forbids some Commissioners to proceed in the absence of the rest, unlesse their commis­sion expresly allow it. Duo ex tribus Judicibus, uno absente, judicare non possunt; quippe omnes judicare jussi sunt. D. de re judicata, L. 39.

CHAP. VIII.

Of the Writings which were publish'd du­ring the same moneth of July by the Disciples of S. Augustin touching the Propositions.

BEfore this moneth expir'd, books were publish'd concerning the subject of the Propositions which M. Cornet had presented to the Faculty. One was intitul'd, Molinae Collatorumque adversus S. Au­gustini doctrinam apparatus. Another began with these words, In nomine Domini. And a third had this title, Considerations upon the enterprise made by Master Nicholas Cornet. In each of those three Works complaint was made of the maliciousnesse wherewith these Propositions were fram'd, and render'd capable of divers senses very opposite, of which some were certainly Catholick, and the other evidently Heretical; to the end that being expos'd to examination, they might be condemn'd un­der pretext of the heretical senses which they might include; and that when under the said pre­text the authors of the said design should have obtain'd a censure thereof, they might apply the same as should seem good to themselves, and cause it to fall upon the Catholick sense, which they also admitted; and which M. Cornet and his Complices principally aim'd at, though they durst not declare themselves against the same.

Of these books, especially The Considerations, some were given to the Examiners before they had ended their private meetings; they were likewise given to all the Doctors they could be deliver'd to, before the first of August. And I cannot sufficiently wonder, how, (considering the clearnesse where­with the disguise and artifice of those deceitfull pro­positions and the deplorable sequels of the whole attempt is therein laid open) neverthelesse the be­ginners of it could be more obstinate in it, then at first; and how such as they had perverted could be as inclin'd as themselves to conclude in the assembly of the first of August, upon a condemnation not lesse ambiguous then the Propositions themselves, had there been nothing else to hinder them from do­ing so, but these Books.

Those Works might deserve to be inserted here intire, for the importance of the things contained in them, and especially for the undeceiving of such as have ben kept in a belief, that we have some­times absolutely maintain'd the said Propositions. For they might see in every page of them, that we spoke at first of the Propositions as we have done since, namely, as equivocal, fallacious, ambiguous, fram'd with cunning, to render them capable of di­vers senses very opposite, whereof some are most certainly Catholick, and the other most evidently heretical. But I will content my self with reciting some lines out of that of the Considerations, which shall clearly manifest what I say, even to persons most obstinate and prejudic'd. The 22. & 23. ar­ticle of those Considerations run in these terms.

XXII.

Moreover, it is clear that they have gone about to encounter. S. Augustin like Foxes, not like Lions; and that to cover the shame of making themselves Masters and Censors of the greatest Master of the whole Church next S. Paul in these matters, and together with him of the Popes, Councils, and of all antiquity, they have express'd the Propositions in ambiguous and confus'd words; that so being true in one sense and false in another, they might excuse themselves to intelligent men, by saying, that they intended only to condemn the evil that was in them without purposing to wound S. Augustin, and at the same time decry them before the simple and ig­norant (which are the greatest number) for abso­lutely condemn'd as well in the sense of S. Augu­stin, which is that which they chiefly design to ru­ine, as according to the other.

XXIII.

This is seen clearly in the first Proposition, Aliqua Dei praecepta, &c. which according to S. Augustin and the Bishop of Ipre (who hath hand­led and excellently explicated it by a multitude of clear and indubitable passages) hath no other meaning but this, that the Righteous are not al­wayes in one and the same disposition, nor in the same internal vigour, but that they are sometimes so weak that they cannot prevail with themselves to do those things which are their duty, although they know God commands the same, and they have a desire to do them, as it is manifest by S. Paul, who cryes out, that he cannot do the good [Page 16] which he would, according to the explication of the Fathers. In this sence, so true and so conformable not only to S. Augustin and the Scripture, but also to the ordinary Prayers of the Church, and the con­tinual experience of the greatest Saints, and of all such as endeavour to serve God faithfully, this Proposition cannot receive any impeachment from envy it self. But being taken after another sort, and according to the Letter, it may signifie another thing, namely that there are Commandments of God which the righteous can never keep by the strength which is given them in this present life, what grace soever God communicates to them, and whatsoever will they may have to performe the same, which is an Error and a Heresie advanc'd by Calvin, in as much as it makes the Command­ments of God absolutely impossible in this world: In the mean time, this is one of the sences intended to be put upon this Proposition to render it odious, and to make the people and ignorants believe, that it is what S. Augustine and his Disciples teach. For it was propos'd in the same termes under the names of Luther and Calvin, in the Theses Claromontanae An. 1644. Jan. 4. Concl. 18. Sacri [...]ega est & impia Calvini Lutheri (que) sententia (Calv. in Antid. in cap. 12. Sess. 6. Luth. in Latom.) qua statuunt, esse in lege gratiae quaedam hom ni praecepta, illi secundum statum is vires in quibus constitutus est, im­possibilia; & eam impotentiam eti­am in fidelibus reperiri; nec tan­tum quando nolunt praecepta imple­re, sed etiam quando volunt? Cal­vinus in Antid. Concil. Trid. Sess. 6. cap. 12. Mihi sufficit nominem extit [...]sse unquam qui legi Dei satis­f cerit, nec ullum posse inveniri. Ibid. Apostolus proculdubio signifi­cat impares fuisse ab initio uni­versos mortales legis observationi, hodié (que) esse. infamous The­ses of the Colledge of Clermont, which the Nuntio caus'd the Je­suites to retract. And 'tis clear, that Calvin in the same place which is cited in those Theses maintains only the er­ror and heresie before observ'd; namely, That 'tis impossible, not on­ly for the generality of believers, but even for the greatest Saints, the Prophets and Patriarks to keep the Law of God, however strong a will they have to perform it, and whatever ayd they receive from the spirit of God, Ʋtcunque Dei spiritu adjuventur; and that there never was a person who did or was able to do that which God commanded him, nor ever shall be any such. So that of a Proposition which is particular in all its points, is made a Proposition universal in all the same points; and instead of saying that some Righteous are sometimes under a disability of performing some Commandement, which themselves have done, and perhaps will do soon after; and that such disability proceedeth from their willing but weakly, and God's not strengthning them with his grace, (as he hath done and will do hereafter, as it is always to be hop'd) S. Augustin and the Bishop of Jpré are made to say with Calvin, that all the Righteous are allwayes under a disability towards God's com­mandments, and that no grace ever delivers them from it, how great soever such grace be, and what ever desire they have to accomplish the same. And this is one of the branches of conformity which those good Judges finde between the do­ctrine of S. Augustin and that of Calvin.

And in the continuation of this Article beginning to speak of the other Propositions, the mention'd Work saith of the second, that it is as captious as the prece­ding; of the third, that it is yet more openly fallacious; of the fourth, that it is as full of obscurity and dark­ness as the rest; of the fifth, that it containes an arti­fice and subtlety so visibly borrow'd from the Semipela­gians, that it is strange they have not been asham'd to make use of it publickly in so important an occasion. After which it explicates particularly the diversity of sences whereof they are contriv'd capable. It declares in such expresse terms both those which it maintaines to be Catholick, and those which it acknowledges to be false and heretical, that it is hard for one to speak more clearly upon any sub­ject. It showes next that those ambiguities and ob­scurities wherewith the Propositions are cover'd and intricated, have been affected, to surprise the Faculty and ingage it in a Censure, in which the Doctrine of S. Augustin would be involv'd. It layes open the exorbitancy of this Attempt which strikes not only at S. Augustin, but at the Popes, the Holy Fathers, the Councils, and the whole Church in general, of which that Saint was the voice and instrument against the Hereticks he in­counter'd. It explicates the dismal consequences which are likely to happen from a condemnation of this nature, if it be made. It offers to verefy all that it delivers, in order thereunto to enter into a fair conference vivâ voce or by writing, before all sorts of persons not only learned, but barely rational and intelligent. And lastly it consents to hold for refuted and condemn'd the whole book of Jansenius, if they will only examine the Chapter from whence it taxes them to have taken the first Proposition by making notable alterations thereof; if they will undertake an exact confutation of that single Chap­ter; if they can show any difference between that which Jansenius mantaines there, and the Doctrine of S. Augustin, out of which he there recites a great number of passages upon which that Author grounds all that he saith; and if they can answer any thing to those passages which is not ridiculous and impertinent in the judgment of learned men. But this Work and two other were to as little pur­pose as if they had not been written; they were not consider'd at all; they were answer'd only with silence; and all the strength there was in them serv'd only to render the Authors and partisans of this enterprise more inexcusable before God and men.

CHAP. IX.

Of what pass'd in the Assembly of the Fa­culty on the first of August following and the rest of that moneth, touching a Petition which we presented to the Parliament against the enterprise of M. Cornet.

VVHen I perceiv'd that such bright and illustrous evidences produc'd no change, that the Deputies continu'd acting after the same manner in their private meetings, that they were prepar'd to make their Report on the first of Au­gust, and that many other Doctors impatiently wait­ed for that Report and day, that they might see the Propositions condemn'd without any distinction or explication of sense; I believ'd my self oblig'd to prevent it by turning the opposition I had made a­gainst that Designe on the first of July, and wherein [Page 17] I continu'd all that moneth, into an Appeal against Abuses. I made the same accordingly on the last of the said moneth by an Act which I took thereof be­fore Notaries, the Draught whereof remain'd with M. Hervi, one of those before whom it was pass'd.

On the Monday following, being the second of August, I caus'd the said Act of Appeal to be signi­fy'd to the Assembly which was held in the Sorbonne by M. Tassin Junior Bedle of the Faculty, who gave notice thereof to all the Doctors then present. Of whom, sixty, all seculars, and one Monastick Au­gustine, judg'd this Appeal so just and important, that they not only approv'd it, but themselves joyn'd therein by another Act pass'd likewise before Notaries. But this was not it chiefly which hin­der'd the Deputies from making their Report, and the Doctors perverted by M. Cornet from conclu­ding the Censure with them that day. The obstruction was, that M. Loysal Curé of S. Jean en Greave and Chancellor of Nostre Dame pretending a right to be President in our Assemblies when any Censure is in hand, was present at this, and took the first place before the Dean was come, who finding it at his comming possess'd, demanded it as appertaining to himself: and in the contest which arose between them about this matter all the time of this Assembly was spent, without possibility of speaking concerning any other thing, notwithstanding all the endeavors M. Cornet and his adherents us'd to bring the Propo­sitions under debate, in order to their condemnation.

Some days pass'd after, which were imploy'd only in drawing up the Petition which we judg'd necessary to present to the Parliament, in order to stop the resolution in which M. Cornet and his Adherents persisted of condemning the Propositions, without making any distinction of the different senses where­of they were capable. It was drawn up and put in­to the hands of M. Broussel to present the same, as it here followeth.

To our Lords of Parliament.

HƲmbly supplicate, Anthony de Heu first Arch­priest of Paris and Curé of S. Severin, Francis Ytier Chastellain Canon of the Church of Paris, Provost of Normandy in the Church of Chartres and Principal of the Colledge of Fortet; Claudius Eme­rets Canon of the Royal Church of S. Quintin, Pe­ter Copin Curé of Vaugirard lez Paris, Elias du Fresne de Mincé Curé of S. Peter de Gonesse, John Rousse Curé of S. Roch, Jerome Bachelier Coun­sellor and Preacher to the King, Archdeacon and Ca­non of the Cathedral Church of Soissons, and Counsel­lor in the Court of the Ecclesiastical Chamber at Paris, Peter le Gendre Curé of Aumale, James Brousse Ca­non of S. Honoré, Anthony de Breda Curé of S. An­drew des Arcs, Charles Meusnier Dean and Canon of the Cathedral Church of Orleans, Nicolas Drujon Canon of the Collegiate Church of S. Bennet at Paris, Alexander de Hodencq Canon of S. Firmin at Ami­ens, John Bourgeois Precentor and Canon of the Ca­thedral Church of Verdun, and Prior of S. Catherine de Loseliere, Henry de Creil Canon of the Cathe­dral Church of Beauvais, James Tirement Canon of the same Church, Francis Heron Prior Commendata­ry of our Lady of Champ Arien, Francis Blondel Curé of S. Hippolite in the Suburb of S. Marcel at Paris, Lewis le Noire Curé of S. Hilary at Paris, Henry Holden, James de Sainté-Beuve Kings Pro­fessor of Divinity in Sorbonne, James de Paris, Pe­ter Sarrazin Canon Theologal in the Cathedral Church of Chartres, Robert Constantin Canon and Arch­deacon of the Cathedral Church of Angiers, Elias Foujeu Descures Archdeacon of Dreux, and Canon in the Cathedral Church of Chartres, Fran­cis Castel Curé of Compan, Claudius Vacquet­te Curé and Prior of Clermont, James Maleude Curé of Groslay lez Paris, Nicolas Gosset Canon and Curé of S. Opportuné, James Esmard, John Guillebert, Michel le Blanc; Renatus de Robbe­ville Canon Theologal; and Chanter of the Cathedral Church of Amiens, Claudius Grenet Curé of S. Ben­net, John Callaghan, Henry du Hamel Curé of S. Mederic, George de Nuilly Canon of the Cathedral Church of Beauvais, Fryer Alipius Roussel a Religi­ous Augustin, Professor of Divinity in the Covent of the lesser Augustins, in the Suburb of S. Germain with the licence of his Provincial, Nicolas D'aignauln Ca­non of S. Cloud, Claudius Taignier, Noel de Lalane Abbot of Valcroissant, John Bapt. de Chassebras Archpriest and Curé of La Magdelaine at Paris, John Banneret Canon of the Cathedral Church of Reimes, Francis Retart Curé of Magny-Lessart lez Paris, Michel Taillandier, John James Dorat, Matthew Feydeau, John L'Abbé, John Bapt. Gaultier, Mathurin Queras, Thomas Fortin, Lewis de Saint-Amour, Michel Dobbaires, John Perou, Claudius le Cappellain, Philip Marcan, Gabriel Dabes, Pe­ter Renier, Michel Moreau Canon of the Cathedral Church of Noyon, Philip de Longeran, Peter Bar­bereau, John Martin, all Doctors in the sacred Facul­ty of Divinity at Paris, to the number of above sixty; SHEWING, That on Thursday the first day of July in the ordinary Assembly of the said Faculty of Divi­nity of Paris, held in the Great Hall of the College of Sorbonne, the said Lewis de Saint-Amour one of the Petitioners oppos'd a Proposal made by M. Nicolas Cornet Doctor and Syndic of the said Faculty to de­bate and condemn the Propositions hereunto annex'd, the said Cornet having to that end caus'd to come in­to the said Assembly many Doctors, Religious and Secular, which he the Syndic and his adherents had summon'd on purpose from their respective houses, in­tending by their number to represent the said Faculty. That notwithstanding the opposition of the said Saint-Amour, the said Cornet and his adherents pass'd on to the said debate, deputed some amongst them to pre­pare the determination and condemnation of the said Pro­positions, and by the said Deputation made and drew up an Act which they endevour to make passe under the name of a Conclusion of the said Faculty; and in pur­suance thereof have had sundry private Meetings, the issue whereof cannot be other then a division very de­structive to the said Faculty: That of the said Opposi­tion an Act hath been made before Notaries by the pro­curement of the said Saint-Amour on the 31. of July last, and by him persisting in the said Opposition, an Appeal also against Abuses hath been made against all that hath been done and pass'd, as well in the said Assembly of the first of July, as in other private ones; and therein charging the same upon both the said M. Nicholas Cornet who propounded and requir'd the de­bating of the said Propositions, and M. John Mulot Doctor and Dean of the said Faculty, who put the af­fair into deliberation; with protestation on the part of the said Saint-Amour to have recourse to the Parlia­ment, to whom alone appertaineth the cognisance and jurisdiction of the said Appeal against Abuses, which Act of Appeal hath also been signifi'd to the said M. Mulot, and Cornet, and to M. Maugin Tassin [Page 18] Junior Bedle, performing the office of Scribe, by Casault Ʋsher of the Parliament on the second day of this present month of August; and neverthelesse the said M. John Mulot Dean, and M. Nicholas Cornet Syndic, with their Adherents, have not forborne to use their utmost endeavours to cause the said Propositions to be debated and condemned in the ordinary Assembly of the second of August aforesaid, which would have been of very dan­gerous consequence, and put all the said Faculty into great trouble, if the greatest part of the Doctors thereof had not for preservation of the peace and honour of their Body, hinder'd the said debate by a better management. And forasmuch as the said M. John Mulot, Nicholas Cornet, and their Adherents, may still continue in the same attempts, and by that means put the said Faculty of Divinity into Division, notwithstanding the said Appeal against Abuses, unlesse provision be made against their so doing; the said Petitioners (whom the said Tassin performing the office of Scribe did in the said Assembly of the second day of the present month of Au­gust advertise of the notice given to him of the said Act of Appeal) have enter'd into communication thereupon, and to prevent the disorders threatned by such attempts, have thought fit to joyn with the said Saint-Amour, and joyntly with him becoming Appellants to this Court, to set forth (as they will do in time and place) the causes and grounds of the said Appeals against Abuses, to the end they thereby be reliev'd upon the whole, according to its accustom'd prudence. Which being consider'd, most honour'd Lords, and withall that it may appear to you by the Propositions hereunto annexed and printed by the procurement of M. Cornet, of what consequence they are; as also that in prejudice to the said Opposition there could not and ought not to have been further pro­ceeding to the said Deputation and private Assemblies; and that all that hath been done is Abusive, as being contrary to the Holy Decrees, and Canonical Constitu­tions, and to the Statutes of the said Faculty, and Ar­rests of this Court confirming the same; That moreover the Petitioners aime at nothing but the preservation of the honour and peace of the said Faculty, which the said Mulot, Cornet, and their Adherents go about to vio­late: May it please you to admit the Petitioners as Appellants against the abuse of the said pretended Con­clusion of the first of July last past, and of what follow'd thereupon, to allow the said Appeal for valid, to permit the Petitioners to cause the said Cornet and Mulot to be cited and su'd in this Court by their proper and ordinary names, together with all others concern'd, to the end to proceed upon the said Opposition and Appeal against Abuses, and to ordain that the Parties shall come and plead thereunto on what day it shall please the Court; and in the mean time to prohibit further proceeding or reading again and registring the said pretended Conclu­sion of the first of July, or any other Act made by the pretended Deputies and their Adherents, or passing on in any other manner, till this Court shall have de­termin'd concerning the matter: And you shall do well, &c.

This Petition was answer'd on the 12. of August, and transmitted to the Attorney General, who put thereunto his own conclusions conformable to those which we had taken.

M. Broussel undertook to make report thereof to the Court a few dayes after: M. Molé, at present Keeper of the Seals, then first President, (and who is alwayes meant when I barely mention the first President in this Relation) was prepossess'd by our Adversaries. Our Petition soon made a great noise in Paris, before M. Broussel spoke of it in the Grand Chamber. For on one side, the Considerations I mention'd having been seen by many inquisitive persons of all qualities; and on the other, the great number of Doctors that oppos'd the design, amongst whom divers were Curées of Paris, made this affair very notorious. Hereupon, as soon as M. Broussel open'd his mouth to make his report of our Petition, the first President was prepar'd to stop it; and with­out giving him time to set forth the grounds of our Appeal, and the aimes of our Petition, he cut him off, and said, It was an affair to be examin'd more at leasure, before any thing were ordained in it; that we were people that said Jesus Christ did not dye for the whole world; that God's Commandements are impossible to justifi'd persons; all which requir'd narrowly to be lookt into. Thus the first President by the great Authority he had in the Court, caus'd them to passe instantly to another affair, without giving M. Broussel time to reply to him, as he desir'd, which he could not do, though he endeavour'd it once or twice, M. the first President falling to speak as soon as M. Broussel utter'd two words in answer to him. Of this my self was witnesse, the door of the Grand Chamber on the side of the Clerk's Table being for some time half open, and I hapning to come thither at the same moment.

A day or two after, to wit, on the 20. of August, M. Chastellain writ to me at eight a clock at night, that he understood the first President had sent for him to come to him at six a clock; but the appoin­ted hour being pass'd that day, he resolv'd to wait upon him the next immediately after dinner, and being it was a time when many might be there, he thought fit that I and some other Doctors whom he mention'd, should accompany him thither. But we were of opinion that M. Chastellain having been sent for alone, should go alone, inasmuch as we were not certain that it was about our affaires that the first President had sent for him.

Accordingly M. Chastellain went thither alone the next day, being the twenty first. The first Presi­dent caress'd him, and with a smiling countenance, yet accompani'd with his accustom'd gravity, ask'd him, Whether there was any means of accommoding this affair? adding, That the division in our Body was much disrelish'd, and made a great noise in Paris; That great inconveniences might arise there­from; That he had said as much to our Adversaries, and found them inclin'd to peace, and ready either wholly to desist from their enterprise, or at least to respite it for three or four months, without doing more then what was already done; That during that space the distemper of minds might be asswaged, and the means of a solid agreement sought out; for which good end the said terme might be prolong'd after the expiration of those three or four months, in case they should not be sufficient. M. Chastellain testifi'd to the first President, That we were as much inclin'd to peace as our Adversaries; That it was not on our part that the disturbance arose, but on theirs; That for the quieting all, it was necessary that they renounce the cause of it; That their pre­tended Deputation be no longer accounted valid; and in a word, That all things be restor'd to the po­sture they were in before the first of July; and that in order thereunto at the new reading on 1 Septem­ber following the Conclusion which was not read again in the Assembly of the second of August, the same be done without making mention of any thing [Page 19] but the ordinary Supplicates; That he could give his word for nothing, before he made us acquainted with all this; but that he doubted not that upon those conditions we would be very glad to live peaceably in the exercise of our usual employments. These things M. Chastellain came and acquainted us with; We agreed thereunto: He return'd, to give the first President his word in our behalf, who also gave him his own in behalf of our Adversaries.

Indeed, we something wonder'd at the three or four months Truce which was offer'd us, and sus­pected the design of it to be only to relaxe our pro­secutions, and make use of our silence and desisting against our selves; but we did not as yet compre­hend the mystery of it, as we found afterwards, and I shall relate in due place. It shall suffice to observe here, that we were given to understand, that it was meant only to let the memory of this attempt fairly bury it self, and become wholly lost by time, with­out obliging our Adversaries to renounce the same on a sudden, whilest they were still in their first heat. But time likewise taught us, that indeed it was to get means in the interval of prosecuting with the Pope the censure of the Propositions, after its miscarriage in the Faculty. They were not ignorant that at Rome they are very jealous of maintaining the Au­thority of the Decrees which issue from thence, and that this Consideration obliges the makers of them to look very well to the facility and compliance that may be expected in their execution, before they passe any at all. They intended to offer to the Pope a Censure made by the Deputies of the Faculty, as own'd and authoriz'd by the whole Body, that so they might obtain the like from his Holinesse. They fear'd that if our Opposition should become more conspicuous, and the Parliament having regard thereunto should forbid them to proceed, some noise of it would get to Rome, and make the design abortive. Hereupon they were willing to hold us in quiet and silence during those [...]hree or four months, which time they judg'd needfull to obtain what they aim'd at at Rome; or in case they should not accomplish the same in that space, they purpo­sed to prolong the terme of our silence and quiet further, namely, so long till they should have ac­complish'd their design.

But, as I said, we did not yet perceive the bottom of the artifice, wherefore we clos'd very readily with this Expedient, being well pleas'd to see, as we thought, their Counsels if not wholly quash'd, at least check'd and half broken. Yet how great need soever they had of the said Truce, they were not able to preserve it, but within a few dayes they fail'd in the conditions which they had promis'd, and upon which we had surceas'd.

CHAP. X.

Of what pass'd in the Assembly of the Fa­culty on the first of September 1649.

THese conditions requir'd that no footstep of what had been done in this businesse in the Assembly of the first of July, and that of August, should remain in our Registers; wherefore the Conclusions of those two months were read again by the Gressier, or Clerk, in the Assembly of the first of September following, without making any menti­on of what concern'd M. Cornet's Propositions.

But they who manag'd this Accommodation, that they might obtain the Censure which they hop'd from Rome against the said Propositions, were not yet so certain thereof, but that they endeavour'd to reserve one means to themselves (in case that fail'd) of renewing their prosecutions in the Faculty upon a more favourable opportunity: Wherefore being loath to see their pretended Deputation vanquish in smoak, they sought to keep it in being, to the end that when we least distrusted it, they might one day make the Report of the said Deputation, and dispatch in some morning the businesse of the Censure, when there should be no person in the Assembly to gain­say it.

For which purpose, as soon as the Conclusions of the said two months were read again, M. Amiot stood up and told the Assembly, that no person ought to wonder that there was no mention made of the Deputies which had been nominated on the first of July for examining the Propositions; that the same was omitted, at the desire of the first President, to see if within three or four months there would be a means to reconcile the businesse.

The aforementioned Accommodement was not unknown to any in the Faculty, so that it was visible that M. Amiot spoke not this word of Advertisement to give information thereof to any one, but only to cause it to be inserted in the Registers the month following, when the things that pass'd this day were to be read again. Whereupon M. Chastellain, who understood the subtilty, presently fell to blame M. Amiot for violating the word pass'd to the first Pre­sident, and the conditions of agreement that were made. He told him, that had there been any report to be made of what pass'd at the first President's house, it did not belong to him (M. Amiot) who was the youngest, to make the same; but were he the antientest, he ought not to have made it before they had agreed together thereupon. M. Amiot reply'd to this, that indeed they had promis'd the first President that they would do nothing till after four months, but that they had not promis'd that they would say nothing. This juggling and equi­vocal answer was hiss'd at, as wholly unworthy of the place and the businesse treated of, and in this posture matters rested that day.

CHAP. XI.

Of a false Censure against the Propositions, publish'd during the month of Septem­ber; And of a second Petition which we presented to the Parliament.

TOwards the middle of this month, it appear'd by most strong and considerable evidences, that the Peace we had made, was not at all in the heart of those with whom we had made it. In Paris there was seen running through the hands of abundance of people, a draught of a Censure against the Propo­sitions; and we likewise receiv'd Copies thereof, all agreeing together, which sundry of our Friends sent us from divers places of the Kingdom, as well to advertise us thereof, as to be inform'd by us con­cerning the truth of the piece. It was conceiv'd in the same words, and drawn up in the same form which I am going here to insert and represent.

Propositiones Baccalaureorum.Censura Doctorum.
1.

Aliqua Dei praecepta hominibus justis volentibus & conantibus secundum praesentes quas habent vires, sunt im­possibilia: deest quoque iis Gratia, quâ possibilia fiant.

1.

Haec Doctrina est Haeretica.

2.

Interiori Gratiae in statu naturae lapsae nunquam resistitur.

2.

Haec Propositio est contraria Sacris Scrip­turis.

3.

Ad merendum & demerendum in statu naturae lapsae non requiritur in ho­mine libertas à necessitate, sed suffi­cit libertas à coactione.

3.

Haec Doctrina destruit rationem meriti & demeriti, & est Haeretica.

4.

Semipelagiani admittebant praevenien­tis Gratiae interioris necessitatem ad singulos actus, etiam ad initium fidei; & in hoc erant Haeretici, quod vel­lent eam Gratiam talem esse, cui posset humana voluntas resistere vel obtemperare.

4.

Hujus Propositionis prima pars est falsa & temeraria; secunda vero, quae asse­rit Haereticum esse admittere Gratiam cui possit humana voluntas resistere, est Haeretica.

5.

Semipelagianorum Error est dicere Christum pro omnibus omnino ho­minibus mortuum esse aut sangui­nem fudisse.

5.

Haec Propositio est falsa & scandalosa, insimulans Erroris veritatem Sacris Scripturis contentam, & in Concilio Tridentino declaratam.

6.

Sensit olim Ecclesia privatam Sacra­mentalem poenitentiam pro peccatis occultis non sufficere.

6.

Haec Propositio vel spectat ad quaestionem juris; & sensus est, [Sensit etiam privatam Sacramentalem poenitentiam reipsa & absolutè pro occultis peccatis non sufficere;] & est Haeretica, Erro­rem infallibili Ecclesiae affingens. Vel spectat ad quaestionem facti, & sensus est, [Sensit olim Ecclesia, ex illius tem­poris disciplina, non sufficere privatam poenitentiam Sacramentalem pro pecca­tis;] & falsa est & temeraria.

7.

Naturalis Attritio sufficit ad Sacramen­tum poenitentiae.

7.

Haec Propositio intellecta de Attritione merè naturali ut sufficiente ad Sacra­mentum poenitentiae cum effectu Gratiae Justificationis recipiendú, est Haeretica.

Ita visum est Doctoribus Magistris,
  • Jacobo Hennequin Decano Professorum in Theologia.
  • Jacobo Pereyret Summo Moderatori Regii Collegii Navarrae & Professori in Theologia.
  • Claudio Morel Doctori Sorbonico & Librorum Censori.
  • Nicholaö Cornet Syndico Facultatis Parisiensis.
  • Marguarito Gauquelin Doctori Navarrico.
  • Ludovico Bail Propoenitentiario Parisiensi.
  • Fr. Joanni Nicholaï Primario Regenti in Theologia apud Fratres Praedi­catores.
  • Martino Grandin Professori Theologiae Moralis in Sorbona.
Deputatis in Sacra Facultate in Comitiis generalibus prima mensis Julii 1649. ad examen praedictarum Propositionum.

Having well consider'd this piece, and the flying Paper which M. Pereyret formerly deliver'd to the Nuntio, and which was sufficient to draw after it the Decree and Censure of the Inquisition above­mention'd, we certainly believ'd that they did not contrive this Censure only to make it run about France, where the Form of the Facultie's Censure is sufficiently known, but that they intended to make use of it at Rome for the purpose I noted. Yet we knew nothing certain thereof, and this was but our naked conjecture. However we thought that it was not to be neglected, but that it was necessary for us to have recourse to the Parliament, as well for provision against the dispersing and authors of this pretended Censure, as against the main of M. Cor­net's Enterprise, against which we had already pre­sented a Petition.

Toward the end of this moneth we presented a Second, which we put into the hands of M. Broussel, who receiv'd the former, and annex'd a Copy of the Censure thereunto; wherein, after represen­tation of what had pass'd between the Framers of the Propositions and our selves since the first, we complain'd that they had not only publisht this Cen­sure in France, but perhaps also sent it out of the Kingdom; and we concluded with desires for right to be done us upon our first Petition, and that the said M. Nicolas Cornet Syndic, M. James Perey­ret, Morel, and the rest under whose names the pre­tended Censure runne, might be summonod before the Court, to acknowledge, own or disown the said preten­ded Censure, to the end that upon their declaration fur­ther resolutions might be taken by us.

CHAP. XII.

Of the Arrest which interven'd upon those two Petitions; and Of what pass'd in the Parliament touching that matter.

THere hapned a very Considerable Incident on the first of October in the election of M. Hallier to the office of Syndic: but because it had many se­quels, that I may not interrupt what concerns this Censure and the Petitions upon which the Arrest in­terven'd the fifth day of the same moneth; I shall forbear speaking of the affair of M. Hallier, till I have spoken of the said Arrest, and what preceded it and hath connexion with the things I last treated of.

I cannot passe over in silence the desire and care which MM. Tristan, Julien, Guerin, le Fevré, le Blond of Sorbonne, de Sainte Helvine, and Mesni­dré, had the first and fourth dayes of this moneth to partake in the procurement of these Arrests. For they took an Act, on those dayes, before Notaries, that the appeals against Abuses, interpos'd both by me and the other Doctors nam'd in the Petition, be­ing communicated to them, they adher'd thereunto, became appellants (as well as we) against all that had been done and pass'd in the assembly of the first of July, and against all that follow'd upon the same; they made M. Cornet and Mulot defendants as we [Page 22] had done, and purpos'd to have all the prosecuti­ons requisite and necessary to this affair transacted in their names as well as ours.

M. Broussel having on the 4 of October 1649. spoken in the Chamber of Vacations concerning our two Petitions and the project of the Censure above inserted (a Copy whereof was annex'd to our se­cond Petition) it was ordain'd that he should cause notice to be given to MM. Cornet and Pereyret and such other as he thought fit of those whose names were subscrib'd to that Censure, with some also of them who complain'd thereof, that either side might appear the next day at the Palais at seven a clock of the morning in the said Chamber, to be heard there.

I went to see M. Broussel at his coming forth of the Palais. He told me this, and that he thought it con­venient to summon with MM. Cornet and Pereyret, M. Hennequin, who was the antientest of those that had subscribed. I made some scruple thereof at first, and represented to him, that we had not made M. Henne­quin a Defendant, nor did he meddle in this enter­prise, but that the authors of it caus'd him to be nam'd, in regard of some dislikes which they knew he had against the truths they struck at; and were willing on the one side to cover (what they could) their Conspiracy and Cabal with the good repute of that antient Doctor's name, who was not to be suspected thereof; and on the other to have him favourable to their designs by the inclination of his sentiments: That his candour made me concern'd for him, and I fear'd it would trouble him to think himself persecuted by us, in case he should be sent for to the Parliament.

This Consideration caus'd M. Broussel to consent to summon only MM. Pereyret and Cornet. After­wards, having bethought my self, that the Court could not be better and more truly inform'd of the things that had pass'd then by the mouth of one who would speak thereof with plainnesse and ingenuity, (as I knew M. Hennequin would do) and that I might acquaint him privately that it was for no other end that he was sent for; I return'd to M. Broussel to tell him this: He approv'd of it, and fol­low'd his first purpose: and I assur'd him that on our part M. de Mincé and my self would not fail to appear.

MM. Pereyret and Cornet were the next day more diligent then we. Assoon as they were come, an Usher advertis'd the Court thereof, and they were presently introduc'd; upon a conceit, as I imagine, that both sides were there. They had the advan­tage of speaking alone to the Court about a quar­ter of an hour, and a possibility of prepossessing it without our being there to observe what they said; and I did not otherwse come to know the things that pass'd during that quarter of an hour but by M. the President Coigneux, who was in office that week, and told us t [...]e same assoon as M. de Mincé and I were introduc'd.

He spoke to us very near in these words. The Court, before it pronounce any thing upon the Pe­titions presented by you, hath thought fit to hear both the one side and the other, to the end to bring you to agreement, and to oblige you to live peacea­bly. You complain of a certain Manuscript Censure which runs through the world under the name of some Doctors that style themselves Deputies of the Faculty for examining certain Propositions. Your Adversaries here, say they have not given order to any person to publish the same; That it is against their mind that it is publish'd; That they gave it not to any, nor spoke to any to give Copies of it; That they disown all such as have done it: Desire you any thing more, in order to being satisfy'd and living with good understanding together?

M. de Mincé began to speak after this discourse, and answer'd almost in these words. Messieures; About four or five years ago, when the heat began on either side about opinions of Doctrine which concern the Propositions in question, the Faculty, by an universal consent of all the Doctors, for a­voiding contentions and divisions which might arise amongst them thereby, ordain'd that no Speech should be had thereof on one side or other. From that time, they remain'd in silence and peace till the first of July last, when M. Cornet the Syndic (as I since understood, (said M. de Mincé) for I was not at that Assembly) by a manifest enterprise against that Conclusion of the Faculty, set afoot and requir'd to be debated certain Propositions relating to that doctrine: In which he not only violated the resolu­tion which the Faculty had taken not to speak there­of, but also acted contrary to the order receiv'd and practis'd from all time in the said Faculty, which is wont not to debate upon any Propositions, unless the books and places of the books from whence such Propositions are taken, be noted and examin'd; be­cause the understanding and true sense of them de­pends very often upon what goes before, and what follows after. Now the Propositions which M. Cor­net hath made and set afoot in that Assembly of the first of July, are loose and of uncertain sense, neither the places nor authors from whence they might be drawn being signify'd by him. Since that Assembly of the first of July, nothing more hath been said concerning those Propositions; for that of August was spent in a contest arising touching a pretension of the Chancellor of the University. In this of the first of September, the Faculty hath like­wise spoken nothing more thereof. But for all this there is publish'd this moneth a Censure under the name of pretended Deputies, who have no power so to do; it not appertaining to any but to the Fa­culty in a formal and legal assembly. Wherefore, may it please you, we desire that that pretended Censure be declar'd of no value and authority, as indeed it is not.

M. de Mincé having ended, and the President turned his head to M. Cornet, who said, That where­as they disown the Censure, they mean that they disown it indeed as to the publication, but not as to the doctrine. And as to what M. de Mincé had said, namely, that it is not the custom of the Facul­ty to censure Propositions without first examining the places of Authors whence they are taken, (he said) it was much otherwise: That the Registers of the Faculty were full of Censures which had been so made, upon bare Propositions, without noting the Authors whose they were. Particularly, that this was practis'd during the space of twenty years, from the year 1540. to the year 1560. which was the time when Luther and Calvin began to appear and publish their errors: That even the last year, the censuring of a book being spoken of in the Fa­culty, they had forborn to touch the Author to this hour, but order'd, that Particular persons who plea­sed to propound Propositions after two moneths time, should have liberty so to do.

Hereunto it was reply'd by M. de Mincé, that [Page 23] that which was said by M. Cornet was not true; that the example of the foregoing year which he brought made against him; the case thereof being thus; A Libel had been publish'd the year before under the name of F. Veron, in which many things were judg'd by the whole Faculty evidently mischievous; besides many invectives and injuries against the memory and reputation of M. the Abbot of Cyran, and the two MM. Arnauls: hereupon some persons inti­mating in the Faculty that there were things in that Libel which had relation to, and connexion with the matters concern'd in the Propositions in question, the Faculty ordain'd that the Censure of the said Book should be deferr'd, for fear mens minds should become heated and divided upon occasion of the said matters which were touch'd upon transiently and by reflexion in that Libel. All which shews with how little reason M. Cornet hath brought that example, and what wrong he hath done by causlesly violating so prudent and necessary a resolution as the Faculty had made for four or five years, not to determine or decide any thing touching those matters on one side or other.

At this time M. Hennequin came and was intro­duc'd into the Chamber, and as he advanc'd towards the side of the Table where MM. Pereyret and Cor­net were, Mr. Cornet went a step or two to meet him, as if he meant to tell him somthing in his ear, before he came to the place of speaking. Which M. Henne­quin perceiving, put his hand before his breast and face to stop him, and signifie to the Judges, that he meant not to speak any thing that M. Cornet purpo­sed to suggest to him. The President said to him, We have caus'd you to come hither, that we may be inform'd by you concerning a Censure of cer­tain Propositions, which runs under your name; and here are some of your brethren (pointing at M. de Mincé and me) who have complain'd to the Court thereof.

M. Hennequin answer'd, That he would speak the truth sincerely, as he had alwayes made profes­sion and was bound in conscience to do. He said, that indeed having been put amongst the Deputies nominated in the Assembly of the first of July for examining those Propositions, he accordingly had divers times met together with them in the house of the Scribe of the Faculty; and that they had noted the places of Scripture and of the Fathers which to them seem'd contrary to the said Propositions, with purpose to make report, and leave the judgement of the same to the Faculty, as to whom it appertaineth, and not to themselves; but as to the having deter­min'd the Propositions, or sign'd or decreed any Censure, that this they had not done. That in the mean time he had been astonish'd, when being at Troies, whither he lately took a journey, he saw divers Copies of a Censure brought from seve­ral parts; That likewise on the other side he had seen books written in defence of the said Proposi­tions; That all this was not well, and that it must be acknowledg'd that there was on either side a little too much heat.

The President said, that it behooved all of us to labour to moderate the same, and that the Court would on their part contribute their utmost there­unto; and thus he seem'd to put an end to this hea­ring, and to dismisse us. Which I seeing, and con­ceiving that the things which might be spoken for the obtaining of the Arrest we aim'd at, had not been sufficiently unfolded, I began to speak, and told the Court that M. de Mincé had been often absent from Paris during all that pass'd in this af­fair, and so could not represent to the Court many important circumstances thereof which came not to his knowledge; but that with their permission, I should resume the matter from the beginning, and lay open to the Court the whole Series thereof, if they would vouchsafe me one quarter of an hours audience. The Court with great gentlenesse gran­ted it, and I made an exact relation of all that had pass'd from the first of July till that time. I added to the things which I have spoken above thereof, that the number of Religious Mendicants which came to that Assembly, beyond what is appointed by the Arrests of Parliament, render'd their Depu­tation invalid; and hereof I took M. Hennequin to witnesse, who acknowledg'd the same. I also made the Court acquainted how the first President had interpos'd to reconcile us, and how his interpositi­on prov'd ineffectual for preserving us in peace with our Adversaries, because they violated the word which they hah pass'd to him, and he had given to us in their behalf. I reported the answer which M. Amiot made in the Assembly of the first of Septem­ber, when he was blam'd for that the Supplicate made then by him was contrary to the word which they had given to the first President, not to do any thing more concerning this affair; Namely, how he said, That it was true they had promis'd the first President to do nothing, but that they had not promis'd to to speak nothing: and I ask'd the Court hereupon, whether the actions that passe amongst us can consist in any thing else but words, and what inducement there could be to rely upon those of people who thus interpreted their own! I concluded, that, to bring us to peace and quiet, it was necessary that the Court would please to bind us thereunto by an Arrest; and that with lesse then this, what ever promises these Gentlemen might make, after the experiences we had had of their carriage all full of disguises and artifices, we could never be secure thereof, but should alwayes be in continual inquie­tudes and agitations.

The President said to me, How? If these Gen­tlemen promise you faithfully in presence of this Court, that they will think no more of what is past, and that they will do nothing more for the future; Do you fear that they will fail therein?

I answer'd, May it please you; Should M. Henne­quin passe such a promise to you, and did the per­formance thereof depend upon him, we should hold our selves secure, because he is a man of inte­grity and sincere; But we have not the same conceipt of these Gentlemen, we cannot confide in them.

The President addressing himself to M. Cornet, as'kd him, Whether he would endeavour to con­tent us, and promise the Court faithfully to re­main in quiet touching this affair?

M. Cornet answer'd in these very words, Sir, We Promise to make good all that we Pro­mis'd the First President.

M. le Coigneux reply'd to him also in these very words, Ha, Gentlemen, speak plain French, those loose words and General Promises are not Discourses to be held in this Company: The Sorbonne hath not the Repute of using Equivocations.

The involv'd and ambiguous answer of these Doctors, who clearly convinc'd the Court of the necessity of the Arrest which I mov'd for, gave me [Page 24] the boldnesse to resume and continue my Dis­course, by beseeching the Court to remember the Arrest which it was mov'd to issue against a Decree that came from the Inquisition of Rome, concerning a Book which prov'd the equality of authority in S. Peter and S. Paul. I shew'd that that Decree was obtain'd in this manner. The Nuntio sent to the Faculty a Roman Gazette, which related that there were Doctors of it there who maintain'd, That there might be more Heads in the Church; desiring the Faculty to tell him, whether this were true. Upon this proposal M. Pereyret was deputed to go to the Nuntio, and tell him that it was not. The Nun­tio demanded of M. Pereyret his answer in writing, who gave him such a one as himself pleas'd, with­out consulting the Faculty about it. This writing of M. Pereyret was at Rome made to passe for a Dis­avowing of the Faculty against the Book concern­ing the authority of S. Peter and St. Paul; and this pretended Disavowing drew after it that Decree of the Inquisition, which they durst not have made at Rome before, and against which the Court became oblig'd to issue the Arrest which interven'd. Now, I said, it was not to be doubted, but that they would make the same use of this pretended Censure, which they disown'd not but only as to the publication, and not as to the doctrine, because they could have wisht that it had been secret, to the end it might haue been taken for valid at Rome as an authentick act, and by which they might have extorted again a Decree, which would serve only to trouble and torment us, and which would again oblige the Court to provide against it, as it did in that other occasion.

M. Pereyret cry'd out hereupon in these very words; That all which I said was as false as the Devil,

I reply'd to M. Pereyret, and protested to the Court, That I said nothing but what was most true; That if the Court pleas'd to assign two of the Gen­tlemen on the bench to inquire thereof, in case any falsitie were found in what I had utter'd, I would submit to all the penalties which Calumniators de­serve: But that M. Pereyret ventur'd so boldly to say it was false, for that he fear'd the Arrest for which I made sute to the Court, by reason it would be an authentick piece, and destroy the effect which they promis'd themselves from their pretended Cen­sure, and shew the nullity thereof.

The President here interpos'd, and said that it would be much better that we agreed amongst our selves of our own accord, without the granting of that Arrest, or issuing out any thing in writing: That warr was kindled both without and within the Realm; that we had suffer'd famine; that there were still other scourges which threatned us; that it was a thing of ill relish to see Division amongst the Doctors; that the Court treated us with ho­nour, acting with us, in this manner, inviting us to be reconcil'd together charitably, and being willing to be contented with our Words; that after this, we ought to agree and live in peace.

I reply'd to the President, That we much acknow­ledg'd the honour and charity which the Court was pleas'd to shew us, and that if on our part we could not accept it, it was long of the temper of the ad­versaries we had to do with, which allow'd us not to account our selves in security from them without the Arrest, which we most humbly besee­ched the Court to grant us.

The President answer'd nothing more, but that the Court would do us justice. As we were de­parting from the barre to withdraw, M. Pereyret looking fixedly upon me, ask'd me with a very cholerick and high tone, Will you bind the Popes hands? Whereupon I approach'd back again to­wards the barrre, to desire the Court to take notice how by this word which proceeded from the abun­dance of his heart, he verified that which I had bla­med him for, and which he had said was so false; but some of the Gentlemen signify'd to me with the hand, that I had spoken enough thereof. So I ad­ded no more with my tongue, but pointed at the place where M. Pereyret, who was now gone from it, ask'd me that question; and all the Gentlemen had, as I imagine, without my so doing, sufficiently taken notice of the same. As we were withdraw­ing, I went close to M. Pereyret, and answer'd him very softly between him and me to the question which he had put to me, and told him, My design was not to bind the Pope's hands, but to hinder them, if I could, from surprising him.

When we were withdrawn, the Court consulted upon our Petitions, and upon what they had heard in this private audience; I call it private, because there was none there besides themselves and us. Take here the Arrest which interven'd

An Extract from the Registers of PAR­LIAMENT.

WHereas by the Chamber of Ʋacations hath been seen the Petition presented to the Court on the twelfth of August last by Anthony de Heu first Arch­priest of Paris and Curé of S. Severin, Francis I­thier Chastellain Canon of the Church of Paris, Provost of Normandy in the Church of Chartres and Principal of the Colledge of Fortet; Claudius Eme­rets Canon of the Royal Church of S. Quintin, Pe­ter Copin Curé of Vaugirard lez Paris, Elias du Fresne de Mincé Curé of S. Peter de Gonesse, John Rousse Curé of S. Roch, Jerome Bachelier Coun­sellor and Preacher to the King, Archdeacon and Ca­non of the Cathedral Church of Soissons, and Counsel­lor in the Court of the Ecclesiastical Chamber at Paris, Peter le Gendre Curé of Aumale, James Brousse Ca­non of S. Honoré, Anthony de Breda Curé of S. An­drew des Arcs, Charles Meusnier Dean and Canon of the Cathedral Church of Orleans, Grand Vicar and Official of the Bishop of Orleans, Nicolas Drujon Canon of the Collegiate Church of S. Bennet at Paris, Alexander de Hodencq Canon of S. Firmin at Ami­ens, John Bourgeois Precentor and Canon of the Ca­thedral Church of Verdun, and Prior of S. Catherine de Loseliere, Henry de Creil Canon of the Cathe­dral Church of Beauvais, James Thirement Canon of the said Church, Francis Heron Prior Commendata­ry of Nostre Dame du Champ Arien, John Blondel Curé of S. Hippolite in the Suburb S. Marcel at Paris, Lewis le Noire Curé of S. Hilary. Henry Holden, James de Sainté Beufve Kings Profes­sor of Divinity in Sorbonne, James de Paris, Pe­ter Sarrazin Canon Theologal of the Cathedral Church of Chartres; Robert Constantin Canon and Arch­deacon of the Cathedral Church of Angiers, Elias Foujeu Descures Archdeacon of Dreux, and Canon in the Cathedral Church of Chartres, Fran­cis Castel Curé of Compan, Claudius Vacquet­te Curé and Prior of Clermont, James Maleude Curé of Groslay lez Paris, Nicolas Gosset Canon and Curé of S. Opportuné, James Esmard, John [Page 25] Guillebert, Michel le Blanc, Renatus de Robbe­ville Canon Theologal, and Chanter of the Cathedral Church of Amiens, Claudius Grenet Curé of S. Ben­net, John Callaghan, Henry du Hamel Curé of S. Mederic, George de Nuilly Canon of the Cathedral Church of Beauvais, Fryer Alipius a Religious Augustin, Professor of Divinity in the Covent of the lesser Augustins, in the Suburb of S. Germain with the licence of his Provincial, Nicolas D'aignaulx Ca­non of S. Cloud, Nicholas Taignier, Noel de Lalane Abbot of Valcroissant, John Bapt. de Chassebras Archpriest and Curé of La Magdelaine at Paris, John Banneret Canon of the Cathedral Church of Reimes, Francis Retart Curé of Magny-Lessart lez Paris, Michel Taillandier, John James Dorat, Matthew Feydeau, John L'Abbé, John Bapt. Gaultier, Mathurin Quéras, Thomas Fortin, Lewis de Saint-Amour, Michel Dobbaires, John Peron, Claudius le Cappellain, Philip Marcan, Gabriel Dabes, Pe­ter Renier, Michel Moreau Canon of the Cathedral Church of Noyon, Philip de Lonergan, Peter Barbe­reau, and John Martin, all Doctors in the sacred Facul­ty of Divinity of Paris, to the number of sixty or more; Containing, That on Thursday the first day of July last in the ordinary Assembly of the said Faculty held in the Great Hall of the House and College of Sorbonne, the said Lewis de Saint-Amour one of the Petitioners op­pos'd a Proposal made by M. Nicolas Cornet Do­ctor and Syndic of the said Faculty, to debate and condemn the Propositions, the said Cornet having to that end caus'd many Doctors, Religious and Se­cular, to come into the said Assembly, whom the said Syndic and his adherents had purposely convok'd from several houses, intending by their number to represent the said Faculty. And that notwithstanding the op­position of the said Saint-Amour, the said Cornet and his adherents pass'd on to the said debate, and like­wise deputed some amongst them to prepare the determi­nation and condemnation of the said Propositions, and by the said Deputation made and drew up an Act which they attempt to make passe for a Conclusion of the said Faculty; That of such Opposition the said Saint-Amour took an Act before Notaries on the XXXI. day of July last, and persisting in the said Opposition, made an Appeal against the Abusivenesse of all that hath been done and pass'd, as well in the said Assembly of the first of July; as in other private ones; and also he made Defendants in their own ordinary names as well the said M. Nicholas Cornet, who propos'd and requir'd to be debated the said Propositions, as M. John Mulot Doctor and Dean of the said Faculty, who put the same under debate; with protestation of the said Saint-Amour to seek redresse in the said Court, to which alone ap­pertaineth the cognisance and jurisdiction of the said Appeal against Abuses: which Act of Appeal was signifi'd to the said Mulot and Cornet, and to M. Maugin Tassin Junior Bedle, performing the office of Scribe, by Casault Ʋsher of this Court, on the second day of August: and that neverthelesse the said MM. John Mulot Dean, and Nicholas Cornet Syndic, with their Adherents, have not forborn to use all their power to cause the said Propositions to be debated and con­demned in the ordinary Assembly of the said second day of August; which would have been of very dangerous consequence, and have brought all the said Faculty into great trouble, if the greatest part of the Doctors thereof had not for preservation of the peace and honour of their Body, by a better conduct hinder'd the said debate: And for that the said MM. John Mulot, Nicholas Cornet, and their Adherents, may yet hereafter conti­nue in the same attempts, and by that means bring the Faculty of Divinity into division, notwithstanding the said Appeal against Abuses, if the same be not provi­ded against; the said Petitioners, to whom the said Tassin performing the office of Scribe did in the said Assembly declare the notice given to himself of the said Act of Appeal, having had communication together thereon, determin'd for the redressing such disorders as these attempts might cause, to joyn with the said Saint-Amour, and becoming joyntly with him Appellants to this Court, to set forth in time and place the causes and grounds of the said Appeal against Abuses, to the end to be redressed of all by the said Court. For these rea­sons they desir'd to be admitted Opposers with the said Saint-Amour, and Appellants against the abusivenesse of the said pretended Proposal and Conclusion of the first of July last, and of all that follow'd thereupon; to have the said Appeal allow'd for good, and to be permitted to cause the said Cornet and Mulot to be cited and sum­moned into the Court by their proper and ordinary names, and all others whom it should concern; to the end procee­dings might be had upon the said Opposition and Appeal against Abuses, and that the Court would order par­ties to come and plead by such a day as it should please the said Court to assign; prohibitions in the mean time to be made of reading again and registring the said pre­tended Conclusion of the first of July, or any other Act made by the said pretended Deputies and their adherents, as also of proceeding further, till the said Court should determine therein. Moreover, whereas another Peti­tion hath been presented by the said Petitioners for the further urging of the former; and that the said MM. Cornet and Pereyret, under whose names a pretended Censure was sent abroad, might be constrain'd to ac­knowledge, own or disown the said pretended Censure. Also the Acts and Papers annex'd to the said Peti­tions, and the conclusions of the Kings Attorney Ge­neral having been seen and weigh'd; And for that the said Cornet and Pereyret, de Mincé and Saint-Amour, and M. James Hennequin an ancient Doctor of Sor­bonne have been summon'd and heard, and the said Pe­reyret and Cornet have declar'd that they did not pub­lish that writing or draught of a Censure made by some particular Doctors commission'd for examining the Pro­positions therein contain'd, neither give charge to the Scribe of the said Faculty or any other to deliver out any act or copy thereof, but expresly forbid him to com­municat, publish or divulge the same, disowning the publication thereof, if any hath been made; and also have profess'd that the said Writing was not signed by any of them three, nor by the other Doctors appointed for examining the said Propositions; and that in the said draught deliver'd to the said Scribe, the said Proposi­tions were not so determin'd as they are in the Copy an­nex'd to the Petition, but only the passages of Scripture and Fathers, which the said appointed Doctors esteem'd contrary to the said Propositions, were cited by them; all with an intention to make report thereof to the said Fa­culty assembled; Also whereas they have consented, that all things remain as they are, and give their word to do nothing in this matter directly or indirectly till the Court shall have given order therein: All this being consider'd, the said Chamber hath admitted and doth admit the said Petitioners Opposers and Appellants, hath held and doth hold the said Appeal valid, Ordain­eth upon the whole, that the Parties shall have a hea­ring the first day after the Feast of S. Martin. In the mean time, besides the aforesaid Declaration, It hath made and doth make prohibitions and injunctions to the said Parties respectively both on the one side and the [Page 26] other, as well to publish the said writing and draught of Censure, as to agitate and bring into question the Propositions contained therein, also write or publish anything concerning them directly or indirectly in any sort or manner whatsoever, till it shall be by the Court otherwise determin'd therein.

CHAP. XIII.

Of what pass'd during the moneths of October and November touching the Election of M. Hallier to the Office of Syndic.

MOns. Hallier had been of sentiments and in­terests so different from those of M. Cornet in several things, that 'tis no small wonder that M. Cornet should think of going out of the office of Syndic, in the pursuit of the enterprise which he had contriv'd and hitherto little advanc'd; and that at his going out he should think of having M. Hallier for his successor in that place. Before that time they had never to my knowledge had any thing common, besides adherence and dependance on some persons of the Court of Rome; but in all other things a sufficiently great Antipathy. Neverthelesse M. Hallier was ad­vanc'd to the Office of Syndic by the whole Fa­ction of M. Cornet; and indeed the person of the Syndic was of very great consequence for the successe of the Enterprise, whether in regard of the correspondence necessary to be had with Rome for such things as depended thereof, or in regard of undertaking and carrying out those which should be acted in the Faculty.

On one side, M. Hallier's just and disinteress'd management I had observ'd in some Academical Affairs wherein we acted jointly together, kept me from thinking he could possibly resolve to fa­vour M. Cornet's enterprise; but on the other it was perfectly visible that M. Cornet having in his dispose the suffrages necessary for obtaining the Syndicate, would not have determin'd to give the same to M. Hallier, unlesse he had first drawn from him all possible assurance to second his De­signes. But to omit what may have been the tye between these two so opposite persons, I consi­der'd but one thing which I lookt upon as that which ought to serve me for a rule in that Electi­on after it was come to my knowledge; al­though I was very loth to make use of it, for that M. Hallier and I had ever been very good friends till that present; and for that when I had the honour to be Rector of the University, I had found him very active against the projects of the Jesuits to ruin it by getting to be incorporated into its body and made partakers of its privi­ledges.

But knowing that he had approv'd the doctrine of Sanctarel by setting his Approbation to the book of Corn. à Lapide a Jesuite upon the Canonical Epistles the same year that the Faculty condemn'd it, and all the Univesities of the Kingdom receiv'd and confirm'd the Censure thereof; I conceiv'd that to suffer him to enter into the sole Magistracy which is in the Faculty of Divinity, would be to trespasse against my duty towards the King and the publick, especially there being none but my self amongst all the Doctors, as I thought, that knew of his having given the said Approbation. Where­fore when M. Hallier was nominated for Syndic in the Assembly of the first of October 1649. and the suffrage was come to my turn, and no objection made by any of his unfitness for that place by rea­son of the aforesaid Approbation, I thought my self oblig'd to object the same, and upon that ground to oppose his election.

I shall not stand here to recite the passages in that Assembly upon this matter, because they are contain­ed in the Proces Verbal which was drawn up there­upon and soon after Printed. It shall suffice to sig­nify that M. de Heu Curé of S. Severin, M. Chastel­lain, M. Copin, M. de Mincé, M. Rousse, M. Bachelier and M. Brousse joyned with me in the opposition wh [...]ch I made against the said ele­ction.

M. Hallier employ'd divers of his friends to the end we might enter into some accommodement with him, and we on our part were as desirous thereof as himself, so far as the nature and circum­stances of the matter permitted, and provided we might have sufficient assurance that such accom­modement tended to the honour and publick peace of the Faculty as well as to the satisfaction of the parties concern'd.

The first time he gave me occasion to speak thereof was the 12. of October by a Doctor much his friend and mine, who came to me as we were go­ing from a Doctor's Act that day, and told me M. Hallier was prodigiously incens'd against me, for that he understood I intended to prosecute in Parliament the opposition I had made against his election to the office of Syndic. That M. Hallier had enjoyn'd him to assure me that he was absolutely dispos'd to live in peace with me, and to do his utmost for that of the Facul­ty: That he desir'd nothing more then to stifle the divisions arisen upon M. Cornet's enterprise, to re­concile the different opinions touching the prepositions made the first of July, and to reduce the most exas­perated minds to a just temper and mutual concord. That he promised in the word of an honest man to use his authority to these ends, and to deport himself to­wards us in his Syndical so well, that we should have cause to be glad of him, if we would but leave him in quiet and liberty to perform the duties of his place. That should he be brought before the Parlament upon the accusation fram'd by me against him, we ought to expect from him (I, particularly) all such treat­ments as are to be fear'd from a man justly provok'd and offended in his honour, which was dear to him, and which he resolv'd to maintain with the hazard of all other things: That we knew well what correspon­dence and credit he had at Rome to obtain or stop a Bull there against us. That he would interest the Pope and the Nuncio in his business; That he would stirre up the Clergy of France whose Agent he had been in the last Assembly of the year 1645. That all this put to­gether against the Parliament, might be able to balance its authority and make good his attempts. That as for me, he would destroy me, and that informations were promis'd him already against me.

I could hardly believe all these things, did I not take them out of a letter which I writ the next day while they were yet fresh in my memory, to one of our [Page 27] common friends, whom I thought fit to advertise thereof. And here take the very words of my answer to the menaces of M. Hallier.

I answer'd in summe, that I desir'd peace as much as he, and had always desir'd it; that whatever should happen, I would always act my utmost for it: but I wish'd a good one, safe and honorable. That I was not a man to betray weakly the cause of God and the King for a counterfeit peace. That all the powers wherewith he threatned me terrifi'd me not, in asmuch as I hop'd the justice of my cause and proceeding being known to them, they would approve my doings, and there would be no division for this cause between them and our Lords of the Court of Parliament. That I was sorry that he engag'd in this business; but private intorests are no­thing to me when the publick are concern'd. That what­ever he could say or do, I would omit nothing of my duty and of what was in my power for the sevice of God and the King, and for the defence of Truth and Justice.

Some dayes after came the festival of S. Ʋrsula; for the solemnising of which all the Doctors of Sor­bonne not absent in remote Provinces, resort thither together. M. the Archbishop of Ambrun was to preach there this year, and the Queen was to come thither. My chamber was chosen for the said Arch­bishop to retire into before and after his preaching; and accordingly he came thither about nine a clock in the morning.

Soon after his comming he began to speak to me of the foresaid agreement in a manner something more gentle then that of the above mentioned message, and to invite me thereunto by reasons not only relating to particular Doctors and all the Faculty, but also to the whole body of the Sate. This Prelate may remember that he found it no hard matter to convince me thereof, because I was per­fectly prepar'd thereunto not only for publick con­siderations and the desire which (he said) the Queen had for the agreement to be made, but also for that I had my self as great a desire of it as could be imagin'd. Neverthelesse all the conference the Archbishop and I had about this matter was terminated in general discourses, and we spoke not of any conditions that might be made to that end, neither at that time nor in two or three other converses, wherein he spoke to me of it again that day. There was likewise another per­son of the Colledge much devoted to M. Hallier, call'd M. Segures, who spoke to me about it in the same manner too without specifying any con­ditions thereof, and who knew also how desirous I was of it; but I did not find that an accommodation was any thing advanc'd by the discourse of either of them, whilst they remained within those termes.

Wherefore the time urging either to conclude it, if M. Hallier were dispos'd to do such things as were necessary in order to it, or to pursue my opposi­tion before the Parliament in the few days that remain'd thereof, to the end to get a Rule of Court therein before our ensuing Assembly of the 4. of November, if the publick interests could not con­sist with the particular aimes of M. Hallier; I re­solv'd to go the next day to M. Segures, to tell him as much and desire him to advertise M. Hallier thereof, and withall to propound to him what I desired of him, to the end I might have ground to desist from the prosecution I should otherwise be oblig'd to use agninst him; and to know after he had spoken with him, whether he lik'd the conditi­ons propos'd to him, or not.

M. Segure made several visits to M. Hallier with­in two or three days, (during which all prosecu­tions against him were suspended) about the ex­pedients and conditions which were to be taken in order to concluding the said agreement. I shall not mention the same here, because they are to be set down in a Liste, whereof I shall insert a Copy in due place. It shall suffice to say that M. Hallier made no difficulty to close with them, and to give all the verbal assurances thereof that could be de­sir'd before persons of honour and authority who were able to constraine him to the performance of what he promised: but he refus'd to subscribe what he promis'd, think [...]ng either it would be a dishonour to him, or that we distrusted his word, or that it might be said that he contracted for the place by his signature.

We promis'd him that we would keep it very se­cret, that none but the Coadjutor of Paris, now Cardinal of Retz (to whom M. Hallier had ad­dress'd to intreat him to interpose in this accommode­ment) should be the Depositary of it; and that [...]t should serve only to have recourse unto and regulate things by, in case that during his Syndicship com­plaint were made of his having fail'd in any one of the promis'd matters: That his office being expir'd, he should have his signature redeliver'd to him, to burn it. Moreover to remove this scruple, we offer'd him to sign on our part that which we should pro­mise to him. In fine, we yielded so far, as that we were contented with his writing down the things which should be promis'd on both sides without signing them, to the end the same might remaine a certain rule of Conditions of agreement, where­unto recourse might be had in case of need. But what ever could be said to him, he would never be brought to consent to sign any thing or leave any thing in writing concerning the said Con­ditions.

Wherefore seeing there remain'd not above two or three days of the Parliament, and that we could do no good upon M. Hallier, we thought fit to signify to him by M. Segure, that, after his refu­sal of the accommodation offerr'd to him, he ought not to take it ill if we continu'd to procure a Re­port of the Petition which we had presented against him.

Accordingly we sollicited a Report thereof, which did not hinder but that M. Segure came again the last day to make us new tender of accom­modement, of which the Bishop of S. Malio had spoken to him; namely, that the matters promis'd by M. Hallier should be written down and remain in the hands of the Coadiutor, not as if M. Hallier were oblig'd thereto by us, but as if the Coadjutor caus'd them to be written for his own remem­brance, and reciprocally desir'd the same of M. Hal­lier and of us.

I willingly accepted this tender; but not till I should have imparted the same to the Doctors inter­essed in the business with me, without whose ad­vice I would not conclude any thing therein. But as I was upon the point to impart it to them we understood that the very morning of that day, which was the 27. the Parliament had issu'd an Ar­rest upon our Petition, by which the Court receiv'd us as Appellants against the election of M. Hallier to the Syndicship, and ordain'd that upon the Appeal the Parties should have a hearing on the morrow after the feast of S. Martin; in the mean time prohibition [Page 28] was made to the said M. Hallier to meddle or interpose in the said office of Syndic, or execute any part thereof; and injunction to M. Cornet to discharge the duties thereof as he did before M. Hallier was chosen, till the Court should ordain otherwise therein. That moreover the Arrests issu'd against the Religious Mendicants, (who also had contributed with their Suffrages to the said election to the number of above two, though till this occasion there had been an Antipathy and continual feud between them and M. Hallier) should be put in execution.

We lookt upon this Arrest as a new obstacle to our agreement, because we were not so much Ma­sters of the affair as before; and the discharging of the Syndicship being forbidden to M. Hallier by this Arrest, there would need another to re-establish him in it.

Neverthelesse there was no forbearance of seek­ing means of reconcilement, especially during the two last Festivals of All-Saints; and M. Des-Chaste­aux, then Rector of the University, took very great care therein. But in fine, the Doctors with whom I was joyn'd in the businesse, would not hear of ought but of M. Hallier's signing what he promis'd, and of the writing's remaining in the hands of the Coadjutor, for the end and reasons above-men­tion'd.

The draught of Conditions which we requir'd M. Hallier to sign, contain'd, 1. That whilest he was Syndic he should promise for the restoring such peace as was in the Faculty before the month of July, and preserving the same, to keep an equality between both parties, by letting them enjoy the freedom of their sentiments, as well to utter the same vivâ voce, as to write them in their Theses. Moreover, not to carry on in any manner whatso­ever the enterprise of M. Cornet, set on foot in the month of July, concerning the examination and censuring of certain Propositions, and nomination of Deputies for those purposes. As also not to re­ject either in Theses or any other way, the Doct [...]in and Authority of S. Augustine, as it is contain'd in his Books, and as it hath been taught in the Scholes till then, for example, by M. de Sainte Beufoe. 2. That in case he (whilest Syndic) were oblig'd to go from Paris, he should promise to acquaint MM. N. and N. before he speak thereof to the Faculty, for prevention of such inconveniences as may arise upon the substitution of another, who may design to foment division in the Faculty. 3. That he should bind himself, being Syndic, and promise not to hinder, as such, or otherwise, the execution of the Arrests issu'd for the regulation of the Suffrages of Doctors Mendicants, in Assemblies and Con­sultations of the Faculty. 4. That provided he deny'd publickly, and persisted to deny his having given approbation to the Book of Cornelius à Lapide upon the Canonical Epistles, and consented to all sorts of condemnations su'd and prosecuted against the Propositions contain'd in that Author, of which complaint had been made to the Faculty: the Doctors who oppos'd his election, promis'd also to desist from their opposition, and to suffer him peace­ably to exerc [...]se the duties of his place.

It was eleven a clock at night on the third of No­vember 1649. when M. Hallier resolv'd to write with his own hand the Conditions of this agreement, to put the same the next morning, before the Assembly, into those of the Coadjutor, and to pro­mise to him performance thereof, accordingly as they are here express'd. I had notice of it on the fourth, which was the day of the Assembly, between six and seven in the morning, to the end I might re­pair to the Coadjutor, as accordingly I did with M. Taignier, and found M. Hallier there before us.

After some slight contests which touch'd not the bottome of the businesse, M. the Coadjutor taking him aside and giving him the Conditions to read which he had promis'd to write, to the end they might remain in his the said Coadjutor's hands, M. Hallier having read them, spoke some words very low to him. After which we being drawn near, the Coadjutor told us, that M. Hallier not only re­fus'd to write, but likewise was not resolv'd to pro­mise by word the Articles contain'd in that Paper. He express'd to us great regret to see this businesse out of probability of accommodation. For (said he) were there nothing between them but the mode and circumstances of things, some expedient m [...]ght be sought to facilitate the same; but there is not so much as an agreement about the substance. We testifi'd to the Coadjutor how troubled we were at the aversenesse of M. Hallier, and beseecht him to remember, that we were no wise the cause of the miscarriage of the intended reconcilement.

So we return'd to the Sorbonne, to the end the Arrest, as yet not s gnifi'd to M. Hallier, M. the Dean, and M. Bouvot the Register, might be signifi'd unto them before the Assembly. I will not here report any thing particularly that was done therein, all be [...]ng contain'd at large in the Processe Verbal, which was soon after printed thereupon, and signed by the Usher of the Parliament, who came to the Assembly to signifie the same there. I shall only say in this place, that notwithstanding the said Arrest which expresly interdicted M. Hallier all the functi­ons of Syndic, he did not forbear to execute them all in this Assembly; and this, with a strange contempt of the Parliaments Author ty, by himself and all the Doctors who elected him to that place.

The day of this Assembly being pass'd, it be­hoov'd to wait the resitting of the Parliament, to re­present to them the infringements that had been made of their Arrests. We presented a new Petiti­on to them, by wh [...]ch we besought them to take or­der therein, and cause the same to be executed. We annex'd to this Petition the Processe Verbal of the Usher, and a Summons made to M. Bouvot on the 18. of November, to declare who had till that day discharg'd the office of Syndic since the Assembly of the 4th. of November, to which M. Bouvot had answer'd that it was M. Hallier.

In the mean time M. Hallier ceas'd not to renew his solicitations for an accord with us, notwithstand­ing all that was pass'd. He had recourse for that effect to the Bishop of Amiens and the Coadjutor, and again assur'd them, and entreated them to assure us, that he would deal equally with both sides in the matters of Grace, Predestination, and Free-will, and would not in Theses reject the sentiments of S. Augustine.

After what was past we saw no great likelihood of any reconciliation, and little consider'd what might be propounded to us from M. Hallier; nor did we trouble our selves with deliberating what to do in reference to his late offer to the said two Pre­lates: For before they had acquainted us with it, he went to the Coadjutor and desir'd him to release him of his word, and excuse him if he could promise nothing.

Fryday 26 November, M. Broussel reported our new Petition, to which report the first President spoke thus: See (said he) here's a very conside­rable businesse, to reproach an honest man for an Approbation given by him ever since the year 1626. Who are the Petitioners? M. Broussel answer'd, the Petition must be read, and then, Sir, you will see who the Petitioners are, and find that this is not an affair of so small consequence as you apprehend. The Petition was read. When I was nam'd, the first President said, There, There's the man that makes all this adoe. However the Petition was sign'd with Soit montre, Let it be admitted. The President de Mesmes seconded the motions of the first Pre­sident to pacifie matters. But when the Doctors Mendicants came to be spoken of, the President de Mesmes said, We cannot alwayes live in this manner, some course must be taken for redresse.

After ten a clock the first President sent to seek M. Cazaut, and ask'd him whether he had made the Processe Verbal, concerning what had pass'd in Sor­bonne. M. Cazaut answer'd, Yes, and that that Processe Verbal would astonish him; That never was seen such a Rebellion against the Arrests of the Court. The first President caus'd the first draught of it to be brought to him, the copy being not yet finish'd.

We went the same day to M. Bignon, and told him, that we would cause our Adversaries to be Summon'd to appear the next morning at the Bar of the Parliament, to argue the businesse, and he answer'd us that we should be heard there.

The arguing of other Causes being dispatcht, MMr. the King's Learned Council caus'd all the people to withdraw saving us. As M. Langlois, the Advocate retain'd on our side, was beginning to open the matter, and we stood towards the window, there appear'd on the other side an Attorney or Pro­curator, who said, Messieurs, The Cause intended to be open'd to you I am charg'd with, my Clients have had no notice of this hearing till yesterday in the Evening, and they have no Advocate provided. M. Talon thereupon ask'd him, Where his Clients were? He answer'd, In the Hall: M. Talon said; Call them hither, there needs but one word in this businesse, we will hear them by their own mouths. The Attorney said, They are not instructed in their own affairs; and so he withdrew. We continu'd our pleading, and besides the opening of our Case by the Advocate, MM. de Mincé and Brousse dis­play'd it from the bottom. Amongst other things which were spoken there, we complain'd of the Coriolanus reprinted by M. Bail, containing the same Doctrine with Corn. à Lapide. The King's Learned Council told us, that when such evil books were publish'd, there needed no more in order to have justice upon them, but straitway to bring them to the Bar. Their conclusions were; that on the King's part nothing hinder'd but we might have audience the first day, and they told us that we must repair to the first President, who would sign us a Placet for appearance on Monday morn­ing.

M. the first President aiming to prevent us of an Arrest, and to reduce us to a Treaty with our Ad­versaries, made many scruples to award us the said Placet; but we were so urgent upon the rules of Court, notwithstanding the difficulties and refusals he made us, that at length he took his pen and began to superscribe our Placet. Yet as he was writing, a resolution took him, to deny us the same abso­lutely; he return'd the pen which we had present­ed to him, and instead of appearing with our Advo­cates, as we ought to do according to the usual or­der, he sent us back to our Reporter, by whom (he said) we should be heard on Monday concerning our Petition. Neverthelesse when our Reporter was according to this Rule going to speak thereof on Monday, the first President stopt him by a new diversion to other businesse, and only sent to tell us at ten a clock, that we must come and wait upon him after dinner. We did so; and there met with our Adversaries; in which interview, and many others in the same place, we had divers conferences with them in his presence. It is not material to give ac­count of them; only I will touch two circumstances, which are too considerable to be omitted. One is, that M. Hallier having in one of those visits told the first President, that he could not obtain peace with us, because he had refus'd to sign the Propositions of Jansenius: We answer'd him immediately, that he had never been spoken to about them. M. Hallier reply'd, that we caus'd the same be demanded of him by the Coadjutor: We answer'd, that it was no­thing so. But returning again the next morning, M. de Lalane, who in the mean time went to the Coadjutor for the same purpose, said to the first President, Sir, I am commanded by the Coadjutor to tell you from him, that he never from us demanded of M. Hallier to sign the Propositions of Jansenius, as M. Hallier told you yesterday. To which the first President having answer'd, that that was not the matter in question; M. de Lalane reply'd, Sir, it is not just that M. Hallier should impose upon the Co­adjutor and us, and that we say nothing thereof. — The second is, that whatever instance we could use to bring him to allow that our contests should be decided according to the ordinary wayes by the judgement of the Court, he would not con­sent thereunto, but told us that we must labour to end the same our selves by agreement; adding, that this was the mind of the Court, which he testifi'd, that he had receiv'd order to acquaint us with.

CHAP. XIV.

Of what was done in the Assembly of the first of December 1649. in order to the Agreement desir'd by the first Pre­sident.

THe first day of December being arriv'd, M. Charton told the Assembly of the Faculty, that the first President had sent for either side, and signi­fi'd to us, that the Court of Parliament desir'd we would seek amongst our selves some terms of agree­ment.

M. de Mincé spoke next, and testifi'd that the first President's meaning was not to remit businesses to the judgement of the Faculty, but only to invite both parties to seek wayes of Accommodation amongst our selves.

M. Hallier spoke something which caus'd a con­test to arise between M. de Mincé and him, and which was the occasion that M. de Mincé having told him that he ought not to thrust himself into the [Page 30] Administrations of the Syndicship, M. Hallier de­clar'd, that he did not pretend to discharge any of them in this Assembly.

M. Mulot put to the Vote that which was pro­pounded by M. Charton. M. Messier Subdean, de­livering his opinion the first, said, that for the Pro­positions it would be fit to nominate two Doctors on each side, to the end they might confer together of what was to be done. But being advertis'd that the Propositions were not under consideration, he alter'd his suffrage, and said, that he judg'd the way of agreement was, to execute the Arrests of the Court.

After which no person spoke more concerning the Propositions, till M. Pereyret, whose advices are usually infallible Prognosticks, and certain rules of the sentiments of all those of that party. He said, that in order to a solid peace, it behoved to discusse the principal cause of the division, to look to that which chiefly had incens'd us, and that was Doctrine. That as for the Syndicship and the other things, they were not the principal, but only accessaries. That it behov'd to apply the remedy to the root of the Evil. That it was this that was chiefly to be ex­amin'd, and from which we might most expect peace. That all which had been done proceeded from that source. Wherefore it was requisite to give satis­faction therein, and for that end to take time to deli­berate again thereupon, and in the mean while to invite all people to examine them. That they who were deputed should do the same. That in the in­terim it was fit to live in friendship and good intelli­gence one with another; and for this purpose, to forbear writing or speaking any thing about the said Propositions, and putting the same into Theses. That if in the mean space any Bachelors or Doctors attempt any thing contrary to this rule, either in Theses or Books, it behov'd the Faculty to punish them sharply and severely by its Censures. That not only the first President, but also all the other Presidents and Counsellors whom they had con­ferr'd with, had advis'd to proceed in this manner; and thus it was that they design'd to act in this Ac­commodation.

M. Coppin perceiving that this advice tended to renew the enterprise of the first of July, said as well in his own name as in that of a great number of Doctors, (whose mind never was to eschew the examination of those Propositions or others, but who on the contrary alwayes desir'd that it should be set afoot, provided it were done with conditions necessary for the manifestation of truth, and the establishment of a firm peace amongst the Doctors) He said (as I intimated) as well in his own name as in that of the Doctors, that if the resolution were taken to set upon such examination, he demanded that certain conditions should be observ'd therein, such as all equitable persons would esteem just and necessary for the right performance of the same, and which he was going to propound to the Faculty: To do which, he took in his hand a paper, wherein he had written the same; but upon this there was rais'd a great noise, caus'd partly by such as lik'd not the mention of Conditions, and partly by others who dislik'd that we should propose them, because that in this Assembly the question was not about such examination.

We answer'd, that indeed the Dean did not put the same to the Vote, yet M. Pereyret did not for­bear to debate upon it, and by his discourse give cause to believe that it was intended to turn the de­liberations of the Faculty that way. M. Pereyret went about to put it off, but he could not handsomly. M. Amiot maintain'd that M. Pereyret had reason to say that such examination was the thing to be consi­der'd, for that it was requir'd to seek wayes of ac­cord, and the difference being about Doctrine, it was fit to speak thereof. As M. Coppin continu'd offering to read his paper, (because there would be no time to read it after the examination were con­cluded upon, and the noise continuing, he could not have a moment of audience) on the one side M. Mulot out of a caprichio by force snatcht away his paper, and M. Pereyret on the other to appease the noise which increas'd more and more, alter'd his former sentence, or at least explain'd it; and con­cluded no more to examine the Propositions, or to forbid the maintaining of them. M. Mulot also render'd M. Coppin his paper, who gave it into the hands of M. Bouvot, to the end it might be regi­stred, to be made use of, and had recourse to, as often as it should please those Gentlemen to at­tempt the examination of the matters in contest.

M. Charton delivering his opinion, did not for­bear to conclude again upon the examination of the Propositions, without speaking ought, or having any regard to the Conditions presented by M. Cop­pin. M. Morel advis'd the same with M. Charton, and said that the examination was already made by the Deputies, that there remain'd no more but for them to make their report thereof; that it was re­quisite to deferre it still, and in the mean time to forbid the Bachelors to maintain those Propositions; but that it was not fit to name other Deputies to discusse the same; and as for M. Hallier, that things ought to be so order'd as that he abide in the office of Syndic.

M. Hallier stood up, and said he would willingly relinquish it, if need were; yet he should advise, that eight or ten Doctors conferr'd together about what was to be done therein; but that it behov'd not to speak of condemning the one or the other.

M. Amiot said, that the time agreed upon to forbear speaking of the Propositions, and of the other transactions of the first of July, was expir'd; that it behov'd now to speak thereof, and to make valid what was till then only suspended.

When I perceiv'd that this advice to take the Propositions in hand again was propos'd by many Doctors, and that it was to be fear'd lest it should prevail, I caus'd notice to be given to an Usher of the Court of Parliament, whom I kept ready to sig­nifie, in case of need, the Arrest issu'd on the fifth of October, and spoken of before, by which they were forbidden to proceed further upon the business of the Propositions. M. Tassin who receiv'd the charge of signifying the said Arrest, brought it to the Faculty to the Table: They knew not what it was, but had wholly forgotten this Arrest, for the publishing of it had been deferr'd whilst it seem'd not necessary; wherefore it was easily resolv'd that it should be read, to know what it was. Whilest it was reading, MM. Pereyret and Cornet deny'd their having spoken that which the Arrest expresly rela­ted to have been spoken by them, in presence of the Court, when they were heard there. M. de Saint Roch reply'd to them, that then they needed only to enter a challenge of falsity against the Arrest, and M. Brousse requir'd a Memorandum of the Lye which they gave the whole Court.

After that this Arrest was read, the Suffrages con­tinu'd on. M. Cornet said the signification of this Arrest disturb'd the peace, and hinder'd them from deliberating of wayes of accord, for that it bound their hands. He was answer'd, that wayes of ac­cord were sought for upon M. Hallier's businesse; that this Arrest concern'd only the examination of the Propositions, in which it forbad them further to proceed, and therefore did not hinder but that they might endeavour to find means of agreement. M. Cornet continuing his speech, said, that then himself was of M. Chappellas's opinion, and that these con­tests ought to be taken up according to the desire of the first President, who made the overture of sus­pending the businesse of the Propositions during three or four months; and that himself should ad­vise that the said terme be prolong'd; and never­thelesse because the affair of the Syndic requir'd ex­pedition, that three Doctors of each side be nomi­nated, and three in the name of the Faculty, who should all agree about means to accommode the contests.

M. Amiot did not forbear, after this advice, to require a Memorandum of the publishing of this Arrest, as if it had been a misdeed committed against the intentions of the Parliament, by them who caus'd it to be publish'd. And M. Brousse requir'd one likewise of the time in which it was publisht, namely, after divers had given their Suffrages for continuing the examination of the Propositions. He also layd open in general what was contain'd in the paper of Conditions presented by M. Coppin, and requir'd again that M. Bouvot should not fail to re­gister it.

After the reading of the said Arrest; there was no more speech of proceeding to examine the Proposi­tions, but only of nominating Commissioners for the businesse of M. Hallier; and at length after di­vers Expedients mention'd, the plurality of Suffrages concluded that M. Hallier should name three on his own part, M. de Mincé three others, and that as many should be nominated in behalf of the Faculty, as persons indifferent, namely M. Chappellas, M. Gauquelin, and M. du Val, which nine were to meet and consult amongst themselves of means of accord, and make report to the Faculty the seventh of the same month, of what they offer'd in order to an Ac­commodation.

The proceeding of the Doctors with whom we had to do, was sufficiently strange throughout the whole deliberation. For they debated in the same manner as they would have done if they had been Supreme Arbiters of the Accommodation, and as if the Court had remitted the whole businesse unto them to ordain thereupon. And although we were all divided into two parties, of which some were more heated and others lesse, yet they pretended that there was a third body between them and us, which they call'd The Faculty, (which yet consisted only of themselves) because with the help of the Religious Mendicants their number was unquesti­onably greater then ours. We did not omit to inti­mate to them very distinctly upon two or three occa­sions in this Assembly, that there was not in the Company a third party which compos'd the Faculty; that neither the Court nor the first President had re­mitted us to be judg'd by themselves, but only to seek between them and us the means of reconciling us, and with charge, that if we did it not, we should have recourse to the Court of Parliament, to be judg­ed there. Notwithstanding, though we endeavor'd to make this as clear as possible, they could scarce be brought to understand our language, nor to for­bear acting as if they had been absolute masters of our differences, and as if the Faculty had been some kinde of thing distinct from themselves and us.

Moreover M. Brousse oppos'd this Result as well in his own name as in ours. He said Com­missioners could not be nominated on behalf of the Faculty, which was no party by it self in this affair, but was wholly divided into two parties. He said, that if it were requisite to nominate Doctors for mediators between such as should be nominated on either side, it would belong to these Doctors to choose them, and to agree about them, in case themselves could not agree together. He said, that particularly the persons nam'd as indifferent, were not so; having declar'd themselves too o­penly in this assembly for M. Hallier: and he warned the said M. Hallier and the Dean to execute the Arrests publish'd; telling them; that in default thereof he made against them all Protestations re­quisite in such cases, and persisted in all Oppositions, Appeals and Protestations heretofore made. Ne­verthelesse the Dean forbore not to warn M. de de Mincé to nominate three Doctors on the part of the Opposers for carrying on the Accord. M. de Mincé answer'd, that without prejudice to the De­clarations and Protestations made by M. Brousse, he would nominate them that day, and deliver them in writing to M. Bouvot the Register. M. Hallier was likewise warn'd by the Dean, and he immedi­ately nominated for himself MM. Pereyret, Mo­rel, and Le Moine. And thus this Assembly ended.

The Conditions for examining the doctrine of Grace which M. Coppin presented in our behalf to the Faculty, were not enter'd in our Registers, what ever importunity we could use to have it done, be­cause M. Cornet ever since that time was Master of our Registers, and put nothing therein but what himself would. Yet they were printed almost as soon as they were presented, and have been so a­gain; however I shall not omit to give a Copy of them in the Collection of pieces I intend to place af­ter this Journal. I shall only observe here, that it is said there in expresse terms, that the Propositions presented by M. Cornet to the Faculty for Censure, are equivocal and ambiguous, and are not maintain'd by any one in the sense which they seem to have of themselves. Postquam omnibus innotuit quàm peri­culosè M. Nicolaus Cornet Propositiones quasdam de Gratia ambiguas & aequivocas, A NULLO AUTO­RE IN SENSU QUEM PRAE SE FERRE VI­DENTUR ASSERTAS, vocaverit in medium, & exa­minandas Facultati exhibuerit, &c.

CHAP. XV.

Of what pass'd after this Assembly till the seventh of December, in reference to the Agreement debated of.

THough we were not bound to follow the Result of the Assembly held in the forenoon, but on­ly so far as we judg'd it convenient to conform thereunto; neverthesse, not to reject this way of accommodation, in case it might have any good successe, and having consider'd that in particular [Page 32] conferences about this affair we should alwaies have liberty to accept or reject, as we thought good; M. de Mincé in the afternoon deliver'd a Note to M. Bouvot, in which he nominated M. Chastellain, M. Bachelier, and me, to confer with the Doctors no­minated by M. Hallier, for accommoding the Process commenced against his pretended Election to the Syndic­ship, or rather for finding means to bring him fairly out of it; because he (the said de Mincé) alwayes thought that M. Hallier ought not to have been elected to it; for which purpose he made this nomination of Commissio­ners or Deputies, without prejudice to our Opposition.

M. Chastellain, the antientest of these nine Depu­ties, assembled us according to the custom of the College of Sorbonne to the lodgings of M. Bouvot on the fourth of December, between nine and ten in the morning. When we were all come thither, he propounded to us the matter about which we were assembled, and put it under deliberation a­mongst us, as it uses to be in the Faculty, to the end every one might give his advice thereupon.

M. Pereyret, who was the first to speak to the pro­posal made by M. Chastellain, deliver'd his advice as it shall be reported hereafter. In the mean time it is worth observing, that by all that pass'd in the se­veral conferences we had with the first President touching our affairs, we found in him so great an a­versenesse to suffer them to be manag'd by the usual wayes of justice, and so great a resolution to have us labour to terminate them our selves, that we were constrain'd before that Assembly of the first of Decemb. to resolve therupon, and bethink our selves of such conditions as were fit to be offer'd for the reconciliation which we might be oblig'd to make, to the end that by concluding the same, we might live in the Faculty with some kind of peace and free­dom.

Those Conditions, besides them which concern'd the Syndicship of M. Hallier, hereafter related, were, 1. That the two years of his Syndicship being expir'd, M. de S. André, who had had in the assembly of his election the plurality of legitimate Suffrages, be Syndic, and exercise the functions thereof during the two following years. 2. That during the time in which M. Hallier should have occasion to be absent from Paris, whether for the necessities of his Arch­deaconry of S. Malo or othewise, M. de S. André exercise the functions thereof. 3. That M. Hallier come to the Sorbonne thrice a week, upon dayes ap­pointed, to satisfie the Doctors and Bachelors that have any thing to do with him. 4. That M. Hallier have no power to reject out of Theses the Proposi­tions of the antient Doctrine of the Faculty, and of France, touching the Church, the Councils, the Pope, the Supremacy of the King, and the Li­berties of the Gallicane Church, for the maintain­ing of which, the Bachelors who have their The­ses signed by their chief Masters and Presidents, be left by him in perfect liberty. That likewise he have no power to reject out of them the doctrin of S. Au­gustin touching Grace, Predestination and Free­will; nor to keep the said Theses, nor to alter in a­ny thing the order and discipline of the Facul­ty. 5. That the Conclusions complain'd of a year or eighteen moneths ago, be review'd and enter'd into the Registers conformably to the truth of the things which pass'd, and in such words as may not injure any one, but may be admitted by such as are concerned therein. 6. That the two Conscriptors nominated contrary to form in the absence of the opposers of M. Hallier's election, being persons al­together partial, be either both, or at least one of them chang'd, and two others duly agreed upon put in their places; or that one of them quit his of­fice, and such Doctor put in his room as the Oppo­sers should choose, to take care as well of the Con­clusions hereafter to be made, as of the Doctors to be nominated for examining the Bachelors, to the end to hinder, that when it is known that any of them are taken to be of opinions not agreeable to one of the parties, there be not examiners assign'd them of wholly differing judgements, and inclina­ble to use them ill in their examinations. 7. That the Advocates General be inform'd of all these Con­ditions of our Agreements, to the end they may adde what we may possibly have omitted con­ducive to the publick interest, the King's service, and the duty of their offices.

M. Bachelier, who was to speak next after M. Pe­reyret in this private assembly, propos'd some of these conditions; and before the others declar'd their sentiments, M. Pereyret said, that provided they were agreed upon the Capital matter of these contests, all that M. Bachelier requir'd would admit no scruple, but be very easie to perform. He added further, that these things needed not to have been demanded, being imply'd sufficiently without being spoken of; as also that the expences made on either side in these contests, be reembours'd out of the publick monies of the Faculty.

All the other Gentlemen who spoke after M. Ba­chelier, till it came to me, were of M. Pereyret's o­pinion, both as to the substance and as to the cir­cumstances of what M. Bachelier added thereunto, saving that some alledg'd that it was not in our pow­er to make Conscriptors, but that they were to be nominated by the Faculty: all agreed that it was just to make them according to these conditions, and that the Faculty would be inclin'd to nominate such as with submission to it we should agree upon.

I was oblig'd to follow the order which all those Gentlemen kept, and I spoke last. I testify'd how great joy I found in their inclinations to our peace; but that the better to judge and speak thereof with more certainty, it would be fit to write down and view the conditions with which it was made, that so they might be perform'd before the peace be judg'd perfectly concluded and agreed upon; That I would for my own part contribute my utmost thereunto; That I had great hopes all these condi­tions would be perform'd, both for that I account­ed them just, and because I perceiv'd they were acceptable to them: But yet that in these kinds of transactions it behoov'd not to defer those things till after-Agreements, which ought to precede, or at least accompany them. Every one advis'd me to fear nothing, and told me, that content should be given me; and so way was given to M. Pereyret to dictate to M. Bouvot the Register who was present, the things which he had spoken in his Advice. The Copy thereof here follows, being all fill'd with his own matter, and having, no doubt been complot­ted before with M. Cornet.

MM. — deputed by the Fa­culty have agreed, That whereas provision hath been sufficiently made in reference to the Propositions in question by the Ecclesiastical Determinations and anti­ent [Page 33] Decrees of the Faculty; It is not necessary to pro­ceed to an Examination or Censure, but it sufficeth to injoyn the Syndic to see to the execution of the Decrees heretofore made both for doctrine and discipline: And in case any scruples arise touching the aforesaid Proposi­tions, or others relating to the matter of Grace, & de Auxiliis, That then the said Syndic shall take the ad­vice of all the Doctors that were his Predecessors in that Charge.

And for what concernes the Syndicship, That after M. Hallier shall have reiterated the declaration which he made in the Faculty on the fourth of November, that he did not approve the book of Cornelius a Lapide, but disallows the doctrine contained therein concerning the power of Temporal Princes; and that he adheres wholly to the doctrine of the Faculty in this point, and to the Censures which it hath made thereupon, and a­mongst others on the 1. & 4. of April 1626. And after that for justifying his innocence in this particu­lar, he shall have presented a Petition to the Court of Parliament that Prohibitions be made to all Printers to print the said Book of Cornelius a Lapide with the said supposed Approbation, with penalties against the Offenders: Then with a common consent his Election shall be allow'd.

Signed,
  • Chastellain,
  • Pereyret,
  • Chappellas,
  • Bachelier,
  • Gauquelin,
  • Le Moine,
  • Morell,
  • Du Val.

After the Gentlemen above-nam'd had signed, M. De Saint-Amour being moved to sign also, demanded time to consider, and a Copy of the present Result.

Signed, Ph. Bouvot.

I was very attentive to that which M. Bouvot writ, whilst M. Pereyret dictated to him, and I very easily perceiv'd the equivocal terms wherein this Accord was drawn in reference to the Propositions. I lookt upon it as a new seminary of divisions upon all oc­casions, wherein every one might have ground to interpret it to his own advantage. That our Ad­versaries being more numerous then we, would over-rule its interpretation when ever they pleas'd. And lastly, that the Referring to the antient Syndics such scruples as might arise about The­ses, was the establishing of a petty Tribunal, and kind of Inquisition in the Faculty, by attributing to them a Jurisdiction appertaining to all the Do­ctors in a body, which might hereafter put fetters and constraint upon their sentiments, which ought to be preserv'd in the liberty hitherto so advanta­geous to them. This I accounted so much the more dangerous, for that amongst the Six Do­ctors formerly Syndics, MM. Pereyret and Cornet being of the number, and M. Hallier the present Syndic, I did not finde so many of them equita­ble to us, as there were prejudic'd against us. Wherefore upon the motion of signing this Wri­ting as soon as it was finish'd, before any one had sign'd it, I took M. Chastellain and M. Bachelier a­side, and beseecht them that they would take one dayes time to review and examine it before-hand, as well for the reasons abovesaid which I partly no­ted to them, as for that there was no mention therein of any of the conditions which we had de­manded in order to this agreement, and I thought not expedient to sign any before they were all per­form'd; That we had to do with people that would never seek reconcilement with us as they do, were it not that they found themselves forc'd to it by the justice of the prosecutions we intend against them, and who would afterwards laugh at us and all that they have promised us, if we should give over those so just and necessary prosecutions with­out making the benefits thereof which we may for establishing the order, discipline and antient do­ctrine of the Faculty; That we had reduc'd them to reason about the businesse of the Propositions by the Arrest of the fift of October. That this of the Syndicship would have as good an issue; that it should never be carried without occasioning an information of the infringements made of the Ar­rests of Parliament touching Religious Mendicants, (especially at the time when M. Broussel and M. Viole came to the Faculty) and without doing al things necessary for repairing the disobediences committed against the authority of the Court, and for procuring the execution of those Arrests which they knew to be so important to the good of the Faculty. I entreated them that for the honour of God they would have one afternoons patience for examining all that was to be consider'd about this businesse. But with all the representations I could use, they were not to be brought to any delay. M. Chastellain was much troubled with the Gout, and had caus'd himself to be brought with very great pain from his own Lodging to that of M. Bouvot, and therefore could not be prevail'd with to come again, nor M. Bachelier to doe any thing but what he saw M. Chastellain do. So all eight sign'd the Writing, as it is set down before; and at the signing of it, the rest assur'd M. Chastellain and M. Bachelier, that they would not fail in the conditions which we had requir'd of them.

I was much surpriz'd to find my self the only person left to sign them, of nine who were much more antient, experienc'd and judicious then my self; I saw that I could not avoid being blam'd as obstinate, the sole cause of the divisions of the Fa­culty, and willing to keep up the disorder, of which some reproaches had been already made me with lesse apparence then there was in this occasi­on: but on the other side I could not resolve to avoid this vain reproach by signing a thing which seem'd to me so evidently mischievous.

However, they press'd me to sign it by threat­ning me to make complaints of me everywhere, and to impute to me all the evil that might arise from our disunion; but I could not be mov'd to do it; and all the expedient I could devise in this difficult conjuncture, was, to require time to con­sider what I was to do, and a Copy of the Result which they would have me sign as it is noted by our Register at the foot thereof, and is above de­clar'd.

When I conferr'd hereupon with divers of our Brethren, I found none but was very glad of the resistance which I made thereto; many of them betook themselves to represent the consequences thereof to M. Chastellain and M. Bachelier; who at length became perswaded that I had reason on my side, particularly in reference to the petty Tribunal which was going to be erected amongst us, (con­sisting of the other Syndics) who were to become the only rules and masters of doctrine; and M. Chastellain resolv'd to summon us together again, to review and put into Latin that which was sign­ed, to the end it might be fit to be reported to the [Page 34] Faculty; and for that by reason of his indisposition he was unable to come again to the house of the Fa­culty, he intreated us to meet at his own.

It was on S. Nicolas's day in the afternoon. When I arriv'd there, the new Result was already pre­par'd in Latin, and sign'd by all the Deputies ex­cept M. Chappellas and le Moyne, who were not yet come. It was presented to me ready drawn and signed as I am going to insert it here, to the end I might sign it also.

ANNO Dom. 1649. die 4. mensis Decembris, Honorandi Magistri nostri, Chastellain, Pereyret, Chappellas, Bachelier, Morel Sorbonicus, Gauque­lin, le Moyne, Du Val, & de Saint-Amour, respe­ctivè à Facultate deputati in publicis Comitiis ejusdem mensis concluserunt & convenerunt inter se, ad Facul­tatem referendum esse, Satis provisum fuisse tam circa Propositiones de quibus est controversia, quam circa eas quae tangunt materiam de Gratia & de Auxiliis divi­nis per Definitiones Ecclesiasticas & Antiqua Decre­ta ipsius Facultatis, at (que) ideo non esse necesse procedere ad examen vel judicium earundem, sed sufficere, si D. Syndico injungatur ut curet executioni mandanti De­creta antea facta tàm pro doctrina quàm pro discipli­na: quòd si aliqua difficultas occurrat circa praedictas Propositiones aut alias circa materiam de Gratia aut de Auxiliis divinis, idem D. Syndicus consultet Facul­tatem: Si verò res ita urgeat ut non possit commodè convocari, consilium assumet omnium Sapientissimo­rum Magistrorum qui eum in officio & munere Syndi­catûs praecesserunt.

Quod vero spectat ad Syndicatum, postquam hono­randus M. N. Hallier declarationem a se factam die quarta superioris mensis Novembris in publicis Co­mitiis reiteravit, videlicet se nunquam approbasse li­brum Cornelii a Lapide in Epistolas Canonicas, at­que improbare se doctrinam in eo contentam quae tangit potestatem Principum temporalium, seque penitus adhaerere doctrinae Facultatis circa illud pun­ctum, at (que) etiam Censuris ab eadem de eo factis, & in­ter alias decreto facto contra Santarellum; ut (que) suam circa illud momentum innocentiam testificetur, libellum supplicem supremae Curiae Parlamenti offeret, eo fine ut omnibus Typographis & Librariis interdicatur sub poenis eidem Curiae reservatis in deficientes aut contra­venientes, ne imprimant aut vendant dictum librum Cornelii a Lapide cum dicta supposita approbatione. Et in praedictorum consequentiam unanimi omnium consensu ejus electio ad Syndicatum probabitur.

Signed;
  • Chastellain,
  • Bachelier,
  • Gauquelin,
  • Pereyret,
  • Morel,
  • R. du Val.

In reading this result thus new model'd in Latin, I found a new difficulty in it besides those which I had found the first time. For to remedy that which I made of having recourse to the antient Syndics, it was put, that in case there arriv'd any difficulty about the Propositions, the Syndic shall consult the Faculty thereupon: and that if the case be so urgent that the Faculty cannot conveniently assemble, then he shall take counsel of all the antient Syn­dics. It seem'd to me that on one side this Liber­ty given the Syndic to consult the Faculty about the said Propositions, was an Impeachment to the Ar­rest of the fift of October, and gave room for the re­viving of M. Cornet's enterprise at pleasure; and that on the other, the liberty given him and the ob­ligation lay'd upon him withall to recurre to all the antient Syndics, when the affair permitted not the Faculty to be assembled, was for ever to erect such a Tribunal in the Faculty, by allowing him to re­curre thereunto when he pleas'd; and moreover to impose a yoak and inconvenience upon him which our Syndic was not accustom'd to bear; Wherefore I excus'd my self again, with more con­fidence (though with much more grief) from sub­scribing this new Writing.

The next day (Dec. 7.) the Faculty assembled extraordinarily to hear the report of what we had done in the businesse. M. Chastellain said that the Result touching the Propositions and the Syndicship was in the hands of M. Bouvot, who should read it; and that none of the other Conditions agreed upon were put into it, (as namely about the new choice of Conscriptors, and review of the Conclusions) because for these it was rely'd upon the word of the Deputies which they had pass'd, and upon the con­fidence that the Assembly would approve the same. — So M. Bouvot read the Result in the very terms wherein it is transcribed above. — After it was read, I acquainted the Assembly what a trouble it was to me that I could not sign it, and laid forth the reasons thereof with all possible respect to the rest of the Deputies. Which yet did not hinder but that M. Chastellain and M. Chappellas express'd some displeasure against me for it; and touching ambiguity of words complain'd of by me. M. Chappellas said, that there was no subtlety intended therein, nor any design to prejudice any party; but whereas there was to be no more speech of the said Examination, it behooved to find some reason for it; and this in the Preamble was alledg'd to that purpose, so that it might be said on both sides, Causa quam putatis victricem causâ cecidit; he concluded, that in stead of the word Definitiones the word Sanctiones was fit to be put into the Agreement; M. Hennequin ha­ving intimated the same in his Sentence.

Most of the Doctors also who spoke before me, pronounc'd it fit to retrench out of the said agree­ment that which I judg'd ill therein; (namely, that in case of difficulties arising, the Syndic should con­sult the Faculty, or have recourse to the antient Syndics) which was accordingly retrench'd. This being done, and on the other side many of my friends pressing me to acquiesce in the Accord, although I was not yet satisfi'd, yet because it behooved to consider all things, and to accept of the best that was offer'd, when all that was desir'd could not be obtain'd; when it came to my turn to give my sentence, I consented thereunto, and said I was rea­dy to sign it, with regard had to the things above­mention'd, and provided security were given for the punctual performance of the conditions about the Conscriptors, and the Review of the Conclusi­ons whereof M. Chastellain had spoken. After which all nine of us were appointed to go and ren­der thanks to the first President, the Kings Coun­sel, and some of the Presidents of the Morter who had interpos'd in our Accommodation; and accor­dingly we went forthwith. It was also said that the book of Cornelius à Lapide and the Coriolanus should be deliver'd into the hands of the King's Counsel for the discharge of the Faculty.

M. Hallier was not present at this Assembly, and M. de Sainte Beuve delivering his sentence touching the point the Syndicship, said, that al­though he accounted what was ordain'd about M. [Page 35] Hallier in that businesse somewhat uncouth, yet he should for his part tell the Faculty that he would do whatsoever it desir'd. M. Cornet officiated as Syndic here, and assoon as we were gone to make our visits, began to infringe the conditions which had been promis'd only by word of mouth. For whereas it was agreed to review the Conclusions register'd within a year or eighteen months past, that the false and offensive words might be expung'd; at the end of this Assembly, after the ordinary sup­plicates were done, he caus'd the Conclusions of the preceding Assemblies which had not yet been twice read, to be read again. M. the Abbot of Ʋalcrois­sant who by chance staid till the end of the Assembly, observing something in these conclusions to the pre­judice of the Opposers, said, he conceiv'd that since peace was made, it was reasonable, according to what had been propounded, that the same Depu­ties should review the said conclusions, to see what might be amended therein. Most of them which remain'd signifi'd that they esteemed this just. M. Cornet would have put it off, and said there was not company enough to deliberate thereupon, the Assemby being broken up. M. Marcan reply'd that if there was enough for the reading of them again, there was also enough for the deliberating upon them. This press'd M. Cornet home, and constrain'd him to say, that they should be review'd before they were enter'd in the Registers of the Faculty; which all that were present declar'd to be just.

But how unsafe is it in Agreements to defer the performance of conditions wherewith they are made, when the business is with people of little ingenuity and good meaning! For the removing of the ob­structions of this, we yeilded in several things be­yond measure; and yet in the very next Assembly after this on Jan. 1. 1650. it was requisite to make many complaints of non-performance of the condi­tions which had been promis'd. There arose new contests in the Faculty about the Conscriptors whom they would not have chang'd, and about the Con­clusions which they would not have read again but as MM. Moral and Cornet had fram'd them. It was requisite to make new protestations before the Fa­culty; it was requisite to present again to it the con­ditions propos'd on the first of December by M. Copin; it was requisite to enter a complaint before Notaries of their dishonesty and breach of promise with whom this decetfull peace was concluded, and to declare there that if it were no farther kept, then MM. Hallier, Cornet and their adherents were pleas'd to keep it, there would be nothing effected by it but only our renouncing of our Oppositions and prose­cutions which were so just and so necessary. In brief, it was requisite to enter divers Memorials in the Faculty, and to declare formally that we per­sisted in all the Oppositions, Appeals and Protesta­tions hereaftermade; to protest anew that we Ap­peal'd against all that had been done before and should be done afterwards to the prejudice there­of, and of the statutes, and Arrests render'd by the Court of Parliament; that we would there, assoon as possible, prosecute for judgement of all the causes depending between the Doctor, and de­mand reparation of all that had been anew attemp­ted in the mean time in prejudice of the said Instances, Protestations, and Arrests.

There were divers Doctors who enter'd a Memo­rial hereof before Notaries the same day, being they could not obtaine the same in the Assembly. And if it had been any thing likely that the Avenues of Justice were not stopt, no doubt we should have presented our selves again there to obtain it. But the difficulties laid in our way lately by the first President, when we prosecuted it, together with all other inseparable from suites, even when the coun­tenances of the Judges are most favorable, oblig'd us to remain quiet. It behov'd us to leave the Fa­culty in the hands of those who were made masters of it by stopping the course of our prosecutions when we hoped greatest successe for its reestablishment: and we were forc't to be content with sighing before God for its ruine, and leaving before men such monu­ments as might tell posterity it hapned not by our fault.

THE SECOND PART,

Containing a Relation of sundry things which pass'd, or which I was inform'd of, at Rome, during the foure or five Months of my residing there, from the end of November 1650. till June 1651. when I return'd thither about the affair of the five Propositions.

CHAP. I.

Of my journey from Paris to Rome in the year 1650. and of what I was inform'd of being at Venice touching the prose­cutions against M. Hersent.

BUT although this Peace was one ra­ther in name then in deed, being accompani'd with all the commoti­ons and partialities of a real Divi­sion; yet it was requisite to comply with the time and to endeavour to abstain from all occasions of making a stir, by letting them passe away gently, by dissembling all our displeasures and complaints we had so great ground for, and (in brief) by living with our Adversa­ries as if there had been a perfectly good under­standing among [...] us. For the first president had shewn himself averse and opposite to the justice of our prosecutions that we could not well hope any would be done us so long as he had such au­thority in the Parliament, nor could we seek it else­where.

Thus the Faculty liv'd in outward tranquillity, and the Assembly of the second of May 1650. was past without any appearance of division, when I departed from Paris in the afternoon to overtake a Gentleman of quality whose worth and family I pecularly honor'd, and to accompany him in his intended journey to Italy. He was a young Gen­tleman of very illustrious birth, for whom I had a very great esteem; and that which amongst other things woo'd me to promise to accompany him in this journey, was, my observing in some conver­ses with him that he did not undertake it as most of his age do, namely to see pictures and statues, but get acquaintance in all places with persons of learning and condition, not only for the having correspondences in stranger Countries, but also for the learning by their conversation after the most ad­vantageous sort, the variety of humour, genius and manner in several nations. For which end he took with him at his departure from Paris a great number of letters of recommendation to all the Towns through which he was to passe.

I could not be so ready to depart so soon as he, partly because I was willing first to see how that Assembly of the 2. of May would passe. So that I did not overtake him till I came to Geneva on Sa­turday the seventh of the same Moneth. I found him in the company of M. Godefroy then one of the two Syndics of that City, to whom he had been directed, and who took care to shew him the same. When M. Godefroy saw me, he remem­bred, and made me call to mind, how that he be­ing heretofore sent to the King in behalf of his Republick, whilst I had the honor to be Rector of the University, and finding me at the Louvre where he entreated me to do him a small office, for which he came to see me at the Sorbonne, I had perform'd it for him the most civilly that I possibly could: and he told me that he was still beholding to me for it, and that if there were any thing in which I needed his service in that place, he should be glad to testify his acknowledgement. All this ended in mutual civilities, and was the oc­casion that when we departed the next day being Sunday, the 8. of the same Moneth, he giving this Gentleman a letter for Zuric directed to M. Ʋlric cheif Minister of that City, recommended me also unto him with words most obliging and full of more esteem then I had given him cause for.

We arriv'd at Zuric, and during a dayes time (wherein passengers usually tarry there as they go from Lyons to Venice, to refresh themselves [Page 38] and their horses a little) M. Ʋlric shew'd us all the civilities he could. Wine was sent to us from the Signiory, and according to the custome of the Country some persons chosen for that purpose dined with us, and after dinner led us to see the Arsenal and the Library; M. Ʋlric being with us, and particulary expressing to me tokens of the esteem which M. Godfroy's letter had given him for me; He gave us also some new acquaintance amongst the Grisons, and letters for Padua and Venice.

We spent the rest of this Summer at Venice, and in the Continent under the dominion of that famous Republick. A violent Tertian took me at Verona in September, which confin'd me to my bed for three weeks; of which as soon as I was recover'd, we return'd to Venice, to take our leaves there, and pre­pare our selves to depart for Rome the soonest we could.

Presently after we were return'd to Venic [...] we understood news of a Sermon made by M. H [...]nt this year at Rome, upon the day of S. Lewis, in the Church of that name. We saw one of the printed Copies which he had caus'd to be made of it, and were told of the design some had to Arrest him for it by the Pope's order. It was related that M. Albizzi, Assessor of the H. Office, went in a Coach towards the Palace Borghese, (which is not far from that of the Ambassador of Malta, where he had no­tice that M. Hersent was) and gave order to the Sergeants to watch him at his coming forth, and bring him to that Coach, to the end to carry him thence to the Palace of the H. Office, where the Pri­sons of the Inquisition are. It was also told us, that at Rome it was lookt upon as so high a matter, that they had order to go and seise upon M. Hersent even in the Palace of the said Ambassador, in case he de­lay'd to come forth: but that M. Hersent fearing it, found no other way of safety but to cast himself in­stantly into a Coach of the Ambassador of France, which by good hap pass'd in the interim before the gate of him of Malta, and so with speed got to the French Ambassador's Palace, where he found an in­violable Sanctuary and sure protection.

This news was brought to Venice not by Letters only; Persons, who were at Rome when the thing was done, arriv'd suddenly after at Venice, and pub­lisht the citcumstances of it, and the consequences which they foresaw thereupon; amongst others a famous Capuchine (I believe it was F. George) gave an ample account of it to M. Matharel, then the King's Resident with this Republick, which place he discharg'd with great sufficiency and reputation. M. Matharel did me the favour to come and see me after his receiving the said account, and represented to me how ill an odour at Rome this unhappy acci­dent would bring upon all such as should passe there for Jansenists. He told me, that the particular affection which we had contracted together during my stay at Venice, and the general care he was bound to take to his power, that no French-man became involv'd in troublesome and odious affaires in those parts, (because it alwayes turn'd to the dishonour of the Nation) oblig'd him to testifie to me what fears he had least in case I should go to Rome, so soon after this late disgust which M. Hersent had drawn upon himself, they would become jealous of me there as soon as they saw me, lest I should be lookt upon as one substituted in his place for the interests of the same cause; and lest they should resolve there, by putting me in a place of restraint, to pre­vent all kind of contrivances, and other displeasing things which they might fear I was likely to act, un­lesse care were taken to hinder me. He told me, he was never more surpris'd then at the hearing of the disgrace which was befallen M. Hersent for that Sermon, after the applause wherewith every one receiv'd him when he preacht it, in presence of all the curious persons at Rome that understood French, and amongst others not only of the Ambassador, but also of the Cardinals Barberini, Ʋrsini, and d' Este, two of which are of the Congregation of the H. Office; and that this ought to increase my feares as well as his; because this so sudden a change, was a sign that they were extraordinarily nice about these matters at Rome, and that the least suspicion was enough there to render a man criminal. That I had acted divers things in France against the Mendi­cants, and against M. Cornet and M. Hallier, which would not be very well gusted at Rome; wherefore, he could not conceale from me, that his opinion was, that I should do very well if I could resolve not to go thither. The Gentleman with whom I de­parted from France, was very desirous I should con­tinue with him the intended Journey to Italy, and knew I had no other businesse there, nor any con­cernment with that of M. Hersent; yet he was mov'd with these reasons to condescend to my re­turn into France, in case my self inclin'd so to do. But he was very glad when he saw me oppose to all M. Matharel's reasons, the testimony of my Consci­ence, which did not reproach me with any thing that might be justly objected against me; and to see that as it left me no regret for all that I had done in time past, so it gave me no fear for the future; but that on the contrary, I was resolv'd to maintain and justi­fie at Rome and everywhere else, upon all occasions that might happen, all whatsoever I had done in France.

Wherefore after thanks to M. Matharel for his affection and good counsel, and for the civilities which we had receiv'd from him during our abode at Venice, we took leave of our other friends and departed thence towards Rome, the 30th. of October, but arriv'd not there till the 20th. of November, partly because we took our way by Loretta, and partly because the reliques of my sickness occasion'd some dayes slownesse in our Journey.

CHAP. II.

Of the Letter of M. de Vabres; The de­sign of the Jesuits against the Houres translated into French; How odious at Rome they were whom they call Jansenists.

BEing arriv'd at Rome towards the end of No­vember 1650. I found Letters directed to me there, the oldest of which were written at Paris on the 7th. of October. They gave me notice of the first discovery made of one penn'd by the Bishop of [Page 39] Vabres, to move the Pope to condemn the Propo­sitions which M. Cornet had the year before en­deavour'd to get censur'd by the Faculty, except­ing the two last. It was signifi'd to me, that M. de Vabres had canvas'd as much as he could in the Assembly of the Clergy, to get them to subscribe the said Letter; but perceiving at last that if it were brought to the Vote there, it would un­doubtedly miscarry by the opposition which would be made by the most judicious and zealous Pre­lates of the Assembly, who very well understood the iniquity and injustice whereof all people of honour had condemn'd M. Cornet's enterprise, still fresh in memory; he resolv'd not to propose it but to particular Bishops, with whom he thought he might prevail, and whose subscriptions he hop'd to make good use of. A Copy of the said Letter was sent me, taken from a printed one which a Doctor visiting M. Hallier found by chance upon his Table: Which shews (said my corespondent) that he must needs bear a part in this businesse, because he is acquainted with the secret of it: Wherefore I was intreated to observe at Rome the most carefully I could, during my residence there, whether this Letter had been sent thither, and how it was receiv'd, because there were many Prelates, very eminent for Learning and Piety, who fore-seeing many sad consequences from the same, would not fail to advertise the Pope to take heed thereto, as soon as they were assur'd that he had receiv'd it. The Copy sent was a Manuscript, and in Latin, as followeth.

Beatissime Pater,

MAjores causas ad sedem Apostolicam referre solemnis Ecclesiae mos est, quem fides Petri nunquam deficiens perpetuò retineri pro jure suo postulat. Aequissimae huic legi obsequentes de gra­vissimo circa Religionem negotio Sanctitati tuae scri­bendum esse censuimus. Decennium est [...]x quo ve­hementissimis turbis Gallia magno nostro moerore commovetur ob librum posthumum & doctrinam Reverend. Cornelii Jansenii Iprensis Episcopi. Tales quidem motus sedari oportebat tum Concilii Tridentini auctoritate, tum Bullae illius quam Urba­nus VIII. foelicis memoriae adversus Jansenii dog­mata pronunciavit, & decreta Pii V. & Gregorii XIII. in Baium edita confirmarunt. Atque hujus quidem Bullae veritatem ac Robur novo diplomate vindicasti; sed quia nulli sigillatim Propositioni certa Censurae nota inusta fuit, locus etiamnum aliquis quorundam cavillis & effugio relictus est. Interclu­dendum autem penitus speramus, si, ut precamur, Sanctitas tuae quid in hac re sentiendum sit clarè distincté (que) definiat. Obtestamur ergo ut has praeser­tim Propositiones de quibus disceptatio periculosior ac contentio ardentior est, Sanctitas tua expendat ac per­spicuam & certam de unaqua (que) sententiam ferat.

  • I. Aliqua Dei praecepta hominibus justis volen­tibus & conantibus secundum praesentes quas habent vires sunt impossibilia; deest quoque iis Gratia qua possibilia fiant.
  • II. Interiori Gratiae in statu naturae lapsae nun­quam resistitur.
  • III. Ad merendum & demerendum in statu na­turae lapsae non requiritur in homine libertas à necessitate, sed sufficit libertas à coactione.
  • IV. Semipelagiani admittebant praevenientis Gratiae interioris necessitatem ad singulos actus, etiam ad initium fidei: & in hoc erant Haeretici, quod vellent eam Gratiam talem esse cui posset humana voluntas resistere vel obtemperare.
  • V. Semipelagianum est dicere Christum pro om­nibus omnino hominibus mortuum esse aut sanguinem fudisse.

Experta est nuper Beatitudo tua quantum Apostolicae sedis in Gemini Ecclesiae Capitis errore profligando valuerit auctoritas; continuò sedata est tempestas, atque ad Christi vocem & imperium venti & mare obedierunt. Quamobrem flagitamus, Beatissime Pa­ter, ut clarâ firmâ (que) de Propositionum istarum sensu prolatâ sententiâ, cui etiam Reverend. ipse Jansenius morti proximus Opus suum subjecit, caliginem omnem discutias, animos fluctuantes componas, dissidia pro­hibeas, Ecclesiae tranquillitatem splendorem (que) resti­tuas. Dum haec spes mentibus nostris affulget, Sancti­tati tuae multos & prosperos annos, saeculorúm (que) bea­tissimam aeternitatem Rex saeculorum immortalis ad­jiciat optamus ac vovemus.

Besides this businesse, word was sent me that F. Annat the Jesuit, then the French Assistant with the General at Rome, had written to F. l' Abbé one of his Brethren, that undoubtedly he should obtain a Condemnation of the Excellent Prayers, with the translation of the Hymnes in verse, new­ly collected and presented to the King by M. du Mont; and that the Calendar afforded him a great argument to get them censur'd: Wherefore I was desir'd to enquire how the case stood, and to do what lay in me to secure the said Book from a blow so unworthy and unjust, and which might give so great advantages to the enemies of truth, and even to them of the H. See.

I answer'd these Letters as one that sufficiently understood the importance of the affaires recom­mended to me, and who was as zealous for the same as was necessary, and withall as submissive and respectfull to those from whom these orders were transmitted to me: Yet I could not but sig­nifie the little probability I saw of well acquitting my self thereof, being newly arriv'd in a place where I had little correspondence, where I was likely to be something suspected, where my steps might be watcht, where I had other engagements hindring me from being master of my self, and where the affaires for which I was desir'd to con­cern my self were very odious. However I pro­mis'd to do my best therein, and to neglect no op­portunities. And accordingly I set my self to it, as much as all those circumstances and a weak un­repaired health permitted: but for all my diligence till the end of this year, I could discover nothing concerning the Houres; and as for the Letter, I only learnt that it had been sent already; and that the F. Richeome the Jesuit, one of the French Peni­tentiaries at S. Peters, boasted that it was subscribed by fifty Bishops.

He that told me this, was well seen in those af­faires, and in the whole managery of the persons upon whom the same depended; amongst the things he told me upon this subject, I observ'd these two principal. One, that he believ'd this [Page 40] Letter could not produce any thing new against Jansenius, because these persons now mention'd knew well that too much had been done already: but as for any thing that came from those who were lookt upon as his followers, they would find no mercy, being ill gusted in this Court; inso­much that when nothing could be discover'd ill in any writing of theirs, that may of it self deserve to be condemned, yet it is enough for its condem­nation that it proceedeth from suspected persons. This Maxime made me cease to wonder at the con­demnation pronounc'd against the Catechisme of Grace, concerning which one had also written particularly to me, complaining that in that con­demnation the little Book was accus'd of contain­ing the Propositions condemned by the Bulls of Pius V. and Gregory XIII. though indeed there was none such in it; whereas it but slightly pro­hibited the Catechisme publish'd by the Jesuits against the former, under the name of a Doctor of Doway, only for that it treated of the matter of Grace, though indeed it contain'd sundry direct Heresies. This prejudice of the Court of Rome against such as were there accounted Jansenists, much abated my desire of representing to some that might impart it to the Masters of the Censures, how unreasonably they suffer'd themselves to be guided by the byas of the Jesuits, being desir'd so to do by one of my friends, to the end this might make them more reserv'd for the future, and bring about the revocation of the said Decree, if it were possible. But this person gave me to understand, that it was not to be hop'd for, (and this was the second thing I observ'd in his discourse) because the Tribunal from whence that Condemnation issu'd, knew not what it was to retract or look back­wards, being fix'd and immutable in its resolutions, and that when once it hath pass'd any thing, it is never to be brought by any motive in the world to alter it.

As for M. Hersent, he was escap'd from Rome be­fore my arrival there. I was told that when it was known abroad, the stir and speech about him ceas'd, as if no more had been aim'd at but to constrain him to flye; because otherwise there was both a ne­cessity and a resolution to clap him in prison. And M. the Bailly of Valencai, then the King's Ambassador at Rome, a person of great gentlenesse and civility, speaking to me one day thereof, said that M. Hersent had several times profess'd while he was in his house, that were it not for that fear, he would willingly have appear'd before the Judges of the Inquisition, to defend every thing in the Sermon he had printed, and for which he was in trouble. That himself had at M. Hersent's re­quest, several times desir'd of the Pope liberty and security of h [...]s person for that purpose, which the Pope would never admit of, giving no other an­swer to his importunities but Vedremo, Vedremo, We will see, We will see. That he conceiv'd the reason was, for that the Pope was very close in these matters, and would not have any speech thereof at all. That himself had often press'd him from the Queen, for an answer to some Questions which he propounded to him by his Majestie's or­der, but could never bring his Holinesse to declare himself, nor draw one word concerning the same from him, whatever urgent solicitation he had us'd to him. That the Pope acted in all cases with the same reservednesse, and had treated the Capu­chines in the same manner, (amongst others F. Joseph de Morlaie) who being at Rome, desir'd for quiet of their consciences to propose to him two difficulties before their departure, of which they could never procure any answer or satisfaction. That therefore he did not wonder at the Pope's re­fusing to grant M. Hersent the liberty he desir'd to speak of such matters. But others told me, that this was not the thing which most exasperated the Pope's mind against him, but his seeming in his Epistle to blame his Holinesse of negligence, touching the doctrine of Grace, his vaunting of his particular fidelity, which he said was so well known to the Pope, and his praising Jansenius; but above all, the answer he made, when instead of delivering of the printed Copies of his Epistle and Sermon, he told those that demanded them, that he had already sent them into France.

This boasting his fidelity towards the H. See, was undoubtedly founded upon the Book of Opta­tus Gallus de cavendo Schismate, which he had writ­ten by contrivance with the Nuntio, to shew that the late Cardinal Richelieu tended to make a Schism in France; by which he put himself in danger of being infallibly ruin'd, in case he had been disco­ver'd: so that 'tis strange, a person that had ha­zarded himself so far for the interests of the Court of Rome, should be so ill dealt with, and for so little cause. But usually nothing is more hatefull to Grandees, then to be upbraided with the services done them, and they had rather ruine a man then confess th [...]mselves beholding to him for any thing, especially if himself go about to bring them to such acknowledgement.

There was a Dominican that suffer'd a back­blow by the disgust taken at the printing of the said Book, namely he upon whose report the Master of the Palace gave permission for it; for he was confin'd in the Covent of Minerva till he should give account how deep he had been in the businesse, and there he remain'd a long time, though it seem'd wholly laid asleep.

From Spain I heard, that the Jesuits who alwaies govern'd the new Queen, had prevail'd with her to desire for her first request to the King her Hus­band, that the Bull against Jansenius might be com­manded to be receiv'd throughout all his Estates; but the King being astonish'd at this request, an­swer'd very wisely, That it concern'd things of Doctrine, which he understood not, that the Doctors were to be consulted about it, and if they judg'd that what the Queen desir'd might be done, he would do it willingly.

CHAP. III.

The complaint of the Venetians. Ill usage of the King's Ambassador. His Majesties Letter to the Cardinals in complaint therof. Discourse with Cardinal Barberini about the Houres, and the Letter of M. de Vabres.

ABout this time I was told that the Republick of Venice finding it self much exhausted by extraordinary expences so many years together in defending alone the Island of Candie against the Turk, without receiving any assistance even from the Pope, caus'd him to be advertis'd by her Ambassador in his Audience of the 9. of December, that she should at length be constrain'd to abandon that place, unlesse the Christian Princes inclin'd otherwise to succor her against the com­mon and so powerfull enemy; that the Am­bassador had made to his Holinesse great Protestati­ons thereof, and (as it was added) some re­proaches.

But about a fortnight before there hapned a ve­ry great quarrel between the Ambassador of France and his Holinesse. For the Ambassa­dor having sheltred in his Palace and under his protection certain Neapolitans who had fled thither for refuge, in the nights of the 21. and 22. of November, there were three of them assassinated by some of themselves, and one of the Ambassador's servants going out to see what was the matter was slain. The Authors of these murders did not commit the same so secretly as they could have wisht for their own safety. The Ambassador whose Maxime it always was (as I understood from himself) not to shelter any in his lodging but such as were guilty by misfor­tune and not of enormous crimes, nor to main­taine any committed by a man before fled into his house, comply'd with the Pope's Justice to deliver to the Sergeants on a day appointed the authors of the murders, and also to cause the Sergeants to be assisted by all his own people. On Thursday evening notice was given him that the Corses, Sergeants, &c. all the Horse and Foot of the Pope's Guard began to prepare them­selves for the taking of the Criminals; He an­swer'd that he comply'd to cause them to be de­liver'd to the Sergeant, but he would not do it, if they came thither with so great an Array. Observe that this was to be on Fryday, and that the houre of the usual audience which he hath every fortnight of the Pope was appointed to be Fryday morning; and that very morning, with­out further notice, all these military men came in armes to seise all the avenues of his Palace, searcht all the neighboring houses, enter'd even into his Court and kept all his gates seis'd. The Ambassador seeing this from his windowes, sent to bid the Barisel or Provost that led them, to come and speak with him. The Barisel scrupled it at first apprehending some ill treatment, but two Knight, of Malta assuring him no hurt should be done him, he yeilded to go up staires. At the bottome of which he was disarm'd, and com­ming into the Ambassador's presence without armes and bare-headed, the Ambassador ask'd him what made him so bold as to enter into his house? bidding him take heed what he did, and telling him that he was in the house of the King, and might one day repent his entring into it. The Barisel answer'd that he had receiv'd such order from his Master. The Ambassador reply'd, that if he pass'd on further, he knew how he would use him, and how his Master would use his. The Barisel witdhrew, and caus'd his company to make a halt, sent this intelligence to a place from whence order came for all these soldiers to return to their quarters. Neverthelesse they made prisoners of some poor men and women dwelling near the place where the murders were committed, who should depose what they knew thereof, and that they might not return with­out doing something. The Ambassador sent a dispatch forthwith to the Court to give notice of all that had pass'd; which the King understanding thought fit to write a circular letter to all the Car­dinals then at Rome, the tenour whereof was as followeth.

To my Cousin the Cardinal N.

COusin, Having been well inform'd of the truth of what hath been done by the Popes Officers, who have violated all respect by forcing the Palace of my Ambassador; I have commanded him to de­part presently out of Rome, whilest I examine what course will be fit for me to take for the re­dressing of so great an injury. Hereof I thought good to advertise you, not doubting but you will interesse your self in so just a cause, which ought to be lookt upon as a common one, for that herein the Law of Nations and the Interest of all Princes is violated, as my Ambassador will more particularly declare to you; to whom referring my self, I shall pray God to have you, Cousin; in his holy keep­ing.

signed, Louis, and below, De Lomenie.

Assoon as this Letter was come to Rome, the Ambassador went to visite all the sacred Colledge to deliver to every Cardinal that which was for him, and to take leave of their Eminences before his departing from Rome, and retiring (as he did afew days after) to Tivoli.

This action of the Barisel hapned three days af­ter our arrival at Rome, and the disgust which the Ambassador signifi'd to me about it, making me fear he would not like that any French should go see the Pope at a time wherein he was so lit­tle pleas'd with his treatment, I thought fit to represent to him what obligations I conceiv'd lay upon me to visit his Holiness, having the honor to be a Doctor of Sorbonne, and having formerly been well receiv'd by him, yet with a purpose to defer my visite till this misunderstanding were over, if I found the Ambassador judg'd it fit to forbear. Accordingly by what he said to me I un­derstood that this was his mind; and I conform'd thereunto, though my desire of saluting his Ho­liness [Page 42] was encreas'd every day by the Letters which were writ to me from Paris, and by the things which I was inform'd of at Rome: not that I intended (being unqualify'd for so doing) to speak to him on set purpose of several things, whereof I saw it so necessary that he were in­form'd and which I presum'd were not come to his knowledge; but because I remember'd that in an audience I had formerly of him, he had spoken to me of his own accord about divers affaires of this nature which concern'd my profession, and therefore I believ'd that the Audience I should now have of him would not passe without his putting me upon such matters, and so giving me occasion himself to tell him what I desir'd thereof, nor without his discovering to me something a­bout those, for which my friends were so soli­citous in France, and of which I could by no otherways understand any certainty at Rome.

I was in this perplexity (between the desire of having audience of his Holiness, and the conside­ration which depriv'd me of the confidence to re­quest it) till the beginning of the year 1651. when having in a visit made to the Ambassador, understood that he was satisfi'd with having ac­quainted the Court with the proceedings he dis­gusted, that he expected an answer thereof, and that till then he would not inflame matters nor drive them to a rupture; I thought fit not to let passe this interval without indeavoring to obtain an audience. For which purpose I went two several times to the Presence Chamber of his Holiness, but I could not obtain it though my Lord Torreiani Archbishop of Ravenna who was the introducer of strangers, conducted me thither once purposely, and did what he could to pro­cure it me: and from that time no occasion being offer'd to request it, till the arrival of the King's letter abovemention'd, and the Ambassador's conse­quently retiring to Tivoli, I did not any more think of presenting my self but with the Gentleman whom I accompani'd in his journey, a few days before we should leave Rome to return into France, as I shall relate in due place.

In the mean time I neglected no other means, which I could devise, to finde some remedy to the inconveniences which were feared. Cardinal Barberini offer'd me a very advantageous one; for his Eminence (whose esteem and Authority are so great in Rome that seldome any businesse can miscarry if he favour it) remembring an ancient correspondence which I had had the late honour to contract with him by letters when I writ to the late Pope Ʋrban VIII. against the design of the Jesuites to invade the priviledges of the Uni­versity of Paris whil'st I was Rector of it, had now the goodness to desire to renew the same, and sent for me to dyne with him on the 10. of January. He invited at the same time M. the Abbot Antenore, a very accomplisht Roman Gen­tleman, who had studied at Paris in the Colledge of Clermont, and spoke French so naturally that it was not easie to distinguish his Country, as also Lucas Holstenius whose worth is well known by all that have seen the translations he hath pub­lish't, and the Works he is Author of.

Our discourse before and in the time of dinner, was about Books, of which his Eminence hath a very vast and general knowledge, and about the divers contests which were arisen between Learned men. M. Pereyret's trip was not forgotten, who took the Count Boniface to whom S. Augustin writ so many Epistles, for Pope Boniface; which oc­casion'd the said Doctor to say, that Pope Boniface gave S. Augustin charge to write for the Church a­gainst the Pelagians, because they had been friends whilst the Pope was a soldier. That I might draw the discourse to the Letter of M. de Ʋabres (of which I was desirous to learn some tidings) I be­thought my self to mention the raillerie lately made upon that Bishop, for boasting in one of his Works, That he had written more Ecclesiastical History then his Adversaries had read; because indeed it was granted that he had written some which no body ever read.

But this mov'd not Cardinal Barberini to speak any thing of that Letter, whether it were that he knew nothing of it yet, or that he was pleas'd to be silent of it. The rest of the day also would have pass'd without my making any advantage of it, had I not resolv'd to speak to him a little more plainly about the new Hours in his Library whi­ther he lead us after dinner, and where there is so great convenience to imploy one's self with as much satisfaction as profit amongst so great a num­ber of good books, and plac'd in so good order, that after that of the Vatican, which hath no e­qual, there is none in Rome to be compar'd therewith.

Card. Barberini told me concerning the Hours, that they were very much spoken of and found fault with for two things; The one, by reason of the Calendar which is put into it; the other, because this Epithete Redemptor omnium is not ex­prest in the translation of the Hymnes, where it is in the Latin.

I could not but answer him in reference to the Calendar, that having read it throughout, I found not any thing to be blam'd therein. He reply'd, that there might be several Impressions of the Hours, and that perhaps there was that in the o­ther Editions which was not in mine. I answer'd, that I knew not whether there were more Im­pressions of them, that I had taken the Copy I had as soon as they were put to sale, a few dayes be­fore my departure, that I might read it during my journey, without knowing any thing of them at that time otherwise then by the great esteem which I heard was made of them by divers persons of worth whilst they were printing. The Cardinal ask'd me, whether I had the book still, and told me himself had it not, and should be glad to see it. I promis'd to bring it to him; and in the mean time as for the Epithete Redemptor omnium, I told him he should see that it had been omitted with­out design in the translation of the Verses which answer to the Latin in which it is, but only through the necessity which ariseth in Verses; for which the Author also makes some excuse in the Pre­face: for in the first hymn where it was omitted in the first couplet, it is exprest in equivalent words in the second and fourth; besides, that it is ex­prest in several other places of this Translation, and even in those which have it not in the Latin; I added, that he might find that the Title of Crea­tor of all things was not exprest in more general [Page 43] terms then this of Redeemer of all; and that this of Redeemer of Believers, whereby that of Redeemer of all might have been restrain'd had there been any thing of design, was also express'd in such a man­ner, as abundantly evidenc'd there had been no thought of taking advantage by this Translation in reference to the matters in contest.

We spent the rest of the afternoon in other discourses. The Sunday following I went to carry the Cardinal my Copy of the Houres, and offer'd it his Eminence to put into his Li­brary. He accepted it, on condition that I would send for it as often as I had occasion, and for any other of his books, which offer he made me before, but with so much goodnesse and civility that no­thing can be imagin'd more obliging. With the book I deliver'd him a little Note wherein I had set down the pages where he might see all that I had spoken in its justification: after some other dis­courses we descended from his Chamber, and he took me into his Coach to go with him to take the air. I had now time and opportunity to tell him all that had been signify'd to me concerning the Letter of M. de Vabres. I also told him of the Ob­servations which I understood would be made up­on that Letter, and that I was promis'd to have them sent me as soon as they were printed; That as soon as I receiv'd them I should bring them to his Eminence. This was intended to move him to stop any resolution that might be taken at Rome upon that Letter till it were seen what might be said against it; as also to give him occasion of tel­ling me what he knew of it; but he did not open himself at all, and only told me that he was well pleased with what I said, and that I should do him a pleasure in shewing him what I promis'd.

CHAP. IV.

A false Censure of the Propositions sent to Rome to be confirm'd there. A Let­ter written from Paris concerning it; with others receiv'd from Paris.

IN the interval of time which pass'd between my first and second visit to this Cardinal, I visit­ed another of great note for his sincere solid piety and high knowledge. He had scarce heard the first complement which I made him, but understanding me to be a Doctor of Paris, he cast reproaches up­on me for the Censure which (he suppos'd) the Fa­culty had made against the Propositions set afoot by M. Cornet. This treatment amaz'd me, and I justify'd my self by telling him, that I was so farr from contributing to the Censure for which he re­proacht me, that on the contrary I had been the first in opposing that dangerous enterprise, in re­gard of the sad consequences it might have; that above sixty Doctors joyn'd with me in the Oppo­sition, and that the Faculty had not only not pass'd the said Censure, but that even they who design'd it had been hindred by the prohibitions laid upon them by the Parliament at our suit. My answer as much amaz'd this Cardinal as his reproach did me: yet he conceal'd his astonishment as much as he could; but judging (as I conceive) that it was ingenuous and true, and thence concluding that (as I understood afterwards) this false Censure of them was dispers'd to oblige the Pope to declare himself by confirming it, he only told me that he had be­liev'd it was so, for that one had appear'd at Rome some time agoe; and so he pass'd to other mat­ters.

This was enough to rouse my curiosity about this Cheat, of which we had suspected M. Cornet and his adherents above a year before, and charg'd them with the design in the face of the Parliament, before whom also they disown'd it. For which reason also I sought wayes to be inform'd thereof more particularly by a person of my acquaintance who knew the businesse, and to whom I had inti­mated in a visit, that I understood it sufficiently, that so I might oblige him to tell me what he knew of it. The said person accordingly certify'd me, that the Censure carried to Rome, and taken there as made by the Faculty, was the very same Draught which was dispers'd through the Provinces in Au­gust and September 1649. under the names of the Deputies nominated upon M. Cornet's Motion, whereof we complain'd by our second Petition presented to the Parliament, and which MM. Cornet and Pereyret disown'd in full Parliament on the fifth of October the same year, as I have re­lated above. He assur'd me that that Draught of forg'd Censure had not only been carry'd to Rome as a true Censure of the Faculty, but that it had been brought before the Pope in the Assembly of the H. Office, to be the subject of debate for his Holinesse and all that Tribunal; That there had been four Consultors nominated to examine it particularly, and to give their sense thereof in writing; That three of those Consultors procee­ded roundly to the confirmation of the said Cen­sure, and that the fourth, who was F. Abbot Hi­larion a Bernardin, had spoken and written with some restriction, by reason of the several senses which the Propositions may admit; That howe­ver the deliberation amongst the Cardinals tended in general to an absolute confirmation of the Cen­sure, excepting him who spoke to me thereof, and who taking the Propositions absolutely in the sense of Effectual Grace, and according to the affi­nity they have therewith, oppos'd the stream, and vigorously maintain'd, that the Propositions were not heretical, but the Censures made of them were so, because they might impeach that Grace; that the firmnesse of this Cardinal had astonish'd and stopt the Pope, and that had it not been for this resistance, the Chimerical Censure had without difficulty been confirm'd by his Holinesse.

I knew all this when I made my visit to Cardinal Barberini on the 15th of January, (to which I now return) but I had no desire to let him see that I had penetrated so far into those mysteries, for fear of giving him occasion to inquire the particular way of my intelligence. I propos'd to my self but two things in my discourse to him; First, to make him a sincere narration of all that had pass'd in France about this businesse, to the end he might know the foul play we were abus'd with, and the H. See more then we; and how the actions of that party were most grosse delusions and mani­fest cheats. Secondly, to understand with what reservednesse or opennesse the said Cardinal [Page 44] would carry himself towards me, when I gave him occasion to speak of things which I knew were so well known to him, and pass'd in his presence. Accordingly I related to him all the History; as a thing that might be new to him, at least as to the circumstances which I told him, and he had not been informed of before. I told him of our Pe­titions, of our Protestations, of what pass'd in the Parliament between our adversaries and us, of their disowning of this Censure, and of the Ar­rest which was issu'd thereupon. I promis'd to shew him every of those peices accordingly as I saw him attentive or pleas'd with the things I rela­ted. He heard and receiv'd all with very great Civility; he testify'd that he should be very glad to see all that I promis'd him; but he still kept him­self as close as before, when I mention'd M. de Ʋabres's Letter; which was a certain token to me that his silence did not imply him ignorant of that Letter.

After these visits I certify'd two things to them who writ to me from Paris about M. de Vabres's Letter; One, that there was no certainty of its not having been sent to the Pope, though it was not spoken of at Rome, because they who desir'd to make use of it to obtain that of the Pope which mov'd them to procure it, had the gift of secrecy and conduct, as well as they to whom his Holi­nesse might have imparted it; that the businesse of the false Censure had been a long time under consideration, and had broke forth as much as a thing could do amongst those that are employ'd in affairs of that nature; and that neverthelesse that intelligence which I sent them thereof, and I have related above, came to my knowledge but by par­ticular good hap, without which the whole in­trigue had remain'd under the veils of obscurity, which hid it till then; that whatsoever inquiry I could make about the Letter, perhaps I should not be so fortunate in its discovery, as I had been in that of the Censure; and that I conceiv'd there was no reason to doubt of its having been sent, because it was not likely that after so strange a boldnesse in promoting so farr a false Censure fra­med in the name of eight or ten particular Do­ctors, notwithstanding such publick complaints as had been made thereof, they would leave behind a true Letter sign'd, as was reported, by fifty Bi­shops, against which no person appear'd to com­plain. In the second place I advertis'd them that they saw how many disguisements, delusions and calumnies it might be presum'd our Adversaries had set on work at Rome to obtain what they had obtain'd hitherto, if one might judge by e­normities of their proceeding in this last action, in which they had laid aside all kind of modesty and decorum; trampled upon all lawes not only of Christian conscience, but even of purely civil honesty, and violated the faith of the H. See (for which they professe themselves so zealous) the most essential Duties whereunto Infidels are bound towards the meanest of men, namely of not surprising them by what they say to them, of not lying to them, of not disguising things to them, but representing the same to them such as they are. And that they might hence conclude how much it would be for the interest of the H. See and of the service of God who founded it, as also for that of the Church whereof it is the center, that all those cheats, calumnies and impostures were discover'd to it; how much the same would then be ab­horr'd at Rome, as well as all those who were found culpable thereof; and what advantages were to be hop'd thereby to the holy truths which these people every day cover'd more and more with such thick darkness, and struck at with such outrage and violence.

The Letters writ to me from Paris about the same time of my writing these at Rome, were not very remote from the sentiments to which mine might lead those Bishops which were solicitous about this affair, and earnestly waited for those discoveries which they were told might arrive from me. For it was signifi'd to me, that a person well seen in the designes of the Jesuites and much devoted to truth, had assur'd them that the Jesuites hop'd for a wonderfull effect of the letter of M. de Va­bres; that the Pope or some of his principal mini­sters had told their Fathers at Rome, that if they could get a letter signed only by a dozen Bishops, his Holiness would particularly censure the Five Propositions; that five and twenty Bishops had sign­ed it already; that the Nuntio had further con­firm'd to the Jesuites, that it would not be long, before there were an expresse Censure upon that letter: Neverthelesse those Bishops which were anxious about the effect which the said letter might produce, could scarce be perswaded that Rome would suffer it self to be so easily cajoled in the most important affair of the Church and of the Christian Faith; and that they had some thoughts of writing to the Pope about it, or sending some person thither on purpose to represent to his Ho­liness the dangers of this business, and the precauti­ons with which it was necessary that his Holi­ness proceeded therein, to conclude it advan­tageously for truth and the edification of the Church.

Notice was given me by letters at the same time touching the Decree made against the Cate­chisme of Grace, that the said decree had been put by the Nuntio into the hands of one of the Agents of the Clergy to propound the same to the Assembly, and to bring it about that they might ordain the publishing of it through the Provinces; that this Proposal had been made there; but the Assembly was not dispos'd to con­descend to this recommendation of the Nuntio. That on the contrary they resolv'd not to med­dle with it, and likewise ordain'd that nothing should be register'd about the Proposal which their Agent made to them. Moreover that this Decree had not only been thus refus'd, but al­so that excellent Reflections had been made up­on it; and that the Court of Parliament had issu'd a notable Arrest against it upon the remon­strances made to them thereupon by the Kings learned Counsel, after they had receiv'd at their barre the complaints of the Rector of the Univer­sity, who presented himself there for that pur­pose.

CHAP. V.

Divers visits in which the Five Pro­positions were discours'd of, and of a remarkable circumstance touching the same. How few at Rome well un­derstood these matters, and whence it came to be so.

BUT before I receiv'd those letters, and mine were arriv'd at Paris, I continu'd to take all possible opportunities at Rome with the least noise to inquire further into the posture of affairs: Amongst others I visited the General of the Augustines, whose great zeal for S. Augustine we had understood at Paris, by the Letter he writ to F. Alipius of the same Order, presently after M. Cornet's attempt. I discours'd with him chiefly concerning the two wayes wherewith S. Augustine was struck at; one by openly rejecting the Autho­rity of his Doctrine, as M. Pereyret and many others did; the other, by making shew of owning his Authority, and yet teaching and maintaining a Doctrine in effect contrary to his, and driving at a condemnation thereof, as theirs who really de­fended it. I intimated to him as much as I could, the necessity there was of his courage and pru­dence, being equally arm'd against both these sorts of Enemies which S. Augustine had in this age. He very well receiv'd my discourse, and profess'd himself ready to do so according to his power up­on all occasions. I told him of the Condemnation made at Vallidolid of two and twenty Propositions extracted out of the Jesuits Books against S. Au­gustine; but he was inform'd of it before, having receiv'd notice of it from Spain.

I made a second visit to the Cardinal, whose re­sistance hinder'd the Pope from confirming the Fa­cultie's pretended Censure of the Propositions, as otherwise he would have done: In this second vi­sit we discours'd of the grounds of Doctrine which they concern'd. I spoke thereof in the same man­ner as we had alwayes done in France, from their first publishing by M. Cornet, namely as Propositi­ons equivocal, ambiguous, capable of different senses, both Heretical and Catholick. But the Cardinal conceiv'd that this was to speak too little advantageously for their defence. Particularly concerning the first, he said, that, considering it well, the words whereof it consists, which are found in the Book of Jansenius, restrain'd it clear­ly enough to the Catholick sense. That the righte­ous men, to whom it is there said some of God's Commandements are impossible, are suppos'd to have already fullfill'd many of them, being arriv'd to such Holinesse as denominates them just, that these Commandements are not absolutely impossi­ble to them, but only in respect of the state where­in they are, having yet but weak and imperfect Grace, which they are suppos'd to have [volenti­bus & conantibus] and which gives them no other power for performance of the same, but imperfect desires and weak endeavours; which is yet more clearly exprest by the remainder of the Propositi­on, from which the beginning ought not to be con­sider'd as separate, but as referring thereunto, [Deest quoque illis gratia quâ possibilia fiant.] And that the Grace (namely, Effectual, such as is ne­cessary to the Commandments in question) which renders them possible, is not yet given to these just persons in the state of weaknesse, wherein the Proposition supposes them in the time and circum­stances of those first Graces with which they only will and endeavour weakly; that this is the whole Doctrine of Effectual Grace, according to the mind of S. Thomas, and S. Augustine his Master. That the four other Propositions cannot be consi­der'd but with relation to the first, together with which they are presented for examination; and that if there be any obscurity in the other four, it ought to be clear'd and judg'd of according to the first, and the interpretation put upon it. The so­lid reasons which led this learned and pious Cardi­nal to speak and judge so favourably of the Propo­sitions, by taking them, as he did, in the sense of Effectual Grace, I cannot so well repeat as himself deduc'd them to me; for I remember he did it with a strength of reason perfectly great; but I expresse his conceptions the best and the most faithfully I can, as well as those of all others which I mention; and I know he attributed the speaking of these Propositions after another manner then his own, only to the little understanding there was of these matters either at Rome or Paris. Indeed he spoke of them with so great energie and affecti­on, that I ceas'd to wonder at what was told me of his having defended them so stoutly before the Pope; and if I could have doubted of the intelli­gence or sincerity of him who inform'd me how that story pass'd before the Pope, the vigour wherewith this Cardinal himself discours'd with me, would have perfectly confirm'd me therein.

Wherefore, having this full perswasion of the truth of the businesse, I went again to him that first acquainted me with it, and he told me a circum­stance which he had omitted in his first narration, believing perhaps that I was not then fitting to hear it. He told me that the Pope (who although he highly esteem'd this Cardinal, had neverthelesse a little secret jealousie against him) seeing him speak of the Propositions with so much heat and vivacity on this occasion, and considering himself backt by all the rest that were present, being of contrary sentiments, his Holinesse in a manner rang'd himself on their side, by saying, Guardate il Cardinal N. chi dice che nostri Consultori sono Ere­tici: Take notice of Cardinal N. who sayes that our Consultors are Hereticks. To which the Cardinal, without being mov'd, made answer; Vostra Santi­tà mi scusi, Beatissimo Padre, non dico questo. Non dico che questi Signori Consultori siano Haeretici, mà che le loro Censure sono Haeretiche. Mà è ben vero che loro lo sarebbono, se vi fossero pertinaci: I beseech your Holinesse to excuse me, most Blessed Father, I do not say that. I do not say that my LL. the Consul­tors are Hereticks, but that their Censures are Here­tical. But withall 'tis true that they also would be Hereticks, should they continue obstinately therein. Which according to his sense was most true, for being he took all the Propositions to be meant of Effectual Grace, he had reason to accuse those Censures of Heresie which should condemn the [Page 46] said Propositions in this sense. This particular not having been told me at the first time of our discourse about the debate before the Pope, is wanting in the account given above of what stopt his Holinesse in the quandary they had put him in, for the confirmation of the false Censure so of­ten mention'd.

About this time other news was written to me from Venice, namely that the Pope's Nuntio there had caus'd the Decree against the Catechisme of Grace to be printed there in great numbers, and sent the Copies into all the Monasteries not only of Venice, but of the whole Venetian state. I was surpriz'd at this news, both for that the Jesuits do not reign in that place, and because neither of the Books condemn'd by that Decree having appear'd there at all, I did not see what ground there was for publishing this Decree there with so great dili­gence: and by the reading of it, I could not find any instruction or edification afforded thereby un­to the faithfull. But I let this intelligence passe as well as many others, without being more scan­daliz'd thereat, and continu'd my inquiry into af­faires at Rome, as far as my condition gave me liber­ty so to do.

In the Covent de la Minerve I occasionally saw a very devout, upright and judicious Monk nam'd F. Barelier, who was assistant for France to his Gene­ral. We discours'd together of our concernments with such caution as is us'd by persons that do not yet well know one another; and he spoke with as great prudence and equity as was possible for a man that till then had had no light of all the things that were pass'd. Afterwards as I was professing to one better inform'd, my wonder how it was possible that F. Barelier, a man of great parts, of an Order so much engag'd as the Dominicans for the opinions about Grace, and of so considerable an imployment in that Order, should be so much a stranger to all the contests in the Church touching the same: He told me, that I had much more rea­son to wonder that I found any that were not so in the place where I was. That F. Barelier (for ex­ample) was indeed in a considerable imployment in that Order, but that this imployment so wholly took him up in receiving all the Letters concern­ing the businesses and contests of Monasteries and particular persons of the Order dispers'd through France, that being scarce sufficient thereunto, he could not give much heed to other things not alli'd to his own affaires: That others, besides their oc­cupations which requir'd their care and personal attendance, had designs of advancing every one himself to the several degrees whither they aimed, which taking up likewise a good part of their time, left them not much to mind other matters. More­over, that since the last Congregations de Auxiliis, which after so long and diligent examination con­cluded only upon imposition of silence to the par­ties; there was great care us'd to keep such mat­ters husht and in oblivion, lest the like feuds might arise which make much stir and bring no profit. That the minds of the greatest part were bent only upon the several Courts of the Pope, the Cardinals, Ambassadors, Princes, and Princesses, whereof there was a great number at Rome. That they there studied nothing but the different inte­rests and designs of this or of that, yet few did no more but study them, but the general practice was to mingle their own therewith, and seek means and occasions of advancing the same; to which the taking part in these contests, or seeming to understand them, was so far from conducing, that on the contrary it was an obstacle. That besides, should every one apply themselves to these matters as much as they avoided them, it would be hard to find many otherwise inform'd thereof then accor­ding to the intelligence given them by the Jesuits, these Fathers having gained the Passes, made sure of those whom they saw might be imploy'd in these affaires, byass'd them, and form'd them to such conceptions of us also as they pleas'd, presented their own Books to them, and took care to have the Book-sellers provided therewith; so that if I should go for example to M. Blaise the French Book-seller at Rome, and ask for F. Petau's Book Of Publick Pennance, I should not fail to have it shewn me presently; but if I should ask for M. Arnauld's Of Frequent Communion, against which that of F. Petau was written, I could have no ac­count of it. And therefore no body having hi­therto spoken in our behalf, nor taken care for the dispersing of our Books there, as the Jesuits have to keep them from being seen, I ought not to won­der that F. Barelier, and infinite others lesse capa­ble and laborious then he, have either had no knowledge at all of our affairs, or if they have been never so little inform'd thereof, it hath been to our disadvantage.

Cardinal Ludovisio, then Grand Penitentiary at Rome, a little time after this visit, confirm'd to me the truth of what was told me concerning the scar­city of our Books there. For hearing, after my coming to Rome, that there was a Doctor of Sor­bonne in the City, he sent one to me to tell me he desir'd to see the Book Of Frequent Communion, which he understood was to be translated into Latin, and to ask me whether it were so. I told the Messenger, that it was translated above three years ago, and that I was sorry that I had lost in my Jour­ney two Copies which I took of it in that Language at my coming from Paris; because it would have been a contentment to me to have been able to gratifie the Cardinal's desire of seeing it. In the mean time this shews the scarcity there is in that Country of the most Excellent Peices, which sute not with the gust of the Jesuits.

Besides this difficulty which concern'd all the world, there was another on the part of the Car­dinals who might be employ'd about these matters. For the Pope could not likely make any resolution upon this businesse, without first having debated the same with my Lords the Cardinals; nor could there ascend much light to the Throne of his Holi­nesse to illuminate the same in this particular, but what must be transmitted to it by their means. Now it was certain that they were not much better instructed about these matters then the rest of the Romans, but rather something lesse inclin'd to ad­mit any information thereof. The continual di­versions which they are oblig'd to suffer by so ma­ny audiences as they must give to such as have bu­sinesse with their Eminences, by so many Congre­gations as they must be present at, by so many active and passive visits from which they cannot free themselves, and by so many publick Admini­strations [Page 47] and other external occupations to which they are subject, leave them farre lesse time and leisure for it. Very much care had been taken to prepossesse them to our disadvantage, and against the truths we might have to defend; they were very little inclin'd to undertake the paines which is necessary to search the bottome of them, not having been brought up in this kind of study: and they were much more jealous for the autho­rity of Decrees issu'd from their Tribunals, the preservation or destruction of whch they were told was concern'd in all such things as had the least re­lation to these matters.

CHAP. VI.

Letters written to Paris containing the reasons of believing that it would be advantageous to send to Rome, with those of fearing that it would be unprofitable or prejudicial; con­cluding nevertheless that it seem'd best to send thither.

THE summe of all my reflexions upon this po­sture of affaires, was that if on one side the intelligence I had given by former letters, might move my Lords the Bishops to write and send some Ecclesiasticks to represent the impor­tance of our businesse and the circumspection and diligence wherewith it requir'd to be hand­led; on the other, I consider'd that the above­mention'd reasons might increase the necessity of a delegation for that purpose; but withall that they must needs cause it to be fear'd, that such delegation would be unprofitable, unlesse it were powerfull enough to overcome all those perplexing conjunctures, and to supply all those needs above mention'd. I writ therefore once again about this mattet with more care then I had done before, and layd down as exactly as I could all the reasons I conceiv'd possible to perswade or disswade such a delegation; to the end that all of them being weigh'd, those might be fol­low'd which should be found best and most urgent.

I added to those above which make against a delegation, that perhaps it would not have any good effect, because that the Pope lik'd not at all to handle such matters; that he would not hear any speech of them, and perhaps would im­ploy in their examination persons not very intel­ligent therein: That the Jesuites had a great in­fluence upon most of the Officers of the Inquisition, Cardinals and others, and bore a greater sway amongst them then was imaginable; That all these conjunctures being so contrary, and the Pope much advanc'd in age, it was perhaps ex­pedient to let his Pontificate passe over with the most silence and least stirre possible, in expectati­on of another more favorable, during which time this affair might come to more maturity. Lastly that this reason was of great moment with me in regard of the fear we ought to have of injuring the affairs of God, by handling them which affections and precipitations a little too humane, and not what that humble respect and Christian patience which ought to be had for his ho­ly Providence.

On the other side I alledg'd that the mischief was great and urgent; that the Decrees obtain'd every day at Rome (as that lately against the Catechism) administer'd matter of triumph to the vain glory and ignorance of the Jesuites, and brought the disciples of S. Augustin and his doctrine into some state of oppression; and always more and more engaged the Court of Rome. That it was further to be fear'd M. de Vabres's letter might extort some ill-digested condemnation, ignominious to the H. Seee, and prejudicial to truth and the Church. That it was likewise matter of jealou­sy, that the mischeif might afterwards passe fur­ther, and turn into a custome of condemning the best books when they do not please the Jesuites. That the sooner the Evil could be re­medied, the better; and that the more speed there was used to remedy it, the more ground there would be to expect a prosperous event of the remedy which should be apply'd thereunto. That although perhaps a perfect satisfaction and vigo­rous protection of S. Augustin's doctrine could not as yet be hop'd for; neverthelesse, those persons on whom the same may be said principally to de­pend, might be oblig'd in the present state of things, at least to be hence forward more circum­spect and cautious in their proceeding, and to have a greater distrust of the Jesuites accusations and practises. That besides, the successe is not in our power; that indeed we may foresee what men are able to do, but we know not what it may please God to bring to passe; that we ought always to do our endevor to plead aloud and with respect for truth; that it belongs to God to afford this paines and zeal what blessing it pleas­eth him; but withall in undertaking it, it behoo­ved lesse to consult with the wisdom of the flesh and the world, then with that of the spirit and the Gospel. That amongst the Cardinals as well as all other Orders of the Church, Prelats, Priests, and Monks, there are at Rome as well as elsewhere, though in small number, some who love and know truth, and who sigh as well as we for the ill usage she receives every day; that we should find these persons favorable to our attempts; that be­ing unable to do any good by themselves, they would be extreamly glad of the comfort of being able to second us in ours by all ways they can. That of others there were three sorts; the first, absolutely contrary, prejudic'd, and unlikely to admit any reason repugnant to their preconcepti­ons; the second, prejudic'd too, but yet equita­ble and capable of hearing what may be represent­ed to them; and the third indifferent, not very solicitous about these things, but like tabulae rasae, not having yet receiv'd any impressions concern­ing them. That these last would be awaken'd when they hear the voices of such as undertake to inlighten them; that the second would also con­sider the remonstrances and arguments we shall use, and perhaps God will shew mercy to both in opening their understandings and making the same prevalent upon them: and as for the first, who are our most obstinate adversaries, it would [Page 48] be meet not to neglect them, because perhaps God might draw some of them out of their dark­ness, and they which resolve to persevere there­in in spight of all the light offer'd them, may re­ceive that for their confusion which they would not admit of for their edification.

I had formerly said my first Masse at Loretto, and thence taking the way for France came to lye the next day at Senegallia, of which Card. Factrinetti was Bishop, by whom being enter­tain'd that night, we had converse enough to make me retain an acquaintance of so civil and excellently endow'd a Prelate. He arriv'd at Rome whilst I was in these confusions, and I go­ing to salute him some days after his arrival, he unwillingly both dispell'd and augmented them, but with an honest intention and perfect candour. For our discourse being fallen upon the subject of our affairs, he told me that in some of the visits which he had already made to divers Cardinals, some of them told him that they had represen­ted to his Holiness that it was most necessary to set upon their determination, to the end to re­store peace to the world, and take away all ground of division amongst Christians. I desire no other thing but that this be done as it ought to be; but I fear those Cardinals of whom this spoke, were not mov'd to such thoughts by any concernment they had for S. Augustin's doctrine; and I scarce doubt but that the same were infus'd into them by the Jesuits to procure the effect of M. de Vebres's Letter, it seeming to me that no per­son could have spoken thereof to their Eminences, but by the instigation of those Fathers.

There was in Rome another person, admirably intelligent in these matters, extremly prudent, and zealous to the higest degree, into whose ac­quaintance I fell very happily, and without whose advice I conceiv'd not meet to do or write any thing in this businesse. I had already spoken with him twice about it. We had discuss'd toge­ther pro and con the reasons abovemention'd; and had never been of the mind for the Delegati­on, nor could he believe that the difficulties, Of the Jesuites great credit; Of the prepossession of minds, Of the small knowledge of many, (a­mongst others, of the Pope himself) could be overcome but by time and patience; wherefore he judg'd it meet to waite for a more favorable Pontificate, and a Pope better inform'd and more vers'd in these matters then he that sate at pre­sent in S. Peter's chaire. I visited this excellent man a third time, to see whether he persisted still in the same Mind; and besides the reasons above specifi'd, which I impugn'd, I represented to him afresh the insolence wherewith the Jesuites triumph'd over the H. See, the Church, the Truth, the Doctrine of S. Augustin, and the innocence of his disciples; the prevailing influence they had at Rome, for that no person contradicted their accu­sations, nor discover'd the mischievousnesse of their conduct, and the enormities of their pernici­ous Maximes. I askt him whether he did not at length believe, that if some one backt with the au­thority of a considerable delegation should in a fit manner speak against those exorbitances, it would not hinder many from following their pas­sions with a servitude so blind as this, wherewith they embrac'd the protection of their interests; and that if such a delegation had not all the suc­cesse it deserv'd, it would not at least hinder them from proceeding further whilst they were grapled with, and serve to clear many things in order to a through regulation one day when it should please God to afford his Church so great a mercy. He acquiesc'd at length, approv'd it, and moreover desir'd to see it set on foot; and besides those foregoing reasons that which most prevail'd with him, was, that, at the worst, the Pope (who was conscious enough to himself of his little knowledge in these matters) seeing himself press'd by two contrary parties would remain un­determin'd and grant nothing to one side in pre­judice to the other; that in this conflict every one would be stirr'd up to inquire in the subject of the contest, and so the truths which the Jesuites en­devor to destroy might by this be meanes be main­tain'd against their assaults, and rescu'd from the extream oppression under which those Fathers re­duce them.

It was but in the end of January 1651. that I signifi'd all these things to my Friends at Paris, thereby to contribute all light I could possible to the consultation which was to be had there­upon. I have related the same here very exact­ly, having extracted them almost word for word (but sometimes abridging many things) out of the Letters which I writ then, and which were re­deliver'd to my hands for that purpose after my return. I gave notice also that I should stay at Rome but till Easter, intending, assoon as that so­lemnity was over, to return for France; that so my LL. the Bishops might hasten to send those thither whom they designed, in case their Lord­ships desir'd, that they should find me there before my departure, to receive from me by word of mouth many little instructions, and such acquain­tances as are always needfull to persons newly arri­ving in a strange Country.

CHAP. VII.

Newes from Paris of a Check which M. Hallier receiv'd in the Assembly of the Faculty on the first of February 1651. Discourse with Cardinal Lugo. Propositions out of M. Her­sent's Sermon accus'd and justifi'd. Strange secrecy concerning what pas­seth in the Inquisition.

IN the progresse of time which pass'd till Easter I ceas'd not to play the spie, observe all that I could at Rome, and give intelligence of it at Paris; as also I was reciprocally advertis'd of all that pas­sed there worthy of remark touching the contests which were on foot.

In the Assembly of the Faculty on the first of February 1651. M, de Mincé complain'd of M. Hallier who was Syndic; for having sign'd a The­sis (defended in January preceding) in which [Page 49] there were Propositions contrary to the doctrine of the Faculty; one whereof was, That it is not lawfull to appeal from the Pope to any other; and ano­ther, That 'tis obstinacy, disobedience and rebelli­on to oppose his Decrees. It was signifi'd me that M. Hallier defended himself so weakly and upon prin­ciples so sutable to his sentiments for the interests of the Court of Rome, that he expos'd himself open to, and gave all possible grounds for, his own condemnation. That neverthelesse many of the Doctors who lesse consider'd what was just then what might gratifie those they call Jansenists, thought it enough to reprove M. Hallier in the Assembly, and to injoyne him to sign no more Theses in which such kind of Propositions were; but yet they hinder'd any thing concerning this Crime from being written in the Registers. That M. Brousse made notable opposition to such proceeding. That he requir'd the inserting of the Propositions into the Registers, with an expresse prohibition to the Syndic of s [...]gning the like again; to the end the King and the Parliament might know how farre the Faculty was from approve­ing those new doctrines so contrary to its anci­ent Maximes. That hereupon he protested, and requir'd a Memorial of his Declaration and De­mand; but was deny'd: which oblig'd him to in­sist and professe, that if all were not written in the Conclusion when it was to be read again in the Assembly of the first of March, he would oppose the same, and complain thereof to the King's lear­ned Counsel. The Doctor that writ me this news, joyn'd with M. Brousse, and sent me word that they were resolv'd to drive this busines to the utmost, yet with all possible moderation. He cer­tifi'd me also, that amongst the Doctors who gave this Check to M. Hallier, there was a Carme­lite who so well acquitted himself therein that this touch alone ought to give him very much mortification.

On the dayes when the Pope holds a Chapter, the Cardinals repaire to his Palace at the usual houre and assemble in a great Hall, where he comes to put on his ornaments, and thence they go to Chappel in order, as in procession. All the Cardinals march two and two after the Crosse which is carri'd before them, and between each rank all persons of their Court which accompa­ny them in this Ceremony go before every one of them. On Candlemas day I accompani'd thither Cardinal d' Este Protector of France, whose rank was to march with Cardinal Lugo. Cardinal d' Este took occasion to cause Cardinal Lugo and me to talk together, making me approach to­wards him, and telling him that I was a Do­ctor of Sorbonne. Cardinal Lugo having testi­fi'd to me in three words the esteem he had for our Faculty, ask'd me whether I was one of those who had approv'd M. Arnauld's book Of frequent Communion: I answer'd him, That I was not; but at the same instant a secret appre­hension came into my mind that he might inter­pret my answer as a disavowing of that excel­lent Work: wherefore for fear of betraying the truth in any sort upon this occasion, by not explaining my self further, I added immedi­ately, that I was not yet Doctor when it was Printed; but if I had been so, I should have willingly approv'd it, because having read it then and since again, I found nothing in it but what I judg'd conformable to the mind of the Church and the H. Fathers. Upon so ingenuous and free a confession, Cardinal Lugo replying to me began with these two words, Pian, piano, i. e. Fair and soft; and told me that this was not the judgment of all the world, that the book was not so esteemed of at Rome; and intimated something of a Proposition in the Preface, where speaking of S. Peter and S. Paul it saith, Those two heads of the Church which make but one. I made answer to the Cardinal, that this Propo­sition, whatever it was, did not concern the matter of Doctrine in that book, which I aim'd at in testifying my esteem of it; and that, as for this very Proposition, M. Arnauld had ex­plain'd how he understood it. The Cardinal ad­ded some words touching matter of Doctrine, which indeed he did not rightly apprehend; but he spoke conformably to those remote objecti­ons which the Jesuites made against it. All this discourse pass'd upon the way, and before I further reply'd to him, we were arriv'd at the Chappel, and so the conference broke off.

On the fifth of the same month I made a visit, whereby I understood from a person sometimes sufficiently inform'd of things which passe in the Congregation of the H. Office, that they had there in good earnest set upon the examination of M. Hersent's Sermon, the memory of which I believ'd totally buried. He told me also the very Propo­sitions extracted out of it by the prosecutors of its condemnation, to obtain the same. One of them was, That Free-will is so weak, especially since the losse it suffer'd of innocence and righteousnesse in the First Man, that unlesse it be stay'd and supported by Gods Grace, it is no longer fit for any thing but to offend God; these are the very terms contain'd in the 28. page of the printed Sermon. The second was, That the Saints obey the motions of God's Grace with an obedience so much the more voluntary as it is free, and so much the more free as it is voluntary: This is in the 23. page of the same Book. Those who persecuted these Propositions, oppos'd them at first absolutely in themselves; and he that main­tain'd them did it with so great strength and suc­cesse, that he disarm'd his Adversaries, and con­vinc'd his Judges of the things which he undertook to prove to them. But I was told that it was not without great reluctancy; which was such in refe­rence to the first Proposition, that he became en­gag'd to maintain a third, upon which he made a particular dissertation as well as upon the two other, though it was not extracted out of the Ser­mon, namely, That all actions perform'd by the sole strength of nature are sins. At length the Judges who examin'd the Apologies presented to them in defence of these three Propositions consider'd in themselves, became perfectly satisfi'd and con­vinc'd thereby, and the accusers of the Sermon were consequently forc'd to silence and a retreat. But being not of the humour to acquiesce so easily against their engagement, they devis'd to say, that though the Propositions might be maintain'd as they were explicated by him that defended them, neverthelesse they are bad in that Sermon and Book, because it makes but one body with the [Page 50] Epistle which is before it, with reference to which it is just and necessary to consider the two Proposi­tions in question, that considering them in this manner, they would no doubt be found worthy of censure, for that in the said Epistle Jansenius is spo­ken of with an Elogium, being an Author con­demn'd by the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. and whose opinions this Preacher hath borrow'd and main­tain'd, as is evident by the Epistle.

I was told that they who contriv'd this project, had the greater hope of successe, because they saw him who maintain'd the Propositions absolutely in themselves as they are in the Sermon, wholly out of the businesse; he being that Monastical person upon whose faith the Master of the Sacred Palace gave permission for printing it, and the Epistle not being mention'd in his License, but only the Ser­mon, and he professing openly, that he saw none but the Sermon, nor heard any thing of the Epistle, which was an addition made by M. Hersent purely of his own head, without speaking one single word to him of it, or his own having the least ground to suspect it. Whence they took for certain, that the Apologies of the Licenser having been very well receiv'd, and he seeing himself deliver'd from all the combustion, and honour'd also with the commendations of some of his Judges for the ele­gancy and solidity which they found in his writ­ings, would not care to engage himself in a new labour, the successe of which was incertain, and not only more dangerous then the first, but likely to make him lose all the benefit thereof. But this Ecclesiastick deceiv'd them, because this new assault giving him the curiosity to search Jansenius upon the subject of these Propositions, and find­ing nothing there but the same Doctrine himself had lately defended, and the same Judges, before whom he was to maintain it again, approved; although his interest in no wise engag'd him to the defence of the Propositions, interpreted with rela­tion to the said Epistle and the opinions of Janseni­us; yet he thought himself oblig'd thereunto by the love of truth, and by gratitude towards his Judges. And for these reasons he became then actually imploy'd therein. It was told me that this Monastick was nam'd F. du Four, and that he was a very intimate friend of M. the Abbot de Loiac, Chamberlain of honour to the Pope, and nomina­ted by his Holinesse to the Bishoprick of Toul, with whom it was known that I had great com­merce; there was also some hope given me, that by his means I might have a sight of his Writings, which I was certifi'd were worthy to be read, and very compendious and determinative. I had a very great curiosity to see them, and to get a Copy of them, in regard of the nature of the businesse, and the commendations I receiv'd of them. Wherefore I had recourse immediately to the Abbot de Loiac, who very gladly and willingly brought me to the knowledge of the said Father. I found him of a great wit, a very agreeable and copious conversation, very clear in Doctrine, but as prudent too in management as a man of that quality could be after having pass'd almost sixty years in the world, whereof the twenty last were spent at Rome. I was alwayes very welcome to him when I visited him, and receiv'd with very great civility; but I found him so close, as often as I went to put him upon these matters, and he so constantly diverted the discourse thereof; that I could not without great rudenesse make the least mention of his Writings; because indeed he had been utterly undone, should his Judges have known that he communicated them, so inviolable will they have the secrecy of all things which they handle. There was nothing but M. Hersent that he spoke freely of, when he was put upon this sub­ject, because the fact was publick, and he could not forbear complaining of his not having told him so much as one word about his Epistle, having been treated with honour, as he was, for his Ser­mon. I excus'd M. Hersent a little by the custom in France, and likewise in our Faculty, of not shewing any thing but the Theses and the Books to the Approbators, but adding Epistles and Pre­faces according to prudence and discretion. But he lik'd not these excuses, because the custom was otherwise at Rome, which ought to be understood and follow'd; and because (he said) if M. Hersent had shew'd him his Epistle, he would have put it in a condition (by changing and blotting out some words) for being printed, without being lyable to any exceptions or complaints more then the Sermon it self. But to return to his Writings, I believe he would not have granted the reading of them to M. de Loiac, though living with him in the closest friendship and correspondence that can be between two persons of parts, honour and piety: Such sacred things are secrecy, and the Excommu­nication under penalty whereof they are oblig'd to keep the same in that Congregation, in that Country.

I shall in due place mention what successe fol­low'd the generous resolution of the F. du Four, to defend those two Propositions, even consider­ing them with reference to that Epistle, and the Doctrine of Jansenius: only this exquisitenesse of secrecy call'd to my mind a thing told me by the Ambassador in one or two converses on pur­pose about M. Hersent's businesse, namely, that se­cresie was so religiously observ'd, that himself of­ten endeavouring to get some light from Cardinal d' Este, who was one of the Congregation, con­cerning the posture wherein that affair stood, and whither his Eminence judg'd it might tend, that so he might tell M. Hersent something of it, who was much in pain about it; he could never draw from him the least word or sign whereby to conjecture any thing, whatever industry he us'd to that pur­pose, whatever importunity he made to the said Cardinal, whatever perfect intelligence there was between them about all things else; and although the Cardinal would otherwise have been glad to oblige M. Hersent both for his own sake and that of his Nation. After which certainly I will never wonder that the mysteries of things which passe in that Congregation are so hidden and impenetra­ble; for there can scarce be imagin'd a person more industrious to penetrate into what he de­sires, then this Ambassador, nor one more benefi­cent and civil then that Cardinal, nor two persons more united together then they.

CHAP. VIII.

A visit of Cardinal Lugo. The falsifi­cation of the Bull of Urban VIII. The eagernesse of M. Albizzi against S. Augustine. The Censure of Vallidolid.

THE favour done me by the abovesaid Cardi­nal, in putting me upon a discourse with Cardinal Lugo, caus'd me to conceive my self ob­lig'd after this conference with him, to go and wait upon him in his own house, lest I might be lyable either to be charg'd with disrespect to them both, or suspected of secret aversion against the said Cardinal Lugo for his being a Jesuit. So I went to visit him five or six dayes after, and found him at home: He receiv'd me very civilly, and after some discourse touching the studies of Divinity follow'd a [...] Paris, he told me that there were some that studied too much there. I understood him well, but I was willing to oblige him to speak more clearly, and to put himself into the matter of his own accord. Wherefore I answer'd, That ex­cesse was to be avoided in all things, and that though the profession of Literature requires great assiduity with Books, yet it was well enough known at Paris how to use moderation and due temper therein. At length he declar'd himself, and objected to me the Book Of the Authority of S. Peter and S. Paul, as a Rhapsodie of passages, quotations, the interpreting and applying of which proceeded from that excesse he spoke of, &c. That the Censure upon it had follow'd, &c. (these &c. &c. are usual in Italy, there is great use made of them in speaking, and that in the most polite discourses; and they are utter'd for the abridg­ing and supplying of what might be added for a more large explication, it being suppos'd also that he who is spoken to understands well what is im­ply'd, and is able to supply it.) I answer'd, that as to the passages of that Book, M. Bourgeois at his being at Rome had shew'd his Eminence the strong­est and clearest of them, and that he might have judg'd thereof. As for the Censure, that we at Paris did not conceive it to touch that Book at all, it condemning only the Equality between those two Apostles, sine ulla subjectione, without any sub­ordination; but there were Chapters in that Book, wherein several kinds of subordination were set down. He told me, that the Book spoke not of any besides that which concerns point of Time. I answer'd, that I had often heard those that had read it make account that there were several others; and that, as to the foundation of Equality of Power between those two Apostles, people not at all interessed for the Book, lookt upon it as a thing very honourable and advantageous to the H. See. He continu'd firm in this, that there was no other subordination mention'd in the said Book besides that of Time, and then pass'd to speak of Sufficient Grace, the ground of which he drew from Jesus Christ and S. Paul, with as much cer­tainty as 'tis possible for that which is alwayes Victorious to be deduc'd from them. I told him, that the Disciples of S. Augustine made no diffi­culty to admit the same as those of S. Thomas do, namely, granting a certain posse, but never the velle, (to wit, perfect) nor the facere; besides which Graces there needs another Effectual one to produce the action; but as for Sufficient Grace subject to the Will, as that was which the first man receiv'd in the state of Original Righteousnesse, it could not be admitted, because it is conceiv'd contrary to the Doctrine of the Scripture and the Church. In fine, I told him that this was the thing in controversie amongst Divines, for the clearing and pacifying of whose divisions, it was to be wisht that the reasons both of the one side and the other might be heard, that every thing might be ex­amin'd, &c. He much dislik'd the Expedient, saying that there needed no examination of a busi­nesse which was already judg'd; and for proof of his assertion, he brought me the Bull of Pius V. I told him, that I assented to the truth of that Bull, but that all the Propositions contained therein, were not thereby condemn'd; and upon my alledging the Exception, Quanquam earum aliquae possint aliquo modo sustineri in rigore & proprio ver­borum sensu ab autoribus intento, he told me, that these last words ought to be referr'd to that which follows; and that the sense was, that, Quamvis aliquo modo sustineri p [...]ssent, tamen in proprio auto­rum sensu erant Haereticae, &c. I answer'd, that this sense never came into my mind when I read the Bull, notwithstanding the different pointing us'd in the several impressions thereof, and that the words did not comply therewith. He reply'd, that he had consulted the Original of the Bull, and found the commaes thus placed. Hoc dato non concesso; I said, that the first words of the Exception were not put into the Bull without cause; and that there must needs be some sense at least in which those Propositions may be maintain'd in the rigour; and that this was it that was to be consi­der'd, viz. what that sense was. He could not gainsay it, but chang'd his battery, and recurr'd to the Scripture, the H. Fathers, and the Popes, upon whose Authority he pretended that Sufficient Grace was establisht. I answer'd him, that we judg'd the Scripture, Fathers, and Popes on our side; that if the case were as he said, if the opinions of S. Augustin were not such as were to be follow'd, the number of those who maintain them as well amongst the antient Doctors of our Faculty as among the younger, would not encrease every day as it did. Here he fell to mention pensions, benefices, and money given (as he said) to make those disciples; adding, that they were very well inform'd thereof, and had receiv'd certain intelligence of all those practices. I reply'd that this was so farr from being true, that the Court being averse from those Tenents, the way for any one to obstruct his own temporal advancement, was to maintain them; That a grea­ter injury could not be done the Doctors, then to accuse them of adhering to the truth upon so low and servile conditions and interests; and that they who know and love truth, embrace the same only for it self. He betook himself to the infallibility of the H. See, and cited this passage, Ego dixi tibi, Petre, non deficiet fides tua. I told him that was the same which we fol­low'd; [Page 52] that without it there is no salvation; and that the gates of hell should not prevail against it. This was the end of our Conference, which pass'd with sufficient moderation on both sides and with all the respect which I ow'd to a person of that eminent dignity.

I have not related any thing as of this Confe­rence besides what was spoken by the Cardinal and my self; but I cannot omit here a remarkable thing which I might have added when I was spea­king concerning one of the points of which we dis­cours'd, had I seen that it would have been bene­ficial and seemly. It is concerning the different pointings which have been made in the several im­pressions of the Bull of Pius V. inserted in that of Ʋrban VIII. when it was printed the first time at the Apostolick Printing-house in the year 1643. it was thus pointed; Quas quidem sententias stricto coram nobis examine ponderatas, quanquam nonnul­lae aliquo pacto sustineri possent in rigore, & proprio verborum sensu ab assert [...]ribus intento, Haereticas, erroneas, suspectas, temerarias, scandalosas, & in pi­as aures offensionem immittentes respectivè .............. praesentium autoritate damnamus. Which shewes that the true sense of that Bull is, that some of those Propositions attributed to Bavis may be maintai­ned in the rigor and the proper sense of those who advanc'd them. Quanquam nonnullae aliquo pacto sustineri poss [...]nt in rigore, & proprio verborum sensu ab assertoribus intento. But this Exception not pleasing the Jesuites, they have indeavour'd to alter the sense by causing a Comma to be added between the two words possent, and in rigore, thereby to joyn this last and the following words to the condemnations pronounc'd against these Propositions, and to frame this scheme and signi­fication of the words of the Bull, namely, that although the Propositions it speaks of may be some way maintain'd, yet taking them in the ri­gor and in the proper sense of those who advanc'd them, they are Heretical, scandalous, and so forth. This is a falsification which hath been committed in divers Editions since the first which was made, as I said above, at the Apostolick Prin­ting-house in the year 1643. of which I keep some Copies which I procur'd when I was at Rome, to evidence upon occasion the falsenesse of those which do not agree therewith. But it is further remarkable, and shewes how great an influence the Jesuites have had in that alteration, as also what credit and prevalence they have with the Officers by whom things are sway'd at Rome; namely, That the said Bull hath been printed not only in remote Provinces with the addition of the Comma between the two words, possent and in rigore, but likewise once in the Apostolick Printing-house it self since that edition of the year 1643. The attempt of this Falsification ap­pear'd also once more plainly; for they who endeavour'd it before these Editions I spoke of, thought it not enough to adde a Comma be­tween possent and in rigore, but also added a whole word, namely tamen after in rigore, to make the said Bull better square with their intentions. But for all this it ceased not to be evident, as I told Card. Lugo and he assented to it, That the first words of the Exception not having been put there to no purpose, there must needs be at least some sense in which the Propositions may be maintained in the ri­gour, and that the thing to be lookt after is, What that sense is.

Two or three dayes before this Visit one of the Ambassador's Secretaries said in a company where I was, that he speaking to M. Albizzi touching the businesse of M. Hersent, that Assessor answer'd him, that S. Augustin was indeed a great Doctor, but what he had deliver'd touching Grace was just the dreggs of his Works, and the point wherein he was to be gainsaid. I went the next day to ad­vertise the General of the Augustins of this, thereby to diminish his confidence in the said M. Albizzi, whom (as he profess'd to me) he lookt upon as a man well affected to St. Augustine. That which oblig'd me to go so speedily to adver­tise him of it, was, that in one of my visits to that General a fortnight before, when I sp [...]ke much of the necessity there was of opposing without further delay the assaults and ambushes of the visible and invisible enemies of S. Augustin, he receiv'd it with liking and approv'd what I said; but yet seem'd not so forward as I desir'd, and thought a person devoted as he was to S. Augustin, ought to be upon the things which I represented to him; indeed he seem'd rather to become cold, and to rest upon future hopes and satisfactions, which I judg'd contriv'd to hinder him from stir­ring, that so all things might be ruin'd with more facility; which being once attain'd to, then all the promises made him would vanish and be forgot­ten.

The Censure of Vallidolid against the 22. Pro­positions repugnant to the authority of S. Augu­stins doctrine, was either in part or wholly the occasion of these promises. A Memorial was pre­sented to the Pope to obtain of his Holinesse the confirmation of that Censure, which was also de­sir'd of him by a Letter from the King of Spaine deliver'd to him together with that Memorial. Whereupon the said Memorial was referr'd to a secret Congregation appointed for examination of affairs of that nature. Herein lay all the hope of the justice which seem'd to be intended: but yet at the same time it was given out that nothing ought to be too much hastned in that point; be­cause it behoov'd first to secure the authority of the H. See, which could not be done but by a full and absolute execution of all the Orders, Briefs, and Decrees in general which had issu'd from it. Wherefore this ought to be first seen to, and then the rest should be provided for in time, and care taken to give all the satisfaction that can be wish'd in a case wherein the H. See is the first concern'd. Of this we have since seen considerable effects; but before we proceed, let us hear in brief what was done at Paris in this time.

CHAP. IX.

Of what pass'd at Paris in this time. The Irish dealt withall. Complaints made by some Bishops to the Nuntio concer­ning the practises of the Jesuites in getting subscriptions to the Letter of M. de Vabres. The said Bishops deliberate of sending to Rome. A Proposal of a Conference.

ON one side there were persons who went about to all the Monasteries to get subscri­ptions to the Declarations against the Five Pro­positions, and so to send the same to Rome, thereby to embolden the Romans to condemn them in confidence of the multitude of those who would approve the Censure when it should be pass'd, they declaring themselves thus for it be­forehand. Even poor Priests and poor Irish stu­dents maintain'd by the charity of others were sol­licited to subscribe thereunto. The Rector of the University who was advertis'd of the novelty and irregularity of this carriage, quash'd it, and reproved all the Complices for it by a Solemn Decree, which was afterwards the ground of great contests and divisions in the Universi­ty by the canvasings which M. Cornet and his adherents made there, to stirre up against the Rectors decree a great number of Doctors, who impugn'd the same in every thing they could. The history of this must be reserv'd for others who were witnesses of it. This intimation may suf­fice in reference to my subject.

The care taken by the authors of this Attempt to prepossesse all people at Rome assoon as they re­solv'd to remove it thither upon its miscarriage in the Faculty, began not to be understood at Paris till about this time; though the design was put in execution the year before. Of which I had a fair proof by a Letter which fell into my hands writ­ten by F. Nicholaï (a Dominican, Doctor of our Faculty, and one of the Deputies chosen by M. Cornet, on 1 July 1649.) to his General, dated May 23. 1650. He indeavor'd therein to avert him from undertaking the protection of Jansenius, telling him that he wonder'd his brethren were so eager to defend him, Ʋt ita nostri fratres ad de­fensionem ejus exardescant. The reasons which he alledg'd to this end, were founded only upon the calumnies which that good Father being the Jesu­ites friend had learnt of them, namely, that Jan­senius teacheth not only an Effectual, but also a Necessitating Grace like to that of Calvin; Necessi­tatem in voluntate infert qualem ipse Calvinus. The only truth in the Letter was, that F. Nicholaï con­fess'd in the beginning that he had not had time to read Jansenius well, neither would he so do; Cen­sere mihi universim non licet, quia nec percurrere to­tum libuit nec vacavit; and that he acknowledg'd that when the Five Propositions were first pro­pounded in Sorbonne, there was no design to at­tribute the same to Jansenius, but only to judge of them in general. Nec Jansenii tamen vel um­bra tenus nomen praefixum illis fuit, sed universim tantum propositae illae sunt, ut sine ullo praejudicio cen­serentur.

On the other side, the Assembly of the Clergy was held still at Paris, and there was no speech in it concerning M. de Vabres's Letter; but the sub­scriptions of such as were likely to be gain'd, were still secretly pursu'd. The Agents and their man­ner of proceeding cannot better be discover'd then by a Note written by F. Dinet the King's Confessor to M. Hallier, which fell from M. Hallier's pocket occasionally as he was in Sorbonne, and was taken up by one of our Brethren who sent it to me at Rome. The Superscription of it was thus, For M. Doctor Hallier, Syndic of the Faculty of Divinity at Paris at the Hostel of Villeroy; the Contents thus; Sir, My Lord of Tarbe sent us his subscription the other day. My Lord of Troies his brother is at present in this City, and promis'd yesterday that he would do the like after he had taken advice of some Doctors of your Faculty about it. Have you no one of your friends who may go to visit him? This is from Sir, Your most humble and obedient E. N. S. Sign­ed Dinet.

All these canvasings and other like proceedings became at length displeasing to other Prelates, who more and more saw a necessity of hindring the evil effects which that Letter might produce, and of taking another course in case the businesse should be brought to a discussion and judgement. M. the Archbishop of Ambrun one of the Presi­dents of the Assembly, and the Bishops of Va­lence, Agen, Chalons, Cominge, and Orleans, sent to desire accesse of the Nuntio on Monday Feb. 10. He attended them, and they went to wait upon him, and told him, That it was not by order of the Clergy that M. de Vabres and the rest had written; that this proceeding was not at all liked by them; that they disapprov'd it; that the qua­lity of Bishops empower'd them to judge of con­troversies arising within their own Dioceses; that this power was signally infring'd by the Letter which M. de Vabres had written; and that the bu­sinesse more then any other deserv'd extraordina­ry care and circumspection. They told him fur­ther of the danger there was in judging thereof, without having first examin'd it and summon'd the parties. They represented to him what a noise might be made by such a Censure as the said Let­ter demanded; and above all, what necessity there was that before any thing be done, the Pro­positions in question should be discuss'd and scann'd according to the places from whence they were produc'd. Lastly, they intreated him to advertise the Pope of this their Declaration, and inform his Holinesse of the things which they had spo­ken to him.

The Archbishop of Sens was to have been at this visit, but having been hinder'd by some other bu­sinesse, he went eight dayes after accompanied by some other Bishop to speak with the Nuntio a­bout the same matter, and to inculcate to him a­fresh the necessity of the Popes proceeding in this affair with mature deliberation, and according both to the forms requir'd by the Canons, and to the order of Ecclesiastical Judgements.

But the Prelats were not perfectly fatisfy'd with this their diligence; for having left nothing but [Page 54] words with the Nuntio, they fear'd lest he might forget some of them, or lest the Letter which he was to write thereof to the Pope not being imme­diately deliver'd to his Holinesse, might first fall into the hands of persons friends to the Jesuites, who in favour to them might either keep it as long as they pleas'd, or not present it to him but when it would be likely to be read in a perfunctory tran­sient manner, or lastly wholly suppresse it if it might be done conveniently: Wherefore they now took up the first purpose of writing to the Pope that Letter which shall be mention'd hereaf­ter. But for that the same could not be so soon got ready to be sent and subscrib'd by all those by whom it was requisite so to be, M. de Valence writ in the mean time to the Archbishop of Tholouse (last deceased) all that had been done hitherto, and there was sent to me at Rome from him a du­plicate of his Letter signed by him, to the end I might shew it to all I thought fit, thereby to stop as much as possible the course of those practices, which were founded upon that of M. de Vabres. The Copy of M. de Valence's Letter to the Archbi­shop of Tholouse here followeth.

My Lord,

BY reading the Considerations which have been made upon a Letter sent to Our Holy Father by some of Our Lords the Prelates, you may have under­stood all that hath pass'd upon that businesse. I knew nothing of the said Letter, nor of the whole design, (which was kept very secret) till my comming to Paris, and I have been extreamly displeas'd to see how many artifices are us'd by the Molinists to hin­der a solemn examination of all the Questions about Grace which are in dispute, (t [...]e only way as I con­ceive to procure Peace, and to clear up the truth.) We have here amongst us inquir'd what means were fit to be us'd for remedying the mischief which that Letter may produce contrary to the intention of Our Lords the Prelates who subscrib'd it, and we thought expedient to speak with my Lord the Nuntio, and de­sire him to write to his Holinesse about it. Accor­dingly on Monday 22 Febr. my Lords, the Arch­bishop of Ambrun, the Bishops of Agen, Chaalons, Orleans, Cominges, and my self went to wait upon the Nuntio. We declar'd to him that it was not the Clergy of France which sign'd the said Letter, but only some of our Lords the Bishops did it by them­selves, and in secret, without speaking thereof to the Assembly; although the Clergy being assembled at Paris, it is an unheard of thing to write to his Holi­nesse about an affair which concerns the whole Church, and particularly this of France, without acquainting the Assembly therewith.

My Lord Archbishop of Ambrun represented to him the importance of this businesse, and the danger there was in judging of these questions without sum­moning and hearing the parties; That many things were to be said concerning the Propositions presented to his Holinesse; and that for decision of the same it was requisite to examine and understand exactly all that hath pass'd here about that affair, to see in what sense the Disciples of S. Augustin maintain them; to distinguish S. Augustin's sense first of all, for fear of involving that Holy Teacher of Grace in a Cen­sure, which would give occasion to our Hereticks of saying, That the H. See condemns that which it hath alwayes approv'd, and that the antient Tradi­tion of the Fathers touching the points of Grace is deserted in the Roman Church. The Nuntio pro­mis'd to let his Holinesse know of our visit, and what we represented to him; he testify'd to us that he be­liev'd his Holinesse would not deliver any Judge­ment, seeing it was not the Body of the Clergy which writ to him, but only some Prelats by themselves: My L. Archbishop of Sens who was to have gone with us to the Nuntio, having been hindred then, went to him eight dayes after with some other Prelat, and declar'd (as I have understood) that if the procee­ding at Rome in this affair were not with all the forms requir'd by the Canons, and according to the order of Ecclesiastical Judgements, neither himself nor many other Prelates of France would have any regard for what should be done. We have conceiv'd that besides this, it would be requisite that we writ to his Holinesse, to tell him our minds our selves. To morrow will be sent to you our Letter which hath been signed by eight or nine Prelats. Were there time enough to send into the Provinces (as the other Letter was carry'd about five months) we should undoubted­ly have a great number of Prelats that would sub­scribe it. But being we are inform'd that the Busi­nesse hastens at Rome, it will be requisite to send it thither when you with some others of your Province have sign'd it, and to be contented with the fewer subscriptions by reason of the little time we have. Al­though I cannot believe that the H. See will be led to pronounce in such a manner upon questions of so great importance, I conceiv'd it would be pleasing to you to understand all that we have done, and that having so great a zeal for sound doctrine, justice, and the dig­nity ef our Function, you will approve all that we have acted only out of a spirit of peace and truth, and out of the duty of our Ministry. This is from,

My Lord,
Your most humble and most obedient Servant and Brother, LEBERON Bp. of Valence & Die.

But before my receiving at Rome either M. de Valence's Letter or two others which inform'd me of what I have above recited touching the visits to the Nuntio, I received one which had been writ­ten ever since the 27. of January, in which seve­ral newes was signifi'd to me: first that there was talk at Paris of a Conference before my L. the Archbishop and some other Prelates and Ma­gistrats. That it was demanded to have six per­sons there, and offer'd the Molinists to come in as great number as they would: That M. de Rho­dez Tutor to the King had been sollicited by F. Paulin his Majestie's Confessour to subscribe the Letter of M. de Ʋabres, and that he refus'd it: That M. de Saint Flour did the like, though extraordina­rily press'd to it by ths Jesuites: That M. de Vi­viers confess'd that he had signed it, but that he meant not to cast any blot upon Jansenius or the Propositions, but only desir'd a judgment for the sake of peace; and that the Pope was not in­treated in that Letter to appoint a Conference, because it was not to be doubted but he would [Page 55] according to his wisdom call together the most able Divines on either side and make a solemn ex­amination of the question (which cannot other­wise be well determin'd) before he pronounce any thing therein: In sum, that this was certainly the mind of most of the Bishops who subscrib'd the said Letter.

The same hand writ to me again on 17. February wherein speaking of the Congregations held under the Popes, Clement VIII. and Paul V. he hath these words; ‘It must be incessantly incul­cated to those of Rome that our disputes are wholly the same, and that the Question is solely about Effectual Grace, and sufficient Grace sub­ject to Free will; and that neither Jansenius nor we further hold the said Propositions then as they are reduc'd to the point of Effectual Grace.’

CHAP. X.

That the Haereo fateor is that which hath render'd Jansenius so odious at Rome. Several Declarations of Cardinal Barberini that the Bull of Urban VIII. is only provisional, and reacheth not the grounds of Jansenius's Doctrine. The Zeal of the Generals of the Dominicans and of the Augustines, in behalf of S. Augustin mix'd with fear of giving dissatisfaction thereby.

IF it be true, as the abovemention'd Letters af­firme together with many learned and judi­cious persons who have carefully read Jansenius's book, that he holdeth no other doctrine but that of Effectual Grace which is wholly S. Augustin's, and which (as we shall see in the sequel) hath alwayes been in general approbation and esteem at Rome; there is no little ground of wonder, how it could come passe that his name and his opinions have become so odious and suspected by the Romans. I observ'd about this time one of the capital causes thereof, if not the onely one; namely That place of his book where objecting to himself against S. Augustin's doctrine the Bulls of Pius V. and Gregory XIII. he answers that truly he is surpris'd at those Bulls, Haereo fateor; and that on the other side he seeth not what can be reply'd to S. Augustin's doctrine which hath been so often approved by the H. See. This doubt and seeming combat in which he pla­ceth on one side the Bulls of these two Popes, and on the other the doctrine of S. Augustin so often approv'd by the H. See, (though he really accords and reconciles together those Bulls and this Doctrine sufficiently, and with a very particu­lar respect towards the H. See) hath given so great advantages to the Jesuites against him and his book; that it not onely facilitates any meanes which they will use to make him lookt upon as a declar'd enemy of the H. See by persons pre­posses'd with the false zeal of those Fathers, but also they have thereby render'd him suspected by others, whom I found very intelligent, judicious, equitable, and likewise well affected towards this Prelate in all other things; so that expres­sing their dislike of this point alone they have testifi'd their sorrow that he expos'd himself to this disadvantage; so powerfull is the conceipt of the Pope's infallibility over the minds of the Ro­mans, and so heynous a crime and mortal offence in their eyes is every thing that grates upon it more or lesse. But having seen how admirably the said Bishop is clear'd from it by Aurelius Avitus in the 22. Dissonance of his Molinomachie which was lent me by a Cardinal to whom it was sent by the Post; I as often wish'd I could dispel those suspicions and dislkes entertain'd at Rome, against that place of Jansenius's book as I heard it spoken of, which was very frequently: but this was a work reserved for others. The Prejudices here­upon were so great and strong, that should I have said all I could in Apology for the Bishop of Ipre touching this matter, I should rather have made my self criminal then justifi'd him. And indeed 'twas a thing I abstain'd from the more willingly and necessarily for that not being at Rome for that purpose, nor otherwise engag'd in any thing that had affinity therewith, I contented my self with speaking of those which were recom­mended to me, or fell into discourse according as the visites I hapned to make permitted.

I made one to Cardinal Barberin on 27th. of January, in which he spoke among other things something largly of the great services which S. Ber­nard did to the H. See, and the ardent affection wherewith he was always animated towards it. I ac­knowledg'd to the Cardinal the truth of those commendations, and withal beseech'd him to ob­serve that that affection having been the primum mobile which set a going all his other motions and actions in behalf of the H. See, he used a notable liberty and franknesse towards the same H. See, when he saw himself oblig'd to admo­nish the Popes that fill'd it, of such things as might give cause to complain of their govern­ment and Decrees. I added also that all such as are zealous for the service of the H. See, ought to testifie the same cheifly in such occasions, where­in its interest lyes so much, in understanding the things in which it hath been or may be surpri­sed; That the Popes themselves for remedying mischiefs possible to arise from surprises have or­dain'd in the Cannon Law C. 5. de rescriptis, that their Decrees be not yeilded unto when there is difficulty in them, but that the same be re­presented to themselves, to the end they may use such order and remedy therein as is necessary. The Cardinal profess'd to like this discourse, and confirm'd it by a decision or Maxime which he said is follow'd in the Rota. Yet he added that the books of S. Bernard De Consideratione are not those of his works which are most in esteem at Rome, having sometimes been in danger of being, if not condemned, at least suppress'd or retrench'd; which possibly might have been done, had it not been for the consideration of his eminent Sanctity.

I gave him another visite on the 17. of Fe­bruary, and left with him the Observations made upon M. de Ʋabres's Letter which he sent me back after two dayes seal'd, having read and [Page 56] made his extract out of the same. Ten dayes after I gave him another, he then professed to me that he approv'd those observations, but made more account of the Reflections upon the Censure of the Catechisme. He said also that himself was made to speak well therein (that is to say, that he was well pleas'd whith what was there related of him) but that the Letter of M. Albizzi which is produc'd there, and the other things spoken of that Assessor troubled him; and his Eminence gave me to understand that they were mutually concern'd for one another, and reputed the offence done to one of their Officers as done to their proper persons. To which I an­swer'd that no doubt it was with unwillingness that M. Albizzi was reflected upon; and that it had not been done if he had not given ground for it, and the writer conceiv'd himself constrain­ed so to do.

Happing to be in the company of the same Cardinal in the beginning of March, he told me plainly enough that when themselves or their officers are not treated with the respect which they think their due, they are apt to become rigid and suspicious, and to find fault with many things of which otherwise they should take no great notice, &c. That it behooved so to order the matter in the present case as not di­rectly to thwart Decisions, and amongst others the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. of happy memory; but to shew that what the Adversaries pretend to be contained therein, is not there indeed; and that the same is to be understood with this or that restriction, &c. That it is fit to allow some­thing to Popes great incumbrances which hinder them from being so exact in every point, &c. To which I answer'd two things. First that some­times there is no way to deny the words which are expresse therein, nor to admit the same but by alledging a surprise. Secondly, That S. Au­gustin's disciples are full of great love and sincere respect towards the H. See and the Popes. That I doubted not but that they are alwayes ready to interpret their meanings and words in the most benigne sense that is possible. That if his eminence would think thereon, and give me light of a fit expedient how to put a favorable exposition upon that Bull at Rome, I doubted not but it would be accepted most willingly by all the disciples of S. Augustin, provided it be not prejudicial to truth, which with them is absolutely inviolable.

Our discourse of this businesse pass'd so far, and the Cardinal profess'd himself so satisfi'd there­with, that I believ'd he would think in good earnest of procuring a clear declaration from the H. See of the motives and extent of the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. which he had explicated to me before on several oc­casions; and also (of making use of my mediati­on to bring it about that they who found diffi­culties therein (with whom he conceiv'd I had some commerce) might acquiesce in the extent, and with the Glosses and passable conditions with which he told me the said Bull was made, and which might be express'd in such Declaration. Which was certainly a thought worthy so great and renown'd a Cardinal, as well for the honour of the memory of Ʋrban VIII. his Uncle and the execution of his intentions, as for avoiding pro­vocation to wrath (according to the Scripture expression) by the continuance of an obscurity and a studied silence, of the most humble chil­dren of the Catholick Church most zealous for her and the Holy See, and very capable of serving both against their common ene­mies.

I remember I accounted it a thing resolv'd up­on by the Cardinal, and so fully conceiv'd that he having undertaken it, the accomplishment must needs follow, and they who profess'd some repugnance to the said Bull being (as I was con­fident) very ready to imbrace all overtures of peace compatible with the preservation of truth; that at my return from a smal journey taken with the abovementioned Gentleman to Civita Vecchia, the Alum mines, and Caprarola, finding a Citation fix'd up against M. Hersent, in which I observ'd such words as might exasperate minds affected to S. Augustin, I went speedily to the said Car­dinal to make my complaint thereof to him, and testifie my grief in seeing this new obstacle to the design which he had profess'd of bringing matters to a safe and permanent reconciliation by giving a favorable interpretation to the said Bull. Now this Citation was decreed in the names of the Cardinals, Roma, la Cueva, Spada, Ginetti, S. Clement, Panzirolo, Lugo, Colonna, d' Este, and likewise in the name of Cardinal Barberin; and it mention'd the Doctrine of Jansenius, and of that whereof M. Hersent desir'd the Pope's protection (which is no other then that of S. Augustin) as a doctrine purely and simply con­demn'd; although as for that of S. Augustin all the world acknowledg'd it at Rome, as a doctrine confirm'd and approv'd by the general consent of the Church in all Ages; and although, as for that of Jansenius, Cardinal Barberin had often told me, that such as it was, it remain'd still in its integrity, and had receiv'd no blow from the Bull of his Uncle. But this Citation which was likely to be carried everywhere to the remotest Provinces, and which gave a suffici­ently plausible ground to all the enemies of S. Augustin and Jansenius to speak otherwise of the said Bull, gave also occasion to such as were concern'd for either or both, to become aliena­ted and exasperated; and brought into dispute the honour of the H. See from whence it was lookt upon as proceeding, bearing the names and seals of their Eminences, the most considerable mem­bers officers and supports thereof.

The Cardinall seem'd astonisht at what I said to him, and answer'd me that he would consi­der the matter and advertise the aforesaid per­sons thereof; That he remembred that he signed some thing, but it was without having had any hand in the businesse: That he had been in the Coun­try the week before, and indisposed this; that all these things were transacted by the Office of the Rota which inserts in these kind of Instru­ments what seemed good to them, and always interprets things to the worst. After which he proceeded to speak again of the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. and told me that we ought to handle the same tenderly and not thwart it so directly; because that this and others the like were set [Page 57] forth, and are to be understood, supposing that the books in question contain really the Proposi­tions of which they are accus'd; which being matter of fact, the Popes may be surpris'd and deceiv'd therein: And that in case such Books do not contain the Propositions imputed to them, condemnations (or rather, prohibitions) as he told me do not touch them nor lay any blot or prejudice upon them. And as for that of Jan­senius in particular, he added that the Bull of Ʋr­ban VIII. doth not condemn but only forbid it upon the report made thereof to his Holinesse. I testifi'd that I was very glad to learn from his Eminence the interpretation and extent which ought to be given to those Decrees and Bulls; but I told him that the Jesuites and their Adhe­rents did not understand the same in this man­ner, nor confine them within these bounds. The Cardinal reply'd that herein we ought to be firme and hold them to it. I answer'd that that course was taken and is still endevor'd to the utmost; but his Eminence might extinguish many contests of no fruit nor edefication, if in stead of leaving Divines to wrangle among themselves about such punctilio's he would procure some Decree or Bull from the H. See, wherein were made such an open and sincere declaration and explication of those hitherto set forth, as his Eminence did now make to me. But I could not urge this matter further; and the Cardinal have­ing caused me to return to what I have above re­lated of the visite given to the Nuntio by the Archbishop of Ambrun and the other Prelates, and to what had pass'd in the University touch­ching the Irish, he told me that it were good that the Pope had alwayes about him two or three persons of France, and as many of Spaine, to informe his Holinesse of the things which pass'd in those remote countries touching doctrine. I an­swer'd him that it would be very good; but that besides the difficulties which occurre herein, their manner of handling affairs in secret and covertly much discourag'd those that desir'd to send or come thither. He reply'd that it was the order which was exactly observ'd amongst them, not to reveale any thing of the affaires which they handle daily; but that in those which then divided mens minds, and whereof we had so often dis­cours'd, nothing could be done publickly with­out reciprocal communication, and a Con­gregation established on purpose for that cause.

I had the honour to see Cardinal Barberin the Saterday before this conference, and to accompany him to the Celestines to a Thesis of Divinity de­dicated to him on Saturday 19. March 1651. The Thesis amongst others was upon the matter of Grace and Predestination to Glory, which was defended there as done gratuitously and effectu­ally before the Prevision of Merits: of which point that of effectual Grace and all the other Christi­an Truths maintain'd by us in the Five Propositions, being clear and infallible consequences, I this day took this occasion to make to his Eminence a short reduction thereof to grace effectual by it self, the sole thing for whose defense and esta­blishment we were engag'd, in exclusion of suf­ficient Grace subject to Free-will. The Cardi­nal profess'd himself satisfied with the reduction and declaration, and told me that he conceiv'd that this was the way to bring affairs to a speedy issue.

I remembred that at my departure from him when I shew'd his Eminence the Letter of M. de Valence, I went to see Lucas Holstenius, and shew'd the same also to him. He esteem'd it so good and so judicious and withal so sutable to the inclinations which he had observ'd in the Pope in a familiar conference which he had with his Holinesse for a whole houre about these mat­ters, that he desired me to translate it into Ita­lian, and give him a Copy of it to shew the Pope, thereby to confirm him in the resolution which he had profess'd to have, of hastening and ha­zarding nothing in their contests. The sub­jects of these discourse was this; the Pope open­ing himself to him concerning the trouble he re­ceiv'd by continual sollicitations from France to make some decision of these matters which he understood not, and to the study of which he had never apply'd himself, M. Holstenius answer­ed that his Holinesse would do well not to be­gin at that age to put himself to the trouble of understanding, and much lesse of deciding them; because that they were of themselves very diffi­cult to comprehend, that they had not onely mov'd great disputes in all Ages of the Church amongst the faithfull since the birth of Jesus Christ, but also had divided all the greatest Phi­losophers of old in the difficulty they found of conciliating the Freedome of Man with the most clear and infallible knowledge which God hath of future things, and with the most immutable resolution of his eternal Decrees; some of them sticking to these opinions, and others to other, as men do also now adayes and will do as long as there be men in the world. Wherefore being no Decision can be made of these points which is likely to satisfy them, his Holinesse should do better not to think of making any, nor trouble himself about it, but let things slide along as they do till they become calme of themselves, as no doubt they would do, when either side or both become weary of disputing and of indevour­ing to perswade their Adversaries to their opi­nions. This was so well lik'd by the Pope, that he congratulated with M. Holstenius for the in­timation which he gave him thereof, and told him that he would beware of proceeding after any other manner then according to this advice of his.

About the same time a person of honor came to visite me, and told me he had been two dayes before with the Master of the sacred Palace; and that this pious Ecclesiastick had spoken to him with great resentment for the principles of S. Augustin explicated by the Bishop of Ipre, and with a holy abhorrence of the persecution which they suffer'd, promising on his part to retard and obstruct to his power the evil designs which he found were in agitation against those Holy Maxims, and such as defended them; but that he was troubled that we acted so little on our patt for the information of people at Rome, and that whilst we wholly deserted the Field of Battle to our Adversaries, it was no wonder if they [Page 58] prevail'd as much as they pleas'd.

I thought fit also to go and advertise the Ge­neral of the Augustines of the Citation fix'd up against M. Hersent, and of the danger there was lest the Jesuites should make use of it in the remote Provinces, as a new Proof that S. Augu­stin's doctrine was lookt upon and dealt with at Rome as a condemn'd doctrine: I in­timated to him that the more he dissembled the outrages daily offer'd to the doctrine and authority of that great Saint, the lesse easie it would be to remedy the same. He assent­ed to what I said, but propounded to me to make the complaints which I suggested to him: of which I making such excuses as he lik'd, and he ac­knowledging that himself might intermeddle therein with more reason, security, and successe then I, he lift up his eyes and his shoulders, and striking his hands upon the arms of his chair, express'd his grief and his thoughts with these words, which he utter'd twice, Non si può par­lar, non si può parlar; There is no speaking, there is no liberty to speak. To which I answering, That it was time now to do it, or never would be; (to the end he might consider what course were best to take) I left him a Copy of M. Hersent's Citation, Epistle and Sermon. He accepted the same willingly, but withall askt me what he should answer in case it were demanded from whom he had them. I answer'd, that it was not fit to name me; which he promis'd me not to do. This I observe, to shew what restraint they are under at Rome in reference to these matters; since a man of his quality fear'd being ask'd and oblig'd to declare from whom he had receiv'd such publick pieces, which might have been found in every body's hands. Moreover he signify'd to me what just fear he had to make remonstrances so necessary and well-becomming him, by the example of a Cardinal who (he said) offering to make the like a little while ago about these matters, had fallen into great disgust and mortification for so doing.

CHAP. XI.

Notice of my being in danger to be put in­to the Inquisition. Of the Molinoma­chy of Aurelius Avitus. The Expli­cation of Haereo Fateor. Such as were thought inclinable to defend Jan­senius, remov'd from the Assemblies of the Inquisition. An Audience of the Pope.

I WAS advertis'd about the same time that I was in danger of falling into the like my self, for that (as he affirm'd who gave the notice there­of to the Gentleman my companion) in the vi­sits which I had made to the Cardinals I had spoken too freely of those sentiments which passe at Rome for Heretical; that in reference to these matters there needed no more then a single Hear-say to cause a man to be apprehended and put in a safe place, that is to say, in the Inquisition; that when any one is once there, it is not easie for him to get out; and therefore I had great reason to take heed to my self. He who came to give this notice was a Jesuite, and at this time perform'd the office of Secretary for France to his General, and with whom I being frequently in company together with that Gentle­man who had been recommended to him by some Letters of his Confreres in France I had contract­ed some acquaintance and friendship; Which ne­verthelesse I did not believe so great, as to be more prevalent with him then the interests of his Society, and I scarce doubted but that he came to give me this intelligence by contrivance of his Confreres, either to frighten me, or for some o­ther reasons. However, this Father was thank'd for the kindnesse which he profess'd to do me; but withall he was given to know, that finding my self culpable of nothing, I feared nothing; which yet did not hinder but that, there remaining not a­bove three weeks to the time set down by us for our departure, I was more wary of my self then formerly, for fear of occasioning the crossing of our designs, by giving any hold against my self. We began to take our leaves, and to buy such lit­tle curiosities as we minded to carry from Rome into France: amongst divers fine Prints which I had from a Graver there, I bought also five sheets of Paper, upon which there were above a hundred pourtraicts of several Jesuites who were Canonis'd thus, as having shed their blood for the Christian Religion, amongst whom this was in its order, Pater Henricus Garnetus Anglus Londini pro fide Catholica suspensus & sectus, 3 Maii 1606. None in the world is ignorant that he suffer'd there the punishment of death for the Powder-plot, of which he was accus'd, con­victed, and acknowledged himself guilty before he dy'd; insomuch that out of his resentment of his fault, upon some reproaches made to him as having pretended in committing it to attain to the glory of Martyrdom, He answerd, That it was a thing unheard of for Traytors and Parricides to be ranked amongst Martyrs, Nunquam audi­tum fuit parricidam esse Martyrem; as it is re­lated in these words, if I remember aright, by a well known Author who writ the History. These Prints, which are alwayes sold at the Sign of the Eagle near the Church of S. Marcellus, with per­mission of the Superiors, I took with me to make use of, one day, against those who have thought fit that the Houres should be condemn'd, because in one of the Editions M. de Berule is found in the Calendar with this Letter B. which signifies Blessed, a title which the Censors of that excel­lent Work affirm is not lawfull to be given to a­ny person but by the authority and approbation of the Pope, whilst at the same time they suffer the title of Martyr to be given publickly and without contradiction for these forty yeares to persons dead in the greatest infamy, and for the most enormous crimes.

Cardinal Barberin did us the honour to visit us on the 25. day of March; amongst other things we talkt of the Molinomachie of Aurelius Avitus. [Page 59] The Cardinal ask'd me what was the subject of that Work. I answer'd him, that it was written con­cerning the Jesuits pretence that the Propositions condemn'd by the Bull of Pius V. agreed with the Doctrine of Jansenius; that it shew'd with won­derfull solidity, and invincible clearnesse, that such pretended agreement was indeed none at all but impertinent, and maliciously and falsly alledged by the Jesuits; that their artifices and horrible ca­lumnies in all that businesse were laid open by the Author of the said Book. Amongst others I told him of the 22. pretended Agreement, in which the Jesuits recite this Proposition out of Pius V's Bull; Deus non potuisset ab initio talem creare homi­nem qualis nunc nascitur. I told him, that I had found true what the Molinomachie said thereof; namely, that Jansenius having mention'd it in his Book as an Objection to be clear'd, and according­ly clear'd it very solidly, they have taken it out of that place, as if Jansenius had written and affirm'd it as of himself, without setting down the words foregoing, which shew that he mentions it as an Objection, but suppressing all that the Bishop alledgeth to shew that it hath been condemned in the sense wherein it is taken by Pius V. but that this sense makes nothing to that of S. Augustine, which he recites and explicates. The Cardinal profess'd himself surpriz'd at what I said, and could not imagine (though upon my affirming it, and engaging my self to shew it him, he believ'd it) that 'twas possible for men to resolve upon such black falsities. But for the better understand­ing of the businesse, he put to me the usual difficul­ty above-mention'd, which the Jesuits make use of to discredit Jansenius upon all occasions; namely, that objecting the said Propositions to himself, he saith, Haereo, fateor, sed quid ad Doctrinam S. Au­gustini? as if Jansenius oppos'd the Authority of S. Augustine to Pius V. and Gregory XIII. And indeed he propos'd it, as thinking to presse me with this instance; but I told him, that this was also one of the cheats of that Bishops enemies, and was likewise laid open in the Molinomachie; that Jansenius did not thus close up his discourse; that it was an intolerable wickednesse to suppresse the remainder, by which he explicates this Propositi­on, and reconciles the H. See with it self, and that with very great care, esteem, and veneration; that the intire place ran thus, sed quid ad Doctrinam S. Augustini clarissimam invectissimam (que), quam toties probavit & sequitur, sequendam (que) monuit Apostolica sedes? that he did not rest there, but a little after added and put to himself this question, as out of all likelihood, namely, Whether the H. See can be contrary and opposite to it self? to which he answereth, that this absurdity cannot be affirm'd; and then shews that the H. See really agrees with it self, and that the Doctrine of S. Augustine, approv'd by the Popes, hath nothing of affinity with the Propositions condemn'd by Pius V. and Gregory XIII. This reply clear'd and sa­tisfi'd Cardinal Barberin, who rejoyn'd nothing further.

The minds of many in constant imployment at Rome about matters of Doctrine, were so possess'd with aversion against the Bishop of Ipre, that they would not admit of any thing that might contribute to the clearing of his intentions, or to his justifica­tion. M. Albizzi (as I have since understood) effected some time ago, that F. Lucas Vadingo, Superior, and in a manner Founder of the house of S. Isidore, in which are the Monks of S. Francis all Irish, one of the Consultors of the H. Office, a man of singular piety and very great parts, was fain to absent himself from the Assemblies of that Congregation, only for saying; That it was requi­site to examine Jansenius's Book, and to let it passe current after having retrencht out of it what was reprovable, if there were any thing which deserv'd such correction. And the F. Abbot Hilarion, of the Order of the Bernardins, some time after his composing the Book I mention'd above, in which he noted the different senses in which the Proposi­tions might be taken, receiv'd an order from Car­dinal Spada to repair no more to the Congregati­ons where those matters were handled. The manner of it was thus: The Cardinal told him, That it was not necessary that he should be present any more at the Congregations held about this affair. F. Hilarion answer'd, That he was oblig'd to obey his Eminence. The Cardinal reply'd, That he did not say that, but only intreated him that he would think good to repair thither no more. When F. Hilarion gave me this relation, he told me, that the Cardinal spoke this to him be­cause it had been his advice that the sense of Janse­nius upon the Propositions might be examin'd and explicated. And as for F. Lucas Vadingo, that he receiv'd an expresse prohibition for it, by the in­trigues and solicitations of M. Albizzi.

F. Campana, Procurator General of the Domi­nicans, preach'd this Lent at Rome in the Church of S. Peter, and it was the third or fourth Lent that he preach'd there, it being usual to be retain'd Preacher of a Church not for one year only, but for many, till some occasion obliges him to desist from that imployment. I went to hear him as often as I could: He was an excellent man, and I was much edify'd by him. I was there on Tuesday in the Passion week, and he gave notice of a Ser­mon about Predestination for the Wednesday fol­lowing. But what? (said he) many will say 'tis a nice subject, and not meet to be preach'd of to the people. O, answer'd he, S. Augustine is not of that mind, who saith, That Praedestinatio Sanctorum populo Christiano praedicanda est ut qui gloriantur in Domino glorientur. I return'd thither on Wednesday, and he made a very good and solid Sermon upon that subject.

The Gentleman with whom I was, and my self, had resolv'd to depart immediately after the cele­bration and ceremonies of the Feast of Easter; and that we might not be delay'd by an audience which we wish'd to have of the Pope before our depar­ture, we solicited for one at the end of Lent; which on H. Monday we obtain'd, and the Pope treated us with very much gentlenesse, courtesie and familiarity, for half an hour. I twice turn'd the discourse as much as I could to things border­ing upon the contests of the times, to give his Ho­linesse occasion to enter upon them, but he hand­somely kept off them, and we spoke not one word thereof far nor near.

I much wonder'd at this time at the Pope's close­nesse upon the two occasions which I gave him of speaking of things which belong'd to my pro­fession, [Page 60] seeing in the audience I had had of him five years before, in the company of the Abbot Bassompiere now Bishop of Xaintes, the Marquis of Marevil Brother-in-Law to M. de Angoulesme, M. Sanguin the Son, first Master of the King's Hous­hold, and the Abbot Bontemps, now first Vallet of his Majestie's Chamber, the Pope left none of the contests risen amongst Catholicks without speak­ing something to me of them, and giving me occasi­on himself to tell his Holinesse my thoughts there­of, though the company was then much more nu­merous, and he had lesse cause and time to fix his discourse with me then he had in this occasion, be­ing only with that Gentleman. So that I could not attribute his reservednesse and silence in these matters to any thing but to the resolution which it was told me he had so often made of not hearing any speech thereof at all, for that they did only trouble him without any benefit; and perhaps this consideration had some place at this time. But after I understood, as I am going to relate, that I had been accused to him for one of the most zealous of those whom they call Jansenists, and that there had been found one who defended me from that reproach: I conceiv'd the principal reason of his silence was, to know who had spoken true, my ac­cusers or my defenders; and that he would let me go on alone without replying any thing on his part which might give me occasion of speaking, to see how far my zeal (of which complaints had been made to him, which I knew not of) would lead me. Since my understanding of which, I ac­counted it my great good fortune that I kept with­in the bounds of the respect and circumspection which I owe to the head of the Church, and spoke nothing to him of the affaires which concern it, and are above my reach, without his giving me an invitation to tell him what I knew thereof, which I should have done in this case in all Christian since­rity, and according to the measure whereof I am capable.

CHAP. XII.

Several confirmations of the notice given me of the danger wherein I was. A design of the Bishops to write and send to Rome. The difficulties of that so sudden Delegation. An intire disco­very of the design almost taken to stay me. My departure from Rome.

THE first notice I receiv'd of the complaints made of me, was given me by the kindnesse of the Jesuit I spoke of; and though I attributed not so much to it as to believe or conclude any thing certain from it, yet I had not forgotten it. It serv'd me to understand a somewhat unusual com­plement which was made me by the Cardinal of S. Clement, when I went to take leave of him, to thank him for the favourable reception he made me in my two or three visits to him, and to offer him the little service I was able to render him. For as soon as I had signifi'd the cause that brought me to him, the only answer he made, was, to tell me that he was glad of it, and to ask me if I departed suddenly; and I having told him that I believ'd it would be the next day after the Festivals of the 13. or 14. of April, which was then began, he reply'd, That it would be well done, and the sooner the better. He pass'd instantly, with the civility so common to their Eminences, to another discourse, which yet he contracted according to his wont into few words; but I was more mindfull to what he said to me at first, then to all the rest. For that which the Jesuit had told the Gentleman my friend, came into my memory, and I began to believe that there was something in it.

For the same purpose I went to visit Cardinal Barberin, from whom I had received so many ob­liging treatments during my whole abode at Rome. Amongst other things which he said to me, he askt me whether I knew the Cardinal of S. Clement. I answer'd, that I had visited him twice or thrice, and found him of a very vigorous old age, and that there was seen in him as great testimonies of an eminent spirit, as there appear'd tokens of mo­desty and peity in his countenance. Cardinal Bar­berin reply'd, that I had not lost my time in those visits, and that I held a good place in his mind. Mine was full of his Complement, and the Jesuit's intelligence, and this discourse was a new item to me in confirmation of the apprehensions I gather'd from the two other, and gave me the curiosity of searching further into it. I answer'd therefore to Cardinal Barberin, that it was purely an effect of the Cardinal of S. Clement's goodnesse; and that since himself (Cardinal Barberin) did me the fa­vour to acquaint me with that happinesse which I was before ignorant of, I beseecht him to tell me how he understood it himself. Here t [...]ere arose a little alteration in Cardinal Barberin's counte­nance, which could not proceed but from his con­ceiving that he had told me too much, or from his being at a losse what answer to make me; so that I presently perceiv'd, that from whencesoever that alteration proceeded, there was more in the busi­nesse then his Eminence was willing to tell me; and after he had told me in general termes, that he had heard the Cardinal of S. Clement speak advan­tageously of me, I durst not presse him further. But I well saw that something had been spoken in that way, in some place where they had been toge­ther, which they were not often, saving in the Congregations of the H. Office. This, with the Jesuit's intelligence, was a certain evidence that it must needs have been in those Congregations; and that if it was there, that the Cardinal of S. Clement had spoken of me with advantage, it must be ga­ther'd from thence, that seeing complaints had been made of me, there had been some who spoke not of me in the same manner.

I began also to perceive that those complaints must needs have been carri'd to the Pope, because it is the order us'd by the Congregation of the H. Office, for the Cardinals of whom it consists, to assemble at la Minerva the Dominicans house eve­ry Wednesday morning: Then for the Secretary or Assessor of the said Congregation to go to the Pope in the afternoon, to acquaint his Holinesse with what was handled in the morning by the As­sembly [Page 61] of Cardinals, that his Holinesse may be pre­par'd for the determination which he is to make thereof the next day, and may have the night to reflect thereon: Then for the same Cardinals to re-assemble on Thursday morning at the Pope's Palace, where in his Holinesse's presence they speak anew to all the things whereof they consulted the day foregoing, and deliver their last sentiments, which the Pope having heard, determines himself to that which seemeth good unto him.

In this conjuncture Letters of the 17. of March arriv'd to me from Paris, certifying me; that the Bishops who went to the Nuntio, and some others with them, had at length resolv'd to write to the Pope touching the Letter of M. de Vabres, to be­seech his Holinesse, that if he intended to make any decision about those matters, he would so do it as that it might put an end to the contests amongst Catholick Divines, establish peace amongst them, clear up and settle the truth which both sides ought to acknowledge; all which cannot be done but in a solemn Congregation, like that which was appoin­ted by Clement VIII. and Paul V. especially consi­dering the speciosity of these matters, which have been very much embroyl'd by the processe of time, and the malice of men. Moreover, that they had resolv'd, that seeing Letters are but dead remon­strances, lasting sometimes no longer then they are reading, to send also some Divines to be living solicitors for the procuring the effect of the Let­ters, and obtaining the erecting of such a Congre­gation. It was signifi'd also, that the same Pre­lates pitcht upon me for one of the Delegates; and being I was already upon the place, they de­sir'd me to stay there expecting the arrival of the rest, who were to come to me, and would be the bearers of their Letters.

I was enjoyn'd further to double my vigilance in the mean time about this affair, because it was likely that the Letter of M. de Vabres would be brought to effect; that all possible means would be us'd to bring it about; that there was lately a Letter obtain'd from the Queen, in which her Ma­jesty press'd his Holinesse to have regard to that of so many Prelates, and to the needs of her people, and for that purpose to passe a determination upon the contested Propositions, which were presented to him for his decision.

It was now within four or five dayes to the time set for our departure: We had only some adieus to make, and were in the croud of Ceremonies of the Festivals, which we desir'd to see, and other incumbrances which alwayes accompany the pre­paration for a Journey out of a great City. I did not omit to go see that man whom I had found so quick-sighted in the temper of the Roman Court, and all other circumstances of this affair, and who at length consented to the Expedient of this Dele­gation, in regard of the extreme needs which I had alledg'd to him for it: I imparted to him all that was signifi'd to me by the Letters which I had re­ceiv'd. He was surpriz'd to see things so forward from France: He told me, that he had yielded to the said Delegation, but not to have it put in exe­cution till things were in more forwardnesse at Rome: That it was requisite to allow time to those who were busi'd at Rome in drawing up some in­structions touching these disputes, for the informa­tion of some Cardinals (on whom the affair was likely to depend) concerning the true estate in which they are: That till a fit mothod were taken to make their Eminences understand what was in­tended to be represented to them, no good was to be expected therein. This excellent man alledg'd some other reasons which I touch'd above, and re­peat not here, whereunto I oppos'd the extreme needs of putting some obstacle to the powerfull solicitations us'd by the Jesuits for compassing the evil effect which they propos'd to themselves from M. de Vabres's Letter. He told me, that he was convinc'd more then I, what urgent necessity there was of applying some remedy to this mischief, which encreas'd every day; but that it was not al­wayes a fit time to apply remedies though necessa­ry; and that it behoved to wait for circumstances fit for the procuring that redresse which was hop'd for: That as for the evil effect which I fear'd, there was no probability of its coming to passe so soon; and besides if it did, inasmuch as it would be a thing against order and truth, and without hearing of parties, it could not be valid, but there would al­wayes be room to recurre to this course. That he remain'd firm in this mind, and that it behoved to beseech the Bishops of France to suspend the exe­cution of their good intentions till things were more hopefully prepar'd at Rome. That incessant care should be us'd to prepare them without noise; and that if it should please God to blesse that care, I should not fail of being timely advertis'd there­of, to the end the good purposes of those Bishops might not only be accomplish'd as much as lay in them, but also follow'd by a successe worthy of their patience and zeal.

This was the substance of the answers which I made on Easter Monday, April the 10th. though more at large then they are here recited, to the Letters which I mention'd. Namely, that consi­dering all these reasons, and that their Letter was not sent to me, and possibly would not be sudden­ly, and being willing to accompany my friend in returning, as I had done in coming, I should with­out fail depart from Rome on the ensuing Thursday for France. I added, that neverthelesse, that I might not seem to abandon a cause so important and just, nor fail in corresponding to the hope which my LL. the Bishops had of my submission to their Orders, nor wholly of my own motion over­throw the resolution which they had taken; in ex­pectation of a reply to the reasons which I sent them, I signifi'd what course I intended to take in my Journey, and how I might meet their Letters at the principal Cities through which I should passe, that so, if they pleas'd to give me new Orders about what I represented to them, I might receive and obey the same.

All things were thus dispos'd for our departure; and I was yet ignorant of what had particularly pass'd touching the complaints made of me. There remain'd but two days more, and one of them was to be imploy'd in going to Tivoli, to take leave of M. the Embassador, who was still retir'd there since his going out of Rome; which was ac­cordingly done: The other was so taken up with other visits active and passive, that there remain'd one yet to make in the morning of our departure to the Cardinal d' Este, to take leave of his High­ness, [Page 62] which we did likewise. But after I left him, I had the good fortune to light upon a person who was very well inform'd of that which troubled me, and who told me thereof with sufficient freedom. For having profess'd his joy for seeing me depart in the good posture wherein I stood, and told me transiently, that the Jesuit often mention'd had reason for what he said, and that I had escap'd fair: To put him upon a fuller discovery of what con­cern'd my departure, I answer'd, That I had not been ignorant of the clamour made to the Pope about me, though without cause given by me; but yet if I had been well assaulted, I was also well defended. My friend by this believed that I understood the whole secret, so that no longer scrupling to speak plainly of it, he was much pleas'd to tell me all the circumstances he knew thereof, and I to hear them. He told me that the business was come to an even lay; and had not a Cardinal pleaded hard for me, I was in danger of making a troublesome residence at Rome. That the reason hereof was, for that in the discourses I had had with some of the Cardinals, I had testifi'd some affection for Jansenius; (yet I said nothing of him besides what is related above) That upon the least discovery of the inclinations of ones heart, especi­ally in matters so odious as these, the rest would be presumed; consequently it was gather'd, that I had more of such affection then I had made show of: in a word, that I was a Janseniste, and that it was requisite to arrest me, and put me in the prison of the Inquisition. That upon this the Cardinal who spoke in my defence, declar'd that I had also visited him two or three times, and had indeed testi­fied to him some zeal for S. Augustins Doctrine, but said not so much as one word to him of Jansenius. That he demanded what proof there was of the accusation brought against me? Where were the books, or the Writings by which I might be con­victed of that whereof I was accus'd? That he said, Such haste must not be us'd towatds a person be­longing to so famous a Body as the Faculty of Pa­ris, which might resent the injury done to one of its Doctors for words spoken into the air, for sin­gle hear-say, without proof under hand, without conviction. That were I guilty of what I was charged with, yet it would be necessary to have something before them, whereof to inform the publick, and justifie the proceedings held against me. That should such a thing be done, it would be disapprov'd by all the world, for that I was come to Rome only upon occasion of the H. year or Jubile; and so little in order to treating any affair there, that all I waited for to return into France, was only till the solemnity of the Festivals of the approaching Easter were past; that there­fore he did not see just ground enough to resolve upon arresting me. That in fine the Pope amidst this variety of opinions finding himself amus'd by these reasons, inclin'd to my side, and pronounc'd his sentence upon my affair in these two words; Lasciatelo andare, Let him go.

I accounted my self much beholding to the pro­vidence of God, the protection of that Cardinal, and the goodness of the Pope, for the rendring of this sentence in my favour; very happy in know­ing of it, and most oblig'd to this friend for having so clearly unfolded this mystery which I discerned but very obscurely before. Yet I took notice to him of but half my obligation; however being otherwise much my friend, congratulating my self with him for Gods deliverance of me from the aforesaid danger; I embraced him, and took my leave. After which it remain'd only to dine, and so to horse, which we did about noon 13 April 1651. intending to lie at Monterose.

CHAP. XIII.

A Letter written from Florence to ex­cuse my self absolutely from returning to Rome, notwithstanding my pro­mise. My most considerable Obser­vations at Milan.

VVHen I saw my self out of Rome, I had time upon the way to consider more at­tentively the danger I had incurr'd, and was more astonisht at the project against me, then I had been when the several notices were first given me thereof. I scarce believ'd what I saw, and ad­mired how I had escaped the danger, having been so near falling into it. I resolv'd positively not to put my self into the like again, for that it would seem a tempting of God to hazard my self anew to so evident peril. And whereas the reason which brought me off, was the Popes considering that I was ready to depart from Rome to return into France, I resoiv'd to write by the first Post, to make my most humble excuses to my LL. the Bi­shops, from the promise made in my last of return­ing to Rome if they appointed me; that so if they persisted in the design of sending some one thi­ther, they might think, without delay, of some other then me.

Assoon as we arrived in Florence, I did so, and signified by those Letters of the 20 of April, not only that I should not return to Rome as I had pro­mis'd to do, in case I should by the way receive or­der for it of my LL. the Bishops, and the Letters to the Pope; but that I should write to a Father of the Oratory, a judicious, zealous and pious person, named F, Petit. (whom I had intreated to open in my absence such Pacquets as were sent to me, and to perform such things in my behalf as re­quired haste, but could not see him after my re­ceiving of that last intelligence) not to meddle with any thing, [...] do ought of what I had instructed him, because considering the state of things not fit to be told at this time, it would not be safe ei­ther for the cause or his person, for him (any more then for me) to do any thing whatever about this affair, without express order and authentick power.

I signified by the said Letters expresly, that this resolution was not to be alter'd; of which such as I should acquaint by word of mouth at Paris con­cerning the grounds thereof, would be convinc'd; that however I hop'd the Pope would not hasten to determine any thing for all the sollicitations made to him; and I intimated among other rea­sons I had for it, that dining with the Ambassador [Page 63] the day before our departure, and in the Converse after Dinner having read the Bishop of Valence's Letter to the Archbishop of Tholouse, he heard it silenty till the place where M. de Valence expresses his fear, lest the affair were hastned at Rome, and the Pope determined it before it were well exa­min'd; at which place the Ambassador who had abundant experience of the Popes resolv'd silence touching these matters, said these words, True indeed, 'tis well said; ha! he cares not; I have spo­ken to him about it a hundred times, and could never draw one word from him.

I observ'd too both in these and my last letters from Rome, that if any Delegates came, it was ab­solutely necessary, that they wholly abstain from the name of Jansenius, how well perswaded soever they were of the truth of his opinions and fidelity in explicating those of St. Augustine, and how ar­dent soever they were for the interests of the par­ticular cause of that Prelate; because if they should, there would not only be nothing gotten by it to his advantage, but they would also ruine the grand affair for which they were sent to Rome; That for certain, things were in such a posture there, since the haereo fateor, &c. that assoon as the name of Jansenius were heard out of their mouths, they would be in an inevitable danger of rendring the rest of their most just and necessa­ry Remonstrances altogether unprofitable.

We were at Florence, and the parts adjacent near three weeks; partly in expectation of a passe­port for Milan, which was there sollicited for us by M. Rinuccini Resident in that City for the great Duke of Tuscany. Thence we went to Bononia, Modena, Parma, Mantua, and after staying so long in those places as was requisite to see them and salute the several Dukes of them, we came down to Venice, arriving thereon Ascension day, whereon that famous Ceremony of renewing the Republicks alliance with the Sea, is celebrated. We departed thence for Genua through the Dut­chy of Milan; all which State we saw, together with that great and goodly City which gives name to it. We were led round the great cover'd Galle­ries on the top of the antient square Fortress in the middle, which commands all the Bastions of the new Citadel, which is so handsome, so regular and well fortifi'd. One afternoon we went to M. Stella, Canon of the Cathedral, who shew'd us his Closet so worthy to be reckon'd for a Rarity, not only in regard of the curiosities it contains, but also for the exquisite things made by his own hand belonging to the Mathematicks, the Op­ticks, and Musical instruments which are in so great number, that there is about fifty several kinds made by himself, and which he knows how to use very skilfully. He shew'd us the great Ho­spital, and the Seminaries built by S. Charles; and also the great Chrystal Shrine, in which his body still intire cloth'd with his Pontifical Ornaments, is so well preserv'd, notwithstanding the injuries of time, which hath begun to invade the eye-brows and the end of the nose, that he seem'd to me (by his left cheek, on which side he is seen) to have some aire of the pictures which passe about of him. But I cannot forget the particular courteousnesse of M. Rinuccini, who brought us to the knowledge of this Canon, and shew'd us many other civilities. He accompani'd us with the said Canon to the Ca­thedral Church; the design of which is so vast, and the structure so magnificent, as well fot the Marble, of which it is all built without, as for the great number of exquisite statues about it in a thousand places. He conducted us into divers o­ther places of the City. He invited us to dine with him a day or two after our Arrival, the Marquis of Caracena having sent him a very great fish on Thursday; we were desired to be at the eating of it the next day; but he season'd it, amongst ma­ny other delightful things which came into dis­course, with a question he made, which is worth the setting down here, to shew many Ecclesiasticks, who shall read it one day, the just reproaches which we sometimes deserve to receive from the people of the world. He told me, he wonder'd that almost all the Writers of this age employed themselves chiefly in two things; the one, in amplifying more and more the Popes power, and extending every day his authority much beyond the bounds which our Lord gave him: The se­cond, in making men go as near as is possible to criminal actions forbidden by the Laws of God and the Church, and exciting them to commit the same with impunity, and without any remorse of conscience, by using all sorts of subtilties to sever from them the sinfulness which blackens them, and inspires a horror of them. He askt me how it came to be so? And he was not ill satisfi'd with my answer, which imported, That I wonder'd at it as well as he, and that his asking me the reason of it, was a sign that he knew it no more then I.

CHAP. XIV.

A Letter from Paris receiv'd at Genua, obliging me to return to Rome. It prevail'd above my resolution to the contrary. My return to Rome.

VVE arriv'd at Genua a day or two before the day of Corpus Christi. Ever since my departure from Rome I continu'd in the reso­lution not to return thither, at least not unlesse some motives almost irresistible should arrive to alter it. The more I reflected by the way up­on the fortune I had incurr'd, and the reason which dissipated the purposes of retaining me there, the more this resolution was fortifi'd. I was still in this mind, when I went to visite Marquis Giustiniani Resident for the King with that Repub­lick, to salute him, and desire the Letters which he had receiv'd for me, to the end I might know what my LL. the Bishops had determin'd upon my last from Rome of the 3. of April, and upon those from Florence of the 20th of the same moneth. I hop'd all the answers I should receive, at least those to my Letters from Florence, would be so many releases of my former promise of return­ing to Rome in case it were judg'd necessary; and I believe had it been throughly understood in France how narrowly I escap'd the nets which were lay'd for me, I had undoubtedly been dis­pens'd with. But looking upon affairs neer hand, [Page 64] and discovering them afar off, are two several things; and so are speaking of things in general, and considering them particularly. By all the Letters which I receiv'd, both those of the 28th of April in answer to mine of the 3d. and those of the 5. and 12th of May to mine from Florence, it was signifi'd to me, that I must by all means return to Rome what reason soever I had to the contrary. That there were Letters sent both to the Pope and to some of the Cardinals (of which I shall speak afterwards) which were order'd to be deliver'd to none but to my self; that I should deliver them according to their directions, and be­ware of rendring them uneffectual by my neg­ligence in an affair of so great importance as this in agitation, unlesse I would be responsible for all the evil sequels it might have, in case the Letters were not deliver'd through my fault or absence. None could write more expressely (speaking but in general) then I had done from Florence to evince that I ought not to return to Rome, at least not all alone; nor could more strong and urging termes be us'd then those which oblig­ed me to return without admitting of my delibe­ration thereon.

All which notwithstanding was no conviction to me that I ought to return to Rome. For how strong soever I had said my reasons were for not return­ing, yet I had not discover'd the main particular. I knew it could not be divined, and was perswa­ded that had it been known, I had been dealt with in another manner.

As I was alone upon the Port of Genua, ru­minating upon these designes, that which was in­tended to be taken with me at Rome, and which kept me from returning thither more then any o­ther consideration, brought a thought into my mind which suddenly chang'd my inclination and made me slight all other obstacles which might hinder me from so doing. I consider'd that God had perhaps preserv'd my liberty against their at­tempts and artifices who design'd to deprive me of it, only that I might employ it for his service for that of the H. See, for that of Truth, and for that of the whole Church in reference to this Af­fair; after which I concluded that I should be guil­ty before him of ingratitude and infidelity if I de­murr'd longer. That seeing he had once protect­ed me against those attempts, he could do the same against the like or greater; and if it pleas'd his Providence that I should miscarry in the next adventure, I ought cheerfully to consecrate to him my liberty and life, which I could not do in a better occasion, having herein ground to hope from his mercy that I should lose nothing in the sequel but what he would one day restore a hund­red fold. Thus I resolv'd to return to Rome, for those purposes which I shall set down when I come to speak of my actions immediatly upon it; but I resolv'd to do it with such conditions and cau­tions as requir'd to be heeded in such ticklish cir­cumstances as I stood in, and expected all things to be at Rome.

The principal one was, not to appear at Rome when I arriv'd there, but to return directly back without delivering the Prelates Letters, if upon my imparting them and laying forth my commis­sion to that excellent and judicious personage a­bove mention'd (who did not approve the so soon beginning to stirre in this businesse) he should advise me to retire without appearing or doing any thing. As on the contrary, in case he consented to my performing what I was charg'd with, I conceiv'd I ought to do it with the great­est publicknesse and assurance that I could; that so they who contriv'd the former bad designes a­gainst my liberty during my stay there, might no more have the boldnesse to renew the same.

I cast my businesse accordingly, and projected to arrive at Rome a day or two after Thursday or on Thursday it self; that so before another Thurs­day (which is the day for ordinary consultations about things and persons relating to matters of do­ctrine) I might either be upon my way back if it were requisite, or make known my quality of Envoy from the Bishops of France, which would secure me from all kind of enterprises and vio­lences, and render my person sacred and inviola­ble by the Maximes of the Law of Nations. For I consider'd that if on the contrary I should arrive at Rome only a day or too before Thursday, and my return should by mishap come to be disco­ver'd before I could publish it with the solemnities requisite, I might fear least those who had be­fore spoken to the Pope against me, would not let passe the following Assembly withour adver­tising his Holiness thereof, without convincing him that their accusations were well grounded, and that my departure from Rome had been onely a meer trick; without confounding the Cardinal whose goodness had defended me, by shewing him that he was mistaken in his judgment of me; and without causing him to look upon me from thence forward as a wilely and suspected person, and to consent with themselves to my restraint; and that whereas his former pleading had induc'd the Pope to say Let him go, his Holinesse after this seeing me return'd might say to M. Albizzi, Cause him to be apprehended. Which he would have been ve­ry glad to execute immediately, and to which for certain there would have been no want of his dili­gence.

And although the Letters found with me ought in good justice to procure my release the next day, yet it was to be fear'd lest they might be suppressed or kept (at least) til another time, the Officers employ'd to arrest me being perswaded that it was for the interest of the H. see, that M. de Vabres's letter have its intire successe; and that three or four Bishops (as M. Albizzi slightingly said to me even after he had seen their Letters) by whom I was sent, ought no otherwise to be consider'd then enemies to the H. See as well as my self.

But, supposing all the justice I could desire were done me after such my Apprehending, and I were restor'd the next day to a full liberty of acting according to the commissions I had receiv'd, could I do it with any honour? could I have con­fidence enough to appear in Rome after having been disparag'd by such an ignominy? and would not the cause intrusted to me (already but too much decry'd) receive prejudice thereby? would it be fit to commit the same to others? who would undertake it after its being thus discredited?

These were the considerations which oblig'd me to retard my departure from Genua two or three dayes, that so I might take post with the Ordinary Courrier of France, and arrive toge­ther with him at Rome about the end of the week according to his custome. But a Gally being to go almost empty from Genuá to Civita Vecchia to fetch home a Resident of this Republick with the Pope after his accomplishing his time, who wait­ed onely for the said Gally to carry him back, and it being ready to set sail in the afternoon of the Saturday following; and experien'd people assuring me that it was morally impossible ac­cording to the quality of the time and season for it to be more then two or three dayes in reach­ing to Civitá Vecchia; I took it as an opportuni­ty offer'd me by divine Providence for the secon­ding of my resolution and voyage: intending, in case it arriv'd at Civitá Vecchia some dayes before Thursday, to stay there till its going from thence; and in case the fair weather continu'd not according to expectation, then to land and take horse at the shore where it staid, that so what ever happned I might arrive at Rome at the end of the week.

Saturday afternoon being come, I took leave of the Gentleman for whose sake I undertook this journey, and of some others whom we were acquainted with at Rome and found at Genua as the little Rendes-vows appointed for the meeting of all our company, to passe together into France. There was also a Canon of Noion call'd M. Wiar a very accomplisht and prudent man; with whom we had been ever since our departure from Rome; they had all the goodness towards me (as well as the Gentleman my friend) to accompany me to the Gally, where was the place of our separation.

Our voyage was, for my design, of just the length I wisht. For we arriv'd at Civitá Vecchia on Wednesday about three in the afternoon, with one man more then we were at Genua, who was as well pleased as my self with being at Civitá Vec­chia, though upon a very different ground. He was a Neapolitane, a goodly personage, of a sprightly aspect, and about 50. years old; we found him in the open Sea alone in a little skiffe which he row'd along as well as he could with two oars, and his shirt hois'd up instead of a sail. We took him and his skiffe by the way into our Gally, he told us that the Spaniards had taken him by force from Naples to bear armes, and carry'd him to the garrison of Portolongone, from whence he escaped in that manner.

Asson as we landed at Civitá Vecchia I gave or­der to have horses ready to depart in the even­ing, intending, to travel all night, that so I might arrive (as I did accordingly) the next morning at Rome at the same time that the Assembly of the In­quisition was holden before the Pope, whither no person was likely to carry them the news; and also might have a whole week free, wherein to order my affairs, and shew my self publickly before they could any wise consult about me.

THE THIRD PART.

Containing what pass'd at Rome from the time of my return thither as Delegate or Deputy from the Bishops, 15. June 1651. till the end of that year.

CHAP. I.

The Bishops Letter to the Pope. Deli­beration whether it were fit to deliver it. Resolution to do so.

BEing arriv'd at Rome on 15. June 1651. about one after noon, I pre­sently sent to inquire for such Let­ters as were sent to attend me there from my LL. the Bishops; and I writ a Note to him whom I saw last there before my departure, (from whom I learnt the particulars of what had pass'd about me before the Pope) advertising him of my return, and be­seeching him to come and see me the soonest he could that afternoon.

Amongst those Letters, there were some for the Pope, others for MM. the Cardinals d' Este, Spada, and Barberin, and others for my self. Those for me contain'd the Orders laid upon me by my LL. the Bishops who writ them, to present theirs to his Holinesse and their Eminences, and to endeavour the effect of them, to wit, the establishment of a Solemn Congregation, like those held under Cle­ment VIII. and Paul V. to which Catholick Divines of different judgements about the matters of Grace might be call'd, and fully heard on either side, both vivâ voce and by writing, according to the accustomed forms, and with intire Ecclesiastical liberty, before the Pope pronounce any Judgement upon the Five Equivocal Propositions which were presented to him; that so by this means that which he shall pronounce may be more signal, more satisfactory, more venerable to all the world, and more likely to dispel all difficulties, to confirm the truth, and to establish a sound peace amongst all Catholick Divines. The Letters directed to the Cardinals were sealed; it was signifi'd to me that they were from M. the Bishop of Angiers, who was particularly known to them, and that he there­in beseecht them to further the effect of so just a request, and to favour me with their protection, wherein I should need it. Those for the Pope were yet open, of which take here the translation. They were directed, To the most Holy Father Pope Inno­cent X. at Rome. The contents follow.

Most Holy Father,

WE have understood that some of our Brethren Bishops of France, have written to your Holi­nesse touching an affair of very great importance and difficulty, and requested you by their Letter to decide clearly and plainly certain Propositions, which last year rais'd great disturbance without any benefit in the Theologal Faculty of Paris; nor could the issue be otherwise; for being contriv'd purposely in ambiguous termes, they could produce nothing of themselves but disputes full of animosity about the various senses put upon them, as it alwayes happens in Equivocal Propo­sitions. Wherefore our Brethren must give us leave to declare, that we cannot approve their design in this matter. For besides that the Questions about Divine Grace and Predestination are full of difficulties, and are not ordinarily handled without violent contests; there are other very considerable reasons which give us ground to conceive, that this present time is not fit for the terminating of so important a Difference, un­lesse your Holinesse will please, in order to passing a solemn judgement upon it, (which seems not to be their intention) to proceed therein according to the forms practised by our Fore-fathers, to resume the affair from its original, and to examine it wholly and intire­ly, to that end summoning and hearing the reasons and arguments of either side, as was done not long since by the Popes Clement VIII. and Paul V. of Holy me­mory. For if your Holinesse do not take this course, the condemned party may with justice complain of ha­ving become so by the calumnies and artifices of their Adversaries, without having their own reasons heard. [Page 68] To which perhaps they may adde, that this cause was brought to your Holinesse, before it was judg'd in a Council of Bishops. And to strengthen the justnesse of their complaints by examples of the antient Discipline of the Church, they may alledge the Council of Alex­andria against Arius, that of Constantinople against Eutyches, those of Carthage and Mileva against Pe­lagius, those of Valence and Langres held in France, for the same matter now in Question, and other Coun­cils against other Hereticks. And truly, most Holy Father, were it meet to examine and decide the said Propositions, the legal order of the Judgements of the Ʋniversal Church, together with the Custom observ'd in the Gallicane Church, requires that the greatest and most difficult Questions which arise in this Realm, be first examined by our selves. Which being so, Equity would oblige us to consider maturely, whether the Propositions complain'd of to your Holinesse have been made purposely to cast an odium upon some per­sons, and to excite a combustion; in what Books, by what Authors, and in what senses they have been ad­vanced and maintained; to hear the pleadings and arguings of either side thereupon; to view all the Books written lately touching the said Propositions, to di­stinguish the true sence of them from the false and am­biguous; to inquire carefully into all that hath pass'd in the businesse since the beginning of the dispute; and after this, to give an account to your Holinesse of all things done and ordained by us in this affair, which concerneth matter of Faith; that so what were right­ly pronounc'd by us about this matter, might be con­firm'd by your Apostolical Authority. But how many artifices may there be to oppresse and overthrow the truth, by thus directly addressing to your See before our examining and judging of the cause? By what abundance of calumnies may the reputation of our Prelates and Doctors be blemish'd? And by how ma­ny fallacies may your Holinesse be circumvented and surpris'd in this great affair, which concerns points of Faith? For on the one side, it is visible that they in whose favour our Brethren the Bishops writ to your Holinesse, maintain firmly and obstinately that the greatest part of the new Schoole-men is of their opinion, and that their Doctrine is most consentaneous to the goodnesse of God, and the equity of natural reason. On the other side, they who adhere to S. Augustin, de­clare, not in secret but publickly, that the Questions contested about, are not now dubious and problematical, but that 'tis an affair ended and terminated long agoe; that they are the received Determinations of antient Councils and Popes; whose Decrees are most evident in this matter; and especially those of the Council of Trent, which they maintain consist almost wholly of the words and maximes of S. Augustine, as well as those of the second Council of Orange do. Wherefore they professe, that instead of fearing either our judge­ment or yours, they have rather reason to desire the same, having all ground to promise themselves, that your Holinesse, being assisted by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, (who vouchsafes to guide you when you consult him, and to hear you when you pray to him) will not in the least thing depart from what hath been determin'd by the H. Fathers; that so it may not hap­pen (which God forbid) that the reputation of the H. Apostolical See fall under the contempt of Here­ticks, who narrowly observe the least of its actions and words. But we have ground to hope that this will ne­ver come to passe; especially, if for retrenching all contest for the future, your Holinesse will please, by treading in the footsteps of your Predecessors, to exa­mine this affair from the bottome, and to hear the rea­sons and defences of either side according to custom. Vouchsafe therefore, most Holy Father, either to let this important dispute, which hath lasted divers ages without breach of the Catholick Ʋnity, continue still a little longer, or to decide all the Questions by observing the legitimate forms of Ecclesiastical Judgements. And we beseech your Holinesse, that you will please to imploy all your care and zeal, that the interests of the Church intrusted to your Government, be not any wise injur'd in this Cause. God accumulate many years prosperity and happinesse upon your Holinesse. We are,

Most Holy Father,
Your Holinesse's most humble Sons and Servants in Christ Jesus. [Signed thus in several Copies.]
  • In one.
    • Lewis Henry de Gondrin Archbishop of Sens.
    • B. Delbene Bishop of Agen.
    • Gilbert Bishop of Comenge.
    • Le Beron Bishop of Valence and Die.
    • A. Delbene Bishop of Orleans.
    • Bernard Bishop of S. Papoul.
    • J. Henry de Salette Bishop of Lescar in Bearn.
    • Felix Bishop and C. of Châlons.
  • In another.
    • Francis Bishop of Amiens.
  • In a third.
    • Henry Bishop of Angiers.
  • In a fourth.
    • Nicholas Bishop and C. of Beauvais.

The friend whom I intreated to come to me, ac­cordingly repair'd to the lodging I had taken. We consider'd the above mention'd Letters, and ha­ving discours'd largely of all things, I desir'd him to go, and confer thereupon with the other person, (who could not so well come abroad, and who did not think meet the delegation should be hasten­ed) and to assure him, that if the present posture of things at Rome would not bear the prosecution of my affair, I was for my own part ready to re­turn back the next morning to Civitá Vecchia, and so to Genua by the Gally in which I came, and which was to return thither within a few days.

I entrusted my Letters to this friend, who ac­cordingly carried them to that other person, and after having confer'd together upon them, came again to me the same day. I conceive that in case things had been still intire, and not yet medled with, we three should have agreed to leave them so for some time, and wait till mens minds were better prepar'd then at present to receive our Re­monstrances, and consider the truths which we were to defend in the Sequel of this affair, if the first Justice desir'd by us were granted, of which there seem'd not to be any doubt, being su'd for [Page 69] by persons so eminent among their brethren as those Bishops of France, who subscrib'd the let­ter whereof I was bearer. But for that it was not absolutely in our power to act so directly against their orders and intentions, without having rea­sons evidently convincing, and perfectly indubi­table for so doing; and also for that, although there were very strong ones to perswade it expe­dient not to hasten so much the producing of my Letters, and beginning the prosecution enjoyn'd me; yet there were others too no less powerfull, to evince such prosecution both beneficial and ne­cessary: We all three judg'd that it ought to be begun; we consider'd that the business was in ve­ry evident danger whatsoever course were taken; and that unless I stir'd in it, the ill success would in­fallibly be attributed to so irregular a managment as mine would be. That such ill success was al­most inevitable, there being already a Congrega­tion establisht, which secretly carri'd on the affair, and which receiving neither opposition nor infor­mation contrary to the conceptions begotten in them by M. de Vabres's Letter (subscribed by so ma­ny Bishops and other persons who conspir'd and solicited the condemnation aim'd at in writing it) would not fall to follow those prepossessions, and conclude upon the condemnation. That by the high credit and great authority of the persons who interested themselves in the prosecution of the same, and in whose power it would be to make such application, and use of it as they pleas'd, it would cause as much mischief, and have as evil con­sequences in what manner soever it were con­cluded, as if it were so, notwithstanding the letters I should deliver, and the remonstrances I could make: Besides, those letters and remonstrances in whatsoever manner they were received, and whatsoever regard were had of them, might al­ways hinder some of those ill effects and grievous consequences. For either the condemnation would be proceeded to, notwithstanding my let­ters and remonstrances, and without granting the Congregation required by me; (in which case being an irregular, unheard-of Condemnation made against all form and equity, it would de­stroy it self, and at least in time to come, incur the indignation of all persons any thing judicious or equitable:) Or the said congregation would be granted at our request, and the affair examin'd according to form; in which case it could not be but that at least a great part of those imploy'd there­in, would understand which side Truth and Justice are of, in regard every one would be necessitated to apply himself to the examination of writings deliver'd him on either side, to the discussion of things alledged in conferences held between us in their presence, and to the particular study of the matters which they saw in question between us. It was not possible likewise but that there would be found in the great City many persons who being awakened by the notoriousness of this examination would have the curiosity and the good hap to inquire thereinto, leaving apart their other studies and employments, which would be a good fruit of our pains. And lastly, that it was not possible but the Pope (who though little vers'd and skilful in these matters, was neverthe­less very prudent and circumspect, as he lately shew'd when being prevail'd with by the com­mon consent of the Congregation of the H. Of­fice to confirm the pretended censure of the fa­culty at Paris, he chang'd his mind, and was staid from doing it by the dissent of a single Cardinal) would be more powerfully woo'd with the num­ber of those who should declare to him their be­ing undeceiv'd, and better instructed of the truth whereof they were formerly ignorant; that these reflections would move him either to abstain from pronounc [...]ng upon this affair any judgement which might be unworthy of the Majesty of the H. See, or to pronounce one worthy thereof. Whereupon we all three concluded, that these con­siderations oblig'd me to acquit my self of my Commission, to deliver my Letters, to begin my sollicitations, and that the soonest, and with the greatest publikness I could.

I had time left the same day to send for a Tailor to make me a Gown and a furr'd Hood against the next Sunday, such as we have in Sorbonne, and al­so for a Cap-maker to make me a Cap with four Corners, most of these at Rome having but three, and being far less then what we are accustomed to wear at Paris.

CHAP. II.

A visit to Cardinal d' Este, who gives me to understand, that it is not safe for me to tarry at Rome. My immo­bility at it, with divers Visits con­cerning the cause of my Return. Dis­course with F. Annat.

I continued without stirring out of my Chamber till Saturday evening following (17 June) when being assur'd all my Equipage would be rea­dy by the next morning, I went to salute Cardinal d' Este; to whom I conceiv'd I ow'd that respect in the first place, both for that there was at that time no Ambassadour at Rome, and because he was Protector of France, as also out of a design to make him mine as much as I could. I presented to him M. d' Angers's Letter sent to me for his Highness, and I acquainted him with the oc­casion of my Return: He seem'd much surpris'd to see me in that Country, and that partly out of his affection for the Nation and my self, and part­ly out of the danger which he saw I incurr'd: for he was present at the Assembly of the H. Office, in which I was spoken of before the Pope, and knew what had pass'd thereupon.

After he had read M. d' Angers's letter, and, as he was reading, consider'd what to say to me, he pro­fess'd much affection and esteem for M. d' Angers, and told me, he conceiv'd, I believ'd, he had some for me too; of either of which he could give no other assurance then by doing for me all that should lie in his power: But he asked me, whether I had well cons [...]der'd of the resolution which I took when I determin'd to come back, and that about such matters as these: He represented to me that I had spent the four or five months that I [Page 70] was at Rome with honour and success: that the affairs for which I return'd thither, were very odious and apt to render all persons suspected that meddle therewith; but as for me in particular, for reasons he had, and could not declare to me, he de­sired me to take it well that he told me, that there was no person less fit to meddle therewith then I: That to advise me as a friend, he conceiv'd himself oblig'd to advertise me that I must not appear a­gain, but resolve to return back, and that with all speed.

Had I before understood the reason which mov'd Cardinal d' Este to speak in this manner, I should have been more surpris'd therewith then I was: yet I forbore not to testifie some astonishment to his Highness, because on the one side I was glad to find how far he would discover what had pass'd before the Pope; of which I still kept my self from seeming to have any light: And on the other, I was not at all willing to acquiesce in his counsel: For though I was sure of the affection, sincerity and generosity of him that gave it, yet I was also sure that he gave it me without having examin'd things to the bottom, and only considering my interest and safety: wherefore I told the Cardi­nal that I had so great respect and yieldance to his sentiments, as to submit mine to them readily, were the affair occasioning my return particularly my own; but it concern'd the most illustrious Bi­shops of France who intrusted me with it, and pro­mising themselves from my submission to their Orders, that I would punctually follow them when I had receiv'd them, rely'd upon me therein without looking out any other person more capable of dis­charging the same, as they would have done, had they not depended upon me, and therefore I could not fail in answering their expectation in a busi­ness so important as they accounted this which they had committed to me. To shew him in what terms they had treated me, I drew out of my Poc­ket the Letters which they writ to me: The Car­dinal thereupon answer'd, That those Prelates in France did not so understand the state of things at Rome as they do who are there, and have a clearer insight into those affairs; that he would return M. d' Angers an answer, and would assure him, and desire him to assure all the other Bishops of my good will and forwardness, and that I had not de­sisted execuing the Commission they gave me, but upon reasons to which it was impossible not to yield: I reply'd to the Cardinal, That I did not know those reasons; that he would oblige me in telling me them, if there were any, as I doubted not; but I could not imagine there were any pre­valent enough to countenance such a desisting as his Highness spoke of; being convinc'd as I was of the importance of the affair intrusted to me: That besides I did not fear being blam'd for it at Rome, when it was once consider'd; being certain that the H. See is more interested therein then a­ny, and that in the prosecution I was to make, the service of that is more concern'd then of the Pre­lates who oblig'd me to return.

The Cardinal seeing me so firm, bid me do as I would; but he said, I had best take heed; That for his own part, he was convinc'd of the neces­sity of the advice he gave me; That he exhorted me again as a friend to follow it, and before my de­parture to speak with the Cardinals Spada and Bar­berin; whom he believ'd well affected towards me; and to see what their Eminencies would say to me. I answer'd, that I would wait upon my LL. the Cardinals Spada and Barberin, but not in order to change my purpose; for were I so minded, it should be upon what his Highness had said to me: wherefore intending not to fail to present to his Holiness the Letters which my LL. the Bishops had sent to him, I beseecht his Highness to procure for me assoon as possible an audience for that end.

I perceiv'd for certain that my remaining so firm in my resolution, troubled the Cardinal d' Este; that he lookt upon me as one that was going to sacrifice himself, that he heartily wisht he could prevent the unhappiness I was ready to fall into; and that he conceiv'd (as he told me) that did I know what mov'd him to give me such counsel, I would take it of my self without needing any reason to perswade me of its necessity. But the Excommunication under penalty of which he was oblig'd to such religious secrecy as he us'd to the H. Office, made him rather consent to my unhappiness which he believ'd inevitable (not­withstanding his affection to me) then to violate the same by telling me a word, though my deli­verance depended thereupon. Wherefore he pro­mis'd me that in case I met with the least difficul­ty or delay of the audience which I desir'd to have of his Holiness, he would recommend me to some Officers in whom he had an interest, who should accelerate the same; but he said, he did not believe the recommendation necessary, considering the acquaintance I had lately by his mediation with those very Officers which t'was likely they had not yet forgotten. As for the Prelates who sign'd the Letters which I had to present, he askt me what number there was of them: I avoided telling him, by answering, that their Letters were seal'd, as indeed they were all at that time. And this I did, because I had not yet receiv'd them from all that were to send them: I hop'd they would arrive be­fore I could obtain audience of the Pope; and I was willing their names should be all known toge­ther, that so the first apprehension which would be had from their number, might not be disad­vantageous to the business in a Country where I knew many things are measur'd by the outside and the show. At length I took my leave, more sa­tisfied with this visit, in regard of the affection testified to me by this Cardinal, in his hearty en­deavouring to perswade me from proceeding fur­ther in this business, then he was with my resolu­tion which I signified to him of driving it on to the utmost, in regard of the danger which his Highness believ'd I incur'd.

On the Sunday morning (June 18) I present­ed my self in the Pope's Presence-Chamber in my Gown, Cap and Furr'd-hood, to have audience of him; I heard his Mass, and spent all the forenoon there; but audience there was none for me; Car­dinal Gueva who took leave that day of his Holi­ness to go to his Bishoprick in Spain, ingross'd it all. Also all the Jesuites Assistants waited for it, to give the Pope notice of the decease of the [...]r Ge­neral who dy'd the day before. When I saw au­dience desperate for me that day, I resolv'd to [Page 71] return home to my lodging; yet I thought fit before my going, to accost and salute F. Annat. who was with all those other Assistants, and with whom I had contracted some slight acquaintance. I conceiv'd it fit to do so to that Father out of good manners and civility; and withal necessary too, to take from them all the thought of new In­trigues against me, by letting them see (yet with­out affectation) that I shew'd my self boldly, and had no fear, being sent as I was for a publick cause, and by persons so considerable in the Church. I told F. Annat. after my saluting him, that he did not think at my departure of seeing me so soon, nor I him: but I had been stop'd by the way, and oblig'd to return, to present the Pope a Letter from some Bishops of France, who know­ing of my being in that Country, chose rather to charge me therewith, then to send some other person thither on purpose. ‘When he heard me speak of a Letter from Bishops, (they are the words of the Letter which I writ the next day touching the discourse I had with him) he appre­hended that it was concerning the Five Proposi­tions, and I did not at all dissemble it. He answer'd, That it was very well done, that both the one side and the other had recourse to the Oracle. He told me nothing could be more civil then what was desired by those who writ on the other side, (as I remember, he us'd these words, Who writ for us) namely a plain judgement, without speaking either Pro or Con. I reply'd, That they by whose Order I was return'd, desir'd not much more; to wit, That the Divines be first heard, for the distinguishing of the several senses of the Propositions, that so the censure may fall only upon that which is bad, and which all the world acknowledges such; but the Catholick sense may be safe, and exempted from the Censure; that so both sides having been heard, each may receive his Holines's judgement with respect, without stir, and without having cause to complain of not having been heard, and to make new Re­monstrances, which would renew the Quarrel. He deemed all this just, and yet could not dissem­ble the design they had of getting the Proposi­tions condemn'd absolutely. For he added, that notwithstanding the Propositions were capable of a Catholick sense, yet if absolutely and in themselves, they have an Heretical sense, 'tis fit they be condemned in themselves. Without seem­ing to take notice of his meaning, and to avoid disputing in that place, I only said, That the He­retical sense ought to be absolutely condemned, and the Catholick absolutely sav'd; after which I took leave of him, and separated civilly.’

In the afternoon I went to visit Cardinal Spada in the same habit which I wore in the morning in the Popes-Presence-Chamber. I told him that be­ing at Genua upon the point to return into France, I receiv'd some Letters from my LL. the Bishops of that kingdom, which oblig'd me to come back to Rome to present one to the Pope which they had writen to his Holiness concerning an affair of high consequence; the effect of which they charg'd me to solicite with all the care and diligence it de­ser'vd. That it was touching the Five Propositions contriv'd and fram'd in obscure, ambiguous, and equivocal words, so as to be capable of seve­ral very contrary senses according to the different interpretations which may be put upon them. That some of those senses are evidently Hereti­cal; others most certainly Catholick, and con­taining the chief Truths of Faith and Christian Religion. That the Authors of those Propositi­ons fram'd them in this manner, that so under pretext of those bad senses, they may get a down­right absolute condemnation of them, and apply the same afterwards to the Catholick Senses and Orthodox Truths which they include. That they did thus because they are possess'd with Sentiments contrary to those Truths; and seeing the same so firmly establisht, that there is no likelyhood of impeaching them with success, should they openly declare against them, they had devis'd and fram'd those Propositions to overthrow the said Truths by involving them in one and the same con­demnation with the errors contain'd in the said Propositions. That M. Cornet was the man that first broacht them, proposing them to the Facul­ty almost two years ago to get them censur'd; but a great number of Doctors presently understand­ing the Artifice, and discovering the dangerous consequences thereof, both to the publick by some Books publisht against that Attempt, and to the Court of Parliament by two Petitions which they were constrain'd to present for stopping its coutse; It incur'd the indignation of all sincere and equi­table persons that heard of it, and was repress'd by an Arrest of the Court, which prohibited M. Cornet and all others to pursue it. That having miss'd of their design in the Faculty in the year 1649, M. Cornet and such as joyn'd with him, conceiv'd the Assembly of the Clergy held the year after, might be a favourable opportunity to revive it; because the Bishop of Vabres who was ingag'd therein with them, and was to be of the Assembly, might use such practices as were necessa­ry for it with my Lords his brethren: But many of them which were also of the Assembly, having well understood the business, the memory of which was still fresh and abhorr'd; and M. de Vabres (ha­ving apprehended, that if he made the least open­ing of it, there would never be wanting some or other to represent to the Assembly, how great and fruitless a stir it caus'd the year preceding, how remote it was judg'd from sincerity and honour, and consequently how unworthy it would be of their company, and so his Proposal would certain­ly have no effect;) he durst not attempt to make it. Wherefore the business having fail'd in the Faculty, and being not thought fit to be set afoot amongst the Clergy for fear of the same success, they resolv'd to venture it to the H. See, con­ceiving all the particularities of its odiousness would not be represented there, and that no per­son would set forth to his Holiness what a plot there was upon him to engage the Apostolical Authority in a Censure intended to serve for the upholding of error. That they were the more confident of drawing the H. See to such a Deter­mination (though it cannot but be shameful to it in the end, and beget confusion and greater Dis­putes in the Church, which yet is the only refuge they have in the miserable cause wherein they are ingaged;) for that they presume the H. See not having any suspition or distrust of those whic [...] [Page 72] sollicite it, being persons who have ever professed a singular devotion to its interests and service. But this, as I conceiv'd, would cause in the Pope and their Eminences, greater indignation against the Enterprise, when they should find that its Authors made use of that outside false zeal for the H. See, to circumvent it and bring it more easily into the Ambushes which they have prepared against it. That they cover'd the same with the authority of some Bishops which they have inveigled therein­to by sundry plausible motives and specious consi­derations fitted to every one's gust, thereby en­gaging each of them to subscribe a Letter address'd to the Pope for his Holiness's judgment upon the Propositions. That the fear of those by whose or­der I was return'd lest this authority and recom­mendation of their Brethern should prevail upon the Pope's mind, and lest the promoters of this Enterprise should abuse their Letter against their intentions, induc'd them to write another to his Holiness, by which they advertise him of the pre­judicial consequences likely to insue upon his De­cision, in case he make it before fully examining all the circumstances of the business, and throughly searching the bottom of the matter in question. Which they conceiving not to be done but in a so­lemn Congregation, in which all the Divines divi­ded about these matters may be heard both vivâ voce and by writing, in presence of either side, to represent all their reasons and answer those of their Adversaries; their just care to prevent the troubles likely to arise in the Church, and their affection for the service and interests of the H. See, hath mov'd them to beseech the Pope to erect and establish such a Congregation. That they hop'd this Request would be well-pleasing to his Holinesse, because without such a Congregation it is not possi­ble either to settle a firme peace amongst the Catho­lick Divines (whose concord is so necessary to the Edification of the whole Church) or to clear and maintain Truth, the defending and supporting of which are the prime duties and most essential ob­ligations of the H. See, or to preserve the respect due to its Decrees, the authoriry of which ought to be render'd inviolable by using all circumspecti­on and diligence possible in the making thereof.

I added that what I represented to his Eminence, was more largely and clearly set forth in the Let­ters which I had to deliver to the Pope from my LL. the Bishops who oblig'd me to return; and moreover because it was requisite to adde many things by word of mouth for the more ample dedu­cing both to his Holinesse and their Eminences, all the particulars and considerations fit to be repre­sented in so great and important an affair, one man being not sufficient to performe the same fully and perfectly; they would likewise send at Autumne following some Doctors or other Divines, that so nothing might be omitted which they conceiv'd they owe to the H. See and the Church in this occa­sion. That nevertheless in the mean time their fear lest this affair might be too much hastned at Rome, before the arrival of those whom they intended to send thither, and lest his Holiness not being ad­vertis'd of the danger there is in decreeing any thing in it before it be throughly examin'd, might grant some Decree upon the Instances made to him for it; understanding that I was still in those parts, and accustom'd to the heats which are oftimes so prejudicial to new-commers, they oblig'd me to come and give him this first advertis­ment thereof.

I deliver'd the Cardinal a Letter written particu­larly to himself, by M. d' Angers in recommen­dation of me to him and of the affair which I was to follow; and I beseecht him to countenance the prosecutions I should use, with his Authority; and to believe that next the service of God, of Truth and of the Church, which principally induc'd me to return to Rome in obedience to persons of so Eminent worth and dignity who oblig'd me there­to (notwithstanding my particular desire and inte­rest to go home into France) I became ingaged to do so by the affection which I have for the service of the H. See, which his Eminence would at length find more concern'd in this affair then any other.

I found a great difference (as indeed there was reason) between Cardinal Spada's deportment in this visite, and in another which I made to him of civility in the Lent preceding; for he was as reser­ved in this, as he was communicative in the for­mer; he heard all that I said to him (just as I have since experienc'd to be the usual way in Ita­ly in all audiences) with great silence, attention and gravity. He receiv'd the Letters which I had for him; and after signifying some testimonies of his esteem of the Bishops of France, and particu­larly of him whose Letter I presented, he told me, He hop'd the Pope would not fail to take such course in this affair as was necessary for its succeed­ing to the honour of God and his Church; to which end, for his own part, should his Holi­ness employ him in it, he should contribute his ut­most care and endeavor.

I arose up from the chair set for me at my en­trance right against that of his Eminence, in or­der to depart, and himself arose also to conduct me; which he did from the chamber wherein he receiv'd me till we came into the Dining room, where he left me; although between it and his chamber, there were two Anti-chambers to passe through. When he had quitted me, I was salu­ted by some of his Court who accompany'd me to the doore. This I take notice of, not as an ex­traordinary thing, but to intimate to such as know it not, in what manner these audiences use to be given; it being very civil and convenient; for the Visitant is receiv'd alone, and hath time to de­duce at length and at his pleasure what he mindeth to represent.

At my departing from Cardinal Spada, I went to wait upon Cardinal Barberin, and I was likewise so fortunate as to find him at his Palace, and to declare my mind to him as much as I desir'd the same day. I shall not recite here or elsewhere what I then said to his Eminence touching my re­turn. For in all the visites which I made to speak of this busines, it was nothing but a continual re­petition (sometimes amplifi'd more or lesse accord­ing to occasion) both of I what I said to Cardi­nal Spada and of what I have formerly related to have been done ar Paris and at Rome about the Propositions. And as for what pass'd at Rome, sometimes I met with people, who hearing me speak thereof, and thereby conceiving me better inform'd then indeed I was, not onely confirmed [Page 73] to me what I knew before, but also instructed me in some particulars of which I was ignorant; by which means I came to understand things so well as not to fear to assure the Pope even in Pa­pers signed with our hands, of the truth of all those which I have above related.

But to return to Cardinal Barberin, I told him all that I had said to Cardinal Spada, though not altogether in the same order and without interrup­tion. For the great familiarity wherewith Cardi­nal Barberin us'd me in all the entertainments which I had with him during my residence at Rome the foregoing winter, and his more exact know­ledge of all the things and persons of whom I spoke, caus'd him sometimes to interpose answers and interrogations to me concerning what I said; I was oblig'd to continue my discourse according to the matter and leisure which he afforded me; but I constantly resum'd the series of my affair, and omit­ted nothing at all in giving him account of what I had said to Cardinal Spada.

Besides which, I spoke something concerning an­other business, namely about the Houres, touch­ing which I formerly had some discourse with him; and they were now recommended to me by the Bi­shop of Angers to take care of, and maintain and justify as much as I could against the prosecu­tions and accusations which he understood were made against them. Cardinal Barberin answer'd that it was a long while since he heard any speech of them; that he conceiv'd, they were thought of no more; that the Bishop of Angers had re­commended them to him by a Letter which he receiv'd from him some dayes ago; and that he hop'd the answer which he intended to return thererunto the next day would give M. d' Angers content. I do not at present remember the parti­culars thereof which he was pleas'd to impart to me, nor can I find what I then writ down in my Notes; but I remember that according to what his Eminence then said, I Judg'd the Houres out of danger and wholly secure from calumny.

CHAP. III.

Visites made in the end of June and begin­ning of the moneth of July, wherein I discover'd the objections made a­gainst the Houres. Notice of putting me into the Inquisition.

I spent Monday the 17th. of June in answering the Letters I receiv'd at my arrival, and I advertis'd the Prelates who writ the same to me of what had pass'd since in the visites which I made about the affair wherewith they did me the honour to charge me. I spent Tuesday the 18th. in providing me a Lodging in the society of the French Priests which are at S. Lewis, that so I might be in a place more sutable to my conditi­on and employment then I could be in an ordinary Inne; such persons as it was requisite for me to addresse to for the obtaining of the said Lodging, I acquainted with the occasion of my return; a­mongst others, M. du Noiset Dean of the Rota on whom it absolutely depended as being the supe­rior of the said Society. On Wednesday I went to Tivoly, where M. le Bailly de Valancey the King's Ambassador to the Pope was still retir'd, to salute him and inform him also (according as I was oblig'd) of the Commission I had the ho­nour to be charg'd with. He made me a very courteous reception, and promis'd to do what he could at that distance, to facilitate and hasten my audience of the Pope, whereunto I signifi'd to him my great desire to be admitted without delay in regard of the importance there was in the Pope's being speedily advertised of the nature of the af­fair whereof I was to speak, that so surprisals and circumventions might be prevented, which were otherwise much to be feared.

Returning at night from Tivoli, I understood Cardinal Barberin had sent for me to come to him that evening; and hearing I was gone to Tivoly, sent again to tell me I should come to him the next day about seven a clock in France. I adde this word in France, because in Italy they begin to count the houres from the time of sun-set, and reckon twen­ty four till the next day at the same time. Upon this account it is not frequent to make an appoint­ment at seven a clock in the morning because when the dayes are longer, that would be about three in the morning; and therefore to intimate at our seven a clock, they say at eleven a clock. But for that I write in French and for the use of French­men who for the most part would not understand the Italian reckoning; should I use it, especially when I mention'd thirteen a clock, eighteen a clock, and one and twenty a clock; I conceive it fitter to reduce their computation to ours as often as I have occasion to mention it, as I have done above, without adding the two words in France; because they are alwayes to be understood.

On Thursday morning (June 20.) at seven a clock I went to Cardinal Barberin according to his order. He told me he sent for me to tell me that it was requisite that I went to visite several persons whom he nam'd, to acquaint them with what I had said to him in favour of the Houres, either by an­swering the accusations made against them, or in­forming them of what greast esteem they were in France with persons of understanding and honour who judg'd thereof impartially. The persons he nam'd for me to visite, were my LL. the Cardinals Roma, Spada, Ginetti and Cechini, my Lord Al­bizzi and the Master of the sacred Palace.

After this I accompani'd Cardinal Barberin to the Pope's Palace, whether he repair'd to the As­sembly of the H. Office, which is held, (as I said above) every Thursday in presence of his Ho­linesse; and having pass'd into the Presence cham­ber I there entertain'd as many persons as I could with the businesse which occasion'd my return, du­ring the time of the Assembly; which being end­ed, and M. Albizzi hapning to be neer enough to me for me to acquaint him with my purpose of going to wait upon him; according to the direction of Cardinal Barberin, I would not lose this op­portunity of surmounting the difficulty there was in breaking our businesse to a man openly declar'd in sundry cases against what ever I could pretend, and wholly engag'd in the wayes and interests of [Page 74] the Jesuits. Neverthelesse he very civilly receiv'd what I said to him concerning the design which brought me back, and told me I should always be welcome to him.

In the afternoon of the same day I went to Car­dinal Roma's Palace, but I could not speak with him, because a Congregation of Cardinals was there, the very same persons whose names Cardinal Barberin had mention'd to me in the morning, and because I was not yet so well inform'd of things as to know that M. Albizzi were there too, I went likewise to visite him; but not finding him, and be­ing in the quarter of Saint Onuphrio, I went to see M. Holstenius who was retir'd thither a little while before to take the aire and recover strength after a sicknesse. We were two houres together, and I inform'd him amply of my commission. He told me, I must fore-arme my self with patience; for without doubt the Pope would not grant the Congregation which I came to demand; and here­upon forgetting his having formerly related to me a conference which he had with the Pope touching this matter, he rehearsed all the same again as I have set it down in the 2. Part, Chap. 10. This oblig'd me to make an overture to M. Holstenius with which he might acquaint the Pope if he thought meet, namely, that there came into my mind a way by which his Holinesse might disingage himself very hansomely of the businesse, and like­wise oblige the Bishops of France according to that saying of Scripture, honore invicem praevenientes; and that was, by remitting to themselves the de­cision of the Propositions whereof his judgment was desired. And my meaning in this was not to decline the Congregation which I came to re­quest, but that the overture being accepted, and the Bishops of France finding themselves oblig'd by such reference or remission to search through­ly into the marters in question, the cause might be judg'd by persons better inform'd, and more so­lemnly then I conceiv'd it could be at Rome in the Congregation I desired, in case the Pope should grant it; or in case he should not, (as I had cause to fear by the averseness which M. Holstenius re­presented to me, his Holinesse had against it) that at least in regard of such reference the Bishops of France might not be excluded from it. But M. Hol­stenius reply'd to my overture, that the Pope would not be willing to remit to the Tribunal of Bishops a cause brought to that of his Holinesse, which is superior to theirs. But though I was somewhat earnest in shewing that the Pope doing this of his own accord after the submission of the Bishops to him, the rights of his Holinesse would not be prejudic'd thereby, and there would be al­wayes room to recur to him, in case any one found himself injur'd by the judgment passed by the Bishops; neverthelesse M. Holstenius conti­nu'd firm, that there was no ground to hope any successe of such overture.

On Friday the 24th. of June I went to salute M. Gueffier ancient Resident for the King at Rome, and after my coming from him I went to the Cardi­nal of S. Clement. In the afternoon I repair'd a­gain to Cardinal Roma, with whom I spoke also: and all that I added in these three visites to the general intimation of the businesse for which I re­turn'd, was, onely what I said touching the Houres to Cardinal Roma, who profess'd not to have lately heard any speech of them. He added that perhaps they would not be mention'd before them in the H. Office, but onely in the Congre­gation of the Index; and that the general prohi­bition of translating into the vulgar tongue any thing of the H. Scripture and the Offices of the Church was the principal cause of all the stir about them.

It is not impertinent to set down what hindred me from speaking thereof to the Cardinal of S. Clement, who is also one of the Congregation of the H. Office, where all matters of this na­ture use to be handled. The truth is he was ex­cluded from the consultations held about these particular matters, and they were regulated without advising with him about them. This course was resolv'd upon for that in certain cases where some thing was propounded against those who spoke thereof according to S. Augustin's sentiments, and amongst others where M. Jansenius was impeach'd, He had explicated things too much, and so hand­somly withstood those who struck at him, that what they endevor'd had neither issue nor suc­cesse. Wherefore, for the acting with more li­berty and lesse contradiction, and for the more equitablenesse and surenesse of resolutions, and for the easier dispatching them, it was pleaded re­quisite to exclude such as might have any interest therein; and for a pretext of excluding the Cardinal of S. Clement as a Dominican, Cardinal Lugo was also excluded as a Jesuite; and of seven or eight Cardinals that usually assist at the common consul­tations of the whole Congregation of the H. Of­fice, the four abovemention'd, Roma, Spada, Gineti and Cechini were taken to make a particu­lar Congregation, before which all matters any wise relating to these Controversies were to be proposed. For this reason without speaking to him of the Houres, I only inform'd him in general of the cause of my return, and how sensible I was of the testimonies of kindnesse which he had given me in my precedent visites to him.

Saturday morning being S. John Baptist's day was spent at Chappel, whether the Cardinals re­pair to celebrate that Festival in the Church of S. John of Lateran.

In the Afternoon I went to visite M. Albizzi, to whom I layd forth the most largely and sweetly I could the matter of my commission, and the order I had to request the Pope, that it would please his Holiness to erect a solemn Congregation in which all the Parties concern'd in the matters of the Pro­positions might be heard before his Holinesse de­creed any thing thereupon. M. Albizzi having heard me patiently, answer'd that he had not yet heard any speech of those Propositons; and he gave me some hope that in case of proceeding to do any thing about them or examine them, he would cause me to be advertis'd of it: but other­wise, I must know that in this businesse no par­ties were to be heard; because parties are not to be heard in matters of doctrine, but onely when the question is about persons; that in the business of the Propositions, there was no question about any person, there not appearing any Author that had advanc'd them. That which mov'd M. Al­bizzi to answer me at first that he had heard no [Page 75] speech of them, was no doubt a purpose not to open himself in any sort unto me; and neverthe­less in the Sequel of his discourse, he fell to speak of them as one that had not been ignorant till then of what pertain'd to that Attempt. I re­ply'd, That though matters of doctrine do not di­rectly, and of themselves relate to persons, but may be consider'd apart; yet the Christian Faith being as dear to Christians as the apple of their eyes, there are no affairs more important to per­sons then these, when there are persons who will interesse themselves therein, either to answer the calumnies and false accusations made against the purity of their sentiments, or to accuse other per­sons of pernicious Tenets against the purity of the Faith and Christian Morality. That this held good in this case, if ever it did in any; and that the Bishops in whose behalf I spoke, interposing to beseech the Pope to do that Justice to the Catho­lick Divines at difference about these matters, as to examine who they are that defend the truth with simplicity, and who they are that assault it with Artifice; they well deserv'd that the Pope should have regard to their Address which is so equitable, and that which his Holiness will find in the end to have been made more for his inte­rest then their own. M. Albizzi answer'd me, That the Pope was the Master, ann would take what course seem'd good unto him; that for making Articles of faith, he needed not to stand upon what may be represented to him, or con­sider what sentiments Divines are or are not of: but 'tis sufficient that he make his decision as seem­eth good to him, and as the H. Spirit (whose as­sistance cannot fail him in regard of the infallibi­lity which God hath promis'd him) shall dictate to him: That this Decision being made, all Di­vines are oblig'd to conform and submit thereun­to. That nevertheless his Holiness may, before he pronounce any thing, do the favour to those who desire it of him, and interpose in the judge­ment of the Propositions, as to hear or receive in writing what they will represent to him: that so all being consider'd, he may decree what he shall think fit. I took heed as much as I could not to exasperate this person whom I knew already prepossess'd in that behalf of the Jesuites, and not to give him any hold against me; and therefore without insisting further upon the word Party which he would not admit, or upon what he said the Pope might or might not observe in his Judgements, I contented my self with what he gave me in this first Visite, and said, That all we desir'd, was that the Pope would receive and hear what should be represented to him touching this affair according to the Custome and forms al­ways observ'd in the Church: He answer'd, That if all of them were observ'd, and all that would be reply'd and rejoin'd on one side and the other were heard, there would be never an end; and the Pope in the mean time not condemning opi­nions that deserv'd it, might be suspected to fa­vour them; as it hapned to Honorius who was accounted a Heretick by some that decry'd him, be­cause he had not speedily enough condemned the Hereticks which arose in his time. M. Albizzi mention'd this story in such a manner as made me think it would be made use of to the Pope to in­duce him to condemn the Propositions, by telling him, That unless he condemn'd them, he would be accus'd of mantaining them. But not to infer a­ny thing from what M. Albizzi said which was not essential to my business, I thought it enough to tell him clearly and in express terms, That I was not come to avert the Pope from condemning the bad sense of which the Propositions are capable; but to beseech him to examine that which is man­tain'd to be Catholick, and to erect a Congre­gation in which all the Divines opposing or de­fending the same may be fully heard, that so it may be afterwards declar'd by him who of them mantain the Truth, and by supporting the same, a firm and lasting Peace may be establish'd a­mongst them. All this conference pass'd between M. Albizzi and me very gently and civilly.

After this I put him upon the Subject of the Hours, in reference to which Cardinal Barberin advis'd me to visit him. He spoke of them at first as a business forgotten and no more thought of. Afterwards he fell to declaim against them; and to let me see how worthy they were of Censure; he told me the translation of the first Command­ment, wherein Images are spoken of, was cor­respondent to that of Geneva. He read out of the Hours thus; Vous ne ferés point d' idole, ny D' IMAGE TAILLEE, ny aucune figure, pour les adorer; You shall not make any Idol or GRAVEN IMAGE, or any figure, to adore them: Then he shew'd me a Geneva Bible wherein the Command­ment is translated, and there finding the words Graven Image; he pretended to have found the correspondence of which he complain'd: But I told him, the words Graven Image are the sense of the Scripture word SCƲLPTILE, and I represented to him; that the ill use made by Hereticks of this Commandment, consisted not in the words Graven Image, but in their not ac­knowledging that God forbids only the making graven Images for adoration, which is noted in express terms by the Author of the Hours, and therefore he is so far from being justly accusable of conformity with Geneva, that on the contrary it is visible his Version is wholly different from it, and absolutely sutable to the sentiment of Ca­tholicks. M. Albizzi very well understood the reason of this difference; but he answer'd me, that it might serve for the learned, but not for the simple people; and that these words To adore them, added in the translation of the Hours, were so far from rendring them more excusable, that on the contrary they were thereby the more faulty, because the Vulgar will take and understand them as if they ought not to fall upon their knees before Images: I answes'd him, that if his objection were good against this translation, because of the bad sense which may be put upon those words against the interpreters meaning, it would also be good against the very words of the Text of Scripture; of which the same abuse and false interpretation may be made; but as nothing can be charg'd a­gainst the H. Scripture from them, so neither can any thing be concluded from the same to the pre­judice of the Translator, who had therein faith­fully acquitted himself. M. Albizzi made to me some further objections against the Houres, but because they are the subject of a memorial which [Page 76] I presented to the Cardinal of the H. Office, and is hereafter mention'd; I omit them at present, to avoid repetition. I shall only add, that after he had propos'd them to me, and I had answer'd him, he fell to declaim in general against the liberty of Writing and Printing which is taken in France; and drew out of his Pocket certain little French Hours for the Cavaliers, and shew'd me a little image of St. Paul, at the bottom of which were these words, S. Paul Cavalier Prince of the Apostles, and made great complaints thereof. But being unwilling to meddle with that matter, I told him, I was not concern'd in those little Hours which he shew'd me that I had not in charge to answer; but to the calumnies against those I spoke of before, and to clear the malicious suspitions endeavour'd to be cast upon Writers to whom the pub­lick was indebted for so excellent a work. I in­treated him again to deal with it favourably, and with Justice so far as lay in him, and so arose up to depart.

Cross the Dining-Rome there was a Screen co­ver'd with painted silk, which divided it in two. As we were going out of the Anti-Chamber, Father Morel an Augustin, Doctor of our Faculty, was entring in at the passage of the Screen: so soon as he perceiv'd me, he was started, drew back, and hid himself behind the Screen: But suddenly (as I conceiv'd) reflecting that this his fear of my having seen him come to visit M. Albizzi might make me presume there was more corre­spondence between them then he would have me believe there was, he came forth and shew'd him­self, and as well as he could endeavour'd to com­pose the disorder of the sudden astonishment, into which the first appprehension of his surprise had put him.

The days following I continu'd such Visits as I could make, both to publish the principal Sub­ject of my delegation touching the Propositions to such as ought to be advertis'd of it, and to recom­mend to them the affair of the Hours. To both which purposes, on Sunday morning (June 25.) I visited Cardinal Ginetti, and in the evening the Master of the sacred Palace, having pass'd al­most the whole afternoon at Cardinal Panzirolo's Palace in attending an opportunity to speak with him; which I could not obtain that day. On Thuesday the 27. I again visited the Cardinal Spa­da and Barberin touching the Hours, and in sum having employ'd the other days of the interval the most profitably I could in order to that busi­ness, and having been four times at Cardinal Panziolo's Palace without obtaining to speak with him, I was refer'd for that purpose to Friday morning, July the 7.

When I was come to his Palace, I found at the entrance of his Antichamber the Master of his Chamber, who told me he waited for me there to acquaint me that I needed not wear my gown to speak with his Eminence. I had alwayes worn it hitherto in my visites, and answer'd him that I had address'd to my LL. the other Cardinals in that habit, which I wore out of respect to their Eminences. He reply'd that Cardinal Panzirolo had signifi'd to him his pleasure to dispense with me for that subjection toward himself, because per­haps being likely to come often to him, it would be too troublesome for me always to change my habit. I answer'd that his Eminence had too great goodnesse for me, but nevertheless I should use the freedome which he gave me. So return­ing from his Palace, within a quarter of an houre I came back thither with my Cloke, and was pre­sently introduc'd into his Chamber, where I found him sitting up, upon bed. I had scarce begun to declare to him the businesse in very few words, but he cutt me short, and told me, that if it was concerning any thing contain'd in the Bull of Ʋr­ban VIII. the Pope would not hear any person before obedience were perform'd to it. That if it was any thing new, his Holinesse would will­ingly hear both the one side and the other, and certainly would not precipitate or hasten any thing. I reply'd that none of the Five Propositi­ons was contain'd in the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. But without suffering me to enter further into the mat­ter, he bid me go visite M. Albizzi, telling me; he was the man rely'd upon for the care of those affairs. He cutt me off so roundly that I had scarce added a word in assurance of our respect and affection to the H. See, but I was constrain'd to retire.

On Saturday (July 8.) I learn'd something ve­ry considerable touching the Hours; but that I may give an intire account of what I have to re­late concerning them together, I shall forbear to mention it till I have set down what pass'd in the audience which I had of the Pope on Monday the tenth, touching the principal affair: before which I will nevertheless relate what pass'd in a Visite which an Ecclesiastick made to me, to give me no­tice of the danger wherein I was of being arrested, and what cause I had to provide for my safety.

I doubted for some time, out of what design the Ecclesiastick, who came to give me this notice, had so great a charity for me; for I knew him not but very generally, and there was nothing but his being a French man and a Priest of the Mission that could induce him to it. I conceiv'd at first, it was to fright me, and to see what impression the fears he suggested in me would have upon me: but I have been assured since, that it was with a very sincere intention and affection.

It was the first day of July that he came to me, and he was very earnest to speak with me, though I was newly let blood for an indisposition which permitted not the deferring of that remedy to another more fit season. He told me, and en­joyned me secrecy (which I keep still in not name­ing him) that a Doctor of our Faculty told him the day before, that I said, other Doctors were to come to Rome with me about the business which I had in charge; but there would come others thither too against me, and that neither I nor they which came after me about the same business, would be very welcome. That we were people, who besides the Propositions which were the ground of my journey, would introduce others far more pernitious. That this Doctor said there was fourteen extracted out of several Theses, presented to the Syndic by persons that defend­ed the same opinions with us, which Propositions had been publisht and mantain'd in the Divinity Acts at Paris, had not the Syndic hinder'd it That he had Copies of them authetically com­par'd, [Page 77] and that the Originals themselves signed by the chief Masters and Directors of the Batchelors Study would shortly be brought to Rome. This Ecclesiastick repeated to me divers Propositions of those fourteen whereof the said Doctor com­plain'd to him; but I took notice only of five. The first was, That the Pope is amongst the Bi­shops, what A is amongst the letters. The se­cond, That the Council of Trent was not a true Council, but a Politick Assembly. The third, That he who sins after Baptism loses the cha­racter of it. The fourth, That Priests who fall into any sin, lose likewise the character of their Priesthood. And the fifth, That the Body of our Lord is not in the Eucharist; but as God is in the soul of the righteous. This Ecclesiastick told me, that I was liable to be accus'd as one of those who mantain these sentiments; and that under that pretext it might come to pass that I might be put into t [...]e Inquisition. That it was a Pri­son very dreadfull, that it was very hard coming out when one is once there; and that if there were such a design against me, it would be put in ex­ecution without noise. That people would come to S. Lewis (where I lodg'd) at midnight, cause the Gates to be opened by the Popes order, carry me away without telling whither, and forbid all that knew of it, to speak any thing of it under pain of excommunication. That I ought not so much to rely upon the innocence of my senti­ments, and the candour of my proceeding where­of I was confident, as to consider the power and credit of those who were not satisfi'd with my return. And though we are oblig'd to do many things, and hazard all sort of disgraces for the service of God, yet that when we see we cannot succeed, and 'tis not our fault, it behooveth to give way to the time, and provide for our own securi­ty and preservation.

I answer'd this Ecclesiastick that I believ'd the Law of Nations would not be violated upon vain suspicions and extravagant calumnies of that na­ture; That I was a publick person, being sent by considerable Prelates who would not endure that wrong should be done to me, or that I should dis­appear without taking paines to know what were become of me: That I conceiv'd their Eminences and his Holiness too advis'd to attempt such a thing; that however, should they attempt it upon considerations leading them thereto which could not enter into my mind, they would be more troubled then I when they had me in their hands; for the more they examin'd me, the lesse would they finde cause for arresting me. That for all this if contrary to my expectation it hapned, that they would treat me otherwise and exercise any violence and ctuelty against me, I did not fear them; because the more it should please God to cause me to suffer in such innocence, and for a cause so just and necessary as this for which I was return'd, the more I should esteem my self be­holding to his divine mercy. And therefore so long as I was in a condition to act for that cause, by God's help I should not fail so to do. Whatever else this Ecclesiastick said in the discourse he had with me about this subject, during two whole hours which he held me, notwithstanding my blood-let­ting, he could draw no other thing from me.

CHAP. IV.

An Audience of the Pope on the 10th. of July, at my delivering to him the Bishops Letter, and declaring to him the subject of it.

THat which I had with the Pope on Monday the 10th. of July 1651. was very different, and much more pleasing. After the three usual kneel­ings, one at the entring into at the Pope's Chamber as soon as he is perceiv'd, the second about the middle of the way towards the Chair where he sits, and the third at the appraching neer him to kisse his feet according to the custome; I told him (being upon my knees) that I was returning to­wards France, full of the resentments which I ought to have of the kindnesse wherewith his Ho­linesse had treated me, and of the favours which I had received of him the foregoing Winter; but upon the way I receiv'd Letters written to him by some of my Lords the B [...]shops of France, with others for my self, by which they appointed me to return speedily to deliver those written to his Holinesse, and procure the effect of the same from him, as being about matters very important and urgent. The Pope scarce staid till I had done speaking; but he told me; that if I conceiv'd I had receiv'd any testimonies of his kindnesse in time past, I might hold my self assured that I should re­ceive no lesse for the future; and he ask'd me what was the subject of the Letters which I had to pre­sent to him? I answer'd, that they were upon occasion of other Letters which other Bishops of France had written to him, whereby they desir'd of his Holinesse a clear determination of five cer­tain Propositions fram'd with artifice and in ambi­guous terms, capable of very different and contra­ry senses. That the same may admit an heretical sense, but there was no person that maintain'd them in that sense; that besides, they may have a very Catholick sense; and that his Holinesse ought to observe that 'tis the Catholick sense which is struck at by those who solicited the Letter which those other Prelates had written to him, because this sense cannot comply with the novelty of their doctrines; and that under pretext of the heretical sense they endeavour to obtain a Censure, that they may afterwards apply the same to the Catho­lick sense; which would cause great disturbances and have very dangerous consequences. That the Bishops by whose order I was return'd, be­seecht his Holinesse, that in case it pleas'd him to make any new determination touching those Pro­positions, it might not be without having first heard the persons who were to follow me, and who would declare and manifest to his Holinesse, that there was neither Bishop, nor Doctor, nor Priest that maintained the said Propositions in their bad sense; and moreover, clearly shew him certain and invincible proofs upon which the Catholick sense which they defend, and whereof the Propositions are capable, is founded. That this Request was the most just that could be made to his Holiness by Ecclesiastical persons; and that [Page 78] if we are oblig'd in all things providere bona non tantùm coram Deo sed etiam coram hominibus, 'tis chiefly when the question is to shew the Church and the Vicar of Jesus Christ that the Faith is in­tire and sincere in our hearts, and that we are not infected with any thought contrary thereunto. As for his Holinesse, that he could not but have great satisfaction in finding the same, by the ex­ample of S. John, who saith in one of his Epistles, Majorem horum non habeo gratiam quàm ut sciam filios meos in veritate ambulare. [I durst not at that time speak more openly of the Congregation whose election I was to sollicit, nor use so much as the word Congregation at first, for fear of crossing the Pope's spirit in any thing, who I was assured, was very averse from entring into a­ny discussion of these matters] Assoon as I had done speaking the passage newly mention'd, the Pope smil'd at the application which I made of it; and told me the Bishops of France needed not to be sollicitous about letting him know their devo­tednesse to the H. See, and the sincerity of their sentiments; that he had abundant proofs there­of in the voyage he made thither in the lega­tion of Cardinal Barberin; and he recounted to me at length all the Civilities which they receiv'd from them in the Dioceses through which they pass'd, and that were shew'd by the Body of the Clergy to M. the Legat, comming to bid him adieu before his departure, and to wish him a good voyage, to the number of fifty six. As for the Propositions, if they were con­tain'd in the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. or rather of Pius V. that the same was pass'd with too much knowledge of the cause to afford any thing that might be gainsaid or gloss'd upon. If they were any new thing, all should be examin'd with care and leisure; That he had nothing so much at his heart, as to do things with all the prudence and circumspection that can be desir'd; That this was all the answer he could make me at present, before having seen what the Letters imported which I had deliver'd to him. I told the Pope, that as for the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. it had been re­ceiv'd and publish'd by the Archbishop of Paris; and that of the Five Propositions in question, not any was contain'd therein; that four of them especially had no relation to the said Bull; that one of them indeed seem'd like one of those which are in the same, but yet was many wayes different from them; that his Holinesse knew well that there needs but one word to make great alterations. The Pope told me, that a point or a dash is enough for that. I added, that the Bishops who sent me had no design to invalidate that Bull, but only to keep his Holinesse from being possess'd or sur­priz'd in reference to the Five Propositions, and from passing (in regard of the bad sense whereof they are capable) such a Censure as may be ap­ply'd to the Catholick sense according to which they may be understood; That the inventors of them spoke in France of the Censure which they expected from Rome, as if they had his Holinesses Tongue in their mouthes, and his Pen in their hands. The Pope reply'd hereunto, by shewing me a Crucifix, which he said was his counsel in such affairs as these; and that having heard what would be represented to him by such as argued therein, he kneel'd down before that Crucifix to take at the feet thereof his resolution, according to the inspiration given to him by the H. Spirit, whose assistance was promised to him, and could not fail him.

In this addresse the Pope spoke to me several times to rise up; which I out of respect being un­willing to do, he commanded me to arise, and told me, he would thereby shew me what account he made of me. It was requisite to obey his Holi­nesse; and towards the end of his discourse he bid me repair to M. Albizzi. I durst not then tell the Pope how much we esteem'd M. Albizzi prepos­sess'd by the Jesuites, and opposite to all affairs not approv'd by those Fathers. But I took occa­sion to tell him, that I had a very humble sute to make to his Holinesse, namely, that he would not give credit to all the ill reports which might be made against me, and all those whom some endea­vor'd to bring into ill esteem with him; because we had to do with people very full of artifice, and exceeding bold in forging calumnies. Amongst other testimonies which I might have given his Holinesse of the liberty of Detraction taken by our Adversaries, I instanc'd one to him which concer­ned my self in the time wherein I had the honour to be Rector of the University. I told him that the Jesuites in the end of the year 1642. attemp­ting to invade its Priviledges, I became oblig'd to write thereof to Pope Ʋrban VIII. to hinder them from obtaining of him by surprise some Brief which might favour their designes, unlesse he were preadvertis'd thereof: That the Letter which I writ to him being fram'd in such respectfull terms as the person to whom, and the subject of which I was to write, required; the Jesuites in an Apolo­gy which they caus'd to be printed a little while af­ter in behalf of their Society, took occasion there­in to complain of my Letter, as if I had injur'd the service of the King, and the interests of the State by writing it; and that they might have wherewith to triumph against me, they falsly al­ledg'd in their book such words of it, as were not contain'd in any place of my said Letter, either to­gether or asunder. Wherefore I beseecht his Ho­linesse to consider to what exorbitance of calum­nies they are likely to proceed in secret, since they are not asham'd, and make no scruple to di­vulge publickly such high things against a person who being in a Charge very considerable in Paris, was able to complain of the injury in all places, and so easily to convince them before all the world of the falsenesse of their accusation. The Pope answer'd that I had reason, and promis'd me that he would keep himself from being prepossess'd by any calumny. I beseecht him that he would vouch­safe to let me advertise his Holinesse upon occasi­on of all that I should find necessary to be repre­sented to him in this affair, which I should always do with truth and moderation, yet with that Chri­stian freedom which the justice of the cause for which I pleaded, and the service of the Church re­quir'd. He answer'd, That he would alwayes hear me very willingly. I held in my hand the Letters which I was to present to him. The Pope offer'd to take them, and lay them upon a low Stool near him, where he had already layd the [Page 79] Memorials which he had receiv'd that day; but I plac'd my Letters there my self; which as I was doing, the Pope presenting his hand to receive them, told me, the Bishops who subscrib'd the first Letter, were a very great number. I an­swer'd, that the Letters which I presented to him would, as I conceiv'd, be as acceptable to his Holi­nesse, and appear to him more necessary then those which he had receiv'd. After which falling upon my knees and receiving his benediction, I with­drew.

It must be confess'd that these audiences of the Pope are very pleasing and agreeable. One is admitted to him alone, and so long as they con­tinue, there is no person but the Pope present, or that can hear what is said; so that a man may o­pen his heart to him, and speak to him about any businesse with full liberty all that he conceives ne­cessary to represent to him. There is no fear of being too long or tedious to him. For 'tis so far from being requisite to offer to retire and make an end, that on the contrary it would be an incivility and a fault to do it before the Pope himself signi­fie his pleasure to end the audience, by the bene­diction which he gives when he finds there is no need, or no time to hear more.

CHAP. V.

A Relation of all that pass'd concerning the Houres. An Answer to all Ob­jections made by the Jesuites against them. That they were put into the Index only because of a Bull of Pius V. alledg'd to prohibit all Translations of the Office of the B. Virgin into the Vulgar tongue. The Asperities of M. Albizzi.

IT was the tenth of July that I had the audience of which I have now given account. I would have gladly spoken to the Pope touching the busi­nesse of the Houres, by reason of what I learnt about them the day foregoing. But it not being the principal affair for which I was return'd, and I not being confident that it was needfull to speak to his Holinesse for remedy in it, I thought fit to forbear.

What I learnt concerning them, was thus: viz. That there was sent about two moneths before to the Secretary of the Congregation of the Index, a Catalogue of Prohibited Books, amongst which the Houres were; That M. Albizzi had for some time since much urg'd the said Secretary to expe­dite the publishing of it; That it had been hindred from being so, among other impediments, by the sollicitations us'd by the Jesuites to get exempted a book of one of their Fathers nam'd Amceius, who was Author of a Work wherein sundry pernicious Maximes, especially concerning Mur­ther, are taught; but all they could obtain was, that the title of Jesuite should not be mention'd in the Decree, but this clause be added to the con­demnation of his book, donec corrigatur; That the businesse being made up thus, the Catalogue was at the Printing-house, and ready to be pub­lish'd every day, and that the Houres were in it.

Then it was that I well understood what Card. Roma meant when he told me, that perhaps the Houres would be spoken of no more in the Con­gregation of the H. Office, but only in that of the Index; but I did not so easily understand to what purpose were the sollicitations and general recom­mendations which Cardinal Barberin advis'd me to make to their Eminences in behalf of the said Book. Wherefore I repair'd to his Palace, and not daring to tell him plainly my knowledge of the posture in which the businesse was (for I came to it by a very particular and secret way) after I had given him an account of the Visit which I made to Card. Panzirolo, who cut me off so short that he gave me not time to speak to him about the Houres. I ask'd him whether it were yet time and sitting for me to speak thereof to Card. Cechini, when I found him so little employ'd as to hear me; for his office of Datary oblig'd him to answer so many persons, that is often as I went to him, I alwayes found him surrounded with a croud of people. Card. Barberin answer­ing me hereunto neither Yes nor No. I proceed­ed and told him, that the Jesuites continued to boast that they were confident of a Censure of the Houres, if not from the H. Office, at least from the Congregation of the Index. I told him further; that I had heard say that M. Albizzi spea­king of a Catalogue of Prohibited Books which was to be published within some time, said it should be so before the following week were past. I also signify'd to him what Cardinal Roma said to me, viz. that perhaps that affair would not passe before the Congregation of the H. Office, but before that of the Index: that all this put together made me fear, that the Service which he had intimated he would do the Bishop of Angers would be unprofi­table, if perchance the said Book were amongst those contain'd in the Catalogue to be publish'd a few dayes after; that I was inform'd that the bu­sinesse depended absolutely upon Cardinal Spada; who was the head of that Congregation, who could produce the said Catalogue, see whether the Book were in it, and blot it out, if it seem'd good to him. Cardinal Barberin answer'd me to all this, That he was not present at all the Congregations, and that it was requisite for me to go to Cardinal Spada, to represent to him the same that I did to himself, and also to repeat all that could be said for defence and justification of the Houres. I re­ply'd, that I would willingly wait upon Cardinal Spada to acquaint him with all that he pleas'd; but that if he would make this businesse his own, as he had testify'd to me, it would be better for his Eminence to speak with Cardinal Spada then for me; and that that Cardinal would more re­gard the least thing spoken to him by his Eminence then all that I could represent to him. Neverthe­lesse I could not obtain of Cardinal Barberin to promise me to visit Cardinal Spada, what ever importunity I us'd to him, but I was fain to de­part without his giving me any assurance that he [Page 81] would speak to the said Cardinal; on the contra­ry he told me clearly that he remitted the whole businesse to my management.

This so unusual indifference which Cardinal Barberin shew'd for a businesse which he had te­stify'd to me he would make his own, giving me cause to believe that he would meddle with it no more, because he saw no likelihood of succeeding in it, depriv'd me also of all hope, and with hope of all courage to labour in it; which I had the more reason to give over, when I consider'd how it was fully concluded, and how all the instances and sol­licitations which I could use for hindring it, were henceforth unprofitable and out of time; in as much as I certainly knew that the Printer had already carried the Secretary of the Congrega­tion of the Index a proof of the said Catalogue, and that the Houres were in it, though I durst not plainly tell Card. Barberin so; the importance, neces­sity, and obligation of secrecy of the way by which I understood it, being more considerable to me then any other advantage which I could obtain in behalf of the Houres by divulging it. But be­sides, I was oblig'd to take heed of letting it be known that I understood how the businesse stood, even for the interest of the Houres; because I fear'd that if the Commissioners of the H. Office came to discover that I knew it so certainly, they would lose all the good will and inclination which they might otherwise have to do that excellent Work the Ju­stice which I desired; and this in regard of the repu­tation of their Tribunal, which they would account impaired, should they suffer it to be thought sub­ject to any vicissitudes, or capable of changing its determinations. Wherefore I was oblig'd to keep my self within these bounds with Cardinal Barberin, and to content my self with represent­ing to him the most effectually I could the dan­gers wherein the Houres might be of receiving some doom as I presum'd, for the reasons where­with I acquainted him, to oblige him to prevent the same, according to the affection which he had to defend them; but seeing he referr'd the matter wholly to my self, I could no longer look upon it as other then desperate and irremediable.

Hower, that I might not hereafter repent of ha­ving been able to make some remonstrance in be­half of the Houres, and not having done it, I re­solv'd upon what Cardinal Barberin lately enjoy­ned me, viz. to go again and visit Cardinal Spada, and try my last endeavour with him. When I came to his Palace, he was receiving a visit from a person of Quality, with whom he was about an hour, at the end of which came a Gentleman from Cardinal Barberin to know whether Cardinal Spa­da were at home. I doubted presently whether Cardinal Barberin had not alter'd his resolution since my departure, and I imagin'd that it was a­bout the affair whereof I had spoken to him, that he intended to come visit Cardinal Spada. I had some mind to withdraw without speaking to Car­dinal Spada for fear of spoiling any thing by so do­ing, and that I might leave the businesse to Cardi­nal Barberin intire, to do what he should think fit for the successe of it. But the Marquis who was with Cardinal Spada coming forth almost as soon as the news of Cardinal Barberin's coming was brought, and it coming into my mind that Cardi­nal Barberin would perhaps be glad that I spoke some thing to Cardinal Spada before himself did, according to the order which he gave me, I spent the little interval of time which was between the Marquis's visit and Cardinal Barberin's com­ming, in representing to Cardinal Spada in few words and the greatest moderation I could, the same things wh [...]ch I had said to Cardinal Barberin. I told him of the absolute power which I was in­form'd he had in this businesse, of the inconve­niences and sad consequences which he might pre­vent by doing what I requested of him, and of the many obligations there would be to his Eminence for his good proceeding therein. Cardinal Spada answer'd me plainly, by acknowledging the Cata­logue talk'd of to come forth in which the Houres were; but he spoke of it as a Prohibition little considerable, and not likely to do the Houres much prejudice, there being thirty or forty books com­pris'd together in the same Prohibition; That ne­verthelesse, if I were minded to prevent it, I must have recourse to the H. Office to take order there­in; but as for himself he could do nothing alone.

Cardinal Barberin arriv'd there incognito by the little Door. Cardinal Spada went to meet him, and I withdrew. Though it was already some­what late, yet I went to Cardinal Barberin's Pa­lace to wait for him at his return, and know what what he had done in this Visit. It lasted a long hour, and he came not home till night. He told me when he was return'd, that I must again visit all the Cardinals whom I had visited before concer­ning the Houres. He took the pains to deduce parti­cularly what I was to represent to them; and by all that he said he gave me very much ground to hope that they were dispos'd to have regard to my Remonstrances. He advis'd me to draw up a Memorial to present to them; and after it was fi­nish'd, to let him see it, that he might tell me whe­ther it were right. Moreover, touching the Gown and Cap which I had worn hitherto in the visits which I made to the Cardinals, he told me, that they did not like to see me in that habit, and that he conceiv'd they would be willing that I wore it no longer. I render'd thanks to his Eminence for all the care which he took of this businesse. And as for the habit, I answer'd him that I should be very glad to be dispens'd with from the subje­ction and trouble of wearing it, which I had not done hitherto with some inconvenience, but only out of respect to their Eminences; as himself had seen we use to do in France in occasions of honour and ceremony.

This Advertisement was the cause that before I presented my self in the Pope's presence cham­ber to have the Audience of him which I above mention'd, on Sunday morning (July 9) I went to the Master of the Pope's chamber to his A­partment to inquire of him in what habit he thought good I should present my self to have Audience of his Holinesse, and I offer'd him of my own accord to go with my Cassock and my Cloak. He answer'd, that this would be best, because of the novelty of the other, about which it would be requisite to speak to the Pope, to know whether his Holinesse lik'd my wearing of a Gown and Cap; seeing the other Doctors which were there before, presented themselves only in their [Page 81] Cassock and Cloak. Whereupon I was not unwill­ing to accept the offer which he made me, to avoid deferring my Audience by the discussion of a scru­ple of this nature; seeing too, the principal cause of my wearing a Gown and Cap, (namely, to have it taken notice of at first that I was come back to Rome about a publick employment) was ceas'd at that time by all the visits which I had made to shew the occa­sion of my return.

The same Sunday (July 9.) I went in behalf of the Houres to visite Cardinal Ginetti in the mor­ing, and Cardinal Roma in the afternoon; which last made me new instances upon the scruple about the Translation of the first Commandment touch­ing Images. On Tuesday morning I finish'd the Memorial which I presented to their Eminences a­bout this matter; I caus'd copies to be made of it, and carry'd them in the afternoon to the Cardinals Genetti, S. Clement, Spada and Barberin. Which last further advis'd me to look a little into the Cate­chisme of the Council of Trent, and see how it speaks concerning Images. And because the time for their Assembly was neer, it being to meet on Wednesday morning, and there being no order as I knew of to suspend the publishing of [...]he a­bovemention'd Catalogue, I left my Memorial at the Palace of those Cardinals whom I could not meet with to present the same personally. In the said Memorial having said something about the drift of the Houres, I pass'd thus to the answer of objections brought against it.

This Book having been receiv'd almost universally by all the world with so great applause that there have been six several Editions of it within lesse then a year; it hath stirr'd the jealousie of certain persons, who not being able to find any thing considerable in it to gainsay, have been reduc'd only to blame it for three slight matters.

First, of neglecting to translate out of the Latine the word Redempteur de tous [Redeemer of All] as if the translator omitted it out of design and set purpose.

But the Authors of this work know too well what S. Paul saith in 2 Cor. 5. that Jesus Christ dyed for all; and what also is said in the first Epistle of S. John, chap. 2. that he is the price and ran­some for our sins, and not for ours only, but al­so for those of the whole World. They acknow­ledge too well, That Jesus Christ our Lord is the Saviour of all, to retrench maliciously the word, Redempteur de tous, or conceal a truth which they own de fide, and for which they are ready to shed their blood.

And indeed the said Authors having been very dili­gent in the Work to translate the Hymnes verse for verse (which is very difficult, considering the confine­ment of the French rimes) it may have hapned that it hath been put in the French verse which corresponds to the Latin wherein the said word is by reason of the rime, which would not fall right in the course of Poetry; but the said word is restor'd in the following verse, and hath likewise been inserted in sundry other places where the Latin wants it.

This is seen particularly in the Hymne Lustris sex qui jam peractis, in which these six verses [Crux fidelis, inter omnes, Arbor una nobilis: Nulla sylva talem profert, Fronde, flore germine: Dulce lignum dulces clavos, Dulce pondus sustinet] are thus translated,

O Croix arbre d' amour, de salut & de grace,
Arbre vraiment divin, qui tout arbre surpasse.
En miracles divers;
O bois plus sacré per ce Corps adorable,
Tu portes le doux fruit, le fruit inestimable
QUI GUERIT L' UNIVERS.

In the Hymne Ad coenam Agni providi, Et stolis albis candidi, Post transitum maris rubri, Christo canamus Principi, The Translation runs thus

Vaincucurs, de la mer rouge eschappés de son onde,
Allons parés de blanc au festin de l' Agneau,
Publions dans nos chants du REDEMPTEUR DU MONDE
Le triomphe nouveau.

In the Hymne Veni Creator Spiritus, the last verse, Gloria Patri Domino, Natoque qui a mor­tuis surrexit, is thus translated.

Gloire a Christ par sa mort DES MORTS LE REDEMPTEUR.

And in the Te Deum this verse, Tu ad liberan­dum suscepturus hominem non horruisti virginis uterum, is also translated into these words,

Tu n'as dedaigné pour SAUVER TOUT LE MONDE
D' entrer dans l' humble sein d' une vierge feconde.

Thus in divers places of the Hymnes speaking indefi­nitely and generally, it is said that our Lord Jesus Christ is the hope of the whole Ʋniverse, the price of the world, the invaluable fruit hanging on the tree which heals the Ʋniverse, the Redeemer of the world, the salvation of men; and that he shed his pre­cious blood for the infinite price of the guilty Ʋni­verse; That he came to deliver man from his misery, to heal all our evills, to save the guilty, to break thc chaines of sinners, to wash the world, to pur­chase the Ʋniverse: that we are purchased by his blood; That he came to be born and to dye for us; That he dy'd for guilty man. And more such manners of speech there are in the French which are not found even in several places of the La­tine.

The second objection made against this Work is that the Cardinal de Berule is put in the Calendar with the title of Bien-heureux blessed. To which it is answer'd that this is not the fault of the Author who well knows that it pertaines only to the H. See to declare the Saints and the Blessed; but a simple devotion which he who corrected the second im­pression of the said Book had for that Cardinal. And accordingly the Author taking notice of the Cor­rector's fault, blotted out the tittle of Blessed from that Cardinal in the four other Ediitons which have been made since the second.

The third Objection consists in that the Adversa­ries pretend that the Translator hath interpreted ac­cording [Page 82] to the conceptions of Hereticks that passage of the fifth chapter of Deuteronomie; Non facies tibi sculptile, ne (que) similitudinem omnium quae in cae­lo sunt desuper, &c. But those Censors are greatly mistaken in this particular; because the Heretiks aime in that translation is to show that the Church do's ill in the laudable custome which it hath of mak­ing and having the Images of Saints; for which purpose they leave out the word Idol, and the end, which is, to adore them. But the Translator hath faithfully put both into this book, making expresse mention of the word Idol and of the end, for which it is forbidden to make any, namely to adore them. The Translation is thus, Vous ne ferés point d' I­dole ny d' Image taillee ny aucune figure pour les adorer, You shall make no Idol nor graven Image, nor any figure, to adore the same, which version is not onely sutable to the text of H. Scripture, but also necessary for France; and it is found so in all the Ca­techismes printed for the instruction of children and plaine people: And all Curates, and such as teach the Catechisme to Children and the vulgar, have great care when they expound this commandment to re­cite it thus to them, and to make them take notice of it, that so they may know the reason for which God made that prohibition, and knowing it may also know that when the Church makes Images it doth no­thing contrary to this commandment of God, because it makes them not to adore them, but onely to render to them the worship (cultum) which is due unto them. And by this means the Catholick people are deliver'd from the fallacies and false explications and reproaches of Hereticks; whereas if they were not thus instru­cted, Hereticks might circumvent and seduce them.

That if these reasons be not accounted sufficient to take away all the suspitions that may be rais'd a­gainst the good intentions of the Author of this Work, but your Eminences judge it necessary to adde to the Book some Preface or Explication or other like thing for greater assurance of this Authors sincerity and good purposes; what your Eminences shall in pru­dence please ta appoint therein shall be punctually per­form'd, the book shall be brought to you within three moneths reprinted with such new declara­tion, and shall never be printed otherwise hereaf­ter.

Moreover the book is of very great profit and edifi­cation to Christians containing nothing but the prin­cipal and most necessary Maximes of Christian life drawn out of the H. Scripture and the H. Fathers of the Church. It would be a sad and deplorable thing, if people should imagine that your Eminences condemn them; as the enemies of the said book will endevor to perswade if it receive any impeachment, though it be not possible for their malice to hinder the great applause which it receives from all the world. Wherefore besides the good which your Eminences will do, and the scandal which you will prevent, you will also oblige very many pious and knowing persons who will endevour to acknowledge this favorable dealing by all means possible, and will pray to God for the long and happy preservation and exaltation of your Emi­nences, whom God blesse, &c.

My purpose was to be on Wednesday morning (July 12.) at la Minerve half an hour before the time which I understood the Cardinals were to meet there for their Congregation that so I might salute them as they came, partly to excuse the nece­ssity there was of my leaving the Memorial at their Houses the foregoing Evening, having not time to return thither to present the same to them­selves, and partly to inform them of what I read the precedent night in the Catechisme of the Coun­cil of Trent. But they repaired thither much soo­ner this day then ordinary, by reason that Cardi­nal Pamphilio, who was to take his first sitting there that day, could not come thither later; and so they were all enter'd before my comming, except Car­dinal Roma to whom I presented a Copy of the said Memorial, which I could not deliver to him in the evening.

I was afraid too lest M. Albizzi should think himself slighted, and be incens'd against us, if I did not present him one in particular; for which reason, I inquir'd whether there were no means to get him out of the Assembly for a moment, to present the same to him. I was answer'd No; but if I had a mind to speak any thing to the As­sembly, I might enter in; for they would pre­sently be call'd who had any thing to propose to it. I was something scruplous of resolving upon it, fearing lest by my presenting my self there, I might give the Congregation ground to pretend that a Frenchman and a Doctor of Sorbonne ac­knowledg'd its jurisdiction. However I deter­min'd to enter with the same mind and manner as I intended to addresse a Memorial to it, namely not as acknowledging any jurisdiction or superi­ority in the said Congregation either in respect of France, or of the book, or of the Author for whom I interceded; but onely for preven­ting (if possible) the scandals which might arise from the Decrees of a Company of persons who indeed held a very considerable rank in the Church in regard of the manner wherewith many Catho­licks in France look upon those Decrees, the bad use which sundry particular persons make of them, and the false and pernicious consequences which they draw from them.

They were seated about the Table in this order. The Cardinals Roma and Barberin were at the up­per end; on their right hand on one side of the table were the Cardinals Ginetti, S. Clement, Lugo and Pamphilio; over against these two last M. Albizzi and the F. Commissary of the H Office sat upon lower seats, and before them there was a barre joining to the Table: Along the wall oppo­site to the Cardinals sat seven or eight of their Consultors. I drew neer to speak at the end of the table which was empty, and I told them in Latin, That to avoyd troubling them by repetition of what I had represented to them as well by word of mouth as by my Memorial, I should adde nothing thereto but that having the foregoing night read the Ca­techisme provided for Curates by order of the Council of Trent, translated into the vulgar tongue, and printed by the command of Pius V. I observed that the Commandment touching Images was there ex­press'd in the same words as in the Houres, and that in a higher and more dangerous manner, if the reasons of those who made the said Objection against the Houres deserved to be received. For the Catechisme hath these expresse word, Non tifarai alcuna imagine sculpita, Thou shalt not make to thy self any graven image, [Sculpita] which seemed [Page 83] most to offend the accusers of the Houres; And whereas in the Houres it is onely said that they shall not make them to adore them, it is in the Catechisme that they shall not adore them, yea (which is more) that they shall not honour them [Non le adorerai ne le honorerai] Wherefore if the Houres deserv'd to be condemn'd for that translation, the Ca­techisme deserves it much more for this; and on the contrary if the Catechisme hath not been condemn'd in these hundred years since its printing, the Houres de­serve it far lesse. I added that if there were any thing else to be objected against the Houres besides what I had already heard, I noe onely hop'd that it would not be harder for me to answer solidly thereunto then it had been to answer the objections made hitherto; but also that if their Eminences, desir'd any thing else from the Authors of the Houres for a more am­ple justification of their right Belief, honest manage­ment, and submission to their Eminences I assur'd them that they should give them full satisfaction within what time it pleased them to prescribe.

Cardinal Roma speaking in the name of all an­swer'd that they would consider what I had re­presented to them by word of mouth and by wri­ting, and then give me an answer [& dabimus responsum] As I retir'd I left a Copy of my Memo­rial to M. Albizzi, and layd upon the table be­fore him the Catechisme translated into Italian, which I procur'd the day before, and lookt upon as a Piece that abundantly determin'd the capital difficulty brought against the Houres.

I waited for M. Albizzi at his comming out of the Assembly, partly to understand from him as secretary of that Congregation what he might have to tell me concerning what was resolv'd upon that which I represented; and partly to make an excuse to him that I could not present the Memori­al to him sooner by bringing it to his house. He an­swer'd me nothing, but that 'twas enough that I in­form'd the rest.

In the afternoon I went to wait upon Cardinal Pamphilio whom I had not yet saluted. I told him that I should come at the first opportunity to in­form him of the principal motive of my return to Rome, besides what he might have already under­stood thereof by the Letters of the Bishops which I presented to the Pope; but in the mean time I came to acquaint him with the affair of the Hours. An account of which I aecordingly gave him, but in few words, being oblig'd to be brief, in regard of the great number of persons who were at the door of his Antichamber, and desir'd audience of his Eminence.

The same afternoon I visited Cardinal Barberin again; I presented a Memoral to him; I told him of the Hours lately published by F. Adam, which he intitled Catholick in opposition to the former, as if they were Heretical, using much bitterness and calumny against those who had a hand in their translation. His answer imply'd as if all the Car­dinals were sufficiently enlightned and satisfied as to the Objections which I remov'd, and as if there remain'd no other scruple concerning the Hours but their being in the vulgar tongue. I reply'd, That translation into the vulgar tongue was forbid­den only of the whole intire Scripture, in regard of some particular places whereby the simple may be misled and ill edifi'd; but it was never pro­hibited to extract and translate such principal places of it as may serve for the edification of the people. That in particular the Hours of F. Adam were in the vulgar tongue as was as the other; upon which nothing could be charg'd but what might also be charg'd upon those of the said Father; which besides may be justly accus'd amongst other things of having alter'd and corrupted in the Translation all the Collects in which the power of the Effectualness of Grace is express'd in the La­tine. Then we fell to speak of the audience which I had had of the Pope the day aforegoing, of which I related all the part [...]cularities to his Eminence. Up­on which occasion among other things which he said, I remember he repeated what he had for­merly often told me, namely, That he wonderd the Pope laid so much stresse upon the Bull of Ʋr­ban VIII. as if it were decisive of any thing, where­as for certain, it was only provisional, not for the condemning of the Doctrine of Jansenius, but barely for the forbidding or prohibiting it, till it should be examin'd and approv'd.

Neither Cardinal Spada, nor Catdinal Panzirolo were at la Minerve on Wednesday morning; nor could I meet with them in the afternoon. Where­fore holding my self assur'd that the affair of the Hours would be spoken of before the Pope on Thursday morning, and it having been told me that the sentiments of those two Cardinals were in great estimation with his Holiness, I went to their Palaces to wait upon them both before they repair'd to the Assembly which was to be held that day in the presence of his Holiness.

The first I went to was Cardinal Spada. I told him two things, whereof I had not spoken at my visiting him, nor said any thing in my Memorial. One was what I had represented the day before at la Minerve out of the Catechism of the Council of Trent about Images. The other, The infor­mation which I had receiv'd of the impression of the Hours of F. Adam. I added that word was sent me, that they were full of falsities & detracti­ons which he mingled with the prayers of the Churth; that he intitled them Catholick, as if the other were Heretical; that he had translated the Hymns into burlesque and ridiculous Verses; that though I receiv'd this News but the last Post, yet it was signifi'd to me that they had been publick three or four months; and that I pray'd him to consider what might be said, in case the other were compris'd in a Decree, because they were in French, and these latter exempted. The Cardinal answer'd me, That if I had the Hours of F. Adam, and complained thereof to their Tribunal, as o­thers there accus'd those which I defended, they would not condemn the one, unless they con­demn'd the other also. I reply'd, That I had them not; that if he desir'd to see them, I would procure them to shew him, that so by comparing them together, he might understand more clearly, and judge more certainly of the Justice of my Re­monstrances: And for this purpose I beseecht him to procure time for it, by causing the intended Judgement upon the former to be suspended and defer'd: but as for bringing my Complaints against those of F. Adam to their Tribunal, I saw no be­nefit of so doing; that if the Hours which I de­fended must be impeached by a Decree wherein [Page 84] they were compris'd, I had as lieve they were so alone as in the company of those of F. Adam; because it was not fit to accustome those Fathers to make a bad Book assoon as they saw a good one which they lik'd not, upon hope to get both con­demned, (under colour of holding the balance equal, and restoring Peace between both sides) nor to give their Eminences occasion to pro­ceed in such a manner.

When I was come from Cardinal Spada, I went to the apartment of Cardinal Panzirolo which was down at Monte Cavallo where the Pope then re­sided. I could not be admitted to speak to him before he came forth of his apartment to go up to the Pope. He was encompass'd with many per­sons of quality, Bishops, Gentlemen and Pre­lates of Rome, who were with him to court him and accompany him from his own apartment to that of the Pope. I address'd to him in the midst of all that multitude, because I could not otherwise; and presenting my Memorial to him, I told him, according as the place permitted, that I came to implore his protection for a Book, whose Excel­lence and general approbation had drawn some Maligners upon it, who not being able to blame any thing considerable in it, were reduc'd to very weak objections, as he might find by the memo­rial which I presented to him, and as I hop'd, he would hear in the Assembly which was going to be held before his Holiness. I had no sooner done speaking, but the Cardinal instead of an­swering me, turn'd towards M. Albizzi; (who was one of those that accompany'd him) and askt him what was the business whereof I spoke to him: M. Albizzi answer'd with a very high and earnest tone, saying these words twice, Si burla il signor sant-Amor, si burla, &c. M. de saint-Amor jests, he's in jest. These offensive and disparaging words would not have much troubled me if M. Albizzi had spoke them in some private audience, where I might have reply'd to him before those that heard them; but in a place so publick as this was, before so great a multitude, and at a time when there was no room for much reply, (for it was in the mid­dle of the way, and we were already almost at the foot of the stairs which leads up to the Pope) they were a sufficient rude taste of the haughty and im­perious treatment which I was to look for when I should be oblig'd to visit M. Albizzi. But not­withstanding the just commotion which they caus'd in me, yet through a secret fear I had, lest he spoke them only to incense me and force me to some more vehement answer, (as indeed he deserv'd, but from which he might have taken advantage against me;) I did not address my an­swer to him, but to Cardinal Panzirolo, (though so loud, as to make it heard by most of those that took notice of the affront) telling him that his Eminence would see whether I jested or no, when he perus'd the Memorial which I presented to him. That I address'd my self to him to beseech him to acquaint his Holiness that some of the Bishops whose Letters I had presented to him, and who knew what the Book was, would account the treatment it received as done to themselves; and that I did not mention the same to the Pope when I presented him their Letters, because I did not then fore-see that it was fit to speak of it, at least so soon, to his Holiness.

Whilst I was speaking this to Cardinal Panziro­lo, M. Albizzi was still behind him a little on one side, and having taken hold of a corner of the Book, he held it up very high, and shew'd it to all the company, shaking it and threatning, saying, I had spoken of it what seem'd good to me; but they were going to see above, whether I had reason or no. Leaving Cardinal Panzirolo to pass on, I answer'd M. Albizzi, That that was it which I waited for; but I wonder'd in the mean time at this his usage both of the Book and of my self. M. Albizzi angerly reply'd, That I thought I had done a great matter yesterday when I had spoke of the above mention'd Catechism, but I ought to have first lookt all along the place I cited, which is clearly expounded as the Catholick sense requireth, which the Author of the Hours hath not done. I answer'd, That the Catechism was more large, and extendeth it self further in the exposition of the said Commandment, then the Translation of the Hours doth; yet in the few words it containeth, it is well enough and clearly enough explicated without needing other comment to make it more intelligible. M. Albizzi reply'd, That the generality of the world could not well understand it being so compendious. I told him, That it was very easie for any person to understand, of how mean capacity soever. He reply'd, That women did not understand it. I said, That the meanest women understood it well; and that all such as teach the Catechism every day to little Girles and Children, were too carefull in expounding it to leave obscurity in it; and that in France there was no Catholick ignorant of it. He continu'd speaking to me in a mutter­ing way, and as offended at the care I took for the defence of the Hours, as if I went about there­by to do some violence to Religion and to the H. See, and to oblige it to tolerate a thing which might not be. I answer'd, That it was not my in­tention nor thought to engage the H. See to any thing whatever against its inclinations and inte­rests; but to serve it by letting the Pope know the ambushes prepar'd against it by the equivocal Propositions whose Decision is pursu'd, and by informing him the most carefully I could of the true state of all the things wherewith I was in­charg'd. And as for himself, I beseecht him that he would vouchsafe to hear what I had to say to him with some kind of equitableness, and not re­ject the evident justification which I could make both of the purity of the Doctrines contain'd in the Hours, and of the purity of their intentions who publisht them; which is very easie to be judg'd, since even in the whole Book there can hardly be found any rational ground for the least suspition. M. Albizzi reply'd, That it was too manifestly seen how bad that Authors intention was, and that all that is reported of the evil de­signs of such people against the Holy See, where­of they are enemies, is but too true. Finding by this Answer that he was absolutely corrupted against us, and that the moderation and patience which I us'd in all this discourse, did only exaspe­rate him, and make him break out the more a­gainst me, I fell into the just indignation which his carriage constrain'd me to, and told him with confidence, That what he said would not be [Page 85] found true, and that, I would never endure that any person do such a high Injury (as he had done) to the worthy persons whose sound Piety and sin­cere intentions I was acquainted with, without pro­testing against the Injustice, & shewing the wrong done them by so false and prejudicial a belief, which can have no other foundation but calum­nies and frauds. M. Albizzi reply'd not to this discourse but mutteringly between his teeth; so that hearing none of his words, and seeing mine very unprofitable with him, I stop'd there, which silence was more easie to me; for all that we spoke was upon the way going up to the Popes a­partment, where we arriv'd when we ceas'd speak­ing.

On Friday (July 14.) I was present at Masse with the Cardinals in the Chappel of the Cordeli­ers in the place Colonna, upon occasion of the Feast of St. Bonaventure, and I heard an Oration in Latin made there by a young Cordelier at the end of Masse in praise of the aforesaid Saint. In the af­ternoon I went to visit three Cardinals, to whom I spoke about the affair of the Houres. The first was the Cardinal of S. Clement, in conference of whom I discover'd two remarkable things: First, that what I said & represened in the Congregation of the H. Office on Wednesday was very well re­ceiv'd there, yet that I had better not have ap­pear'd in person in that Congregation, and that for keeping the greater circumspection and gra­vity in my Conduct. And secondly, that the grand occasion of complaints and prosecutions made against the Houres was not any ill observ'd in them, but the bad opinion taken up against those people who put them forth. The second Cardinal whom I visited was Roma, who told me that my Memorial was not read in their Congre­gation on Wednesday, but it should be in a private one held in his House for that purpose, to be re­ported afterwards to the General; but in the mean time I should not trouble my self; that nothing would be done but after mature and serious deli­beration. And as I took occasion to tell him what pass'd on Thursday between M. Albizzi and me, whose animosity and power to hurt me I conse­quently ought to fear, his Office of Secretary of their Congregation, affording him so many occa­sions of speaking to the Pope and their Eminences about affairs of that nature; the Cardinal acknow­ledged that he had done amisse, yet excus'd him with greater kindnesse, bidding me not heed it, saying that it was his humour, that he acted very often with their Eminences so impetuously, and that I must not forbear to visit him, as if what was past had never hapned. The third was Cardinal Lugo, to whom I omitted not to carry a Memorial, notwithstanding his alliance wi [...]h the Jesuites.

Saturdayes, Sundayes and Mondayes, were not usual dayes of much sollicitation with me; because the Courrier departing on Saturdayes for all the titles of Italie, almost all persons whom I could go see were employ'd about their dispatches: and the Courrier of France going away on Monday, I many times began the Letters in Sunday after­noon, which I was to write to give account of what pass'd about the affaires wherewith I was en­charged, Wherefore I could not before Tuesday (July 11.) continue the sollicitations which I had began in the behalf of the Houres, having been oblig'd the foregoing dayes to send word exactly to the Bishops and the other persons who recom­mended the same to me how all pass'd hitherto a­bout that matter.

‘I also drew a second Memorial touching the Houres, by which the Cardinals of the Congre­gation of the H. Office were entreated to give way to the justification of the right faith and sin­cere intention of those who put them forth, and for this end to cause the whole Book to be read, and an Extract to be given of all that could be found blameable in it; that so, if after the ob­jected difficulties were explicated, they thought meet to correct any thing in the Book or add any explication to it, for taking away the slight­est suspitions, and clearing the least doubts, per­formance might be made of whatever their Emi­nences ordain, within a set time, and that with all the diligence which their Eminences can ex­pect from persons perfectly full of submission and obedience.’

The desig [...] of this second Memorial I commu­nicated on Tuesday (July 18.) to persons very intelligent of the management, which ought to be us'd in that Country in those kind of affaires. It was assur'd to me, that according to the Lawes and Customes of the Tribunal of the Inquisition, they could not deny what I requested by this Me­morial, nor proceed further before they do right to it. So I was counsel'd to deliver it; but told it would be sufficient to carry it the next morn­ing to Cardinal Roma for the whole Congregati­on, before he came forth of his Palace to repair thither. I had also time that day to visit Cardinal Barberin, and he permitted me to read to him the Copy of the Letter which I told him I had writ the day before to the Bishops concerning what had pass'd hitherto touching the Houres; which I could not but think very advantageous for their defence, in that this Cardinal might consider and tell the rest what interest was taken in this Work by Persons so Illustrous throughout all France for their dignity and merit; and how all that was done at Rome about this matter was punctually sig­nify'd to them.

On Wednesday morning I went to carry the second Memorial to Cardinal Roma; He told me that it was not yet time to give it to him, because my businesse would not be spoken of that day; but that I should bring it to him against the next day, that the private Congregation which he told me of before was to be holden. I learnt that it would be the next day in the afternoon, and so did not fail to carry the Memorial to him half an hour be­fore the Congregation was assembled.

I waited patiently for justice to be done upon all that I had represented; but on Friday after­noon (July 21.) as I was going to Cardinal Bar­berin to fortifie what I had said to him in favour of the Houres by undeniable examples of Books which I procur'd at Rome, I saw fixt up at the A­postolical Printing-house the new Decree of Books prohibited by the Inquisition during the course of that year, the publishing of which I knew was defer'd only in expectation of what should be ordain'd touching the Houres. At first I was very glad to see it fix'd up, in no wise imagi­ning [Page 86] that they were compris'd in it, but on the contrary perswading my self that they were whol­ly exempted; or that at least the publishing of this Decree was resolv'd upon, only for that it was foreseen that the discussion of what concern'd the Houres, would take up more time then was fit ac­cording to their custome to delay the publication: but my reading of the said Catalogue of prohibited Books, inform'd me that the Houres were compre­hended in it.

'Tis in vain to speak of the extreme astonishment wherein I was at so unexpected an Event; but how great soever it was, it did not hinder me from pre­sently considering the use that I ought to make of it, and the benefit which I might draw from it in refe­rence to the principal affair wherewith I was en­charged. And whereas it is no little advantage to un­derstand as wel as possible the people we are to deal with, I respited my intended visit to Cardinal Bar­berin, and return'd back to Cardinal Roma. I spoke to him as if I knew nothing of the publishing of the Decree, and ask'd him plainly whether he had lookt upon my two Memorials, and whether I might hope for justice from what I had represent­ed to him. The Cardinal answer'd me with per­fect sincerity, That the businesse was order'd and concluded, nor would it be any more spoken of; and of his own accord he related to me how the matter past in the Conference which they had a­bout it. He told me, that there was no more men­tion of the title B. given to M. de Barule in the Calender, nor of the Translation of Redemptor om­nium; but that the speech was about Images, and that seven or eight French Catechisms were pro­duc'd, amongst others that of Cardinal Richelieu, in which the Commandment is not translated in the words that it is in the Houres; that on the o­ther s [...]de an Heretical Catechism was lookt into, and there it was translated just as in the Houres. But for all this, it was acknowledg'd that the version of the Houres in this point might have a good sense, and be well understood. He told me in the se­cond place, that the bare Title of the Hours styl'd The Office of the Church, taken in the rigour dis­pleas'd, and was judg'd worthy of blame, because the Office of the Church properly cannot be other then what is ordained by the Church it self; and that a collection of Prayers, through all the Churches made by any one whatever without the order and allowance of the Church it self cannot be call'd The Office of the Church. But yet it was seen well enough too in what sense the Authors meant it; and though the words were in the rigor bad, yet they were not the principal ground of the Resolution taken in their Congregation. In the third place he told me, That it was not lik'd that certain Prayers and Oraisons (amongst o­thers some to be said before and after Confession and Communion) which use to be in other Houres, were omitted in these; that it was inconvenient for every one to take the liberty of making them after his own fashion, and that this diversity of Prayers was not for edification. That he perceiv'd well (neverthelesse) that this was not unanswe­rable, and that he did not tell it me as such, but on­ly to inform me of what was spoken, and how the matter pass'd, and also to let me know that it was well examin'd; that if the Conclusion was to the disadvantage of the Book; it was not without ha­ving had regard to my Remonstrances. In a word, that which at length absolutely fix'd them, and ob­lig'd them not to suffer the Houres without con­demning them, was the Bull of Pius V. which was recited and represented to their Eminences, by which that H. Pope made express prohibition of printing in the vulgar Tongue in what manner soever the Office of the Virgin; that this Bull be­ing to them an inviolable Rule which they ought to follow, and one of the principal parts of the said Book consisting in the translation of that Of­fice, it was not possible for them to let it passe with­out condemnation.

This reason surpris'd me at first, and I imagin'd it convincing as well as the Cardinal; wherefore all that I could readily answer, having never had knowledge of that Bull of Pius V. was, that I wonder'd how, the case being thus, so many other Houres in which the said Office is translated into the vulgar Tongue, are not condemned. To which the Cardinal reply'd, that they had no knowledge of it, no person accusing them and prosecuting their condemnation, as was done to these; which hinder'd not but that these deserv'd it, though the other which are equally culpable, scape free; just as a thief (added he) is sent to the punishment which he deserves, though others much more guilty then he are free from it, because they have not been prosecuted before the Judges, as he was whom they condemned; that as the Judges would likewise condemn those Thieves whom they leave still in liberty, were they once accus'd before them; so none of those Houres in which the Office of the Virgin is in French, would escape condemn­ing by their Tribunal, were they there accused.

This seem'd to me not to agree with what M. Albizzi said to me, viz. That in matter of Do­ctrine there were no parties. I found also by this, that it was easie for the Jesuites to get what Books they would condemned, they being alwayes at Rome to play the part of Accusers; but on the con­trary it was very difficult for their Books to be condemn'd, such as might accuse them not being at Rome. Lastly, I understood how when the Question is, Whether there be any particular thing bad in a Book, it is requisite that some be found to advertise the Inquisition of it: But in a thing so notorious as to know whether the Houres be translated into French, I saw not wherefore an Accuser is necessary; nor could I doubt but that the Inquisition of its own accord condemn'd an infinite number of Books without any persons medling therewith besides its own Officers.

But I dissembled all these thoughts, and thought it enough to testifie to Cardinal Roma, that I was beholding to the goodnesse wherewith he en­form'd me how the matter was carried about the Houres, which was no more to be thought of af­ter its being thus determin'd. I took occasion to put him in mind of what I had said to him touch­ing that of the five Propositions, which I told him was of other consequence then that of the Houres, and could not be compos'd without a more exact and longer discussion. Wherefore I beseecht him to employ his Authority to bring it to passe that there might be assign'd time and place to all the Catholick Divines that concern'd themselves [Page 87] therein, and minded to make their Remonstrances to the H. See touching the matter in question, to do it; and particularly to those who were to come after me, and to be at Rome in October fol­lowing. Cardinal Roma bid me not trouble my self about this; telling me that this affair would certainly be drawn out in length; that it would not go as that of the Houres; that when a Deter­mination is intended, there is care taken of not hastening too much. That there needed other studies and preparations for making a decision of Faith, then for making a Prohibition according to an Ordinance of a Pope. That such as would re­present to the H. See what seemed good to them ei­ther by word of mouth, or writing, it should always be welcome, heard most willingly, and their ser­vice acknowledg'd by the H. See, which cannot take too much evidence in a businesse of such im­portance. That belong'd to the H. See to judge and decide matters contested amongst Christians; but after they are decided by it, all Christians and others take upon them to judge of its decisions; and this obliges it to use all possible precaution to prevent being deceived. That for certain I should have more time then I could wish; that I now fear'd lest any thing might be precipitated, but the day would come that I should complain of not hastening enough: so that I ought to be at rest in this businesse, and signifie to the Divines that they might come with all assurance, and that they should at their coming finde things in the same posture in which I now beheld them.

I departed from Cardinal Roma well satisfied with my Visit, especially in reference to this Af­fair, and even to that of the Houres too, because of the information he gave me, and the chief es­sential reason upon which he told me their Pro­hibition was grounded. Some time after I had the curiosity to be further instructed, and I con­fessed the Bullarie. There I found the Bull of Pius V. which forbids the Office of the Virgin in the vulgar Tongue; but after I had better exa­min'd it, I found not that the said Prohibitions could be extended to the Houres which were in question. That which gave occasion to the said Prohibition, was, that the Avarice of some Book­sellers, and the malice or brutishnesse of some o­thers leagued with them in that designe put them upon publishing (out of emulation one against another) several Offices of the Virgin, or rather little Books under that name, in which there were divers Prayers which they forg'd, and which were full of superstitions and other follies, to circum­vent the simple and promote the sale of their Books. Pius V. taking notice of this abuse, and considerng how scandalous this exorbitant license taken by some persons in the venting such Books was; and how destructive it might be to the con­sciences and edification of the faithfull, he pro­hibited all those pretended Offices of the Virgin, and not only those which were already publish'd, but likewise all such as might be publish'd for the future.

Certainly this Bull of Pius V. had respect only to superstitious and scandalous Offices, such as those of which it complains, and which gave oc­casions for it; of which sort surely that is not which is contained in the Hours for which I inter­ceded. I should not have fail'd to have repre­sented as much very effectually and clearly to the Cardinals, if after it had been produc'd to them, they would have never so little suspended their judgement; and if before publishing the same, they had acquainted me with the said Bull as the Rule which they intended to follow, and which the Authors of the Hours ought not to have violat­ed. But it made such impression upon their minds at the very instant of its proposing, that from thence they without hesitating concluded upon the condemnation of the Hours; and assoon as they had concluded it, the Decree was publisht and fix'd up diligently, that between their judgement and its execution there was no room either for re­flexion or remonstrance.

Although this business had such disadvantageous success, yet I took care not to be mov'd at it, nor to seem abashed; yea I conceiv'd my self oblig'd to go thank Cardinal Barberin for the care he testi­fi'd to me he would take of it. For which pur­pose I went to see him on Sunday (July 23.) in the forenoon with an aspect sufficiently free and pleasant. This was the cause he scarce knew how to answer to the thanks which I rendred him, nor whether or no he should tell me that the Hours were comprehended in the said Decree; because, as he told me afterwards, he knew not whether it were publisht, and fear'd his conscience would not permit him to tell me so, by reason of the secrecy whereunto they are oblig'd under penalty of ex­communcation, and to which they take a solemn Oath at their Congregation. I testifi'd that I was fully inform'd of the business, that ever since the Friday before I knew that it was ended, nor was I ignorant how it was carry'd. The Cardinal reply'd, (as if to comfort me for the Doom laid upon the Hours) That those decrees are not publish'd at Paris (he meant such as issue out of the Inquisition, as this against the Hours did.) I answer'd, That the Jesuits would not forbear to triumph upon it in all places where they had par­takers. He remain'd silent for some time with­out answering to this; and then changing the matter, he told me suddenly that it behooved him to think of obeying the Bull (meaning that of Ʋrban VIII. his Uncle against Jansenius) and that till it were obey'd, no satisfaction was to be hoped for. I reply'd that the Bull had been publish'd at Paris, and moreover the Hours had no relation to that Bull. He told me that this was it in which I might see that it was requisite to obey the Bull; and that a bad business did wrong to a good one; that nothing else was to be hop'd till obedience were yielded thereunto, that it be­hoov'd to begin there. I answer'd That I was sor­ry the affair of the Hours had no better success, especially after the hope conceiv'd of the prote­ction which his Eminence promis'd in it: but yet I was very glad to be deliver'd from the trouble and disturbance which the difficulties fram'd a­gainst them gave me, they being on one side fa­vourably voidable, and on the other there being some offers to blemish them by a censure; that the success held in pain; but the determination being concluded as it was, I was now free from anxie­ty, and had no more to do but to rest and study till the business of the Five Propositions were [Page 88] stirr'd in, and I were advertis'd thereof accord­ing to the request made to his Holiness by the Bi­shops of France whose Letters I presented to him. The Cardinal reply'd, That I must not sleep in it, that it would be requisite for me to visit the Car­dinals Roma, Spada, Ginetti and Cechini to ac­quaint them with what I had to represent to them touching the matter of the Five Propositions. He told me also, that I should do well to visit some persons skilfull in those matters, and who had or­der to study them; he nam'd to me F. Campanella a reformed Carmelite, F. Abbot Hilarion a Ber­nardin, the General of the Chierici minores and a Jesuit nam'd Alziato (as I think) who he told me was in the ballance with Cardinal Lugo to be promoted to the Cardinalship. I answer'd, That I was much oblig'd to his Eminence for the good advice he gave me; but I cared not to con­fer with any persons about the grounds of the Doctrine concern'd in the Five Propositions, to give any information thereof, because I had nei­ther order nor purpose to handle the matter slight­ly, and without seeing how the things which I had to present, would be consider'd, unless I might also be inform'd of those which our Ad­versaries alledg'd, thereby to discover and make known what is true and what false in their Wri­tings; and unless I be assur'd that mine be also communicated to them, to oblige them to answer thereto either by refuting or acquiescing in the same. M. Cardinal Barberin reply'd, That if I would not communicate what I had to say, it was to be fear'd there would be further proceeding; that there is some times very quick dispatch at Rome; That the Tiber moves sometimes very swift­ly; that there was no person in particular en­gaged in this affair; that it was not a Law-sute. That the Pope, if he thought good, might make a determination without needing to hear any per­son. I answer'd, That they might move as fast as they pleas'd; that I should not trouble my self for that at all; that it was none of my business but the Popes and the Churches; that neither my self, nor any other concern'd themselves in it but out of this respect. That I was come to give the H. See the first notice of one of the most fraudulent designs that ever was projected to surprise and engage it against one of the prin­cipal and most important truths of Christian Re­ligion, till other persons arriv'd more able then my self to give it greater evidence of the Am­bushes laid for it under the Five equivocal Pro­positions, the determination whereof was de­sir'd of it for that end. That if they at Rome would admit the informations and remonstrances which perhaps God had prepared to help the. H. See in this occasion by our means and the cares of the Bishops who sent us, they might; but it was requisite to be done in such order and manner, that we might be perswaded that the same would be consider'd; otherwise we had nothing to say. The Cardinal reply'd, That for this purpose it would be requisite to erect a new Congregation de Auxiliis; and that the H. See was not at this time dispos'd to decide that matter. I told him, that then it could not pronounce any thing up­on the said Propositions, because it was wholly comprehended and involved therein. He proceeded to ask me whether it were not our intention that nothing should be done against the preva­lence and efficacy of Grace. I answer'd, That provided that point were established, we desir'd nothing more; and that we reduc'd all our thoughts and pretensions thereto, because all the rest of our sentiments were dependant on and insepareble from it. He told me, that perhaps the H. See was not dispos'd to establish any thing about it; and he askt me, whether it were not enough that nothing were done against it, and that too without de­stroying the sufficient Grace of the Jesuits. I answer'd, That the H. See could not preserve or spare the sufficient grace of the Jesuits, without doing wrong to effectual Grace: That they are two things so opposite and contradictory, that the one or the other must needs fall to the ground; that there is no mean between them; and that we could not consent that the H. See admit or suffer as probable a Maxime which it hath always con­demned, and which is diametrically opposite to another which it hath always establisht and man­tain'd as de fide, and as that of the whole Church. Then we fell upon St. Augustin, and the Cardi­nal spoke of him as if his sentiments were diffi­cult to be known, and as if some of his works were favourable to the Maximes of Grace which we defended, and in others there were principles conformable to the opinions of the Jesuites. To which I answer'd, That the Doctrine of St. Au­gustine touching Grace was clear and uniform; That I was so certain of it, that if but one of his works, where he handles the ground of this mat­ter, could be shew'd me, in which his sense could be presum'd conformable to the sufficient grace of the Jesuites, I offer'd to yield the cause: and on the contrary, if the effectual Grace, in behalf of which I was to speak, was not generally re­ceiv'd in all his works written upon this subject, and in every one of them particularly, I would re­nounce the prosecutions which I purpos'd to make for the establishing of it. I know not how he fell to tell me of Paludanus who writ in Flanders very advantageously for the Bull, though he was not of the Jesuites opinion; and he told me, that if such a man as he should write to his Holinesse in behalf of the present affair of the Propositions, it would be of great moment and produce a good ef­fect. At length I told the Cardinal what cause I had to complain of the treatment which M. Albiz­zi shew'd me, and what little confidence I could have that any thing offer'd by me was likely to make any impression upon his mind; in as much as he looking upon us (as he did) as people of ill designes against the Church and the H. See, though we profess'd none, he could not receive any thing whatever I should say to him, but on the contrary must needs esteem it suspected, and slight it, through the belief which he will alwayes have that it is spoken unsincerely, and out of a bad de­sign. Cardinal Barberin reply'd, that this was considerable, and that I might represent the same to the Pope, and to my LL. the Cardinals.

CHAP. VI.

Several Visits in the end of July, and the beginning of August, chiefly to the Car­dinals Spada, Roma, Barberini, and M. the Ambassador, who was come back to Rome from Tivoli.

AFter this Affair was thus ended, I apply'd all my cares to that for which I was sent; for which I saw but two things that I could do; One was to visit all persons to whom I could have ac­cesse, and who might upon occasion contribute to the manifesting of the Design of the framers of the Five Propositions, after my informing them of what had pass'd in France about them, and of the Contents of the Bishops Letters which I deliver'd to his Holinesse; The second was, to renew from time to time my visits to such Cardinals as I per­ceiv'd capable of procuring in this businesse such delay as was requisite for its thorough examina­tion, by considering all that the Divines whom I expected, and others that might come, had to re­present by word of mouth or by writing in this occasion.

M. le Bailly de Valencey the King's Ambassador at Rome, having spent above Six Moneths at Tivoli return'd thither on Monday July 17. up­on the instances made to him for that purpose from the Pope by the Venetian Ambassador who medi­ated for the accommoding of his difference with his Holinesse. On Tuesday morning he went in­cognito to see the Pope, and I had the honour to accompany him in that visit, at the end of which I recall'd to his memory all that I had said to him at Tivoli, where he was at my comming to Rome, and I made him a summary recital of all that I had done since my last seeing him.

On the 25th. I visited M. Michel Angelo Ricci a very wise and studious Roman Gentleman, in whose converse I observ'd this particularity; That having by him the works of Petrus Aurelius printed by order of the Clergy of France, he lent them to me, and told me, that as for himself, he durst not read them, because of a Decree of the Inquisition made March 19. 1633. and pub­lisht at Rome Febr. 16. 1642. by which that Tri­bunal forbad all books made on either side in the contests arisen concerning the Bishop of Calcedon, and upon the businesse of the books of the Eng­lish Jesuites which were censur'd by the Divinity Faculty of Paris, and by the Clergy of France. I thank'd this Gentleman for his favour in lend­ing me that famous Author, though it was then uselesse to him, not daring to read it; but I said nothing to him how that Decree was receiv'd and treated in France, where the Bishops in the year 1643. having renew'd their Censures against the books of England, with the true names of the Jesuites who were the Authors of them, did also censure a new a book written in its de­fence by one of those Fathers. What further concerns this matter, I shall not here relate, but I shall referr the principal Pieces about it to the choice ones plac'd at the end of this Journal.

On the 26th. I went to acquaint a person very illustrious both for dignity and knowledge, with what haste Cardinal Barb [...]rin had given me cause to fear this affair would be terminated. This ex­cellent Personage answer'd thereunto in these words; Se fanno una definitione precipit [...]sa, so quel ch' ho da far: La Chiesa sarà la mia reg [...]; bis [...]g­nerà veder chi havrà ragione, o di quest [...] [...]pa, o de gli aliri. If they make a precipitated definition, I know what I have to do; The Church shall be my rule; it will be needfull to see, who hath reason, ei­ther this Pope, or they that have been before him.

On the 27th I went again to vis t Cardinal Roma, to testifie to him the same fear, by giving him assu­rance of the comming of the Doctors which were to follow me, and were preparing to set forth. The Cardinal answer'd that they might come with all confidence, that for certain there would be nothing done touching this affair before their arri­val; That the Pope's never hasten'd to define any thing, and that the present Pope was more slow and circumspect then any other. I intimated to him the distrust I had of M. Albizzi. He told me that M. Albizzi was not the Master, and advis'd me to treat both with him and others the most peaceably I could. The next day one of this Car­dinal's friends, who was also mine, told me, that his Eminence profest to him that he admir'd the modest and judicious deportment wherewith I had behav'd my self to that time; because he expect­ed nothing lesse from me, according to the bad characters given him of me; that he knew not whether I would continue to govern my self in that manner; but if I did, the reports made of me to him were very false and calumnious.

During my residence at Rome the foregoing Winter, I fell into some correspondence of par­ticular friendship with F. le Maire a Jesuite, and Secretary for France to his General. I conceiv'd my self oblig'd to visit him being return'd, which I did on the 28th of July, and amongst other things which we discours'd of, he ask'd me why we went about to hinder the condemning of the Propositions in themselves, which we confesse al­ready heretical in one of the senses whereof they are capable; seeing even in that which we account Catholick they are judg'd bad by many Catholicks, (he meant the Fathers of his Society and their fol­lowers) and for his reason, he told me that Faith was a thing so tender and precious, and Heresie so hurtfull and pernicious, that there ought to be no scruple of rooting it up from the bottom, or of condemning and suppressing whatever may give the least umbrage to it. I reply'd upon his very foundation, that Faith was a thing so dear, and Heresie so detestable, that heed ought to be taken of confounding them, or using them both alike: Wherefore for fear of injuring the Faith, by go­ing about to destroy Heresie, all the world ought to wish and require that a distinction be made of the different senses whereof the Propositions are capable, that so in condemning the bad, the good may be preserv'd. Neverthelesse he persisted in his opinion, and to evince it equitable, he al­ledg'd for instance the Bull of Pius V, against Bavis, in which it cannot be doubted that amongst those condemned Propositions there are some in terminis S. Augustin's; which hinder'd not but [Page 90] that all the world agreed that they were not there­by condemned in S. Augustin's sense. So when the five Propositions in question shall be condem­ned in terminis, it cannot be but in their bad sense; which will not hinder but that ever afterwards it will be lawfull to revindicate the Catholick sense out of them. I maintain'd very stedfastly that his Expedient was not very proper for the clearing of the truth, and procuring peace among the Ca­tholick Divines, but on the contrary very apt to cover the truth with obscure clouds, and to excite most dismal divisions amongst Divines.

On the 29th. I went to visit Cardinal Barberin, to accompany him whither he was to go that day; and in attendance of the time to set forth, he joy­ned me with the Archbishop of Beneventum, and amongst other things that he said, shew'd me as a new thing the last chapter of the Letter of Ce­lestin the first to the Bishops of France, copyed out in writing upon half a sheet of paper. The consequence that he meant to draw from it, was, That it was not necessary for the Pope to in­cline to the making of the decision of the mat­ters contested between us and the Jesuits, foun­ded upon these words contained in that chapter, Profundiores verò difficiliores (que) partes incurrentium quaestionum quas latiùs pertractarunt qui Haereticis restiterunt, sicut non audemus contemnere, ita non necesse habemus astruere. I told the Cardinal that I was very glad to see in his Eminences hands the extracts of a great Popes Letter which was so advantagious to us, and which alone suffic'd to decide all the differences which we had about these matters. He answer'd, that I ought not to fear that any thing would be done at Rome, contrary to the Letter of that Pope. I reply'd, that it was enough, and that I desir'd no more. He fell presently to speak of Sufficient Grace; to which seeing he invited me, I said that I had already several times intimated to his Eminence, and now repeated the same again in presence of the Archbishop of Beneventum, that we did not at all dispute against that of the Thomists; but as for that of the Jesuites, it could not, accord­ing to Celestin's Letter whereof he newly shew'd me an extract, consist with the faith of the the Church. The time to go forth being come, the Cardinal told me as he separated us, that it was requisite to think of obeying the Bull, and then all would go well.

On the first of August I went to wait upon Cardinal Spada, and to beseech him to tell me whether I might write with full assurance to the Bishops who caus'd me to return, to cause the o­ther Divines to set forth in Septemb. whom they determin'd to send in case things were at that time in their integrity; and whether I were not mistaken in my confidence that nothing would be done till the arrival of those Deputies. The Cardinal answer'd that I spoke of things to him, of which he was not the master, and besides being secrets, he could tell me nothing of them; but he believ'd I was not mistaken in my presumpti­on. And on this occasion, himself put a questi­on to me [...], namely, Whether there would come also Doctors of the contrary party, presuppo­sing that for the discussing an affair before a Congregation, it is requisit that there be persons contesting on either side. To this I answer'd, that there needed not other Doctors to come beside us, because the Jesuites who are our prin­cipal adversaries, are all prepar'd, and alwayes present upon the place. In the second place I told him what pass'd between M. Albizzi and me; and that for the future I saw no likelihood of treating any thing with him whilst he presum'd that all our intentions tended only to the disser­vice and subversion of the H. See. The Cardi­nal reply'd, that he was but a Secretary, who had no deliberative voice in their Assemblies, and with whom we might have nothing to do or say, unlesse we pleas'd.

On the sixt of August F. le Maire came to repay the visite which I made to him; and I wonder (at the perusing of this Passage) that he was then so quicksighted in things that came to passe long after. He told me two of that kind; One that there would likewise come to Rome Doctors of the contrary parties; and the other, that the Pope would dispatch this affair after he had heard either side in one or two Congregations. Which inclines me the more willingly to believe a third which he told me of a thing then past, though I could get no more light of it since, viz. that their Letter (so he call'd that of the Bishop of Vabres) arrvi'd at Rome the first time subscrib'd by seventy two Bi­shops, and that several others had subscribed it since; so that the number amounted to fourescore and three.

After F. le Maire had left me, I went again to Cardinal Barberin and acquainted him with new Letters which I had receiv'd for the Pope, where­of one was from the Archbishop of Tholouse last deceas'd, and the other from the Bishop of Grasse, who join'd their prayers to those of the other Bi­shops who desir'd of the Pope a solemn Congrega­tion for the affair of the five Propositions before de­creeing any thing therein. This motion of a Con­gregation seem'd to this Cardinal so distant from the inclinations of the Pope and the Court of Rome, that the very thought of it seem'd to his Eminence altogether uncouth and unseasonable. But to shew him that it was not a thing so unreasonable, I told him that I conceiv'd the order which (as his Eminence inform'd me) the Pope gave to some Divines and likewise to some of the Cardinals to study the Propositions, was the beginning of one. The Cardinal then advisd me to go to those Cardi­nals whom he had nominated before to me, and tell them that they became insensibly engag'd in the businesse. I answer'd that there was no need for me to go to them again for that end till the arrival of the Divines that were to follow me. But, said he, take heed lest they be not staid for to determine it. I reply'd thar I had rather leave all to be done as it was now understood then presse it on to no purpose. After this he ask'd me whether I had ac­quainted Cardinal Spada, with what pass'd be­tween M. Albizzi and me: I answer'd that I had, and that that Cardinal bid me not be troubled about it, for he had no voice in judging. But yet you see, said Cardinal Barberin, that the Houres are put into the Catalogue of prohibited books. I reply'd that that was of a little importance. Here the Cardinal instantly reflecting upon what he had said added, That he did not mean directly that M. Al­bizzi [Page 91] was the cause of it; and though it were so, yet he was oblig'd to secrecy. After this discourse he carry'd me abroad to take the aire with him, where we discoursed of many things; amongst others touching M. Hallier, in whose praises he was very copious, and of whom he said, (as an excellence) that it could not be deny'd that he was very pliant and obedient; when our Pro­menade was done, his Eminence did me the ho­nour to bring me back to S. Lewis where I lodg'd.

On Sunday morning (August 6.) I went to see a good French Fryer of the order of the Carme­lites, who told me that he learnt the day be­fore how M. Hallier had written several things against us, and the good Father mention'd them to me. But I remembred onely two, whereof one was, that if the Pope did not hasten to condemn the Jansenists (so he call'd us) the face of the Church would soon be wholly changed; for proof of which falsity he alledged most of the ly­ing rumors spread abroad on purpose to calumni­ate us. The second thing was that he was confi­dent that if the Pope sent any decree against us in­to France, which proceeded as from the person of his Holinesse, and not from the Tribunal of the Inquisition, that such decree would be re­ceiv'd by the King, by the Bishops and by the Par­liament.

After this I went to waite upon the Ambassador, and gave him notice of the new Letters which I had receiv'd from the Bishops of Tholouse and Grasse to deliver to the Pope, and other particular ones written to me by some other Bishops, by which they charged me anew to urge the erection of a Congregation as the only way which they judg'd convenient for the clearing of Truth and procu­ring peace in the Church. The Ambassador ve­ry well receiv'd what I said to him, and with great civility offer'd to get me audience of the Pope, that so I might make my remonstrances to him assoon as the posture of his affairs permitted. In the af­ternoon I visited Cardinal Spada, to whom I told in few words (besides some other things re­lated above in the last conference which I had with Cardinal Barberin) that the Bishops who sent me enjoin'd me by their last Letters not to fail to send them an account in what condition the affair was wherewith I was encharg'd; but all things which concern'd the same were so ob­scure and secret, that all I could signifie to them was that a month a go I deliver'd their Letters to the Pope, and could discover nothing since of certainty to send them. That indeed I had some conjectures which made me think that there was a Congregation ordained, but I knew neither the the Cardinals nor the Consultors that were ap­pointed to be of it; that I saw nothing at all to write to them, saving that I conceiv'd they might send the Divines whom they intended. In the se­quel of my discourse I twice insinuated to his E­minence the extreme necessity of hearing both parties for the clearing of the truth and setling peace among Divines. But all that I could ob­serve in the Cardinals answer was, that he told me with a very low voice that he would remember what I had said to him.

On Tuesday the 8. of August I went in the af­ternoon to visite Cardinal Roma upon the subject abovemention'd, and amongst other things which I said to him, I acquainted him with the extreme dispatch that a Jesuite who came to see me (viz. F. le Maire) made account that the Determina­tion would be pass'd, to wit after giving us one or two Audiences. The Cardinal answer'd, that that Jesuite must needs be a Frenchman; for they did not move so fast at Rome; That I should not trouble my self; that our affaires should not want for time. That there was no person but saw how just and necessary it was to hear the Divines of different opinions as I required, before pronouncing any thing upon these mat­ters. But should all the world neglect so just a demand, himself would prosecute it, and make it his own businesse. This he inculcated to me with so much care and certainty, that he seem'd to be somewhat troubled lest I should not be per­fectly perswaded of the truth of it. So that I was oblig'd to tell his Eminence, that after the assurance which he gave me, I should for the fu­ture relye upon his authority and his care. We enter'd a little into the matter of the Propositions; and I took occasion to mention that proposition contain'd in the Book of Petrus Aurelius printed several times by order of the Assembly of the Clergy of France, viz. That God willeth not the salvation of those whom he doth not save; The Cardinal answer'd And who can doubt of it? And extending a little upon the proof of this truth, he cited among others those two passages of the Gospel, Without me ye can do nothing; and No man can come to me unlesse my Father draw him.

CHAP. VII.

Visites in August to the Qualificators of the H. Office. Letters of M. Hal­lier full of falsities. Several discove­ries of the false Censure sent to Rome in the name of the Faculty.

CArdinal Barberin did me the favour to send me two manuscript volumes in folio to look upon, containing what F. Lemos (that renown­ed Dominican who so well defended the cause of God's grace against the Jesuites in the Congrega­tions de Auxiliis held under Clement VIII. and Paul V.) had written upon that subject. On Wednesday (August 9th.) I went to thank the obliging Cardinal. And in my discourse with him having made reflection that in the Congregation which I hop'd his Holinesse would establish for dis­cussion of the affair of the five Propositions, there would be many Consultors and Qualifica­tors of the H. Office, that such as were chosen to be of it, might not want information of the nature of the businesse. I resolv'd to go visite them all. Which I did the more willingly, because it was the way to make it known the more, and consequently to draw the indignation of all good men upon the authors of the Enter­prise.

The first that I visited that day was F. Hilarion, with whom I had a sufficiently ample conference. He presently appear'd to me a good man, and I found that he had very good sentiments concern­ing Grace; but he conceiv'd that for the benefit of peace, and in regard of the weaknesse and extra­vagance of many persons skill'd in that matter, it was necessary to be silent of many Truths belong­ing to it. However, he said, there were two that cannot be too much inculcated to Christians; First, that they have in themselves a stock of maligni­ty capable enough to precipitate them into sin, and cause them justly to merit the punishment due to their offences. The other was for persons freed by Grace from the bondage of sin, viz. That all the good which they do comes from God who gives it to them; and that if the Grace where­with he favours them happen to leave them, they return incontinently to sin. I agreed with him, that these are truths of which the faithful cannot be too much instructed; but I told him, that all those which concern Grace depending up­on the same principle, and being linked together by an invincible connexion, the same consequences may be drawn from these two as from others: to which he assented.

I visited two more on Friday morning (Au­gust 11,) whereof one was F. Fani, Companion of the Master of the sacred Palace, whom I found sprightly, quick and clear-sighted in these matters, and full of very sincere and right intentions. The second was F. Modeste, procurator of the Con­ventual Cordeliers, whom I entertain'd largely e­nough, but found nothing in him besides Molinist opinions, and little or no reading of St. Au­gustine.

Some dayes before, the Pope was fallen into a disease which most people judg'd mortal, and di­vers already layd their contrivances for a new Pa­pacy. By consequence I saw the businesse stopt till a future Conclave. Nevertheless I ceas'd not to continue the course of my Visits, as if he had been in the best health in the world. The same day in the afternoon I went to see M. Albizzi, though I lookt upon him as a man perfectly gain'd and prepossess'd against us; but the manner where­with I purposed to deport my self towards him, made me hope that this Visit could not be other­wise then advantageous to me, though I got no more good by it but to see him answer to the things which I say'd to him. Accordingly within half an hour that our conference lasted, he correspon­ded to my expectation, and exceeded it too by much. I told him the most seriously I could, that when I had audience of the Pope to present him the Letters which he knew I deliver'd to his Ho­liness, he was very well pleas'd with the intentions and providence of the Bishops who writ them; That he promis'd me he would not make any de­termination upon the Propositions in question till the Divines, which those Bishops intended to send in October following were arriv'd, and had declar'd by word of mouth and by writing all that they had to represent in that matter; and that he bid me in the mean time repair to M. Albizzi. That it was in compliance with his Holines's order that I was come to him that day, and to assure him that those Divines would not fail to be at Rome in the month of October; and also to know of him in the mean time, whether the Pope had appointed any parti­cular Congregation for this matter, and whether he had given Commissions to any of the Cardinals, or of the Consultors and Qualificators or other Divines to study them. M. Albizzi answer'd me roughly and half jesting, that he knew nothing, that he had heard speak of nothing, and had no­thing to tell me. He added that he told me from the beginning, That for the making a determina­tion of any point of Doctrine or Faith whatsoe­ver, the Pope was not oblig'd to hear any person. That it was good to do so in Lawsuits, where there are parties interessed; but in these matters there were no parties. I told him, that I did not stand upon desiring to be heard as a party; that I insist­ed not upon this formality, which he made so much of; that I disputed it not; that 'twas enough that the Pope had promis'd me to determine nothing in the business without hearing us; and that for this purpose till they came who were jointly with me to represent the things which we had to say, I was come to wait upon him in obedience to his Holiness, and to beseech him to tell me at the pre­sent whether there were a Congregation establisht for this Affair. He reply'd, that I must not think to draw any thing from his mouth; That I should not have any word from him; That he had re­ceiv'd no order to tell me any thing; That when he had, he would not fail to let me know it. I answer'd, that neverthelesse it would be good that I knew the persons design'd for that Congrega­tion; because, though I should not give them the principal arguments in reference to the Pro­positions which were not to be produc'd till my Companions were arriv'd, and the Congregation were perfectly open, yet I might inform them of some accessories and dependances of this Affair, which they would be glad to understand and which it was profitable for them to know at this time; as for example, What the design was, for which the Propositions were fram'd, In what manner M. Cornet mov'd in the Faculty to have them debated: How the Faculty rejected the examination of them, and several other circumstances. M. Albizzi said that he was well inform'd of all this; and better then my self. And to shew me as much, he added that, Truly the Faculty was willing to make a de­cision of them; but the Jansenists who were in it made a tumult, and by their combustions hinder'd the good designes of the Faculty. I answer'd that for better information thereof, he must yield to me; since I was present in all the Assemblies of the Faculty about this matter; That I had a sufficient hand in all the resistance that was made to M. Cor­net's designes; That I was he who first oppos'd that dangerous enterprise. That moreover, he was mistaken in saying that the hinderance was caus'd by the Jansenists, because there was none in the Faculty. That that name was the odious name of a sect, with which the adversaries of those who adher'd to St. Augustin's doctrine, projected to decry it. That indeed there was a sufficiently great number of Doctors of the Faculty who ac­counted themselves happy, and glory'd in follow­ing the doctrine of that great Saint, who conceiv'd they did service to the Church and the H. See by opposing M. Cornet, since they thereby kept a do­ctrine [Page 93] which was hereditary to the Church and the H. See from being condemned, and a particular Faculty from deciding it to the prejudice of the H. See, which hath reserv'd the cognizance there­of to it seif. M. Albizzi told me, that I might possibly deceive my self, if I conceiv'd I had serv'd the H. See by so doing. I answer'd that himself might be deceiv'd, if he conceiv'd that I did not serve it by procuring the execution of the Prohi­bitions publisht against deciding those matters. M. Albizzi reply'd that I did not apprehend the thing right: That those Prohibitions did not extend to this matter; that they were not intended to hin­der the making of Doctrinal Censures, but only the establishing any Tenet by maintaining one of those two opinions as of faith. I answerd, that he put a difference between things where there was none; for that at the same time that a Propo­sition is condemn'd, its contradictory is of necessi­ty establish'd. M. Albizzi seeing himself caught, & not knowing what to answer me hereunto, sought an evasion, and told me, that Faculties have no right to make an Article of faith; that this per­tain'd only to the H. See; that they have indeed a coercive power to oblige those that depend on them, as the Rector lately us'd it unjustly against the poor Irish, whom he declar'd depriv'd of their degrees only for having obey'd the Pope. I let passe this incidental Discourse to follow him else­where; and told him, that though Faculties can­not make Articles of Faith by their Censures, yet such Censures many times bring great sequels when the Faculties that make them are in esteem for knowledge and integrity, as that of Paris is, whose sentiments have always been in singular veneration through all France. He told me that they have always been much esteem'd at Rome too, and had it been suffer'd to make the Censure of the Five propositions, it would have been well; because the same had not anywise thwarted the intentions of the Bull issu'd upon occasion of the book of Jansenius. For to tell you the Truth, added he, that Bull was not pass'd to determine any thing of Doctrine, nor to hinder the decisions which they who have authority may make thereof, but only to remedy the stirr which was rais'd, and the devision which was broken forth amongst Ca­tholicks upon the impression of that posthumous Book, which perhaps would not have been print­ed, had not its Author been dead. That also no­thing was decided either on one side or other for Doctrine, but only silence impos'd to keep both parties from writing pro or con, for fear things might grow to a heat, and the divisions increase more and more. I reply'd, That they would grow to a heat much otherwise by a Censure pro or con, (which carries a great stroke) then by all the Books imaginable of particular persons, who on whatever side they be, have no considerable au­thority. He told me that nevertheless the Jesuites held themselves greatly offended by that of Jan­senius. That if it were true that I had not read it, as I told him, he counsel'd me not to read it; but if ever I should read it, to take heed in the third book, which I should find was nothing but a con­tinued detraction against Vasquez, Suarez, Gre­gorius a Valentia, Card. Bellarmin, &c. I told M. Albizzi that I wondred that Bishop should under­take against Bellarmine, who certainly deserved respect for his quality and his learning. This con­formity of sentiments into which I entred with M. Albizzi, pleas'd him in some sort, and put him into the humour to tell me more. He added, That that Bishop was full of venome against those Fathers and the whole Society, that he broke out into unimaginable exorbitances against them; that this greatly provok'd and incensed them a­gainst his book, and oblig'd them to sollicite Ʋr­ban VIII. for the prohibition which he made of it. That had not he first assaulted them, perhaps they would not have thought fit of so doing; but after he set upon and outraged them as he did, it is no wonder that they have endeavour'd to be reveng'd on him. That I knew, Defence is natural to every one, when he is assaulted either in his own person, or that of his friends; and that it ought to be more so to a great and renown'd so­ciety, as that of the Jesuites, which saw it self reproach'd and offended unworthily by a single person. He continued to exaggerate to me the exorbitances of that Author, who not only fell foul upon that Society, but even broke forth a­gainst Popes, as among other places of his book that shews where he saith, Haereo fateor, &c.

After I left M. Albizzi, I visited the Procura­tor Fiscal of the H. Office; whom I found very civil; and the Commissary of the H. Office, who told me he would maintain the truth with the ha­zard of his life, both as a disciple of S. Augustin, and as a Dominican. He pray'd me also that we might see one another once a week, to confer to­gether; that for that purpose he would come first to my lodging, and then I should go to his; which yet could by no means be perform'd.

At my comming from the H. Office, I went a­gain to the Carmelites to see F. Campanella, who told me that he believ'd that there was made a­bove a year ago a secret Censure of the Proposi­tions which I mention'd to him. But before he could assure me of it, he must see them in writing; and therefore pray'd me to bring them to him.

On Sunday the 13th. I met with a person who assur'd me, that a friend of his saw and read a Let­ter of six pages which M. Hallier writ to M. Albiz­zi, the whole design and result whereof was, That the Jansenists were people that lov'd novel­ties, and tended only to make a schism in the Church. He added, That the contents of the Letter were either read or reported to the Pope; and that it was accompany'd with a Letter from the Nuntio, which was nothing but a Panegyrick up­on M. Hallier, and spoke of him as the most emi­nent and zealous servant that the H. See had. That moreover in this conjuncture a Benefice which he desir'd, about which there was some competitor or difficulty, was given him immediately.

On Thursday (August 17.) I went to Cardinal Barberin, to accompany him to the Pope. The Cardinal made me a Complement, and congratula­ted me for the Visit which the Commissary of the H. Office told his Eminence I made to him. I gave his Eminence Intelligence of a Latin Explication newly printed in France, and sent to me touching the sense in which alone we mantain the Propositi­ons. The writing was intitled, Quinque propositi­onum de gratia quas Facultati Theologicae Parisiensi [Page 94] M. Nicolaus Cornet subdolè exhibuit primâ Julii ann. 1649. vera & Catholica Expositio juxta men­tem discipulorum sancti Augustini. It began with these words, Beati Augustini doctrina adversario­rum suorum calumniis semper appetita est ac sub alie­nis & fictis ad libitum assertionibus, &c. It ended with these, Sancti Augustini discipuli suam sen­tentiam hanc de quin (que) Propositionibus istis subdolè concinnatis ad fraudem, omnibus Episcopis, Archi­episcopis, Romanae sedi, universae Ecclesiae palàm fa­ciunt, ne quid jam subsit calumniae, triumphatis (que) malis artibus discat aliquando silere livor, & vi­ctricis Christi gratiae vindicem Augustinum cum uni­versa Ecclesia colere. It was dated Parisiis Kal. Jul. anno salutis per gratiam reparatae MDCLI. I shall place a Copy of it at the end of this work among other pieces, to preserve them to posteri­ty. I shew'd it at Rome to several persons, and gave many Copies of it; when I shall have occa­sion to mention it hereafter, I shall call it our La­tin Manifesto.

When I had summarily told Cardinal Barberin what it was, he ask' me, Why, seeing we had re­ally no other sentiments then the Thomists, we we became so alienated from their antient manner of speaking? I answer'd, That we do not gain­say their sentiments of sufficient Grace as to the thing signifi'd, but we cannot think fit to use that equivocal and captious word which St. Augustin and St. Thomas never us'd. But as for that suf­ficient Grace of the Jesuites subject to free Will, we are oblig'd to encounter it, and cannot admit it because 'tis contrary to the Doctrine of the Church. That indeed we should be glad that their sentiments were conformable thereto, that we might have nothing to quarrel with them; but so long as they persist in them, our duty obliges us to oppose them as much as we can. The Car­dinal added that since we were not averse from the doctrine of the Thomists, we should do well not to separate from those antient termes of the School. Here one intervening that diver­ted us, the Cardinal told me we should meet a­gain.

When I had accompany'd him to the Pope, I staid in his Holinesses Presence-Chamber till the breaking up of the Congregation which lasted not long; and then I went to see Cardinal Cechini, whom I could not hitherto speak with, because as often as I went to him, he was either gone a­broad or so surrounded with a multitude which had businesse with him about the affairs of the Da­tary, that I thought not fit to addresse to him in that incumbrance. At last I found him this day in some fitnesse to give me audience, but yet so taken up too, that he scarce gave me time to lay open to him the businesse of my legation. After which he askt me whether the five Propositions I spoke of were in the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. against Jan­senius. I answer'd that they were not there at all, and that I was come to tell his Eminence that they were forg'd at pleasure by M. Cornet to deceive the Pope, and circumvent the H. See; and this was it that I came to advertise his Holinesse and their Eminences of, to the end no decision might be made of them before discussing the whole mat­ter, and hearing the Divines which interess'd themselves on either side. He told me the Pope needed not hear any person in order to make a de­termination when there is no author that advanc'd a doctrine; that the Pope defines as seemes good to him, and that assoon as the definition is made, it ought to be obey'd and submitted to. I re­ply'd something to him, to let him understand what necessity and benefit there was in a solemn Congregation before defining any thing: but per­ceiving that he did not receive it well, I told him (to make short) that the Pope promis'd me to do it, and that I beseecht his Eminence most humbly, that he would please to contribute on his part to keep the Pope in that good disposi­tion. He told me that things must be done as his Holinesse should appoint. I answer'd, that him­self would find of what great importance it is to hear the parties in such a Congregation as I re­quested of the Pope, if he pleas'd but to weigh the reasons which I had to deduce to him; but here hearing a little noise behind me, I turn'd my head, and seeing the Tapestry at the door of his Chamber lifted up by a croud of people that were in haste to speak with him, I rise up to take leave of him, and told him that if he pleas'd I would come another time to represent the same to him. He askt me whether I was come in be­half of the Letter which was signed by so many Bishops. I answer'd No, but neither was I come against it, because undoubtedly most of the Bishops that sign'd it, conceiv'd that the Deter­mination which they desir'd would not fail to be preceded by a solem examination, and so tacitely requested what they who sent me sued for more expressely.

At my coming from Cardinal Cechini I went to see the Procurator General of the order of the Ser­vi. Who having heard patiently and attentively what I had to unfold to him, answer'd that for his own part he had not yet heard speak of the af­fair of the five Propositions; but perhaps it was a­bout that subject that the Pope had appointed a Con­gregation which assembled every Thursday in the afternoon at Cardinal Roma's Palace, and at which were present with himself who was the Dean of it, the Cardinal Spada, Genetti and Cechi­ni. That really, for his own part, he judg'd the de­mand which I made very equitable, very consen­taneous to the custome of the H. See, and such as could not but be well receiv'd by the Pope and all the Cardinals. That he could not imagine their Eminences would end any thing without taking Divines into the businesse; and that if him­self hapned to be one of those to whom it were referred, he would do his duty. That he con­ceiv'd the Fathers, Hillarion a Bernardin, and Lucas Vadingo a Cordelier would be interessed in it; and that I ought not to fear lest the Jesuites with all their strength of credit, which is un­doubtedly very great at Rome, could cause any great haste in this businesse; hasting in such a case as this being so perfectly contrary to the mind of the Pope and Cardinals; but that which I ought to fear, was lest they did not cunningly and under­hand get such Divines nam'd for the said Con­gregation, as were of the sentiments of their socie­ty. Perceiving this Qualificator so correspond with mine touching the motion which I made for a Congregation, I thought fit to mention to him [Page 95] the difficulty which some made of it, alledging that the Pope is not obliged to hear any person in order to make a Decision, when there ap­pears no Author that broacht a doctine or made a book, and sollicited to have his defence heard and his reasons consider'd; and that out of this hypo­thesis, there is no Party interessed therein, or who may oblige to enter into the cognisance of the cause for the discussion and preservation of his interests. He answer'd me that every person that would interpose therein, is really and truly a Party. That so the Jesuites defended as far as seem'd good to them; the book of one of their Fathers nam'd Amicus who was dead, and who taught Homicide to be lawfull in point of Conscience. That they deliver'd writings in his behalf four fingers thick, and that particularly four or five dayes before that Jesuite was con­demn'd, himself was oblig'd by a Cardinal to receive a new writing in favour of that Je­suite, which contain'd forty six leaves of pa­per.

The same day I visited il Signor Camillo Piazza Procurator for the accused persons; Monsignor Pa­olucci the most antient of the Prelates of Rome, who had still fresh in memory what pass'd under Clement VIII. and Paul V. in the Congregation de Auxiliis, and since that time had spent a great part of his time in reading of S. Augustin; as al­so the Procurator General of the Capucines; in the visites of whom I remarke nothing worthy par­ticular observation, no more then in that of Car­dinal Ginetti whom I visited on Fryday afternoon, though I entertain'd him very long and very com­modiously, and spoke about almost all the things which I have above related; excepting certain particularities which were not proper for the con­ference which I had with him.

On Saturday morning I visited F. Delbene, who having heard the whole relation which I made to him of this businesse, told me that I mention'd one­ly five Propositions, but he thought there were seven, which he said were deliver'd to them to ex­amin almost two years before, though after a new forme; for that he and his Collegues never spoke together of them saving once, but every one in particular deliver'd his sense to the Pope sign'd and seal'd. That for his own part, he had in his Paper distinguisht the senses, and adjoin'd to each of those senses its sutable qualification. That he never heard word of it since. His franknesse gave me the boldnesse to ask him (or rather to tell him as a certain thing of which I was otherwise in­form'd) whether when the seven Propositions he mention'd were deliver'd to them, they receiv'd not together the Censures which the Faculty of Paris had made of them? He was sometime with­out answering me, fearing no doubt, to sin a­gainst the secrecy which he had sworn to that Tri­bunal, if he told me, and against the truth if he deny'd it. Seeing him in this perplexity I repeat­ed to him the same discourse so as urg'd him more to answer me. At length he answer'd that it was so; but a colour which arose in his counte­nance was testimony enough to me that the thing was so, and I had this new proof, That the first time of the Propositions being presented to the Pope, besides the bad senses they were made capable of in themselves, they were render'd odi­ours by a Censure of an Eminent Faculty, where­with they were suppos'd already blemish'd. But when I told F. Delbene that that pretended Cen­sure was never made by the Faculty; and that it was a work of the same men that contriv'd the Propositions, he was extraordniarily surpris'd at it, and could not forbear telling me, that they always took it for a true Censure, and advi­sing me to advertise all such of its falsity as I should speak with about this affair.

I return'd after this to the F. Procurator Gene­ral of the Servi to carry him a Paper which I promis'd to shew him when I visited him. He spoke this day of the businesse, as having had some light since I saw him, and told me, He was confident no decision would be made without referring it, not onely to the most able Divines of Rome, but also to some of forreign Countries, who should be sent to for that purpose; That for the present the Cardinals were still consulting whe­ther it were fit to make a decision or no; That the Assistant of the Jesuites of France who was well acquainted with what pass'd in France about this matter, proclaim'd that the decision was mar­vellously wisht for there by all good men, and al­most generally by all the world; That unlesse it were speedily made, all would be in a general dis­order there; because the Propositions were main­tain'd there in their bad sense at least by such as be­ing capable of resting there when they hear the same propos'd by others, and ignorant of distinguish­ing the senses which they may admit, accounted them true and maintain'd them according to the na­tural senses which they include. I answer'd this Qualificator, that he went a little too far, and that if F. Armat, who was then Assistant for France at Rome, affirm'd this for true, the intel­ligence which he receiv'd from France touching this matter, was not so, for that in reality there was no Catholick in France of whatever condition so unhappy as to be of such belief. But those good Fathers and their Associates in the Cabal about the five Propositions, publisht this for the more easy obtaining of their condemnation.

On Sunday the 20th I went abroad with Car­dinal Barberin to take the aire, where among other things I told him of a Cardinal one of his creatures (so they speak at Rome) with whom I confer'd about the five Propositions, and who told me that having examin'd the doctrine of Jansenius touching them, he found all his senti­ments very Catholick, though in some other particular points, (as, touching the works of In­fidels, he found him differing from his own and consequently contrary to the true; which suffis'd (said that Cardinal) to give ground for the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. against him. Cardinal Barberin answer'd me, that though Jansenius's sentiments were true not onely in these points but also gene­rally in all the other parts of his book, yet the Bull was well made for that it was not in any wise for the condemnation or establishment of any Maxime, but onely a bare provisional prohibiti­on of the book till it were clear'd, and mens minds heated by its publication were return'd to such calme as they ought to have. He added that if the Bull were taken thus, and submitted to with­out [Page 96] scruple as it ought to be, all things might be compos'd, and such as had withstood it hitherto might receive the contentment which they ought not to hope for without so doing.

On Tuesday morning I visited Monsignor Spada Patriarch of Constantinople, who having heard my story, ask'd whether Divines would come to Rome of the Party contrary to that which I was; I answer'd him that I knew nothing of that, but there were alwayes enough upon the place (viz. at Rome) for that the Jesuites are our true Adversaries.

This did not hinder me from visiting F. le Maire the next day; who being askt whether he knew re­ally that some of our Doctors would come against us, as I was told in several places, and himself had not long since testifi'd his belief; He an­swer'd me, that he conceiv'd there ought none to come; That the reasons of such as were of this opinion, were, that as for themselves they were as in possession, of the doctrine of the Church (to what a height ariseth by little and little the pre­sumption of people after having escap'd a condem­nation which they so justly deserv'd!) and conse­quently needed not plead any thing to maintain it; and that they needed not trouble themselves a­bout a thing which all the world consented to; that for any ones appearing here for defence of his sentiments, it became onely such as had suspected or condemned ones; That the sole reason of others who were of advise for the comming of Doctors against us, was, That no Cause is so good, but needs help: But the for­mer said, that if the Pope thought fit for any of their part to be heard, they might either be sent for or taken upon the place. Moreover he men­tion'd a very remarkable distinction which they made of the five Propositions, viz. that they must be consider'd and examin'd two wayes, first with respect to the people, and secondly with re­spect to the Learned; and that if taken with respect to the Learned, they have senses capable of being admitted and maintain'd amongst them, and neverthelesse taken with respect to the peo­ple, they be apt to excite a stirre in the Church, and cast scandal or scruple into simple soules, they ought not to be spar'd but to be condem­ned. Because that indeed in France there were evidently seen two opposite parties (as 'twere) perfectly fram'd, and two different Religions; That there were seen different Houres; that there was made a new Catechisme concerning Grace, that the Ecclesiastical and also the secular families were divided, &c. That it behooved to remedy these disorders and cut off the cause; which cause he ascrib'd to the Propositions. In the third place, The manner which he imagin'd was to be obser­ved in the conferences which I was come to pro­secute, was very remarkable. He spoke as if the whole businesse was to be reduc'd to certain In­terrogations, which he said would be put to us about the senses in which we understood the Pro­positions; and after our answers and distinctions, if need were, new Interrogations to be put to us, till our sense were well apprehended; after which (according to his conjecture) we were to be remitted home, and then Judgment to be pro­nounc'd at the convenience of the Pope, and of such whose ministry his Holinesse pleases to use in this affaire; which Judgment according to the Jesuites account ought to be an inviolable rule of our faith. For in the fourth place he spoke of the infallibility of all that the Pope doth, ei­ther in the judgments of the Inquisition, or in any others in what matter soever, and in his bed too, where his Holinesse then was very in­dispos'd, as of certain and indubitable things, and as if the H. Spirit and his assistance were not more annex'd to General Councils, then to these sorts of determinations: which he ex­tended likewise for examples sake to all that was done and should be done in the affair of M. Hersent.

The same day I visited the General of the Dominicans, who told me of the new order which he sent a little while since to all the Religious of his Order to preach and teach the doctrine of S. Augustin; and he spoke of it with much esteem and zeal, telling me that he did so, in conformity to the duty which he ow'd to God and the Church in this point. At my coming from this visite I made one to F. Bordonne, a Fryer of the third Order of S Francis, in whom I found a great sincerity and much esteem and affection for the doctrine of S. Au­gustin.

I visited likewise the same day the General of a­nother Order, namely of the Sommaschi, nam'd F. Ʋbaldino. He told me, that as to the ground of doctrine, few persons were better inform'd of the sentiments of the Jesuites then himself, be­cause he had made two or three courses in Divi­nity, in which he taught the same as he had for­merly learnt them himself; but at length the mer­cy of God, and the reading of St. Augustine shew'd him his errours. That he wonder'd how he came to adhere to them formerly, and how he maintain'd them stedfastly for sound truths; that he bless'd God for undeceiving him, and beg'd the same grace of him for them who were still in love with their own darknesse. As for the Account of things which I told him were pass'd upon occasion of the Propositions, he pray'd me to make a little History thereof, for that he conceiv'd there need­ed no more to dissipate the whole Conspiracy, not­withstanding the great credit of the Jesuites. And as for the Congregations of the H. Office, of which he was a Qualificator, that 'twas a good while since he in a manner wholly withdrew from thence, and repair'd not thither since the intelligences and practices which he found the Jesuites held there, that so he might avoid quarrelling with them, &c.

On Thursday the 24. I shew'd F. Campanella the Propositions in writing, and he acknowledg'd that they were the same upon which their opinions were required in writing two yeares ago; but he told me that then there were two others, and that they were the last in the false Censure that was presented to the Pope, as made by the Fa­culty.

On the day of St. Lewis, the Cardinals were at the Masse which is said in the Church of that name. When Cardinal Barberin arriv'd there, the Master of his Chamber told me, that his Eminence came incognito the foregoing Wednesday to take me a­broad with him. When Masse was ended I testi­fied [Page 97] to his Eminence my regret for not being at my Lodging when he did me the honour to come thi­ther. He answer'd, that he had but one word to say to me, which he would tell me another time: and when I reply'd that I would come to wait up­on him for that purpose, he told it me immediately upon the place. It was, that complaints were made of me that I made Conventicles with the Fa­thers of the Oratory at Rome, lodg'd in the house of S. Lewis, where also I for the present lodg'd till I could take a House fit for us. The Cardinal ad­ded, that I should do better to wait till the Doctors design'd to follow me were come, and then to sol­licite our Affair jointly with such as it was fit to treat with; in the mean time to remain quiet, and not to incur distaste by my eagerness to tell it to all the world, and draw people into my sentiments and interests. I answer'd the Cardinal Barberin, that since my being at Rome, I usually saw no Father of the Oratory but F. Petit who was their Supe­riour, and came frequently after repasts ended to visit me with M. Chibert, who was also the Superior of the Priests of that House; that in the familiar conferences we had together I mention'd my Af­fair the least I could, because being oblig'd to speak of it so much elswhere to the other persons whom I visited for that purpose, the discourse of it was become tedious and troublesome to me out of those necessary occasions; that I saw not hither­to how the Fathers of the Oratory at Rome could further the effect of my businesse, and that the least thought of drawing them over to me, never came into my mind. The Cardinal reply'd, that he knew I acted with circumspection and prudence, but he gave me this notice, that I might take heed of gi­ving ground for complaints against me. I thankt the Cardinal for the affection which he testified to me, and answer'd, that I acted with as much clear­nesse and simplicity as prudence, that I was come to manifest to the H. See and all such as were con­cern'd for its interests, one of the blackest Enter­prizes that ever was fram'd to circumvent it; that I would endeavour to acquit my self of my Com­mission, whatever was said of it; and that the com­plaints that might be made against me should not much trouble me, while they are so ill grounded as this which he mention'd touching the Fathers, which was no better then another which I learnt by my last Letters that the Doctors, M. Cornet's com­plices spread of me at Paris, namely, that I styl'd my self at Rome, The Deputy of the Faculty, for which I appeal'd to his Eminence, who pre­sently acknowledg'd it a ridiculous Calumny, and without reason.

It was not only at coming forth of the Church of S. Lewis, that all these things were spoken be­tween Cardinal Barberin and me; but we dis­cours'd together in the afternoon upon the same principles on either side, in a visit which I thought my self oblig'd to give him in thankfulnesse for his care in giving me that notice which he had done; and after that which we spoke of it, the mat­ter rested so. But this did not hinder but that the Jesuites who knew the businesse, took occasion thence to decry me in several places in Rome, as one already accus'd to the Inquisition for infecting with my Doctrine divers Priests of S. Lewis, and especially the Fathers of the Oratory which were there. It was an aspersion so much the more grievous, in that it was made with some probabi­lity of foundation, but it behoov'd me to wear it off as well as others without being troubled at it, and not to cease carrying on the principal businesse which was the subject of my legation.

I forgot, that for rendring the ceremony of the Festival of S. Lewis more remarkable, and the Excommunication decreed by the H. Office against M. Hersent, (because of his non-appearance notwith­standing the citations publish'd against him,) more notorious, Thursday the Eve of that Feast was cho­sen to publish and fix it up printed. Which choice was remarkable also, because it was the end of the Year that he preacht his Sermon in that Church, in which neverthelesse (as I said elsewhere) there could not be found any Proposition condemnable, either absolutely or in relation of Jansenius, what­ever exquisite search was made, and whatever disadvantageous application and interpretation was striven to be put upon it.

But when I consider that the same M. Hersent being at Rome in the Year 1645. there distributed himself a Memorial signed with his own hand in justification of Jansenius, whom he maintain'd to have taught nothing but the doctrine of S. Au­gustine and S. Paul, and wherein he speaks with strange vehemence against the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. without any trouble then rais'd against him, I can­not sufficiently wonder at the inequality of this proceeding. However, I have that Memorial in my hands, which hath this title; Super Bulla Ur­bani VIII. adversus Jansenium, & libro Antonii Arnaldi, admonitiones quaedam SS. D. Pontifici In­nocentio X. pro Memoriali offerenda: It begins with these words; Magnum & perniciosum in doctrina Theologica incendium. And ends with these; Hoc Memoriale summo Pontifici offerendum curavit Ca­rolus Hersent Doctor Theologus, & Regis Christia­nissimi Concionator ordinarius, pro suo summo in sedem Apostolicam & SS. Patrem Innocentium stu­dio & amore, salvâ in omnibus Apostolicae sedis & summi Pontificis reverentia. Signed, Carolus Her­sent.

On Tuesday morning the 29th. I went to vi­sit the Church of St. John beheaded, and after I had ended my prayers there, I found under the Cloister M. Fernier Doctor of our Faculty, who came to me. He fell to speak of the great credit of M. Albizzi in the affaires about which I came; and of his intimate league with the Jesuites, and of the esteem wherein he was with the Pope and Cardinals for a knowing and intelligent personage. He was so prolixe in this kind intelligence, that I was fain to answer him, That I dreaded neither M. Albizzi's person nor his power when he went about to employ it to the disadvantage of truth; because God its protector would not suffer M. Albizzi, nor others to do mischief against it fur­ther then it pleas'd his unsearchable and invincible Providence.

CHAP. VIII.

Visits in September. A writing full of falsities by an Augustine Doctor of the Faculty which was secretly-dis­pers'd in Rome. Of the Bull of Urban. Of F. Lemos, and of the zeal of Clement VIII. for the do­ctrine of Grace. Advice several times not to speak of Jansenius.

ON the third of September, an Ecclesiastick of the society of the Priests of S. Hierom de la Charitè, a man pious, learned, and full of zeal, whom I visited that day for the second or third time, having heard the Account which I gave him of this Affair, he told me freely, That he had been hitherto inform'd of those matters after another manner, and shew'd me a writing which he had formerly mention'd to me, and was entitl'd De Controversia inter Jansenistas, & Anti-Jansenistas, which he told me (as since too I have had cer­tain proofs) was made by F. Morel an Augustin Doctor of our Faculty at the request of M. Al­bizzi, who desir'd him to draw up a Memoire for him of the state of the Controversies.

In that writing he represents us under the name of Jansenists, as people spirited with nothing but passion and hatred against the H. See, and who have no other aime but to overthrow and ruine its Authority. That this Aversion is the origi­nal of all the Disputes arisen about all the contest­ed points of Doctrine. That they have not ven­tur'd to write concerning Grace, frequent Com­munion, and the like, but to have occasion there­by to discredit the must zealous Defenders of the H. See, by causing them to passe with the people for Ignorants, who have corrupted the Senti­ments of the H. Fathers, and are tainted only with Semipelagian and Pelagian errours; that so they may afterwards securely say what they please of that sacred Authority, to destroy it when its Defenders are become without credit and esteem: That for this it was, that there was such endea­vours us'd to exclude them (the Religious or Fryers Mendicants) from the Assembly of the Faculty, by restraining them to the number of two of each Order. That for the same end there were purchas'd with ready mony Doctors, Preachers, Batchelors, Students in all the Universities and Cities of France; that so, not only in publick oc­casions, but also in familiar Conferences they might gain the multitude, and inspire into them, not on­ly their sentiments touching Grace and Predesti­nation, but also the hideous Maximes which they maintain against the Sacraments of the Altar and Pennance, and against the Authority of the Coun­cil of Trent. That we were possess'd of the hearts of severaol persons of quality, rich and potent, who liberally furnisht vast sums of mony to supply the expences necessary to be made for the carrying on of such pernicious designes. That we have in sun­dry places Seminaries and Assemblies of Sectators, who wholly apply themselves to contrive meanes to bring the same to passe. That 'twas for this end that we complotted right or wrong to maintain the Te­nets of Jansenius, because they are very proper there­to. That neverthelesse, finding we did not advance so much as we wisht in this affair by the works com­pos'd touching Grace, we could no longer retain the venom which we had conceal'd a great while against the H. See and the Church, but at length vomited it forth by publishing the books of frequent Commu­nion and of Tradition concerning Pennance, in which we accus'd the Church of being corrupted, and pretended our selves to be its Physitians and Refor­mers. That we alwayes hinder'd by all sort of ways the Bulls of Popes from being received into the Dio­cesses, or by the Faculties; and that when the sleights us'd for that end succeeded not, we had recourse to other wayes, so far as to stir up seditions, when we were able to do it, and judg'd the same necessary. That in fine all this being unprofitable, Rage and Fury led us to revive and maintain by all wayes all the ancient Errors and scandalous Principles concern­ing Grace and the Sacraments which the Popes have heretofore condemned. That 'twas for this reason that those of the Faculty whose hearts were firm to maintain the authority of the H. See, and to stop the Current of calamities and disorders, (these begin­nings of which threatned the whole Church) seeing themselves without comparison the greater number, in respect of those who were enemies of the said Au­thority, chose out as the most scandalous amongst many others Propositions which we dispers'd among the people, those which M. Cornet produc'd in the Fa­culty to get them censur'd in the general, and with­out having regard whether they were advanc'd by Jansenius, by M. Arnauld, by the Jesuites, or by any other whatsoever. That moreover, the H. See ought extremely to take heed of giving ear to those Jansenists, because they are mingled and united with the Richerists (that is, with the sectators of the Doctor nam'd Richer, who writ so much against the Ecclesiastical Monarchy) and because their whole faction strives after, and endeavours nothing with more ardor then to debase the Authority of the H. See. Wherefore this zealous Intelligencer and faithful Counsellor having in the same Paper, noted in particular the names of some of those whom he suppos'd culpable of these factions and designes, and the names also of some others of the principal servants of the H. See, who withstood the same, concludes at length with his advice which he pro­poses with some seeming moderation, saying, that the readiest Expedient in this affair would be to impose silence to every one; Yet really persist­ing in the good characters which he gave of us, and perswading the Pope to treat us with all the distrust and caution that can be us'd with an open enemy, and to overwhelm us every day with new Bulls and De­crees to reduce us to obedience; but to deal with the others as with his well-beloved Children and most faithful servants, and to provide as much as possible for their interest and satisfaction.

But though this be extracted out of the said wri­ting word for word, yet it is hard to apprehend it for such as it is without reading it. And there­fore though it be something long, I have thought good to place it among the Pieces which I shall add to this Journal, therein to shew a Model of [Page 99] the disadvantageous Characters of us and our in­tentions inculcated to the Pope and his principal Officers, thereby to render us suspected and o­dious, and to incense them against us: And by this example it may be seen. how the Popes are sometimes very ill-inform'd of the truth of the things which are related to them. 'Twas a good Religious Fryer, Doctor of Paris, of the order of St. Augustin, of whom a sincere account of those Disputes in France was desired. This Wri­ting thus pen'd by him was imparted about as coming from him, and as a work rare, faithful and secret; and this rais'd a curiosity in every bo­dy to see it.

All that read it gave perfect belief to it; there was no body at Rome to contradict it; and when I was arriv'd there, though I was nam'd particu­larly in the said Writing, yet they for whom he drew it were oblig'd to such secrecy as would have kept them from telling me any thing of it, though they had otherwise desir'd it. So that it had its course freely through Rome, as no doubt many others had, of which I could never discover any thing; and this had remain'd unknown to me as well as the rest of like nature, had it not been for the cordial kindnesse of this good Priest who gave it to me, having by chance got it him­self.

It was confirm'd to me that it came from F. Mo­rel, by M. the Archbishop............the Pope's Sa­cristan, who was chosen out of the Order of St. Augustin, according to the custome, to be rais'd to that dignity and Office. But I must render this testimony to F. Morel, that being blam'd by the said Signor Sacrista for the sharpnesse wherewith he spoke in that Writing against people who not without reason made profession of inviolably ad­hering to the doctrine of S. Augustin, whereof they stile themselves Defenders, and being ad­vis'd by him to correct it, F. Morel thinking he did enough for satisfaction of the said Signor Sacrista if he added something to sweeten it, therefore ad­ded the two last Sections which are after these words, [quod omen avertat Deus] with which he concluded at first: and besides those two Para­graphs, he added also to what is there said of M. Loysel Cure of S. John's, and Chancellor of the U­niversity, at the end of the Paragraph, Debet san­cta sedes summè cavere. The whole Writing is to be found at the Journal, both as it was at first, and with the alterations.

The Prayers of Forty Houres, which are al­wayes at Rome in several Churches in different quarters, were begun at S. Lewis, as usually on the day of the Feast, and they retain'd me there till they were ended, namely till the 28th. of August, the Feast of S. Augustin, when I left my residence at S. Lewis to go take possession of the lodging which I had procur'd for my self and the other Di­vines who were to come to me, it being ready some dayes before.

Assoon as I was setled there, the King's birth day being come which is September 5. I took oc­casion that day (which ought to be dear and in ve­neration to all Frenchmen) to invite to Dinner some Priests of S. Lewis, whom I had seen most familiarly during my stay there, and F. Guerin Ca­non Regular of S. Augustin, and Procurator of the Order at Rome, whose neighbourhood I got by this new lodging, which was also near to that of the Priests of the Mission in the Gregorian street.

We had scarce done Dinner but I receiv'd a new visite from F. le Maire the Jesuite who en­tertain'd me very copiously with the sentiments of his Society touching Grace, which he said, never failes the Will when it is oblig'd to do well, but the Will rejects or accepts it according as it liketh or liketh not to make use of it. He spoke also of the Censure which was made at Vallidolid of 22 Propositions contrary to the doctrine of S. Augustin, as of a Chimera or Romance made at pleasure; although it was very certain, and printed authentical Copies of it were brought from Vallidolid to Rome. In fine, he spoke of the man­ner how he was confident the Pope would judge this whole Controversie, telling me as he had done formerly, that we must deliver our memoires, withdraw, and leave the Church to do the rest.

The death of Cardinal Panzirolo hapned the day aforegoing, and he was inter'd this day with the ceremonies accustomed at the Funerals of their E­minences.

Cardinal Barberin carried me again to his Li­brary on Wednesday afternoon being the 6th. I restor'd to him that day some manuscript Quires of an Author nam'd Paludanus, which he oblig'd me to read. I told him, that I found therein an Expedient sufficiently favourable to remove all scruples of receiving the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. namely in the place where he examines the greatest reason brought against it, which is, because it saith that there are in Jansenius's Book Propositions condemned by the Bull of Pius V. But, saith this Author, speaking to those that make this difficul­ty, You are agreed, and Jansenius too; for he and you trouble your selves to explicate the diversity of senses of your Propositions and of those of Ba­vis; which needed not to be done, unless the words were alike. Now saith he, the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. doth not say that those Propositions which are in Jansenius, contain the same sense with those of Bavis, 'tis enough therefore for the validity and reception of it, that they are correspondent in words, though the senses of them be different; and this suffic'd for a just ground to Ʋrban VIII. to make his Bull assoon as that Book appear'd out of the apprehension he might have that they agreed also in sense, with a Salvo to discharge it from this condemnation when upon exact examination the truth and sincerity of his sense and the difference between the same and those condemn'd in the person of Bavis, were made evident. Cardinal Barberin was so well-pleas'd with this discourse that he answer'd pleasantly, Quando ri­ceverela la Bolla, laglierete le gambe alli Giesuiti, That the way to ham-string the Jesuites was to re­ceive the Bull. I told him that this was the prin­cipal thing that I had read in the Papers which he gave me of that book; and he return'd me an an­swer which denotes his nimblenesse and great diligence in reading books, viz. That he read it almost throughout in his Coach as he went to the seven Churches.

During this interval of time which pass'd be­tween my settlement in my new lodging and [Page 100] Sunday the 10th of September, besides those two visites of which I have now given account, I made sundry others, wherein there occur'd no­thing remarkable. I visited the Bishop of Cavail­lon, a Gentleman of Avignon of good quality and parts; the Marquis Del Buffalo General of the Pope's Artillery, with whom I had contracted in my first voyages a particular acquaintance and friendship; M. Michel Angelo Rici, and F. Ma­riana his intimate friend; M. Paolo di Rossi a great Civilian, and who heretofore knew M. Pegna Dean of the Rota; Monsignor Sacrista; M. Ric­ciardo de Alcoltis Curè of S. Saviours at Rome, a Florentine Gentleman by birth; Qualificator of the Congregation of the Index a great Divine, well seen in the Hierarchy and Ecclesiastical Dis­cipline, which he learnt, (he said) in S. Cyprian and not in our flattering Doctors, who have wholly disfigur'd it in their writings; but emi­nent above all things for his knowledge and ha­tred of the whole politick menagery of the Je­suites, and of their pernicious maximes in Mo­rality and Religion; M. Dorigny superior of the Priests of the Mission at Rome; F. Barelier French Assistant to the General of the Dominicans; the F. Commissary of the H. Office: such of these Personages as I had not before saluted, I acquaint­ed with the ground of my Return and Negotiati­on at Rome; and as for such as knew it before, to them I lent or gave of our Latin Manifestoes, and the Antitheses or Differences between the Do­ctrines of Calvin and St. Augustin, which is ours, they being newly sent me from France. This I did after long debating in my self, but always with reluctance, because the name of Jansenius was inser­ted in the first of those Writings, which name alone was enough to make them suspected or despised. But I considered the necessity there was to make known our sentiments at Rome the soonest, and to the greatest number of persons, that I could; as also that if any one blam'd me for this fault, I might render it in some measure excusable by pleading that what concern'd the above mention'd Author, is but very lightly touch'd therein, and promising to do my utmost, that there be no more medling therewith.

Moreover I aim'd by giving them about to pre­vent that blame, according as I saw fit, having regard to such as I presented them to; and if per­chance there was any one whom I fear'd, lest re­ceiving them from my hand, he should take them as an information which I had to deliver touching the Propositions, I roundly explain'd my self be­fore giving them, by saying expresly that I did not give them for that cause; and that which I gave, was not that which we had to say before the Congregation which I desir'd, when it should be establisht, but only a slight draught of our sentiments publisht in France to disabuse the world of the Calumnies spread abroad against us; and I desir'd precisly that it might not be received from me, but upon this condition. The F. Com­missary of the H. Office receiving from me the Latin Manifesto, and having heard what I pro­posed, to signifie to me in two words that he un­derstood my meaning, told me, that I gave it him, and he receiv'd it amicè, non juridicè.

I had already contracted so much friendship and good correspondence with the whole order, of which this Father was, and they accounted all that I propounded to them touching this affair so judicious and just, that upon a naked overture which I made to them of what importance it was for the preservation of the Doctrine of St. Augu­stin and St. Thomas in our Faculty to choose in October following a Syndic well affected to this Doctrine, the General writ expresly thereupon to the Religious of his order who were Doctors of our Faculty. He sent the Letter to me assoon as it was written on the ninth of September, for me to dispose of, and cause to be delivered to the hands of such of his Fryers as I should think fit when the time of the Election came.

I went to thank him for it the same day, and by the same means I saw one of his most eminent and commendable Fryers; in whose Conference I learn'd, that a Gentleman (who came heretofore frequently to visit F. Lemos, and one day brought him a Breviary which Clement VIII. presented to him as a small pledge of his good Will, and the value he had of his Ability and Vigour to defend against the Jesuites the sentiments of S. Augustin, S. Thomas and the Church touching Grace) testifi'd after the death of that Pope, which hapned in March, that his design and resolution was to pub­lish on the Eve of Pentecost following at the end of Vespers his Bull against Molina, and then to create F. Lemos Cardinal in presence of the Jesuites and the Dominicans. That the Cardinal Monopoli to whom Clement VIII. open'd his mind also about this particular, in like manner declar'd the same after the Popes death. That during the time that he labor'd and caus'd others to labour in the examination of these matters, besides the care he took to be inform'd thereof by solid study and the reading of St. Augustins works as well the Writings presented to him both in behalf of the Jesuites, and of the Dominicans, which he weighed with singular diligence; he was some­times found early in the morning goeing a foot without followers cloth'd in Penitents sac­cloth from Monte Cavallo to S. Maria Maggiore; and that many times too he spent two or three hours in the night at Prayers upon his knees ad li­mina Apostolorum. These particularities this learn'd and zealous Dominican had told Cardinal Roma be­fore he told them to me; and the Cardinal was much affected and edifi'd therewith, and pre­sently out of the satisfaction which he had with the same, cry'd out with his ordinary plainness in these words, O Santi sensi & digni d' un Papa! sarebbe stato questo un Santo, se non havesse lasciato tanti bien [...] a' sui parenti; O holy thoughts wor­thy of a Pope! this man might have been a Saint, if he had not left so much wealth to his kindred.

On Sunday morning (Sept. 10.) I went to Car­dinal Barberin to shew him a Letter written to me from Paris August 25. and brought to Rome by an extraordinary Courier who came thither upon a vacancy. This Letter was written to me from the Prelates, by whose order I was return'd, and contain'd amongst others a thing which I con­ceiv'd would be well pleasing to this Cardinal. It was, that those Prelates were resolv'd to admit the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. but never to consider it as o­ther then provisional, and as an act of policy by [Page 101] which the Pope upon the first complaints made to him of that Book, without having examined or judged of it, but having regard to those com­plaints, and to prevent the ill Consequences which they caused to be fear'd from that book, stopt the course of it, and forbad the reading of it till after mature examination of it, it were o­therwise ordain'd, which is in effect the same thing that Cardinal Barberin had said to me twenty times. And indeed he was very glad of this good News; and as I added, that it was requisite also if it were possible, to oblige the Jesuites to keep themselves within these bounds, and to cease from pretending (as they had done hitherto) that that Bull prohibited the said Book, not only up­on a political account, but condemned the Do­ctrine of it as evil and pernitious; the Cardinal answer'd, that we ought not to trouble our selves about what the Jesuites say, but rest upon and hold to what the Bull saith, Lasciateli dire, voi stiate à quello che dice la Bolla. Let them talk, &c. That we ought to be satisfi'd, since we knew that it was made only of that extent and for such effect, that no person knew better then himself what in­tentions his Uncle had in making, and his Emi­nence likewise in procuring it: that indeed it might be a little more clear then it is; but all things are not always done with so great circum­spection, and in the perfection that they ought to be. Cardinal Barberin's Library-keeper, to whom his Eminence gave order to send me the Books which he desir'd I should see, occasionally confirm'd to me what the Cardinal had told me so often, and so many others besides him, That the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. in the bottom of it and really doth not prejudice the Doctrine of any Author in particular, but that it was alike decreed against all those as well on one side as the other, who had written of the matter de Auxiliis, without permission of the H. See. For this Li­brary-keeper nam'd Signor Carlo Moroni, a man of parts, and very civil, sending me by his Ma­sters order the Book of Ripalda, he did it with the same precaution, as if he had sent me Janseni­us's works, advising me not to read it, unless I had permission to do it, because it was compris'd in the general prohibitions made at Rome touching that subject: 'tis probable he did not give me this advertisement without receiving some little order for it from Cardinal Barberin, as well as for send­ing me the Book. I know not precisely at what time it was, for there is no date to the Letter which he writ to me when he sent it; but I am sure that it was much about this time that I am now upon: See the tenor of it;

Molto illustre e reverendissimo Signore mio osservandissimo,

L'Eminentissimo Signor Cardinale Barberino in hà commendato che io mandi a V. S. questo tomo del Ripalda. Mà perche l' Eminentissimo si ritrova impegnato di doverlo prestare fra tre o quattro giorni ad un personaggio, la supplico à volerlo rimandare in tempo. Quando questo libro s' intende compreso nella prohibitione, credo che V. S, ne haverà la licenza. Ne altro in occorre se non di rassegnarmi a V. S. molto illustre e reverendissima,

Humillimo Servitore, Carlo Moroni.
Right Worshipfull and Reverend,

THe most Eminent Lord Cardinal Barberino hath commanded me to send you this volume of Ripalda: Which, for that his Eminence is en­gag'd to lend it elsewhere within three or foure dayes, I desire you to return in time. Whereas the book is compris'd within a Decree of Prohibition, I presume you have leave to peruse it. I have nothing else but to subscribe my self, &c.

In the afternoon I went to see the General of the Augustins, but I could do nothing with him by reason of the distrust he had of F. Morel, whom he lookt upon as M. Albizzi's spie about him; from whom he knew the said Father had receiv'd some good offices and particular favours in recom­pense for the Writing which he made, and of which I have above given account.

On Tuesday (September 12.) in the mor­ning I went to see M. the Abbot de la Paix, who in regard to his profession of being a disciple and Monastick of S. Augustin, told me he would willingly employ himself to help me in the cause wherein by the Account by me given him, he saw the Doctrine of that great Doctor of the Church was so unworthily and maliciously impeach'd.

In the afternoon I went to see Cardinal Ʋrsin, who as concern'd for the satisfaction of the Kingdome and Church of France could have wisht with me that these contests were com­pos'd and terminated as I came to request; but he intimated several Political and Theological rea­sons which in his judgment render'd the discussion and decision of them in a manner impossible. And as he was Protector of Poland, he told me, that he understood that these Disputes were ready to arise into heat there too; and he mention'd also (though with some obscurity) a certain Letter from the King of Poland to the Pope touching the Queen's Confessor, who was said to be an Arnaudiste, and ingaged in the opinions which divide the Church at this day. I told this Cardinal that I knew him to be a very able and honest man, Doctor of our so­ciety of Sorbon, and who would alwayes defend himself very well from the vain accusations that may be made against him. This Cardinal Ʋrsin receiv'd with his accustom'd civility, and told me, I should do him a pleasure in shewing him some Writings which might inform him more particular­ly of the state of our Controversies.

At my coming from him I went again to F. Cam­panella, to whom I lent our Latin Manifesto till Sunday following; he held himself oblig'd, and receiv'd it with contentment, but on condition that when he restor'd it I should dispense with him for telling me his sentiments of it.

On Wednesday (Septemb. 13.) in the after­noon I met M. Fernier, who was with another Ca­non of Auxerre. I went with them to Cardinal Barberin's Library, and from thence to walk a­broad. M. Fernier inform'd me, that a certain Cordelier nam'd F. Mulard (of whom I shall give account hereafter) was arriv'd at Rome the day aforegoing, and that himself was much scan­daliz'd at the unworthy speeches which he heard [Page 102] that Cordelier utter since his arrival, in contempt of the Bishops whose Letters I brought to the Pope; for example of M. d' Amiens, that he was a good Beer-drinker; and of the rest the like vile and shameful injuries.

On Thursday (Septemb. 14.) I went to give notice of this Cordelier's arrival to that good Fryer who inform'd me of M. Hallier's long Let­ter, of which I have spoken above; and also that others were coming, of which this Cordelier was the bearer. This Fryer confirm'd to me, that what he had told me of M. Hallier's Letter was true; that he had since been better inform'd of it; that it was written to M. Albizzi, but was also show'd to the Pope: that it consisted of six Pages, in which he had put many petty trifles, all which tended but to represent to his Holinesse that Jan­senism was imbrac'd in a manner by all the Preach­ers, that it was also follow'd by the Confessors, that all the world was ingaging in it, that the whole Church of France was endeavor'd to be drawn to it, and that if the Pope took not heed, ere ten yeares hence the mischief would be past re­medy.

I understood that the four Cardinals whom Car­dinal Barberin nam'd and injoin'd me to visit, Ro­ma, Spada, Ginetti and Cechini continu'd to as­semble together every Thursday afternoon with some Divines at Cardinal Roma's Palace; but be­ing uncertain whether or no they had begun to take the Propositions in hand, I wish'd to be re­solv'd; and that they also knew that the Assem­blies which they made would be accounted in France as Beginnings of the Congregation which I came to desire, that so on one side they might think themselves more engag'd to establish it, and withall conceive themselves lesse free to regulate any thing in this matter, before hearing the par­ties on either side by word of mouth and writing, as I sollicited openly and publickly. For this reason I determin'd that afternoon to go see the Cardinal Roma, to take him at the breaking up of that Con­gregation, and to be in his Palace at the time that they who compos'd it went away. I did so, and after they were gone, and I was introduc'd all a­lone to Cardinal Roma (as 'tis the custome) I told him, That I came to congratulate with him for those first dispositions towards the erecti­on of the Congregation which I came to re­quest of the Pope; that I conceiv'd my self ob­lig'd to send word to the Bishops of France in whose name I was at Rome, what I knew thereof, and the hope I conceiv'd from thence for the per­fect accomplishment of their desires; and the re­quest which they made to the Pope by their Let­ters; which certainly they would rejoyce very much to understand, by reason of the grand im­portance of which they knew the Affair to be in reference to the whole Church. The Cardinal an­swer'd me as one a little wearied with the Con­gregation from which he came, yet still full of af­fection and zeal for the perfect clearing up of these Disputes. He told me, that he would ne­ver spare any thing that lay in his power for the service of the Church, that it was requisite to en­deavour to bring this businesse to an end, but it would be long-winded and of difficult discussion. I reply'd, that indeed some study and paines would be necessary in it, but it might be so ma­nag'd as to save very much, if the right course were taken. That it was not necessary to begin this Judgement with examining the Propositions; because, that besides their not relating to us at all, and having no Author that taught them, but being fram'd at pleasure and out of malice by those who design'd to get them condemn'd, should it be resolv'd to pronounce before searching into the bottom of things, a thousand difficulties and perplexities would arise of great intricacy, and not possible to be remov'd: whereas if the chief and essential matter were first discuss'd and regulated, it would be afterwards very easie to decide these Propositions, and that in a clear & indubitable way, by reducing them to the Chief Matter, which was already setled. Wherefore our design would no doubt be to enter strait into that matter, assoon as the Congregation were erected, and the Je­suites, who corrupted the faith of the grace of Jesus Christ in the Church (as we hop'd to accuse and convict them) appear'd there before us. Car­dinal Roma answer'd that I had reason; and more­over he told me, that no doubt it behoov'd to con­demn the sufficient Grace held by those Fathers, if the Effectual which we maintain'd was declar'd and acknowledg'd for the Catholick and Orthodox faith; because indeed one doctrine cannot be true, but its contradictory must be false. I took the confidence to tell him too, that certainly the opi­nion of those Fathers ought not to be spar'd, as it had been formerly, in case it were found whol­ly opposite to the Christian faith, as we pretended, because their boldnesse was at present rais'd to such a point, that they presum'd to make it passe for the faith of the Church, having so long escap'd condemnation since it was accus'd; whereas all that they pretended in the beginning was but to render it tolerable. Which seeing they could not obtain from the Inquisition of Spain, where Mo­lina's Book was first accus'd, assoon as publish'd, they had the cunning to evade the condemnation which was ready to be pronounc'd upon it there, by getting the businesse remov'd to the Inquisition of Rome, where also the very same condemnation was decreed, but restrain'd in darknesse by reason of the death of Clement VIII. which hapned when he was fully prepar'd and resolv'd to publish it. Cardinal Roma reply'd, that this and every thing else should be taken notice of in the progresse of the businesse, and so I gave him the Good­night.

The same day also I had time to visit Cardinal Ginetti, to whom I spoke very near to the same purpose that I did to Cardinal Roma. Cardinal Ginetti answer'd me by asking me who were those Deputies? I told him, that in the first place his Eminence was one. But the others, (said he;) I nam'd them to him, he assented; and perceiving that I was inform'd thereof, he open'd himself with freedome, and by his words gave me as ma­ny testimonies as he could of the particular care and extraordinary diligence, that for his own part he would contribute to the full and perfect discus­sion of this Affair.

I was willing also to try that evening to meet with the Procurator General of the Augustines, to which purpose coming back from my lodging I [Page 103] went to their Covent. As I arriv'd there, F. Delbene was coming forth. I had been twice that day to finde him, to understand something from him which Cardinal Barberin told me this Father had to say to me. He would have put it off to a­nother day because it was late; but my desire to leave it without delay, caus'd me to desire him to come into the Coach where I was, in which I of­fer'd to carry him home, and by the way he might tell me what he had to acquaint me with. He ac­cepted my offer, and told me, Cardinal Barberin charg'd him to recommend two things to me. First, that I should not stir so much, to avoid giving oc­casion of hold against me; And secondly, that when I spoke of this Affair to such as were to be advertis'd of it, I should speak of nothing but of the Propositions, without troubling my self at all about Jansenius. I answer'd F. Delbene, that he knew whether in any of the Conferences which I had with him, I spoke so much as one word of that Bishop's Book, far or near. He reply'd; that he had given this testimony of me to Cardinal Bar­berin when his Eminence spoke to him of it. As for the first point of his Advertisement, I reply'd, that in my judgement that Counsel was given me by the Artifice of the Jesuites, who sought occa­sion to procure me some mischief, or at least to give out, that my person and sentiments were suspected at Rome; but all this should not hinder me from performing of my duty to the utmost of my power. That I was come to Rome to advertise the Pope, and with him all such as ought to take care of the interests of the H. See, of the most perni­cious enterprise that ever was made to circumvent it, and that tended to cause it to do an Act which would impair its esteem in the eyes of all judici­ous persons living at this day, and be shamful to it in all Ages to come. Wherefore instead of a­bating the ardour wherewith I had hitherto spo­ken of the evil designes which the Authors of the five Propositions have, I thought my self on the contrary oblig'd to make them the more notori­ous, that they might be more heedfully taken no­tice of, and more narrowly observ'd. That I knew no person to whom I might in reason ad­dresse my self to discover them, but I should forth­with visit him. That if heretofore there was a Son, who wanting the use of speech from his birth, acquir'd it when he saw his Father going to be kill'd; I conceiv'd my self oblig'd to lift up mine more and more, while I see the Head of the Church and prime Father of all the faithful so unworthily invaded; and to practise towards our Adversa­ries (who under the false appearance of zeal for the H. See, assault it in that place where it is quick­est of sense) that precept of Scripture, Quod in aure auditis, praedicate super lecta. That I hop'd God would give me the grace to take no other course, and that he (Father Delbene) would do me a pleasure to assure Cardinal Barberin of this. I entertain'd the Father in this manner till we came to his lodging, where I left him, and return'd to my own in that resolution.

On Friday (Septemb. 15.) I accompani'd the Ambassador to his usual audience at the Pope's Pa­lace; and afterwards I went to a Chappel which was held by the Cardinals, where they caus'd Te Deum to be sung for a signal Victory won by the Poles. I return'd thence to the Ambassador's lodging, where I was retain'd to dine. The Dis­course of the Table fell immediately upon the bu­sinesse which brought me back to Rome; and I took occasion to tell the Ambassador, that the Doctors who were to come after me to joine with me in my sollicitations, set forth from Paris the next day after the Nativity of the Virgin. The Ambas­sador answer'd, that he imagin'd the Pope would not give us audience, nor erect the Congregation which I had requested of him. That he discours'd with him that very day half an hour about our af­faires; and that he spoke of imposing silence to both sides. I reply'd, that my Condeputies were set forth upon the hope they had of such a Con­gregation, and in order to pursue the perfect e­rection of it jointly with me; but they knew that there was a little beginning of it at Rome already; the Pope having given order to four Cardinals, viz. Roma, Spada, Ginetti; and Cechini, to apply themselves particularly to these matters; who as­semble together every Thursday afternoon with some Divines at Cardinal Roma's Palace; and that I saw them the last night coming away from their Assembly. The Ambassador told me, that were it the King's businesse, his Majesty would end these differences without standing upon such a Congregation. That he would roundly declare, that he would have but two Religions in his King­dome, the Roman and the Calvinists; and that he would employ his Authority and the meanes which God hath put into his hands to reduce all his subjects to one or the other of those two Religions. I reply'd that it was very fit to be so; but we conceiv'd that we maintain'd the faith of the Catholick, Apostolick and Roman Church touching the grace of Jesus Christ; that we have no other designes but to reduce thereun­to all such as are separated from it; that in the pursuit we us'd, we sought meanes to finde who defended the same really; Our selves, or They whom we accus'd of corrupting it. The Ambassa­dor told me, that he did not speak what he had spoken as meaning to reproach me for any thing, but only out of the sentiments which the King might have, and had indeed, namely to restore peace in his Kingdome, and to oblige the Pope to restore it in the Spiritual, whilst his Majesty la­boured to restore it in the Temporal state: That he spoke to me in one manner, and to others in another. But yet that which really caus'd some fear that the divisions which were at present a­mongst the Ecclesiasticks of the Realm might pro­duce worse effects, not easily to be remedied, at length, was, that in former times Calvin begun just as we did, and talkt of reforming, publick pe­nance, and so of the rest. That all the Curates of Paris since these Disputes were become very nice and scrupulous, when they are about giving abso­lution. That Calvin made not so great progresse in so short a time, as the new doctrine which is attributed to [...] that neverthelesse, because the innovations of that Heresiarch were not at first oppos'd, so great a multitude became suddenly infected with his poyson, that it was not possible to finde any Antidote or Remedy thereunto▪ What necessity was there of our adhering so ve­hemently to those innovations? and wherefore [Page 104] do we not give heed to what was approv'd by our good old Doctors, those white-beards, such as M. Hallier (I believe the Ambassador did not yet know him) who writ a little while since an excel­lent Letter touching the present Occurrences to Cardinal Panzirolo, whereof he (the Ambassa­dor) had had a sight? I answer'd that if he had it still, he would do me a very great pleasure in letting me see it; but as for answering and satis­fying all that he had spoken, this would be very difficult for me to do, unlesse he would take the paines to examine the bottom of things, and not rest upon flying rumours without proof, which Calumny spread in all places against very innocent and Catholick persons; that if, for example, I had but that Letter of M. Hallier which he men­tion'd, I doubted not to finde wherewith to con­vince him (if he would examine it) that we were treated with all sort of injustice. The Ambassa­dor promis'd me that he would endeavour to re­cover M. Hallier's Letter and give it me (which yet he never did, though I desir'd it of him many times) and in the mean time, askt me what Of­fice M. Hallier had in the Faculty, and whether it were for life? I answer'd, that M. Hallier ex­ercis'd the Office of Syndic there; but I could not assent that he was truly so, because the Parliament had forbidden him to take upon himself the title or administer the functions of it, for that he had approv'd a doctrine contrary to that of France, touching the Pope's power over Kings in tempo­rals: That besides, this Office was but for two yeares; that those of M. Hallier's intrusion were ready to expire, that he must go out of it at the Feast of S. Remigius following, unlesse he be then continu'd; but if I were at Paris I would endea­vour to hinder his continuation in regard of the scandal it was for a man not purg'd from the ac­cusations charg'd upon him for that doctrine, to be suffer'd in an Office, which so many other Doctors besides were able to discharge worthily. After Dinner the Ambassador continu'd to hold me in discourse for the most part bordering upon the former, and all favouring of the false concepti­ons of us infus'd into him by the Jesuites; but for that he mingled therewith many Maximes and reflexions very well grounded, I was forc'd to tell him that I could not answer to all that he said to me, because his discourse being of good length, and without interruption, and he speaking many things which were true, and also many others which were not so, it was necessary for me to make a separation if I would answer to them; but assoon as I began to reply to any particular which he had utter'd, he presently resum'd his speech and fell to others. The Ambassador an­swer'd me pleasantly, that indeed it was his de­signe to hinder me from speaking, and that he had but one thing to recommend to me, which was Peace, and a hearty endeavour to put a speedy end to all these Contests. I reply'd, that we en­deavour'd to take the way to it, b [...] [...]eseeching his Holinesse (as we did) that he would please to clear them; and I entreated the Ambassador to tell me whether he had observ'd any thing in our deportment which tended not to that Peace which he recommended. He answer'd that he had not, but it would be a question worth knowing, whe­ther after the Determination which I came to de­sire of the Pope were pronounc'd, we would hold to it; I answer'd, that Charity must needs pre­sume that we would; but I was not sorry to have this occasion to declare to him, that 'twas on con­dition that the same were made in the Order, and according to the Rules of the Church; whereas on the contrary, if 'twere intended to be made a­gainst the formes by M. Albizzi or some other people so ill-affected, ignorant, and dependant on the Jesuites, as he was, there would be no submission to such determination nor regard had of it. That I had order from the Prelates by whom I was sent to speak in this manner. That if it pleas'd him to see all the Letters which I re­ceiv'd from them within a month touching this bu­sinesse, he would finde that they enjoin'd me no­thing else. The Ambassador told me that it must be some other day at some little meeting which we must agree upon, when there might be two or three houres time for him to spend about it.

In the afternoon I went to see Cardinal Spada. In his Antichamber I met F. Delbene and the Procurator General of the Capucines; and ha­ving entertain'd them together concerning the Propositions, they both agreed before me, that they were oblig'd to deliver in writing their sentiments touching the five Propositions, without having ever confer'd together about them; which they acknowledg'd was not wont to be practis'd, and depriv'd them of a great means to find out the truth by enlightning one another and correcting (as it oft happens) their own conceptions by those of others. I was call'd in to Cardinal Spada, and after ha­ving made him the same complement, and spoke almost the same things as to the Cardinals Roma and Ginetti in my visites to them the day be­fore, he answer'd me that all would depend up­on the whole Congregation, the Cardinals, Con­sultors, and Qualificators; that for his own part, if he could do any thing towards the good dis­cipline and carrying on of the Congregation, he should make it his care that matters might go well. I told him that the Divines who I had acquainted him were to come after me, set forth the next day after the Virgines Nativity; he asked me their names, and I told him them.

At my coming away from him I went to see the Procurator General of the Augustines whom I entertain'd largely and conveniently with all that was pass'd in France and at Rome about the five Propositions, as I have above related. I found him a person very capable of hearing reason and very equitable. When in the course of the Nar­ration I told him that in the Consultation which was held thereof before the Pope, there was found a Man that said that the Propositions were not Heretical but the Censures made of them, he answer'd smiling, Quello era un Frate, The man was a Fryer; I reply'd si, mà vestito di rosso, Yes but cloath'd in red. He added presently si, mà per la barretta, True, but his Cap was so. Whereby I perceiv'd that he was well inform'd of that no­torious fraud which was committed before the Pope in this businesse; and his knowledge of it was to me a new confirmation of its truth.

Since my receiving Letters for the Pope from the Archbishop of Tholouse last deceas'd and M. Godeau (then Bishop of Grasse and Vence, now only of Vence) I could not till now think of de­livering them to his Holinesse. On Sunday mor­ning (Sep. 17.) I went to his presence chamber to demand audience for presenting them; but I was not call'd in.

On Tuesday afternoon (September 19.) I went to see F. Luca Vadingo at S. Isidore's. He told me that F. Mulard came to see him in the morning a­bout the same businesse that I had given him ac­count of: that he was come as from the Faculty of Paris, and that he left with him one of it's Conclusions for the execution of which he came, and that there were coming after him two secu­lar Doctors of the same Faculty who were upon the way, and by this time, he said, very near Rome. He told him also that F. Annat, Assi­stant for France to the General of the Jesuites, carry'd him to M. Albizzi, and presented him to him in that Quality. As I largely inform'd F. Luca Vadingo of all that had pass'd about this business both at Rome and at Paris, he found much difference between my Narration and that of F. Mulard; and for that he desir'd something of me in writing whereby he might be more fully in­form'd of the truth of things, and of our pre­tensions. I could at that time shew him nothing but our Latin Manifesto: and in exchange he lent me the Conclusion of the Faculty which F. Mulard left with him.

On Wednesday (September 20.) I met with nothing considerable but F. Mulard, who told me (1) that he came from the Ambassador's house where the F. Assistant (meaning F. Annat) had been with him. 2. I asking him whether he knew any newes, he answer'd that I could not be igno­rant that the Pope had appointed a Congregation of Cardinals whom he nam'd to me, viz. Roma, Spada, &c. that M. Albizzi had told him that it was time to deliver his memoires and instructions. 3. That neither Cardinal S. Clement nor Cardinal Lugo were of the Congregation, to avoid the contests and siding which might happen between them. [The true cause which caus'd the exclusion of both under this seeming pretxt, was indeed, for that Cardinal S. Clement had on many occasi­ons so strongly evidicenc'd the matters which were to be debated, and spoken so home and so vehemently against the intentions of those which tended only to condemn what pleas'd the Jesuites and their partakers to have condemn'd, that those good people could not answer him, but were put to silence, and forc'd to expect other Congregations (wherein he was not) for obtaining the condemnations which they aim'd at; so that it may be said truly of him; Nemo poterat resistere spiritui & sapientiae qua loquebatur.] But in the fourth place he told me that I was a good friend of F. Luca Vadingo's, though I had not seen him but upon the occasion alone which I newly mention'd.

M. Fernier came to see me on Thursday afternoon (September 21) with another Canon of Auxerre; and F. Malgoirés a Bernardine Procurator of that Order, and Dr. of our Faculty, interven'd during the Visite. F. Mulard was there spoken of; and M. Fernier said, That 'twas a shame that he durst terme himself, as he did, Deputy of the Faculty; that 'twas a thing which he could not suf­fer; that if the Faculty were to send any from it self, it would not send a Fryer; but if it did, it would never send such a one as this.

Cardinal Barberin (whom I was to see the same day after the abovemention'd Gentlemen left me) told me also concerning this Cordelier, That it was not credible that he came to Rome by the Faculties's order about this affair; but 'twas pos­sible he had some intimacies and intelligences with the contrary party; that he was really no other then a Poste, that he came to Rome the last winter, thence made a journey into Catalonia, &c. From this discourse we fell to speak again of the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. upon which I reiterated the decla­ration which I had made to his Eminence how the Bishops who sent me, henceforward consider'd it as purely provisional; To which the Cardinal gave me no positive answer this day, but told me, That we had nothing to do at all to meddle with Jansenius, nor to intangle our businesse with him; and that he conceiv'd, That it ought to suffice us, that we obtain'd the point of Grace Effectual by it self, and all the indisoluble consequences depending upon it. I very willingly agreed with Cardinal Bar­berin to all this; but he added a thing whereunto I could not agree: namely that we must take speci­al heed of speaking of a Congregation de Auxiliis, because the Pope, (said he) will certainly not grant it at this time. I answered Him, that Grace ef­fectual by it self, of which we newly spoke, was no other but the same thing: To which the Car­dinal, Reply'd that we must not confound things; and that it behoved not to speak of the matter de Auxiliis, because the Pope would not decide the question which hath been left undecided: So this point too was fain to be left undecided be­tween the Cardinal and me, and I was to answer a question which he put to me, viz. Wherher F. Luca Vadingo were a friend of mine. I gave his Eminence account what knowledge I had of him; but I perceiv'd that it was F. Mulard's intelli­gence to him, though he gave me not the least intimation who incited him to ask me that question.

On Fryday (September 22.) I understood that F. Caválli a Cordelier, a very honest, learned and humble man, penitentiary of S. John de La­teran for the French, came several times to see me; This oblig'd me to visite him in the after­noon, to know what he desir'd of me; where after having given him such a narration as I could of the businesse which detain'd me at Rome, I ask'd him whether he knew F. Mu­lard. He told me, No; but promis'd to inquire who he was, and endeavor to discover what brought him to Rome.

On Saturday F. Mulard came to see me; I put him to speak touching the Congregation which he told me of before. He would not tell me the names of those that were of it; but yet said M. Albizzi, signifi'd to him that it would as­semble the first time the week ensuing; that he had spoke to the Pope to hasten it; and that his Holinesse gave him order for it.

Sunday morning (September 24.) I spent in the Popes Presence Chamber, to get audience of him, and present him the Letters which I brought thither eight dayes before for that purpose; but I was no more fortunate then I had been eight dayes before.

The same day I went again to see F. Luca Va­dingo, to know whether he had made inquiry of F. Mulard concerning his deputation from the Faculty, and caus'd him to lay open the particu­larities of it, as I had desir'd him. F. Luca Va­dingo told me that he had not seen F. Mulard since; but F. Annat came to see him about the same businesse, and that he told this Jesuite as he had told me, that he saw that we were agreed on both sides to desire a Congrega­tion of our H. Father; but unlesse there came a powerfull commendation and sollicitation from the Court of France, the Bishops and the Sor­bonne, we should scarce obtaine it. That as to the foundation of things, we were also agreed therein too; namely, that grace hath its efficacy of it self, and determines the will to the good acti­ons which it performes, but an physicè an morali­ter, this was the point of our contests. I reply­ed to F. Luca Vadingo that this was not the knot of the affair; that it was no wise the belief of the Jesuites and our Adversares their Followers, That Grace determines the will to good actions; that if they agreed to this sincerely, we should have no disputes together at all about the manner, an physicè an moraliter. F. Luca Vadingo answer'd me that F. Annat told him that he assented to this truth, That the Determination of the Will to Good, comes from the Efficacy of Grace, and added that if they gave us a good declaration thereof in writing, this ought to suffice us. I re­ply'd to F. Luca Vadingo, that they meant never to do it, because though it may be the particular sentiment of F. Annat (which I knew not) yet certainly 'tis not the common one of their Society, which maintaineth that Grace is so sub­ject to the determination of the Will, that it may be either follow'd or rejected actually by the Will, according to its choice and disposition. O, not at all, reply'd F. Luca Vadingo; they cannot say this; if they should, they were Hereticks (Sarebbono Haeretici.) I agreed with the Fa­ther as to his consequence; and assur'd him that he should find in the sequel of the affair, that the Principle from whence he infer'd it, was true; and that the sole thing which incens'd us herein, was that we had people to contend with, who so subject Grace to the Will, that they make the Will abso­lutely Mistresse, and affirme Grace to have or misse its effect according as it pleases the Will to follow it or not: which is to be understood in the opinion of these Fathers of the Direct and spe­cial effect for the production and position of which God giveth the same.

As I returned in the afternoon from some other Visites wherein nothing pass'd worthy of remark, I met a French Ecclesiastick in the Spanish Piazza, who assur'd me, that F. Mulard openly voic'd himself deputed by the Syndic of the Faculty of Paris, to procure the condemnation of Jansenius at Rome. He told me also, that the said Corde­lier shew'd him the Letters of M. Hallier to the Pope and Cardinal Panzirolo. I told him, that he would oblige me very much, if he could get a Copy of them. He answer'd me, that he be­liev'd he could not obtain it, but he had seem them, and they were subscribed, Tuus observan­tissimus atque obsequentissimus, Franciscus Hallier sacrae Facultatis Syndicus; and that 'twas certainly a great ignomine to the Faculty to send in its name such a fellow as this.

But to avoid touching in several places upon this Deputation, it will be expedient to sever it for one into a particular chapter, and to shew how it came [...]to be devolv'd upon this famous De­puty.

CHAP. IX.

A History of the Collusion which M. Hallier made use of, to send a va­gabond Cordolier nam'd F. Mul­ard, as the Facultie's Deputy. With what boldnesse this Cordelier (who was sometimes a Capucine, an Apostate, and married) took upon himself the said title in his addresse to the Pope.

FOR a full and orderly account, it is necessa­ry to look back into the history of the Irish, whose subscriptions against the five Propositions M. Vincent superior of the Mission sollicited the foregoing winter, which I only toucht upon transi­ently before.

Now the Rector having notice that those Irish frequently assembled at the Colledge des Bons En­fans neer S. Victor's gate under the direction of one of the Priests of the Mission which are there; and one day (February 13. 1651.) being infor­med that they were assembled at that time for the same purpose at the Colledge of Lizieux at the chamber of M. Poërus of that nation Bachelor of Divinity, he sent a Bedle of the University to them to forbid them from making such kind of conven­ticles and giving any Judgment in matter of do­ctrine. Which was no sooner signifi'd to them by the Officer, but they retir'd every one to his own quarters and durst meet again no more. But within a few dayes after, certain persons went to their re­spective lodgings and us'd so many sollicitations and promises to them, that at length they obtain'd that the declaration drawn for them against the five Propositions was subscrib'd by twenty six of their company, amongst whom there was but one Do­ctor, two Bachelors, two masters of Arts, and all the rest ordinary Scholers who were begining to study Philosophy and Grammar.

The Rector of the University understanding this, caus'd such of these Irish as had degrees in the University, to be cited to the first usual Assem­bly of Deans of Faculties and Procurators of Na­tions held on Saturday the fourth of the same moneth 1651. there to be heard touching their [Page 107] Declaration, and oblig'd to produce all the Copies which they had subscrib'd. The day of the As­sembly being come, the Rector propos'd the bu­siness to the Deans and Procurators; he repre­sented to them the dangerous consequences which were to be fear'd, if such kind of Conventicles as these were permitted in the Colledges of the Uni­versity, or people without authority or skill, to decide matters of Doctrine; he shew'd them chiefly, that in the declaration of these Irish, there were things highly prejudicial to the authority of the University of Paris, and to the Rights and Priviledges of the Realm, and of the Gallicane Church. After this laying open the matter, the Irish who had been cited, were called in: Their Declaration was represented to them: They ac­knowledged that they signed it every one apart without having first confer'd together about it, and that they signed three or four Copies, but there was none left with them; the one was put into the hands of M. Vincent, but they knew not what became of the rest; and that they were all ready to revoke their subscriptions, if the Uni­versity so pleas'd: which Answer they likewise subscrib'd. After which they withdrew, and the Rector told the Deputies, that he was encharg'd with a Petition of some other Irish graduates in Divinity in the same University by which they sup­plicated, that that might not be attributed to their whole Nation, which was but the fault of some few particular persons; some of whom were circumvented by reason of their ignorance, others corrupted and seduced by the enemies of the U­niversity; but that this disorder committed by a small number of their Countrymen might be charitably redress'd. After this Petition was read, several of those Irish who presented it were called in to be heard by word of mouth; and some of them declar'd, That there was two Jesuites who made solemn promise to the Irish, to give them a house if they would subscribe that Declaration; yea, they had hopes given them, that a certain person of quality would make a foundation for them; and that M. Vincent also promised to pro­cure benefices for those that subscribed it. It was ordain'd upon all thus by the Rector and Deputies unanimously, that the Declaration was a highly temerarious and unjustifiable Attempt; that the University judg'd it contrary to its authority, and to the Rights and Customes of the Realm and Gallicane Church; that it vacated and annull'd the same; and that all the Copies which were sign'd of it, whereever they were, should be brought to the Rector to be torn. It was enjoyn'd all such as had sign'd it, to come and revoke their subscription within eight days in Writing to be left with the Register of the University, upon penalty that the said time being pass'd, such as have degrees in the University, to be deprived thereof, and of all Right and Priviledge annex­ed to those degrees; and such as have not, to be de­bar'd for ever from obtaining the same. Which time being pass'd, no act of Grace shall be done to such as have not revok'd their Declaration. Likwise Prohibition was made to all other Mem­bers of the University never to attempt the like under penalty of being depriv'd of all Academical Degrees, Rights and Priviledges.

It is not impertinent to observe here by the way that which gave occasion to the University to judge that Declaration contrary and prejudi­cial to the Customes and Rights of the kingdom, and Church of France, was a clause by which these Irish promised in two places of their Declaration, Always to adhere to ALL the Decrees and Censures of the Pope, Nos semper adhaesuros omnibus Decre­tis ac Censuris summorum Pontificum: And never to teach any Propositions suspected of Error or Here­sie, or condemned by any Pope in any manner what­soever; Nunquam nos docturos ullas Propositio­nes de Errore aut Haeresi suspectas, aut QUO­MODOLIBET A QUOVIS SUMMO PON­TIFICE damnatas, praesertimque sequentes: Prima Propositio, Aliqua Dei praecepta, &c. They who understand these matters well, appre­hend the consequence of these Maximes. For my part I relate not the words, but because of the connexion which they will be found here­after to have with the foundation upon which the lately mention'd Deputation was set afoot.

They who mov'd these Irish to make their De­claration against the Five Propositions, to draw the advantages from it which they aim'd at, by building upon it their designs of getting them condemned by the Pope, fearing le [...]t on the con­trary, the decree of the University which they had by this means drawn against themselves, might at Rome produce an effect different from what they propounded to themselves from the Declaration; they conceiv'd it their interest to lay some clog upon the Decree, in stead of leaving the Irish to submit to and comply with it as they promis'd. Wherefore as at first they sollicited them to this irregular enterprize, so now they inspir'd them with the spirit of Revolt against the University: they caus'd them to take an act be­fore Notaries on the 22. of the same March, which tended only to elude the Decree of the University: and on the 24. they caus'd them to obtain of the Parliament an Arrest upon their Petition, which was signifi'd to the Rector on the 29th; whereby Prohibitions were made to the University to put its Decree in execution, till further order were taken therein.

They constrain'd the abovesaid Poërus (who had himself with the rest declar'd in the Assem­bly of the University, That he was ready to re­voke his Declaration, if the University so pleas'd) to make complaint to the ordinary Assembly of the Faculty in April following against the Rectors Decree, to set forth there how they had recourse to the Parliament against the said Decree, and to beseech the faculty to interpose in their be­half in this cause against the University. It was a proceeding very extraordinary and strange; but a very great number of Doctors esteeming the University and its Rector unworthily treated by the impudence of these Forreiners, oppos'd all that M. Cornet, M. Hallier and their Adherents could cause to be concluded in their favout in this Assembly; and declar'd, that they join'd with the Rector and the University in all that they had done in this business as very legal and well ground­ed. But the party of M. Cornet and his Adherents was too strong, and they were Masters of the conclusion of the Faculty▪ by which they ordain'd [Page 108] that the Faculty should intervene in this cause to the Parliament in behalf of the Irish, and they deputed MM. Amiot and Guyard with the Dean and Syndic to prosecute the business; wheresoever, and in what manner soever, in all places, and by all means. Appellationi Hybernorum sese adjunxit Facultas; Qui autem litem promoveant ƲBI­CƲNQƲE ET QƲOMODOCƲN­QƲE, nominavit Hon. MM. NN. Edmundum Amyot, & Dionysium Guyard cum DD. Decano & Syndico. It was as M. Pereyret gave his sen­tence, and many without making any reflection upon those words, saying according to their wont, Sequor sententiam D. Pereyret, which Doctor caus'd the conclusion to be drawn up in that manner.

These unusual and very extraordinary Terms, Ʋbicunque & Quomodolibet inserted in a conclu­sion of the Faculty, in reference to an affair de­pending in the Parliament, of which there was no doubt of interceding, and making the necessary and accustomed prosecutions, in no wise suited to the gravity of the Faculty. Without question they were unworthy and wholly remote from it; nor could they be lookt upon but as inserted out of a childish Bravado, to insult over the Rector and Deputies of the University by the same words which the University had judg'd of all that were in the Declaration of the Irish, most contrary to the Rights of the Realm and Gallicane Church. But the design and aim of the Doctors who caus'd this conclusion to be thus drawn up, were of further extent. Because the Declaration of the Irish was made against the Five Propositions; they lookt upon every thing done against those Propositions, as part of the Process in which the Faculty con­cluded to intervene. They took upon themselves by those words ubicunque & quomodocunque to prosecute as far as Rome, and everywhere else a Process which really was laid only in the Parli­ament. Nor did they confine themselves up to a manner of prosecution, but undertook to pro­secute after what manner, and in what way so­ever seem'd to them advantageous to their ends; without excepting the resolution which they took afterwards, and very likely had then in their minds, to send F. Mulard to the Pope as Deputy from the Faculty. Thus it was that they plotted and prepared afar off the foundation of that so unworthy Deputation, which they might indeed have made as justly and reasonably with­out this Project as with it; but they meant to re­serve it as a last Refuge, to ward off in some sort the just reproaches which such irregular and shuffling dealing would deserve, should it come one day to be discover'd. Have Truth and Ju­stice need of these Legerdemain tricks and juggles? Is it the Spirit of Truth and Justice which inspires the same to those who are not afraid to become guilty thereof before God and men?

But I must add some things that follow'd upon this affair, before I give account how I came cer­tainly to know how F. Mulard was commission'd by the abovesaid four Doctors for this Depu­tation.

The day of the ordinary Assembly of May following being come, the conclusion made in the name of the Faculty on the first of April was to be read again. There was very great contest a­bout the reading of it again, because most Doctors complain'd, that the truth of things then pass'd was alter'd in it; but at length it was read and pass'd: And indeed it pass'd without any obstruction in re­gard of the words ubicunque & quomodolibet, be­cause every one saw that they were foisted at plea­sure; but none had the least suspition of the Use which would be made of them by those that were the Authors of their Insertion.

During the month of May MM. Hallier and Amiot consulted to cause it to be printed with the Kings Priviledge, and to fix it up the Eve before Pentecost at all the Turnings of the University and the City, and that with an injurious title. This oblig'd the Rector to assemble extraordinarily the next day after the Festivals which was the last of May, the ordinary Deputies of the University; who having debated upon this new attempt, de­clar'd amongst other things, That the Chan­cellor was surpris'd when he granted a priviledge for the Printing of that Libel; That the Title put to it, was very false and very injurious to the whole University. That it behooved to en­quire after those that were the Authors of this deceit and insolence, and to proceed against them with all rigour of Law. That M. Hallier obtruded a notorious falsity upon t [...]e Faculty in some thing which he spoke there very untruly touching this affair: That the Irish were proceeded against orderly, and according to the forms of Justice; That the Rector and the Deputies had not gone beyond their power in what they ordain'd against the Irish, who by their Declaration transgressed against the Discipline of the University; and hei­nously violated the Rights and Safety of the King and Kingdom: That nevertheless they appeal'd from this Decree to the Parliament, which re­ceiv'd them as Appellants, and retain'd the cause before the Court; that consequently the Irish could not, nor ought not to have complain'd of the said Decree to the Faculty of Divinity, nor the Faculty have ordain'd any thing thereupon without doing wrong to the Authority of the U­niversity, and especially to that of the Parli­ament. And that the Faculty might not pre­tend ignorance of all the Contents of this new Decree, it was ordered to be the next day, (June 1.) signified by the Bedels of the University to the Faculty assembled, and fixt up at the gates of all the Colledges.

All which was executed the next day, and for all the endeavours us'd in the Assembly of the Faculty by all the Doctors M. Cornet's Adherents, who in the name of the Faculty, determin'd the said intervention in behalf of the Irish, they could not invalidate this new Decree, nor give any im­peachment to an Attestation which M. ô Lonergan an Irish Doctor also gave to the Book concerning Prevailing or Victorious Grace; though M. Amiot made complaint of the said Attestation in the As­sembly, for that it seemed to accuse of Ignorance his Irish Confreres who subscribed the above-men­tioned declaration, which M. Amiot said, was an Injury that redounded upon the Faculty, be­cause it had undertaken the protection of these Irish by intervening in their behalf. For 'twas by such oblique and indirect ways as those that most of this kind of affairs were then transacted in the Faculty.

They set themselves again to try what they could do against this second decree of the Rector in the Assembly of the first of July following, but without any success; and they were at length constrain'd to yield to both the one and the other of those decrees, and the Irish to conform there­unto in every point; and their conclusion of the first of April was reform'd by an accommodation, to which they were glad to submit in a conference held for that purpose in the Colledge of Navarre July 28. between them and the Doctors who in the Facultie's Assemblies had mantain'd the Justice and Authority of those decrees. But they have since no more performed what they promis'd by this agreement then they perform'd that which I mention'd in December 1649. and this business hath insensibly rested till the present time without being regulated one way or other.

F. Mulard in the mean time set forth from Pa­ris towards Rome with his Commission and his in­structions; and whether they had time and con­venience to advertise him to retrench this particu­lar before shewing his Power at Rome, and would not the stone being already cast, and no other course or pretext more convenient coming into their heads make him pass there for the Deputy of the Faculty, which they judg'd too important to the success of their enterprize not to make use of; or whether they sent him Orders for it which were not soon enough brought to him; so it was, that he did not arrive at Rome till Tuesday Sept. 12. and there appear'd immediately in the quality of the Faculties Deputy; and to testifie that he was truly so, he presented that conclusion of the first of April, which shew'd that the Faculty re­ferr'd to, and charg'd upon the Dean the Syndic, M. Amiot, M. Guyard the prosecution of that af­fair in all places, and by all ways which they judg'd fit; to which he added, that those four eminent Doctors chose him for this imployment, as it was clear by the Letters whereof they made him the Bearer, there seem'd nothing wanting for his just title to that quality.

I found this out at first, (as I said above in the visit which I made to F. Luca Vadingo Sep. 19.) by things which he ingenuously told me of F. Mu­lard's visit, and by that conclusion of the first of April which F. Mulard left with that good Father, being printed, though he had not left with him the Letters which were not so. But F. Mulard made an express Declaration of it to my self on Monday Sep. 25. in the Hall of Consistory which was held that day, where we fell into discourse together, and he told me the same in formal terms as I have related, and that before two unsuspect­ed witnesses who by chance were also in the Con­sistory, and heard all that F. Mulard and I spoke, and depos'd it on the seventh of October following before a Notary upon my request.

He gave me occasion of entring into this mat­ter by some word which he said concerning St. Augustine's Doctrine, whereupon I intreated him to dispense with me for answering him, because the air wherewith he demeaned himself, made me judge that he did not understand it. Yet he took occasion to enter further into it as he grew in heat, and cited some passages to me, which probably had been suggested to him by those who imploy'd him in this affair, and he had learnt by heart. After which alas (said he to me) is this being ig­norant in St. Augustin! The good conceit of him­self which those two or three passages which he recited put him into, oblig'd me to check it by asking him, Whether he could tell me what St. Augustin treated of in any of his works which he composed upon this matter? He treats in all, an­swer'd he, of Effectual Grace. That is not the thing, Father, said I, which I inquire. Ask you to tell me the particular Subject which lead him to write any one of his Books. He answer'd me, That 'twas Pelagius's too much advancing Free Will above Grace: and St. Augustin to thwart Pelagius, hath too much advanced Grace above Free Will, insomuch, said he, That in many places He falls into excess as well as St. Paul▪ Hold, Father, said I, You fall unwarily into Blasphemies and impieties against the H. Scripture, which the In­quisition would not suffer, were it advertis'd thereof. But letting that alone, I told him that what he said to me concerning St. Augustin and Pe­lagius were yet but general things: That I asked him something of particular; that I would have him tell me, for example, what occasion induc'd St. Augustin to make the Book De Praedestinatione Sanctorum? He answered me, That we were not living in those times, to know. God forbid, said I! there needs no more to know, but to have read a douzen lines. And to make him comprehend this, I alledged to him, for example, M. Halliers Letter, which he (F Mulard) had presented to the Pope, and I told him, That they who should see that Letter two or three hundred years hence, would not have been in these times, and yet when they read it, they would well enough know why M. Hallier writ it, namely, as he told me, De Jansenistarum examinando dogmate. He knew not what to answer me, but was offended that I treated him as an ignorant, and he would have me know he was not so. Alas! said he, Do you think I was sent hither without good instruction? Did not M. Hallier give me his Notes or Memoires? Be­sides which, Have I not my own? Would the Fa­culty have charged me to speak in its name, had it not judg'd me capable to set forth its sentiments to defned the same? (he as little knew those of the Faculty, as those of St. Augustin) but he added, That in fine, he would have me know, that in the Letters which he brought after a summary account of matters, these words were subjoyn'd, Quid plura? we send you the Bearer, in quo summam fidem, curam, experientiam, scientiam, and some o­ther words he added which I did not remember, for he had his Letter almost by heart, and repeated it very currently: That the conclusion was thus, Igitur audies illum plura nostro nomine loquentem: nostro nomine, repeated he, that is to say, totius facultatis nomine loquentem. And truly, said he, The Faculty would not speak thus of me, and the four Doctors upon whom it repos'd the Trust of this affair, would not have given me Commission a­bout it in the Faculties behalf, if they had not con­ceivd I had understanding enough to serve it. In sum, I should see, whether he would speak other­wise then becommingly to the Pope, when he should have audience of him, which he said the Ambassador promised to procure him assoon as possible.

This so ingenuous confession of F. Mulard to my self of his pretended Deputation might seem a feigned story, if the Act or Memorandum which I took of it on the 7th, of October following, did not expresly contain all that I have related of it; and if F. Mulard had not made himself known for a great Talker in many other occasions, and upon this very subject too, as M. Bouvot Regi­ster of our Faculty testify'd to me, by a Letter which he writ to me about the same Affair July 14. wherein he speaks thereof in these terms, We have learnt that our Master Hallier our Syndic hath conjointly with F. Paulin the King's Confessor, written to Rome by a Cordelier dispatcht away on purpose, who is nam'd F. Mulard, so very secret a person, that he hath publisht his Commission to con­tain an earnest solicitation to some Cardinals to be­seech the H. Father, to take some order with the do­ctrine of these times; otherwise the Jansenists will be­bome Masters of the Ʋniversity.

M. Gueffier Resident for the King at Rome many yeares was witnesse of another Conference be­tween F. Mulard and me upon the same matter two dayes after the Rencounter in the Consistory, viz. Wednesday Septemb, 27. That day I went to see the said M. Gueffier about two a clock after­noon, and I found F. Mulard with him, who it seems had din'd there. After some indifferent discourses which I continu'd the most I could, F. Mulard told me, that he was returning shortly into France. I askt him whether he made so lit­tle account of the society by whom he was deputed, as to abandon the affaires so wherewith he was incharged in its behalf? F. Mulard answer'd me, that he was not maintain'd here by Bishops nor by other persons as I was, and so could not subsist long; that he had only been put in charge by the four Doctors upon whom the Faculty rely'd in this matter, to deliver at Rome as occasion served some Memoires and Instructions which he had receiv'd from them; that he should acquit himself of his trust while he stay'd; that after he had said all, and made all known, as he would do exactly, openly, and without dissembling any thing, then he would return; and that he believ'd no other persons would appear here for this Cause after his depar­ture. That there would remain only the Jesuites; that others linked with them in this Cause would not appear here for fear of putting to arbitration a thing already decided. But if it were needful for any to come, M. Hallier and M. Amiot might be the persons, provided nevertheless that M. Hal­lier were not hinder'd, from coming by the Office of Syndic (which F. Mulard conceiv'd perpetual, so well he understood the most common things of the Faculty) for if that change requir'd his pre­sence at Paris, in such case he would be loth to desert the Faculty. That he had been decry'd at Paris indeed; but if he was ill represented to the Parliament for having protected poor strangers, who barely declar'd that they submitted to the Bulls of Popes, he should be reveng'd at Rome for the wrong done him at Paris. That for witnesse of this, the Pope had lately given him two Bene­fices without his asking of them; and that within a little time, it should be seen whether the inju­ries which had been done him at Paris, would be put up at Rome. That he (F. Mulard) had brought to Rome the Apologetical Memoires of the University; that he could bring but two Copies of them; that M. Albizzi had one, and the other was in the hands of the Jesuites; that he had pro­mis'd the Ambassador to shew him one of those Copies assoon as it was return'd; that he had spoke to him that very morning about it; that he was promis'd to have audience of the Pope on Wednesday following; that he would speak to him as was fitting, and to all others whom he could addresse to before his departing. That to stay longer at Rome was good for Procurators; but for his part, he had no more to do there; that the Queen was of the party; that she had written to the Ambassador, that the Pope should only De­cide, and not trouble himself for the execution. This fine Deputy after this endeavour'd to engage me unvoluntarily upon the contested matters; but I told him plainly that I would never enter thereinto with him. Whilest these things were a doing, one came to advertise M. Gueffier, that the Ambassador was going abroad, which notice hast­ned him to go see him, and so very fitly broke off my Conference with F. Mulard.

In the mean time it is a thing very remarkable, that amongst the principal crimes wherewith we were to be blacken'd at Rome by the diligence of this Cordelier, he was charg'd with the Apologeti­cal Memoires of the Ʋniversity against the enter­prise of the Irish, to attribute the same to the dis­ciples of St. Augustin, because there is some ve­hement speaking in those Memoires against such as would promote the pretensions of Rome over the temporal power of Kings: for our Adversa­ries who no doubt made use of them for that pur­pose after their bringing to Rome, as well as their Deputy, were in this particular doubly culpable. First, in that they attributed to us particularly that which is common to all good Frenchmen, and hath been so often resolv'd by the Sorbon and the whole Clergy of France: one of the first Articles of the Liberties of the Gallicane Church, being to main­tain That the King depends only upon God as to temporals. And in the second place, in that they betray'd the interest of the King and of France, to render us odious at Rome, for things which in no wise pertained to the Disputes agitated be­tween themselves and us. For this reason I shall place those Apologetical Memoires amongst the Pieces which I shall subjoin to this Journal, to let Posterity see the infamous Artifices wherewith they endeavour'd to draw upon us the hatred of the Court of Rome, that so the ill will conceiv'd a­gainst our persons might engage the minds of the Superiors to treat us ill in the cause which we main­tain'd.

The fifth of October going towards evening to the Church of Ara c [...]li, to make my prayer there to S. Francis, whose Festival was there celebrated the Eve before with great magnificence, I was so curious as to enquire whether F. Mulard pass'd in that Covent for Deputy of the Faculty of Di­vinity, as I had great ground to presume he did. I entreated the Fryer who was the Porter to help me to the speech of a French Father who was sent to Rome from the Faculty of Divinity at Paris. The Fryer answer'd that he saw Fryers come in and go out, to and fro, but he took no heed who they [Page 111] were, nor knew their names, but I might enter farther into the house, and addresse my self to some French Fathers, and they would inform me. Ac­cordingly I pass'd on even to th Cloister, and found at the entrance a great number of Corde­liers; I ask'd them if there was any amongst them that was a Frenchman? there was none; but they shew'd me two sitting and talking together under an Arch of the Cloister. I went to them, and told them that I was desirous to speak with one of their Fathers who was sent to Rome from the Facul­ty of Divinity at Paris. He of the two that spoke, answer'd me, With F. Mulard, Sir? I reply'd, Yes. He told me that he was not yet return'd to the Co­vent, that he knew not whether he would return that day or no, because he had desired leave to lye in the City. So, after civilities I left him and went towards the Church; and assoon as I had quitted him, considering that I had the answer which I expected, but withal, that it was good that I knew the Father's name who gave it me; before I re-enter'd into the Church, I sent my man to ask it of him, to the end I might tell F. Mulard whom I had spoken to when I went to see him. On his part he askt mine of my man, who told it him; and as if he had be thought himself that he had not shew'd me civilities enough according to his mind, he came unto me in the Church where I was at my devotions. When I was risen up, he told me him­self that his name was Fryer Archangel, and that he was of the Province of Aquitaine. We re­turn'd under the Cloyster, and discours'd of se­veral things of the Covent. He told me that they were very well as for Dyet, but very inconveni­ently in respect of Lodging: that there was but nine little very strait Chambers for strangers, who were then about twelve or thirteen. I askt him also the name of him that was with him when I spoke to him; he told me that his name was Fryer Francis Gr [...]sset of the Province of Marseille; that he was come to Rome to get an Obedience to go stu­dy elsewhere, and that he intended to go to Bour­deaux; that his businesse was done. As for himself, he told me, that he had been but a month at Rome, and had a Quotidian Ague ever since his arrival; that he had been alwayes in the Infirmerie or Sick-Quarter, where the accommodation was good, but he was ready to come from thence. Because he seem'd a very ingenuous and civil person, and likely to need some little Refreshments, I cordi­ally offer'd him the assistances and services which he might judge me capable to render him, and told him, that if he would accept my offers, F. Mulard could infotm him of my lodging. As I was com­ing back, I met F. Mulard upon the way, and told him that I was come from repaying him the vi­site which he had made me. He answer'd, that since by this civility I gave him the liberty of com­ing again to see me, he would do it; and I reply'd that he should be very welcome.

Within a little time after, he was better then his word, for he gave me two, with the account of which I shall end this Chapter, to pursue the sequel of the other things which I have to relate.

The former of those two Visits was on Wed­nesday. Octob. 11th. in the company of Fryer Arch­angel above mention'd. This Fryer was to go a few dayes after to take the ayre out of Rome, and did not speak much in this Conference, but was a witnesse of all that pass'd between F. Mulard and me. This Father put me upon the bu [...]nesse, by asking me the names of those Deputies whom I expected. I excus'd my self, that I was not fully certain who they would be, till their arrival. Whereupon he answer'd that I was very secret, that I would never tell any thing, but that he al­wayes told me all; and then he nam'd M. the Ab­bot of Valcroissan, and another Doctor who was none of them; but he said he knew not the two others, and that word was sent him that there were four; that in the Letter written to F. Annat they were mounted to five. In the sequel he told me, that he should alwayes love the persons in whose behalf I was there, till there were a Decision of the pope against them. I said that there needed not so much haste, and shew'd him how far Chari­ty towards our neighbour ought to extend: and as for the respect and submission wh ch weare oblig'd to have for the decisions of the H. See, to which he began falsly to judge that we would be refractory; I told him, he ought to assure him­self that we would not in the least be defective in that respect and submission, and I wisht the same disposition of humbly and sincerely submitting were equal in all those of the contrary party. Hereupon, as if I had told him some new thing, And how think you, said he, can that be doubted of? How do you speak of so many Bishops which have written to the Pope against those Propositi­ons? Do you think there can be any doubt of their submission to the H. See? I answer'd him, that he much deceiv'd himself, if he accounted all those Bishops of the contrary party; which for my part I did not. That I was not come from those that sent me, to put an obstacle to what the others had desired, viz. a Judgement of the H. See upon the Propositions; but on the contrary to de­sire the same as well as they, yet with using such a precaution as no doubt the most of them presup­pos'd, but had not expresly demanded, and that is, that before pronouncing such Judgement, the Pope would please to ordain a solemn Congregation, in which the Divines of different opinions might be heard antecedently on either side, both by word of mouth & by writing, as they had formerly been in like case and upon the same matter under Clement VIII. and Paul V. F. Mulard reply'd▪ that those Bishops of whom I spoke, were of the contrary party, since they had declar'd in the Letter which they had sign'd, that they held the Propositions for Heretical, and that many amongst them had already condemn'd them in their Diocesses. I an­swer'd him what was fit to be said to such Dis­course. And as he expos'd to my view in his left sleeve a Paper & a little book cover'd with Marble Paper, without my asking him what they were, he drew them forth, and shew'd me. One was the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. which he alledg'd also as a proof of Jansenius's condemnation. I told him plainly that I would alwayes refer my self to Car­dinal Barberin for the extent that was to be allow'd that Bull, and how it ought to be understood; and because he seem'd to wonder at this Declara­tion which I made to him, I though fit to reite­rate the same to him twice or thrice. He shew'd me likewise the Book. When I had seen the title of [Page 112] it, I pray'd him to let me go up but to my Cham­ber and take a note of it. He would not conde­scend to it, saying, that he was afraid I made that pretence to keep his Book; and that he had busi­nesse to do with it, as also with another Copy which he had lent to Fryer Archangel, and that he came abroad on purpose to show the same to such per­sons as he was oblig'd to impart them to. That it was a Fundamental Piece, which serv'd him as an Arsenal, from whence he could draw the chief Armes which he needed to make use of for the dis­charge of his Commission. For as for the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. he made sport with that, (it was his word) but he meant no more by it, then that he did not pretend to draw so great advantages from it as from the little Book; having had it in my hands during that short Conference, I retain'd the title in my memory which he would not let me take in writing, and it contain'd very near these words, Jansenius de sancto Augustino ac de Ecclesia Catho­lica, de sancto Thoma ac de Theologia scholastica pessimè meritus. Apud............Meturas, &c. He mention'd again his preparation to return into France. I told him, I could scarce believe that he would go so suddenly. He answer'd me; that he must obey his General. I reply'd, True, if his General would have it so, but he (F. Mulard) might represent to his General the importance of the affair for which he was at Rome, entrusted with the orders and interests with such an eminent Fa­culty as that of Paris had therein. He told me that on the contrary, That some affair induc'd his General to oblige him to return, because, as he said, it was to be fear'd that the solicitations made by him in it, might render his Order odious to another considerable Order in the Church with which he desir'd to live in good intelligence; and also to very many eminent persons in France who concern'd themselves for the affairs for which he came. These were almost the last words where­with we ended this Visite.

That which he made to me a few dayes after, was on Sunday October 22. in the morning. He came all alone; but met there at the same time two per­sons worthy of credit, who the next day depos'd an Act or Memorandum before Notaries as I de­sired them, of all that they heard spoken on either side. He came to me full of trouble and resent­ment for an Order to return into Franee, which his General had given him the foregoing evening. He said, that he beseecht his General to permit him to stay yet some dayes at Rome, to take leave of some of the Cardinals to whom he had brought Letters, and that his General had granted him that permission, but besides, he could not depart, till he had first receiv'd the answer of M. Hallier Syn­dic of the Faculty of Divinity who sent him thi­ther, and till some Doctor or other person were come in his place to take care of the affaires where­with he was entrusted. That he could not do o­therwise notwithstanding his General's Order, since he was at Rome on the behalf of the said M. Hallier Syndic of the Faculty, as the said Syndic had testifi'd in the Letters which he writ to the Pope and to some of the Cardinals, but especial­ly in that which he writ to Monsignor Albizzi, wherein he saith formally speaking of the said F. Mulard, Audies illum nostro, id est, totius Facul­tatis nomine loquentem; which words, totius Fa­cultatis were not in the other letters as they were in these. This F. Mulard expressely repeated se­veral times, being mov'd thereto by the little dif­ficulties which I made to him about it, to give him occasion to confirme it, and to such as were pre­sent to observe it well. After which I told him that I shar'd in his regret, notwithstanding a slight su­spition which he had, that I had contributed to his dismission by a visite which I made the day before to his General; and I assur'd him that it was a thing indifferent to me, whether he were at Rome or no; that though he term'd himself Deputy from the Faculty, yet I had no ill will to him for his own part, considering that he acted under the good faith of the persons who gave him that Commission, and that he conceiv'd they would not have given him the same unlesse they had had authority. But as for M. Hallier who gave it him, and writ those Letters without having any power so to do, I could not ex­cuse his proceeding. F. Mulard reply'd to this, Ipse viderit; as for my part, I do not trouble my self; he knows well enough how to maintain what he ha's done. One of the two persons that were present, ha­ving said to F. Mulard, that he thought, he had told him that 'twas not only M. Hallier that charg'd him with his Commission, but also the Dean and the Sub­dean, and that the whole power of the Faculty was in the hands of those three persons; the Father an­swer'd that he did not say so; but indeed beside the said M. Hallier, there was also another Doctor na­med M. Amiot, who were two of the four which the Faculty deputed for this affair, and who as well in behalf of themselves as of the others gave him charge and instruction concerning all that he had to do; but besides, said he, addressing to me, were there none but M. Hallier, I should have as good a title as you, because M. Hallier is more esteem'd there then a Bp. & lookt upon as the most learned man in Europe. I reply'd to F. Mulard, that granting all which he said in M. Hallier's commendation were true, yet it did not give him power to have a Deputy at Rome in the name of the Faculty; and that the Office of Syn­dic gave him no more power to meddle with those affairs in the name of the Faculty, unless the Faculty gave him express order so to do, then the youngest of all the Doctors hath. F. Mulard quitted M. Hal­lier, and betook himself to aske me by what autho­rity I was at Rome. I answer'd him that I was there in behalf and by order of some of my LL. the Bps. of France. namely of those whose Letters I had pre­sented to the Pope. F. Mulard insisted, and askt me to what end, and whether it was against the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. or for Jansenius's book? I answer'd him that it was for neither; that there was nothing either in that Bull, or in those of Pius V. and Gregory XIII. which was contrary to what I pretended; and as for the book he mention'd, that it was wholly unconcern'd in my Commission, because the same was barely upon occasion of the five Propositions which had been presented to the Pope, and which being all contriv'd in ambiguous termes, might have, according to the explication of those termes, senses very different, and so opposite, that one was most evidently heretical, and the other most cer­tainly Catholik; That my being at Rome was to ad­vertise the Pope thereof, and to beseech him that before Determining any thing, his Holiness would [Page 113] please to give audience to both parties in a solemn Congregation. F. Mulard not knowing what to reply hereunto, and wlling to bring M. Hallier off the stage▪ drew out of his sleeve a Let­ter seal'd, and directed to his General, which he said was written by M. Albizzi to desire that Gene­ral in two lines that he would not oblige F. Mulard to depart from Rome, because his presence was re­quisite there in reference to things which were trea­ting in the H. Office. That he (F. Mulard) had had that Letter before his General went away that morning, as he did, to go towards France; but he would not deliver it to him before his departure, that so he might put the same into the hands of the person who was to represent him, and performe his charge in his absence, by which means the Let­ter would have its full effect without any reply or difficulty. You see, said the Father, I shall be no longer here by authority from M. Hallier, but by that of the H. Office. Do you go now and tell M. Albizzi and the two Cardinals that advis'd me to addresse to him for this purpose, that they are to blame to retain me here. To which I answer'd, that it was all one to me whether F. Mulard was at Rome by the order of the H. Office, or of his Pa­tron, or of any other whatsoever, provided the name of the faculty, whereof▪ I had the honour to be a Doctor, were not falsely us'd there­in.

These are the words of all that was depos'd by the witnesses who subscrib'd the Act of Memo­randum which I caus'd to be taken of this Confe­fence; but there were also some other things spoken which were forgotten or purposely omit­ted. M. Fernier was also witnesse of all, though he would not be one of those that subscrib'd the said Act. I shall mention only three of the most remarkable. The first was, that F. Annat was the Author of the Book De Ecclesia praesentis temporis. The second was, that speaking of the Letter which M. Albizzi gave him to his Gene­ral, the said Signor Albizzi was every day with the Pope, that it was he that did all, that the Pope rely'd wholly upon him, and that one might say that what he did and what he would, the Pope did and would. The third was, in reference to the effect of the Letter which M. Albizzi gave him, that it was fit that they (the Religious, or Fry­ers) might have recourse to some Powers, (a­gainst the commands of their Generals which were too burthensome to them) because otherwise, a Monk (meaning his General) might wrongfully and crossely torment an honest man (as himself F. Mulard) with a tyrannical power. And the fourth was, that having had recourse to Cardinal Spada to prevent the command to return into France, which he fear'd to receive from his General▪ he offer'd the Cardinal to return thither, if his Emi­nence judg'd fit; and that the Cardinal answer'd him in these two words, Non Expedit. Which when I consider I am apt to think that the said Cardinal was instrumental to the abovesaid Letter; because on September 21. F. Epiphanius a Fryer dela Premon­stré, a very able honest man, then at Rome about an affair of his Order, told me upon another oc­casion, that F. Novet a Minime, lately inform'd him that F. Mulard would have made use of him a few dayes before to present a Memorial to that Cardinal, to beseech his Eminence to cause him to stay at Rome, considering that he was depu­ted thither not only by M. Hallier, but also by the whole Faculty, non solum à Syndico, as his Memorial ran, sed etiam à Facultate dele­gatus.

Moreover I know not whether F. Mulard's suspicion that I had contributed to his return into France enjoyn'd him by his General, was not in some sort well grounded, though if I did, it was without having any such designe. But see what befell me that same day, October 21. I learnt in the morning of F. Mariana that that Gene­ral was suddenly to go into France, that he was an able and upright man, and of good under­standing too in the businesse wherewith I was encharged; That he had the greatest hand in the condemnation made at Vallid [...]lid of the 22. Propositions prejudicial to the honour of S. Au­gustin, and to the authority of his doctrin; and this good Priest invited me to visit him before his departure, that I might know him, and also advertise him of the book which F. Mulard di­stributed about at Rome, intitl'd Jansenius de San­cto Augustino pessimè meritus, in the first six lines of which it was said that the Censures of those 22. Propositions were impostures. I went then that evening to Ara Coeli; The General was not there. His Secretary nam'd Michel Angelo de Napoli, staid with me to entertain me in expectation of him. When he understood all that I told him aswell concerning our affair of the Propositions, as that of F. Mulard whom he knew, he pray'd me not to go away before I spoke with the General also, who was, as he said, to depart very ear­ly the next day. I waited for the General, though he came not home till it was late. I inform'd him in the fewest words I could of both those af­faires; and by the little discourse we had together he seem'd to me well vers'd in the reading of the Fathers, and well affected to the good and sound doctrine, and I took leave of him without speaking so much as one word about the Dismission which he gave that very night to F. Mulard, against which he defended himself the next morning by the Letter abovemention'd. It was with that Letter that he and I ended our princi­pal discourses touching his Legation to Rome: but because he pass'd there for a man as rare in his person as his call to this emplyment was ex­traordinary, and that so many things were daily told me of his irregular deportment, that they did not seem credible, I was willing to inquire from the place of his birth, (which was also the Country of his Cousin M. Hallier) whether the the principal of them were true or no. The per­son who made inquiry thereof at my intreaty, received the following Letter, by which we may judge of the advisednesse and candour of those who put an affair of the Faculty into such hands, and blusht not to adde to the others qualities of this Cordelier that of Deputy from that re­nowned and famous society. See the Copy of the Letter which I mention'd.

SIR,

THese few words may serve to certify you that I have gotten exact information touching F. Mu­lard the Cordelier. The said Mulard is a native of this City, of the Parish of S. Hilary next the Mo­nastery; About thirty two or thirty three years ago he was a Physitian Some time after, he became a Capucine. After he had worne the habit a long time, he cast his Cowle into a Ditch, and went to Mont­pellier, in which place he took a wife amongst the Hu­gonots. There he pass'd for a good considerable Phy­sitian. At length he was discover'd by a Father Capucine passing through Montpellier, to whom the said Mulard, going to visite him as a Physitian, was constrain'd to confesse that he had been of his Order. There was a maidservant in the house where the sick Capucine was, who heard the passages between him and F. Mulard, and fail'd not to tell the same to the Master of the House. The matter being di­vulg'd, the said Mulard fled, and went to Rome, to get a dispensation from his Vow. He hath had the permission of the Pope to wear a Cordelier's habit. He belongeth to no Covent. He pass'd through this City a moneth ago; it is not known in what place he is at present. He calls himself Almoner to the Count of Harcourt. This is all that I have been able to learn of the life of the said Mulard; He is brother to our she-Cousin Le Feure, &c. I am ever with all my heart,

SIR,
Your most humble and affectionate brother to serve you, Edeline.

I shall adde to this letter by the way, that it was not without cause that this Cordelier term'd him­self Almoner of the Army; he had so much more in all his manners and deportment of the Soldier, and Goodfellow, then of the modesty and re­straint of a Religious, or Fryer. I speak this word upon my own account with confidence, not doubting but such as know him and read this, will in regard of what he is really say that I have spoken very sparingly of him. And not to mention others, F. Morel himself before the third of Octo­ber said, with laughter, that he would write to M. Hallier to thank him for having made so worthy a choice, by sending to Rome in behalf of the Facul­ty such an ancient Doctor and an able man as F. Mulard.

CHAP. X.

Visites made in the end of Septem­ber and the beginning of October. A story concerning Clement VIII. Manuscripts of the Congregations de Auxiliis in the Library of the Au­gustines. Of that whereof I took a Copy there. The Jesuites in vain indevour to draw the Dominicans to their side.

VVHen I quitted F. Mulard on Wednes­day September 27. at my coming fron M. Gueffier's house, who went to waite upon the Ambassador, I return'd to my lodging to fetch the Preface of the book Of victorious or Prevailing Grace (which had been sent me in sheets) and carry it presently to the Ambassador, according to what he had desir'd me to do, in order to give him knowledge of the state of our Contest by the per­usal of that Preface when he return'd from his vi­sits, and to give him time to be in some measure inform'd thereof before the day of his ordinary audience which was to be on the Fryday follow­ing. I found at my lodging F. Petit, who waited there for me, to tell me that F. Mulard dining the day before with M. the Abbot Testu, said there that M. Albizzi had assur'd him that within a little time the Censure of the five Propositions would be pass'd.

I went to the Ambassador's house, and accompa­ni'd him to S. Cosme and S. Damien whether he went. He caus'd his Coach to turn on the side of S. John de Lateran, out of the walls of Rome; and having alighted to walk, and to speak to me in particular about our matters, he put many dif­ficulties to me, which consisted in the Consequences ordinarily drawn from them by such as oppose them with humane wit; and he did it after a man­ner very pressing, and nevertheless obliging. Whereupon having given him the answers which the Fathers make thereto, I invited him to read all those arguments in the Epistle of S. Prosper to S. Augustin, and also to view the Answers which S. Augustin makes to the same in the book De Praedestinatione Sanctorum; of which I had been but a bad Echo in what I had said to him. The second part of our discourse was touching the submission which we were likely to shew to the Decision which the Pope might make of these matters; and I assur'd him that if he made one after hearing the paties in the ordinary formes of a Lawfull Examination, such as I supplica­ted for in the names of the Prelats whose Let­ters I had deliver'd to him, we would shew an absolute submission to such a Decision; but if he made any otherwise, and without having dis­cuss'd the contested matters in a due manner, we should have as much submission for it as it de­serv'd, and yet the greatest we could. And to [Page 115] satsify him of the necessity and justice there was in granting that solemn Examination to the Pre­lats who demanded it, and in whose names I sol­licited for it, I related to him with how much in­stance The Councel of Trent offer'd the same to Hereticks. The Ambassador reply'd, that as for that particular, they did not yield to the Decisions of that Council. I answer'd that they did not; but that was it which took from them all ground of blaming it in that point; whereas if they had demanded such Examination, and it had been deny'd to them, they would have had very just reason to complain thereof. At length I deliver'd to him the Preface of the book Of Victorious Grace, and advertis'd him of what was contain'd in the fifth page thereof in favour of Jansenius, of whom they would not hear any speech at all at Rome. I told him I could have wisht that that passage had been left out, because it alone was enough to incense the minds of the Romans and make the whole book suspected. But I desir'd the Am­bassador also to take notice of the time in which the book was written, because there was then no thought of any person's coming to Rome in pursute of such Examination; but on the con­trary there was daily expectation of some precipi­tated Censure according to the Menaces of the Je­suits in all places; That at the present we hop'd things would be done upon Cognisance of the Cause and with justice, and therefore declin'd speaking of Jansenius, partly to avoid clashing with the people with whom we had to do, and partly because indeed the interests of that Pre­lat's book had not affinity with the prosecution wherewith I was encharged; though in the se­quel the same might be advantageous to it, namely if the doctrine contained therein be conformable to what shall be decided. Concern­ing the Jesuits, the Ambassador told me, that they prosecuted with all possible eagernesse a judgment uponthe Propositions (without speaking of such examination) that he receiv'd letters every week to do such offices as lay in his power for the pro­moting thereof, which he did as much as he could, but without injuring any person, and with endea­vours to bring both the one side and the other to peace.

On Thursday Sept. 28. I learnt two excellent stories from a learned Dominican whom I visited that morning; I shall relate but one of them, as the most appertaining to the matter whereof I am writing. He told me, that Clement VIII. was at first very ill bent against the Doctrine of Grace, by reason of many complaints made to him by the Jesuites against the Dominicans, because these Monks, said the Jesuits, ceas'd not to give them continual vexation, upon the account of School dis­putes. That at length the Pope, importun'd by their continual sollicitations, and fearing the arising of greater divisions, one day as he was in this im­patience and apprehension, he sent to the General of the Dominicans, who was gone out of the City upon a Visit, to return to Rome without delay; That the said General being return'd, and appea­ring at his Holinesses feet, who had him in great esteem in regard of his great capacity and exempla­ry life, the Pope said to him; Come, good Father, you must give me satisfaction in one thing, you must employ all your authority in it, and if it suf­fice not, I will joyn all mine. You see how the Coat of Jesus Christ is rent, England, Germany, so many Hugonots in France, so many divisions and schismes on all sides. Is it so, that what is left in the Church cannot live in peace? Take some order speedily and absolutely, and see that the Religi­ous of your Order do not molest the Jesuites: Extinguish these Scholastick Quarrels, for fear lest they prove one day the cause of greater mis­chief. The General was astonisht at this discourse, but he answer'd to it with as much vigour as re­spect, saying, H. Father, if your Holinesse hath had hitherto any confidence in me, you are not mi­staken, and I would sooner lose my life, then tell your Holinesse a thing that were not true. But I assure you with as great protestation as I am able that it is not an interest of the School that is in question. 'Tis the Cause of Faith that is concern'd. If the opinion which the Jesuites introduce into the Church be suffer'd in it, 'tis a depriving God of his Crown; 'tis no longer he that gives us Para­dise; he is no longer master of his benefits and his graces; &c. This discourse, and the rest which the General added to it, so affected Clement VIII. that he was desirous to hear the General another time, to learn more particularities about this mat­ter then he could tell him at this audience; and from that time forward Clement VIII. was earnest to see this General many times in a week, and re­ceiv'd from him little Memoires, which serv'd him to inform himself therein. At length, when this General had given Clement VIII. the first tinctures of this matter; the Pope lik'd well a request which he made to his Holinesse, namely, that he might present to him some other Divines of his own Or­der, with whom he might conferr as agreeably and as profitably as with him, and that himself in the mean time might better discharge the nu­merous affairs attending his Generalship.

I shall not fear to tell who was the Dominican from whom I learnt these particularities, adding here, that a few dayes before he told me this, Pope Innocent X. who sits at this day upon the throne of S. Peter, sending for him about a certain affair, and acquainting him with some of his regrets, said to him, That if it were well known what the Papa­cy is, there would not be so much seeking for it as there is; That he had so many incumbrances to satisfie all the world, so many things to set right with Crownes, &c. That he was now threescore and eighteen years old; That he was not master of one hours time in the day, to take a little rest; and many other such things. And also speaking to him of M. Hersent's Sermon, he told him, that indeed there was nothing atall in it that deserv'd any Censure. This Dominican was the same, up­on whose relation and approbation the Master of the Sacred Palace gave the Imprimatur to that Ser­mon; in one word, it was F. du Four.

On Sunday morning Octob. 1. I visited a Religi­ous Minime, whom upon occasion I acquainted with our readinesse to yield submission to the De­cision which should be pass d upon these matters, as I had done to the Ambassador. To which the Father Minime, nam'd F. du Plantet, having told me that the Pope needed not for the making of such Decision to stand upon all these formalities [Page 116] which I demanded: I pray'd him to tell me the rea­sons that might hinder the Pope from erecting such a Congregation and legal Examen, because I saw a thousand why he should do it, and none why he should not. He told me three very pitiful ones. The first was, That to hear parties, would very much protract matters in length. The se­cond, that it might exasperate both things and per­sons. And the third, that the subtilty of such as should argue against the truth, might be so great as to dazle the minds of the Judges, and circumvent them.

In the afternoon I visited the Ambassador, and went abroad with him to take the air. After seve­ral discourses, and amongst the rest, about what I learnt concerning Clement VIII. which I have newly related, he told me that he had conferr'd with the Pope about our affair, and that to all that he said to him, the Pope answer'd, That there were Bulls enough already; (he was in the right) That he (the Ambassador) reply'd, that indeed there were already very many; but every one drew them to his own side; that one was desired from him plain, expresse, decisive, that might clear the contests, and bring the Divines and all the Faithfull to peace. (The Ambassador was in the right too.)

On Wednesday Octob. 4. afternoon I went to deliver Card. Spada a Letter from M. d' Angers. He read it through by himself; and all the answer that he made to it then, was to tell me, that he was full of esteem for M. d' Angers, and should alwayes make great account of his Letters. After which I told Cardinal Spada that F. Mulard styl'd himself Deputy from the Faculty; that I knew M. Hallier the Syndic of it had encharged him with some Letters, but could not make him such; and that if the Faculty were advertis'd of it, they would not be well pleas'd, nor suffer this enterprise of M. Hallier's; That I was inform'd that the Nuntio had sent to M. Albizzi some new Piece printed a­gainst the Five Propositions, which was pretended to be a Censure made by the Faculty; but I assur'd his Eminence, the Faculty never made any; That I knew many impostures and falsities were set on foot by clandestine suggestion; but no notice was given to me thereof; and that this was not the way to be satisfied therein and to know the truth; That if they were unwilling to do it, I did not desire to have the persons declar'd to me that sow'd those falsities & calumnies; for fear of engaging such per­sons too far, but that at least the particulars wherof we are accus'd and blam'd, might be told us, because perhaps we might bring such evidence as would e­vince our innocence, and justifie the Candor of our sentiments, and of our sincere respect and af­fection for the things and the persons to whom endeavours were us'd to render us suspected. And for that I consider'd him as one of the most know­ing and prudent of the Cardinals, I beseecht him for this favour, hoping that in the mean time that what I said to him would cause him to suspend his belief, and that of others also, as to any thing that might be secretly and craftily suggested to our disparagement. The Cardinal let me speak all that I would upon this matter, and when I had done, he arose up, telling me He would remember what I had said to him.

Monsignor Sacrista about this time brought me to the knowledge of a Father who was keeper of the Library belonging to the Augustines; and recommended me very much to him, to the end that if in their Library (which is publick for all that will, to repair to in the forenoon, and make use of what books they needed) there were any book or ma­nuscript that I needed for assisting me in the cause I was to manage, which he saw wholly in behalf of S. Augustin's doctrine and authority; he would do me the favour to accommodate me with it. The said Father promis'd me very willingly, and that I might more conveniently see all that he had to shew me, he desir'd me to take the afternoons to come in, because then there would be no per­son there but our selves. Accordingly I went thither on Tuesday Octob. 10. He show'd me some manuscripts remaining in that Library, of the Congregations which were held under Cle­ment VIII. and Paul V. For Fr. Gregorius Nun­nius Coronel who was one of the two Secretaries of those Congregations, and of the Order of Au­gustines, had privately kept them till his death, after which they were taken into this Library and plac't amongst the rest; That afternoon I copied out one my self, which at first view I conceiv'd worthy of that labour, because I saw at the foot of each page, the subscriptions of the Divines of whom those Congregations consisted. In every of those Pages was seen the resolutions of those Di­vines against the errors of Molina, and that reso­lution was subscrib'd with the original signatures of those Divines who set thereto their Ita sentio, and subscrib'd it with their own names. They were but nine at first, and towards the end but eight; and their names were;

  • Petrus Lombardus Archiepiscopus Ardmaca­nus.
  • Archiepiscopus Fr. Jo. de Rada Episcopus Pa­ctensis. [he subscrib'd always thus, begining with Archiepisc. Fr. which is very unusual]
  • Fr. Julius Sanctueius Episcopus S. Agathae Gothorum.
  • Laelius Laudus Episcopus Neritonensis.
  • Fr. Hieronymus Pallantus Episcopus Bizonti­nus.
  • D. Anastasius a Brixia Abbas Farfensis, [who as it appeares by the twelfe of these subscriptions was also one of the secretaries.]
  • Fr. Joannes de Plumbino Ordinis Eremitarum S. Augustini Procurator Generalis.
  • Fr. Gregorius Nunnius Coronel Secretarius [so he always subscribes himself.]
  • Fr. Jacobus le Bossa Religiosus S, Benedict in Francia, & Doctor in Facultate Theologiae Parisiensi

The title of this last calls to my mind, that there was also a Doctor of the Faculty named M. de Creit, who was of those Congregations, as I have seen in some other Manuscripts and Memoires of that time; but what ever cause, sickness or other, hin­dred him from being of the number of those that subscrib'd the Resolutions of this Manuscript, I found them subscribed only by those whose names I have mention'd. A present Copy of the said Manuscript shall be annex'd to the end of this Journal, that the learned may see what it was, and I doubt not but it is still. I shall only say here before hand, that the Effectualness of Grace by it self, and its necessity to all the good motions of Christian piety, its dominions and infallible power over the Will of man, which nevertheless consists with the perfect liberty thereof; The gra­tuitous Election and Predestination wh [...]ch God maketh of men to eternal salvation depending on his pure liberality and mercy, and not on the prae­vision of their merits, and the good use which they will make of his Grace; The certainty of the eternal Prescience which he hath of all those which shall be saved in all times, founded solely upon that Election, and upon the Power and Vertue of his Grace, and the effectual motion which he giveth it to subdue and subject to itself the most rebellious Wills of those on whom he pleaseth to bestow that Grace, (which is all that we pretend and have ever pretended to defend against the Au­thors of the Five Propositions, who never invented them but as an Artifice to ruine and stifle those ho­ly Truths) are very fully and evidently establisht in that Manuscript against the errors of Molina.

I receiv'd that day too a Complement from the Abbot of St. Peter in vinculis, who a little time after was made Archbishop of Manfredonio in the kingdom of Naples; he signified to me, that having understood that I had been several times at his house to see him, he desir'd me to send him word when he might come & visit me. I pray'd him without Ceremony not to take the pains to come to see me, but to do me the favour to expect me on Thursday following▪ which was he 12th. of October. Accordingly I went to see him, and laid open my whole business to him, which he took very well, and seem'd a man of capacity and study, and full of zeal for St. Augustin, and perfectly impartial.

The same day a friend came to me, and brought me the Book intitled Jansenius de Ecclesia, &c. pessimè meritus, of which I made mention above. M. Guiffier had given it to this friend of mine, not knowing what to do with it, and told him F. Mu­lard presented the same to him, which shows, that that Cordelier had a good number of them to distri­bute, since he gave them to persons that had no need, and could make no use of them. The day pre­ceding I receiv'd another visit from a Dominican, who told me, that being two or three days before with Cardinal Lugo, the Cardinal said thus to him, It is necessary that we unite together against the Jansenists, at least in the things in which they thwart both you and us equally, as in Sufficient Grace: whereto this Dominican answer'd (as another did sometimes to F. Annat, who blusht to have made so frivolous a Motion to a very intelligent Divine) that there was much difference between the suffi­cient Grace held by the Jesuites, and that which is held by the Dominicans. That the pretended Jan­senists did not oppose any but that of the Jesuites, the good or bad use whereof depended absolutely on Free-Will; but the same Jansenists were agreed with the Dominicans, as to the main, namely, the Effectualness of Grace, and its necessity to all good actions.

On the 13th. I found F. Malgaires at the Am­bassadors house; he askt me whether I could lend him fot two or three hours the Book of S. Fulgenti­us, which was newly publish'd by a Jesuite of Dyon. I told the Father that instead of two hours, I would lend it him for three days. I askt him what news of F. Hilarion, and what he said to our affairs. He told me, that F. Hilarion would not further open his sentiments in reference to the Propositi­ons that he had given you seal'd up to the Pope two years ago next November, and that he would speak no more thereof; which I mention not in this place, but as a new testimony in confirmation of what I said before of the manner how they were propos'd to the Pope, and how the Divines con­sulted upon them, delivered their judgements; viz. at the same time that the false Censure of the Faculty was carried to Rome, and the first President made a Truce between us and our Adversaries at their instigation, for so much time as was requisite to let that false Censure have its full effect.

Tursday October 17. I had a second audience of the Pope, in which I presented to him a Letter which the Bishop of Grasse now of Vince had written to him. But before I relate the particula­rities of that audience, I think it not impertinent to insert here some Letters which I received from Paris, and which shew with what intentions my LL. the Bishops who interposed in this affair, and we conjontly with them, acted therein.

CHAP. XI.

Letters from Paris confirming the Reso­lution of the Bishops to do nothing but in a regular Congregation, where Divines might argue on both sides.

I Received many at this time, but all breathed the same spirit with these subjoin'd, which I have selected not by way of preference before the rest, but for that they have more connexion and cor­respondence to the matter which the Series of my Journal puts into my hands.

The first of those Letters is dated 14. July 1651. and contains these words: Sir, I send you by this Post the Letters which my LL. the Archbishop of Tholouze and the Bishop of Grass have written to the Pope. You may please to present the same to his Ho­liness, and use all imaginable endeavours with him to procure the effect with them; and particular­ly in the point which ooncerns a Congregation like that which was erected in the time of Clement VIII. and Paul V. I am charg'd to tell you that you must represent to his Holiness, that those Propositi­ons have been fram'd by the Adversaries of St. Au­gustine's disciples, on purpose to confound them, and [Page 118] blemish the honour of that great Doctor of the Church: or if you cannot have audience of his Holiness, they intreat you at least to acquaint the Examinators that the Propositions are not in any Author; that they were never advanced by the Disciples of St. Augustin; that to this present the Disciples of Molina have not been able to verifie it, nor ever will, since in all their Writings which they have published to render the Propositions (invented by themselves) cdious, they have said nothing that verifies it. That the Pope ought not to deny the Disciples of St. Augustin the conference which they demanded in the Assembly of December 1. 1649. since the same is according to the Rules of the Church, and to what hath been formerly done in presence of Popes, and authorised by them. That they are ready to depute for that conference as many Deputies as his Holiness shall please; and that the said Deputy shall set forth by order of my LL. the Prelates, who writ the Letters which you presented to the H. Father. They are all prepar'd for the jour­ney. My Lords have also commanded me to desire you to represent in their names to our H. Father, or to the Commissioners who examine, that the judge­ment which they render upon the Propositions before the Parties be heard, will serve only to augment the Disputes; since the Propositions being capable of very different senses, whereof one is Catholick, and the other is not, some will say, that they are con­demned only in the Heretical sense; others will con­test, that they are condemned absolutely, and so peo­ple will not know what to make of them; which will cause great trouble to the Church, and undoubted­ly much diminish the respect which ought to be had for the authority of the H. See, &c.

The second is of the same date, written by one of the Deputies design'd to be join'd with me, who speaks in the end of his Letter in these words; In the mean time while you expect us, use all possible endeavours that nothing be pronounced upon the Pro­positions. But you see they will do it, and there is no way to help it; then you must endeavour to get three things done; viz. that it be declared expresly, 1. That they mean not to lay any blemish upon the Doctrine or Authority of St. Augustine, which the H. Father requires to be reverenced by all the Faith­ful. 2. That there is no purpose at all to impeach Effectual Grace by it self necessary to all good acti­ons, and to all the good motions of the Will which re­gard Salvation. 3. That there is also no design to damn the Propositions according to the connexion which they have with the same Doctrine of Effectual Grace by it self necessary to all the good motions of the Will, &c.

The third of those Letters is from the same per­son who writ the first to me as from the Bishops, and in this which was writen on the 25. of August, he spoke in these terms: I received your Letter of the 31. of July on Sunday last. I shew'd it to my Lords: They gave mecharge to tell you, that they are very glad to know what Cardinals they are to whom the Pope hath given Commission to view and examine the Five Propositions; and they hope that as they are very just persons, they will contribute all their Power, that his Holiness may grant to the persons whom they shall send a Conference or Congre­gation de Auxiliis to defend the Catholick sense of the said Propositions against all those that mantain they are Heretical and worthy of the greatest Anathemaes. My Lords, expect that the proceeding will not be so quick in this affair, which is the foundation of one of the greatest Contests that ever was in the Church, &c.

The Deputies will set forth the next day after the Nativity of our Lady. Their Commission imports, That they confer not in secret about the Propositions, but demand a publick Conference. The Latin Wri­ting which I send you, hath been drawn according to the order which you gave me. My Lords are por­swaded, that nothing can be more plain, concise and nervous then that little Tract; They are confident the Jesuites will never be able to say any thing against it, at least openly, either in a publick regular con­ference, or by Writing: Indeed in secret, it is certain they may speak all that they please; but it cannot be legal or valid in the Judgement of any Court whatso­ever.

My Lords have given me charge to tell you, that they have no other design in their Letters, and the Commission which they have given you, but to preserve in the Church the Authority of the great St. Augustin, and the Veneration that is due to his Doctrine, which the Church hath made her own. They do not consider this Doctrine, because it hath been recited by the Bishop of Ipre; they say it is considerable only upon the account of its being St. Augustines, and that M. d' Ipre cannot pass for the Author of any opinion, because he hath advanced nothing of himself; but all that he hath said, he drew out of that great source of light. So that in this affair, they have no regard at all to Jansenius, but solely to St. Augustin. The Bishops of Flanders may, if they think fit, send their Deputies to beseech the Pope to cause Jansenius to be examined, thereby to take from his Adver­saries the pretexts which they daily make use of to ca­lumniate him by calumniating the Doctrine of his Book.

My Lords will never consider the Bull against Jansenius but as provisional, and made only for a Political purpose. For whatever the Jesuites say, they will never make it believ'd that the sayd Bull importeth any thing else but a Prohibition, and not a condemnation. Those Fathers do all they can to make good what they say by the word damnat, which is us'd in reference to the Doctrine of Bavis, which the Pope is there made to say, that he reneweth in his Book intitled Augustinus. But there is no strength in this inference, because if the Examiners of Jansenius's Book had found manifestly that he re­newed the Doctrine of Bavis, undoubtedly they would not have suffered only the word Prohibit to be put in the same place where it is, and not rather have put in that of damnat. They would not have pronounced against it after the same manner as a­gainst the Thesis of the Jesuites. There is no ratio­nal man but yields to all this, and is of the same sentiment that I send you touching this Article.

My Lords much wonder that there are found per­sons whom God seemeth to have plac'd in his Church for the deciding of matters of Faith, and regulating the manners of the Faithful, who yet think 'tis a persecution rais'd against the Jesuites, to oppose them touching Sufficient Grace. They say that such Grace is directly opposite to the faith of the Church, that it wholly destroyes the belief of Original Sin, and evacuateth the adorable value, and victorious power of the death and cross of Jesus Christ; that it the foundation of Libertinism and Impiety; that it de­stroyes [Page 119] Prayer and Christian Humility, and that it puts our Salvation in our own power, &c. How is it possible that Catholicks can finde what to blame in so lawful an opposition, the want of which hath, through a just judgement of God, for reasons which we know not, brought the doctrine of the Church at present into a lamentable condition, and reduc'd the undaunted defenders of this faith to be worse treat­ed then Hereticks? It is very necessary that you press this point home. All this hath no reference at all to Jansenius.

All my Lords which are here, cannot brook the ill treatment us'd to the Houres; since it apparently dis­parageth the Authority of the H. See, and exposeth the same to the laughter of Hereticks. But that which sur­priseth them more, is, that the Jesuites whom they know very well to be the Authors of that blow given the Church, instead of hiding their malice and teme­rity, and hindring all speech of that affair, do all they can to move the Archbishop of Paris to blast those Houres publickly. To which purpose they em­ploy'd the Nuntio too, who solicited the said Lord for the reception of that Decree, aend hath given him an extract of a Letter sent to himself from Rome, containing the reasons for which the Houres were put in Indice Expurgatorio. I send you the Copy of that Extract, &c.

He writ so, but the Extract was left behind up­on his Table, and he sent me word that all the prosecutions of the Jesuites and the Nuntio against the Houres could prevail nothing at all upon the Archbishop, so that they were sold and esteem­ed no lesse after that Decree of Rome, then be­fore.

The fourth of these Letters, which I mention here to represent more punctually the sentiments which people had at Paris▪ touching the transacti­ons at Rome in this matter, was dated Septem. 29. In which after earnest injunction by order of my said Lords, to omit nothing in my power for the obtain­ing of the Congregation which they esteemed so neces­sary for the fitting discussion of the matter of the five Propositions, it was prescrib'd me from them; That in case the said Congregation were denyed, and after long patience and continual solicitations sufficiently testifying the ardour of my zeal, nothing were grant­ed but a slight audience, in which the points in Dis­pute could not be throughly examin'd, I should no longer deliberate, but declare that my Commission required that the parties might be heard in the man­ner that Clement VIII. and Paul V. heretofore heard the Dominicans and the Jesuites in the solemn Con­gregation de Auxiliis, which not being granted, I had order to take leave and retire.

CHAP. XII.

An Audience of the Pope, Octob. 17. A Letter of M. the Bishop of Grasse deliver'd to the Pope at that Audi­ence.

I Told the Pope in the first place that I had sig­fy'd to my Lords the Bishops whose Letters I had presented to him, with how great gentlenesse towards me and esteem for them he had receiv'd the same, and what assurance he had given me at that time that no decision should be made upon the Five Propositions, before such things as they intended to represent by persons sent hither for that purpose, had been well consider'd. That the same Bishops were joyful to understand the order that he had given to some of the Cardinals to apply themselves particularly to the study of those mat­ters, to the end they might be of the Congrega­tion which would be establisht to discuss them; and that there were three Doctors upon the way com­ing to join with me, to inform his Holinesse more largely then I could do alone, of the importance of this Affair.

But I had scarce ended this speech when the Pope began to speak, and told me, that I ought to re­member that he intimated two things to me, which were not to be thought of; one was, the resuming of the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. and the other, en­tring into an examination of the matter de auxi­liis. That as for any thing else, he had told me nothing should be done without thorough consi­deration. But as for the Cardinals that I spoke of, he profess'd to me, that either he gave no such order, or did not remember it; At least, he would not own to me that he had given any such.

I reply'd, that I had formerly declar'd to him that we had no design to do any prejudice, neither to the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. nor those of Pius V. and Gregory XIII. As for the matter de auxiliis, the Pope had spoken thereof to me with such a­version, and I knew otherwise that hewas so loth to apply himself thereunto, that I durst not tell him, that Then he must not enter into the examina­tion of the Propositions which had been presented to him, because each of them was a necessary de­pendance thereon, and inseparable from it in the sense wherein we affirm'd them to be Catholick; for fear, lest speaking to the Pope in that manner, I might put an invincible obstacle to all the solici­tations which I was to make for obtaining the e­rection of the solemn Congregation, which seem'd so necessary to the full discussion and decision of the Controversies which were in the Church be­tween Divines about these matters. Wherefore without using the term de Auxiliis, I told the Pope, that since we had been accus'd to his Holi­nesse of maintaining the five Propositions, pre­sented to him under equivocal terms, which afford­ed different senses, whereof onewas Catholick and the other Heretical, it was agreeable to justice, and tended to the satisfaction of his Holinesse, to know, that we abhorr'd the Heretical, and main­tain'd the Catholick; and that those senses being distinguisht, the condemnation which follow'd would be clear and distinct, and could not be at­tributed to the sense which we maintain'd to be the doctrine and faith of the Church, as it was the design of the Authors of those Propositions to do, if they obtain'd a Censure befoe the said senfes were cleared▪ and distinguisht: Which since it could not be done but in a Congregation establisht for the purpose, this induc'd the Bishops for whom I appear'd, to desire the same of his Holiness by their Letters, and to encharge me with sollicitations to procure the effect thereof.

The Pope scarce allow'd me time to end this dis­course, but he told me, that after Clement VIII. had caus'd this matter to be debated in his presence for a long time by the most excellent men, whom he summoned from several places, after he had stu­died them himself with very great care, (so that as he remember'd, some took occasion thereby to say, that Clement VIII. began very old to study Divinity,) yet he could not at last decide any thing therein, but was fain to impose a perpetual silence both to the one side and the other, Imposuit omni­bus perpetuum silentium: wherefore it behoved to acquiesce in that order and live in peace, and that every one in the mean time pray to God for grace to serve him well.

I answer'd the Pope, that Clement VIII. not­withstanding all the care he took to examine that matter, could not indeed decide it; but he had the design to do it, and it was only death, wherewith God suffer'd him to be overtaken, that hinder'd him from deciding it in favour of our side; and that the said decision not having been then publisht, our adversaries take so great advantage thereof at this day, that they do not dissemble that they attempt to overthrow the doctrine of S. Augustin, which is also that of the Church.

The Pope assented to this truth, that the Do­ctrine of S. Augustin was that of the Church, but he said, We understood S. Augustin one way, and our adversaries another.

I answer'd, that greater wrong could not be done to S. Augustin, and all the holy Popes who proposed his doctrine to the Faithful as their own, then to pretend as our adversaries do, that it can­not be known to which doctrine, theirs, or ours, that of S. Augustin is conformable.

The Pope reply'd that they drew him to their side, and we maintain'd him on ours. That this was it that was to be judg'd, but the discussion of it was a matter of much paines, it requiring much labour and time; that it was therefore requisite to hold to what Clement VIII. had ordained therein, namely to remain in silence.

I answer'd that our Adversaries did not keep it, and ceas'd not every day to undermine the faith of the Church insensibly; which if they were suffer'd still to do, they would utterly ruine it at length. That truly it was difficult for me to take the bold­nesse to speak thereof with so great instance to his Holinesse, but his setvice and that of truth oblig'd me thereunto. And if his Holinesse pleas'd but to peruse a little Italian Writing of about two Pa­ges or more, which I had made purposely to shew him in particular, and almost at one view, the e­vident coherence which those five Propositions taken in the sense which we maintain'd, had with Grace Effectual by it self, he would clearly discern the ambushes laid for him in presenting those Pro­positions to him, and would remain convinc'd of the importance of this Affair.

The Pope reply'd, that he would not look upon that writing how short soever it were; because after having seen that, he must see another, and then another, and so he should by degrees become engag'd in the matter unawares.

I told him that I had not prepar'd that Writing to discusse the matter, but onely to let him know in what manner our Adversaries had acted towards his Holinesse in this affair; but the Pope would by no means hearken to what I propounded to him, because he still profess'd that he fear'd it would engage him further, and oblige him to too great toyles, as he knew the discussion of this matter requir'd even of such as had apply'd themselves to that study all their time; but much more pains must it cost him then others; poi (said he to me, they are his own words) non è la mia Professione; oltra che son vecchio, non ho mai studiato in Theologia. Because, (said he) it is not my Profession; besides that I am old, I have never studied Divinity. Which I beseech those that shall read, to take in the same sense that his Holinesse spoke it, and wherein I write it; that is, That he had not studyed Divini­ty comparatively to the study of the Canon Law, upon which he had bestow'd all his time, laying Divinity apart, as many do at Rome, where it seems the several employments which are follow'd, and by which advancement is attained, require rather a Canonist then a Divine.

I reply'd then to the Pope, that I should be very loth to cause any inquietude to him, or engage him to any pains that were not agreeable to his Holinesse; but I was oblig'd to make him the in­stances which I now did, because Monsignor Al­bizzi had told certain persons from whom I under­stood it, that his Holinesse would within a little time passe a Decree upon those Propositions; and that it was of absolute and very important necessi­ty that his Holinesse were inform'd of the nature of those Propositions, before he made such Decree, and that there was no shorter way to give him a true Pourtraict thereof, then what I offer'd him in my Paper.

The Pope answer'd me; Does he (or you) think that a Decree can be made so quickly, and that there is no more deliberation us'd thereunto?

I reply'd, that before making, or so much as deliberating thereof, it was alwayes necessary to be inform'd of the matter that is in question. And for that I perceiv'd the Pope continu'd to shew a great repugnance and aversion to that, I told him I was very sorry that I could no better re­present to him then I did the extreme necessity there was of our being heard upon the subject of the Propositions, as well to let him know the sin­cerity and verity of our sentiments, as to establish a firm peace in the Church of France; but the Do­ctors who were upon the way, comming —

The Pope interrupted me, to tell me that there were Ordinances which enjoyn'd Silence in this matter; That if there were persons that would be disobedient, he could not keep or restrain them by force in their duty.

I proceeded to tell him, that those Doctors which I was mentioning, could represent to him better then I how farr that Silence might extend, andall the other things which I had intimated to him; but in the mean time I had further a Letter to deliver to him (it was that of my L. the Bishop of Grasse, now of Vence)▪ which I drew out of my pocket, and pre­sented to his Holinesse.

The Pope received it very coldly, testifying to me his reluctancy thereunto; and as he receiv'd it, he askt me what it contain'd?

I answer'd him, that it was upon the same subject and for the same end with those that I had formerly deliver'd to him.

The Pope hereupon reiterated to me the impo­sition of Silence ordained by Clement VIII.

I answer'd again, that I beseecht him to excuse me if I presum'd to tell him, that Clemen VIII. might have enjoyned some temporary Silence as to these matters, possibly for so long time as the ex­amination lasted, with which he was in hand, and till they were decided, but not for ever; since they were not of such a nature as to be buried in obscurity and oblivion, any more then the other points of the Christian Faith, which God appoin­ted his Apostles to go and preach through the whole world.

Forasmuch as I knew by all that I had learnt of the Popes disposition since my being at Rome, that he was much possess'd with the thought of that Silence impos'd by Clement VIII. and a pur­pose to make a new Decree to that end, it seem'd to me so unworthy the Majesty and honour of the H. See to extinguish the Lamp to the Faithfull in stead of lighting it, that I was prepar'd to encoun­ter that thought in the Popes mind; and I had made choice of two proper and decisive passages upon that subject, wherein one was taken out of S. Au­gustin, and the other out of S. Fulgentius, and both in reference to what S. Paul writeth to the Romans, to whom having explicated the Mystery of Predestination and Grace, he gives this reason of so doing; Nolo autem vos, fratres, ignorare my­sterium hoc, ut non sitis. vobis ipsis sapientes. That of S. Augustin is in his 105th Epistle, where spea­king of the same Grace which S. Paul preacht to the Romans, and concerning which only the que­stion is at this day between the Jesuits and us, he saith these words, De cujus commendatione maxi­mè ad Romanos Apostolica Epistola loquitur, ut inde se praedicatio ejus velus à capite orbis toto orbe diffun­deret. And that of S. Fulgentius is in the 8 ch. of the 3d. book, in these works, Beatus Apos [...]s noluit taceri quod voluit scribi. And lower, Prae­destinationem nam (que) sicut tam fidenter quàm vera­citer praedicavit, ita nobis praedicandam fidenter ve­raciter (que) mandavit.

I had made choice of these two passages to tell them to the Pope, and to let him see thereby how distant the thought of Silence was from that of those H. Fathers; but he scarce gave me time to fi­nish what I spoke above; but he reply'd that he very well knew what Clement VIII. ordained in reference to such Silence; he (Innocent X.) being at Rome at that time in the vigour of his youth; and that he remembred very well that the disputes rais'd under the Papacie of Clement VIII. were ex­tinguished by that Silence. Wherefore fearing to crosse the Pope too directly, by arguing further against what he said thereof, I was contented to keep my two passages for another more fit time, when the Pope might be better dispos'd to receive them: and conceiving that it was time for me to end this audience by holding my peace and withdraw­ing, I did so after I had receiv'd the Pope's bene­diction.

Besides the Letter of my L. of Vence, which I deliver'd to the Pope at this audience, I had ano­ther from the late Archbishop of Tholouse; but ha­ving receiv'd newes of his decease before that au­dience, I did not think fit to deliver it to the Pope, considering that if I afterwards should conceive fit­ting so to do, it might afford me occasion for a new Audience, wherein I might further speak to the Pope what was most urgent in behalf of the affair which I had in charge to sollicit with him.

Neverthelesse I did not deliver it afterwards; and it serv'd me only for a new proof that M. Hal­lier was in so perfect intelligence with M. Albizzi, that there was nothing but this Assessor communi­cated to him. For after our return into France, falling into familiar discourse with him touching the number of Bishops that writ to the Pope about the Enterprise of the Propositions, and I reckon­ing the Archbishop of Tholouse amongst them, M. Hallier imagining that I mention'd him only be­cause he was dead, strongly deny'd that he was one of them, and told me he knew who writ to the Pope as well as I, because M. Albizzi had shew'd him the Letters, and there was none from the Archbishop of Tholouse. I acknowledg'd that M. Hallier had reason to speak as he did, seeing the Letter of that Prelate was not deliver'd to the Pope, nor found among those that M. Albizzi shew'd him; but I maintain'd too that I had said nothing but truth when I nam'd him for one of those that writ to the Pope about this business, because indeed he had done so, as I could prove by the very Ori­ginal of his Letter which remained then and is still in my hands. But I shall here set down the tran­slation of that of M. de Vence, which I deliver'd to the Pope at the above-mention'd audience. The Superscription was, To the most holy Father Pope Innocent X. at Rome. The Contents follow.

Most Holy Father;

I Could not understand but with very much grief, that some persons have lately written to your Ho­linesse t uching certain Propositions, and desired your Judgement upon the contests arisen about that matter. Not that I am troubled to see that they have recourse to the S preme Tribunal, but because it hath been done by one alone amongst all the Bishops our most dear brethren who incited the rest to subscribe that Letter without having conferred together, without having gather'd voices, without having convok'd any Synod, and without having so much as propounded the businesse in the General Assembly of the Clergy of France, which by a happy chance was held at that time. I wish, most H. Father, from the bottom of my heart to see the fire extinguish'd which this Dispute hath kindled; but I cannot dissemble to your Holiness, that I much fear lest some will rather cast oyl upon it then water, and under pretext of seeking peace, excite a new warr more violent then the former. For to what else tendeth this Project? The very same Five Proposi­tions are presented to your Holinesse, which were ten­der'd two years ago to the Faculty of Divinity at Pa­ris, which for the sake of peace declin'd to Judge there­of; because it found that not being taken out of any Author, they are all compos'd of doubtfull senses, and contriv'd purposely at pleasure by the Partisans of the contrary opinion, so as that they may easily explicate them in a bad sense. It was for this reason, most H. Father, that the Faculty with very great prudence judg'd that nothing could be decided touching such Propositions without very evident danger, for fear of impeaching by a Censure, not the doctrine of Corne­lius Jansenius (whose name it observ'd was spar'd, upon other accounts) but, which is more deplorable, [Page 122] the doctrine of S. Augustin, and also that of the whole Church, which hath constantly embraced the senti­ments of that Saint in the matter of Grace. Which, how great a mischief it would be, and how great a failure in respect towards your Holinesse, who have so high esteem of that glorious Saint, cannot but be seen by such as are not ignorant, that it was under the conduct of that incomparable Chief that the enemies of the Church and of the Grace of Jesus Christ have been vanquisht. Wherefore most Holy Father, that under pretext of the ambiguity which is found in the equivo­cal words of those Propositions, wrong be not done to that H. Doctor, we most humbly beseech you Holi­nesse to permit those of the one part and the other to ex­plain their sentiments, as Clement VIII. and Paul V. of most happy memory did in a like case, to the end that in this affair, so important as none can be more, no person may complain of having been condemn'd without being heard, and consequently every one may without scruple submit to the Judgement which your Holinesse shall pronounce. This is the request, most H. Father, which we make with profound respect to your Holinesse, and beseech you to grant to us out of that charity which renders you a Father, that Equity which renders you a Judge, that Learning which renders you a Doctor, and lastly, out of the consideration that nothing can prejudice S. Augustin but it must fall upon the Church, such affinity is there between their interests, especially in this sort of questions, wherein all the Learned a­gree that they are absolutely inseparable. In the mean time, I pray God, most H. Father, by his Grace to continue your Holinesse in your good purposes, and to grant that you may incessantly watch many years for the good of the Church, and all the Faithfull in that height of Grandeur, whereunto I rejoyce with all good men to see your Holinesse advanc'd. I am,

Most Holy Father,
Your Holinesses most humble and most obedient Son and Servant, ANTHONY Bishop of Grasse and Vence.

CHAP. XIII.

Visits made in the end of October and the whole moneth of November. A Manuscript of the Bull of Paul V. a­gainst Molina in the Library of the Augustines. Of the Secrecy us'd in the transacting the affair of the Propo­sitions. An Ʋntruth of M. Hallier and F. Mulard. Asperities of M. Albizzi.

I Had receiv'd from France a Copy of a Bull which Paul V. caus'd to be prepar'd for the con­demnation of the sentiments of Molina, and con­firmation of those concerning Grace Effectual by it self, and gratuitous Predestination, which we defended: the same had been drawn up in conse­quence of the Conferences which continu'd under his Papacy about this matter, after the death of Clement VIII. The same day of my audience, af­ter noon, I went to seek in the Library of the Au­gustines, whether there were ony draught of it a­mong the Manuscripts left there after the said Con­gregations, that so I might compare the Copy sent me from France with that which I should find there, according as I was enjoyned. And indeed I hapned to find one; but when I went to compare them, by reading but the first Paragraph I found them so different both in many words and in the ci­tations, that I thought better to write out the Copy I found in this Library, then to make mine conformable to it by so numerous corrections. Wherefore I spent this afternoon in transcribing it, F. Mariana dictating to me.

Thursday, Oct. 19. after noon I went to wait upon Cardinal Roma: He was coming out of his chamber to reconduct a person that had visited him, and at the same time M. Albizzi enter'd in, with a bagg in which there seem'd to be papers. The Cardinal came to me to speak to me, but I told him I would wait upon his Eminence another time when he was lesse employ'd; to which he agreed. The Master of his Chamber comming to me where the Cardinal left me, told me as he accompanyed me upon the stairs, that this affair (meaning that which was treated of there every Thursday, and esteem­ing it the same with that for which I was at Rome) must needs be of great consequence; That he had never heard of any that had been more debated, and lasted longer then this; That every Thursday after the Cardinals had been with the Pope, they came thither in the afternoon. But I desiring to learn something further of him, and asking him, whether it were about the same with that for which I was at Rome, he seem'd as if he repented that he had told me so much; for he answer'd me smiling, that he knew no more of it then my self. I shall mention here by anticipation, that I learnt on Wednesday following (which was the 25th of the same moneth) that a Cardinal, very intelligent in these matters, and who admirably penetrated in­to all the contrivances and consequences of either side, had made some visites and very dextrous inquiries to find how things stood (for people were shy of him) but all that he could discover was that while either Party press'd to be heard, it was under debate whether it were fit to engage in the matter or no, and which way to go about it, An & Quomodo; that Opinions were very different herein, that the Pope would have no meddling with it at all; but Cardinal Roma was very ear­nest for it, and judg'd it absolutely necessary for a thousand reasons, as well as to supply the Bishop­ricks of Portugal, &c.

On Wednesday October 20. I went to give Car­dinal Pamphilio an account of the audience which I had had of his Holiness the Fryday preceding; but I found Card. Trivultio coming forth with him, and there was such a multitude about the entrance that I could not come neer the Master of his chamber to tell him that I desir'd to speak with his Eminence. [Page 123] So I quitted this Poste, and went to entertaine Monsignor Sacrista with the relation, and I pray'd him, in case he found opportunity to speak to the Pope about our affair, to tell him plainly that our desires were that he would decide it, if his Ho­linesse, could apply himself to examine it before hand with the care and study it deserv'd; but if he would not make such Examination with all due so­lemnities, then we desir'd him not to let any new determination be made about it, as he had former­ly given me hope; one or the other; rather the former then the latter; but the latter, if we can­not obtain the former. He promis'd me he would do it, if he found opportunity; and coun­sel'd me in the maean time, not to addresse to the Pope again till the Deputies whom I expected were arrived.

In the afternoon of the same day I went to see F. Ʋbaldino, who shew'd himself very quick and vigorous for a man of his age in a good long dis­course which we had about this matter. As for the point of the Congregation which I sollicited, he told me that assuredly I must not expect to have any determination during this Papacy, though such a Congregation were granted us. That were it granted, it would be onely for forme, and out­ward seemlinesse; but really to weary us, and con­straine us by the length into which we should see all things drawn, to return without any thing done. And the reasons upon which he grounded this opinion, were, that the Pope was already very an­cient, and would not be able to undergo the paines that that Discussion requir'd of him. That he was naturally very slow in all things. That he was very prudent in affairs, and that he would not care to engage in one wherein he knew himself not very well skill'd. The Father us'd the same words as the Pope did at my audience; viz. Il Papa non è Theologo, non è la sua professione; è Le­gista. The Pope is not a Divine, Divinity is not his Profession, but Canon Law.

On Tuesday October 24. I met with M. Fernier, with whom I went to give a visite to F. le Maire the Jesuite. In our Discourse this Father main­tain'd That the good natural qualities wherewith a man is borne, may be a motive to God to give him his grace for salvation, which he would not give to another that hath vicious ones. He main­tain'd likewise that of three or foure Jewes alike dispos'd in themselves, whom I should exhort to embraice the faith, and whose conversion God e­qually willed, and for the effecting thereof gave them the like graces, one might actually become a Christian, and the other actually reject the gra­ces given them by God for the same intent. He offer'd to prove this out of S. Augustin, and carried us into their Library to shew us some pas­sages in him; but all those which he shew'd us spoke nothing lesse then what he pretended. When I had made to those passages such answers as I con­ceiv'd sutable, he reply'd, speaking of S. Augustin, Est meus & tuus; sed ne (que) tuus ne (que) meus. M. Fernier plainly reprov'd that speech as inconsist­ent with the esteem which ought to be had of that great Saint, whose sentiments are too clear and well explicated to deserve such a censure; and F. le Maire seem'd willing to put it off, as grounding it upon all the worlds pretending him to be on their side, and yet believing that indeed he was neither for one nor other. He added also that his case was the same as 'tis with the H. Scripture, which Hereticks pretend is one their side as well as the Catholicks, and which needs to be explain'd, that it may be known how it is to be understood. As F. le Maire reconducted us, we found F. Annat before his Chamber; he invited us to come in, and there we discours'd together for some time very pleasingly and of things wholly indifferent. At our departure they accompani'd us with much civility as far as the door of their Church towards their Cloister, and M. Fernier and I heard Masse there.

I spent that afternoon in the Library of the Augustines, and transcribed thence the begining of a little compendious History de Auxiliis. The keeper of the Library began to intimate some fear lest he should be blam'd for letting me take the Copies of those manuscripts; so that I per­ceiv'd I must not hope for any more to be shew­ed me I perceiv'd also that if I had not already had the Copy of that Writing which I mention'd above sign'd by those ten Divines who compos'd the Congregation establisht by Clement VIII. for examining Molina's book, and who so fully de­clar'd themselves against his errots in behalf of Ef­fectual Grace and Gratuitous Predestination, this Library-keeper would not let me have taken it; but for that I had before transcrib'd it, he per­mitted me to compare it exactly, which I did some dayes after.

The rest of this moneth I had but one more con­siderable Occurrence, and that was in a visite which I made upon the last day to Cardinal Roma. I told him the newes which I had receiv'd of some ob­struction in the journey of my Collegues in this deputation, and I gave him an account of the audience which I had of the Pope on the 17th day. The Cardinal answer'd, that there was no haste, that they would come time enough, that nothing would be done without full cognisance of the cause, that I ought not to doubt it; and though he did not think it necessary for the sal­vation of every one to be fully inform'd of these matters in contest, yet it was very good to decide them. I told him of the comming of F. Mulard; and the manner of his pretended deputation. He answer'd me, that he had not yet seen F. Mulard; but is it possible, added he, that a man so emi­nent and so esteem'd as M. Hallier, hath sent a Deputy as from the Faculty without having power to do it, and that a person ignorant and of a scan­dalous and corrupt life as is that of this Cordelier? I assur'd him that M. Hallier had done so, and acquainted him with the occasion that some had taken to calumniate us at Rome, as if we intended to burn all the Bulls of the Popes by reason of the just Scruples made by the University about some Bulls and Decrees of Popes pass'd upon surprise and without cognisance of the cause; as also with that which some took to say that the Faculty had subscribed the condemnation of those Propositions, because that the plurality of voices had resolv'd to intervene in the cause of the Irish before the Par­liament in reference to Discipline; though a great number of Doctors of the same Faculty had de­clar'd contrary to the plurality, that they adher'd [Page 124] to what the University had done against the said Irish. The Cardinal took all very well, and assur'd me again that he would take very great care that there might be no surprise here, and that truth might be the rule of all things.

I made a visite likewise to Cardinal Spada to ac­quaint him with the retardment of our Deputies; to which he onely return'd these foure words, as he rose up, Questi viaggi sono longhi, Those jour­neys are long.

The first visite which I made in November was to the Ambassador, to waite upon him to Chappel on All Saints day. The solemnity of the day, did not hinder him from asking me as he came forth of his Chamber, what newes of our depu­ties. I told him the condition of their journey; and he reply'd that he believ'd the Pope would let all those problematical things alone so long as he liv'd. I answer'd the Ambassador that I fear­ed so, and that the Pope had signified very much of such an inclination in an audience which I had of his Holiness during a small journey which he (the Ambassador) made to Tivoli, of which I should be glad to give him an account at his first conveni­ence. Whereupon the Ambassador reply'd that we must see one another in one of the next ensuing dayes.

In the afternoon after Vespers were ended, I visited F. Mulard, who read a Letter to me which he had receiv'd from M. Hallier; the most remar­kable thing that I perceived in it, was, that though two Doctors of the contrary party (as he call'd it) were set forth on their own accord to come to Rome, neverthelesse They (viz. who deputed F. Mullard) did not think fit to send others. I told F. Mulard that M. Hallier was mistaken in saying those two Doctors were set forth on their own ac­cord. He answer'd me, that he had order to give out so upon all occasions, and to advertise M. Al­bizzi thereof.

This discourse oblig'd me to make a visit on Fri­day morning to M. Albizzi; I told him, that I had acquainted him at my first arrival at Rome that the Bishops whose Letters I had presented to the Pope intended to send other Doctors to sollicit the ef­fect thereof joyntly with my self; and that those Doctors would arrive in the moneth of October; That that moneth was past, and the Doctors not yet arriv'd: but to assure him th [...] had not spo­ken it without being certain of w [...]at I said, I was come to advertise him that I had a letter from Ly­ons of the 30th of that moneth, by which it was signified to me that they were set forth to continue their journey to Rome; That they had met with some obstruction in the way; but I hoped they would neverthelesse be at Rome within a little-time. M. Albizzi answer'd me roughly in these words; Vengano, o non vengano, al mese d' Octobre, di No­vembre, di Gennaro, di Febraro; questo non importa. Let them come, or not come, either in October, Novem­ber, January, or February, it matters not. We never said (continu'd he in Italian & with the same air) that we gave them till the moneth of October or November: The H. See is not resolv'd to receive any party in an affair of doctrine, as this is. If they are minded to say any thing, it will hear them, if it think good, tanquam aliquos e populo, (these were his words) They have no charge to come hither, they come of their own heads. I interrup­ted him here, to tell him that they did not come of their own heads, but they were sent by the Bi­shops. He reply'd, that what I said was not true, questo non è pur vero, and that he was as well in­form'd thereof as my self. I answer'd him, that whosoever had told him the contrary was a lyar, è mendace. He maintain'd that he knew it full well, and that he had good intelligence for it. I reply'd, that whosoever gave it him, deceiv'd him. He answer'd, What if it were the Nuntio? I reply'd, that if it were the Nuntio, he had not said true; he must needs have been ill inform'd. Ho, (said he) I warrant he would speak true; Do you think that the Ministers of the H. See send false intelligence to it? And do you think (said I) when I have in my hands a Procuration drawn in good form, and the Nuntio saith I have not, that I do not see and am certain that the Nuntio is mistaken? But I (said M. Albizzi) will say that it is a false one. And besides, added he, suppose they have a procurati­on from four Bishops, what is that against four­score? I answer'd him, that one alone was suffi­cient; and that it was sutable to the order of the Church and the interest of the H. See, to hear him, and see what he had to say for the service of the Church and the H. See. He reply'd, that those Bishops and all of us, as many as we were, should do well to obey the Bulls, and live in peace; That as often as any went about to attempt any thing against the H. See, there was mischief follow'd up­on it; That in France they had offer'd to find fault with many things that are practis'd at Rome; that they talkt there of Reformation, and that they had set up a Reform'd Religion. I asked who had done all this? He answer'd me Dio benedetto, 'twas God. I reply'd, that he said true, because 'tis said in Scripture, Non est malum in civitate quod non fe­cerit Dominus; but I askt him who had done it, because I had never read nor heard anywhere that the Bishops of France had fail'd in any thing of duty towards the H. See. He answer'd, that there was nothing seen daily in France but enterprises a­gainst the H. See; that nothing was heard spoken of but the Liberties of the Gallicane Church, which were so many revolts against the Apostolical au­thority; Qu' un tal Marca havesse fatto un librac­cio il piu cattivo; That a certain Marca had made a kind of book, the most wicked that had been heard of, a long time. That indeed he since sung a palinodie palinodia, and for that reason was made a Bishop; That there came to Rome about four or five years ago one Bourgeois, (he meant M. Bour­geois) with another nam'd Duchesne, as the De­puties whom I expected would come hither upon their own private authority, to have the face to maintain heresies: But if he (Albizzi) could have been believ'd that Bourgeos sarebbe stato fatto prig­gione, that Bourgeois should have been arrested and put in prison, for having had the boldnesse to de­liver a Memorial to the Pope, in which there was Heresie: I durst not take notice of the extreme scorn wherewith he spoke of those so worthy per­sons, for fear of falling into some unnecessary contest with him, from whence he might take ad­vantage. But I answered him fairly, that all the things which he spoke of belong'd not to my affair, [Page 125] that therefore I had nothing to say about them to him; but as for the Doctors whom I expected, I affirm'd to him that they were rightly and duly sent by many Bishops of France of great consideration and merit; That it imported the order of the Church, and the interest of the H. See to hear them; and as for those that had told him that they came upon their own account, they were either malici­ous or ignorant of the matter. To this M. Albiz­zi said, Hé, se non lo voglio credere, And what if I will not believe it? I answer'd him, that he was master of his own will, that he might believe or not believe all that he thought fit; but whether he believ'd it or no, what I spoke was not the lesse true for that; Sele Padrone della vostra Voglia & del vostro credere, mà credete lo ò non, non è men vero. M. Albizzi reply'd to me upon this by repeating several times the same words, Ese non lo voglio cre­dere, e se non lo voglio credere, in so strange a man­ner and tone, that being scarce able to forbear laughing, I was oblig'd to rise up to end this con­ference, and he reconducted me, muttering all the way, and I smiling at his answers and deportment.

When I had quitted him, I pass'd by the lodg­ing of M. Fernier, whom I found at his gate, and he told me as a new thing, that M. Aveline had ac­quainted him with all that F. Mulard had shew'd me in M. Hallier's Letter upon All-Saints day. And he further added, that M. Hallier had again sent to him to comport himself at Rome as De­puty from the Faculty, to take courage, and he should not be disown'd; and that F. Mulard talkt of nothing else upon the Piazza of Spain with all the French, with whom he was often seen walking there.

In the afternoon I went to accompany the Am­bassador to a Divinity-Act, which was dedicated to him in the Covent of the Barefooted Carmelites of our Lady de la Victoire. The most remarkable thing in that Act was this Thesis, Gracia efficax est incompossiibilis cum discensu, (which alone summari­ly comprized all our Sentiments) against which F. du Plantet a Minime Professor of Divinity, a la Trinité du mont, next whom F. Annat sat, disputed the third and last of the whole Act, and did it though with great zeal sat, very pitifully.

At the end of the Act I waited upon the Ambas­sador home. As we enter'd into his Chamber, he told me that F. Mulard had said the day before, that he was a Jansenist, and that I reported it; and that to clear himself from that Reproach, he pre­sently sent for the Abbot de Loiac to be a witness, that all the Interest which he took in this affair, was to procure the Pope to grant the Parties the Audience or Congregation which was desired of him (to the end he might pronounce such a decisi­on as might restore Peace in the Church of France in reference to these matters) by representing to his Holiness the great disposition there was in the King and all his Subjects to hear his voice and obey it; but he had found the Pope always very averse from it. That he knew not whether besides the principal reason that might divert the Pope from it, because he was none of the most vers'd in these matters, and was too old to apply himself to them, he had not some fear of being at some expence in causing Learned me to come to Rome; as also lest when those persons saw themselves as­sembled together, they might think of going fur­ther, and meddle with other matters; or at lest it might prove the beginning of a Council, &c. I told the Ambassador that none of this was to be fear'd; and having given him my reasons, I pro­pos'd to him the Expedients to beseech the Pope to give Commission to a Congregation calmly to examine things, and give him an account in one half hour, of all that were done in it in a month, which I confirmed by the example of Clement VIII. who was not personally present in the first Con­gregations held under his Papacy, The Ambassa­dor said, that he was of the opinion to get the Cardinals St. Clement and Lugo to be of it. And in fine, when my Companions were come, we should consult with him by what means to get the Pope to condescend, that some order or other might be taken therein. In this Entertainment I gave the Ambassador an account of what I have above related concerning the audience which I had of the Pope October 17. The Ambassador likewise told me, that the Pope would be more pliant when he saw more persons appear.

On Sunday Novemb. 5. afternoon, I went to tell Cardinal Ginetti, what I had told Cardinal Barberin the day before, and others, concerning the Journey of our Deputies. He answer'd me, That their delay would produce no hurt; that they would come time enough, that he should receive them with joy; that he should see them with a willing heart, and do his utmost for their sa­tisfaction, and that of the Prelates who sent them.

On Tuesday Novemb. 7. I visited Cardinal Ce­chini for the same purpose, whom I found that day more at leisure to hear me then formerly. I re­membred him of the audience which he had given me about the affair for which I came to Rome, and of his scruple that we were not Parties, and the Pope might make such Declarations as he would touching the Doctrine of Faith without hearing any persons. After which I told him, that that might be true, speaking generally, but in this cause we were truly Parties. That we found that the Doctrine which we held concerning Grace, & which we pretended to be that of the Church too, was involv'd in certain ambiguous Propositions, capable also of another sense which is heretical. That we perceiv'd that under Pretext of that Heretical Sense, they who themselves fraim'd the Propositi­ons, endeavoured to obtain a Censure of them, that they might apply the same afterwards not to the Heretical Sense which we held not, but to the Catholick which we hold, and to which these Con­trivers well know they may be extended: so that though they impute not those Propositions to us, yet we saw well that they aim'd at us, and that we had as much ground to interess our selves therein, as a man accus'd of a Crime, not by being nam'd, but being describ'd by the colour of his Liveries, would have to defend himself from such crime, though his name were not openly mentioned. Cardinal Cechini answet'd, That as for himself, it was not necessary to speak to him di questa robba of those things, but I must advertise M. Albizzi of them, whose office it was to take care thereof. I reply'd, That I had inform'd M. Albizzi of the same, but I was oblig,d also to inform his Emi­nence [Page 126] thereof, as I had likewise done the Pope himself. As I was proceeding further, the Car­dinal made shew of going to rise up from his seat, and therefore I was oblig'd to rise from mine; which when I had done, I told him that the Con­gregation whose Erection I came to sollicite con­jointly with other Doctors that were shortly to arrive at Rome, was very just and very important for Truth, the Peace of the Church of France, the Honour of the Holy See, and the preservation of its authority. The Cardinal answer'd, that I must not doubt, but the Pope would have all ima­ginable care of an affair of that quality.

In the afternoon I lighted upon a book at a Book-sellers Shop, intitled Gemma sententiarum S. P. Augustini de Auxiliis, selectarum ex omnibus tomis & libris ipsius Patris Augustini a fratre Nico­lao de Gracchis Romano, Ordinis Eremitarum S. Au­gustin. Mag. & Doct. in S. T. & J. Ʋ. Pro­fessor. Ad sanctiss. Dominum nostrum Ʋrbanum VIII. P. M. Romae apud Andream Pheum. MDCXXVI. superiorum permissu. I bought seve­ral of those Books, though it was not of the most commendable for it self, but because in the few sentences therein extracted in very few words out of S. Augustin, there were a good number which suted with the Catholick sense of which the Propositions were capable, and having been dedi­cated to Ʋrban VIII, and printed with permission of superiours in the year 1626. and ever since publickly expos'd to sale in Rome till the year 1651. without any complaint having been made thereof, there was great apparence, that neither Clement VIII, nor Paul V, had impos'd perpetual silence upon the matter de auxiliis, as the Pope and many besides him endeavoured to perswade me.

On Thursday morning I went to visit Cardinal Ʋrsin. I shew'd him our Latin Manifesto, and gave him an account how our inducement to pro­cure the impression of it, was to let the whole Church now the Catholick senses which we main­tain'd in the matter of the five Propositions, and which oblig'd us to endeavour to hinder their con­demnation, for fear those senses might be involv'd in the same, and it might be extended and applyed thereunto by the very Contrivers of the said Philoso­phical Discourse which we had to this purpose, the Cardinal acknowledg'd that the Jesuites had strangly corrupted Divinity, and amongst other examples that he alledg'd thereof, he mention'd two Jesuite Authors, nam'd Pelissarius and Amicus, who taught, That one might kill a man that was ready to slander him, though he were a Religious, or Monk, perhaps not by giving him a wound with a Sword or Pistol, but by a way that seem'd to them more gentle and moderate, namely by starving him per subtractionem ciborum. He told me also, that the Jesuites offer'd to undertake the defence of those Authors of their Society before the Con­gregation of the Index, whereof he was a mem­ber, but that they were condemned there. At the end of this Conference, he pray'd me, when I should have any other Books Latin or Italian, touching the matters which were the subject of our Contestations with those Fathers, to lend the same to him to read.

On Sunday Novemb. 12. I was at a Divinity Act held at the Augustines, who invited me thi­ther. There I saw answer and dispute well a­mongst others F. Alvarez a Fryer of the Order of the Dominicans, and Professor in Divinity at la Minerve; The names of others I do not re­member.

On Tuesday November 14. I went to the Am­bassadors whilst he was hearing Mass. I had heard it before. Cardinal Barberin arriv'd at the same time, and I went with him into the Ambassadors Chamber, expecting till Mass were ended, but it was then but beginning. The Discourse I had with the Cardinal in the interim, was only concern­ing the Book of Frequent Communion, and the purity wherewith it behoveth to approach that ho­ly Table. When the Ambassador came to us, he saluted him very pleasantly, threatning to tell F. Mulard, that he had found him with me: which signified, that there needed no more to make his Eminence pass for a Jansenist in the opinion of that Cordelier.

I dined that day with the Ambassador, who af­ter many several discourses of Moral and Christian matters as well during Dinner as after, told me, that he lately saw in F. Mulards hands a Letter signed by M. Pereyret, and many other Doctors touching the matters in contest. This gave me occasion to reiterate to him the request which I had formerly made to him for a sight of M. Halliers, whereof he had given me hope; and also to be­seech him to let me see this new one if he could; assuring him that on my part I had nothing that I would keep secret, but contrarily should be al­ways▪ ready to produce all to the publick light, and particularly to such as might find themselves in­terested therein. But I could never get a Copy, or so much as a sight of those Letters either by this means or otherwise.

On Wednesday Novem. 15. afternoon I went to Cardinal Barberin. I found F. Mulard coming out thence with a Letter, and a written paper which he held in his hand. I pray'd him to let me see that Paper; he refused to do it, but yet conde­scended so far as to open it. It was very fairly written, and contain'd four pages. I cast my eye upon the Title, and there read these words, An sit [...] sopienda quae jam fervet Jansenistarum contro­versia, imposito utrique parti silentio, which was a sufficient Item to me, having gotten a Copy of it afterwards, that this man was made use of to distribute and impart here and there such kind of Writings which were works of darkness, wholly fill'd with calumnies and falsities, as well as that of F. Morel. F. Mulard told me, that he was going to carry that which he had in his hand to Cardinal Spada, with intent, after he had read it, to bring it again to Cardinal Barberin.

I recovered that Writing afterwards, as I shall relate in its due place; but I shall here set down what I found it to contain.

The design of those who caus'd it to be dispers'd, was to show, that it behoved not to impose silence to the two parties, but to condemn Jansenius. They prov'd it; 1. because said they, Jansenius was alrea­dy condemned by the Bull of Ʋrban, which de­clares, that he renews the Doctrine of Bavis. It hath been seen in several places of this Journal [Page 127] even by the acknowledgement of Cardinal Barbe­rin, that there is nothing more false then this pretension; the said Bull being but provisional.

2. Because if Silence were impos'd, it would be no longer lawfull to say that the Commandements are possible, and that the H. Spirit may be resisted. But this is ridiculous too, it being alwayes lawfull to utter such truths as are certain, and not conte­sted by any person.

3. Because the Church was already. engag'd to find errors in Jansenius. Quia jam Ecclesia oppig­norata est, cùm definierit multas ex Jansenianis Pro­positionibus esse damnatas & damnabiles; & proinde hujus controversiae materia non est amplius indifferens. It appears hence, that the principal artifice of the Jesuits hath alwayes been to engage the Pope and the Bishops to make ambiguous Decrees, and af­terwards to drive them further then they desir'd at first, by supposing that it is a thing decided. They obtain'd at first a little Decree against Jansenius; then they engag'd Pope Ʋrban VIII. to make a provisional Bull, into which they procur'd ambi­guous words to be slipt. By favour of the ambi­guity of which provisional Bull, themselves have made a Doctrinal Bull of it; and at length have be­gun to seek for errors in Jansenius, because as they pretend, the H. See hath affirmed there were some in his book.

4. Because those Propositions were maintain'd in France; which is very false; the Propositions having been fram'd by themselves, and no person there having ever maintain'n them, saving so far as they may be reduc'd to the sense of Effectual Grace; which is not to maintain them; but to maintain Ef­fectual Grace.

5. Because it was meet not to let passe the oc­casions of confirming to the H. See the possession of defining controversies touching Faith. Expedit non praetermitti opportunas occasiones hujus possessio­nis confirmandae. And that this occasion was the more favourable, for that the King was ready to cause obedience to be given to the Pope, and the Principal persons of the Parliament had likewise declar'd that his Decision should be obey'd. It is not improbable but this reason hath been conside­red as much or more then the rest.

Lastly, to take away all scruples, they main­tain'd that there was nothing in this controversie that had reference to the controversie de Auxiliis. Hanc esse causam Thomistarum & Jesuitarum, qui dicunt, errant toto coelo. Nihil proponitur Summo Pontifici, de quo fuerit contentio inter illos duos Or­dines, nihil quod non sit inter ambas familias summo consensu constitutum. We shall see in its due place how farr the Dominicans were from this thought.

When I had quitted F. Mulard, I went up to Cardinal Barberin; but because he had many au­diences to give, and I had not much to say to him, I continu'd with him but a moment. After which I went to visit F. Delbene, who told me he believ'd there would be erected a full and solemn Congre­gation, and that when he gave me the advertise­ment which he did from Cardinal Barberin, it was out of the affection which his Eminence had for me; and that he had also render'd his Eminence very advantagious testimonies of my deportment and discourse with him in all the conferences that we had had together.

Yet it is certain that those charitable advertise­ments gave occasion to the Jesuits to spread the ru­mor in many parts of Rome, that I was already be­come suspected by the Inquisition: which rumor seem'd to me so unreasonable and importune, that I was sometimes in the mind to make a free and au­thentick complaint thereof to those Officers; but persons more intelligent then my self in the genius of the Country, whom I acquainted with that thought, counsell'd me not to do any thing about it, but to lift my self above such false reports.

On Thursday after noon I return'd to Cardinal Barberin; and finding that he was gone abroad, I went up to the chamber of M. Holstenius. I found him with a book in his hands which the Pope had given him a few dayes before at an audience which he had of him, wherein he told me, his Ho­linesse spoke very advantagiously of me, and that he was well pleas'd therewith. As for the Five Propositions, he pray'd me not to take it ill, if he freely told me his thoughts of them; which were; that he wonder'd that we would maintain the same absolutely because of the Catholick sense which they might admit, notwithstanding the Heretical inherent in them; and he spoke as if our intenti­on were not draw out of each of those Proposi­tions a clear and plain Proposition; expressing in evident and unsuspected terms the sentiments we had upon each. I answer'd him, that he had rea­son to say that it ought to be so done, and assur'd him that it was our intention. I told him, that it behooved to unravell and put into the fire those Propositions, and of each to make two, whereof one to contain explicitly the Catholick sense which we held, the other the Heretical, which was wor­thy to be condemned; and then to apply to each of those Propositions so express'd and exempted from all ambiguity and obscurity the judgement which it deserved. I told him that if he would take the pains to read the book of Victorious Grace, and our Latin Manifesto, he should find that we had no other aim then what I had declar'd to him. He answer'd me, that he would willingly see them, and upon occasion he fell to speak of the book in­titul'd De Ecclesia praesentis temporis, which he ac­counted highly of. I agreed with him as to the goodnesse of the book so farr as it pretended to prove the unity and perpetuity of the Church, and as to the stile and manner of expression: but as for the false suppositions which it made in attribu­ting to us such opinions as we own'd not, there­by to take occasion to impugne them, I told him that Author was a falsifier and a wicked person. M. Holstenius reply'd as if we were much too blame then, that we did not discover those falsities, and complain of those calumnies; and as if that silence had been an effect of the difficulty we had to ma­nifest our sentiments. I answer'd him, that we desir'd nothing more cordially then that they were known by all the world for such as they are; that we wisht they were written with letters as visible as the Sun-beams; that in occasions that seem'd worth it, we complain'd of the impostures and ac­cusations invented to blacken us; but we had not so many hands, nor so much authority and friends as the Jesuites, to divulge our books throughout Rome, where those Fathers disperst theirs. We ended this conference with a new assurance that he [Page 128] gave me, more positive and indubitable then for­merly, that the Pope would not make any new determination; telling me that we ought to com­ply with that inclination of his Holinesse, and ought not to presse the H. See further to take part in those contests, and become engag'd in the toiles and cares that the discussion of the same requi­red.

The next day Novemb. 17. I went to carry our Latin Manifesto to M. Holstenius, and not the book of Victorious Grace, because I had it not; but I directed him for it to Cardinal Barberin's Library, where I believ'd it was. After which I went to see the Father Commissary of the H. Office, but find­ding only his Companion, who intreated me to shew him our Latin Manifesto, I discours'd with him at the present very copiously, and painted out to him the black malice of those who fram'd those miserable Propositions.

On the 20th I went to deliver the Ambassador a Letter which I had receiv'd for him. He told me, that he had lately seen another from M. Hallier to a person of eminent rank, in which he said that he was not so averse from our sentiments; but that which animated him against us was our manner of obtruding them, which, as this Doctor suggested, imply'd that we held the Church had been in an er­ror, which was a shamefull calumnie.

On Tuesday 21. I carryed to M. Holstenius the Latin explication of the Propositions made in July 1649. so soon as M. Cornet first set them afoot, to expose them to the Censure of the Faculty.

Wednesday 22. I happened to meet with one of the most intelligent Divines of Rome, as well for his skill in doctrine, as in the practices of those that superintend in it; he told me that he would not advise us to seek to get a conference with the Jesu­ites, in regard of their great credit, and because it was a thing that had been formerly done unsuc­cessefully. I answer'd, that Truth was more pow­erfull then they, and if it were once manifested, (as I hop'd it would be if we could obtain a regular conference with them) it might overthrow them. He reply'd, that it were good to stay till one came that understood it well, and knew how to direct the blow and strike home, before it were possible for them to see it, and provide to ward it off. I also met with the Father Procurator of S. Marcel, who told me that there was talk of forming a Con­gregation about our affair, and that he hop'd to be a member of it. In the afternoon I mer at S. Ceci­lia F. Malgoirés and F. Loyseau an Augustine and Doctor of our Faculty, who overtook me both to­gether. F. Malgoirés told me, that the Abbot of Comblon inform'd him, that being on Sunday last in the presence chamber of the Pope, he heard F. Mulard say to the Master of his Holinesses cham­chamber, these very words, Piaccia a vostra Sig­noria illustrissima farmi havere udienza. Son quà diputato dalla Facoltà della Sorbona per quell' affare contra Jansenio. I intreat your most illustrious Lord­ship to help me to have audience. I am delegated hi­ther by the Faculty of Sorbon, about the affair against Jansenius. F. Malgoirés profess'd himself very much offended at it, and propounded an expedient to me to hinder it; and that was, for all of us that were Doctors at Rome to go together and complain of it to the Ambassador. M. Fernier intervening, profess'd that he was more displeas'd at it then I. But they did not agree that we should go to the Ambassador about it. When I had quitted them, within two or three steps I met with F. Mulard, & told him I came newly from some people that were very much incens'd against him. He ask'd me who? I did not name the persons, but told him it was because he term'd himself Deputy from the Facul­ty, though he was not. He answer'd, They are sots and fools who offer to gainsay it; the Pope shall be the Judge; his Holinesse owns me for such; the Cardinals hear me in that quality; I care little for those that are not pleas'd with it. When he parted from me, he lighted upon F. Loyseau, who came and told me afterwards, that F. Mulard quarrell'd with him, and charg'd him with having told me what I have above mention'd.

I had receiv'd a new Letter which oblig'd me to goe to Cardinal. Barberin, and signifie to him that my LL. the Bishops, by whose order I was at Rome, were very joyfull to understand that his Eminence did not approve the bad use which the Jesuites made of the Bull of Ʋrban 8. his Uncle, by ex­tending it, as they did, to the absolute and decisive condemnation of the sentiments which those Fa­thers impugned. I visited him on Thursday the 13. in the afternoon for that purpose; and he told me, that he could not approve the proceeding of those Fathers in this respect, and never had approv'd it. Upon my reading a congratulation to his Emi­nence, that those Prelates were resolv'd not to consider that Bull but as provisional, for this rea­son, that should they take it otherwise, they should have very great ground to complain of it, particu­larly, for that the terms of the Bull taken in the ri­gor, seem'd to forbid them to speak of the matter of Grace even incidently, though it be not only a right inseparable from their profession, but also an essential obligation, from which neither themselves nor others can dispense with them, to instruct the people committed to their charge, solidly thereof; The Cardinal reply'd, that indeed the said Bull was not to be extended so farr. Then I complain'd to his Eminence of the Quality that F. Mulard took upon him at Rome; of M. Hallier's unheard-of audacity in giving it him; that the same Doctor writ injuriously and calumniously against us to se­veral persons, and particularly to M. Albizzi; of the secret way that these things were receiv'd, and of the difficulty for us to defend and justifie our selves from them, whilst they remain'd in that secrecy. But the Cardinal seem'd this day more dispos'd to excuse the things whereof I complain'd, then to receive the complaints which I made to him. At length we fell upon the Congregation which I su'd for, and he told me the H. See was not very inclinable to grant it. I answer'd, that yet it was a thing highly necessary, contests being come to such a pitch, that it behooved for the sake of Peace and Truth to examine who were in the wrong, both being concern'd in it; that if the sentiments which we defended were not true, I wisht we were convinc'd the next day by a good condemnation; but on the contrary, if those of the Jesuites deserv'd it, they ought to wish it too as well as we; that for a little mortification which the condemned party would receive at first, for having been too eager in holding sentiments con­trary [Page 129] to the truth, there would in the sequel arrive both to the one side and the other infinite advan­tages, considerable and important, to countervail the same; which being well weigh'd and examin'd by the H. See, it would assuredly finde that it is oblig'd in justice to take such pains as are necessary to procure so eminent a Benefit to its Children, and consequently to establish the Congregation which is esteemed so necessary for that effect. The Car­dinal desir'd me at the end of this audience to re­turn again to him on Saturday following in the af­ternoon, with M. de Balagni a French Gentleman of great worth, whom I had mention'd to him, that we might go abroad to take the air, or repair to his Library, according as to the time should per­mit.

On Saturday the 25th. as I was going according­ly with the said M. de Balagni to wait upon the Cardinal Barberin, I receiv'd very sad newes, but, thanks be to God, it prov'd untrue. It was, that the Deputies whom I waited for, were taken at Sea by the Pirates. M. de Valeran Master of the French Couriers to Rome came purposely to tell it me, with all the circumspection and condolence accustomed in such cases, as having receiv'd the same from Florence, and esteeming it true, though not altogether certain. I was not dismay'd at it, and it did not hinder me from going to Cardinal Barberin, and spending the rest of the day with him and M. de Balagni in entertainments upon indiffe­rent matters.

I was blam'd the next day for having been so cold and negligent after the receipt of the above­mention'd newes; and for not going the same day, which was that on which Letters are dispatcht from all Italy, to advertise the Ambassador of it, and beseech him to write by that Poste to Con­stantinople for the procuring of my Collegues their liberty, or at least some comfort in their captivi­ty. But I clear'd my self, by alledging that I did not judge M. de Valeran's intelligence very true; and that I conceiv'd it was fitting to be sure of the truth, before I took the allarm and communica­ted it to the Ambassador. And accordingly I found that I had taken the best course; for I re­ceiv'd Letters from them on Sunday the 26th. in the afternoon, by which I understood not only that M. de Valeran's newes could not be true, but also that they would probably be at Rome within a very few dayes; and so they were, as I shall relate in the following Chapter: but I shall first observe here two or three things which come into my mind, and whereof I have made no mention in my Notes of this time.

The first is, that hapning occasionally since my return to Rome to be in the Profess'd House of the Jesuites under the Cloister or Gallery which is at the entrance, there pass'd by one of those Fa­thers whose hand was very white; and when he was gone, my friend that was with me, a Roman Citizen, told me it was F. Santarel. This put me in mind of his book, and made me desirous to buy it if it were to be sold. At my comming away from the Jesuits, I went purposely towards the Quarter of Pasquin where are the most Book-sel­lers, and the first of whom I inquir'd for it, sold it me at a very ordinary price. I admir'd that that book was so commonly to be had at Rome af­ter having been censured by all the Universities of France with so unanimous and universal consent; and it containing such pernicious doctrine, that the Author wanting more solid foundations for it, was forc'd to corrupt the H. Scripture so openly, that he retrencht a Negative particle out of the sa­cred Text, to make it speak quite the contrary to what it speaks of it self. 'Tis in that passage where S. Paul speaking of the Spiritual power which Jesus Christ gave to his Apostles for the Edification of the Faithfull, he saith they recei­ved it ad aedificationem, & non in destructionem; For their edification and instruction, and not for their destruction and ruine. But this Jesuite on the con­trary applying the said passage to the pretended Temporal power of the Pope over Monarchies, to make it beleev'd that God hath given it to him as well to ruine and overturn them, as to e­difie them; he takes the Non out of the place; and cites it thus; Ad aedificationem & in destructionem. Notwithstanding all which, I found that the book was st [...]l in great applause and free sale at Rome.

The second thing; which I remember, but did not set down, was, that in my visites to Cardinal Spa­da, I us'd one argument which I conceiv'd would have been most prevalent at Rome. I told him, that one way to fix in the minds of the world a great opinion of the Equity of the H. See, would be to grant us the equitable things which we requested, and to make a Decision favorable to our cause, in case they found that that we defended the truth. Because by that meanes, pronouncing in favour of persons which had been represented very su­spected and odious to them, and had no sup­port in the world but their learning and virtue. against others that had a very great credit, and were recommended by all the Princes of Europe, and openly profes'd an absolute dependance on the Pope, every body would be oblig'd to acknow­ledge that the H. See had no other rule in its De­cision but Truth it self. I added further that should it consider onely the interests it self hath to keep within their duty those persons that were the most dependant on it, and boasted them­selves the most devoted to it, it ought in this occa­sion to humble the Authors of those Propositions and of that whole Designe; because indeed they had forgotten the respect and fidelity which they ought to preserve towards it, forasmuch as they had fram'd the same Propositions so capable of e­quivocatious, and full of ambiguities, onely to circumvent the H. See and engage it in the scan­dalous protection of their pernicious doctrine and their vaine reputation which they saw they could no longer uphold but by sacrificing that of the H. See for that end. I told him also, that they would find the truth and sincerity of the submis­sion and respect which the said persons pretended for the H. See, when it was not favorable to them. The Cardinal heard this discourse (which I renew'd and urg'd to him several times) as he heard all the rest which I said to him, without answering any thing in particular. I represent­ed the same also upon occasion to others, but more or lesse largely according as it was expedi­ent.

The third and last thing which I have to adde [Page 130] here, of all that were observable during the six months that I spent alone at Rome in giving the Pope and his Ministers the first adviso's of this great affaire, concernes another which hath almost no affinity with it, but yet is very considerable in it self. It is touching the violent persecutions which the Jesuites have practis'd for this long time against a learned and pious Bishop of America, who made a representation of them to the Pope in a letter written to his Holinesse in the beginning of the year 1649. M. Cosimo Ricciardi gave me a Copy of it a little after my returning to Rome, and in many of the visites which I made to him fre­quently and familiarly, he alwayes mention'd it with just indgnation. He got the Copy of it from that Bishops Agent who brought it to Rome and de­liver'd it to the Pope. He had a great desire to have it printed, that all the world might be parta­kers of it, and he signifi'd seeveral times that he had given it upon that designe to other persons be­sides me. But not knowing what those other per­sons may have done▪ I shall venture to put it a­mong the first pieces of the Collection annex'd to this Journal, to the end it may come to the know­ledge of the publick, and admonish all the world what is to be fear'd from the violences of the Je­suites and their strange obstinacy in invading the sa­cred rights of the Episcopal Office, and upholding themselves by all sort of practices in their sacrilegi­ous usurpations.

The ensuing title was not upon the said Letter when the Agent gave it to Signor Cosimo, but him­self out of the satisfaction which he had after he had read it, thus endors'd it: Natalibus, doctri­na, virtute verè Christiana Clarissimi & Illustris­simi Viri Domini Joannis de Palafox & Mendoza Hispani, & in America Episcopi Angelorum po­puli, ac Consiliis Indiarum Decani, Epistola san­ctissima, gravissima, Ad summum Pontificem Inno­centium X. de Jesuitarum societate extinguenda vel strictè reformanda ob venerabilis Ecclesiae bo­num.

CHAP. XIV.

The Arrival of our Deputies on De­cemb. 5. The visites which we made together till the end of the same moneth.

THE day so advantageous and comfortable to me by the arrival of my Collegues was December 5. about two a clock afternoon. They were three, namely M. Brousse Canon of S. Ho­norè, M. de Lalane Abbot of Valcroissant, Doctors of Paris; and M. Angran Licentiate. I went to Ponté-molle to meet them with some friends who pleas'd to accompany me thither. The rest of the day after dinner, was spent in receiving some vi­sits of other friends who came to congratulate their safe arrival, with the more joy, in regard of the ru­mor of their detention.

On Wednesday the 6. we went in the morning ad Limina Apostolica to S. Peter, to give thanks to God for his benedection vouchsaf'd to their jour­ney; and we return'd by the Church of S. Au­gustin, there to redouble our thanksgiving. In the afternoon we went to see the Ambassador, who re­ceiv'd us with great expressions of esteem and cour­tesie, & seeing these Gentleman still in their riding habits, he offer'd us his coaches and all other assist­ances wherewith he could supply us. Then we went to see M. Gueffier, and some other friends, and as we were in the course of our visits we turn'd in at the Church of S. Lewis, to put up our prayers there.

On Thursday the 7. I went to accompany Cardi­nal Barberin to Monte Cavallo. The Archbishop of Beneventum, the Abbot della pace, and two other persons were in his Coach with me. I ad­vertis'd his Eminence of the arrival of our Depu­ties, and entertain'd him upon the way with the Sermons which M. Brousse was oblig'd to make at Die, of which I shall speak hereafter. In the afternoon my Collegues and I went to visit other friends.

On Sunday the 10. after I had waited upon the Ambassador to Chappel, I met the Cordelier who made the sermon at S. Lewis that year. He told me, F. Mulard had taken his companion by the throat in the Cloister, and by his menaces constrain'd a­nother Cordelier nam'd F. Pacifique, to retire to the Ambassador's, as to a place of refuge; that he was confederated against them with the Spanish Cordeliers; and in brief, caused a great deal of stirre and trouble in the Covent. In the afternoon I met one of the Ambassador's Secretaires, who being askt concerning the Cordelier that was re­ported to have taken Sanctuary there, he told me There din'd one there that day, but he did not know whether he were absolutly retreated thi­ther.

On Tuesday the 12. we went to visite the Am­bassador and entertain him more at leisure then we could do at the arrival of my Collegues. He was coming forth as we were entering in, and desir'd us to excuse him for that time; referring us to Thursday.

On Wednesday the 13. we accompani'd him to the ceremony of S. Lucia, which is perform'd every year in the Church of S. John de Lateran, in memory of Henry IV. of glorious memory bene­factor to that Church, and in the afternoon we went to see the Vatican Library. As I return'd I visited a person well seen in the affaires of the H. Office, who told me that Cardinal Lugo complain'd there one day, that he had receiv'd Intelligence that the Bull of Paul V. against the Jesuites was going to be printed in France; and that it was re­solv'd thereupon that the Nuntio should be desired to take care that the said Impression were not made. He accqainted me also with a very secret and important Adviso; namely that the Emperor, the King of France, and the King of Spaine had lately upon the Jesuites importunity written to the Pope, to demand the formal condemnation of the five Propositions, because they occasion'd disturbance in their Dominions. That presently after the arrival of our Doctors the Pope was ad­vertis'd of it. That it was debated on Wednesday at la Minerve, and on Thursday before the Pope what was to be done upon our request for the erecti­on [Page 131] of a Congregation, and it was resolv'd to do nothing at all, but to hold us in expectation, to treat us with civility, to defer and put off from time to time all resolutions upon our sute, and in fine to weary us, and oblige us to resolve of our own accord to return without doing any thing. He advertis'd me also that there would be spies upon all our actions, and that we must alwayes remember to speak in the name of the Bi­shops that sent us: Which indeed was otherwise our intention.

This intelligence being given me upon condition of secrecy, I could not acquaint my Collegues, nor indeed was it otherwise fitting, being such as might have cast them into dispaire of any good issue, should they have known that there was a resolution taken to grant them nothing of what they requested, but to pay them with formal civi­lities. But for my own part, God gave me the grace not to be discourag'd at all these difficul­ties, but to maintaine my self still with hope, that we might so effectually represent the necessity of establishing such a Congregation as we requir'd that at length we might obtain it by our perseve­rance.

On Thursday we repair'd to the Ambassa­dor, and found him yet in bed; After we had largely layd open to him the purposes and order we had to move the Pope for the said Con­gregation; as also the maliciousnesse wherewith those five Propositions had been contri [...]'d for the calumniating and disparaging of the true disciples and defenders of S. Augustin's doctrine; his conclusi­on was, that he counsell'd us to act with as much mildness and modesty, as he knew we understood to be requsite; and for any thing in his power, he would contribute it to obtain the Examen, and Congregation which we su'd for; but he found the Pope very far from the inclination to grant the same.

We went on Fryday to see the master of the Pope's Chamber and know of him when we might be admitted to the audience of his Holinesse. He desir'd one of us to take the pains to repair to him within a few dayes, and then he would satisfy our question.

We intended to visite all the sacred Colledge af­ter we had saluted the Pope; but in the mean time we thought fit to visite the Cardinals of the French Faction, as we had done the Ambassador. Wherefore we visited the Cardinals Barberin and Ʋrsin. The latter first gave us audience on Fryday Decemb. 15. Assoon as he saw us, he shew'd us the book of Jansenius de S. Augustino &c. pessimè meritus. We spoke of it to him as of an i [...]famous Libel, and nothing but a heap of falsities and impo­stures; which would have been easy for us to prove, because in realty it was such. One a­mongst the rest I shall take notice of here by the way to shew how the boldest lyes, and most ar­tifical impostures sometimes destroy one another. For at the same time that they imputed to the Bi­shop of Ipre the second Proposition, which is, That in the state of corrupted nature a man never resist­eth internal grace; they attribute to him in that libel with no lesse falsity, an Error wholy contrary, viz. That sinners resist divine Grace, through an impossibility not to resist it. This is the second of the Propositions which they there charge upon Jan­senius, Peccatores omnes qui divinae gratiae resistunt, illi resistere ex impossibilitate assentiendi, quam ha­bet similiter adjunctam status in quo tunc reperiuntur quando resistunt. But in stead of noting to Car­dinal Ʋrsin particularly any of the Calumnies of that book, we contented our selves to tell him in general; that we had no more design to complain of that then of many others the same nature which were daily printed; because all the commission which we had receiv'd from the Bishops who sent us, was onely to advertise the Pope of the Dis-inge­nuity wherewith the Equivocal Propositions pre­sented to him were fram'd, to represent to him what danger there was lest the holy truths inclu­ded in those Propositions might receive some wrong, if the said Propositions were absolutely censur'd because of the Heretical senses whereof they were also capable, without having first se­parated and distinguisht the different senses which they may admit, and to beseech him not to suffer the H. See to be circumvented, nor Truth to be oppressed in this cause, but to provide both for the one and the other by establishing a solemn Congregation in which the whole affair might be discuss'd with care, and the parties heard vi­vâ voce and by writing touching the matter of the Propositions, before his Holiness made any decisi­on thereof. The Cardinal apprehended all this ve­ry equitable, and askt whether there were not a Congregation establisht already. I answer'd him that we had understood so, and that we knew at least four Cardinals that were designed to be of it. He askt who they were; I named them to him viz: Roma, Spada, Ginetti, and Cechini. He said he believ'd there would be Divines joyn'd with them. I answer'd that I had heard some nam'd. Hereupon he nam'd to me the Father Procurator of S. Marcel and F. Aversa, as it were to aske me whether they were not the per­sons whom I had nam'd. I told him, they were. It being late, and we disposing our selves to take leave of his Eminence, he told us that for his own part he wisht the affair were terminated in the manner we desir'd, and if he could do any thing in it, he offer'd us his service and his re­commendation.

That little book of Jansenius pessimè meritus, was in great vogue at Rome, and it had been distribu­ted to abundance of people. For going that mor­ning to la Minerve, one of their Eminent Fathers spoke to me about it, and told me, we must have a care of it, for it would produce very evil effects. But I answer'd him, that that was not our businesse at all; that if Jansenius had ven­ted the Propositions which that book imputed to him, they might condemn him if they would, we were not concern'd; that we were at Rome onely to obtaine of the Pope a solemn Congre­gation for examining the affair of the five Pro­positions before the Pope made any decision up­on them: Which this Dominican was well pleas­ed with, and that we declar'd our selves openly in this manner and took no part in the defence of Jansenius.

On Saturday the 16. I was in the Pope's pre­sence-Chamber, and spoke with his Maistre de Chambre something more particularly touching [Page 132] the subject of my Commission. He told me that there came a Cordelier thither (F. Mulard) to present certain Propositions in a printed book to the Pope, and that before he introduc'd him he desir'd to know what it was. That Cardinal Ce­cheni told him, there was no danger in offering it to the sight of his Holinesse. He said also that the Cordelier told him that he was one of the Sorbon. I answer'd him to this, that most cer­tainly he was not; and so took occasion to give him an account of the whole Fraud. He admo­nisht me also to take heed of giving the Pope al­cuni travagli, any cause of disturbance and pains. I told him, that we would be as careful in that re­spect as possible; and that this consideration had already been the cause that I had represent­ed to my Collegues that between that day and the Festivals there was onely the Tuesday fol­lowing in which we could hope to have audience; that the Pope would be much incumbred that day, and that if we would stay till after the festivals we should with more ease and conveniency be admit­ted. The Maistre de Chambre was well pleas'd with this moderatenesse, and proms'd me to pro­cure audience for us assoon after the Festivals as he could.

Sunday the 17. we went to the Pope's Chap­pel, and Monsignor Sacrista placed on one side of the Altar, just upon the passage where the Pope was to come in and go out; so that his Holinsse casting his eye upon us, consider­ed us very wistly both at his coming in and going out.

M. Cosimo Ricciardi de Alcoltis Cure of San Salvato della Copella, and Qualificator of the Con­gregation of the Index sent to me to come to him in the afternoon, which I did. He gave me notice that F. Annat was about to print a Book against the five Propositions, and that the book was committed by the H. Office to some persons to examin it, and see whether it were fit to give it approbation and permission to be printed; which might prove of very great prejudice in this affair, as I shall relate hereafter when I come to mention what we did to hinder it.

On Tuesday the 19. we went to waite upon Cardinal Barberin, who fell into high commen­dations of the Faculty; which were seconded by our applauses; but least the same might be constru'd as if we took upon us to be at Rome in its name, I told his Eminence that the de­gree of Doctor being inseperable from the per­sons that have the honour to be of it, I conceiv'd, he consider'd the same in us, though we were not im­ployed by the Faculty but by some of my LL. the Bi­shops of France, for the purposes I had formerly had the honour to signifie to his Eminence. Our conference continu'd not long, Cardi­nal Rapaccioli coming to call his Eminence to go abroad; and so it concluded in comple­ments.

We went on Wednesday the 20. to visit the seven Churches. Going to S. Peter's in the morning I met F. Mulard in the street of the Hat-Sellers, who was buying some to return into France; he told me would not go now the season was so far spent, were it not that he was constrain'd by peo­ple that had power to command him; but he ho­ped he should come back shortly to Rome with M. Hallier. That the Pope would for certain passe a Judgment in the case; That it was reported that he would be contented with imposing silence as to our matters; but his mind was now other­wise. I desir'd him to remember me to M. Hal­lier, and assure him, that himself could not be more desirous to be at Rome, then I was to see him there. When we were return'd from the seven Churches, F. Mariana came to put me in remembrance of some visits which he thought ex­pedient for us to make. He told me when I askt him the question, that people seem'd very joy­full for the arrival of our Collegues; and spoke very well of it. But he said he heard from a certain person, that there had escap'd from one of us some word against the Council of Trent; but he had answer'd that it was a slander and a fal­sity, as indeed he had reason, there not having been the least pretext or ground for that accusa­tion.

On Fryday the 22. M. Brousse and my self went to see the General of the Augustines. A­mongst other things, he told us that F. Mulard came to visit him as Envoy from the Faculty of Divinity at Paris; and wonder'd when we assur'd him that he was neither a Deputy nor a Doctor of it. He advis'd us very earnestly to forbear speak­ing of Jansenius, and promis'd to contribute with us what he could do for the interest of S. Augu­stin's doctrine.

In a Visit I made in the afternoon to F. Barelier, he told me his General could not be spoken with till after two dayes, because of a hundred or six­score letters which he was to prepare against the next day for Italy; but he had already mention'd our businesse to him, and said that we could not but be very welcom, provided we spoke of none but S. Augustin, and S. Thomas.

All the Festivals were spent in Devotions, Ce­remonies and Visits active and passive of our par­ticular friends. I saw one thing at Vespers at the Church of S. Lewis, (where we were on Christ­masse day) which deserves in my judgement to be set down here. The prayers of 40. hours had been there, and ended that day. At the end of Vespers a Procession was to be made, and the H. Sacrament was to be carried about in order to be­ing shut up after the procession and accustomed ceremonies. We had the honour to carry the Ca­nopy. As we were comming out of the Church, Card. Giori was passing by: He caus'd his Coach to stop, the boot to be taken down, and fell upon his knees while the Procession was passing. When the Sacrament appear'd, he alighted, accompani­ed it, and enter'd with us into the Quire, and there stay'd upon his knees till all the prayers and cere­monies were ended.

When the Festivals were over, I went to the Popes Maistre de chambre, who, for that the Vene­tian Ambassador newly arriv'd was to have his first audience that morning, and Cardinal Raggi was afterwards to present to the Pope the Conser­vators of the people of Rome newly elected, re­ferr'd us for our audience to the Tuesday en­suing.

Having quitted him, I went to the high Masse in the little Church of S. Thomas of Canterbury; [Page 133] at the end of which approaching to Cardinal Bar­berin in the Sacristie, we fell to speak of the Ab­bot of Bourzeis his not enduring that any thing should be spoken in the printed books about our contests against the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. whereup­on Cardinal Barberin rejoycing, O, said he to me, M. de Bourzeis è mio grand amico.

On Saturday the 30th. going in the afternoon for recreation to see the more considerable places of Rome, as we pass'd by Ara coeli, we met Fryer Archangel, who told us that F. Mulard was gone, and that he was gone encharg'd with Procurations and letters of recommendation from Card. Barbe­rin, to negotiate in France about the affair of the Five Propositions, to return speedily, and bring M. Hallier with him. I askt him concerning M. Hallier's letter which F. Mulard refus'd to shew me; he told us, it was a thing not hard to be seen, for he had given Copies of it to several Cardinals, and he nam'd Roma and Ginetti; that he (Fr. Arch­angel) transcrib'd them to present to their Emi­nences; but had kept no Copy for himself, they being too long, and in a very small hand, and re­quiring five or six hours to transcribe one. And by all that he told me, I found that what had been signify'd to me thereof by others not so clearly in­form'd as Fr. Archangel, was neverthelesse very true.

CHAP. XV.

An Account of some Sermons which M. Brousse made upon the way of Die a­gainst the Calvinists of that City, tou­ching the possibility of God's Comman­dements.

AMongst the particularities which my Col­legues related to me of their journey, they told me of the stay which the Abbot of Valcroissant made at his Abbey, during which M. Brousse had occasion to hear preach at Die a considerable Mini­ster of that City which is almost wholly Calvinistical, and to refute what he had said in his Sermon. That which I heard mention of in familiar discourse, see­med to me so considerable, that I desir'd the Abbot of Valcroissant to set it down in writing, for pre­serving the remembrance of it. He did so; and the account he gave of it, deserves, as I conceive, to have a place in this Journal.

In our journey from Lyons to Marseilles in order to take Sea, we pass'd through the City of Die in Dauphine, where the Calvinists have a Colledge, one of the most considerable that they have in France. We stay'd there some dayes, by reason my Abby is a league distant from that City. During which time M. Brousse, seeking occasion to evince the truths of the Catholick faith against the Hugonots, went to the Church on Sunday the 22. of Octob. to hear the Sermon of the Minister nam'd Dise, who took for the Theme of his Discourse the 6. verse of the 8. chap. of the Epistle to the Romans; Nam prudentia carnis mors est, pru­dentia autem Spiritus vita & pax. From which words he adventur'd to draw sundry heretical conse­quences against the Possibility of the Commandements, against the Merit of Good works, and against the dif­ference and distinction of Sins into mortal and venial. This was the matter that he handled during a long hour which his discourse lasted.

When all was done, M. Brousse offer'd to the Prin­cipals of the Consistory to refute immediately all that the Minister had said, and to go for that purpose into what place they pleas'd, either into the Bishops Hall, or into the middle of that place, or into the Colledge, provided the Minister would hear him, as himself had heard him. But those Hereticks refusing the challenge, he resolv'd to confute the said Sermon in the Cathedral Church, to which the Vicar-General of the Bishop of Valence and Die, and all the Members of the Chap­ter assented. Many of those of the Religion were pre­sent there, though the Ministers did not like it. He made two Sermons upon the same Verse, and confuted all the Heretical consequences which the Minister pre­tended to draw from it. In the former, he prov'd the Possibility of the Commandements, and in the second, he establisht the Merit of good works, and evinc'd the difference of mortal Sins from venial, and shew'd, that though no person lives in the world without small sins, yet all our works are not sins; contrary to what that Minister had maintain'd in his discourse.

Touching the Possibility of the Commandements, he establisht the verity of the Catholick faith, making the same apparent between the two erroneous Extremes of the Pelagians on one side, who would have the Com­mandements possible by the sole strength of nature, without the aid of the true grace of Jesus Christ; and of the Lutherans and Calvinists on the other, who hold that they are not possible to Nature even assisted with the grace of Jesus Christ. And he shew'd clearly how both the one and the other are overthrown at one blow by the Council of Trent, Sess. 6. Can. 18. Si quis dixerit homini justificato praecepta Dei esse impos­sibilia, anathema sit. And cap. 11. Nemo teme­raria illa & a Patribus sub anathemate prohibita voce uti debet, Praecepta homini justificato ad ob­servandum esse impossibilia. Which he confirm'd by abundance of passages of H. Scripture, and by the authorities of S. Hierome, S. Augustine, and the Councils of Mileve and Orange, out of which the Council of Trent hath taken its Definitions.

And because the Minister, to elude the Scripture; by making semblance of answering to it and explica­ting it, had said, That the Commandements may in some sort be said to be possible in two manners; first, inasmuch as they may be performed in Heaven, as also they might have been before Adam had sinn'd. Second­ly, that they may be said possible, because we have a Will which of its own essence is a remote Power, and is not found in other creatures. M. Brousse show'd that the Commandements are not onely possible in those two manners.

In refutation of the former, he shew'd, that the H. Scripture speaketh of the fulfilling of the Commande­ments, which is done in this life; which he confirm'd by the example of many righteous persons who liv'd under the Law and the Gospel, of whom it is said in the Old and New Testament, That they kept the Law of God, That they walked in the way of his Comman­dements, That they observ'd righteousnesse, That [Page 134] they were righteous before God, and they liv'd with­out blame, and without fault, &c. whence he con­cluded, that the H. Scripture speaks of the possibili­ty of the Commandments in reference to this life; but because many that living after the lusts of the flesh do not observe them, or do not observe them by the Spirit of Grace and of the Gospel, and in the order to Salvation, but only by the spirit of the flesh, and according to the Letter and bark of the Law, in this sense the Apostle saith, Prudentia carnis mors est; Pruden­tia autem Spiritus Vita & Pax.

He shew'd in the second place, that the Command­ments are not possible to men only because they have a Will, which according to its Essence is a remote power accomplishing them;

1. Because then Jesus Christ should have merited nothing for men by his death, in reference to the ful­filling of the Commandments; since without him they were equally possible with that remote power, which consists in the Essence of the Will, which Jesus Christ did not purchase by his death.

2. Because the Christians would have no advan­tage above Turks and Pagans, in respect of being able to observe the Law of God; since that Power which consists in the Essence of the Will, is common to Turks and Pagans as well as to Christians. This he confirmed by the consequence of several other absurdi­ties, which the Hereticks cannot avoid.

All the Auditors exprest great satisfaction with this Sermon, and agreed that M. Brousse had very solidly refuted that of the Minister. The Jesuites of Die which were there, were also very much edifi'd with it, and without doubt they will attest the same. Many of those of the Religion who had heard the Minister before, confess'd, that Mr. Brousse had confuted his Sermon word for word, and all commended his mode­ration, for having proceeded only upon the Authority and Reason founded upon the H. Scripture, and the H. Fathers, without flying into any contumely against the Minister. But that which most astonisht the He­reticks, was the hearing of the Catholick Doctrine in the point of the possibility of the Commandments explain'd, and their belief confuted without having recourse to Sufficient Grace subject to Free-Will, as the Jesuites explicate it. This made them acknow­ledge, that those who are called Jansenists, though they hold Principles contrary to those of the Jesuites, yet for all that do not favour the Doctrine of Calvin, and have this advantage in oppugning them this way that they (Calvinists) could not upbraid these Doctors us they did the Jesuites, of falling into the Error of the Pelagians, by going about to oppose the Tenets of Calvin. Moreover the Catholicks were heard to ask one another as they went from the Sermon, How can these Doctors be accus'd of agreeing with the Calve­nists, touching the possibility of the Commandments, seeing we never heard the Doctrine of the Calvinists so well confuted, nor that of the Council of Trent so well establisht? as this Doctor hath done, who they say is a Jansenist, &c. M. Brousse offer'd the Mini­sters again to hold a conference, but they would not accept it. He was desir'd to preach to the Urse­lines, who are the only Nuns in that place, where seeing many of the pretended reform'd Religion were come to hear him, he fully evinc'd against them, with the edification of all his Hearers, the Sanctity of Vows, by which Virgins particularly consecrate them­selves to God in the retirement of Monasteries.

An Addition to the foregoing Narrative.

DUring the four moneths of M. Brousse's resi­dence at Rome, I never thought of shewing him the foregoing Narrative; but since my Re­turn, sending it to him to peruse, and see whe­ther all were punctually related, and whether he would add any thing to it, after he had read it, he sent it to me back with the following Addition.

In the said Narrative there is almost nothing of the second Sermon which I preached at Die, wherein I handled the matter of Good Works, and the di­stinction of sins into mortal and venial, with as great and more strength as I did the day before that of Grace, and the possibility of the Command­ments; and wherein there was this Rrmarkable, That the Minister having mention'd the Opinion of the Je­suite Gretser, and brought a passage of his as a Doctrine of the Roman Church, I said in confuting him, That he was either extremely ignorant for a Pro­fessor in Divinity, or extremely malicious: Ignorant, if he knew not that the sentiment of that Jesuite was not owned by the Roman Church, since so many learned men had opposed it: Malicious, if knowing so much, (as it was not likely he could be so ig­norant of what was so common among the learned) he had nevetheless the boldness to alledge it to his Au­ditors as the belief of the Church of Rome, and so impose upon them the falsity. I added, that the opi­nion of the Jesuite Gretser was so far from being the belief of the Roman Church, that for my part I ac­counted the same directly contrary unto it. I added this, because I saw two Jesuites my Auditors, who after Sermon came to see me at my Lodging, and ex­press'd to me the satisfaction they had in hearing with what perspicuity and strength I handled that matter.

You may add, That the chief of the Hereticks were so satisfied with me, that they prayed me to pass that way at my Return from Rome: I promised them, that if I came back by the same Road, I would do it with all my heart, and bestow a whole moneth amongst them, and every day confute their errors in the pub­lick place with the same clearness and solidity that I confuted the points which their Minister taught in his Sermon, and which I confuted in two, of which I made themselves Judges, if they would lay their hands upon their consciences.

CHAP. XVI

Passages at Paris towards the end of the year 1651. An Accusation made a­gainst me by M. Grandin the Syndic at the instance of the Nuntio, as if I termed my self Deputy from the Fa­culty. The Jesuites boast how they were confident the Propositions would be condemned at Rome. A scan­dalous Libel of F. Brisacier the Je­suit against the Nuns of Port-Royal, censur'd by the Arch-Bishop of Pa­ris.

BEfore I enter upon the Narration of what pass'd at Rome during the first six months of the year 1652. there are three or four things worth mentioning here which pass'd at Paris in the end of the year 1651. That which hath most affinity with the former Story, is an Enterprise and Slander extremely ridiculous, which they contriv'd against me in the Assembly of the Faculty Novem. 4. no doubt out of a design to cloud and render uncertain the boldness of F. Mulard, who term'd himself a Deputy from the Faculty, by accusing▪ me formally and solemnly in that As­sembly of having committed my self the same Im­posture, to which they had induc'd and train'd that Cordelier.

When they dispatcht him from France to come and execute all their prescriptions in virtue of that Chimerical Deputation which they had given him by their own private Authority, and by which they hop'd to authorize all things which they instru­cted him to say at Rome, they knew full well that I was set forth for France as I have above mention'd. They did not all expect my returning to Rome, or that there would be other persons there be­sides me who would be displeas'd and concern'd for F. Mulards stiling himself Deputy from so famous a Society, and the knowldge they might have of his Life and Behaviour in the world, which gave him licence to speak any thing without any ones being offended or taking notice of it, undoubtedly made them presume, that this would be observed less in his person then in another; so that they lookt he should act absolutely and with­out contradiction under that name in all the parts of his Instructions, and that neither he nor them­selves would be liable to reproach for so foul a juggle: wherefore when they saw afterwards that their plot was contrary to their hope discover'd by my means, whether they were only led with in­dignation against me for having searcht so far into their contrivance, and therefore aim'd to be re­veng'd by falsly imposing that Crime upon me, of which themselves were truly guilty; or whether they only design'd to keep off from themselves that Infamy, and render it obscure and dubious in reference to themselves, by imputing the same to one who was likely to complain of it, and accusing him first, though they knew him to be very innocent; so it was, that they took a Resolution to accuse me of it in publick. Now that the accusation might seem the more plausible and better grounded, they would not be the Instruments of it themselves, but thought fit to make it more authentick by the considerableness of the Nuntio's person, which they made use of therein.

M. Grandin who had been chosen Syndic in M. Hallier's room in the last October, and was ac­cording to custome to give his Thanks in the As­sembly of the fourth of November, took this complaint for the whole Subject of his Oration. ‘He said. [as the Letter written by a Doctor, my friend, some days after that Assembly informeth me) that the Nuntio sent for him and the Sub-Dean the day before, to advertise them that M. de Saint Amand (he meant Saint Amour; for having consulted his paper, he said no more Saint Amand but Saint Amour; which consultation of his paper was from his Charity, which told him it might be M. de Saint Amour) acted at Rome in quality of Deputy from the Faculty of Divinity, in behalf of the cause of some, whom with a lower tone he named Jansenists. That the Nun­tio desired to know the Facultie's mind upon this Advice which he gave them, and whether it were true that it had nam'd the said M. de Saint Amour for its Deputy.’ To which M. Grandin added that it was very important that the Faculty took into consideration what he propounded to it.

Several Doctors who presently apprehended the maliciousness of this first proposal of the new Syndic▪ and were perswaded I was not capable of so shameful a falsitie, nor had any ground or need to commit it, hiss'd his Proposal, and de­claim'd against the Deputation of F. Mulard, of which they had been advertis'd, saying, That that was it of which there was very great great reason to complain. When the murmur was appeas'd, M. Des-chasteaux Doctor and Procurator of Sorbonne (to whom I had written since my Re­turn to Rome in regard of the remembrance I had of a like charge with as little ground against MM. Bourgeois and Duchesne, and desired him if the same were renewed against me, to declare in my name, that in case it were with the least truth, I consented to pass for the most infamous of men) advertis'd the Faculty of the Letter which I had written to him, and produc'd it at the same time in the Assembly. After the reading of my Letter, he and many other Doctors who were convinc'd of my innocence, said, that it was not requisite that the Faculty declar'd, not barely whether it had de­puted me or not, but generally whether it had en­charg'd any other with such Commission to act in its name at Rome about the matters then agitated concerning Grace. Great contest there was in the Assembly upon this Subject, some saying, that the Question was not concerning F. Mulard or [Page 136] his Deputation, but to give an answer to the Nun­tio; others on the contrary, that it was not ne­cessary to answer the Nuntio, because his demand was grounded upon an Imposture, which was wholly visible by my Letter; That nevertheless it being true that I had in no wise usurped that quality, they would not hinder but the Truth might be known to all the earth; but being on the other side certain that F. Mulard had usurped it, it was necessary that upon the complaint made by Doctors who had proofs thereof at hand, the Faculty should declare the reality of the busi­ness.

The design of the Doctors who complotted this Accusation, was to get the Faculty to declare, that it had not deputed me; which would have been an ignominious Note upon me, and given the pub­lick and Posterity occasion to conceive that the Faculty had believ'd upon the Nuntio's Depositi­on that I had been capable of that Falsity. But at length after long debate which lasted almost till noon, it was concluded, that MM. Messier and Grandin should repair to the Nuntio, and tell him that hitherto the Faculty had deputed no person to Rome, and that it was manifest that I had not taken upon me that Quality, by a Letter written to M. Des-Chaste­aux who produced the same in the Assembly, which Letter the Faculty ordered should be shewn to the Nuntio. MM. Messier and Grandin when the As­sembly was ended, went to deliver this answer to the Nuntio, and carried him my Letter. The Nuntio desir'd them to leave it, which they did. But M. Des-chasteaux being loth to loose such a proof of my Innocence, pray'd M. Messier to go next day to the Nuntio, and beseech him to re­turn my Letter: He did so, and the Nuntio deli­ver'd it without any difficulty.

'Tis remarkable, that though the words of the Faculty were general, and consequently ought in reason to touch such as had taken that Quality up­on them, and brand them ignominiously, yet M. Grandin and the other Doctors that drew up the Conclusion, inserted in the draught only my name, and spar'd F. Mulards, leaving it to be presumed hereafter, that only I had given occasion for it. But assoon as I had receiv'd the Extract of it, which was sent me after it had been read again and confirmed in the Assembly of the first of Decem­ber, I perceiv'd how I could make use of it, to re­flect it back upon the face of them who alone de­serv'd to bear the affront; As I shall shew when I give an account of the audience which my Col­legues and I had of the Pope the 21. of January following.

The University also found it self interessed in the Conduct of the above said Cordelier, in regard of the falsities and injuries which they were ad­vertis'd he spread against them in Rome; and they made a Decree in the ordinary Assembly of the Deputies, held in the Colledge of Navarre, De­cember 2. by which it was resolved to write to me, and desire me to inform them the most punctually I could of all those falsities and calumnies. The Rector sent me that Decree, and join'd with it Letters of his own, wheredy he advis'd me to make complaint in the Universities name to some Judge, by putting in an information of the Lyes and Calumnies of F. Mulard, and then to pro­duce my witnesses. But consulting with two Ro­mans, men of great insight and practice in those matters; one told me that the business must be brought before the Judges Criminal, that it was no very ordinary case; that by reason of sundry disorders lately arisen in those Courts, he feared they would be shy of medling with it. The second told me, That the most proper Court was the Au­ditor of the Chamber, where he conceiv'd, per­mission would be easily granted to inform; but for sending the informations elsewhere, he be­liev'd it would not be allow'd. That this was a mat­ter of consequence, in which nothing could be done without asking the Pope whether he pleas'd to grant this particular Grace: Which difficulties consider'd, together with F. Mulards being re­turn'd from Rome, and the Rector desiring no more informations then what he had since seen the day of that Decree (which I sent him) and I esteeming it more requisite to apply our selves totally to the prosecution of the grand Affair, in which all those Injures and Calumnies might be better quasht and dispel'd, then to this incidental Contest, which would withdraw so much attention from the principal; all the difficulties I say, and considera­tions hinder'd me from fully performing (as I desir'd) all that the University recommended unto me.

The Canons regular of the Order of St. Au­gustin having notice of the Examen intended at Rome about these matters in a solemn Congrega­tion, assembled together to consult whether they should send thither one or two of their Fathers, in the name of the Society, in behalf of the interest which they took in the preservation of St. Augustins Doctrine; and they had already cast their eyes upon F. Fronto for the Journey. The General writ to Rome about it to their Procurator General, who shew'd me the Letter, and ask my opinion. I congratulated him and the whole Or­der for so holy and Christian a care: I told him it might be very useful, and of a great example in due time; but I did not see all things yet in readi­ness enough for the putting of that good and pious design in execution.

My Correspondent in behalf of my LL. the Bi­shops writ a Letter to me dated, December 22. 1651. in which he seem'd to foretell in some sort, how the proceeding would be in this affair; as shall be seen hereafter. ‘Blessed be God (saith saith) that there are persons in the Colledge of Cardinals who understand the Truth in these Matters, though they be very few; but I am still afraid of the Romane Policy. Our Molinist Doctors (who have intelligence e­very week from Rome) are very pleasant, when they say the Censure of the Propositi­ons will speedily come forth, and that the Jansenists are made believe that the Pope condescends to the Letters of the Bishops who writ to his Holinesse against that of M. de Vabres, and will not passe Judgment of them at all. They adde that the first Pro­position is censur'd already, and declar'd He­retical▪ and that the others are under ex­amination. That when the Censure is finish­ed, [Page 137] before it be declared to you, you shall be called for, to be heard in private, and after that, the Censure shall be publisht. Accordingly they are more briske then usu­all. Be pleased to inquire into the grounds of this newes, which comes not from one a­lone, but from many hands.’

In the end of this year a Censure was past by the Archbishop of Paris upon a book of F. Brisa­cier a Jesuite, intitl'd le Jansenisme confonda, &c. Jansenisme confounded. The Cause was for that the Author therein chargeth the Monastery of Re­ligious Women or Nunnes at Port-Royal with a­bundance of calumnies and scandals, so far as to accuse them of heresie in doctrine, and heinous disorders in manners: That according to the Rules prescrib'd to the Virgins of the H. Sacrament, there will be a new Religion made; that they shall be call'd Impenitents, Asacramentaries, Incommu­nicants, &c. For which the Archbishop condem­ned the said book as injurious, calumnious, and containing many lyts and impostures. He delar'd the said Nunnes pure and innocent from the Crimes wherewith that Jesuite went about to soile the can­dour of their good manners, and traduce their inte­grity and Religion, of which the said Archbishop de­clar'd that he was assured with full certainty. This Censure he order'd to be publisht in all the Parishes of Paris, and caus'd the same to be print­ed and fix'd upon the gates of all other Churc es. Which was perform'd with the applause of all good men, and a strange madnesse of the Jesuites, who had fruitlesly imploy'd all their credit to hinder the said Censure, which made them passe eve­rywhere for publick calumniators.

THE FOURTH PART.

January 1652. Containing what pass'd during the first six Moneths of the Year 1652.

CHAP. I.

Of what pass'd at Paris and at Rome during the first three weeks of Ja­nuary.

THE first thing which we did this year, was to go on Tues­day January 2. to the Pope's Presence-Chamber, in order to being introduc'd to audi­ence; which we could not obtain that day, because the Prince of Luneburg who had the first, and Cardinal Ʋrsin who had the second, took up all the time. We repair'd thither every day afterwards that we could hope for it, till at length we obtain'd it on the 21. of the same moneths, as I shall relate in its due place.

In the mean while we employ'd our time as the necessity and advantage of our affair or the rules of Decorum required: That Tuesday afternoon I went with M. Brousse to M. le Cavalier Pozzo a person of note in Rome and of great worth; He told us in his entertainment a pleasant Conceit of a Jesuite, whom he formerly knew, and who was the present Pope's Confessor; This Jesuite maintain'd and would needs print his Opinion That the Pope might choose his successor before his death, and establish him as a Coadjutor in that highest Ecclesiastical dignity.

The same day at Paris a person nam'd Sangui­niere who had been a Jesuite, but thrust him­self into the Faculty of Divinity, so far as to maintain a Thesis in a Tentative Question, have­ing demanded in the Assembly Letters concerning his time of study, was deny'd, though he was backd by the favorers of the Jesuites, and more then any by M. Hallier.

The same Doctors appear'd also very displeas'd with the News which they receiv'd at that time of the arrival of my Collegues at Rome: but yet they comforted themselves for all that, by pub­lishing abroad that that whould not hinder but the Pope would speedily pronounce a Judgment a­gainst the Propositions, and that if he gave us a hearing before he pronounc'd, it would be but as I had been heard in the businesse of the Houres. Which coming to the ears of the Bishops who de­ligated us, they enjoyn'd us again by a Letter which they caus'd to be written to us on the fifth of that moneth, to beware of engaging in a se­cret or private Conference; but to coniinue suing for a solemn one, like those which had been held under Clement VIII. and Paul V. before which, we should not be contented with answering for the Catholick sense which the Propositions im­puted to us might admit, in which alone they were to be maintain'd as Orthodox, but also should ac­cuse the erroneous sentiments of Molina, and demand the condemnation thereof against the Je­suites.

On Monday the 8. we accompani'd Cardinal Barberin to the Consistory, and he did us the honour to desire us to dine with him the next day. Accordingly having treated us with very great magnificence he carried us to spend the afternoon in his Library, and afterwards himself conducted us home.

On the 11. M. Brousse and I went to see the [Page 140] Ambassador, and accompani'd him to the Palace of S. Mark to the Ambassador of Venice, and from thence to the profess'd House of the Jesuits call'd le Giesu, which is not far from his Palace. The Ambassador, as he told us, went thither to speak with one of those Fathers with whom the King was not well pleas'd; which he did, after he had heard Masse. I observ'd that assoon at F. Annat recei­ved notice of the Ambassador's coming, he went away without staying for him, to get audience of the Pope.

On Fryday the 12th. we began to visite the Cardinals who we knew were design'd for our Congregation. That day we visited Cardinal Spa­da, who receiv'd and entertain'd us very well. But this was considerable in the audience he gave us, that there was not spoken so much as one word concerning our affair on one side or other. After which I going alone to see the Cure of S. Saviour, he gave me a very remarkable Item, which we alwayes endevor'd to Practise, viz. That the half of an Affaire, especially at Rome, consisteth in the manner of well managing it, La Meta d' un ne­gotio consiste nel modo di ben portarlo.

This good Cure was great friend and country­man to Monsignor Ghiggi, who was lately return'd from his Nuntiature at Munster. He gave me an account of him as a man of great piety and learning, much in favour with the Pope, and one of his Secretaries of state, who would not fail to be Cardinal at the next promotion, and perhaps one day Pope, when there was pass'd another Papacy after the present. For these rea­sons he advis'd me to visite him asson as I could, to informe him of the state of our af­faires. Upon his motion I went for that purpose on Saturday the 13th of January; but finding that he gave no audience, I went tot S. Maria Mag­giore.

There I saw the Dominican Confessor of the French Nation, who told me that the next day there was to be, a Chappel of Cardinals, to cele­brate there a Masse of the Trinity for Pius V. That this Pope dy'd in such opinion of Sanctity, that on the first of May his tombe was strew'd over with abundance of flowers, and his Chappel was all full of ex voto. But since the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. for the Canonization of Saints, those ex voto were taken away and shut up in the Sacristy or Vestry, and the custome of strew­ing flowers upon his tomb was abolish'd: I went afterwards to S. John de Lateran to see F. Cavalli and return him his little tract of Obser­vations upon the Conection of the Hymnes which was made by a Jesuite in the name of Ʋrban VIII. which Jesuite was much incens'd against F. Ca­valli because of the faults, both as to Grammar and sense, which he found in that Conection. F. Cavalli submitted his Reflections very humbly, to as many as would look upon them. The Car­dinals car'd not to examine whether he had rea­son or no; though some said it was a thing that deserv'd to be taken heed to. But that which is remarkable herein, is, that though those new Hymnes were introduc'd everywhere, as an order given by the Pope; yet the Canons of S. Peter withstood all the instances made to them to make use thereof, upon the sole account of the newnesse of those verses; wherewith their Chanters, being habituated and accustom'd to the old, were inconvenienc'd. And indeed their resi­stance and their custome caus'd that they were left to the possession and use of the old, notwithstanding the earnest desire of the Authors of those new Cor­rections that those Canons should confirm by their example the care that was taken to introduce them into all Christendom.

On Monday the 15th. we visited the Covent of Barefooted Carmelites of our Lady de la Victorie, where we were inform'd by one of those Fryers that the Pope having been lately confer'd with a­bout our affair by a Considerable person who soli­cited him to put an end to this great controversie de auxiliis, which troubled the Church for so many years; the Pope signifi'd that his mind and reso­lution was to follow the example, of his Predeces­sors who were contented with imposing silence in the matter to both parties; that enough had been done in condemning or rather prohibiting in ge­neral the book of Jansenius; and that he would do nothing more. Wherewith the said Person not con­tented, reply'd to the Pope that this was not the thing which the most considerable persons in the Church expected, but on the contrary they con­ceiv'd that his Holiness was oblig'd to terminate the contests in the present case; and to perswade him to it, he shew'd him the Writing above men­tion'd, whereof F. Mulard was the dispersor, in­titl'd Ʋtrum sit sopienda, &c. Which he read to the Pope from the beginning to the end; and after the Pope had heard it, he made no other answer to this person to free himself from his instances, but told he might shew the said Writing to such of the Cardinals as he thought fit.

On Wednessday the 17th. I went again to Mon­signor Ghiggi, to make him the visite which the Cure of S. Saviour had given him notice that I intended. He receiv'd me with much civility and gravity. After I had told him in few words the substance of our affair, and the importance it was of, I began to give him a particular account of all that had pass'd in it; but before I had done representing to him the reasons which were op­pos'd to M. Cornet in the Assembly of the first if July, to hinder proceeding to any examina­tion of the Propositions, Monsignor Ghiggi told me that he was expected by the Pope, and there­fore pray'd me to dispatch and tell him the mat­ter of fact without standing upon the reasons. So I was oblig'd to passe succinctly over the chief and essential points of this affair, as the False Censure presented to the Pope for confirmation; the de­sign of M. de Vabres, seeing that way fail'd to get the Assembly of the Clergy to sign a Let­ter wherein to desire the condemnation of the Propositions, upon assurance given him by the Jesuites that they would obtain it if the Clergy desir'd it; his resolution (when he could do nothing with the Clergy) to inveigle several particular Bishops to subscribe the said Letter; the care of those which sent me, to advertise the Pope of the ambiguity of the Propositions pre­sented to him by that Letter, the surprise which was to be fear'd in it, the interest of the H. See to avoid that surprise, the importance it was of in refence to his Authority, the truth, and the [Page 141] peace of the Faithfull; in fine, that I must come another time when his Lordship was more at lei­sure, to give him more ample and particular in­formations upon the whole, and that my Collegues would not fail to wait upon him, and pay their duty to him as soon as they had seen the Pope. Monsignor Ghiggi told me, it would be better that I came alone to acquaint him with the Case, then that many came to do it; because oftentimes in occasions of this nature, number did more hurt then good. He said the Pope had not yet spoken to him about this affair, and till the Pope did so, he would not meddle with it; Ne videretur mitte­re manum in alienam messem: but probably the Pope would communicate it to him assoon as we had deliver'd him our Letters. I answer'd, that I had deliver'd them almost Six months ago. He reply'd, that then it would be requisite to leave a Memorial with the Pope when we were admitted to him, to refresh his Holinesses memory; and that when that Memorial came to his hands, it would be sufficient, that before it did, it was not needfull for us to make a visit to him, because Se­cretaries of State receive none, but alwayes keep their doors shut, excepting for affaires. I told him, that we would do as he appointed, and I re­new'd to him the declaration which I had made to the Pope, that we had no pretension against the Bull of Ʋrban VIII; and that of the Propositions upon which his Censure was sollicited, there was not any in that of Pius V.

On Thursday the 18th. we visited Cardinal Gi­netti, who again gave us great testimonies of good will and earnestnesse ro apply himself seriously to this affair. He askt us also if our Adversaries were come. I answer'd, that none appear'd open­ly; but the Jesuites were those with whom we had to do, and whom we would attaque as our prin­cipal adversaries, who had set a work all these pro­jects against the doctrine of the Church, to up­hold that of Molina; that their whole Society was assembled ad Rome; that they might choose the a­blest of their Fathers to defend themselves against the accusations and complaints which we had to charge them with; and so we should not want Parties. He approv'd what I said; but our confe­rence was not long, and we ended it sooner then we should have done, out of decency, because we saw there was a Table prepar'd for a Congregation which his Eminence expected there.

That day I was told by one of the H. Office, that he to whom F. Annat's book de Incoacta libertate, then under the Presse, was committed to read, had made his Report of it eight dayes ago; that M. Al­bizzi mov'd there might be given to it not only a Licence for printing, but also a kind of Approba­tion; that there was nothing in it contrary to the Faith; but the Members of the H. Office conside­ring it was not their Custom, M. Albizzi could not bring them to his intended innovation, and so the book was only remitted to the Master of the Sacred Palace.

I went to visit him on Saturday the 19. and re­presented the Prejudice which the Cause of Grace Effectual by it self would receive by the Approba­tion which F. Annat endeavour'd to get from the Congregation of the H. Office for the Book he was printing, and the advantage which the Jesuites would make of it, for the upholding of their Mo­linistical Grace subject to Free Will, which could not be establisht but upon the ruines of many Chri­stian Truths. The Master of the Sacred Palace pre­sently agreed with me as to the prejudice which those truths receive from that Molinistical opini­on, and particularly mention'd many truths that are subverted thereby. But he told me, that he did not believe F. Annat's book was writ in de­fence of that opinion; That were it so, it could not afford any consequence as to the matter of the Doctrine, which would not fail to be maintain'd, when they came to the Decision; but till it were come to that, the Pope had prohibited writing of these matters without permission of the Congrega­tion of the H. Office; That the said Congregation had given F. Annat such permission, and him (the Master, &c.) permission to peruse the book, and give his consent to the impression; That he had done so, and could not have done otherwise; That those people were Almighty, Ognipotenti; That he was in an office in which it was necessary to obey. By which I saw, that we must be contented either to behold that book publisht, with whatever ad­vantagious Notes of Approbation it could be au­thoris'd, or else stop its course by our complaint to the Pope against it, if we could get audience of him before it came forth.

CHAP. II.

Of the first Audience which we had toge­ther of the Pope, Jan. 21. 1652. at the end of which we deliver'd to him our first Memorial.

AT length we obtain'd that so much desired Audience, on Sunday, Jan. 21. After we had made the usual kneelings at entrance into the Chamber where the Pope was, and kiss'd his feet, we placed our selves all four before him in a Semicircle, and being upon our knees, M. Brousse our Senior, spoke in Latin to his Holinesse what followeth in the Translation.

Most Holy Father,

THE Joy we resent this day is so great, that no words are capable to expresse it. For what could happen more desirable and more happy to Sons of the Church, to Priests and Doctors, then to see our selves prostrate before the Common Father of Christi­ans, the Visible Head of the Church, the Vicar of Jesus Christ, and the Successor of S. Peter, to kisse his feet, and receive a benediction from his hand and mouth? So that we doubt not but the sequel of this Year will be favourable to us, and the successe of our Commission fortunate, since we begin both the one and the other with your Holinesse's benediction.

Behold us, most H. F. at the feet of your Holinesse, sent from many most illustrious Bishops of France, who excited with an ardent Zeal for the Mysteries and Articles of Faith, and animated by their re­spect to the Holy See, and particularly towards your Holinesse, have delegated us hither, to beseech you [Page 142] in their Name (according to the laudable custom of the Church in the like occasions) to please to or­dain a Congregation for the Examination and Dis­cussion of five Equivocal Propositions, fraudulently and subtilly contriv'd, and whereof the Authors them­selves sollicit a Censure with all kind of artifices; to the end that after the Parties shall have been heard in presence one of the other, their proofs and reasons reciprocally produc'd, subscrib'd and commu­nicated, the whole being weigh'd and examin'd as the importance of the matter requireth, your Holi­nesse may pronounce and declare by the supreme au­thority which you have in the Church, what ought to be follow'd, and what avoided; which is the true sense of those Propositions which we are oblig'd to hold, and which the false which we ought to abhorr; as we understand by publick and authentick Acts to have been practis'd under Clement VIII. and Paul V. of h [...]ppy memory, with so great glory to those two great Popes, so much lustre of the truth, and so great ad­vantage to the H. See.

Our Confrere here present hath formerly propound­ed the same more largely to your Holinesse, when he had the Honor to present to you the Letters of our LL. the Bishops; and therefore I shall not repeat it, for fear of being tedious to your Holinesse, reserving my self to speak further thereof when your Holinesse shall please to command me. For your Holinesse may easi­ly judge, by that strength of mind which it hath plea­sed God to give you, of what importance this Suite of ours is for the preservation of truth, for unity, for peace, and for the authority of the Church, Foras­much as the said Propositions being capable of divers senses, true and false, Catholick and Heretical, and having been cunningly fram'd by those who are the Authors of them, with design, if once they be condem­ned in general and according to the rigor of the words, to attribute to themselves the judgement of such Equi­vocal Censure, and under pretext of defending it, to take the Liberty of applying it as they please to all the kinds of senses; and so by mingling the true with the false, and error with the Catholick faith, to excite envy and hatred against many both Bishops and Do­ctors of very great piety and excellent learning, to accuse them to your Holinesse as guilty of spiritual Treason, and to traduce them by their injuries and calumnies in the minds of the ignorant common peo­ple; as they have not been asham'd to do already, to the great scandal of all good men.

In which regard, most H. F. there is none but sees how necessary the clearing of those Propositions is for Ʋnion, for peace, and for the good of the Church, to the end that the parties having been heard on either side, all the equivocations and ambiguities of words being unfolded, and all the odious cavills dispell'd and rejected, falsitie may become sever'd from truth, error from the faith, and bran from the flower, (to use S. Gregorie's Words.)

I passe over in silence, most H. F. (that so I may not abuse the grace which your Holinesse doth me in hearing me) that all this dispute concerns the dignity, authority and doctrine of S. Augustin, whom the su­preme Pontifs and the whole Church have alwayes held in so great veneration; of that glorious Doctor I say, the scourge of Hereticks, by whose mouth and pen during twenty years of his life the Church triumphed over its enemies, and still triumphs after his death: so that while the saving and victorious grace of Jesus Christ is in question, the cause is not only S. Augu­stin's, but that of the Church.

Now, most H. F. whereas the summe of the diffi­culties which arise in this cause, is principally to know what is the sense of S. Augustin, undoubtedly no­thing is so necessary in the Church as the discussion and judgement of that true sense; since if your Holi­nesse should suffer people to continue to expound it in se­veral manners, the authority and doctrine of that great Father, so often approved and commended by the Church, and by the supreme Pontifs, Innocent, Zo­zimus, Boniface, Celestin, Sixtus, Leo, Gelasius, Hormisdas, Felix, John, Gregory, Clement, Paul and others, would receive a mortal wound, be shat­ter'd, and made to jarre with it self, and become ex­pos'd hy means of fallacious Propositions, to the Cen­sure of those who have seen hitherto that it was an at­tempt equally rash and unprofitable to impugne the same under the name of S. Augustin; which your Holinesse easily judges would be the most prejudicial thing in the world, the most injurious to the supreme Pontifs, the most offensive in reference to the Holy Doctor of Grace, and the most destructive to holy and sacred Tradition.

Your prudence and your goodnesse therefore, most H. F. will be pleas'd to grant in behalf of the grace of Jesus Christ, that favour to the Bishops which they request, that quiet to the Faithfull which they wish, and that comfort to good men which they desire, and to our most humble supplications the accomplish­ment of our hope; that by this means the Faith may be cleared, Truth establisht, Christian Ʋnity strength­ned, sacred Tradition preserv'd, the honour of the Church maintain'd in the maintaining of the authority of S. Augustin, and that all may conspire to the uphol­ding of the Majesty and Soveraignty of the H. See and the Roman Church, from whence as from a plen­teous fountain flow the streams which water other Churches, as that Pope sometimes said who first bore the name which your Holinesse doth. And lastly, that by these so important reasons the Church may have the comfort to see your Holinesse happily accomplish what that H. Pope begun; and that what God did in Innocent I. by his grace and for his grace, he may do the same in Innocent X. and that it may be a part of the glory which by committing to you the guard of his divine flock, he hath reserv'd to your Holinesse, to whom, we in the quality of true sonnes of the Church, Priests, Doctors, and Deputies of our LL. the Bishops, of France, wish at this beginning of the year, an ac­complish'd felicity, and for whose health and pro­sperity we daily offer our Sacrifices to his Divine Majesty.

M. Brousse pronounc'd this discourse very deli­berately and pathetically, according to his usual way, and quickned it with as much vigour as the modesty and the submission befitting one that speaks to the Pope, and the place so little distant from him, and so private, wherein we were, could permit. The Pope heard him with great gravity and attention, and when he had ended, the Pope answer'd in Italian, and made a discourse of about the same length with this of M. Brousse. The sub­stance which we could recollect of the Popes an­swer, was not much different from what he had [Page 143] said to me in the two other audiences which he gave me alone. He told us, that he would not have us speak of Jansenius at all; Non voglio che sia fat­ta mentione di Jansenio in nissuna maniera. Those were his words. That when his book first came forth, what in it concern'd this affair, was diligent­ly examin'd; That after such examination it was thought meet to make the Bull of Ʋrban VIII, which was publisht upon this occasion, and by which the reading of Jansenius's book and the The­ses of the Jesuites which treated of this matter, was prohibited; that as to the publication and execu­tion of that Bull sundry difficulties were made, but they were never sound of moment enough to hin­der the execution of the same; Thar the prohibi­tions made formerly by the Popes to write and dis­pute of those matters de Auxiliis, were not made without great necessity and cognizance of the cause. That Clement VIII. and Paul V. his Predecessors, after they had taken very much pains, and spent much time and study upon this subject, and after they had assembled the most able Divines, who likewise labour'd very much in it, at length all they could do was to impose a perpetual silence in these matters upon the Divines of both sides; That the best course was to keep to that, and not renew at this day those old disputes which could not be terminated in those times; and consequently not to speak of establishing a new Congregation de Auxiliis. That as for the doctrine of S. Augustin, there was no scruple but it ought to be follow'd and embrac'd in the Church, as it had been in all times in singular esteem and veneration; but the question was, who were they that truly embrac'd it; That when the Deputies of the Faculty of Lo­vain came to Rome, to defend the book of Janse­nius, they said the same things that we do of the doctrine of S. Augustin, and the authority it ought to have in the Church; That it was to that alone which they adher'd, and that Jansenius adher'd to the same; but after his book had been examin'd and compar'd with the doctrine of S. Augustine, they who were employ'd therein at that time found that Jansenius held Propositions very different from the sentiments of S. Augustin; That all the world pleaded that authority and doctrine, and every one drew it to his own side; but it could not favour all; That every one construed it as he was inclin'd, and understood it after his own way; but it behooved not to stick so close to things and words, but to consider with what exaggeration and Hyperbole S. Augustin and other Holy Fathers of the Church may have spoken in some cases; as also not to rely and build upon what they may have sometimes said in the heat and vehemence of discourse, as upon the words of Scripture.

The Pope in speaking all this, extended it more to other Fathers then to S. Augustin, and took his rise from what had been done by others, to tell us that the same might also have been done by S. Au­gustin: but indeed he spoke it with much hesi­tancy, and rather to make the answers and ob­jections to us which possibly had been suggested to him by M. Albizzi, or others imbu'd with the Jesuits principles, then as being himself perswa­ded thereof.

Wherefore his discourse leaving sufficient room for a reply, M. Brousse told the Pope in Italian (as the Letter relateth which he writ the next day to M. Puilon Doctor in Physick of the Faculty of Pa­ris, his Countryman and friend) That we had no­thing to do with Jansenius; That he was an Author in whom we were not concern'd, no more then the Bi­shops who deputed us; that we barely requested the examen and discussion of the Propositions in question, in regard of the diversity of senses whereof they are ca­pable, to hinder that the Censure which was to be made of them (as we acknowledg'd they deserv'd it in one sense) might not be reflected upon the doctrine of S. Augustin, as the enemies of that Saint profess'd to desire, having purposely fram'd them equivocal, and with different senses: As for the Congregation de Auxiliis, that we would abstain from the word Auxilium, saving so far as it would be necessary for the understanding of the Propositions (we knew the Pope was so firmly re­solv'd not to renew the examination of that mat­ter, that lest we should at the first addresse receive from his Holinesse a precise and absolute refusal of the Congregation for which we supplicated, we were forc'd not to unfold to him so openly how it was contain'd in each of the Propositions well un­derstood. Wherefore to render our Motion the more passable, M. Brousse was oblig'd to tell him in general, as his letter rehearseth, that we should abstain from the term Auxiliis, saving so far as would be necessary for the understanding of the Propo­sitions.) And because his Holinesse sp [...]ke of what pass'd under Clement VIII. as if after his time no­thing had been done in this affair, and that the thing remain'd undecided, he prayed his Holinesse to permit him to revive in his memory that point of history; and he told him, that after the death of Clement VIII, when the choice of his Successor was in agitation, it was determin'd in the Conclave before proceeding to Election, that he who should be chosen should finish what Clement had begun touching the matter de Auxiliis; That therefore Paul V. (who succeeded Leo XI, whose Papacy lasted but a few dayes) immediately after his promotion to S. Peters Chair reassembled those Con­gregations; that the matters having been examin'd a­new at the instance of the Jesuites for defence of their Molina, who they said was ill understood, and ill d [...] ­fended to the Congregations under Clement, the mat­ter was at length so terminated after many Congrega­tions, that fifty Propositions of Molina were condem­ned; that the Bull was prepar'd and ready to thunder forth; but that which hindred it, was the quarrel of Venice, from whence the Jesuites being driven, pray'd his Holinesse not to publish that Bull, which would quite overwhelm them, promising him (what they have not kept) to renounce Molina, and no longer teach those evil Maximes. M. Brousse added, that this being a matter of fact and history which pass'd at Rome, we should not only be imprudent, but also deserve punish­ment for averring it at his Holinesses feet if it were not true; but we were certain that the Acts of those Congregations, with the Original of the Bull of Paul V. were in Castello (in the Castle S. Angelo) and that if it pleased his Holinesse to cause the same to be pub­lish'd, there would be no longer need of a Congregation for the terminating of all these contests. The Pope sig­nified his satisfaction in this point of history, and an­swer'd that he would think on it. M. Brousse had the liberty to say many other things to him, among o­thers concerning S. Augustins doctrine, that we adher'd to that alone, not as the Pope might fear [Page 144] we misconstru'd it, but as it would be found to be really his; That when it came to be examin'd, it would be found clear and uniform, and that it must needs be so, since the Fathers and whole Councils have embrac'd it and commended it to the whole Church, as that which ought to be follow'd, and with which the Church had already triumph'd over so many Hereticks.

We having there concluded it meet for me to speak to his Holinesse, if I could have time, I took occasion in this place to say, That it would be one of the principal things in which his Holinesse would by God's help one day have the satisfaction to find who were mistaken, our adversaries or we, when he had examin'd it and caus'd it to be examin'd in the solemn Congregation for which we came to supplicate; That he should see by the sequell of that examination, whether our adversaries or we, had the true understanding of St. Augustin's senti­ments; That we now declar'd to him, that we would only adhere to what was acknowledg'd without contradiction and with perfect evidence, to have been taught by that great Doctor as the pure doctrine of the Church, and approv'd for such by Popes; and that it was for this purpose chiefly that we beseecht his Holinesse to establish the Con­gregation desired by the Bishops upon occasion of those Five Propositions, whereof every one un­derstood in the Catholick sense of Effectual Grace, contain'd an abridgement of his whole Doctrine; so connex'd together were these matters, and de­pendant all upon one and the same principle.

After this I took occasion from the Silence which the Pope so much insisted on, to complain to him of F. Annats book which was printing. I repre­sented to him, that that silence was so far from ha­ving been enjoyn'd to Divines for ever, that at the same moment we were speaking to him, that book was printing in Rome; That M. Albizzi not content to have obtain'd permission from the Con­gregation of the H. Office for that Jesuite to break this silence, by publishing his book, us'd his endea­vours to have it come forth with the Approbation of that Congregation, and the authority of his Ho­linesses name, thereby to engage the H. See una­wares in the interests and sentiments of that Socie­ty; because upon the determination of one single point on one side or other, depended all that was to be held pro or con in the whole matter de Auxi­liis.

The Pope answer'd me, that it was a great mi­stake, to think that all that was printed at Rome was the sentiments of the H. See; but the approbation or Imprimatur requisite for the impression of books was not granted nor required, but to hinder least any might be printed that were contrary to the Law of God and to Religion, or against good manners.

Omitting what might have been reply'd to the Pope, (as, that the sentiments of the Jesuites tou­ching Grace were wholly contrary to Religion, and to the good manners of true Christians) I an­swer'd, that F. Annat had designed not only to get the usual and general Imprimatur to his book, but to have it examin'd by the Congregatiom of the H. Office, to the end they might authorize the doc­trine of it, and so the H. See become insensibly en­gag'd in the unhappy cause of their Molina; that it wat only this consideration, and fear of the en­gagement of the H. See that made us anxious a­bout the impression of thar book; that otherwise, were there nothing more then the ordinary impres­sion, we should be so far from hindring it, that we should rather further it; because S. Augustins and our adversaries printed nothing but what prov'd extremely advantageous to the truth and to our cause, they fill'd their books so with falsities, ig­norances and lyes, and though all this might serve for some time to uphold their reputation by blind­ing the lesse attentive, yet when their books came once to be sifted in a Congregation of judicious & equitable Judges, the exorbitances would be scarce credible to which these good Fathers and their adhe­rents suffer themselves to be transported against truth and honesty; that therefore the more they printed, the more they advantag'd us; but all our trouble was, that they did it in the sight and know­ledge of the H. See, and by that means engag'd the same in broyls from which it would be hard to clear it self, and which would increase the difficulties of our making known to it the justice of our cause, and of its declaring in our favour.

The Pope was apprehensive of what I said to him about this subject, and signifi'd that he had not heard of that book before, but he would consi­der of it, and take some order about it. I pro­ceeded to tell him, how for the better accomplish­ing their design, they attempted to avoid passing through the hands of the Master of the Sacred Pa­lace, who was forc'd to supplicate the Cardinals of the H. Office, that the rights of his place might not be prejudic'd in this case; and all that he obtain'd, was, that the said Book might passe through his hands and he might read it; but withall he receiv'd order to passe it, to give it his Imprimatur; and that it was actually printing. The Pope smil'd a little, to render this first audience more agreea­ble, speaking a word of raillery touching the con­tinual contest that there was between the Domini­cans and the Jesuites.

I proceeded to the second thing whereof we a­greed that I should complain to the Pope, and that was M. Albizzi's extream passion for the interests of the Jesuits; and having told his Holi­nesse that that Man was wholly possess'd with their sentiments, and blindly favour'd all their designs, I instanc'd visible tokens thereof that I had obser­ved in particular cases: I told the Pope how he treated me when I was addressing to Cardinal Pan­zirolo touching the Houres, crying out, Si burla il Signor de Sant' Amor, si burla. That I presently re­monstrating to him calmly, that he ought to treat me after another sort, if not for my own sake, yet in respect to the Bishops of France who sent me, and to the affair in which the H. See was the principal concern'd, &c. The Pope here interrupted me, and told me I knew how himself had treated me, with how much esteem he had re­ceived what I represented to him in the name of those illustrious Bishops, and in what account he express'd to hold me particulary. I renew'd my thanks to him; and he proceeded to tell me that Men are sometimes subject to choler, and suffer themselves to be transported with it; but it behoo­ved to have a little patience in those cases, and ex­cuse them. I reply'd, that M. Albizzi's proceeding [Page 145] testify'd more then choler, that he acted out of palpable Aversion: whereof I gave his Holinesse this proof, that having continu'd to justifie to M. Albizzi the reason for my acting as I did, he per­sisted to treat me ill and exasperate me, saying, that I was come to Rome to offer violence and force to the H. See; that we were full of evil in­tentions, and sought nothing but to crosse its in­tersts, &c. The Pope, to shew the injustice of that Reproach, interpos'd, that if it were so, we would not have recourse thither, as we had. I acknowledg'd the weight of the Pope's reason, and added, that it shew'd how injurious M. Albizzi was to speak otherwise; and that when I remon­strated to the said Signor Albizzi how little just it was in him, and very grievous for us, that he imputed to us evil intentions against the H. See, without having full proof thereof, he answer'd me more bitterly, That it was but too true that we had such evil intentions. Non è che troppo vero; &c. The Pope here again mention'd M. Albizzi's choler in his excuse.

After this discourse, M. Brousse made some ge­neral complaints to the Pope touching the calum­nies that were spread without controll against us by the Jesuites, and at their instigation. To which the Pope answer'd, that it was not possible to hinder those disorders; That himself could not prevent all the calumnies that were made against him, and particularly, that it was not possible for him to stop the mouths of those which charged him as if he had no affection to France, but had intentions prejudicial to the service of that Crown, notwithstanding his care in all cases to give proofs of his affection for that first Kingdom of Chri­stendom, in which for his own particular he had receiv'd so much honour, and so many obliging treatments.

But to give the Pope an instance of the bound­lesse liberty taken by our Adversaries to dare any thing against us, that their blind passion sug­gested, I was willing to have himself a witnesse thereof, in presence of my Collegues. I said to him, H. Father, Your Holinesse remembers that you lately saw here a certain Cordelier nam'd F. Mulard, who address'd to your Holinesse as being deputed from the Faculty of Divinity at Paris about the same affaires. The Pope an­swer'd, that it was true. I proceeded; H. Father, Your Holinesse may also remember, whether in the Audiences you did me the favour to give me, you heard me so much as name the Faculty out of my mouth, to call my self their Deputy; and whether I ever said that I was sent from any other then the Prelates whose Letters I deliver'd to you. The Pope acknowledg'd the truth of both. I continu'd, Neverthelesse H. Father, I have been accus'd to the Assembly of the Faculty, for term­ing my self their Deputy: and they, who instiga­ted the said Cordelier to take upon him that Qua­lity here, aim'd by that artifice to cause the Fa­culty to declare that they had not deputed me, thereby to blemish my reputation, and possibly to take some pretext of inferring, that the Fa­culty indirectly authoris'd the Chimerical deputa­tion of that Cordelier, (who term'd himself so for three or four moneths) in that they did not complain thereof; But some Doctors understan­ding this Fraud, and laying it open in the Assem­bly, it gave occasion to the Faculty to declare that they had not hitherto deputed any person hither; and by that means that which had been prepar'd to calumniate me, hath serv'd to convince before your Holinesse the Authors of that imposture of the Cordelier. In proof of all which I presented the Copy of the Facultie's Conclusion to the Pope, desiring him to keep it, and if he thought good, to send it into France, to verifie whether it were the writing of M. Bouvot the Faculties Register, or not; and to make me undergo such punishment as he pleas'd, if he found that I impos'd upon his Holinesse. The Pope told me that he believ'd it sufficiently upon what I said to him, that he did not take me for a person likely to impose upon him; and he bid me read the said Conclusion, which I held in my hands before him. In obedience to his Holinesse I read the same throughout in Latin, as it here followeth.

ANNO Domini Millesimo Sexcentisimo Quin­quagesimo primo, Die quarta Mensis Novem­bris, Sacra Theologiae Facultas Parisiensis, post Missam de Spiritu Sancto sua ordinaria habuit Co­mitia in aula Collegii Sorbonae; in quibus honoran­dus Magister noster Martinus Grandin Syndicus ex­posuit se ante paucos dies cum honorando Domino Messier Prodecano vocatos fuisse per Illustrissimum D. Nuncium Apostolicum, ipsum (que) ab iis quaesi­visse an Facultas Romam legasset D. Abbatem de S. Amando, seu de S. Amore, se (que) respondisse Ne­minem Romam à Facultate deputatum esse. Quo audito honorandus M. N. Petrus Deschasteaux Sorbonicus asseruit coràm Facultate, Dominum de S. Amour, Romae non se gerere ne (que) gessisse pro De­putato Facultatis; & suam Assertionem literis sibi ab ipso Domino de St. Amour dudum transmissis, quas exhibuit, comprobavit. Iis expositis, Censu­it Facultas referendum esse ad Illustrissimum D. Nuntium per eosdem Magistros nostros Messier & Grandin, neminem hactenus ex parte Facultatis fu­isse Romam deputatum, Dominum (que) de St. Amour significasse se non agere ut deputatum ejusdem, ut li­teris Domino Deschastea [...]x ab eo scriptis in Congre­gatione exhibitis CONSTAT, quas eidem Illu­strissimo Nuncio communicandas decrevit.

Signed, Ph. Bouvot, Major Apparitor.

When I had done reading this Conclusion, the Pope askt me how the Nuntio came to have a hand in this business, Hé, come è intervenuto in quesio Monsignor Nuncio? I told the Pope, that I was unwilling to have mention'd that circum­stance, though it may serve to make their inso­lence and detraction the more publick and noto­rious, because I fear'd his Holinesse would not be well pleas'd to hear what hand the Nuntio had had in it; but having been oblig'd by his com­mand to read the Conclusion, I could not adde [Page 146] to or diminish from it. That indeed I wonder'd, together with his Holiness, how the Nuntio came to interpose in the matter; but his Holinesse saw that it was so; and all that I could conjecture was, that he must needs have been surpris'd, and made to believe things otherwise then they were; that however, his Holinesse might find thereby that the Nuntio was lyable to be sur­pris'd too in other things, and consequently that his Holinesse ought not to give credit to all that he might signifie against us, since others have deluded him by making him believe such things in France as he might have sent to his Holinesse, how false and calumnious soever. In the dis­course about the Authors of that unworthy accu­sation, mention was made of M. Hallier Syndic of the Faculty and Cosin to F. Mulard, who pos­sibly had been the principal promotor of it. The Pope told us that he did not know him, but had heard him spoken of as a very commendable per­son. Whereupon I told the Pope, that whatso­ever esteem was had of him, his Holinesse might judge whether he deserv'd it, and know what tem­per and conduct he was of, by comparing the Letters which he had written and were at Rome, with the Conclusion of the Faculty which I had read unto him.

The Pope remain'd astonisht at this Intrigue. Yet he told us that without this conviction, the thing spoke sufficiently of it self; that indeed he had given audience to that Cordelier, and heard him as the Deputy of the Faculty of Paris, yet he could never think that he was so indeed, and that so eminent a society as that was, and as he had found it whilest he was in France, consisting of many learned and worthy persons, would send to him for Deputy un tal Fratre, such a pitifull Fryer as F. Mulard was. I beseecht the Pope to remember all this history, so contrary to since­rity and to the respect which is due to the H. See; and to consider how little credit those people de­serv'd in their private accusations and secret li­bels (of which themselves were so asham'd as not to bring them out of obscurity) who had the for­head to venture to commit publickly actions lya­ble to so many reproaches, so odious and so easy to be refell'd.

The Pope answer'd that we ought not to fear that he would suffer himself to be posses'd by ca­lumnies; and that as to the maine of our affair, he would take time to consider it more mature­ly; that it was of such a nature as admitted not much speed. I answer'd him that we should at­tend upon it; and yet we hop'd his Holinesse would not have so much trouble in it as might be imagin'd. I added that in the like case Clement VIII. employ'd the whole year 1597. in assem­bling the Consultors whom he chose for his Congre­gation. That the first time they were seen together, was the second day of the year 1598. That that year and the four following, all pass'd with­out the Pope's being present in those Congrega­tions; That the first time their Congregation was held in his presence, was March 20. 1603. That to know how things went during those five years, he caus'd what pass'd amongst the Con­sultors to be reported to himself from time to time, by persons sure and faithfull. The Pope was here pleas'd to object against what I said, tel­ling me that in the year 1598. Clement VIII. went to Ferrara, for the recovering of that Dutchy. I answer'd that I knew Clement VIII. made that journey in that year, but his Consultors tarry'd at Rome and ceased not to labour there during his absence. The Pope express'd himself somthing pleas'd with this discourse, and we all began to put our selves in a readinesse to withdraw, after having been about an houre in this audience: but before we arose up, I told the Pope again that we should attend his resolution and orders upon what we had represented; but in the mean time the thing that was urgent and admitted little de­lay, was, F. Annat's book, in which care was to be taken that the publishing of it might not be with any mark of the H. See's approbation; which the Pope testifi'd he would see to. He gave us a plenary Indulgence in forma jubilei, up­on visiting the four Churches, in favour of my Collegues who were not at Rome during the H. year. As we withdrew from the Pope's presence, we presented to him the Memorial here subjoyn­ed; The forme of those Memorials is thus, The sheets of Paper in which they are written, are usually so folded, as to be about four fingers broad and half a foot long. On the outside there is an Inscription at the top containing the Person's name to whom they are presented, and another at the bottome of the substance of the affair concern'd; Ours was thus inscribed, Bea­tissimo Patri Jnnocentio Papae X. pro pluribus Galliae Episcopis, Doctores Parisienses illorum Oratores. The Contents follow.

BEATISSIME PATER,

IƲxta literas à pluribus Illustrissimis Ecclesiae Gallicanae Antistitibus ad Beatitudinem ve­stram missas, illorum nomine Doctores Parisienses infrascripti sanctitati vestrae humillimè supplicant, ut distingui & sigillatim examinari jubeat varios sensus quin (que) Propositionum aequivocarum & ad fraudem fictarum, quae vestrae Beatitudini exhibi­tae sunt; at (que) ut de praedictis sensibus, prout exiget illorum veritas, ac aliorum falsitas, sententiam fer­re velit, partibus prius in Congregatione tum voce tum scripto coràm auditis, & omnibus illarum scriptis mutuò communicatis, sicut postulant negotii magni­tudo, in similibus occasionibus Ecclesiae consuetudo, ipsius (que) Sanctae sedis Apostolicae usus non ita pridem à felicis memoriae Clemente VIII. & Paul V. ve­strae Sactitatis praecssoribus observata. Confidunt iidem Oratores hoc se beneficium consolationémque istam accepturos à Summa benignitate, sapientia & aequitate Sanctitatis vestrae, quam Dominus gra­tiae suae praecipuo munere * in sede Apostolica collocatam praestet per annos plurimos incolumem ac felicem.

Signed,
  • Ego Jacobus Brousse Doctor Theologus Parisien­sis Praedicator & Consiliarius Regis Christianissimi, & in Ecclesia Sancti Honorati Parisiensis Canonicus, supplico ut suprà.
  • Ego Natalis de la Lana Doctor Theologus Parisi­ensis & Abbas B. Mariae de Valleerescente, supplico ut suprà.
  • [Page 147]Ego Ludovicus de Saint-Amour Doctor Theolo­gus Parisiensis & socius Sorbonicus, supplico ut su­prà.
  • Ego Ludovicus Angran Licentiatus Theologus Parisiensis, & insignis Ecclesiae Trecensis Canonicus, supplico ut suprà.
*
Ex Ep. S. Aug. & caeterorum Episcoporum Concil. Milev. ad Innocentium I.

The said Memorial importeth these words be­ing translated,

To the most holy Father Pope Innocent X. in the name of sundry Bishops of France, the Do­ctors of Paris their Deputies.

MOST HOLY FATHER,

THE Doctors of Paris underwritten most hum­bly beseech your Holinesse in the name of divers Bishops of the Church of France, accor­ding to the letters written by them to you, that it will please you to cause distinction to be made of the different senses of the five Propositions, fram'd equivocally and fraudulently to deceive and surprise the Church which have been pre­sented to your Holinesse, and to cause each of those senses to be particularly examin'd, to the end your Holinesse may pronounce judgment thereupon, according as the truth of the one & the falshood of the other shall require, after you shall have heard in a Congregation both parties in pre­sence one of the other, both by word of mouth, and by writings, and all the writings of either side shall have been mutually communicated, as the importance of this affair, the accustome of the Church in like occasions, and likewise the prac­tice of the H. Apostolical See, observed not long since by your Holines's predecessors Clement VIII. and Paul V. of happy memory, require. The said supplicants hope they shall receive this fa­vour and comfort from the goodnesse; wisdome and equity of your Holinesse, whom God pre­serve may years in the H. Apostolical see, where he hath establisht you by a singular gift of his grace.

Signed,
  • James Brousse Doctor in Divinity of the Fa­culty of Paris, &c.
  • Noel de la Lane Doctor in Divinity of the Fa­culty of Paris, &c.
  • Lewis de Saint-Amour Doctor in Divinity of the house and society of Sorbon, &c.
  • Lewis Angran Licentiate in Divinity of the Fa­culty of Paris, &c.

In the afternon of the same day the Pope sent for M. Albizzi, who repair'd to his Holinesse; some friends of ours that saw him when he came away from the Pope, told me that his countenance intimated no great satisfaction with his audience. After which it is likely he was with the Jesuites, who that day had chosen F. Godifridi a Neapolitan for their General. They were to have gone forthwith to salute the Pope, or at least the next day after that Election. But one of their Fathers the next day rais'd a ve­ry ridiculous and false Report, for the reason of their delay; namely, that notice was given them to forbear that Visit a while, because the Pope parted with us extraordinarily ill pleas'd, and they should have no contentment to address to him whilst he was in that bad disposition. For the Truth is, he gave us none but expressions of Joy, Benignity, Esteem and good Will.

We could not conveniently wait upon Cardi­nal Pamphilio, to give account of this audience, according to the custom which is observed at Rome, till Friday the 26. of this month. Nor was he then disposed conveniently to hear us. For he was so busie, and it was so late, that we were forc'd to tell him, that it was expedient that we had a little more time to acquaint him with the business of our coming and deputation to his Holiness, then he could then afford us. He told us that he should be willing to hear us at any time. His Eminence would not set the day, as we mov'd him, but told us, that it should be as often as we pleas'd. We durst not press him further to assign one in which he might please to be at leisure, though it would have been very convenient both for himself and for us, and most advantageous for the affair whereof we were to speak. But he had so many other, and so different from ours in the station wherein he was, that its likely he had rather not hear of it at all, then suffer himself to be informed thereof.

CHAP. III.

The Verification of the Original of the Memoires of M. Pegna Dean of the Rota touching the Congregations de Auxiliis. Sundry things which we did during the rest of January and the beginning of February.

THe Dominicans had lent me the last Summer with much goodness and confidence, the Original of the Writings of M. Pegna, sometimes Dean of the Rota under the Papacy of Clement VIII. who had had the curiosity to observe day­ly what pass'd in the Congregation de Auxiliis. I intended faithfully to restore what was so courte­ously lent me, but I was willing to keep a Copy or two compar'd with the Original, to have Re­course thereunto in case of need, and derive such Light and advantages from the same as it afforded for the cause of Truth, the Honour of the H. See, and that of the Consultors who had been imploy'd in that Congregation. Wherefore before I tran­scribed my Copies, that I might be assured, the Original was the hand of M. Pegna, I had oft de­sired M. Noiset his Successor in that Office, to whom I had very free access, to shew me some of the Records of their Tribunal of the hand­writing [Page 148] of M, Pegna. At length on Sunday the 28. of Jan. M. du Noiset sent to Brousse and I when we repaired thither, an antient Notary of their Tribunal nam'd Peter Cottuen, giving him order to do all necessary things for us that we desired. When this Notary had shew'd us several Papers written with the hand of M. Pegna, and we found that they were all like that of the Book which I had, we pray'd him to get us two persons expert or sworn for the verification of Writings. He fetcht two, who were name Andreas Albercius, and Franciscus Pignocatus; and they acknow­ledg'd that the Book which I had was of M. Peg­na's hand: whereupon they drew an Act or Me­morandum which was de [...]ver'd to us the same day.

On Tuesday the 30. of January we went to the Ambassador to acquaint him with all that pass'd in the Audience which we had had of the Pope. The Ambassador gave us very fair opportunity, for he lead us out to walk with him to the Church of St. Martin, where we heard Mass, and after­wards he carri'd us back to dine with him.

In the afternoon we visited Cardinal Roma, who confirm'd to us what he had always promis'd, that we should not fail to be heard in this affair as amply as we could wish, and declar'd to us that he promis'd the same again.

On Wednesday morning the last of this month, we waited upon Cardinal Barberin de la Minerve. Whilst he was there, we visited F. Barelier. When the Cardinal came forth, he carri'd us to S. Jacques des Incurables, where he said Mass, and serv'd the poor at Dinner whom he treated that day, and we assisted his Eminence to serve them. That afternoon we visited the Marquis del Buffalo, then F. Ʋbaldino, (who amongst other things speaking of the Pope and of Divinity, reiterated plainly what I have above reported, that is was not his Profession, Non è la sua Professione;) and after­wards the General of the Dominicans, whom we entertain'd amply and calmly concerning the mat­ter of our Affairs, and he very well receiv'd what we said. One thing remarkable he told us, viz. That Cardinal Lugo whilst he was a Jesuite, en­deavour'd to engage him in a Ligue against the Book of Jansenius.

The first observable thing that occur'd in Fe­bruary, was, that on Monday the fifth day of that month one came and told me from a good hand, that F. Fani a Dominican and Companion of the Master of the sacred Palace, having read F. Annat's Book, found two Calvinistical Propositi­ons in it, notwithstanding which he forbore not to give it his Imprimatur, on condition that they should be expung'd. That this condition very much displeas'd the Author, who went forth­with to complain thereof to M. Albizzi: That M. Albizzi to content him, and revenge the In­jury done to such an ancient Jesuit as F. Annat by so young a Dominican, presently writ to the Printer, that without taking heed to the Restri­ction of the Imprimatur, he should not fail to print all that the Jesuites appointed him. That F. Fani going to the Printer to see whether F An­nat had taken care to expunge those two Calvani­stical Propositions out of this Book, and how the places were corrected; he there found M. Albiz­zi's Letter contrary to the correction which he had enjoyn'd. That he took and compar'd a Copy thereof before a Notary, and carried the same to the Master of the sacred Palace, who being in­form'd of the whole matter on the foregoing Wednesday, acquainted the Congregation of the H. Office therewith, who gave a check to M. Albizzi for so doing, and enjoyn'd him to med­dle no more with things that belong'd not to the functions of his place.

On Wednesday morning, Feb. 6. we went to Monte Cavallo to thank the Popes Maistre de Chambri, for the audience which he had procur'd us, and to tell him that in that Audience we had spoken to his Holiness of a particular affair which was urgent, and abont which we conceiv'd our selves oblig'd to present him a new Memorial; which Memorial we desir'd him to deliver with­out delay. We told him also that the Affair of which we were to inform the Pope, being of the nature of those which are held at Rome the most secret, we had made two Copies, whereof one was seal'd, the other open in the ordinary form; & that we would leave with him which he pleas'd. He refer'd it to our own choice. We perceiving that he was willing to have that which was open, conceiv'd that civility oblig'd us to repose that confidence in him (in which nevertheless we did ill; for had we given him the seal'd Copy, he would no doubt have deliver'd it the same day to the Pope, without troubling himself about what was contain'd in it; whereas giving him that which was unseal'd, he had the curiosity to look into it, and the quality of the matter made him backward to deliver it; this and other delayes which superven'd, almost made that Memorial of no use, as I shall relate hereafter) But so it was, that we left t [...]e unseal'd Copy of the Memorial with the Popes Maistre de Chambre, who promis'd to deliver it to his Holiness the same day.

We went afterwards to visite F. Delbene, who repay'd our Visit in the afternoon: in both which Entertainments nothing pass'd but after the gene­ral way in which we treated this affair, as I have above in imated.

On Thursday Feb. 8. we visited Padre Bordone, whom we found very inclinable to be inform'd fully of the bottom of our Controversies, and very ready to receive such Impressions thereof as S. Prosper and S. Augustin might give him: in the reading which he promis'd us he would not fail to undertake them with care and diligence.

On the ninth M. Brousse and I went to the Popes Presence-Chamber to know of his Maistre de Chambre what he had done with our Memorial. He told us that that Memorial was about an affair of too great consequence, and fit only to be treated by an Ambassador. That to confess the Truth, he conceiv'd that by our giving it open to him, we were willing that he should read it; that he did so, and afterwards could not resolve to present it to the Pope. That the Pope had a Nephew who did not stand for nothing. That if we thought good, we might address to him to present to it his Holiness; or if we lik'd better, we might come the Sunday following for an Audi­ence, and present it our selves, We accepted this last condition, and took back our Memorial, [Page 149] being unable by all our Reasons to perswade this Maistre de Chambre to do us that Office, or sa­tisfie his fears.

On Saturday the 10. M. Brousse and I were at Laurence Church in Damazo to hear a Ser­mon of F. Mariana; Cardinal Barberin hapned to be then in a little Chappel right against the Pul­pit; and understanding that we were in the Church, he caus'd us to be call'd, and Seats plac'd for us near his Eminence. The Preacher spoke very much in his Sermon of Effectual Grace, and of its necessity to all Christian actions; and he ended with a Prayer to God to beg his assistance and pro­tection for the defence of that Grace, against those who impugn'd, and us'd all their endeavours to ru­ine the same.

On Sunday the 11th. we went to the Pope's Presence-Chamber to be introduc'd to Audience, and to present him our Memorial. But lest the Pope should think we came to have his Answer upon our principal Affair, and therefore suspect us of Impatience, I brought it seal'd, and in­treated the Maistre de Chambre to take it in his hand, and when he acquainted the Pope that we desir'd Audience, to tell his Holiness that we (de­sir'd it to present that Memorial to him; upon the outside of which, the Subject it contain'd, was written according to the Custome. I added, that if the Pope pleas'd to hear us a little touching that matter, he might cause us to enter; otherwise, if he took our Memorial, it was sufficient. But the Maistre de Chambre would by no means med­dle with it. We waited therefore to have Audi­ence, till all that the Pope admitted were ended, but we could have none. Of which speaking to a friend that understood those Affairs, and of the necessity that our Memorial were speedily deli­ver'd, lest if it were long delay'd, F. Annat's Book against the Publication of which it was de­sign'd, might be finisht and publish'd, my friend advis'd us to wait upon Monsignor Ghiggi, and intreat him to deliver it to the Pope without de­lay.

Accordingly in the Afternoon we repaired to M. Ghiggi, but not finding him at home, we re­turn'd thither again the next day, and were told that he gave no audience that day, in regard of the Dispatches that he was preparing for France. But the prejudice which this Affair might suffer by delay, made us resolve to tell his Maistre de Chambre that we had sought eight days to deliver that seal'd Paper to the Pope, and for that it was about a very urgent matter, and that was the day of the Curriers departure, we were desirous to send word that we had put it into a sure hand that would not fail to deliver it to the Pope. The Gen­tleman willingly undertook it, and assur'd us very civilly, that he would not fail to acquit himself of his Commission.

As we had been in the Chappel on Candlemas day at the Ceremony and Distribution of the H. Tapers, and had each receiv'd one from the Popes hand, so we were there also upon Aswednesday at that Ceremony, and there receiv'd Ashes like­wise from the hand of his Holiness. In the Af­ternoon we began our Visits, and after many fruitless ones to Monsignor Ghiggi, to the Procu­rator general of S. Marcello, to F. Hllarion, &c. we made one with successe to M. Noiset, to thank him for an other which he made to us the first of this moneth, and other civilities receiv'd from him, particularly the verification of the O­riginal which I had of the history or rather the me­mories of M. Pegna.

My impatience to learn whether our Memori­al were deliver'd to the Pope, caus'd me to go a­lone towards evening to Monsignor Ghiggi. He who had it in charge, told me that Monsignor Ghiggi said, that being a Memorial it ought to go directly to the Pope's Maistre de chambre; yet for this time, and not to draw it into con­sequence, he would do us that office to his Ho­linesse. I could not obtain to speak with him, but was referr'd to another time. However, I un­derstood that his order and place was to unseal all the letters which he receiv'd for the Pope and Cardinal Pamphilio; and so our Memorial being seal'd in forme of a Letter, he had no doubt opened, and probably spoken of it to his Ho­linesse.

On Thursday the 15. we visited Cardinal Pa­lotta, who at our coming was ready to say Masse, which we heard. After which we were scarce sate down to lay open to him the subject of our vi­site, but the time being come for him to go to the Sermon at S. Laurence in Lucina, we were oblig'd to remit part to another day: which he pray'd us to do and to leave with him if we could some Instruction in writing concerning what we had to say to him; then we visited the F. companion of the Comissary of the H. Office, Cardinal Lanti who was sick, Cardinal Fran­ciotti who assented that the authority of S. Au­gustin was sacred and inviolable, Cardinal Car­pegna who heard us very calmely and gravely; and after them the Procurator General of the Ca­pucines.

On Fryday the 16th. going to learn newes of our Memorial from a particular friend, he could not tell me any, but inform'd me that two or three dayes ago two Cardinals being in a Coach to­gether, and meeting us, one said to the other, There go the Jansenists, (or some equivalent word) and the other who knew our sentiments, undertook our defence, and gave his companion an account of our negotiation with the Pope. He told me also that Cardinal Rapaccioli was a great in­timate of Cardinal Barberin, and therefore we should do well to visite him, and when we did so, to give him to understand that our affair had no affinity with that of Jansenius. This friend told me one thing which seem'd strange, namely that the Jesuites presented a Memorial in the Spanish tongue to Clement VIII. in February 1602. which was neither the common language of the Western Church, nor the natural one of the Country where the Pope resided. He added that the Je­suites who presented, were of the same Country with Molina, for whose defence they were newly arriv'd from Spain, that Clement VIII. well un­derstood that language; but besides thar memorial they deliver'd others also in Latin.

Returning from this visite (it being unseason­able to make any to the Cardinals, because it was the time of Sermon at the Pope's Chappel, whether they repair every Fryday in Lent) we [Page 150] went to see F. Abbot Hilarion who liv'd in the House de Sainte Croix de Jerusalem. After re­ciprocal civilities, the first thing he put us upon was the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. which he com­plan'd much that the Jesu tes abus'd against Jan­senius, to whom it did no prejudice as to the ground of any thing in his book: Because the book was barely prohibited for having transgress'd the pro­hibitions of printing concerning those matters without permission. That it was clearer then the day, that those Prohibitions were violated by its publication; and that indeed all others which treated of the same matters were equally against those prohibitions, because it was equally forbid­den to write either for, or against; That in the se­cond place, for the Bull's saying that there is in Jan­senius's book, Ptopositions condemned by Janse­nius, that is to be understood, as they were con­demn'd by the Pope, and not otherwise: but a­mongst those which he there condemnes, there are some excepted, and it was not said that those which were excepted, were not the same that Jan­senius taught. So that the difference not having been made by the H. See, there was reason to forbid the book and the reading of it by provision, till it were made. But yet all that was in it, might be true to the least line, and yet the said Bull have its full and intire execution. Thus this lear­ned Monastick engag'd us to speak much of Janse­nius; but before we parted, we told him, let the affaires of that Bishop go as they would, it was nothing to us, who had nothing to propound ei­ther for his defence, or against the Bull; and that we stuck onely to the affair of the five Proposi­tions in question. Of which we gave him the rea­sons, namely the Catholick sense concerning Ef­fectual Grace included in them, which we explica­ted to him. He was well pleas'd therewith, and acknowledg'd every one for Catholick which we mention'd, telling us he believ'd they could be in no danger as to that sense. And at last he invited us to come the fourth sunday of Lent to see those rare and precious Reliques which are in that House whereof he is Superior.

The same day, Fryday the 16th. we went to vi­site Cardinal Rapaccioli according as we were ad­vised: He professd much desire to be instructed concerning our affair, whereof we inform'd him punctually enough, and when we told him we were not come for the defence of Jansenius's book, but onely for the clearing of the different senses which might be given those Propositions, he answer'd that we did prudently, because Jansenius malè au­diebat Romae. That in this affair he should be set aside, and the Propositions examin'd without ta­king notice of him. To which we reply'd as we had done in former visites, That when the senses of those Propositions were distingush'd and clear­ed, and the Pope had pass'd a particular judg­ment of them, it would be easy to find whether the doctrine of Jansenius upon this subject were Catholick or Heretical, onely by comparing those senses so cleared and judged with what is contain'd in the book of that Bishop.

We also visited Cardinal Ludovisio, who heard our account of this affair with great civility. Be­sides the general things which we represented eve­ry where else, we testifi'd to him that notwith­standing the necessity of it, yet we were very back­ward to bring this new incumbrance upon the Pope besides those which molested him already. To which he answer'd that the Pope was not a temporal Prince but by accident, that God had not establisht him such; but as for matters of Faith and Truth, they ought to be his first care. We beseecht him to remember the justice of our sute for a Congregation for the discussion of this affair, and to favour this sute with his approba­tion and recommendation in such occasions as he might have to do it. He told us that by what we had said, he sufficiently understood the impor­tance of it; but the same would be more appa­rent when the Pope had appointed Judges to ex­amine it; and if he were of the number, he would do all in his power in behalf of truth and justice.

The Procurator General of the Augustines re­ceiv'd the next visite from us; we instructed him soundly and amply of our intentions, and con­firm'd to him altogether, what I had formerly acquainted him with alone. The same day I en­devor'd to speak with Monsignor Ghiggi, but was told some other houre in the day would be more proper then the Evening; yet I could not obtain to have one expressely assign'd me, because Monsignor, they said, was not at his own dis­pose.

I durst not go thither again on Saturday, in regard of the Dispatches for Italy, but I design'd that day for some particular visites, amongst which one was to F. Dinel the Jesuite; we talk­ed much more of the ancient acquaintance which he and I had at Court while he was the late King's Confessor, and of the singular good will which he acknowledg'd his Majesty had for me, then of the affairs of the time; saving that we spoke something about my return and my Commission to Rome, of which he acknowledg'd with me the fruit could not be but advantageous to all the world.

On Sunday the 18th. after we had been to ac­company the Ambassador to Chappel, I went to Monsignor Ghiggi's house, but not finding him I return'd thither in the afternoon, and stay'd to speak with him till six a clock at night. I told him we were constrain'd to have recourse to him for our Memorial, by reason of the difficulty and delay of audience from the Pope, and the fear lest the book should come forth in the mean time. He said it was a matter that did not belong to him, yet he had spoken of it to the Pope, who told him he had given order that the book should not come forth without having been first well perus'd, &c. I did not think fit to give Monsignor Ghiggi such an answer as would have been more material then that which I made him. I ought to have told him, that it was difficult to weigh the consequences of the impression of that book without having first examin'd things to the bottome, as we desir'd they might be, and the parties heard. But having thank'd him for his good office, I onely said, That with what ever care it might be perused, we had to do with peo­ple that had many wiles and subterfuges, that ex­plicated their writings on way to the Examiners be­fore printing, and afterwards understood them ano­ther, and made what use of them they pleas'd. That, for instance, they took this course to draw the [Page 151] Dominicans into the same complotment with themselves, perswading them that they both de­fended the same kind of Grace which they call suffi­cient; though they knew very well, that that which the Dominicans hold (besides which learned Di­vines maintain that there is requisite Effectual Grace, to determine the Will to a good action) is wholly different from their own, which they so subject to the Will, as to make the good or bad use of it wholly to depend upon that Faculty. Mon­signor Ghiggi fell upon the Political reason that there was, not to permit either side to print such sort of books, and that it was requisite to forbid all the world equally so to do. I answer'd, that it would be good in the interim; but at length it was requisite to manifest which side had reason, which defended the Truth and the Faith, and so come to a solemn decision, which would bring all parties to accord. He made great difficulties as to this, in regard he saw that while the H. See re­membred and consider'd that Clement VIII. & Paul V. had labour'd so much in these matters without de­termining any thing, it would be loth to reassem­ble new Divines to labour therein. I acknow­ledged that certainly it would be very difficult; but I told him that it was the more necessary, in regard those two Popes forbore to define any thing or to publish their definitions, only to spare the Jesuites, upon hope that they would by degrees return to the good and holy doctrin of the Church which they had forsaken; but instead of doing so, they were become more and more remote from it, and therefore it was time to reduce them: Tempus faci [...]ndi, Domine; dissipaverunt legem tuam. Monsignor Ghiggi would not believe what I said; but I added that it would be very easie to verifie it by most clear reasons and indubitable proofs; that we knew how all things passed under those two Popes, that we had the Memoires thereof, ei­ther the Originals, or such as were compar'd therewith, and that amongst others we had at Paris many Pieces concerning these matters sign­ed by Clement VIII. his own hand. Monsignor Ghig­gi was astonisht at this, but I assur'd him of the truth it. Then we fell to speak of our Memorial; and he confirm'd to me again that the Pope told him he would take order in it, and that he believ'd the impression of the book was stopt, till his Ho­linesse further signify'd his pleasure about it. He said we might neverthelesse continue our diligences in the ordinary manner, and that for his part, he could do no more in it then what he had done. He spoke also of prohibiting either side to print any thing touching these matters. I answer'd, that we could not consent to prohibitions that were common to us with them; that the same would be ineffectual with them, and prejudicial to the cause which we maintain'd; that they would not obey the same on their part, but make use of them for a pretext to oppose and persecute us. I added, that the shortest course, most honourable for the H. See, most edifying for the Church, most expe­dient against the reproaches of its enemies, and most advantagious for our adversaries and our selves, was to examine and declare which of us was in the right; That we did not endeavour ab­solutely to hinder the impression of the said book; that we should be glad it were publisht; because, to judge by the other outrages which that party hath divulg'd, it might be presu­med that this would give us new advantages a­gainst them as well as their former Libels: but all we propos'd to our selves in our prosecution a­gainst it, was only to hinder it from coming forth as authoris'd and approv'd by the H. See: Provi­ded this particular were secur'd, we were not fur­ther sollicitous. This Conference ended, as it began, with very great reciprocal civilities, with telling the newes of the time, as he was doing me the honour to reconduct me to the stairs.

CHAP. IV.

Concerning our transactions till the end of February. A Promotion of Cardi­nals, amongst whom was Monsignor Ghiggi. Of a Memorial which we presented to the Pope against a book of F. Annat under the Presse; and of the Visits which we began to make to all the Sacred Colledge.

THE next day after the abovemention'd Vi­sit, Munday the 19th of February, Monsignor Ghiggi was created Cardinal, with nine other per­sons, whose merit was publickly and unanimously acknowledged in Rome by all people. It was not remembred that there had been seen a promotion of such commendable Churchmen, not only in reference to those whom the Pope made of his own choice, but also to them who were nomina­ted to him by the two Crownes. It is not credible how all people striv'd to give the Pope applauses and benedictions for having so worthily fill'd the vacant places of the Sacred Colledge. Besides Monsignor Ghiggi, their names were, my LL. the Cardd. Homodei, Santa Croce, Corrado, Ottobone, Lomelino, Aldobrandino, who were at Rome; and the Cardinal of Hassia, Cardinal Pimentelli, and Car­dinal de Rets, who were not there.

When I receiv'd the newes of this promotion, I was with one of my Friends, who came to me to advertise me, that Cardinal Spada had received ma­ny Letters from Paris, which were very sharp a­gainst those that are called Jansenists; that it was urg'd vehemently in these Letters, that unlesse the Jansenists were suppress'd, all was lost; and that the Letters being in French, the Cardinal caus'd him to translate them into Italian, in order to present them so translated to the Pope. What could we now do against all these Cabals and ca­lumnies, besides what we had done already, and continu'd to do? It behooved us to receive that intelligence from the hand of God, as well as the news of the Promotion, blessing him both for the one and the other, and partaking in the publick joy.

I had caution'd with the Master of the Sacred Palace for a permission for us to have and read all books made pro or con about the matters of Grace. In the afternoon I went to remind him of it, and [Page 152] to congratulate with him and F. Fani his Compa­nion for the promotion of Cardinal Pimentelli, who was of their Order.

Returning, I found F. Hilarion at our lodging. In his discourse he confirm'd again to us that the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. against Jansenius might hold in the whole extent which the makers of it intend­ed, and could equitably be allow'd to it, and yet nothing at all be in the book of that Bishop but what was most true and most Orthodox; That the Jesuites had not so great credit at Rome as was imagin'd; That the Propositions, as we under­stood them, could not run any hazard; That he had lookt upon the book of F. Annat; That F. Mo­deste Procurator General of the Conventual Cor­deliers was he that read it, and made report that it might be printed, and if it were judg'd otherwise he would answer it; and many other things of this nature, which that learned Monastick told us with great gentlenesse and sincerity.

On Tuesday the 20. one brought me very early as many sheets of F. Annat's book as were printed, and after we had perus'd some of them, M. Brousse and I went to the Pope's presence-chamber to en­deavour to get audience, and present him our Me­morial against that book. But we were frustrated because the Pope that day expected the Ambassa­dors of Princes who were to come and thank him for the Cardinals newly made at the recommenda­tion of their Masters. Wherefore we went to wait upon the Kings Ambassador to accompany him to the ceremony, and also to beseech him to move the Pope either to give us audience, or ap­point his Maistre de chambre to take our Memo­rial, in order to shew it to his Holinesse. The Ambassador told us he should not speak of any businesse in this visit, but on Friday following, which was the day of his usual audience, he would not sail to do what we desir'd.

On Wednesday the 21. I went to F. Fani to tell him how many things there were contrary to Effectual Grace in the sheets which I had seen of F. Annats book. He bid me represent the same boldly; and said he had scarce had time to peruse it, and it was not in his power to read it exactly.

Afterwards M. Brousse and I went to the Am­bassador, who told us that in the end of his audi­ence, asking the Pope, How his Holinesse lik'd our Doctors? The Pope express'd himself well satisfy'd with us. That then he signify'd to him, that we desir'd to have an audience touching a book that was printing, whereof we complain'd. But the Pope seem'd surpris'd at our solliciting for audi­ence; and lookt upon our complaint as a thrusting of our selves to intermeddle with the order and dis­cipline of Impressions which are made at Rome, and to reform the same. That the said the book had been seen by the Master of the Sacred Palace, that all the ordinary Ceremonies had been observ'd a­bout it; and if there were any thing that ought to hinder the Impression, the Dominicans were ad­versaries sufficiently to the Jesuites, not to let it passe without complaining of it. As M. Brousse was going to reply, the Ambassador of Malta arriv'd and interrupted the conference. We retir'd into another chamber, where after the Ambassa­dor had done with him of Malta, he came to re­joyn us. We told him, that we should condemn our selves, had we the thought as the Pope ima­gin'd, to cause the least change in the Regulation accustom'd to be kept at Rome for the printing of books; but that whose impression we oppos'd being directly upon the subject of the difficulties to be debated amongst the Divines, upon which we came to supplicate the Pope to hear them in a so­lemn Congregation before any Decision of them, & consequently to prevent the H. See from being en­gag'd on one side or other before hearing them; it was our duty to represent to the Pope what preju­dice the Impression of that book authoris'd (as we were inform'd) by the H. See or some of its prin­cipal members, might bring to our cause, and to the H. See it self. We told him he might see the same more clearly set forth in our Memorial, if he pleas'd to take the pains to read it. He accepted our offer to leave the same with him, and he pro­mis'd that he would not sleep before he read it. He stay'd us to dine with him, and at the table F. Mulard's deputation was spoken of, and the real accusation that had been made against me; which the Ambassador acknowledg'd to be so groundlesse, that he told me himself would be my witnesse wher­ever I pleas'd that I had never given the least cause for it.

On Thursday the 22th. the Ceremony of giving the Hat to the new Cardinals was solemnis'd, and we were present at it.

On Friday the 23d. M. Brousse and I went to the Ambassador to wait upon him to the Pope, and to remember him of our Memorial. He shew'd us his Note of the things of which he was to speak to the Pope, amongst which our affair was written, and he drew our Memorial half out of his pocket, to shew us that he had not forgotten us. While the Ambassador was at audience, we waited in the Presence-chamber, to be ready in case we should be call'd. He stay'd till noon, and when he came forth, we reconducted him home in his own Coach. Where in few words he told us, that he had represented our affair very zealously and punctually to the Pope, but found him not dispo­sed to conclude any thing upon it. That he told the Pope that it was urgent, and requir'd a speedy Order to stop the Impression; That his Holinesse knew well that be had never spoken to him in fa­vour of us, but on the contrary had made many recommendations to him in behalf of the Jesuits; yet he lookt upon this affair as likely to have troublesom consequences, and capable, unlesse his Holinesse prevented it, to raise some combu­stion in France, which would not be pleasing to him; That the printing and authorising of a book of that nature, whilst we were solliciting for the examination of things to the bottom, could not be well resented; That he had hitherto advis'd the Pope to delude us, if he thought good, and do all that he pleased against us, but yet to content us at least in apparence, by granting the Congregation which we su'd for, and holding such things as these which were not decisive, in aequilibrio in the mean time; but all his discourse could noc prevail upon the Pope, whose mind he found biass'd and pre­possess'd in this affair against us; That neverthe­lesse he left our Memorial with him; that very pro­bably he would read it; that he had commended it to him, and said that his Holinesse no doubt would [Page 153] be well pleas'd with it, excepting perhaps for some few positive words wherwith we spoke of our opi­nion, as constant and indubitable; That he could not procure audience for us that day in regard other Ambassadors were to be admitted; nor could we have any the next day, because it was the day for the Card. of the H. Office; that Sunday would be ta­ken up at Chapel, Monday & Tuesday with the Sig­nature of Grace: that this was great delay, but he ho­ped the Pope would in the mean time relent and be­come favourable to our request, when he had read our Memorial and ruminated upon it; That for all this hope which he gave us, we should not account our businesse done, but continue what other dili­gences we could use in it; That for his part he had forgot nothing that he could alledge to the Pope in this cause; but the Pope instead of concluding any thing, still did what he could to wave the subject, and come to an end of the audience. We retur­ned our most humble thanks to the Ambassador for the good office he had done us, and left him to prepare for his departure to Tivoli in the after­noon.

I should here insert the Memorial which I have so often mention'd, and shall speak of in the sequel of this Narrative, but for that it contain'd onely the same reasons more at large which we had re­presented to the Pope in few words at the audience we had of him, Jan. 21. it would be tedious to re­cite it here. I shall only note that among other things we declar'd in it, 1. That we impugned on­ly the Sufficient Grace subjected to Free-Will, which the Molinists hold. 2. That we maintain'd only Effectual Grace, as to the Five Propositions. 3. That we did not undertake the defence of the book of Jansenius.

The same day we made a second Visit to Cardi­nal Spada, in which we represented our affair to him, giving him an account of what had pass'd in the audience which the Pope had given us, Jan. 21. After M. Brousse had ended his discourse, the Car­dinal answer'd us in these words, Hò caro d'haver sentito quel c'hà detto suo Santità; quando veno qual­che cosa ordinata da essa lo farò, &c. M. Brousse was about to adde something to the Narrative which he had made, but one came to advertise Car­dinal Spada that the new Cardinals were coming to salute him; and so we were fain to end what we had to say.

From thence we went to Cardinal Rapaccioli, to whom we represented our affair fully and at leisure. He thank'd us for our information, and told us he was very well pleas'd to hear of these matters which exercis'd the Church at this time, that they were sufficiently intricate, that he had not through­ly studied them, but it behooved a Cardinal to be acquainted with them; That he had much content­ment to hear that from our mouths which we had spoken to him concerning them, and that he would willingly apply himself to them as farr as the em­ployments of a Bishop would permit him. As for the expresse declaration we had made, of having no commission nor purpose to interesse our selves in any thing that regarded Jansenius's book, he told us we needed not trouble our selves about it, for that when any opinion or Proposition is to be examin'd, it is not to be consider'd whether Janse­nius delivers it or not, but only whether it be good or bad.

On Saturday the 24. we went to visit Cardina Cesi, who afforded us leisure enough to set forth our affair; but he spoke more to us then we did to him. He told us there was nothing more easie to resolve. That the Pope might refer it to t [...]e Con­gregation of the Council, or that of the Holy Office, or select out of each divers Cardinals and other persons to compose a third. After we left him, we visited the Procurator General of St. Marcello, with whom there pass'd nothing me­morable, saving that he assur'd my Collegues, and offer'd to testifie anywhere else, that before him I never took upon me the quality of the Fa­culties Deputy; and that when he had heard o­thers speak of me, it was no otherwise then as of one sent by some Bishops of France.

The same day I went to the Printer who had F. Annat's Book in hand, to know how it stood, and what remain'd to be printed. He told me that he had at least enough for three weeks before it would be finish'd.

On Sunday the 24. I went to a person, without whose Counsel I acted little, to acquaint him with the state of that impression, what had pass'd about our Memorial, and our fear to engage in that fur­ther solicitations against that book, both for the lit­tle likelihood of succeeding, and for that it was not a matter that directly belong'd to our Commission; in which regard we had not subscrib'd that Memo­rial, but spoke of our selves in it in the third person, as also of Jesuites and others mention'd in it. But we found that the same reasons though remote from our Commission, which had induc'd us to speak thereof to the Pope, and to get that Memorial presented to him, oblig'd us to pursue a favourable issue of it to the last, always keep­ing the same Circumspections that we had ob­serv'd therein. For either our further diligences which we should further use, would obtain that favourable issue, or at least we should receive no more dissatisfaction and disadvantage after, having done all we could, then if we made only a plain recommendation; it being always to be presum'd, that after we had concern'd our selves therein, we would do or ought to do our utmost to sueceed: Therefore we concluded it fit, if my Collegues consented, to endeavour to get an Au­dience of the Pope, to go and speak with Mon­signot Ghiggi, to carry a Copy of our Memorial to Cardinal Roma, and to defet for eight or nine days our Visits to the Cardinal St. Clement, Lugo and Colonna, who being of the H. Office, might have a part in the Resolution that would be made thereupon; to the end that if it were fitting to speak to them of it, we might do so in the Vi­sits which we were to make to them about our principal affair.

I learnt from the same person, that one day of that week there was to be a little Enterview of Consultors and Qualificators who were to confer together upon the first Proposition, and that pro­bably this was done in consequence of the first Memorial which we presented to the Pope. Where­upon telling that person, that it was not those secret and particular Assemblies, before which the Divines of either side appear'd not, that we de­manded; he told me that those Consultors did not assemble to determine any thing, but rather to [Page 154] exercise themselves, and see what might be done with me in the business.

On Monday the 26. M. Brousse and I repair'd to the Popes Presence-Chamber to have Audience touching our Memorial against F. Annats Book; but we found so many Advocates waiting there, whose day it was in regard of the Signature of Grace that was to be made the next day, (in or­der to which they were come the day before to give his Holiness the first informations of the Affairs wherewith each of them was encharged) that we durst not demand it, but retir'd almost as soon as we came.

Tuesday the 27. we visited Cardinal Savelli, who gave us a very favourable Audience, though himself and we were standing all the while. He receiv'd our Representations very well and made no difficulty to tell us that he saw nothing in our Request to the Pope for a Congregation, but what was altogether just and fitting to be granted.

In the Afternoon we visited Cardinal Raggi, who also took well what we said to him during the short time that we intertain'd him, which neverthe­less was sufficient to give him a general Idea of our Affair. Quittting him, we went to Cardinal Ron­danini with whom we spent the better part of the rest of that afternoon. The cause of our long Visit was his making sundry Questions to us about the things represented by us to him, which he did not sufficiently understand, and we were ob­lig'd to explicate further for his satisfaction. He was pleas'd during this Audience to read the Let­ter of M. de Vabres to the Pope, and that of the other Bishops which I deliver'd to his Holiness, of which I shew'd him a Copy which I had pur­posely about me to shew both of them to such persons as I found upon occasion had the Curiosity to see them. Having read the Propositions in the letter of M. de Vabes, he told us they seem'd rude according to the words. Whereunto we answer'd, that they were fram'd so purposely, and we ex­plicated to him the sense according to which we held the first and second, which he profess'd not to gain-say. At length we left him well inform'd and well satisfi'd with us, as himself testifi'd, and the Abbot Rondanini his brother (with whom we contracted a great acquaintance, and who is certainly of excellent parts, and applyes himself prosperously to good Learning and good things) confirm'd to us since. This was a remarkable particularity in this Visit, that M. Brousse at first making a Complement to this Cardinal as to all the rest in Italian, his Eminence answer'd in La­tin, which thereby became the language us'd in all the rest of the entertainment.

We ended this day with a Visit to the Abbot Charrier, to congratulate with him for the happy success of his Vigilance in negotiating for the Cardinals Hat for my L. the Coadjutor of Paris, notwithstanding all the Artifices and obstacles em­ploy'd by divers persons to cross it, and to testifie to him the joy and hopes arising to us from that promotion in reference to the good of the Affairs of the Church of France.

On Wednesday we learnt that the Jesuites were advertis'd and alarm'd at what we had done to hinder the publication of F. Annat's Book. We made a Visit to Cardinal Corrado, who receiv'd our Complements upon his promotion with great Christian humility, and very exemplary sentiments of Piety. He well understood our Affair, and told us with great modesty, that in this and in all others, he should always endeavour to do what the service of the H. See required of him. He said also, that if what we reported of the Ex­orbitances of the Jesuites, and others against St. Augustin, were true, it was necessary that his Ho­liness took some course therein, and that it was not possible to suffer the Authority of that holy Doctor to be shaken, but the Faith and the H. See must receive prejudice thereby.

Monsignor Sacrista shew'd us in the Afternoon the rich Ornaments and pretious Reliques of the Popes private Sacristy or Vestry. As we return'd we went to see F. Campanella at the Carmelites de la Transpontine. And at night I went to see one of my particular friends, who inform'd me that the General of the Augustines was added by the Pope to the number of Qualificators who were to be employed afterwards in the examination of the Five Proportions.

The next day I left my Collegues with F. Lez­zana an antient Monastick and Professor in Divi­nity, Author of some works in print, and went to the Company of the Commissary of the H. Office, who told me that the Jesuits made a great clamour about a Book newly printed by a Minister of Holland nam'd Desmares at Groning. That they took occasion from thence to redouble their instances for the condemnation of the Propositi­ons, which they demanded even without hearing the Parties, and as a thing very urgent and necessa­ry, not only for retaining us for that lash and hu­miliation in the submission and obedience which we ow'd to the H. See, but also for the reuniting to the Church several Provinces withdrawn from it, and continuing in their rebellion and separa­tion by our example. That there was much talk in Rome about this Matter, and that those Fathers omitted not to allarm the Pope and the Cardinals with it. I had not yet seen that Book, but I un­derstood by Letters from Paris of the 26. of Ja­nuary what it was, and that there was an Answer intended to be made to it. I had already answer'd to those Letters, as not being much surpris'd at that work by the fear of what advantages might be made of it against us for some time; since af­ter this Agitation we might make greater of it a­gainst the Jesuites and the Hereticks themselves that produc'd it. I told this good Father the sub­stance of all those Letters, with which he was satisfi'd; so that he plainly acknowledg'd that he needed but a little time to dispell all the Umbrages and Suspitions that might be given or taken by the said Book. He informed me also of another re­markable thing, namely, that in the year 1612. the H. Office made a Declaration, by which it was judg'd that the Books printed before the Prohibi­tion of Paul V. were not comprehended in that Prohibition, and might be reprinted without ob­taining a new permission. I return'd to F. Lez­zana to call my Companions, from whom I learnt that that Father had a great desire to be in­form'd of all, that he carefully read all the Wri­tings he could on this Subject, that he was at work [Page 155] about the Propositions, that he profess'd to follow the Doctrine of St. Augustine, and held the ne­cessity of Effectual Grace ad singulos actus; that the reading of S. Augustine had caus'd him to embrace those sentiments, and that it infus'd pi­ety.

In the afternoon we visited Cardinal Capponi, who testifi'd to us a very high veneration for St. Augustin, and an equal astonishment at the de­tractions and calumnies which we told him were spread against that H. Doctor and against us. As for the Congregation which we required, he said his opinion was, it ought rather to be establisht sooner then later, that so the matters in question might be manag'd with all fitting leasure and ex­actnesse. Stabilirla quanto prima, è poi ben matu­rarla.

CHAP. V.

Of the Visites which we made during the first dayes of March, as well to the sacred Colledge, as to the Con­sultors and Qualificators who are u­sually employ'd at Rome in matters of Doctrine.

I Learnt on the first day of March a very re­markable thing, namely that before the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. Cardinal Barberin himself took the paines to make sundry accusations against the book of Jansenius in the Assembly of the H. Of­fice, and that his Eminence caus'd it to be brought thither on divers occasions to shew that assem­bly the erroneous opinions whereof he accus'd it: That one time amongst the rest he accused him for having written that Original sin was the sole cause of the damnation of the reprobate, as if it were the only cause, and actual sins contribu­ted nothing at all thereunto. But that it always hapned that it was evinc'd to his Eminence by ex­amination of the places which he cited, that the Memoires deliver'd to him against that book were not well grounded, and that in this point parti­cularly they were without any appearance; since, as Cardinal S. Clement, who was then but Ma­ster of the sacred Palace, shew'd in a full assem­bly, that Bishop expresly saith that actual sin is the radical cause thereof, causa radicalis damnati­onis; which is very true. Whereupon during some time, that book was no more spoken of in the said Congregation; but a little after, when it was least thought of, the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. decreed against the same book was publisht.

In the afternoon we visited Cardinal Giori, to whom we had scarce begun to speak, but one came to advertise him that the Pope was going to S. Peter's Church, whither he was oblig'd to repair to receive his Holinesse; and so we were constrain'd to take leave of him without further communication. My companions and I went to visite F. Modeste, who made as if he were igno­rant of our affair and of the Five Propositions, though I had formerly acquainted him therewith whilst I was at Rome alone. He gave us but ge­neral and popular answers, concerning the di­versity of Hereticks with whom S. Augustin had to deal, and said that the vehemence wherewith he opposed them making him sometimes speak with Exaggeration, all his sayings were not to be lookt upon as if they were Scriptures. He said also that the Pope was not oblig'd to hear the Parties, in order to making of a Decision. To which we answer'd, that at least it suted with his prudence and his justice when it was requested as it was by us in the name of persons whose worth and quality gave them right and authority so to do. Having continu'd with him till one a clock in the night we departed.

On Saturday we visited Cardinal Ghiggi, who receiv'd us standing, and excus'd himself that the day being then Post-day made him in hast. He spoke of his Promotion with great sentiments of piety and modesty. He told us that he did not de­serve that dignity, nor had he sought it; that he follow'd the Maxime of the Bishop of Geneva, To aske nothing, To refuse nothing, and To complain of nothing. On which occasion he told us that he always wore upon his breast a Meddal, on the one side of which was the Pourtrait of that great Bishop, and on the other that of S. Augustin. Touching our affair, he said that it was best to de­liver Propositions very clear and exact; and that sometimes great stirre and opposition about a businesse occasions the establishing of what we would overthrow; for which he cited the same verses of Horace, Ventus ut amittit vires, &c. which he had done formerly in a letter to M. Da­quin Doctor of Physick at Paris, who sent him the book Of Frequent Communion during his Nun­tiature i [...] Germany, upon occasion of the com­plaints and Writings which the Adversaries of that Excellent book publisht against it, as M. Brous­se remembred him when he utter'd them in this audience. I shall repete them here with four or five of the preceding lines of that Letter. Ego sanè non video quid contra librum de Frequenti Com­munione scribere sit opus, cùm in eo adeò attempera­ta videantur ea dogmata quae affert, ut nihil in eis peccatum dicas. Tota nam (que) moles difficultatis ad praxim devolvitur, in qua quidem non tam facile est praescribere leges, cum unica auricularis secreta confessio examen sit quo ad actum deducitur tota in­structio, & in ea confessione servatur maximum om­nium arcanorum. Spreta obsolescunt, si irascaris, agnita videntur, dicebat ille; dum aliàs,

Ventus ut amittit vires, nisi robore densae
Occurrunt Sylvae, spatio diffusus inani;
Ʋt (que) perit magnus nullis obstantibus ignis,
Sic hostes mihi deesse nocet —

Leaving Cardinal Ghiggi we went to visit Car­dinal Cechini, who caus'd seats to be set for us round the Table where he was, and after he had heard M. Brousse's discourse, he answer'd us, that if he receiv'd any commands from his Holiness as to this matter, he would acquit himself thereof pun­ctually.

On Sunday the third, the Abbot of Valcroissant and I visited Cardinal Ʋrsin▪ before his going to Chapel, whither we accompanied him. After Cha­pel we went all together to see Cardinal Cornaro, who was standing and uncover'd all the while we were speaking to him, which we did largely enough. Mention was made of one of the causes which cau­sed Paul V. to suspend his Bull against Molina, namely the banishment of the Jesuites by the Com­monwealth of Venice, which happening upon occa­sion of his Interdict, when he was upon the point to publish his Bull, he was willing to spare them that second mortification, in hope that without it they might of themselves return to Orthodox sen­timents, from which all that had pass'd in those mat­ters, ought to have convinc'd them that they were gone farr astray.

In the afternoon we visited Cardinal Ginetti, to whom we gave an account of our audience with the Pope, particularly of the falsities and calumnies of which we complain'd, and of F. Annat's book which was printing. Touching the former, He acknowledg'd that I had never spoken to himself but in the name of the Bishops, and that F. Mulard had address'd to him as the Faculties Deputy, and touching the book, that we should do well to speak about it to the other Cardinals of the Holy Office. We reply'd, that we intended it, though we were no further concern'd, then that the name of his Holinesse or their Eminences might not be engag'd in it; that we had spoken first to him, partly be­cause of the singular benevolence which he had te­stify'd to us, and partly in regard of a particular authority which we knew he had as to the printing of books.

We visited Cardinal Lomellino next, whom we entertain'd very familiarly; He answer'd us, that his various employments had much diverted him from the study of those matters; and thought he had been always oblig'd to apply himself there­unto, yet conceiving himself more oblig'd by his new dignity of Cardinal, he should willingly do it. Whereunto we excited him by the satisfa­ction which we told him he would receive in it.

After which I went alone to carry Card. Roma a copy of our Memorial against F. Annat's book. The Cardinal told me it was not the intention of their Congregation to give F. Annat permission to write of the matter de Auxiliis. I answer'd, that never­thelesse his book was upon that subject; but we were not much troubled at that; and if he pleas'd to cause the Printer to give us a Copy of what was already printed, we would deliver his Eminence such observations thereupon as should shew that it was not our own interest that induc'd us to obstruct the publishing of it, but the sole consideration of the H. See, which the Jesuites would proclaim to have authoris'd the pernicious sentiments of that Libel.

I learnt the same day that the Consultors and Qualificators which were to have met last week, did not assemble; the cause of which was the sub­tilty of one of the principal and best meaning men, who alledg'd that he could not yet meet anywhere to consult of these matters till he had employ'd more time in studying them. And he said this, to the end the rest might follow his example, and not be asham'd to say and do the same.

The same friend that gave me this intelligence, counsell'd me to take some care to inform one of the Consultors whom he nam'd, and who deserv'd it, both because he needed it, and because he was a well-meaning and treatable man. But I answe­red, I could not do it, because we had no Order to inform any person in private and secretly, and all that was done in this manner was suspected by us and little troubled us: That we must first see the Congregation which we desir'd of the Pope, well open and well setled, before we resolv'd upon in­forming any one. This done, we would take all possible care and necessary pains to inform every one both in private and in publick; but till th [...] were done, we could proceed no otherwise then [...] had done hitherto, namely to make known to all such as were concern'd for the interests of the H. See, Consultors and others, with what malicious subtilty they who fram'd those Propositions en­deavor'd to circumvent it. That yet I did not re­fuse to give in a friendly way, but not as to a Judge, such light as an honest man could desire in the things which I knew, and he was willing to understand; which office, provided it were thus receiv'd, I should not decline to do, though it were to a Consultor; (although lesse willingly to such then to another) but withall in such a way, that all I said to him should in no wise passe for an Instruction upon the grounds of the Propositions, which requir'd greater study and attention, and much other solemnity. My friend approved this course, and acknowledg'd that we had great reason not to recede from it.

We visited Cardinal Ottobone on Tuesday mor­ning the 5. of March. He receiv'd our Comple­ments and made many to us; but our affair was little spoken of.

Parting from him, we went to Cardinal Lugo; He askt me whether I had continu'd at Rome ever since our last speaking together. Whereupon I gave him an account of the occasion of my re­turn, and what we four were to sollicite with his Holinesse. He reply'd that he had not yet heard speak of those Propositions. I proceeded to tell him what necessity there was of examining them throughly in a Congregation, in regard of the diversity of their senses. He answer'd that it was reasonable that we should be heard, and our writings seen. That what he could say to us, was, that it was an affair not handled in the H. Office, but reserv'd by the Pope to himself. I reply'd that we waited till the Pope pleas'd to erect a special Congregation for the pur­pose. He put us upon the business of S. Peter and S. Paul, telling us that the same course was taken for its examination, and that the Pope assembled together the ablest Divines in Rome, as well of the H Office as others, and that himself perswaded his Holinesse so to do. I told him we knew nothing of all that, nor had we heard any talk of it; in­deed we knew of the Decree pass'd upon the book, but were ignorant of the circumstances which he related. He reply'd in such a manner as tended to lead us to that subject again, but we diverted the discourse of it by bringing him to that of the so­lemn Congregation whose establishment we pur­su'd. He told us again that he thought it fit and just [Page 157] that our writings were examin'd and communica­ted to the Qualificators and Consultors: but for our going to houses to see them, he durst not adde that he judg'd it bad, but he gave us to un­derstand that it did not please him. M. Brousse reply'd and said that Commission was not confin'd within such strait bounds, but it enjoyn'd us to desire a solemn Congregation of the Pope in which both parties might be heard both by word of mouth and by writing in presence one of the other▪ and all their writings reciprocally com­municated. The Cardinal said that it seem'd we intended to have a kind of little Council. M. Brousse answer'd that that was necessary, as well for other reasons, as in regard of the falsities and calum­nies that were found to have slipt into secret writings. I took this occasion and told him what accusation the Nuntio had made against me in the Faculty, what we had said to the Pope of it, and what the Pope had answer'd us. The Car­dinal said he believ'd all those difficulties would come to fall upon the point of sufficient Grace: and to perswade us that that was it which was to be defended and would be judg'd the best, he made use of this comparison. He said, it was once indispute, which was the best way of coun­ting the howres, either by four and twenty be­gining from the time of one Sun-set to another, as the Italians do; or [...]rom twelve to twelve, beginning from Midnight to noon, and from Noon to midnight, as the French and Spaniards do: and that this last way had been judg'd the better, since Nations otherwise so opposite agreed in it. That so, sufficient Grace would undoubt­edly, be judged the better, since the Dominicans and the Jesuites consented in it. I reply'd, that there were two sorts of Grace, which were cal­led sufficient; that the Jesuites and the Domini­cans agreed in the Word, but not in the Thing, and that other Divines, such as our selves, did not impugne all kind of sufficient Grace, but onely that which was made subject to Free-will; and that the Dominicans oppos'd the same as well as we. That therefore when the question is of sufficient Grace, we should not speak of it without di­stinction, and without knowing of what nature it is, and what it is capable to produce in our hearts by the power which God gives it — Cardinal Lugo suffer'd me not to finish this dis­course which assuredly was none of the most plea­sing to his Eminence; but he interrupted it, saying that it behoved to defend the same which S. Augustin defended against Pelagius. The Ab­bot of Valcroissant reply'd that that which S. Au­gustin defended against Pelagius, was the Effectu­al by it self, necessary to every pious action; whereunto the Cardinal answering nothing, I con­tinu'd my relation of what pass'd in the audi­ences which we had of his Holinesse, and told him that the Pope in one audience askt me whe­ther any of the Five Propositions was in the Bull of Pius V. and I answer'd negatively. The Cardinal reply'd that the third was in it. (This agreed ill with what he told us at first, viz. that he had not yet heard speak of those Pro­positions) I proceeded, that I had told his Ho­linesse, that indeed the third had some resem­blance with two or three of those that are in the Bull of Pius V. but yet they were different from it, and that upon my saying to the Pope that there needed but one word to change a Propositi­on, His Holinesse answer'd me that there need­ed but a Comma. That I further told the Pope that this third was not condemn'd in the sense that we held it, nor like any of the others con­demn'd in the sense that we held it, nor like any of the others condemned by that Bull. That we did not oppose it in any thing; nor had any thing to say against that of Ʋrban VIII. publisht against Jansenius. Neither had we ought to plead in defence of his book. That all those things were wholly different, and separate from our affair. That the same was only to beseech the Pope to cause the different senses of the Propo­sitions to be distinguish'd before passing of judg­ment upon them, to admit us to declare which we do not hold; and as for those that we do hold, to examine the reasons which we have so to do; to communicate the writings which we should pre­sent to him upon this subject to our adversaries, and theirs to us; and to hear us upon the whole vivâ voce in presence one of the other; to the end that after having well cleard, heard and consider'd all, the Pope might passe judgment thereof, and his decision might be receiv'd peace­ably with the satisfaction of both parties, and with the respect that shall be due thereun­to. We rose up, and Cardinal Lugo told us as he accompany'd us, that he was glad for his not being concern'd in this affair nor employ'd in it; and we told him on the other side, that we wisht his Eminence were employ'd in it.

Ending this visite we went to Cardinal S. Cle­ment, who, assoon as M. Brousse had begun to lay open the subject of our coming, told us he understood the businesse well enough, but he would acquaint us with some particularities that had pass'd at Rome. He said the Nuntio had sent thither a certain Censure made by the Sorbonne, in which those Propositions were condemn'd. That the Pope appointed four Divines to write their sentiments upon those Censures; that three of the four plainly and fully confirm'd those Censures, but the fourth spoke a little more un­certainly. That himself being upon occasion ob­lig'd to speak what he thought of them, he had said freely, That the Censures were Heretical and not the Propositions. (For he constru'd them all to the sense of Effectual Grace.) That the Pope hearing his opinion, said, See, Cardinal S. Clement saith our Divines are Hereticks; and that he reply'd to the Pope, that he did not say that his Divines were Hereticks, but the Censures; and yet if they persisted obstinate in avowing the confirmation which they made thereof, they would be Heretical too as well as the Censures. He spoke something about the earnest study of these matters which was requisite for the right un­derstanding of them, whereby he gave us to know that he understood the same well. He began to enter upon the discussion of the first of the Pro­positions, when one came to advertise him that the Prince of Lunebourg was coming to take leave of him, being to return into Germany; which broke off our conference. The Cardinal made [Page 158] an excuse to us, and testif'd his regret for this interruption. We told him we could come a­gain to see him; he answered that it was not needfull, and that he was sufficiently inform'd of all that had pass'd and was daily acted, as to this af­fair.

We went in the afternoon to accompany the Ambassador to the Cardinals Homodei, Santa Croce, and Corrado. At his return he askt us whether any thing was done touching our Memorial. We told him, we had heard no tidings of it: He reply'd, that nevertheless he conceiv'd the Pope had taken order in it, and as he was told, had charg'd the General of the Jesuites to hinder those of his Order from Writing upon these matters during these contests, and this posture of things, with­out the Books be first seen and examin'd at Rome. We answer'd, That it was contrary to what we wisht, because the Jesuites made no books, but wha [...] furnish'd us with new Arms; and so the more they writ, the more they fortif'd [...]; but our sole intent in this ma [...]ter was, that their books might not be review'd at Rome, for [...]ar the H. See sh [...]uld suffer it self to be engag'd in their senti­ments, and surpris'd by their Artifices.

M. Gu [...]ff [...]r did us the honor to invite us to din­ner on Wednesday the sixth, and in the afternoon we accompanied the Ambassador in the Visits which he continued to the new Cardinals, Ottobone and Lomelino.

On Thursday the seventh the Cardinals held a Chappel at la Minerve for the solemnity of the fea [...] of S. Thomas, where they were all present except those of the H. Office; who on another day then Thurday would hav [...] been there rather then the rest, but now prefer'd their usual Assem­bly held before the Pope before that Ceremony. We were invited in the afternoon to the Covent of the Bare-footed Carmeliets where an Oration and a Dispute were to be made for the celebration of the same Festival. The Abbot of Valcroissant and M. Angran were there, and M. Brousse and I con­tinued to accompany the Ambassador in the rest of the Visits which he was to make to the new Cardinals Aldobrandino and Ghiggi.

Friday the eight being the ordinary day that Ambassadors have audience of the Pope regularly every fo [...]tnight, we presented a little Memorial in French to our Ambassador as he was going to the Pope, partly to remind him of that which at our instance he had left with his Holiness at his former audience, and partly to inform him more expresly of the reasons which induc'd us to pre­sent it, which tended in no wise to hinder the Je­suites from writing and publishing Books, but only from doing it with the owning and approba­tion of the H. See. And to shew him that it was no vanity that we said, that we could have advantages against the Jesuites out of their own Books, and particularly out of that whose publishing we en­deavour'd to obstruct, we shew'd him a printed sheet of it, in which F. Annat, either by a gross error or obstinate malice (which could not but turn to his own confusion) cited Pelagius's con­fession of Faith as a work of S. Augustin, contain­ing his Doctrine. The Ambassador took our little Memorial, and the sheet we left with him to shew the Pope, if he found it meet. He told us he was mindful of us, and that we were already in the Note of what he had to say to his Holiness.

At his Return we enter'd into his Chamber, and he told us the Pope said, It was a strange thing we should oppose the Impression of that book, that it had past through the ordinary forms; if it contain'd any thing to be dislik'd after it was printed, it should be censur'd, and they who did not do their duty, should be reproved. That the same course should be taken as was about M. Her­sents book; after the impression and publication of which, a French Dominican who licenc'd it, was confin'd six or eight months in la Minerve, and the Master of the sacred Palace in danger of being cashier'd, till both of them clear'd and justifi'd themselves of what they had done. But besides, if the Pope must take care of the print­ing of Books, he would be overwhelm'd with in­finite new incumbrances thereby. That he had fifty thousand other Affairs without that, and therefore we must have patience, if he could not meddle with it. The Ambassador told us, that he reply'd to the Pope, that it was more expedient to hinder a misch [...]ef before it were done, then to stay till it were done, to remedy it; and that it was easier to quench a taper that was ready to set fire on a Woodpile, then to extinguish the fire when the Woodpile was flaming. This, he said, he represented to the Pope, not as interessing him­self in the businesse, but by way of advice which he receiv'd from us. He added that notwithstan­ding these considerations did not alter his mind, but he continu'd still in that which he had declar'd to us, that he took not the part of that book; and if we found any ill in it after it was printed, it would be easie for us and all others to complain, and the remedy would not be difficult. We answer'd the Ambassador that since it was so, and after this declaration of the Pope, it would be more ad­vantageous for us that the book were publish't then suppress'd. The Ambassador reply'd that yet he doubted whether in would come forth, be­cause though the Pope was averse and made sem­blance of not much regarding it, yet he perceiv'd that the Pope mus'd upon it, and made some re­flexion upon our instances; and that he believ'd it would be no ill way for us to continue the same by the mediation of some of the Cardinals. That for his part he could not speak in it any other­wise then by way of advertisement and repre­senting to the Pope of what consequence we said it was, but not with that zeal and impor­tunity which he should have done, if he had re­ceiv'd order from the King to meddle in it. We gave the Ambassador our humble thanks, and ac­knowledg'd that he had done all we could hope from a very obliging and equitable person. That according to his advice we would endeavor to speak to some of the Cardinals as we had done al­ready to Roma and Ginetti, but rather for forme then otherwise; because the Pope having de­clar'd that he took no part in it, we were satisfi'd, and secure as to the rest.

In the afternoon we went to see Cardinal Bar­berin. He was ready to go to S. Peter's Church when we came there: however he caus'd us to enter into his Chamber, and askt us whether we would accompany him thither. In the mean [Page 159] time, before any thing was spoken concerning our businesse, he askt us whether we had in­structed the persons whom it was requisite. I an­swer'd that we endevor'd it as much as possible; and M. Brousse added that we had had audience of the Pope, and were well satisfi'd with the re­ception which he gave us. But without staying to hear any of the particulars, he askt us what was the first Proposition. I told it him, He askt whether we had writ nothing upon that subject. I answer'd that something was written at Paris which he had seen; but for our parts we had com­pos'd nothing about it but a Memorial which we left with the Pope at the end of our audience, wherein we mov'd his Holinesse for a Congrega­tion in which the Divines of different opinions might be solemnly heard in defence of their opini­ons. The Cardinal further put us upon speaking of the different senses of the first Proposition: but to prevent it, I told him we would give the explications thereof when the Congregation was assembled; the Cardinal reply'd that the Italians were molto tristi, that is, very untoward, and è grande la nostra tristitia (added he) that at Pa­ris they say for accomplishing affaires it is requi­site to sollicite them well, but at Rome it requi­red more paines to make those on whom they depended onely to remember them. I reply'd to his Eminence that we had no order to act other­wise then we did, nor should we, what ever resolution were taken at Rome in this affair. That provided we acquitted our selves of that commission, it was sufficient for us. That it belong'd to the Pope or their Eminences to see to the rest. M. Brousse confirm'd the same, and spoke of F. Annat's book, and our Memorial to hinder its coming forth. Which he said, we re­solv'd upon cheifly, because of the affront that seem'd to be done to the Bishops who sent us, by letting a book of that nature come forth own'd and approv'd, in which the present contest was de­termin'd in favour of one of the parties, at the same time that we were suing in the name of those Bishops, for a solemn Congrregation to examine it in pretence of the parties, and to decide it after they had been heard. M. Brousse urg'd this ve­ry well, when one came to advertise the Car­dinal that it was time to go to S. Peter's: Upon the way we mention'd the Bishop of Geneva's book, term'd an Introduction to a devout life; I told him that I understood by the Bishop of Belley in what outragious manner many Mendi­cant Fryers, and the Capucines especially, op­pos'd it at its first apearance, that their zeal be­came so vehement against that book, that some carri'd it into their pulpits, and after they had declar'd against it, threw it down in the pulpit, and trampled upon it with great demonstrations of indignation; others carri'd it into the pulpit loose­stitcht, and after the like declamations broke the thred that held the leaves together and scatter'd them among their auditors; and lastly that others burnt it after the same tragical manner. I told the Cardinal that M. Hallier and M. Hermant were present when M. du Belley told us these passages at a Visite which we made to him together, at the beginning of and concerning the opposition that was made against the book Of Frequent Communi­on. That therefore it was not to be wonder'd that good books were sometimes disparag'd and per­secuted by ignorant Fryers; but that the event will be sooner or later like that which the same Bishop told us befell the Introduction to a Devout Life, which having by that meanes been much more read then otherwise it would have been, at length merited so general an approbation, that its Persecutors finding that the laughers were not on their side, became oblig'd to betake them­selves to that of the laughers, and to be at last themselves the approvers of it with all the rest of the world; which the prodigious multitude of its several Impressions testifi'd. We ended our journey to S. Peter's as we were speaking of the book of the Minister of Groning, of the advantages which the Jesuites might pretend to derive from it, and of those which on the other side we concei­ved more reasonably might accrue to us, when the answer to it preparing by one of our friends was publisht. Wherewith Cardinal Barberin testi­fi'd to us sufficient satisfaction.

We left him at S. Peter's, and repair'd to Car­dinal Lanti, who receiv'd us courteously, heard us and answer'd us prudently & vigorously.

On Saturday the 9th. I made a private visit in which I learnt two considerable things: One, that the Congregation of Consultors and Qualifica­tors design'd to confer together upon the first Proposition, was appointed to meet again on Thursday following, and that this was the cause that persons well instructed and qualifi'd were employ'd to visite those Consultors and give them some light upon the Propositions. The other that the Preacher of the Jesuites Profess'd House, having a few dayes before taken occasion to speak in his Sermon of the immaculate conception of the Virgin (which he did besides his purpose too) he went about to prove it by certain Plates of Copper that spoke of it, which had been found in a Cave in Spaine during the Papacy of Ʋrban VIII. who being ad­vertis'd in what veneration they began to be in Spaine, caus'd them to be brought to Rome, where being examin'd, he soon after declar'd them Apo­cryphal, and forbad having them in any conside­ration, under the usual penalties contain'd in the Bulls and Decrees of Popes. That a Dominican who was present at that sermon, observing that the Preacher cited those Plates, inform'd the Congregation of the H. Office, whereupon by order of the said Congregation, the Jesuites Pa­pers, were seis'd on, and verifi'd the accusation. That Report being made thereof to the Pope, his Holinesse said it was a shame that those peo­ple durst in view of the H. See contemn the Con­stitutions of Popes, especially at a time when we who complain'd of them were at Rome. That the Pope sent for the General of the Jesuites, and told him a little angerly that he was too blame for suffering that Predicator in the functions of the Pulpit a fortnight after he had committed such an exorbitance, for letting him celebrate Masse since that time and incurre irregularity; that per­haps he would have let him continue in that man­ner till the end of Lent, if his Holinesse had not lookt after it; That Generals of Orders ought to be acquainted with the Bulls of Popes, [Page 160] that they may cause them to be obey'd by their So­cieties. In fine, that his Holinesse interdicted the said Predicator.

Accordingly he remain'd interdicted till the fifteenth day of March, when he made satisfacti­on for his fault in the Pulpit where he had com­mitted it, reading the Recantation prescrib'd him by the Congregation of the H. Office; two No­taries of the said Congregation holding a Copy of it at the foot of the Pulpit, whilst F. Carlo Sal­viati da lesse della Compagnia di Giesà (so was he call'd) read the same publickly. It was in these words:

Havendo io inconsideramente nella predica che feci ligiomi passati sopra la Concettione della beata Vir­gine; preservata dal peccato originale allegato l' au­torità di san Tesifone conservata nelle lamine di gra­nata contro it decreto della santa memoria di Ʋrbano Ottavo fatto acinque di Maggio mille seicento trenta nove, e publicato a di tredici Maggio mille seicento quarenta uno. E per ciò essendo io caduto nelle Cen­sure e pene fulminate nel detto decreto solamente per haver citato l' autorità di dette lamine di granata, mi fù fatto intendere da parte della santità di no­stro signare è della sacra Congregatione del sanct Officio che dovessi io astenermi dal predicare è dal celebrare come reo di dette pene; ho pienamente obe­dito; Riconscendo il mio errore sono recorso alla cle­menza della sua sanctita è della medisima Congre­gatione, da' quali sono stato begignamente aggratia­to di dette pene, è reintegrato all' asercitio del pre­dicare, ho voluto accennare à questa udienza tutto ciò, per remediare allo scandalo che io havessi dato per essermi servito della sudetta autorità contrave­nendo al fudelto decreto.

Whereas I have inconsiderately in my late Ser­mon upon the Conception of the B. Virgin as pre­serv'd from original sin alledged the authority of San. Tesifone in the copper Plates of Granata, contrary to the decree of Ʋrban VIII. publisht 1641. And being therefore fallen under the Censures and penalties thunder'd forth in the said Decree, I have been commanded by his Ho­linesse and the Congregation of the H. Office to abstain from preaching and celebrating Masse, as guilty of the said penalties; I have fully obey'd. And acknowledging my error, I have had re­course to the clemency of his Holinesse and the said Congregation, by whom I have been gra­ciously releas'd from the said penalties, and re­stor'd to the exercise of preaching. All which I signifie to this Auditory, by way of amends for the scandal which I may have given by making use of the said Authority contrary to the said De­cree.

Coming from this Visite I went to hear Masse at a little Church of S. Frances, where there was also a Chappel of Cardinals, and from thence to F. Hilarion, to appoint an hour for seeing his Re­liques the next day. I told him all that had pass'd in reference to F. Annats Book, and how the Im­pression proceeded notwithstanding our Remon­strances. Whereupon he alledg'd very conside­rable reasons to perswade us to go to M. Albizzi, saying, that he was a man that lov'd justice, and was upright in affaires in which he was not prepos­sess'd; and exhorting us to speak to him heartily & with demonstration of confidence. I told him, we would endeavour to acquit our selves the best we could. He further represented to me how pre­judicial it was to us, that we lookt upon the Tri­bunals of Rome as half contrary to us, and half Partisans of the Jesuites, who were they alone whom we ought to take for our Adversaries. I thankt him for his advice and assented to it: but I alledg'd the necessity of our judging so, by all the Decrees that were seen to come forth so easily and so frequently against the best books that were publisht on our side, and I instanc'd in the Decrees issu'd against the Catechisme and the Houres. He answer'd me, that all those Decrees were to be consider'd with reference to the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. in consequence of which they were made, and that the H. See had no intention, either by that Bull or those decrees to innovate any thing or to pronounce upon doctrine one way or other, but only to cause its prohibitions of writing upon this subject without permission to be observ'd. That those prohibitions which were made to either side equally were so evident a conviction, that the doctrine of Jansenius receiv'd no attainder by that Bull, that the meerest Peasant might be satisfy'd thereof. In fine, that the other Decrees were to be interpreted and consider'd in the same man­ner.

Amongst the Reliques which he shew'd us the next day, the most remarkable was the Title which was upon our Lords Crosse, of which there re­mains in that place but about one half. It is of ve­ry worm-eaten wood, about seven or eight inches broad, and ten or eleven long, upon which Jesus Nazarenus is written in Hebrew, Greek and La­tin; and these two last Languages written as the Hebrew from the right hand to the left. The Cha­racters are fram'd very negligently, such as are commonly seen in the names which ordinary peo­ple write here and there upon walls, and such as the Soldiers or Executioners might frame at that time for a Criminal, as they esteem'd our Lord. The Hebrew Characters are almost wholly defac'd and eaten by the wormes and time with the wood, so that they are scarce perceivable. The Latin is very legible, and in the midst of the two other Languages; and the Greek which is the lowest of the three is still easie to be read: but as I said, there is but about half of that piece of wood, and not that. It is that which was in the middle; it being likely that the two ends have been broken off; since neither the word Jesus, nor Rex Ju­daeorum are found there, but only Nazarenus, which takes up almost the length of the wood.

The same day being Sunday March the 10th. all of us visited M. Albizzi together: He con­ducted us into his Chamber, where having taken our places, we prevail'd with our selves to make him the most cordial Declaration we could, in hope to have him favourable to our designes, when he found how conformable they were to Truth and Justice, which we knew he lov'd. He answer'd us also on his part very civilly, and told us the ser­vice of the H. See should be alwayes his inviolable Rule, that he should alwayes be a profest enemy to all those that should offend it: but he had much confidence, that we would alwayes have it in great [Page 161] veneration, and he would do for our service what was possible for him: He interpos'd some very unpleasing things in his Discourse, which we dis­sembled or mollify'd the best we could: only one thing M. Brousse took up as it deserv'd, namely, that if the Pope heard us before passing his Deci­sion, he would hear us if he pleas'd tanquam ali­quos de populo, as he would do any ordinary people. He told us, that should the Pope hear and consider all that we intended to represent, as he conceiv'd his Holiness would do, yet he believ'd that he would not grant us the Congregation which we demanded. We answer'd, that then we had no­thing to represent, because we could not deliver any instruction by writing or word of mouth but before such a Congregation; that without that, our hands were bound, and we could not go be­yond our Commission. He told us the Pope had put into his hands the first Memorial which we left with his Holinesse, wherein we supplicated for the Congregation; he spoke also of the second, touching F. Annat's book, in reference to which he said, the Pope did no more but remove the Pro­hibitions formerly made of writing concerning those matters; that if any thing were found in the book not right, it should be censur'd as well as any other. We answer'd that the case being so, we desir'd nothing more then that it came forth; because it furnisht us with advantageous hold a­gainst its Author. M. Albizzi added, that him­self was the Compiler of the Bull against Janse­nius; that it was made upon a belief that it would appease the troubles and Disputes arisen about those matters, and reduce things to silence and the former peace; That if what hath follow'd since had been foreseen, instead of making a simple pro­hibition of that book, the doctrine perhaps would have been examin'd and possibly condemn'd too; but that moderate course was thought sufficient, the rather to spare a Bishop who was dead in the Catholick Communion; That it was himself (M. Albizzi) that suggested that Counsel. After this he spoke of the Minister of Groning's book, which he said was sent him from Brussels and from Paris, and having in anger fetcht the Book, he read to us out of the Preface, that the Author saith, they were of S. Augustins opinion touching Grace, as Jan­senius is too. M. Brousse answer'd, that there was no need of being angry, that we knew nothing of that Book; that Hereticks are not alwayes to be believ'd when they say an Author is for them­selves; otherwise the Bible must be burnt, which they all say is on their side; that F. Annat in his Book de scientia media, cites four or five Hereticks, who say that St. Thomas is for them; ought they therefore to be believ'd, and S. Thomas to be burnt? Besides that, it behoveth not to be angry if it be true that they are of S. Augustin's mind touching Grace, as they alledge; on the contrary we ought to thank God, because they are Catholicks in this point, and they need only to be instructed in the rest wherein they erre. For, do not you believe (said he) that one is a Heretick because he is not a Molinist; on the contrary, I account that to be a Molinist, is to be an Heretick. But to satisfie him further upon this subject, I shew'd him Letters written to me on the second and 9th. of February, which promis'd an answer to the said Book: of which M. Albizzi profess'd himself glad, and told us that that was done as it should be. He spoke dis­advantageously enough of St. Augustine, taxing him of excesses or flyings out in his encountring Hereticks. He added, that these matters were not necessary to salvation; That they caus'd despair, &c. To all which we return'd such answers as it deserv'd. He complain'd very much that the Bi­shops of Machlin and Gaunt, could not be pre­vailed with to receive the Bull. He spoke also of M. Bourgeois. We told him all those businesses were different from ours, which was only to ob­tain a solemn Congregation of the Pope, in which these matters might be examin'd in the Ecclesiasti­cal formes; that besides, we were sorry that the Bull was so ill receiv'd, but the abuse which the Jesuites made of it was the cause of that mischief. Other things were spoken of in this Visite (among the rest, the place of Haereo fateor, in Jansenius, which M. Albizzi objected to us twice, as a cer­tain conviction of that Prelate's bad sentiments; to which we said nothing) but these are the prin­cipal; and at last our Conference ended very calm­ly and civilly, both on his part and ours.

After we left him, we visited the Commissary of the H. Office, who was not there when we ar­riv'd there, but his Companion receiv'd us, and while he was entertaining us the Commissary re­turn'd to his lodging. We discoursed with either of them only about Theological matters in refe­rence to the first Proposition, till night broke off the Conversation.

CHAP. VI.

The continuation of our Visites, and what pass'd till the end of March. M. Brousse constrain'd to return into France, in regard of his health. Two Copies of the Memoires of M. Pegna, which we caus'd to be com­par'd very exactly with the Origi­nal. What successe our Memorial had against F. Annat's Book.

ON Monday the eleventh of March we visited F. Luca Vadingo; our chief Discourse with whom was (he already understanding our Affair enough) touching the Assembly of Consultors and Qualificators appointed on Thursday follow­ing. For though, as we told him, we doubted not of their capacity, understanding and good intention; and that almost all those whom we vi­sited appear'd favourable to the sentiments of S. Augustin, for which we had reason to be sa­tisfy'd and to praise God; yet, as we told him too, a matter becomes more clear and is more throughly discovered after hearing the Contesting Parties upon it, then when it is barely examin'd by it self, especially when it is intricate, as that in question was; and when, besides the difficul­ties which are inseparable from it, it is industri­ously [Page 162] embroyl'd and obscur'd, as the Authors of those Propositions had intangled and clouded this. Moreover, That a man is more in his own power, and more fit to passe an equitable and dis-interested judgement, when he has had time to meditate upon a matter, and make all necessary reflexions upon it be­forehand, then when he has already chosen a side by framing a false Idea to himself of it, and is become engag'd by declaring himself too soon in maintaining the first Impressions he hath had of it, and the first sentiments which he hath discovered to witnesses, before whom he is very loth to retract and acknow­ledge his being deceiv'd, So that to keep those per­sons free and equitable without engagement and prepossession, before they came to passe Judge­ment, we conceiv'd that it would be good that before all things else they heard the Divines of ei­ther side, who were to oppose or defend the Pro­positions; and that their own interest as well as ours, oblig'd them to declare to such as importun'd their assembling for delivering their sense of the first Proposition, that this was the right way to be­gin. And the rather, because the Propositions to be consider'd were subject to more ambiguities then we had represented, and those expresly af­fected by their Authors. That therefore for an orderly and due proceeding, the first thing to be done was to distinguish the different senses where­of they are capable; and in order to do that well, to make of each Proposition as many seve­ral clear and plain Propositions, as it included dif­ferent senses; that so we might declare first of all which those are that we will not maintain, and for such as we will hold, expect who will oppose them; to hear both the one side and the other according to the usual and necessary formes; and after this was done, then it would be a fit time to ask of them their Sentiment. But to require it of them beforehand, seem'd a little precipitous, and con­trary, not only to all order of justice, but also to the Request which we had made to the Pope in the name of the Bishops, upon which his Holinesse had caus'd us to hope he would give us satisfacti­on. F. Luca Vadingo approv'd these reasons; but told us these things were to be represented and desired of the Pope; because for their part, they could only desire them of God, and when they were summon'd to deliver their judgement upon any Propositions, they could do nothing else but deliver it.

In the afternoon I accompani'd M. Brousse to Cardinal Ginetti, who had promis'd him the Re­liques. He askt us what tidings of our Affair; and we told him we waited for the Pope's resolution upon the Letters and Memorial which we had de­liver'd to him.

On Tuesday the 12th. I went to see F. Ʋbal­dino, who wonder'd we had such correspondence at Rome, as to be advertis'd of that Assembly of Consultors. He approv'd the reasons which I alledg'd for deferring it till after both parties were heard, as formerly to F. Vadingo. But he said too, that he could do nothing, at least openly to get them consider'd; underhand he would do his utmost.

I went also to represent the same to F. Delbene, who knew not how to satisfie me but by telling me that we shovld be heard undoubtedly, and it would not be prejudicial to us though they gave their opinion beforehand, because they review'd it several times, and might correct in it what they pleas'd, or change it wholly. I told him, it would do better if they gave it not till after they had so well examin'd things, as to have no occasion to change any thing. I mov'd him also, that he would demand to hear us before giving his own, and also to encline the rest in their Assembly, if thete were occasion to make the same demand. But I obtain'd nothing of him as to this point, no more then I had done of the FF. Vadingo and Ʋbaldino.

Rejoyning my Collegues, we went to see Cardi­nal Colonna. By the way we met the Ambassador, who seeing our Coach stopt, caus'd his own to stop too, and had the goodnesse to speak to us so long, that he gave us time to testifie to him our sorrow for his late losse of one of his Nephews, who dy'd at Angers: Whereunto he made a very generous and Christian answer, Il n'importe combien il en meure, pourveu que ce soit pour le service du Roy, & que Dieu leur face misericorde. It matters not how many of them dye, so it be for the Kings ser­vice, and God be merciful to them. We arriv'd at the Palace of Cardinal Colonna, in which there are most magnificent apartments. He receiv'd us with very great civility. We laid forth our Affair to him at large, and he heard it with attention and satisfaction. Our Conference with him was end­ed by the arrival of the Ambassador of Bologne who came to see him, and with a Complement that I made to him as he reconducted us, upon hope that our cause should finde in him a Protector a­mongst the living, as it had amongst the dead in Aegidius Romanus, who was his neer Kinsman, and whose memory was still very fresh with him.

In the afternoon we went to Cardinal Costa­gusti, and finding him busie for some time, we went to Signor Camillo Piazza Procurator of the Accused, to whom we declar'd our Affair, suitably to what I had formerly said to him. He receiv'd our Visite for a great honour, and told us what we demanded was so just that it could not be refus'd to any person. After which we return'd to Car­dinal Costagusti, who was ready to go abroad. So after some short Discourse, which to avoid being inconvenient to him, we broke off, he profess'd his regret for his being otherwise engag'd, and the satisfaction he should have if we pleas'd to see him another time. Thence I went to Cardinal Ro­ma, where I stay'd till night to see him, and after the Litanies were done, at which I was present, and which were said daily there during Lent, his Maistre de Chambre inform'd me, that the Do­mesticks of the Cardinals who were with their Ma­sters, obtain'd the same indulgences as if they were present at them. The first thing Cardinal Roma spoke of, was, our Memorial against F. Annat's Book, which he offer'd to give me. I pray'd him to keep it, that he might have it ready to shew the next day to the Cardinals at la Minerve, if they hapned to speak of it; because though the Pope told the Ambassador, that his Holinesse had no In­terest in the book, and that when it was printed it should be censur'd if it deserv'd it, yet I knew the Pope had given the Memorial to M. Albizzi, and perhaps it was to communicate the same to [Page 163] their Congregation, to which it was likely M. Al­bizzi had no great stomach. The Cardinal re­ply'd that he would carry it thither, to have re­course to in case of need. Falling then to speak of othes matters of the times, I told him of the Minister of Groning's book, and of the answer preparing to it; as also of the malice and igno­rance of those who would make use of S. Augustin against us, objecting to us passages out of Pela­gius's Confession of Faith, as if it were S. Augu­stin's; and this with such obstinacy, that after ha­ving been fully convinc'd thereof by books pub­lisht in answer to them, yet they produc'd the same thing again in a late book, as if they had ne­ver heard of our clearing it in former Writings. The Cardinal could not think it possible for peo­ple to be transported to such enormities, and testi­fy'd great indignation at it. At length I menti­on'd the principal cause of my coming to his E­minence, which was the approaching Assembly of the Consultors on Thursday following, the danger we fear'd from it, and how advantagious it would be both for them, and those that defended the truth, if they heard the parties before declaring their opinions. The Cardinal answer'd, that that ought not to dismay me, because the Pope would not hasten to conclude any thing, and his Holiness well knew, that not only his own Reputation, but also that of the H. See was concern'd in this Af­fair. That all that the Qualificators could do, was of no consequence. That it was not seen: and that the reason of their meeting before hearing us, was that they might ventilate and open the matter a little, and become more capable to hear it and deal with it when we came before them. But o­therwise I might be certain, that nothing would be decided till the Parties were first heard as much as they could desire: that all this paines of the Con­sultors, was only to give the Pope and their Emi­nences some preliminary knowledge, for their better enlightning and disposing to hear what we had to say to them. I signify'd to the Cardinal that I was much heartned by his Discourse; but still I insisted, that it would be better, if before that la­bour the Consultors heard what might be said by the Parties on either side. The good Cardinal shew'd a reluctancy (no doubt elsewhere infus'd into him) to grant the Parties such an audience and publick Congregation, as I maintain'd was most expedient and profitable for truth; and the pre­text (suggested to him) was that it would make more noise, and retard and intangle the affair in­stead of facilitating and advancing it, as he sincerely desir'd; which desire induc'd him to ask us whe­ther we were ready, whether we had our Memoi­res all prepar'd to deliver to them when requir'd, adding that it was very expedient that we were ready to present our selves to the Congregation when we should be Advertis'd of it. I answer'd, that the Bishops, by whose order we sue'd for a Congregation, purposed to send some other per­sons with us when the Congregation was resolv'd upon, and the matter came to be handled in ear­nest. The Cardinal reply'd, though gently and mildly, that it was something unpleasing that we were not ready: (so he interpreted it, and never­thelesse he lookt upon the slownesse, to which I seem'd to incline▪ as a thing not to be debated on, but necessary to be granted.) But I told him that that should cause no delay: and when the Congre­gation was ready, we would forthwith begin to deliver some informations upon the Affair, to em­ploy the Divines of whom it consisted sufficiently, till others came to assist us to treat it solemnly and thoroughly. But without that too the Consultors might in the mean while be too much busied if they would seriously apply themselves to what was most necessary, in order to the getting of a clear and certaine understanding of those difficulties: namely, to read well in the first place the principal works which S. Augustine hath written expresly upon these matters. The Cardinal assented here­unto, and added that it was very fitting, since S. Augustin should be the rule of those Disputes, and of the decisions to be made upon them. I re­ply'd that it was our hope; and when we came to speak and write before that Congregation, we would employ no other weapons but those which that H. Doctor made use of against the Hereticks whom he overcame; but till it were establisht, and its establishment d [...]clar'd to us, our whole Commission was only to sollicite for it. That from some slight passages we presum'd it was pre­paring, but we had not yet receiv'd any authen­tical advertisement of it; and till we were so ad­vertis'd, all that should be done, and nothing, were the same in reference to us.

On Wednesday the 13. we visited the Cardinals di Santa Croce and Homodei, to neither of whom we spoke much, because our visits were inter­rupted. We visited also at la Minerve F. F. Alva­rez and Nolano, very zealous and able Domini­cans.

In the Afternoon we visited the Abbot of S. Pe­ter in vinculis, who receiv'd us very cordially and civilly. The remembrance he had of what I had formerly signified to him touching our Affair, hindred us from entertaining him further with it. We spoke of the Exorbitances of the Jesuites a­gainst S. Augustin, both in their Books and Ser­mons, at which he was fill'd with horrour and in­dignation. He told us a considerable Cardinal lately visited him, and finding that he was so well inform'd of things, and so sincere for the defence of S. Augustin's Doctrine, embrac'd him with great affection. He spoke to us of the Nomina­tion made by the Pope of the Cardinals Roma, Spa­da, Ginetti, and Cechini, as a certain and known thing; and said, he had receiv'd no intelligence of the Assembly of Qualifitators, which we were ad­vertis'd was to be the next day. By which we ga­ther'd that he was not chosen to be one of them, though he was one of the Qualificators of the H. Office, and of the most intelligent in Theological matters. He askt us what danger there was in censuring the Propositions in general, seeing, ac­cording to our selves, they might admit a bad sense? We shew'd him the danger by explicating the first; for that the Adversaries desir'd the con­demnation of them, only to reflect it upon the Necessity of Effectual Grace, which we maintain'd in that Proposition; which account satisfy'd him. At length, after a long and agreeable entertain­ment, he shew'd us the chiefest Rarities of his House and his Church; and amongst the rest, the sacred Chaines which are in so great veneration [Page 164] in that place, for having been sometimes the In­struments of S. Peter's captivity.

Leaving him we went to visite F. Aversa at S. Laurence in Lucina. We explicated our Affair to him, which he took very well; and touching the Congregation, he askt us whether we had had any answer about it, and whether it would be erect­ed? We answer'd, that we had learnt by the com­mon rumour the names of some of those that were to be of it; but for that nothing had been signify'd to us from the Pope, we did not hold our selves assured, nor make any great account of what we had learnt; because de iis quae non erant, & qua non apparebant, erat idem apud nos ju­dicium.

On Thursday the 14th. I went in to see F. Lu­ca Vadingo, and to carry him in the way of a friend two little Latin Discourses upon the Pro­positions. He told that Cardinal Roma, with whom he had been upon Friday, was well satisfy'd with me, and assur'd him again, that this Affair would not be ended without our being heard as we desir'd & voce & scripto as much as we would. I thankt the Father for his new assurance of Cardinal Ro­ma's good dispositions; and I told him, that both Justice and Prudence requir'd that regard be had to Time and all the other circumstances which ac­company affaires. That in the Church circum­stances and conjunctures sometime oblig'd to con­demn and reject at one time a Proposition, which would be well receiv'd and approv'd at another. That if we had been in Calvin's dayes when his Heresie was at the highest, I should not have ad­vis'd to let passe the first Proposition without con­demnation, if it had been advanced in the same words, and nakedly as it was express'd: because it might seem to countenance his opinion of the impossibility of God's Commandments. But the same Proposition having been deceitfully pull'd out of a place, in which what goes before and what follows, reduce it to a very Orthodox sense and a very Catholick truth; and having been thus expos'd under ambiguous and defective terms, on­ly to destroy that Catholick truth by the Censure, which they who propose it, endeavour to ob­tain upon it under pretext of the bad sense of those terms: that the case being thus, I conceiv'd it re­quisite to hinder it from being condemn'd, with­out first distinguishing the different senses, and se­curing the Catholick, for fear of administring ad­vantage against the same, by an absolute and un­limited condemnation. F. Luca Vadingo consent­ed with me, as to the justice and necessity there was of using that distriction and caution.

When I quitted him I return'd to my lodging to take my Collegues, and went together to the Pa­lace of Cardinal Trivultio. Some of his Gentle­men came and receiv'd us at the door of his first Anti-chamber, and conducted us through three or four before we met the Cardinal, and there were two or three more to passe through before we came to his own whether he led us, and at each door that was to be pass'd, he made us a civility before he enter'd at it. When we had taken our places in his Chamber, M. Brousse amply and at leisure gave him an account of our affair. He answer'd us that as for the Theological part, he was but little vers'd in it; but for the Political, he would assist us what he could to obtain satisfacti­on in so just a demand. He said, the Pope wanted not prudence, and he believ'd his Holinesse would have regard to what he desired of him. He told us also, the Jesuites were violent upon this busi­nesse, and that ever since he acted as the King of Spain's Ambassador he had heard speak of it, and interpos'd in it in reference to the Archbishop of Malines, and the Bishop of Gaunt. We answer'd that ours was not the affair of Jansenius, but one­ly about Five Propositions, upon which it was important that the Pope pronounc'd a signal Judg­ment correspondent to his place and the esteem which people are to have of his decision. And the rather for that the boldnesse of those who in­veigled the Bishops to present such equivocal and fallacious Propositions to him, was incredible, especially they persisting so obstinate in it, after having been convinc'd by so many writings of the unworthinesse of the action which he who was the first author of them committed in presenting them to our Faculty. The Cardinal much approv'd our sentiments, and told us he should willingly receive and hear us as often as we had any thing to say to him. He accompany'd us into the fourth chamber from that in which he receiv'd us, and twelve or fifteen persons of his Court continu'd marching before us to accompany us to the staires. Which ceremonies I mention here partly in acknowledg­ment to him, who though of the Spanish Facti­on, and then encharg'd with the affairs of that Monarchy during the absence of an Ambassador, yet treated Frenchmen with so many demon­strations of esteem and courtesie, and partly not to omit any thing that was most singular and re­markable in any visite that we made about this af­fair.

At our coming away from him we went to see the General of the Augustines. He express'd a very deep resentment of this affair, and told us he would apply himself wholly to it; that for the right concluding it, one of the first things he should advise the Pope to do, was, to write to all the Catholick Universities to study S. Augustin, and in the mean time to appoint the Divines here to do the same, that so it might afterwards be more easie to judge what conformity the Propositions in question have with his doctrine. We much ap­prov'd this advice, and told him it would be ex­tremely usefull to ruin two objections which were made with as much boldnesse as injustice against that H. Father. First, that he hath spoken with so great obscurity, that it is a hard matter to discover of what opinion he was. And secondly that in the heat of his discourses he hath suffer'd himself to be carry'd into the excesses opposite to the Hereticks which he incounter'd. We mentioned likewise other calumnies dispers'd against that Saint and our selves as well by secret accusations as printed books. And our discourse falling upon that in­titled Jansenius pessimè meritus, &c. which F. Mu­lard distributed at Rome, in the first lines of which it is impudently affirm'd that the two and twenty Propositions censur'd at Vallidolid are so many impostures; the truth whereof this General might judge, having had a Censure of the very impression at Vallidolid sent him; he drew the said Libel out of his Pocket, and could not suffici­ently [Page 165] admire the shamelesnesse of it. One enter­tainment held about an hour, and ended with the reflection which we made how important and be­neficial it would be, if the Qualificators deferr'd giving their opinions upon these Propositions till they had througly read the works of that Father, and heard what we had to say to them in the pre­sence of our adversaries.

In the afternoon we repaired to the Ambassador who was to receive a visite from Cardinal Corra­do. When it was ended, we went to see Monsig­nor Borromeo, whom I had often attempted to write unto while I was at Rome alone, but could not. We gave him a full and punctual account of our affair: Which he heard, and thankt us for our information. I sent one of our people to Car­dinal Roma's Palace to know who were to be pre­sent in the Assembly of the Consultors which we heard was to be held there: he brought word that there had been no Congregation at all there. Of which, the Curé of S. Saviours comming to see me, told me the reason was, because the Cardinals Spada and Ginetti had got cold. Which was true as to the ordinary Congregation held there every Thursday by those four Cardinals. But there was another reason more considerable that hinder'd the meeting of the Consultors, which I was inform'd of the next day, and shall relate in its order. The same Curé further told me that the Pope had increas'd the number of the Cardinals of the Congregation of the H. Office by adding Cardinal Ghiggi who enter'd into it that day for the first time. And lastly he told me that ac­cording to my request he had spoken to the F. Pro­curator of S. Marcel, to incite him to demand to hear us before delivering his opinion upon any of the Propositions, for the reasons above mentio­ned.

M. the Abbot of Valcroissant and I spent al­most all Friday morning (March 15.) in confer­ring amicè with the Commissary of the Office upon the first Proposition. We told him also the same reasons why we conceived it so expedient that the Qualificators hastned not to write and deliver their opinions upon the Propositions before they had taken such light and informations upon the matter as they might hope from a legal Con­ference wherein we and our adversaries were heard. He answer'd that this was not to be told to him; that he was sufficiently perswaded of it; but it behoved to speak it to the Cardinals who were the Masters.

As I return'd to my lodging I went to see a par­ticular friend who learnt me three or four consi­derable things. First, that M. Albizzi had ac­quainted the Congregation of the H. Office with the visite which we had made to him, and spoke as if he had well humbled us, and taught us how to govern our selves for our own safely. Second­ly, that he had made complaint there against the book of Victorious Grace, and presented the same to the Congregation to be view'd and con­demn'd. And thirdly that the General of the Do­minicans intended that very day to seek for audi­ence of the Pope after the Sermon, and if he could not obtain it, to return the Sunday following for he same purpose. And that his busnesse was to tell the Pope that hitherto he had not spoken a word in the cause, by reason he did not clearly see what was the thing in question, but at length ha­ving well examin'd it, he found that it was the same affair that war formerly in agitation under Clement VIII. and Paul V. between his Order and that of the Jesuites; that he would demand of his Holinesse, that they might be heard too before any thing were determin'd on one side or other; that all proceedings might be the same as they were under those two Popes, that the Memoires of the things which were pass'd in that time might be perused, to see what was expedient to be done at this. And fourthly, that the reason which caus'd the deferring the Assembly of the Qualifi­cators which was to have been held the day pre­ceding at Cardinal Roma's Palace, was indeed be­cause the Commissary of the H. Office had signi­fi'd to the said Cardinal that he was encharg'd with a multitude of processes for the visitation of Priso­ners which was to be made before Easter, and so his Papers upon the first Proposition were not ready. Which he represented to his Eminence with a de­sign not onely that by this means the Qualificators might have more leisure to prepare themselves to do well, but also to give his General time to make his supplication to the Pope which I newly menti­on'd.

A small indisposition of M Brousse hindred us from continuing our Visits together in the after­noon, and therefore I went to see F. Hilarion, partly to thank him for the favour he lately did us in shewing us his Reliques; partly to acquaint him how we govern'd our selves in our Visit to M. Albizzi, but chiefly to tell him what he did a­gainst us three days ago out of a bravado in the Congregation of the H. Office, and to beseech him to use what interest he had in M. Albizzi, to hinder him from further persecuting the book of Victorious Grace, because it would make matters worse, and obstruct the restauration of a good in­telligence. This was a very nice point to be toucht upon at this time, as well on the part of of F. Hi­larion towards M. Albizzi, as of mine towards F. Hilarion, because it was so to be carri'd that M. Albizzi might not know that F. Hilarion was so clearly inform of it, especially by me; and also that F. Hilarion might not know that I had such as­sured intelligence of it, for fear they would sus­pect him from whom I receiv'd it to have violated the fidelity of secrecy. In fine, I fetcht a com­pass, and took all possible care and caution to a­void that inconvenience, which I would have shun'd as solicitously ar death it self. The F. did not promise me to speak to M. Albizzi about it, because he had no other occasion to visit him, and to go on purpose was not convenient. On the contrary, he told me, if that book were pro­pounded in the Congregation of the H. Office in his presence, and he were oblig'd to give his opi­nion of it, he would sentence it to be condemn'd, because it treated of a prohibited subject. But when I had laid open to him the necessity of set­ting it fotth, the good effects it had had already, and might further be expected from it, he miti­gated his first rigor▪ and condescended that the Congregation should take no notice of: and if M. Albizzi and he hapned upon occasion to discourse of this point, he would perswade him as much as [Page 166] he could to that gentleness. In reference to the said book, I shall here by the way mention two things that came into my memory. First, that I made these sollicitations in its behalf upon my own head without acquainting my Collegues with M. Albizzi's accusation against it, partly not to disquiet them unnecessarily, and partly in consi­deration of secrecy which I was to perform to my Intelligencer. Secondly, that understanding from France the last Summer that it was intended to be translated and printed in Latin, in order to be sent and seen at Rome; I disswaded the design, in re­gard of what was spoken in the Preface to the ad­vantage of Jansenius: because I fear'd that place alone considering the state of things, would do more hurt to our cause then the rest of the book would do good.) But to return to F. Hilarion, I told him of the difficulty that I war certifi'd there was to answer the Minister of Groning aright, by reason of the decree made against the Catechism of Grace. The Father answer'd me, that it be­hooved us to observe a general and very sure Rule in those matters, namely, that the Popes would not hitherto pass any judgement upon the Doctrine. That therefore it was no wonder if it were suffer'd in the Anticatechism of Errors and Heresie, with­out any thing said to it. That as for what was noted, that the Catechism reviv'd the Propositi­ons condemned by Pius V. it was ground enough for saying so, that there was one found to be such at the first inspection of the book. But it was not expressd in that Decree, whether those condemn'd Propositions which were in the Catechism, were any of those which Pius V. had condem'd as Here­tical; or temerarious, or as offending Christian ears: which might be so in the time of Pius V. and not so now: but however those Propositions having been once condemn'd, and that condem­nation neither revers'd nor interpreted, nor the prohibition of teaching and maintaining them re­mov'd, he was too blame that advanc'd and pub­lisht them, and there was reason to complain as well of his writing of these matters contrary to the Prohibition', as of his reviving those condem­ned Propositions. F. Hilarion and I were three full houres in this conference, and it was far in the night before we broke it off.

On Saturday morning the 19th. we did nothing but went to the Ambassador who expected a vi­site from one of the new Cardinals. And in the afternoon I learnt nothing but that a new Tome of Suarez was lately printed at Lyons touching the matter de Auxiliis, notwithstanding it had been formerly deny'd permission at Rome, and that the Jesuites caus'd it to be sold there. This intelligence was given us that we might complain of it; but we were loth to take new affairs and employments upon our selves without necessity, being scarce able to manage all those in which we were engag'd al­ready.

On Sunday (the 17th.) in the morning we went to accompany the Ambassador to the Pope's Chap­pel. From thence we went to Giesu to see the ceremonies which the Jesuites made after the election of their General, which we found plain and modest. We spent almost the whole afternoon at the Ambassador's house in reference to the visite which Cardinal Aldobrandino was to make to him.

On Tuesday we went to see that Cardinal with whom we found Cardinal Trivultio. We waited till this latter was gone, and then were admitted to Cardinal Aldobrandino. We found him suffici­ently informed of many circumstances of our af­fair, which we layd open to him at leisure. We spoke much of the famous Congregation held un­der Clement VIII. of whose family this Cardinal was, and who dying (as he intimated in our dis­course) as he was upon the point to publish his Bull of condemnation against the Jesuites, his death was by those Fathers imputed to a Mi­racle.

In the afternoon we visited Cardinal Sachetti, who apprehended our intentions and demands very just, and answer'd us very handsomely and ingenuously. He said, among other things, that the wiles and jugglings which we shew'd him had been recurr'd to in this affair, were no good arms for defending a just cause: and that they who made use of them gave ground to believe that they were diffident of their good right. The same Af­ternoon we went to Cardinal Maidalcini who was the youngest of the Cardinals, and thence to Monsignor Paolucci who was the ancientest Pre­late in Rome. M. Brousse declar'd the affair in Ita­lian to Cardinal Maidalcini, and the Abbot of Valcroissant to M. Paolucci, who answer'd us as one that still well remembred all that he had seen for­merly transacted under Clement VIII. between the Dominicans and the Jesuites, and who had since that time spent part of his own in the reading of S. Augustin.

There remain'd none of all the sacred Colledg to be visited but Cardinal Cherubin. We went to him on Wednesday (March 20.) and acquainted him, as we had done the rest, what had pass'd, and what we pretended to in this affair. We learnt the same day that a Memorial was presented in the mor­ning to the Congregation of the H. Office a­gainst the book of Suarez and those who dispers'd it.

Monsignor Spada Patriarch of Constantinople was the last we visited of the Consultors and Qualifica­tors of the H. Office; for he had that Title which depress'd him infinitely below the lowest Cardinal: which seem'd very strange to us in the person of a Patriarch of the second See of the Church, and who since the second Oecumenical Council always held the first place after the Pope. We went to him on Thursday the 21. and after he had heard what we said to him, he wonder'd that we seem'd to doubt whether the Congregation and audience of Parties would be granted, in which we plac'd the certain carrying of the Cause, and the indubi­table triumph of truth against our common adver­saries. He intimated, with a clear inclination to our good designes, that things were in suspence, that order would be taken about them, and that preparations were making for them. In fine he answer'd us very judiciously, gravely and courte­ously. And he acknowledg'd (as all other per­sons who we visited together, and whom I had vi­sited before when I was alone at Rome, acknowledg­ed in our common visites, though I have not men­ion'd it in every occasion, to avoid too frequent repetitions) that I had never addres'd to him but as one sent by some of my LL. the Bps. of France.

Our visites being ended, and we finding by experience during the whole winter, that the aire of Rome was very unsutable with M. Brousse's health, and conceiving that the heat of the appro­ching Summer might be more prejudicial to it then the winter, during which he had a continu­al head-ake, and defluxion in his breast, which constrain'd him to be blooded largely five times, and to drink nothing but Ptisane: He pray'd us to give way that he prepar'd himself to return to his native aire after Easter, assoon as he was able to travel to the place of his ordinary residence. Whereunto we consented according to the condi­scension of the Bishops who deputed us, to whom in the end of January last, we had signifi'd the case of his indisposition which seised upon him assoon as he came to Rome, and continu'd to molest him ever since. Wherefore he and I went the same evening to advertise the Ambassador of it, and to beseech him to acquainr the Pope therewith the next day at his usual audience; to the end M. Brousse might salute his Holiness and receive his be­nediction before his departure, which was to be as­soon as the Festivals and Ceremonies of Easter were over. The Ambassador promis'd to do him this office the next day if he could, or some day of the H. Week.

The next day (Fryday the 22th.) we attended the Ambassador to his ordinary audience. He caus'd M. Brousse to be call'd in, who being intro­duc'd, and the Ambassador going to speak some thing of him to the Pope by way of recommendati­on, His Holinesse interrupted him with these fa­miliar and obliging words, Lo conesco, è mio grand amico, I know him, he is my great friend. M. Brousse made [...]his complement to him in few words, and signifi'd how his health necessitated his return. The Pope wisht him a good journey, and gave him his benediction and indulgences. Besides the Ambas­sador, the Corrector of the French Minimes was present, having been introduc'd at the same time about another businesse.

In the afternoon I accompanied M. Brousse to Cardinal Barberin to take his leave; as according­ly he did after a long discourse of sundry things not necessary to be related in this place.

Sunday the 24th. we were at the ceremony of Palmes, and receiv'd some from his Holines's hand.

Monday the 25. the Abbot of S. Peter in vinclis made an Oration upon the sanctity of that season in an assembly of an eminent Academy composed of many Ingenious and Learned persons, where­of the Gall [...]cane Prince was one of the principal members, if not the chief. The Abbot did us the honour to invite us to his Oration. We repair­ed thither, and before it began, Cardinal Ron­danini's brother, and one of Cardinal S. Clement's nephews came to us to entertaine themselves with us, and promote our acquiantance formely contra­cted, which we mutually promis'd to augment when the Festivals were past.

On Tuesday morning I accompain'd M. Brousse in his visitation of the four Churches. In the mor­ning we went to those of S. Marie Maggiore, S. John de Lateran and S. Paul; When he went in the afternoon to that of S. Peter, he left me at la Mi­nerve; where I entertain'd at length F. Capisucci, a Monk of that Order and Professor in Divinity, with what had pass'd in the affair for which we were at Rome. F. du Plantet a Minime, very zealous against the sentiments of S. Augustin which he did not understand, and much devo­ted to F. Annat and the Court of Cardinal Spada who was protector of the Minimes, had given this Dominican for a full instruction in this affair a Copy of M. de Vabres's letter, at the bottome of which were these words;

Subscripserunt aut suo nomine subscribi voluerunt hi qui sequuntur.
  • Leonorius Destampes Archiepiscopus & Dux Remensis aliquot mensibus ante obitum.
  • De Grignan Archepiscopus Arelatensis.
  • Henricus de Bethune Archiepiscopus Burdiga­lensis.
  • Annas de Vanladour Archiepiscopus Pisuri­censis.
  • Henricus a Sabaudiâ nominatus Archiepiscopus Remensis. Sunt alii numero 64. Episcopi.

I met in the City M. Michel Angelo Recci, who told me that F. Pascaligio an able Divine of the same house of S. Andrew de la Val, whereof F. Delbene was, desir'd to come and see us; but seeing that good Father much troubled with the Goute, he took the liberty to tell him that he would advertise us of it, and we should prevent him.

I omitted mention that we spent all Saturday the 23. with Signor Pien Cottuen Notary of the Rota, and Andreas Albercius, and Franciscus Pignocatus, expert Jurates for comparing and ve­rifying writings, in a most exquisite compar­ing two Copies which we had caus'd to be made of M. Pegna's history. And we were so exact therein that each of those Copies was as usefull and Authentick as the Original it self.

Our Memorial against F. Annat's book, which we no longer thought of after it was declar'd to us, that neither the Pope nor the H. Office took part in it, had its effect the same day that we com­pos'd the papers of F. Pegna. M. Albizzi sent to the Printer by the Pope's Order, to command him to bring to the Palace of the H. Office (where M. Albizzi lodg'd, where also are the Prisons call'd the Inquisition) all the copies of sheets that he had printed of that work, with prohibition to di­stribute any to any person. The Letter was in these words. Signor Ignatio de' Lazaris Stampatore in Roma; In virtù della presente doverà Ʋ. S. recare al S. Offitio è consignare à me infrascritto tutti gli essempi dell' Opera che con licenza della sacra Congre­gatione del santo Offitio ha fatto Stampatore il Padre Anato della compagnia di Giesù, senza darne ad al­tri alcun essemplare sotto pena arbitraria alla medesi­ma Congregatione. Perche così ha ordinato è comman­dato la sanctità di nostro signore per ordine dato mi à bocca. Dato nel Palazzo del S. Offitio questo di 28. di Marzo 1652. Signed Fran. dalli Albizzi.

The Pr [...]er let passe H. Fryday without o­beying this Order; but on Saturday he carried M. Albizzi all that he had printed of that book, and took his Receipt. The same day five Jewes and one Turk were baptis'd at S. John de Lateran. The Marquis of Bréauté was Godfather to one of those Jewes, and I to another, to whom I gave the n [...]me of Paul.

M. Hostier Bishop of Béthleem arriv'd on H. Tuesday at Rome, whether he was sent from the Assembly of the Clergy of France, to obtain of the Pope that he would fill the vacant Sees of the Church of Portugal, with those persons which the King of Portug [...]l had nominated.

CHAP. VII.

Of a little Volume of the principal Works of S. Augustin against the Pela­gians and Semipelagians which we put to printing after Easter, and of the Obstructions rais'd against the Impression.

SHortly after we gave that poor Printer a better businesse then that of which we had been the cause that he was depriv'd. There remained but a few more sheets to print for the finishing of F. Annat's book, and we hir'd him to print for us the principal works of S. Augustin against the Pelagians and Semipelagians. It was a thing that we had design'd some time a go, because we found nothing so proper, not only for justifying our pretensions to all Rome, and making known the truth of the doctrine which we defended, as well to the principal judges with whom we had to do, as to a great number of persons whom we found little enough intelligent therein, but very desi­rous to be instructed; but also to confirme to our interests (which were no other then those of truth) many other persons whom we had also found inform'd enough to consider them as their own. We had purposed to make several smal vo­lumes one after another, according as occasion should permit in the sequel of time; but we had al­ready chosen wherewith to make up one first as the most necessary urgent, with the greatest diligence we could. The Pieces which we intended to put into it, were the book De Gratia Jesu Christi, that De perfectione Justitiae, the 107. Epistle ad Vi­talem, the 105. Epistle ad Sixtum, the book De Gratia & Libero arbitrio, the 46. and 47. Epi­stles ad Valentinum, the book De Emendatione & Gratia, the Epistle of S. Prosper, and that of Hi­larie to S. Augustin, the books De Praedestinati­one Sanctorum & De dono Perseverantiae, the Epi­stle of Pope S. Celestin I. to some Bishops of France, the Synodical Epistle of the African Bishops which were banisht into the Island of Sardinia, the second Council of Orange, and the Letter of Pope Boniface II. for confirmation of that Council.

On Easter Tuesday the second of April, I askt permission of the Vicegerent of Rome to print them, and after him of the Master of the sacred Palace: who both granted it immedi­ately.

The Printer began to work upon them on Mon­day following April 8. and before Thursday night there was one sheet printed, one corrected and ready for the Presse, and a third compos'd and ready also the first proof to be made of it. But I was astonisht that evening when the Printer came to tell me that M. Albizzi had sent for him, taken away the Permission to print which we had ob­tain'd (and which is necessary to be deliver'd to the Printer that he may begin to work) and given him an order in writing whereby he was forbidden to procede further in the Impression of S. Augustin's works, if they were not first review­ed by the Congregation of the H. Office, particu­larly the Apostilles (or Notes in the Margent) The order was in these words.

A voi sig. Ignatio di Lazaris s' ordina da parte della Santità di nostro sig. (and then two words which neither the Printer nor I could read) audar avanti alla stampa dell' Opere di Sant' Agostino con­tra Pelagio, se non sono rivedule particolarmente le Postille dalla sacra Congregatione del Sant' Offitio, sotto pene arbitrarie alla Santità di nostro signore.

Signed, Fran. delli Albizzi.

The Printer told me he had answer'd M. Albizzi very resolutely and contested much with him, that he might not part with his Permission to print, which was good and valid. That he had repre­sented to him what cost he had been at, in buying new characters on purpose for this work, and in brief told him that what he was printing, was no new thing of a private author, but the Workes of an ancient Father of the Church.

On Fryday morning April 12. the same Prin­ter came and told me that he had been with the Master of the sacred Palace to advertise him of this Obstruction; and that the Master of the Sa­cred Palace bid him do no Apostille of hand­writing, but onely such as were printed former­ly. This oblig'd me to go to the Master of the sacred Palace, and shew him that there was not any other printed, but such. The Master of the sacred Palace and I, after long discourse upon this surprising occurrence, agreed that the Printer should go to M. Albizzi to assure him thereof, shew him the Impression which he follow'd, and that the Apostills might be no obstacle, offer him, if he pleas'd, to print the Text of S. Augustin alone without any Apo­stills.

He went accordingly, and return'd to tell me that he could not prevaile with M. Albizzi; that he would hear nothing, not so much as of prin­ting S. Augustin's text alone. That M. Albizzi only said to him, that he did not tell him that he should not continue to print, but he would have him waite for an order for it first. I bid the Prin­ter go and acquaint the Master of the sacred Palace herewith.

On Saturday April 13. I went to the Printer to know what the Master of the sacred Palace had said to him. He told me that he bid him have a little patience in attending M. Albizzis resolu­tion, [Page 169] and that he was to repair to him again the next day which was Sunday. He added that when he spoke to him on Fryday about the Apo­stilles, that M. Albizzi taking them and looking upon them, said, It was there that the Heresies were, CHE era in questo che si trovavano le here­sie.

On Sunday the Printer came from M. Albizzi, and told me he was still in the same mind, what ever he could alledge to him.

I had let those three dayes passe, without adver­tising my Collegues of the Obstruction of our Im­pression, that I might not needlesly divert them from the things about which they were employ­ed in their chambers, and in hope that this storm, which had but a very ill grounded pretext, would be calm'd by my little diligences, as speedily and as easily as it was rais'd. But M. Albizzi's ob­stinatenesse not to heed what ever reasonable and submissive applications the Printer made to him, caus'd me to fear that he purpos'd to hinder this Impression altogether if he could, or at least to retard it as much as possible, thereby to de­prive us of all the benefit which we hop'd to ga­ther from it, and hold us busied in these trifles in prejudice to our more important actions, oblig'd me to advertise my Collegues of all that had pass'd about it.

Whereupon we presently resolv'd to complain of this proceeding to the Cardinals of the H. Office and give them a Memorial to signifie our intentions in this matter. It was thus directed, To the most Emi­nent and Reverend Lords, the Lords Cardinals Inqui­sitors general in the sacred Congregation of the H. Of­fice: and at the bottom, For the Printing of S. Augustin. The Memorial followes.

Most Eminent and Reverend Lords,

Besides the general benefits accruing to the Church from printing at sundry times the works of S. Augustin against the Pelagians and Semipelagians, in which so many Popes have declar'd, that the do­ctrine of the same touching Grace is contain'd; The Doctors of Paris underwritten, have also had sun­dry considerations which have induc'd them to cause the same to be reprinted anew in the present posture of Controversies, which are between Catholicks about that matter. Whereupon they desir'd and obtain'd of the Master of the sacred Palace permission to print the principal and most considerable Treatises thereof in one small Volume; which may be printed within two or three moneths, and by means whereof great light may be had of the justice of the preten­sions of the Parties till time and conveniency shall serve for the printing of the rest. But as soon as the Impression of the said first little Volume was begun, M. Albizzi caused it to cease, upon a pretext of the Apostilles, which he saith, ought to be review'd by the sacred Congregation of the H. Office before the said Impression be continu'd.

And forasmuch as it may be suggested, that we the Persons underwritten might make some new ob­servations, reflections, or interpretations whereby to force, wrest or corrupt the sense of S. Augustin; we have conceiv'd our selves oblig'd to advertise your Eminences that we have no such design. We add not the least word of our own thereunto. We fol­low the last Impression made at Lorain in the year 1647. as the most correct and conformable to that of Plantin, which is the best of all the Editions that have been hitherto made of that Father. There is not on the one side but the bare citations of places of Holy Scripture, upon which S. Augustin establisheth all that he saith against his Adversaries; and on the other there is nothing but a few words, exactly con­sentaneous to the text, serving to note to the Readers in the whole sequel the Point which is treated of in every place by that H. Doctor. So that on one side or other, it seemeth that there is not any difficulty or occasion to hinder or retard the said Impres­sion.

Neverthelesse, if to take away all pretext of gainsaying this affair, your Eminences think meet to give order to the Master of the sacred Palace or any other, if so you please, to review those Apo­stilles before the book be publisht, or whilst it is print­ting, we are contented therewith, and willingly yield to the taking away of any Apostille whatsoever, not only if there be found any falsity (which we hope shall not be) or any forc'd interpretation put upon S. Augustin's words, but where there shall be found any shadow of difficulty, or the least foundation of scruple (which we believe also will not occur) and this without contest, and assoon as the least desire shall be signify'd to us so to do.

This is, most Eminent and Reverend Lords, in brief what we have to say in a case of this nature; and we esteem it more then sufficient to represent the sincerity of our intentions, and the justice of our de­sign to your Eminences, quas Deus, &c.

Signed,
  • James Brousse Doctor in Divinity of the Fa­culty of Paris, &c.
  • Noel de la Lane Doctor in Divinity of the Fa­culty of Paris, &c.
  • Lewis de Saint-Amour Doctor of the Sacred Fa­culty of Paris, &c.
  • Lewis Angran Licentiate in Faculty and Canon of the Church of Trois.

Having spent Tuesday morning in preparing this Memorial, we employ'd the afternoon till five a clock in getting Copies made, to carry to the Car­dinal of the H. Office, and leave at the Palaces of such as we should not meet with. M. Brousse be­ing still at Rome, sign'd it with us, but did not ac­company us to the Cardinals, because he had late­ly visited divers of them to take leave of their E­minences before his departure, which was to be at furthest on the Friday following, as accordingly it was. He had been but three dayes before with the Cardinals, Barberin, Spada and Roma, and with the Ambassador; so that it was not seemly for him to present himself to them again about these new sollicitations. By this Visit to the Ambassador, we found manifestly that M. Albizzi had stopt the course of our Impression, and given us all this trouble of his own head, without first acquainting the Pope at all therewith. For the Ambassador told us, that in his last ordinary audience, which [Page 170] was on the Friday foregoing, that the Pope occa­sionally had spoken to him of us, and yet made no mention of the Impression which we were in hand with, and which was stopt on Thursday e­vening, which without question he would have, if that obstruction had been by his order:

Leaving M. Brousse at our lodging, the Abbot of Valcroissant, M. Angran, and I my self went out about five a clock on Tuesday April 16. to deliver our Memorial. We went first to wait up­on the Cardinals Pamphilio, Ghiggi; Lugo, Ginetti, Barberin and Spada, but found none of them. I had ever since Sunday foreseen that this businesse would come to need a Memorial, and in a Visite that day to Cardinal Roma, I acquainted him with it by anticipation, and desir'd him not to fail to be at la Minerve the Wednesday following; which he promis'd me. So that it was sufficient that I went alone to carry him our Memorial to put him in mind of it: which I did accordingly; He need­ed no importunity in our affair; for he was as sensible of it as our selves. Returning to my Col­legues, we went together to Cardinal Spada and S. Clement, spoke with them, and so left our Memorial: As also a Copy with the Secretary of Cardinal Ginetti, and another with the Maistre de chambre of Cardinal Pamphilio. We could not finde a fit Person to leave it with at Cardinal Ghiggi's Palace, nor make more Visites that day.

On Wednesday April 17. we went very early to la Minerve to deliver it to such as we could not speak with, nor leave it at their Palaces the day foregoing. But the fruit of our diligence was only to present one Copy to the Commissary of the H. Office, and another to M. Albizzi with our excuses for that we had not time to carry it to him the day before. For there came but four Car­dinals to la Minerve, namely Spada, Ginetti, S. Clement, and Pamphilio; nor was our affair at all spoken of. Cardinal Roma could not be there, because the Gout had seiz'd upon his foot in the night, where he had not formerly had that Disease.

After the Assembly, we askt the Commissary of the H. Office what newes there was touching our affair? He durst not answer us but between his Teeth, and bid us go to Cardinal Spada, Bar­berin, Roma, or some other; adding that our Af­fair was remitted to a Congregation to be held on Friday or some other day; and in one word, that he could tell us nothing of it, because those mat­ters were secret. We would not be seen by the abovementioned Cardinals as they came forth, having saluted them at their entrance; nor could we get to speak to M. Albizzi as we desir'd: wherefore we determin'd to wait upon him pur­posely in the afternoon, partly to understand by what he should say to us what was fitting for us to do, and partly that we might not fail in any civili­ty or respect towatds him, that might conduce to mollifie the fiercenesse and asperity of his spirit a­gainst us. At noon I was advertis'd by a Note, that he had cunningly caus'd the mentioning of our affair to he defer'd till the next day before the Pope, that he might inform his Holinesse his own way when he should go to him in the evening of that day according to his custome. As also that it was expedient for us to endeavour to gain Cardi­nal Ghiggi, to oppose himself in our favour to the ill Offices which M. Albizzi might do us with the Pope.

The Note was short, and consisted of these lines: Bisogna fare ogni Forzo di captivare il sig. Cardinale Ghiggi per la stampa, perche è Al­bizzi ha studiosamente differito il trattarne doma­ni avanti al Papa, & hoggi infermera à suo mo­do.

We persisted in our purpose neverthelesse to go to M. Albizzi before we did any thing else: and ac­cordingly M. Angran and my self went to him. As we came into his Antichamber, we heard him speaking very loud, and as it were in choler to two Religious Cordeliers that were with him, and whom we saw come forth presently after. The lowd tone of his Voyce kept us from going fur­ther in his Antichamber then the two first Chaires which were at the entrance. Yet we heard some things which he said to them. He was speaking to them concerning the affaires of Flanders, sharp­ly and imperiously. The terms he us'd for the people of that Country were forfanti & forfan­teria, rogues & roguery. Speaking of the Arch-Duke Leopold, he call'd him The poor Arch Duke; What? said he, must it come into compromise for arbitration, whether the orders of Temporal Su­periours are rather to be obey'd then those which come from Rome? Mi dispiace che i nostri solda­ti; (for said he, i Frati sono nostri soldati) sia­no quelli chi commettono questi disordini; I am sor­ry, our souldiers are they that commit these dis­orders. I say our Soldiers (said he) for the Fra­ti (by which word in Italy they denote the Mendi­cant Fryers) are our Souldiers. He said, the Arch­bishop of Machlin deserv'd to be burnt in the Piaz­za of S. Peter. He fell to speak of the Catechisme of Grace, and nam'd me, saying Non si vergognera questo sig. di Sant-Amor e glialtri suos compagni, &c. Is not this M. de Saint Amour and the others his com­panions asham'd, &c. He askt himself the questi­on whether we were not asham'd to say that it were requisite to teach the people those matters, as those concerning the Trinity, though they be, added he, above the reach of human capacity. He said also that the Gospel would not be Gospel if the Pope had not approv'd it. They shewed him the Letters of a certain religious Person or Fryer; which after he had read, he counsell'd them not to present, because, said he, they will be more apt to do him hurt than good. At length those two Cordeliers came forth, and he reconducted them. When he was come back, I made our excuses to him for that we could not bring him our Memorial the day be­fore. I told him we wonder'd our affair was not dispatch'd that morning, considering it was urgent, and we had by that Memorial satisfied all difficulties that could be made in reference to it. He answer'd us plainly, that it was not mentioned at all: which was not true. For it was propounded, but he di­verted it, and caus'd it to be remitted to the next day before the Pope. He told us also that it should be taken into consideration in another Congregati­on which should be held the next day at the Palace either of Cardinal Roma or Spada. Yet at the same time he purposed that it should be spoken of before the Pope, as I learnt afterwards, and shall relate [Page 171] in its order. In the sequel of his discourse, he told us, there might be some difficulty made as to the choice and order of the books which we inten­ded to get printed, and that there might be met with in some of those books qualche crudità, some crudities, which had been better explicated and more digested in other later books: however, he conceived, this would not be much stood upon; but as for the Apostolles or Marginal notes which were there, and the Table of Contents which we might insert, therein would be the matter of trouble. We reply'd we had not the least thought of adjoin­ing a Table; and as for the Apostilles, we offer'd in our Memorial what was fully satisfactory, namely, to take away without contest all such as could cause the least exception. He answered that he con­ceiv'd we had good reason, mi pare che parlano assai bene. So we took leave, assuring him, he should alwayes find our actions correspondent to our words.

We return'd home to acquaint the Abbot of Val­croissant and M. Brousse with the passages of this vi­sit, and for that we saw matters still in suspence, we determin'd to go to speak with such Cardinals of the H. Office as we could meet with, and the Abbot of Valcroissant, M. Angran and my self went abroad again for that purpose. We could be ad­mitted but to two of those Cardinals, namely, Gi­netti and Ghiggi. The former we only acquainted briefly with our wonder that our affair was not di­spatcht that morning without difficulty, and what danger of extraordinary scandal there would be in the world if the Jesuites on one side and the Here­ticks on the other, each for their own interests, could boast that S. Augustin was not allow'd to be printed at Rome. He told us, we had reason, and he hop'd we should have contentment.

Cardinal Ghiggi was ready to go from his own a­partment to that of the Pope, yet he was pleased to give us audience, though standing. He said, that as for the impression of S. Augustin, it could admit no difficulty, in reference to the substance of the thing; but the advantage and ostentation where­with one party might do it, to insult over the o­ther might cause it to be hinder'd, considering the gentlenesse and tranquillity wherewith his Holy­nesse desir'd things might be carried. That himself (Cardinal Ghiggi) was as full of esteem and vene­ration for S. Augustin, as could be imagin'd. That he had worn his pourtraicture from his childhood, and had the same still about him. That therefore we ought not to doubt but he should interest him­self in any thing that concern'd that holy Doctor. That if the Impression we had undertaken were spoken of the next day, he would do his utmost for preserving the honour due to those excellent works, for our satisfaction and for the common good of both parties. But in the mean time he exhorted us to do nothing that might cause any stir, to give no Person (not even our Adversa­ries) any ground to complain of us; to do no­thing extraordinary or unusual, that might be ta­ken notice of. That he could not approve the ge­neral blaming any whole Society what soever, as for example, all the Jesuites, &c. We answer'd to this last particular, that when we spoke of the Jesuites, we spoke of them in general, be­cause it was the main body of their Society that was culpable of the things which we had to lay to their charge. As for tranquillity and gentleness, we desir'd it more than any, and were more resolv'd to comport our selves in that mind than he could require of us. That no stir or noise had been about our Impression, if M. Albizzi had not interrupted it, but carry'd himself with a little more equality between both parties. The Cardinal reply'd that perhaps M. Albizzi was excusable, and had reason to do what lie had done, according to the diligence where unto his Office oblig'd him, which is term'd in Italian Fiscaleggiare. I answered that M. Albizzi might have been as diligent to Fiscaleggiare as he would, by taking heed under-hand to what we were doing about that Impression; but before he proceeded to stop it, he should have observ'd us gently and peaceably, and see whether we did any thing con­trary to order, and then complain'd of it; he might, if he pleas'd, have caus'd the Printer to bring him everyday a Copy of the sheets which he dispatcht, and have perus'd them himself, or by others whom he thought fit, that so nothing might be done worthy of blame; but to begin presently with this way of stopping the progress of the work, to tye the Printers hands, and constrain us to run to himself, and have recourse to their Emi­nences, without the least foundation of so doing, this proceeding seem'd something rude and violent. He reply'd that possibly M. Albizzi did it thus to hinder the mischief in the beginning; that there was nothing like stopping an evil in its fountain, Principiis obsta; and that if some one had done the same Office for Janseniu's book, when his executors caus'd it to be printed, he should have done both him and them a good office: but they had been the Murderers of his work, and done him great wrong; that himself (Cardinal Ghiggi) had read the whole book; that besides about half a page which they might have left out or ex­plain'd, there was nothing in it to be excepted against; because we had in mandatis to speak no­thing that might relate to Jansenius, and had made it a chief point to abstain as much as possible even from pronouncing his name; we answer'd nothing to this discourse of Cardinal Ghiggi concerning him. But the Abbot of Valcroissant returning to what concern'd our Impression, gave his Eminence an account of the number and order of the books which we purposed to get printed; and upon his mentioning the Epistle of Celestine, the Council of Orange, and the Epistle of Sardinia, the Cardinal stumbled a little at it, and askt us why we did not put those other works into a little book apart, But when the Abbot of Valcroissant had answer'd that those works had been formerly printed toge­ther with those of S. Augustin, as pertaining there­unto and treating of the same matter, he was satis­fi'd.

At length I beseecht his Eminence to believe, that in procuring this Impression we had not had the least thought of any bravado or ostentation, but onely design'd to clear the things in questi­on, by the most solid, short and innocent way that we could chuse. But I added further, that though we had been too blame in beginning it, (as we conceiv'd there could not be the least pretext) yet things being to come to this passe, [Page 172] it seem'd expedient not to stop it or interrupt it longer, in regard of the occasions which there­by might be taken to say, That S. Augustin began to be no longer in esteem and appro­bation at Rome as formerly; but to avoid the scandalous sequels which such discourse might pro­duce, The Cardinal reply'd that he lookt upon this argument as something, yet not as unanswer­able: for then it would follow said he, that a man might engage thus upon what he please, and plead afterward such inexpediency to hinder him. I answer'd that I judg'd such proceeding in the ge­neral as unreasonable as himself did; but in this case and in the affair under question, this argu­ment appear'd to me very strong and convincing, because the thing undertaken was profitable, just and holy, and from whence we could not reason­ably presume the least probability of any inconve­mence. That we had us'd all circumspection and observ'd all the formes and rules that could be wish [...] before we began; and that the Obstruction of the work would be of no profit, but draw pre­judicial sequels after it. His Eminence was in haste, and so it behov'd us to break off, and we accompany'd him, discoursing of other indiffe­rent things, as far as the apartment of Cardinal Cherubini.

On Thursday morning, April 18. the Abbot of Valcroissant and M. Angran went to wait upon Cardinal Barberin, who had been in the Country the two preceding dayes, and so could not be in­formed before touching this Impression. But I went alone to Cardinal Spada, and assoon as his E­minence was in condition to be seen, I told him that when we presented our Memorial to him, we acquainted him only with reasons alledged for ob­struction of our work. That we accounted our affair so clear and so just that we doubted not but we should have had, after the foregoing daies congre­gation, the liberty to continue it: but having had no answer in the morning, we went in the after­noon to M. Albizzi who raised new scruples, to which I was come to acquaint him in two words what we had to answer. That M. Albizzi, told us in the first place, that he had cross'd us, out of the fear he had of a Table which he intended to adjoyn to the book; and secondly that in the works of S. Augustin selected by us there were Crudities which had been digested and refin'd in his latter works. That as to the first difficulty, I was to tell his E­minence that we had not so much as the least thought of annexing a Table to the intended Vo­lumn; And as to the second, 1. that the word Cru­dities could not be applyed to S. Augustin's works without failing in the respect which is due to him and to the Popes who have approved them. 2. That there was really neither crudities nor obscurities, nor excesses nor perplexities in his works. And thirdly, that in case there were such crudities, ob­scurities and perplexities in others of his works, yet not in these which we have chosen to print, that are resolv'd and cleard, as being the last which he compos'd upon this matter; and when the great­est difficulties and strongest objections which his adversaries had to alledge against the doctrine of the Scriptures and the Church which he maintain'd, h [...]d been propounded to him, and he had destroy'd and confounded the most perplexing subtilties, I gave the Cardinal an account of the order and sub­stance of those Books as well as the shortness of the time permitted. He heard with gravity and decen­cy all that I represented to him. After which he accompanied me only to his Chamber door; but answered me not so much as one single word,

In the afternoon we went to M Albizzi no know what was resolv'd upon in the Congregation before the Pope that morning. But upon the way I was in­form'd there had been no mention of our business. That M. Albizzi before the Popes comming to the Assembly, talkt much with Cardinal Pamphilio and Cardinal Barberin apart, and that it vvas de­termin'd at length amongst them to defer propoun­ing it to a particular Congregation at the Palace of Spada, M. Albizzi ending the conference with their Eminences with these words, Non daremo fastidio al Papa questa matina, ne parlaremo nella Con­gregatione particolare alla Casa di Spada. Howe­ver we proceeded to M. Albizzi, to see what he would say to us. He had not leisure enough the day before to hear what we had to tell him concern­ing the order and subject of the books whereof we had made choice. The Abbot of Valcroissant gave him account thereof, during which M. Albizzi held in his hand the little Volumes of S. Augustin prin­ted by M. Vitré, and read the titles of them; and af­ter what M. de Valcroissant had said to him, he seem­ed to make no great difficulty about out affair, tel­ling us he believ'd it would be terminated at the House of Cardinal Spada, where a Congregation was to be held that day; that the Pope should af­terwards be acquainted with it; in a word, That perhaps Cardinal Spada would send for us to tell us that we might continue our Impression; that he was not certain of it, but he told us this by way of advice. He askt us whether M. Brousse were gone, and said he would do well to stay. I know not why M. Albizzi said so, but I answer'd him, that M. Brousse was not yet gone, but intended it th [...] next day without fail, his health not permitting his longer residence at Rome. When he departed from M. Albizzi, I sent a Laquay to Cardinal Spada's Palace to see who came to that Congregation. He brought me word at night that only Cardinal Ginet­ti and M. Albizzi were there; that he heard, the Cardinals Pamphilio and Ghiggi wete to be there, but they came not, being oblig'd to accompany the Pope abroad to take the aire that afternoon.

On Saturday the 20th. I went to restore a book to Cardinal Barberin. Our conference was very long, and we spoke sufficiently at large concern­ing our Impression. He told me the business lay in the hands of the Cardinals Spada and Ghiggi, and that for his part, he saw no difficulty in it.

On Monday the 23d. I went to the Anti-cham­ber of Cardinal Pamphilio, where I found M. Albiz­zi. I took occasion to tell, that since the last visit we made to him, I had heard nothing either from himself or Cardinal Spada, and that in the mean time our Imperssion stayed without going forward. He answer'd me that he would take care of it the next day, la sollicitarinò domani. I told him the Answer to the Minister of Groning was going forward at Paris, that the first letter of that answer was already printed, that the Minister was well refuted in it, &c. M. Albizzi answer'd me, that it was well done, faranno bene.

In the afternoon I went again to Cardinal Ghig­gi, and shew'd him several small Impressions for­merly made of those little works of St. Augustin, and represented to him with what gentleness and moderation we had govern'd our selves in this matter, that so long as we could, we set the Prin­ter to sollicite M. Albizzi, that so our selves might not appear in it without necessity; and that we had not resolved upon presenting our Memorial to their Eminences, till we perceived M. Albizzi was inexorable to all the Printers instances, and till we fear'd he might give the Pope and their Eminences unhandsome suspitions and diffidences against St. Augustin and our selves. The Cardinal receiv'd very pleasingly and courteously what I said to him. Turning over these little Volumns of S. Augustin, he lighted upon some places which he read with pleasure; amongst others upon that of the 14th. Chapter of the Book de Gratia, where it is said, Si ergo sicut veritas loquitur, OM­NIS QƲI DIDICIT VENIT; quisquis non venit, profectò nec didicit. He spoke of that Holy Doctor with very great esteem, and gave me hope that we should have liberty to continue our Impression. I went also to visit Cardinal Roma, but the Gout had confin'd him to his bed.

On Wednesday the 24th. I learnt that the Je­suites had procur'd new instances to be made as from the King of Spain, to obtain a Decree from the Pope in favour of the immaculate conception of the Virgin; that Cardinal Trivultio had ear­nestly sollicited all the Cardinals of the H. Office, that it would be propounded the next day before the Pope, and that his Holiness would have this matter handled in a very secret manner. The Abbot of Valcroissant and my self went again to Cardinal Pamphilio, to beseech him to get the af­fair of our Impression dispatcht. He answer'd us very civilly, but remitted us to Cardinal Spada for a determination.

The Ambassador came back from Tivolo on Thursday the 25. and civilities to him took up all the morning of the next day. The Bishop of Bethlehem whom we had visited, excus'd himself to us by the suspition of Jansenism, that he had not yet repay'd our visit. Monsignor Sacrista told me that the Congregation of the day before, which without doubt was touching the business of the Conception, lasted three hours, and that Cardinal Lugo went away from it with a high colour and discontent in his face. The Printer came to tell me that M. Albizzi had signifi'd to him the day be­fore that the Cardinals of the H. Office gave way to the finishing of our Impression, but he must re­view the Apostills.

On Saturday the 27. we consulted with some intelligent persons what course to take in this mat­ter, and concluded, for avoidance of new diffi­culties, to treat with Mr. Albizzi about the re­newing of those Apostilles. Accordingly on Sun­day the 28. in the afternoon we went to him for that purpose, with the Tome of S. Augustin printed at Paris anno 1635. out of which we intended to take the Treatise de Perfectione Justitiae, having as yet only the first Tome of the Impression of Lo­vain of the year 1647. in which the Treatise is not; which first Tome we carri'd too, intending to take out of it the book de Gratia Christi, and the 105 and 107. Epistles; and we left both the books in his hands.

After which we were present at an Act dedi­cated to Cardinal Ghiggi at the Covent of our La­dy de la Victoire, whereunto we were invited. But the Cardinal sent to desire that it might be defer'd to another day, because the Pope went abroad to take the air, and took him with him. In the Garden of that Covent we met with the Bishop of Beth­lem, who told me that the Superior of the Jesuites of Nevers visiting him upon occasion of some af­fair relating to his Bishoprick which is near that City, had in his discourse about the matters in contest drawn from under his Cassoke a Copy of M. de Vabres's Letter to cause him to subscribe it; which he refusing, they had proclaim'd him a Jansenist.

On the 30. of April being the day of S. Peter the Martyr, the Cardinals and Consultors of the H. Office were at a Mass which was said at la Mi­nerve for the solemnity of that Festival. And because it hapned to be this year on a Tuesday and Wednesday would be taken up by that of S. James and S. Philip, they held their Congregation at the end of Mass: during which, the Printer told me▪ that he had spoken to M. Albizzi, who said he had not yet done our business, but he would dis­patch it, and give us contentment: Vaglio dar gusto à questi signori.

Wherefore to see whether he would give us the satisfaction he pretended, and to win him as much as possible by respects and submissions, I went to visit him on the first of May, and carri'd him a printed Copy of the first Letter against the Minister of Groning. I shew'd him one of the principal places which spoke of the Pope, the Council of Trent, and the Errors of Hereticks touching the matter of Grace. The two books of S. Augustin which we carried to him the Saturday following, lay by his Chair; he told me he had not yet dis­patcht them, but he would do it the next day. I told him it might be done in a moment. He assented, and further acknowledg'd, that it was a great inconvenience that the Printers work had been hindred for three weeks already; therefore he promis'd me satisfaction and expedition.

The Congregation held before the Pope on Thursday morning (May 2.) was very long, not ending till an hour and half after noon: and another was held the same evening at the Palace of Cardinal Roma, at which were present the Cardinals Spada, Ginetti, and Lugo, and M. Albizzi; in all probability it was about the con­ception. All that day I could hear nothing touch­ing our Impression; but having by chance vi­sited Cardinal Ʋrsin, I learnt from his Eminence that M. Hallier was a coming with some compa­nions, and that their arrival might cause the hastening of the Congregation which we re­quested; but nevertheless he believ'd nothing would be done.

Nor could I have any News from M. Albizzi on Fryday and Saturday the fourth and fifth of May, neither by our selves, nor by the inter­vention of the Printer. But on Sunday morning as I was ready to go abroad, the Printer came to tell me he had been with him the night before, and receiv'd from him our two Volumns of St. Au­gustin, [Page 174] with a list of such Apostilles as he would have charg'd in the four Treatises which we de­sign'd to take out of them.

Having consider'd that list which contain'd six Articles, M. de Valcroissant and my self went to Mr. Albizzi forthwith, and signifi'd to him that we would add to the Apostilles such of the altera­tions which he had set down, as we found agree­ing to the Text: but for others not agreeing there­unto, or likely to alter the sense, we could not add them; yet were contented, according as we offer'd in our Memorial, to leave them all out. Mr. Albizzi heard what we said to him, made a mark upon his paper, and almost consented; but he did not resolve immediately, only told us he would signifie our Answers à questi signori. He would have us understand, that it was to the Cardinals that he intended to signifie our Answers, as meaning their Eminences by questi signori; but it was in reality to the Jesuites, and very probably to the Penitentiaries of St. Peter, who were his near Neighbours. For when we represented to him the incovenience which the poor Printer suf­fer'd by doing nothing for a month together, his Letters being still engag'd in the two sheets which he had got ready of our Book in daily expectance of liberty to proceed; and therefore desir'd him that the Printer might fall to work again the next day, he told us, it should be so, and appointed the Printer to come to him that evening. Now it was morally impossible that he could or would go that afternoon (which was growing very hot) to the Cardinals who liv'd remote from him, or that their Eminences would be ready to apply them­selves so suddenly to the examinat on of those Apostilles, as the Jesuites might be, who were more instructed therein; who perhaps were the Authors of them, and who liv'd sufficiently near him.

However of those six observations there were two most remarkable, touching which we could agree to nothing but leaving them out, in regard of the bad senses which they might have. One was upon the 14th. Chapter of the Book de Gratia Christi, where the power and operative vertue of Grace being explicated, there was put in the mar­gent Gratia efficit; which he would have thus, Gratia efficax efficit, to intimate that there is another sort of Grace nam'd sufficient which act­eth not, and which he said in his note that St. Au­gustin teaches and supposes frequently in his other books. C. 14. had this note, Augustinus describit tan­tùm gratiam efficacem, & non excludit sufficientem, quam alibi saepe supponit. Ergo ne cui detur occa­sio errandi in Apostilla prima, ubi dicitur (Gratia efficit) ponendum esset, Gratia efficax. The se­cond was upon the 32. Chap. of the same book, where St. Augustin relates and cites Pelagius's Con­fession of Faith; for denoting and distinguishing whereof to less skilful Readers, there was an A­postille. And because Mr. Morel had had the in­advertency to cite that confession of Pelagius's Faith as a work of St. Augustin, for which he was reprehended by the Abbot de Bourzeis, therefore the interests of that Doctors were so dear to M. Albizzi or the Jesuites, that they would not have any Apostilles set there at all: and though we condescended to put only these words, Libellus Fidei Pelagii, which are expresly in the Text, yet we were constrained to leave them out; nor did we make much resistance when we knew they would have it so. Cap. 32. had this Remarque from M. Albizzi; Apostilla nihil facit ad textum, & tangit controversiam peculiarem inter D. Morel doctorem Sorbonicum, & alium doctorem Jansenistam, à qua videtur abstinendum. Extraordinary care in behalf of a man that took Pelagius for S. Augustin, and an injurious word against him that defended S. Augustin from that Reproach. But it behooved to suffer it with patience, as well as all the other rigours which we daily experienc'd for our most sincere intentions and lawful demands.

In the evening the Printer repair'd to speak with M. Albizzi, but could not. But the next day he brought us a second Writing in reference to An­swers which we made to M. Albizzi. And being now free either to add in the Apostilles what was not contrary to the Text and mind of S. Augustin, or to put none at all, our Printer, to whom M. Al­bizzi return'd the licence for Printing which he had from the Master of the sacred Palace, prepar'd his forms which were ready almost a month before to print the next day, and proceed to finish these four Treatises, whereof M. Albizzi had review'd the Apostilles.

We could not supply him with Books to review the Apostilles of the rest which we intended to print; but assoon as we design'd this Impression, having writ into Flanders for the three small Tomes, that we might receive them by such time as we should need them, the second was brought to us Thursday the ninth of May.

On Sunday the 12. we carried it to M. Albizzi, for him to review the Apostilles of the other eight Treatises of S. Augustin contain'd in our licence for printing. And that he might dispatch all together, and the sooner, we carri'd him at the same time the little Tome in which the Epistle of Celestine 1. is of the Impression of M. Vitre, anno 1644. As for the second Council of Orange, the letter of Bo­niface 11. who confirmed it, and that of the Bi­shops banisht into Sardinia, we presented him other books, which he presently deliver'd us a­gain, because they had no Apostilles.

On Thursday the 16. I found him in the Popes Presence-Chamber, and askt him whether he had view'd those Apostilles. He told me, No; but he would dispach them the next day or the day after. The same day I receiv'd the third small Tome of S. Augustin by the Courier of Flanders.

On Sunday the 19. being the day of Pentecost, M. de Valcroissant and my self went to M. Albiz­zi to desire the expediting of those Apostilles, and I carri'd with me the sheet of the above mention'd small Volum wherein was the Epistle of S. Celestine, intending to take back that of M. Vitre, in case he had not yet dispatht it; that so he might have nothing in his hands but of the same Impression of Flanders. Assoon as he saw us, he told us he had not had time to peruse what we came for, but he would do it before the Festivals were past. That in the interim he advertis'd that Questi signori had found very much to dislike in an Apostille of Ce­lestine's Epistle, which was in these words, Defen­sores liberi arbitrii nocentissimi sunt. (It is at the third Chapter of that Epistle, and the 803. page [Page 175] of M. Vitre's Impression) That the Defenders of Free-Will are very culpable. This Apostille sur­pris'd us a little, because indeed we had not ob­serv'd it before, having design'd nothing else in this Impression of S. Augustin, but the Impression it self simply and sincerely. Yet we answer'd M. Albizzi, That though the Propositions contain'd in that Apostille might have a bad sense, neverthe­less it was clear, that it was to be understood with reference to the Text, which speaks only of those Defenders of Free Will, who think they cannot defend the same but by advancing it above and ruining Grace, who indeed are very culpable. M. Albizzi reply'd two things: First, that it was distastful, and that these Apostilles gave grand fastidio à questi signori, great disgust to those Signori; and that it was requisite to reform them; he meant after his own way, and according to the shifts and distinctions which the Jesuites lik'd to give them. And secondly, that it was still judg'd more expedient not to print this book, di non stampare il libro. Yet he said he would make ob­servations upon those Apostilles, and deliver them to us on Wednesday or Thursday following. Whereupon we departed, and when we were come away, I remembred that we had not left with him the sheet of the Flanders Impression wherein that Epistle was. I drew it out of my pocket, and looking upon it, we found that the Apostille whereof he complain'd, was not in this Edition: so I returned to give it him, and shew him that we meant no subtilty, but proceeded fairly herein; and if we had been suffer'd to finish our Im­pression without disturbing us, that Apostille had not been heard of, because we purpos'd to follow that of Flanders as the best, in which the said Apo­stille was not found.

I cannot omit here the remark which he made upon this Apostille in the paper which he deliver'd to us afterwards sign'd with his own hand; Apo­stilla quae habetur pag. 803. (Defensores liberi ar­bitrii nocentissimi sunt) videtur esse scripta propria ipsius Lutheri vel Calvini manu, continetque mani­festissimam sensûs Caelestini corruptionem, & suffice­ret sola ad damnandam hanc editionem selectorum S. Augustini opusculorum. It is evident, as I said before, that this Apostille speaks only of those who so defend Free will as that they destroy Grace, whom S. Celestin calls in this place Nocentissimos liberi arbitrii defensores. And yet because it pleas'd M. Assessor of the Inquisition, or those who set him on, to take this Note in a wrong sense, he said it was alone sufficient for the condemnation of this Edition of S. Augustines select Works; which shews by the way what account is to be made of the Condemnations of books at Rome, since according to the express testimony of this Assessor, there sometimes needs no more for con­demning the best, but such a misconception.

We were so afraid of his delayes, that lest the four other little Treatises would be printed before he had regulated the Apostilles of those which were still in his hands, and lest he should injure our Printer, and retard our work, we resolv'd to sollicite him incessantly, till he deliver'd the same to us. Wherefore on Thursday the 23d. M. de Valcroissant and M, Angran repair'd to him, and he put them off again for three or four days.

On Sunday the 26. to lose no time, we went to him again. He deliver'd us a Memoire con­taining four pages of alterations to be made in the Apostilles of these works; and told us it was that which was appointed by those Cardinals, questi signori Cardinali.

When we were come home, and consider'd this Memoire, we found there were Additions of new Apostilles, not before printed in any Editions; as this which was to be set at the eight Chapter of Celestin's Epistle, though there was nothing like it in the Text, Romanus Episcopus omnibus ali­is totius orbis Episcopis praescribit quid sit senti­endum in materia fidei: some there are that evi­denc'd the design of the Jesuites to diminish St. Augustine's authority as much as they could; as this, which he set to the second Chapter of Ce­lestin's Epistle, ad cap. 2. Necessarium videtur no­tare ad marginem quod est in sensu, Augustinus inter Magistros optimos habitus à sede Apostolica, ut constet judicio Caelestini non unicum esse optimum, sed unum ex optimis. Some there were wholly corrupt­ed and alter'd; as when instead of that which is at the end of the second Chapter of Celestine's Letter (where this Pope tells the Bishops, that they ought to restrain, and chastise the temerity of ignorant and presumptuous Ecclesiasticks, who exalt themselves against the Faith, and cause dissen­tions to arise amongst the Faithful) whereof the words are, Cuhibendae dissentiones ex Ecelesiis per Episcopos, he would have us put this new Apostille, Indisciplinatae questiones Presbyterorum per E­piscopos exhibendae sunt, to take away from the Bi­shops their authority and jurisdiction over their Ecclesiasticks, by reducing them to carry their com­plaints to some other superior Tribunal, which could be no other, according to his pretension, then that of the Court of Rome. And upon the fifth chapter of the same Letter of S. Celestin, instead of this Apostille which was there, Bonitas nostra Deo debetur, which answers to these words of the Text, nam quid nos de eorum post hac mentibus rectum aestimemus, qui sibi se putant debere quod boni sunt, nec illum considerant cujus quotidie gratiam conse­quuntur? this Assessor would have us put this, Dam­nandi qui sibi putant deberi quod boni sunt, non consi­derantes Dei gratiam, insinuating thereby, that pro­vided a man acknowledge the Molinistical kind of Grace, he is not blameable in thinking that he is beholding to himself for his goodnesse. Moreover he would have us put this at the end of Cap. 5. De Praedestinatione Sanctorum, Credere vel non credere in arbitrio voluntatis humanae est, supposita scilicet divina gratia, meaning thereby to establish the Molinistical Grace of the Jesuits, which is such, that being given to a man, he believes or not believes according as it pleases his free-wil: where­as S. Augustin speaks the quite contrary in that place, ascribing faith to a singular Grace which severs him that believes from him that do's not be­lieve, being given to the one, and not to the other. For this see the intire passage of S. Augustin, Natura, in qua nobis data est possibilitas habendi fi­dem, non discernit hominem ab homine; ipsa vero fi­des discernit fidelem ab infideli. Ac per hoc ubi dici­tur, Qui te discernit? Quid autem habes quod non accepisti? quisquis audet dicere, Habeo ex meipso fi­dem, non ergo accepi, profectò contradicit huic a­pertissimae [Page 176] veritati: non quia credere vel non credere non est in arbitrio humanae voluntatis, sed in Electis praeparatur voluntas a Domino. And in the Chap­ter ensuing; Multi audiunt verbum veritatis, sed alii credunt, alii contradicunt. Volunt ergo isti credere, nolunt autem illi. Quis hoc ignoret? quis hoc neget? sed cùm aliis praeparetur, aliis non prae­paretur voluntas a Domino, discernendum est uti (que) quid veniat de misericordia ejus, quid de judicio. There were several other Apostilles of the new invention of M. Albizzi or the Jesuites in the Me­moire which he gave us, and which I have still sub­scrib'd by him: but I have insisted a little upon these, that the Reader may judge of their design, since they could hinder the Impression of S. Augu­stin's works, at least to corrupt the doctrine there­of as much as they could by their false Apo­stilles.

Considering therefore that to debate with M. Albizzi concerning all the Apostilles contained in his Memoire, and to enter into examination of the reasons he had to oblige us to print them af­ter this manner which he prescribed, and of ours to refuse it, was the way to engage our selves in troublesome questions, in reference to which we could have no justice, and which might per­haps give occasion for some complaint against us; as also that either the absolute stopping, or at least long retardment of our Impression would follow thereupon (which perhaps was the thing they aim'd at by the perplexities and wranglings about these Apostilles) we resolv'd to accept one of the two Conditions, though rude and displeasing, which he had written at the bottome of his Me­moire, namely, either to print all these Apostilles precisely as they were prescrib'd, or to print no more through the remainder of the work: vel delendae sunt omnes Apostillae, vel imprimendae ut ja­cent in supradictis Annotationibus. Signed, Fr. d' Albizzi. So that having printed the four first treatises with the ordinary Apostilles, we were constrain'd, for avoiding worse, to take the former part of the offer, and print no more throughout the rest of the book, that so we might secure the Impression from further di­sturbance. And thus it came to passe that it ap­pear'd in publick so imperfect and maim'd, as it is, in this respect. You see what obstacles were to be struggled with in this age at Rome through the ligitiousnesse of this Assessor, for the prin­ting those few works of S. Augustin, after his doctrine hath been canonis'd there in all preceding Ages by all the Popes that have liv'd since that great Saint, and have had occasion to speak there­of, and though it be still at this day in singular ve­neration with all the Divines of Rome, excep­ting a small number of those that are devoted to the interests of the Jesuites.

CHAP. VIII.

An incidental History of the exemplary Punishment of the Sub-Datary Mascamb [...]un, convicted of several forgeries, which hapned about this time, and whereof I learnt very considerable particularities by a most sure way.

IT was necessary to lay aside for a while these few remarkable things which pass'd during the time that the businesse of our Impression was in agitation, that the Narration thereof might not be interrupted by the intermixture of other things according to the course of my Journal; which, that being dispatcht, it is now seasonable to re­sume.

There pass'd one about this time so considerable in it self, that though it have no reference to our affair but very indirectly, as having onely been the cause that one of the four Cardinals design'd for the cognisance of it, was almost wholly layd aside; neverthelesse I shall not forbear to report here what I came to know of it by a very certain way, as well for the now mentioned reason, as that it may serve for a memorable example of the just punishments they sometimes receive who have a­bus'd the confidence their masters had in their fide­lity and counsels, when their frauds and miscariages come to be discover'd.

There was a certain person nam'd Francesco de Canonicis, a native of Marca Anconitana, who have­ing commendably dispatcht the course of his studies in Humanity and the Laws, was enter'd with an E­minent Advocate nam'd Mascābrun, to help him in his studies & copie out the Law-writing which he made for his Clients. This F. de Canonicis, who was of low extraction and poor, having found this occasi­on of geting money, imploy'd his whole industry to grow wealthy. Besides the Advocates fee, which is ordinarily eight Testons A Teston is worth 18d. sterl. for every piece of writings, his Ajutante di Studio (in plain English, his Clerk) who copies the same, hath for his fees a Gros for every page, (a Gros is the twelf part of a Teston) This Francesco de Canonicis, put so few lines in a page, and so few words in a line, that the Draughts of Mascambrun be­came proverbial in Rome, to signifie a thing extraordinarily drawn and stretcht out in length.

The Advocate Mascambrun finding that Fran­cesco de Canonicis was a dextrous youth, and fit for the trade of Law, had much esteem and af­fection for him, and at his death bequeath'd to him his name, his armes, his writings and his Library. All this gave a great reputation to Francesco de Ca­nonicis, being so dignifi'd by a man that had so much in his time; and making his advantage of it, he put himself forward as much as he could into the Intrigue of the Barre and sell into great pra­ctice.

The rise of his great fortune was from the ac­cesse [Page 177] which he had to the Pope whilest he was yet but Cardinal Pamphilio. This Cardinal had married the eldest of his Nieces to the Marquis Ju­stinian, who had a Sute of great consequence in the Rota which this Cardinal tended and sollicited as his own businesse. This Processe had been lay'd after an ill sort, and two judgments had already past against the Marquis Justinian. Cardinal Pam­philio was much troubled for the interest of his House, and because he was engag'd in a sollicita­tion which prov'd unsuccessefull. Now it hap­ned that this Cardinal's Auditor spoke thereof to Mascambrun, as of a businesse that much afflicted his Master. Mascambrun was this Auditors great friend, and therefore he desir'd him to shew him such papers as might give him full intelligence of the nature of the Sute. Which done, Mascambrun studied them with great diligence, and found that the businesse had been undertaken by a wrong course; and if it were so continu'd, it would be infallibly lost: but if it were lay'd another way, as he conceiv'd it might be if he undertook it, it might come to a good issue. So he return'd the Auditor his papers, told him his Opinion, pray'd him to mention him to the Cardinal as one fit to be consul­ted with in this affair after the esteem wherein the deceas'd Mascambrun had testified he held him by leaving him his name, his armes, his Library and his Writings; but above all he desir'd him not to take notice to the Cardinal that he had shewn him any papers belonging to this Sute. The Auditor easily condescended to this desire of Mascrambrun, and mention'd him effectually to the Cardinal, who amidst his inquietudes and discontents sent for Mascambrun, set forth the whole affair to him, and deduc'd it from the beginning to the two judg­ments which the Rota had pass'd against it. Mas­cambrun who had studied the businesse to the bot­tome, resum'd it from the beginning, and pass'd o­ver it with such facility before the Cardinal, to shew him the errors that had beeen committed in the management, and what way there was to get those contrary judgments revers'd, that the Cardi­nal was almost ravish'd, and judg'd Mascambrun the ablest man in Rome, hearing him speak so roundly to a businesse which he thought was so new to him, and shew the way to accomplish an affair which was so important to him, and which he lookt upon as absolutely lost. Whereupon he caus'd all his Papers to be put into his hands, and resolv'd to follow his counsel, in whatsoever was to be done. Mascambrun undertook it so successe­fully that he procured the two Judgments to be re­vok'd and carried the Sute. The winning whereof so won the mind of Cardinal Pamphilio to him, that becoming Pope he made him Sub-Datary, and besides intrusted to him the care of all the busi­nesses and incumbrances belonging to the house of Pamphilio.

The Sub-Datary, to speak properly, is but the Substitute or Lieutenant of the Datary. The Pope makes him Chamberlain of honour, and gives him a pension for his table of bread and wine, and money for the rest. His businesse is to view all Petitions presented to the Pope; excepting such as are for Benefices vacant by death, which go to ano­ther Officer who is under the Datary and call'd the Per obitum.

It belongs therefore to the Sub-Datary to make the division of Petitions. Matters of course, such as are all Vacancies by the death of Curees, and the simple Benifices of France, excepting Brittany, all simple Resignations, the extra tempora, and Lapses, which are all ordinary matters, are not to be sign'd by t [...]e Pope, but he remits them to the Con­cessum, who is an Officer Prelate of the Court, having 1500. Crowns pension, and signes all the Petitions sent to him by the Sub-Datary, whose mark he must see at the foot of the Petiti­on, which is in two words ad Ordum. that is, ad Ordinarium. This Officer signes the Petitions in this forme,

Concessum ut petitur in praesentia S. D. N. Papae. Fr. CAETANUS.

There are other Petitions, whereof the matters are to be examin'd by the Congregations of the Regulars, or of the Council, or of the H. Office, or others. It belongs to the Sub-Datary to send them whether they ought to go.

As for Petitions for Favors depending simply on the Pope, and needing no greater examination, the Sub-Datary according to the ancient forme is to peruse them either by himself or by a trusty and intelligent Substitute, and write at the foot of eve­ry Petition the summe of what it containes. Which summe is an abridgement in very few words of the Grace su'd for in the body of the Petition, and ought to be correspondent to the same; because the Pope, that he may know what he signes, reads only the Summary which represents to him what the Favour is which is desired of him.

The Datary failes not to go every day to the Pope, to carry him the businesses of this nature which he is to signe. But first he calls the Sub-Da­tary and the Per obitum, to know what affaires ought to be presented to the Pope to sign. They examine those together which have any difficulty, to the end they may informe his Holinesse there­of. Then they make a paquet or bundle of a number of Petitions to carry them to the Pope. The Sub-Datary goes with the Datary; but the Per obitum doth not, unlesse the Sub-Datary be sick.

Mascambrun was accus'd of having committed many frauds and knaveries in this Office of Sub-Datary. For the understanding whereof, it is requisite to know how Petitions are made and through what Officers hands they passe to be dis­patcht.

Petitions are made in halfe a sheet of Paper, at the top whereof is set the Diocesse wherein the Be­nefice lyes, if it be about a Benefice; or if it be a favour which doth not concern a Benefice, then they put the Diocesse of the person which desires it; for example, Parisien. Trecen. Lugdun. Bo­nonien. On the right side of the Petition is set down what Favour it is that is desired, as, Pro­visio, Resignatio simplex, Dispensatio in 3. & 4. consanguinitatis, Certo modo, Per obitum, Resig­natio cum Pensione, or other the like, according as the matter is. Then the Petition begins, Beatissi­me Pater, &c. the name of the Petitioner is ex­press'd in it, the grace which he demands, and all the circumstances necessary to be signifi'd. Af­ter [Page 178] which there is left a void space of about three fingers for the the Popes signing, and below the Petition is concluded with these usual words, Et cum absolutione à Censuris ad effectum duntaxat, &c. with all the decrees and restrictions where­with graces are ordinarily granted. At the foot of the Petition the Sub-Datary or his Clerks set the Summe of the grace in a line or two, more or lesse, according as the matter is.

The Officers through whose hands the Petitions must passe, are the Datary and the Sub-Datary, who carry them to the Pope to be signed, and are to aquaint him with what difficulties are in them, and the reasons for which he ought or may grant the favour desired of him. If the Pope judge the favour exorbitant, he rejects the Petition; if he will grant it, he writes Fiat ut petitur in the void space left between the body of the Petition and the Decrees, and sets the first Letter of his name, not his Papal, but his baptismal. Innocent X. is call'd John Baptista, therefore he sets an J. Ʋr­ban VIII. was nam'd Mapheus and set an M. More­over he writes the Fiat again in the margent right over the decrees.

The Petition being sign'd, the Sub-Datary sends it to the first Revisor. There are two Revisors belonging to the Datary, to whom the Pope gives la parte, which may be worth to each two hundred and sixty crownes. Their Office is to review the signed Petitions, to see whether the Summaries set at the foot of Petitions, according to which the Pope intendeth the favour, express all that is in the body of them. If the first Revi­sor finds that there are graces in the body which are not in the Summary, he blots out of the body what is not in the Summary, or else keeps the Pe­tition, which goes no further. If he is minded to do service to the Expeditionaries or to the parties, he goes to the Datary or the Sub-Datary and confers with them about the defect of the Petiti­on, and oftentimes they agree that it may be dis­patcht, because the Supreme Officers are accounted the Pope's instruments, and ought to know his will and intentions, since they treat every day with him. Therefore when they bid the first Re­visor to proceed in doubtfull matters, he sets his mark which is the first letter of his name at the beginning of the Summary. The first Revisor at this time was nam'd Joachim, and set an J.

After the first Revisor hath perus'd the Petition, if it ought to be dispatcht, he sends it to the Dates, where dates are taken for Benefices whereto the Pope claimes, as in all the Benifices of France (ex­cepting Brittany, which are not in the King's nomi­nation.) He that hath the first Date, carries it. Assoon as they who desire it, have receiv'd newes of a vacant Benefice, they go to the lodging of this Officer, and take a Date, which is nothing else but the name of the Postulant, the Benefice, the Diocesse and the day current. The Officer enters the same into Register, that he may adde the les­ser Date to that which is enter'd. Now after this Officer hath receiv'd the Petition from the first Re­visor: if it be for a Benefice upon which a Date hath been taken, he writes below the Summary the lesser Date conformable to what hath been enter'd; for example, S. M. M. Kalend. Martii Anno 8. &c. If they be Petitions for which no Date hath been taken, he sets down the date of the day cur­rent. This Date is called the lesser, to distinguish it from the great one which the Sub-Datary gives, as I shall shew hereafter.

After the Officer of the Dates hath dated the Pe­tition, he sends it to the second Revisor, who is the second in order, but the first in dignity. He reviews what tne first hath already seen; if the first hath let passe any thing unfitting, or hath ad­ded any decree that restraines the grace too much or renders it unprofitable, he may alter, take a­way or adde what he thinks fit. When he passes the Petition, he sets his mark, which is the first letter of his name, beneath that of the first. The second Revisor at this time, set an L. because his name was Lagnel.

When the matter of the Petition requires pay­ment of Composition, as titularie Priories, Ab­beys, Coadjutories, and Pardons do, the Peti­tion goes from the second Revisor to the Officer for Compositions, to whom it payes what is ap­pointed. In very many cases things are not so re­gulated, but the summe is arbitrarily agreed upon by the Officer of the Compositions and the Cardi­nal Datary, and people must get off as good cheap as they can. When the Petition is to pay Compounding-money, one of the Revisors sets at the bottom of the Summary a C. or Comp. to shew that it must compound before the Sub-Datary put the grand date to it. When the Officer of Compositions is paid, he writes at the bottome of the Petition Solvit, and the first letter of his name.

From the Compositions the Petition returnes to the Sub-Datary, to have the grant date set to it; the Dataries who did the same heretofore and thence took the name, relying upon the Sub-Da­taries herein. The Sub-Datary is then to see whe­ther the hands and marks of all the Officers are about the Summary, and whether the Composi­tion be paid, in case any be due. Whereof when he is assured by the Solvit which he sees at the bottome, he puts to it the grand date correspon­dent to the lesser which I spoke of, but at length; for example, Datum apud Sanctam Mariam Ma­jorem Kalendis Martii Anno Octavo, &c. When the Petition is thus dated, it goes to an Office which is called Missis, where the Summary is cut off from the Petition and remaines in that Office; it is called Missis because it sends Petitions to the Registers to be enroll'd.

One of the four and twenty Registers enters the Petition in the Registers, and then carries it with the Register to one of the four Masters of the Re­gister, to hear the Petition, that is, to compare it, and see whether the Register be correspndent word for word with the Petition. Which done, the Master of the Register, mkes a great R. up­on the backside thereof, which signifies Registra­ta; he sets his name at the foot of the R. and be­low the book and folio of the Register. And then the Petition passeth out of the Datary.

All this premised we come now to our intended Narrative.

Mascambrun was accus'd of five several Crimes. 1. Of having alter'd the Summaries of Petitions. 2. Of having defrauded the Compositions. 3. Of [Page 179] having given Mandates for the expediting of Bulls gratis. 4. Of having falsifi'd the Registers of Pope Ʋrban. 5. Of having done the same in those of Innocent X.

As for the first Article, of altering Summaries, he had offended two wayes; the first whereof was in making flying Summaries. For the understand­ing whereof it is to be noted, that it hapned in some cases, that the Petitions were very large, and left but little space at the bottom of the half sheet for to write conveniently the Summary of the favour contain'd in the Petition, because per­haps it comprehended several articles, which were to be express'd to the Pope to the end he might know what he sign'd; so that there needed some­time five or six lines for a Summary. In these cases the Summary was written in a Paper apart of about 4. or 5. fingers bredth, which was an­nex'd to the bottom of the Petition with a little sealing paste. And so long as the Pope had no ground to distrust his Officers, he signed these Petitions promiscuously, whether the Summaries were written at the bottome of the same Paper with the rest of the Petition, or in these kind of annexed Papers, which they called flying Summaries.

Now to deceive the Pope and cause him to sign gratis which undoubtedly he would not have gran­ted if they had been askt fairly and plainly, they annex'd to the Petitions which contain'd the extra­ordinary Graces which they would obtain by cir­cumvention, one of these flying Summaries, in which they write the summary of an ordinary Grace. Thus the Pope confiding in his Sub-Data­ry that the Summary was correspondent to the Pe­tition, and seeing nothing extraordinary in it, us'd to sign it. When the Sub-Datary had this Petition thus sign'd, he took off the false Summary that was presented to the Pope, and annex'd another perfectly correspondent to the body of the Petiti­on, and sent the same to the first Revisor, who finding the Summary correspondent to the Petition was oblig'd to passe it. For example, if they minded to get a Dispensation for a Bastard, to en­able him to possess Dignities in Cathedral Churches even to Bishopricks, which the Pope grants to none but Princes, they annexed a Summary in these words, Dispensatio pro illegitimo ad simplicia Be­neficia; when the Grace was sign'd, they took off that Summary, and adjoyn'd another in these terms, Dispensatio pro bastardo ad quacunque Be­neficia, etiam ad dignitates in Cathedralibus & ad Episcopatum.

One of the Revisors who took notice that such graces pass'd daily as all the world knew to be con­trary to the intention of the Pope, shew'd some of them to Cardinal Chechini the Datary, and also the manner how the Pope was circumvented by those flying Summaries. Whereupon the Car­dinal forbad the use of the like for the future.

They who had us'd this Artifice to deceive the Pope, finding they were depriv'd of it, devis'd a­nother, which was to make use of Paper (which they call at Rome French Paper) being larger than that which is ordinarily us'd for Petitions. And whereas before they writ their false Summa­ries upon flying Papers, which they took off after­wards; now they writ the same at the bottom of the page below the Petition; and after the Pope had sign'd it, cut off the false Summary, and writ another correspondent to the body of the Pe­tition.

This was discoveted by the first Revisor, who having taken a sheet of that large Paper, and com­paring it with the Petitions for which it had been us'd, found that the sheet of the Petitions was not intire, but that there was as much cut off as might serve for a Summary; besides their shamelesnesse was at such a height, that oftentimes they cut off the Summary so negligently as there still ap­pear'd part of the Letters which had been cut off, so that a man a little considerate, as the first Re­visor was, and who knew that the Pope had de­clar'd that he would not grant the graces which yet he daily saw sign'd by his Holyness's hand, ve­ry easily perceiv'd in what manner the Pope was abus'd.

The second Article of the accusation prov'd a­gainst Mascambrun was, for having cheated the Compositions. I mentioned how all Petitions that are to pay Composition-money before the Subda­tary sets the grand date to them, go to the Offi­cers of the Compositions, where they pay accord­ing as they are tax'd; and that this Officer having receiv'd the money, writes solvit upon the fold with the first letter of his name. The Expeditionaries who were complices with Mascambrun, were the five principal, namely, Monacci, le Gracco, Brig­nardel, de Goux & Bonozzi, each of them com­plying with him as to the affairs which they had in their hands, and sharing amongst them the sum which was to go to the Compositions; the great­est part whereof was for the Sub-Datary, and the rest for these Expeditionaries. Now to frustrate the Officer of the Compositions thereof, the Sub­datary caus'd the Petitions to be brought to him­self, assoon as they were out of the hands of the second Revisor, and set the grand date to them, without sending them to the Composition-Of­fice.

The third Article of Accusation was, for giving Mandates for expediting Bulls gratis. Those Mandates are expedited by a motu proprio. Which motu proprio distinguishes them from other Petiti­ons which are pass'd by Fiat ut petitur; for that these latter are sign'd at the instance of the party, as the words ut petitur denotes; and the former are sign'd with Fiat motu proprio, and the first letter of the Popes name, as I mention'd for the others. The Pope gives those Mandates for priviledg'd persons, such as Cardinals, his kindred, the Offi­cers of his House, all those that have Offices in the Datary and Chancery, and some others who of right have the free expedition of their Bulls; be­sides whom, the Pope does the same grace to whom he pleases. The Pope was circumvented by these Mandates in this manner; when his Holy­nesse had sign'd à motu proprio and done the grace of a gratuitous expedition of his Bulls to a particu­lar person, the Subdatary of his own authority caus'd the name of some other to whom he was minded to do that favour to be inserted in the same Mandate, and so made it extend to two or three what the Pope intended but to one. This or action was judg'd highly criminal, because, though the Sub-Datary and the other Officers of [Page 180] the Datary may adde something to Petitions even after the Pope hath signed them, yet it must not be in any thing that is essential, le [...]t the grace which he hath granted become unprofitable. As for ex­ample, The Pope gives a Condjutory to a Canon­ship, the Revisors shall adde thereto a Prohibition to the Bishop to supply that Canonship, because otherwise the grant of the Coadjutorship would signifie nothing, in case the Bishop could supply it upon death or otherwise; but they cannot grant new and distinct graces, as in this case to make use of the Pope's signature to give the gratis of expedition to persons his Holynesse never heard of, or perhaps hath deny'd that favour.

The fourth Article of Accusation was, for falsi­fying the Registers of Ʋrban VIII. The grace which the Pope hath sign'd, is not accounted per­fect and intire till it be register'd. After which the Officers of the Datary have no more to do with it, because the Masters of the Register are as it were the Popes last hand which gives accomplish­ment and the utmost perfection to a grant. Nor can the Petitions or Registers be any more medled with the [...], unlesse in some very light thing and which evidently changes nothing of the substance of the Grant: as if the name of the Petitioner were not fairly written, or a mistake were committed in the date; or a necessary clause omitted without which the Grant would be insignificant; in these cases the Datary causes the Register and Petition to be brought to him and rectifies what is amisse; but he cannot alter the substance of the Grace, or adde any one which the Pope hath not granted. There is a particular Constitution of the Pope which pro­hibits any person to meddle with the Registers of a Pope, unlesse it be one of the Officers belong­ing thereunto. This fourth Article of Mascam­brun's accusation was founded upon this Consti­tution. In the time of Pope Ʋrban a Collegiate Church was erected in the City of Fermo in Italy, consisting of four Canons and one Arch-priest. Besides the revenues assign'd to each person in par­ticular, there was a common stock of 15. Crowns for any extraordinary Divident, of which each Ca­non was to draw out three Crownes for his part. The Arch-priest treated with Mascambrun, and desir'd him to get the institution of this Collegiate Church alter'd, and that sum of 15. Crowns which according to its first institution was to be di­stributed amongst all, assigned to himself and the Arch-priests his Successors. Mascambrun who by the credit wherein he saw himself with the Pope, thought he was able to do all things, resolved to do this businesse by causing the bull of the Institu­tion to be corrected in the Chancery, To effect which, it was requisite to change the clause of the Petition which Ʋrban had sign'd, and the Regi­sters of the same Pope. As the Bull was car­ried to be corrected, Monsignor the Regent of the Chancery made great difficulty to suffer it. But Mascambrun spoke to him, and assur'd him that he had the Popes word and order for it. The Re­gent seeing the Petition and Registers amended, permitted the Bull to be amended too accordingly. This action was judg'd very criminal. For be­sides that he could not pretend any legal authority to meddle with a Grant of Ʋrban whose Officer he had never been, to declare or interpret his will, he made a dead Pope speak that which he could not speak more; and the Bull bearing the name of Ʋrban in the front, contradicted after his death what he had expresly ordained during his life. They say, a piece of Land belonging to this Arch­priest, and lying conveniently for Mascambrun who had an estate thereabouts, gave occasion to this fraud, and was the price of it. But that piece of land must have been very small, since the Arch­priest got by this forgery but 12. Crowns yearly during his life; which more aggravates the wickednesse of Mascambrun who was tempted to commit so great Crimes for so little Inte­rest.

As to the fifth Article of Accusation, of ha­ving meddled with the Registers of Innocent X. now reigning, the poor Mascambrun was con­victed to have alter'd and added therein, and made new Grants of great importance with his own hand, as was prov'd by all the Registers.

All Rome knew that great forgeries were com­mitted in the Datary; but very few Persons knew in what manner the Pope was circumvented; which made many think (though it was not so, as the sequel shew'd) that his Holynesse willingly shut his eyes, and consented in some manner, if not by approving, ac least by conniving at the infamous actions of the Sub-Datary, in whom he professed to have a perfect confidence.

These frauds began to break out much about September in the year 1651. Boulboul an Expedi­tionary of Liege, sollicited an affair. The Sub-Datary who let no Grant, or any thing extraordi­nary be sign'd but what pass'd through the hands of one of those five Expeditioners above named, who were his Correspondents, and kept open shop for the sale of all graces, rejected the Petition of Boulboul, and told him the Pope would not sign it. Boulboul who knew what course was to be ta­ken for attaining his end, addressed himself to Gracco, Brignardel and de Goux, whom he found by chance all together, and presented his Affair to them all three, promising them that he who ef­fected it, should have besides the charges of the ex­pedition four or five pistols in Wine. De-Goux who was the Sub-Datarie's most trusty Substitute, and the most dexterous Person, dispatcht the bu­sinesse. Boulboul having his Affair and the account of the expedition, and being not very negligent in reference to the Composition, had a mind to enquire whether this matter requir'd four hundred and six Ducats for the Composition, as it was set down to him in the account. He was told that it us'd to pay but four hundred and four. To be as­sur'd whereof, he went to the Composition-Office, to see upon the Book of that Office how much it paid. He found that it was not set down. He enquir'd of the Substitute of the Office whether it was through forgetfulnesse or otherwise, that it was not enter'd? at length he found that this Affair was passed without paying Composition. Where­upon being not bound to hold his peace, and being vext that De-Goux should go about to make him pay the Composition which himself had not paid, publisht the matter through all the Da­tary.

The Prefect of the Compositions, nam'd Bran­danno, fearing to be call'd to an account for the [Page 181] Composition moneys, made a great clamour that the Pope was manifestly rob'd, and said he could not have been defrauded of lesse than forty thou­sand Ducats. De Goux and le Gracco seeing things were in this case, and knowing themselves cul­pable of many things not yet discover'd, fled to Legorne by Mascambrun's counsel [...], who with his own money paid the four hundred Ducats purloin­ed from the Composition, and appeased the noise. After which it was not hard for him to make the Pope believe that there was only those two Expe­ditioners that committed such lewd pranks, and he told his Holynesse, that it was requisite to take care for the preventing of these disorders for the future by some good regulations. He added that those which were now complained of, hapned on­ly through the negligence of the subordinate Of­ficers of the Datary; who instead of sending the Petitions from hand to hand according to the anti­ent form, deliver'd them to the Parties and the Ex­peditioners, who having them in their hands, made sometimes falsifications in them, or else got them expedited before they had passed through all the Officers. Hereupon an Order was publisht in the Datary forbidding all the Officers thereof to deli­ver any Petition sign'd by the Pope either to the Parties or the Expeditioners, with injunction to send the same from one to another immediately ac­cording to the antient form. Thus the Sub-Datary was to send the Petitions sign'd by the Pope to the first Revisor; the first Revisor to the Officer of the lesser dutes; he to the second Revisor; he to the Composition s; the Prefect of the Compositi­ons to the Sub-Datary; the Sub-Datary to the Missis; and this Officer to the Register. This order as it secur'd the Datary and Sub-Datary for a time, so it accus'd the Under-Officers of negli­gence; who thereupon complain'd, but in vain; there was no way but to suffer this reproach, the time being not yet come wherein Mascambrun's miscarriages were to be laid open.

About the end of December in the same year 1651. they began to break forth, upon occasion of a false Bull concerning the transferring of a Cause then under cognisance of the Inquisition of Portugal, to Secular Judges. Some Lords of high quality in Portugal had been accus'd to the Inqui­sition of that Kingdom of a shamefull crime. This Tribunal had secur'd the accused persons in its pri­sons. There was all probability, that they would be treated with rigour, and their estates, which were very considerable, confiscated. For which cause they solicited the Pope for an Evocation or Removal, thereby to be remitted to secular Jud­ges by whom they conceiv'd they might be more favourably dealt with. Don Diego de Sonsa a Gentleman of very high birth in Portugal, solicited the expedition thereof with the Pope. The Am­bassador of France had also recommended it many times to the Pope, who alwayes shew'd himself unwilling to do any thing in the matter, as well because of the indignity of the crime, as because he would not prejudice the power and priviledges of the Tribunal of the Inquisition. There was found an Expeditioner named Brignardel a Genuite, who undertook the businesse upon condition of a large reward which was promis'd him if he could bring it about. This was no hard thing to him; it was but the making of a false Bull, and under the same Bull which was written by Orozzino the Italian A­postolical Scribe, to counterfeit the names of the Officers through whose hands it ought to have passed in the Ch [...]ncery. Monsignor Bruningo (who was Auditor of the Contradettes, and had heard the Bull read, when he compar'd it with the Petition, which is the last thing done to Bulls after they have passed in the Chancery or the Chamber, and have the Lead set to them) knowing that Mon­signor Mendez a Portuguesse had solicited the same with the Pope, and meeting him in the Chappel which was held the last Sunday of Advent which hapned to be Christmass Eve, congratulated with him that it was at length effected. Monsignor Mendez was extremely surprized at this congra­tulation, and seeing that M. Bruningo persisted in positively affirming that he had heard the Bull read, he could not forbear lamenting; Of which sadnesse his Friend pressing him to declare the cause, he told him it was because the In­quisition for Portugal hearing that he solicited this affair with the Pope, had put his Father and his Brother in prison, for which reason he had forborn to meddle with it further. That without doubt his Relations would be worse used when it should be known that the affair was done, because it would be thought to have been by his procure­ment. That for his part, he conceiv'd that it was not possible ever to be effected, knowing how a­verse the Pope was against it. He desired him to advertise Cardinal Cechini the Datary of it, who without doubt knew nothing yet.

Monsignor Bruningo went in the afternoon to Cardinal Cechini to wish him joyfull Festivals, ac­cording to the custom at Rome, and acquainted him with this affair, assuring him that he had heard the Bull read. The Cardinal seem'd much dismay'd at this news, and cry'd out in these words, Poracci noi! che dirà il Papa, il quale tante volte hà negato questa gratia? Miserable we! what will the Pope say who hath so often deny'd this grace? Monsignor Mendez went at the same time to Cardinal Cechini under pretext of the Complement of the Festivals; and the interests of his Father and Brother held prisoners by the Inquisition of Portugal, caused him to set forth of what great consequence this af­fair was. Hereupon Cardinal Cechini sent for Mon­signor Mascambrun who was then in so high a de­gree of fortune and authority with the Pope, that if there had been a promotion of Cardinals in the Ember daies preceding, it was held for certain that there was a Hat for him. Cardinal Cechini told him, that all possible diligence must be used to get this Bull, and shew his Holynesse that it was none of their fault. Mascambrun Professed more astonishment at this affair than any other person. He said, the Pope was never willing to do it, and therefore it must necessarily have been expedited by fraud. Forthwith he went into his Coach to go seek Brignardel, who was reported to be the man that expedited it. He took him with him into his Coach and carry'd him to Diego de Sonsa who had sollicited the affair, and had the Bull; he caused him to de­liver it to him the same day about ten a clock in the evening. Next day being Christmass day he shew'd it to the Pope and to Cardinal Cechini, and at the same time he caused a Vessel to be provided [Page 182] for Brignardel to carry him to Genua.

The Pope having seen the Bull, and supposing upon the report of Cardinal Cechini and Mascam­brun that it had been expedited by a Petition forg'd in all its parts, and even in the signature of his Ho­linesse, he caus'd many of the Officers to be put into prison; Laurenzi the Register who had enter­ed the Petition into the Register; Boncompan, Ma­ster of the Register, who had examin'd it; Oroz­zino, the Apostolical Scribe, who had writ the Bull; Godefido Officer of the Contradettes where the Bull had pass'd and had his hand; Monsignor Bruningo who had examin'd the Bull; and Don Di­ego de Sonsa who had been the principal sollicitor & Agent in this affair. There was a great report that the Assistant Jesuite of Portugal was arrested at le Giesù, and confin'd in that house for his prison. But it is certain that he was examin'd by Marco Rugolo, who was deputed Judge of this cause.

Mascambrun, whom it highly concern'd to make appear that the Pop'es hand and his own too had been counterfeited in this Petition, but was not yet suspected of any thing by the Pope, had caus'd Marco Rugolo his great confident, and who he was sure would not act in this matter but by his direction, and with a perfect conformity and submission to his sentiments, to be deputed Judge of it by his Holinesse. Himself also, two of the ablest Clerks in Rome, to affirme that there was great probability that the Pope's hand was counterfeited. He caus'd many of the Expediti­oners, who durst not disobey him in any thing, to give out that the hands of the Pope and the Sub-Datary were counterfeited, and that if they had been Officers in the Register, they would never have expedited a Petition in that manner without advertising the Datary and Sub-Datary thereof. These Depositions thus contriv'd tended to two ends; First to secure Mascambrun from the accu­sation fram'd against him, afterwards for having caus'd the Pope to signe extraordinary graces un­der false Summaries; and therefore he made these people attest that it was not the Pope's hand but counterfeited. Secondly to save themselves by causing the destruction of the Officers who were imprison'd for letting it passe thus falsifi'd. Rugolo, who was wholly devoted to Mascambrun, and who whilst he was preparing the Process, had every day long conferences with him till ten a clock in the evening, would not hear, nor allow to be writ­ten down any Depositions but theirs, who de­sign'd the justification of Mascambrun, and the Ruine of the Prisoners.

The process was carried on in this manner; and such as very well understood the Villanies of that Wretch, could not without regret behold so many Innocents going to be sacrific'd for his safe­ty: But no person durst or could speak a word: Cardinal Cechini himself and Cardinal Pamphilio, though well informed of many wickednesses which Mascamburn committed daily, and whose interest it otherwise was that he lost the credit and power which he had with the Pope, yet could not speak, partly because they knew not the chief Actor of these crimes, nor understood clearly how he com­mitted them; partly because he so possess'd the Popes mind, that none could speak against him with­out danger of incurring his Holines's displeasure. But God raised up an honest man, very intelligent in all these matters, nam'd Joachim Vaultrin a Lorrainer by birth, who had been first Revisor for the last two years; in which time having been very exact in the exercise of his charge, he saw very far into Mascambruns ill carriage, but he perceiv'd little likelihood of forming Accusations against him that might have effect, because he had former­ly made some, which the Pope sleighted, and so they proved ineffectual. For above a year divers contests had pass'd between him and Mascambrun, because he would not comply to pass such extra­ordinary Graces as Mascambrun intened; but finding that many pass'd without his being able to hinder them, which he knew were manifestly con­trary to the Popes mind, he acquainted the Popes Confessor therewith, whose name was F. Thomasi Lolli Cler. minor of S. Laurence in Lucina, and af­terwards Bishop of Cyrane. This good M. Joa­chim delivered the Confessor a Note of four ve­ry extraordinary graces which had been then newly expedited. The Confessor gave the Note to the Pope, who finding it was about matters belonging to the Datary, thought it sufficient to advertise Mascambrun thereof, that he might see what it was: but the man being advertis'd thereof, had no great difficulty to divert the stroke, because the Pope had so great a confidence in him, referring to him the care of all the family of Pam­philio, that he easily believ'd upon his Report, ei­ther that these matters were of no great conse­quence, or else were pass'd by surprise, and Inad­vertency: Wherefore the Popes Confessor meet­ing afterwards with M. Joachim, told him he must be quiet, for the Pope had seen his Memoire, and did not think fit to do any thing upon it; so that the good man fear'd lest the same might be the issue of the other discoveries which he might make in the present Conjectures. But on the one side, the insolence which he could no longer suffer, and saw arriv'd at that point that graces were publickly sold, that none was pass'd but with money, & that with money any whatsoever might be obtain'd; and on the other, the oppression of all the Offi­cers in Prison, whom he knew to be innocent, and who were all his friends, which he thought him­self bound to hinder if he could, made him re­solve again to try by some means to let the Pope know how all things went.

For this purpose he caus'd notice to be given to Monsignor Farnese Governor of Rome by Don Di­ego, who serv'd as Auditor to his Nephew Monsig. Albrici Secretary of the Congregation of Regulars, That the course taken in this business was not right; That the destruction of many innocent persons was design'd as a means for the safety of one Crimi­nal; That he knew the bottome of the businesse; and that if Monsignor Farnese pleas'd to be through­ly inform'd of it, he conceiv'd he could give him satisfaction. Monsignor Farnese, who knew the first Revisor to be a prudent honest man, was ve­ry glad to find meanes to see the depth of so in­tricate a mater, gave him order by the abovesaid Don Diego to come to him on Tuesday January 16. about seven a clock in the evening. He repair'd thither precisely at the time appointed; and after he had made some excuses in reference to this irre­gular [Page 183] action, because he was a Priest, protesting to Monsignor Farnese that the sole motive which induc'd him to this discovery, was, after the fi­delity he ow'd the Pope as his Officer, his desire of the deliverance of the prisoners, and he desig­ned not to contribute to the death of Monsignor Mascambrun; he began his discourse against the iniquity of the Judge Rugolo who had sold himself to Mascambrun; who had caus'd this commission to be given him for the betraying of justice. He told him how Mascambrun and Rugolo had confe­rence together every day; that Rugolo would not hear any testimony, but such as he thought would contribute to the destruction of the prisoners, and would admit any thing to be written down which might helpe to thier justification. Moreover he told him that the principal head upon the processe drawn, was founded upon a false suppositi­on; namely, that the Pope's hand was conterfei­ted; because indeed it was the Pope's true hand, and there was no falsification in it at all: whereof he forthwith alledg'd these probabilities and con­jectures.

First, because the Petition being a motu proprio it was found sign'd by Fiat ut petitur; Which shewed that they who expedited this Petition, being very intelligent in the style of the Datary, had not counterfeited it. For if they had minded to falsifie it, they might as easily have done so by writing, Fiat motu proprio, J. as by writing Fiat ut petitur, J. but having intended to cause the Pope really to signe it, they had got it expedited with a Fiat ut petitur, and not with a motu proprio; because the Pope makes a great difference between things which he signes of his own proper motion, and those which he signes at the request of parties. When he sees that it is a motu proprio, he do's not signe till he hath first inquir'd into the particu­larities and circumstances of the grace which he signes. Now the Sub-Datary not being willing to put it to the venture, that the Pope inquiring into the circumstances of the affair in question, might fall to examine the Petition, and if he found the same correspondent to what Mascambrun should tell him of it, reject it according to his profest re­solution; or if on the contrary he pretended it to be another businesse with other circumstances, the Pope might find out his fraud, he got it sign'd with a Fiat ut petitur under some false Summary concer­ning a Coad jutorship or some other ordinary mat­ter which the Pope useth not to examine.

Secondly, That both the writing of the Pope and that of Mascambrun were very difficult to be coun­terfeited. That of the Pope, because his letters are not straight and even, but indented, by rea­son of the trembling of his hand, and therefore in the judgment of expert persons his writing was very hard to be handsomely counterfeited. That of Mascambrun, because the forme of his Letters are very unusual too: whence it is infer'd that if these two hands be falsifi'd, it would have been more easy to counterfeit the great R. on the backside of the Petition, as any one may do without difficulty; which would have been more advantageous to them, because having the mark of Registration in­dors'd, it was not needfull to carry it to the Regi­sters, where the falsification of the Pope's and the Sub-Datary's hand might have been discover'd. And it cannot be said that the hands of the Register and the Master of the Registers is falsifi'd; so neither can the same be said of those of the Pope and the Sub-Datary.

And whereas Mascambrun pretended that his hand was counterfeited, because in the date of the Petition anno octavo was written with the last O wholly clos'd, which he never us'd to close but half, as octavo; M. Joachim shew'd the Governour many Petitions dated by Mascambrun's hand, where the O was perfectly clos'd: which evi­denc'd that he sometimes clos'd it, & sometimes not.

Thirdly, That if a sheet of Paper of the same sort with that of the Petition in question were com­par'd therewith, the sheet of the Petition would be found shorter then the other two or three fingers. Whereby it was easie to perceive that this Petition had been presented to the Pope with the Summary of an ordinary grace, which after the Popes sign­ing was cut off, and another written down cor­respondent to the body of the Petition; by which means the paper of the Petition became shorter.

Fourthly, That there were a great number of graces signed truly by the Popes hand, which yet were very extraordinary, and which he would never have granted, had they been askt of him. M. Joachim shew'd the Governour a Note of ma­ny such graces, which the Pope had frequently de­clar'd that he would not grant, and yet they were pass'd and sign'd with the Pope's own hand by the ministry of the Sub-Datary who had carri'd them to him to signe; That consequently the same judg­ment was to be made of the Petition in question as of them; and that as the Pope was deceiv'd when he was made to signe them, so in this Petition of Portugal his Holiness had one thing impos'd upon him instead of another, and by that means was brought to signe it.

All these conjectures and reflections much asto­nisht the Governor, (who till then had suffer'd himself to be perswaded that the Pope's hand was counterfeited) and led him to two resolutions; Frst to take the cognisance of the cause from Rugo­lo, which he promis'd M. Joachim he would do, that so justice might have place. Secondly, the next day, which was that of his ordinary audience, to acquaint the Pope with all this story, and in­duce him to send for M. Joachim to hear the same from his own mouth, and get some greater light from him if he could. And he did accordingly.

The same day, Wednesday January 17. the Gover­nour caus'd Rugolo to bring to him the Original of the Petition which was in his hands. He compa­red it with another sheet of Paper of the same kind, and found that it was shorter by two fingers. He consider'd the hand of the Pope and that of Mas­cambrun which were wholly like the signatures of other Petitions; and looking more narrowly up­on it, he observ'd that there was dust of gold up­on that of the Pope; whereupon, being other­wise very distrustfull he told Rugolo that they who counterfeited the Pope's hand must have been very cunning, in putting the dust of gold upon it, know­ing that the Pope uses no other. Rugolo answer­ed that those people were sly and subtle as Devills, that they knew every thing, and had not fail'd to get that dust of Gold that they might render the thing more likely. This answer increas'd the Go­vernor's [Page 184] suspition of this Judge, and confirm'd him in his purpose to take from him the cognisance of the cause; with which when he acquainted the Pope, his Holinesse approv'd it. He also caus'd M. Joachim to be advertis'd that the Pope would hear from himself all that he had spoken to him the day before.

On Thursday morning January 18. M. Joachim went to the Pope, who heard him with great satis­faction for one houre and half together. He lay'd upon the table above a hundred several graces which the Pope averr'd he never would grant, and yet were expedited and signed with his hand. He discover'd to him in what manner he had been deceived, first by the flying Summaries, and af­ter the prohibition of those upon complaint made by him against them, by other false Sum­maries wh ch were cut off after his Holinesse had signed the Petitions. He told him that undoubt­edly this concerning Portugal, in reference where­unto a proces was preparing, had been sign'd in that manner, and that Monsig Mascambrun, to escape being convinc'd that he had caus'd his Holinesse to signe extraordinary graces falsely and against his intention, was about to destroy divers innocent per­sons by suborn'd witnesses who had depos'd that his Holiness's hand was counterfeited. When he had ended all that he had to say touching this matter, he motion'd to the Pope that since onely the fideli­ty he ow'd his Holinesse, the honour of the H. See, and the desire to rescue the innocent prisoners had oblig'd him to make these discoveries, his Holinesse would please to keep the thing secret, because it was much more easy to Monsignor Mas­cambrum to get him assassinated, if he had notice of what he had done, then to justifie himself of the in­formations presented to his Holinesse against him. The Pope, having testifi'd to M. Joachim his ac­knowledgment of his fidelity, and recommended to him to have an eye over what should passe in the Datary, he promised him that till the person of Mascambrun were in custody, none in the world besides the Governour, should know what had pas­sed between them too. And because all the Da­tary knew that he was at audience with the Pope, and every one would be curious to learn the busi­nesse, and particularly Mascambrun, who was vi­gilant to discover all that pass'd, and had great jealousie of the first Revisor who had often oppo­sed his designes in things relating to his place; the Pope bid him give out that he was sent for to con­ser with the Pope concerning some course to be taken that Summaries might be alwayes corre­spondent to the Petitions, so that he might no more be deceiv'd.

The same day continuing his diligence for Mas­cambrun's interests, he caus'd the wife and the sister of Brignardel to be arrested and made prisoners; and to take away the scruple about the gold-dust which the Governor spoke of to him, he gave or­der to a Serjeant to carry some in a little dust-box, and when he went into the house to fling it upon a bed or a chair; and then at his going away feigning to search everywhere what they could find, to take up the same dust-box in presence of his companions: which was accordingly done. In the evening Rugolo went to the Governour, car­ry'd the gold-dust to him, and told him it was no wonder that he found such dust upon the Popes wri­ting, since there was a box-full of it found at Brig­nardel's house, which the Officers had brought to him. The Governour suspecting the fraud of this wicked Judge, answer'd him, that it was true that they found it there because himself had caus'd it to be carried thither; and so he forbid him medling from thence forward in any manner with this af­fair.

Saturday following, January 20. Rugolo was commanded to depart from Rome, which he did forthwith. The same day Mascambrun's Nephew who was married at Rome, was arrested. And on Monday the Provost of the Capitol went to take Monsignor Mascambrun in his Chamber of the Datary, where F. Mascambrun a Jesuite was making him a visit, and he was carried from the Datary to the Tower of Nona. The next day the Pope sent for M. Joachim, and said to him first of all, Non habbiate più paura, Mascambruno è priggione, ne uscirà quando Dio vorrà, e la giustitia si farà. Fear no more (said the Pope to him) Mascambrun is in prison, whence he shall come forth when God pleases, and Justice shall be done. And after he had inquir'd of him many other things relating to this affair, his Holiness dismiss'd him.

Forthwith the framing of his Processe was taken in hand, and after he had been convicted of the Five Articles of Accusation above mention'd, he was in fine condemned to death for Treason, in that he had usurp'd the authority of the Prince by passing all sorts of graces contrary to his intention. He was a Priest and oftentimes while he was Canon of S. Mary Maggiore, he was seen to offici­ate or say Masse in more solemn Festivals. He was degraded in the Church of S. Saviour in Loro upon Sunday April 14. The next day his Head was cut off in the Court of the Prison of the Tower of Nona between three and four a clock in the morning; and assoon as it was day, his body was expos'd publickly at the end of Pont. S. Angelo up­on a Beir, covered with a very wretched Herse­cloth, with a wax Taper lighted on each side. His Head was lay'd near the Body upon two Bricks, and covered with an old greasie Hat; that Head which three Months before was confident to wear one of a Cardinal. Near the Beir there stood a Beggar who ask'd the Alms of such who pass'd by for to get prayers to God for that poor miserable executed Person, per questo povero justitiato.

All Rome ran to Pont. S. Angelo to see the de­plorable spectacle of a Man who for the space of seven years had ingrossed all the Popes affections, who had gain'd such a confidence with him, that he seem'd to have none for any other, who had fill'd the Pope's mind with suspitions and aversions against Cardinal Cechini, who by that means kept this Cardinal in so strange a depression, that though he was Datary, yet he had scarce any power in that Office, and never went to audience but he was accompany'd with the Sub-Datary, himself on the contrary going alone without the Datary when he pleas'd; who had brought Cardinal Panzirolo into dis-favour with the Pope, in which he ended his daies; who had likewise alienated the Popes affection from Cardinal Pamphilio, whom his Ho­liness had chosen to make not only a Cardinal, but a Cardinal Nephew; and lastly, who, if the promo­tion [Page 185] which was made during his imprisonment had been made three-Months before, would undoubted­ly have been a Cardinal. In reference whereunto I remember; a friend of mine told me, that speak­ing four or five Months before his imprisonment to M. Joachim the first Revisor, of the report there was concerning the promotion which the Pope in­tended to make, and of the certainty of a Hat for Mascambrun, he answer'd him, That he believ'd God would not suffer so great an infamy in his Church, and that if he was to have a red Hat, it would be at Pont. S. Angelo.

He remain'd expos'd during four or five hours till the Society des Nobles Florentins who are by their institution to assist condemned persons at their deaths and bury them, carry'd him into their Church. The same Society had also sent some of their Confreres to him to help him to dye well, and the Cardinals Barberin and Sachetti who are Mem­bers thereof, went to him cloathed in the Sack-cloths of their Confrerie, carryed him the indul­gence at the point of death which his Holinesse sent him, and were present at his execution.

His first Sentence was to be hang'd, but the Chap­ter of S. Peters Church (whereof the Pope had given him a Canonry a year before instead of his former of S. Mary Maggiore) apprehending it a dishonor to them for a Canon of their Church to be hang'd, made so urgent instances to the Pope about it, that he mitigated the sentence, permitting only his head to be cut off in the prison.

But before this latter sentence was pronounc'd upon him, a course was taken to bring two of his principal Complices De Goux and Brignardel to Rome. De Goux who was a natural Subject of the King of Spain, being of the County of Burgundy, after he had spent two or three months at Legorn departed thence to Milan, where comming to be known he was arrested Prisoner. And Brignardel who was withdrawn to Genua the place of his birth, was sollicited to go upon the Territories of Prince Doria, where he was arrested likewise. The Pope so dealt with this Prince and the King of Spain's Ministers, that the two Prisoners were promised to be deliver'd to him. Whereupon a dozen Serge­ants were sent from Rome to Genua, with order to take as much people as was needfull to conduct them safe to Rome; and because there was some ground of fear that some attempt might be made by land to rescue the Prisoners, one of the Pope's Galleys to bring them with the more security. The Governour of Milan sent De Goux accompanied with the Serjeants of the City, and a hundred Horse, as far as the Territories of Genua, where he was receiv'd by the Genueses and conducted to that City whither Prince Doria had already caus'd Brignardel to be brought; from whence they were both put into the Galley which carri'd them to Ci­vità Vecchia, and thence they were conducted in a Carosse de Campagne or Cart, well guarded to Rome, where they arriv'd the seventh of April, and were put into the Castle S. Angelo eight dayes before the death of Mascambrun.

The innocent prisoners above mentioned were set at liberty; but some other persons were com­mitted, having been Complices of these disorders, of whom I shall not speak further, then that two of them were arraigned, and being found highly criminal, hang'd and burnt at Rome at the end of Pont S. Angelo, the 27. of July following.

The less culpable, which was de Goux, dy'd in a very Christian manner: For above three weeks be­fore his Execution, acknowledging the grace of God in causing him to dye a death that allow'd him time for repentance, he resolv'd to spend the remnant of his life in following Gods purposes upon him, fasting almost continually with bread and water, & making a very exact review of his whole life to a Confessor who visited him ordinarily every day.

I shall add also what became of Marco Rugolo, that wicked & corrupt Judge: Having been at first only banisht from Rome and the Ecclesiastial terri­tories, he retired to Posi, a place belonging to the Colonnesi in the kingdom of Naples, where he spent his time in contemplating the Stars, & drawing Ho­roscopes of many persons. At length he bethought himself to draw that of the Pope, which he sent to Car. Ginetti's Auditor, with a Letter n which he per­swaded him to rejoyce for the change which would shortly be seen by the Pope's death, which was to come to pass in the month of November the same year. This letter was intercepted, and the Au­ditor put in prison for it; and the Colonnensi at the Popes request caus'd Marcó Rugolo to be appre­hended in their territories. As he was bringing to Rome, he fell from his Horse, and broke his thigh, which having been ill set by a Country-Chyrurg­on, he arriv'd at Rome in a very ill condition Octo­ber the 8. which gave the Pope occasion to laugh at this man, who foretelling the death of others, could not foresee the mischief which was so near himself. I believe no more was done to him af­terwards then being condemn'd to the Galleys; a punishment too light for all the crimes which he had committed, and for the oppression of so ma­ny innocent persons whom he had sacrificed to the interests of Mascambrun, using to boast, That there was no innocent person in the world, but he could make good an Indictment against him.

But to return to the coherence which this Histo­ry of Mascam. hath with ours, Car. Cechini who was nominated by the Pope to be one of the Congrega­tion which we su'd for, was upon this business ex­cluded. For the Pope, having taken up a suspition that he had had some hand in the miscarriages of the Datary (though this was not credible, there ha­ving been so great misunderstanding between him and Mascambrun, who was the Author of all those Enormities) treated him so ill for four or five Months after the death of that Sub-Datary, that at length he resolved in the month of September to de­mand his Congé, which the Pope gave him with very rough words, so far as to reproach him that he had dishonour'd his House and his Government. VVhereunto the Cardinal answered very resolute­ly, That he had done nothing unworthy of him­self, which he would justifie upon all occasions. So he left the Datary, and went to live at his Pa­lace in Campo Marzo. And Monsignor Hieronymo Burtucci, whom the Pope of Senior Procurator and Servant of his House, had made Sub-Datary ever since Mascambrun's imprisonment, was now made Datary. At the same time the Pope took away from Cardinal Cechini the pension of poor Cardinals, which may mount to twelve thousand Crowns yearly, and prohibited him to come to [Page 186] any Assembly where his Holinesse was present; which was to exclude him from the Consistories, Papal Chappels, Congregations of the Inquisiti­on and others held before the Pope, at which this Cardinal us'd to be present. This was the reason that he was not at any of those which were held be­fore the Pope about our Affair, though he was one of the Five Cardinals, whom Cardinal Roma told us the Pope had chosen for our Congregation, as I shall relate in its place.

At present I shall take notice of a thing which de­serves to be added to this Narrative, whereof I was inform'd by a Letter from M. Brousse, the Contents of which follow.

The day before I departed from Rome, I went to see the Secretary of the Congregation of Regu­lars, Nephew to the Governour of Rome, to in­quire of him news of the Bull of the Fathers of Christian Doctrine touching their Regularity. He told me it was declar'd false, and that within four or five days I might see the Brief of it. I reply'd, that I was ready to depart, but I pray'd him to tell me whether I might assure the Arch-Bishop of Pa­ris thereof, who had given me Commission to inquire about it. He answer'd me Sì Sì, taking me by the hand, and pressing it: This oblig'd me to proceed further, and aske him whether what I heard was true, that Mascambrun had spoken of this Bull amongst the rest which he confess'd that he had forg'd. He answer'd me in these words, Non è Mascumbruno mà il suo secretario, & frà pochi giorni sarà im­piccato; It was not Mascambrun, but his Secretary, who within a few days will be hang'd: which intelli­gence I writ the same day to my L. the Arch-Bi­shop.

CHAP. IX.

Concerning an antient Manuscript which came to my hands touching an Affair of Mr. Grimani Patriarch of Aqui­leia, whereby I found that the foun­dation of all the matters in question bad been examined and decided by the Council of Trent.

DUting these Conjunctures there befel me an oc­currence as considerable in its kind, which had much more reference to our Affair then that whereof I have given so long an account. It was a Manuscript of no small age, containing a little Collection of some Pieces which treated of an Affair debated and determined in the Council of Trent, about the same matters for which we were in contest with the Jesuites; and it was de­termined by a general consent of all the Commissi­oners to whom the Council referr'd the judgement of it, perfectly according to our sentiments. On the second of April 1652. I caus'd the same No­ [...]ries who verifi'd our History of M. Pegna, to de­clare their judgement of the quality of this Manu­ [...]ipt, having made two Transcripts thereof com­par'd by them with the Original, to make use of in time and place: To which purpose I caus'd a description to be made of it as it was when I pre­sented it to them, that so I might make it be known for the same which accidentally was fallen into my hands.

There was question in this Affair concerning a Sermon made in the year 1550. at Oudenay by a Dominican Fryer name'd F. Leonard native of the same City which is in the Continent that belongs to the Repub. of Venice, whether the Patriarchal See of Aquileia hath been trasferr'd since the destru­ction of that antient and famous City by the de­scent of Attila into Italy. This Predicator had preacht one of the highest Truths, and in the hardest terms to be digested by humane under­standing touching Gratuitous Predestination, which gave some scanda [...] [...]o the people who murmur'd at it. The grand Vicar of this Patriatch (whose name was Grimani, of one of the illustrious fami­lies of Venice) nevertheless thought not fit to act in any sort against the Predicator to constrain him to make amends for the scandal which he had given, without first giving notice to, and take­ing orders ftom him whose grand Vicar he was. The Patriarch Grimani having receiv'd Letters from his grand Vicar, conceiv'd himself oblig'd to answer him; but he was so far from find­ing cause to proceed against the Predicator, that on the contrary he judg'd the Propositions ad­vanc'd by him very true, certain and Catholick; the reasons whereof he deduc'd at large in his an­swer, which he took principally from the H. Scripture and the works of S. Augustin. When the grand Vicar had receiv'd this Answer, he caus'd it to be publisht to all the people of Oude­nay, and recorded in the publick Registers of the City, wherewith every one was edifi'd and satis­fi'd. Some twelve or thirteen years after, namely in the year 1563. some persons, enemies to the peace of that City, as well as to Christian Truths explicated unto them by their Patriarch, who was a very learned and pious Bishop, began to sow amongst the people Complaints against his Letter; they drew Propositions out of it to the number of eight, which they accus'd of Heresie: In fine, they rais'd so much division in the minds of the City of Oudenay and the adjacent Region, that to hinder the troublesome consequences of those be­ginnings of disturbance and misunderstanding, they sent Deputies to the Republick of Venice, to pray that State to interpose its Authority and Re­commendation to the Council of Trent which was then assembled, that the cause of their Patriarth might be discuss'd and decided; that his Homily (so they call'd his Answer to his grand Vicar) might be there read & examin'd; and if it were true and Catholick, they might be suffer'd to enjoy the Truth explicated by him to them in peace and qui­etness; but if it were false, that it might be con­demned.

I believe this Patriarch had been nominated to a Cardinals Hat by the Republick of Venice; that people who aim'd to cross his promotion, rendred him suspected of Heresie to Pope Pius IV. by the extracts of his Letter which they delivered to him; that the same waa debated of in the Con­gregation of the H. Office; and that the Apology [Page 187] which he writ in behalf of his Letter against those Extracts had been carried thither also: but because this was not really clear by the pieces before me, I dare not affirm it as the rest which I have already said, and am going to adjoyn.

Accordingly the Ambassadors of the Republick Of Venice represented to the Council the neessity of making a solemn deputation for examining the an­swer of that Patriarch to his grand Vicar, and the Apology made by him about the Propositions ex­tracted out of it. It was the last day of July in the year 1563. that this nomination of Deputies was made in the Council who were in number twen­ty six, namely two Cardinals, four Ambassadors, four Archbishops, thirteen Bishops, two Abbots, and one General of an order. They examin'd both of those Pieces; they made their report of them the thirteenth of August following in a Congrega­tion which lasted six hours, where they spoke all their Sentiments, which they said were not theirs alone, but also of the Divines of their Nation, with whom they had conferr'd in this matter. And all agreed unanimously that it was so far from be­ing true, that any word in that Letter and Apology was Heretical, that on the contrary there was no­thing in them but what was taken from S. Augustin, S. Prosper, S. Bernard, S. Thomas, and other H. Do­ctors: Which I account the more considerable, because the foundation of all the doctrine which we held, and of all the Christian truths which we were to defend in case of the Propositions in question, is manifestly contain'd in that Letter and its Apo­logy; and consequently besides other proofs which we may alledge thereof in all ages, we have this ad­vantage that this very doctrine was authoris'd in the last Council by a general consent of all those whom the Council commission'd to examine it, and by the unanimous suffrages of all the Divines of Christendom.

I have in that little Collection 1. The Patriarchs Letter intire. 2. His Apology for it. 3. The Oration of the Deputies of the Clergy, and of the City of Oudenay to the Republick of Venice. 4. The no­mination, and the names of the Deputies or Commissioners appointed by the Council for this Examination. 5. The Votum of the Cardinal of Lorrain who was one of them. 6. One of his Let­ters to the Pope about this matter. 7. Another Let­ter of the Presidents of the Council to S. Charles Borromée about the same affair. 8. The Sentence of the Legates. 9. A Letter of Congratulation of the Republick of Venice to this Patriarch, upon the happy successe which his businesse had had in the Council.

All these Pieces deserve to be here inserted at length, but to avoid such frequent and long inter­ruptions, I shall reserve them to be annexed to the end of this Journal.

CHAP. X.

Of other lesse important matters which be­sides those in the three preceding Chap­ters passed in the Moneths of April and May; among the rest, of the arrival at Rome of M. M. Hallier, Legault, and Joysel, Doctors of our Faculty, and the Declaration which they made to us in presence of the Am­bassador, that they came to sue for a Censure of the Five Propositions as things already condemned, and with­out admitting any Examen or Con­gregation.

TO return at length to our purpose, I was told on Saturday, the 4th. of May, that the General of the Dominicans had had audi­ence of the Pope, and delivered him the Memorial which I mentioned above that he was to present. That he requested therein, his Holynesse would please to appoint that before proceeding in this affair, things might be resum'd as they were left by Paul V. because that Pope and Clement VIII. his Predecessor had determined many things in fa­vour of his Order, which might serve for great preparations to what was to be done. That his Dominicans had alwaies been the Plaintiffs in this affair, and at present they were endeavour'd to be render'd the Criminals. Hereunto his Holynesse answer'd, that he would have regard to his re­quest, which he judg'd very just; but he ought to be confident, that the matter de Auxiliis should not be medled with. I was told that the Pope gave the same answer to the General of the Augustines who had audience of him; that he would not have the discussion of that matter enter'd upon at all. That besides, his Holynesse knew nothing then of the Assembly of Consultors which M. Albizzi en­deavoured to procure before Easter, but yet was lay'd aside for a while, chiefly because of this in­terposition.

I learnt also that some dayes after the General of the Dominicans had delivered his Memorial to the Pope, he addressed again to his Holyness to present him the works of Albert the Great, the Im­pression whereof was then newly finisht. That divers Fathers of this Order accompanied the Ge­neral to carry the several volumes of that Author; that the Pope inquir'd their names and qualities; and that F. Fani companion of the Master of the Sa­cred Palace being one of the number, when he was nam'd, the Pope bid him take heed for the future what Licences for Printing he gave; because when a Book was printed at Rome, it was constru'd that the H. See authoriz'd the doctrine thereof. It is likely what we had said to the Pope touching that [Page 188] of F. Annat was still fresh in his memory.

I learnt further that the Monday foregoing a Consistory was holden, and that it was the first since the vacancy of the Sub-deanery of the Sacred Colledge by the death of Cardinal Lanti. This Dignity belonged of right and according to the or­dinary usage to Cardinal Barberin, who was the most antient of all those that were there in person; but the Pope took it from him, and three thousand Crowns of Revenue annexed to it, and contrary to custom, gave it by a special Brief and priviledge to Cardinal de Medicis Uncle to the great Duke of Tuscany, who was indeed more antient than Car­dinal Barberin, but was not present in person at at their Consistory.

Lastly, I learnt that two daies before M. Albiz­zi took occasion in an Assembly of the Inquisition to read the Letters which he had receiv'd from Pa­ris, by which it was signified to him that M. Hallier was set forth upon his journey towards Rome, with some other Doctors; that the Cardinals, Barberin and Spada, were at the reading of those Letters, and testified much joy for the sight of so great and famous a personage, and who knew so well (as their Eminencies said) the usages and customs of the University; but that which was more conside­rable herein, was, that some intelligent persons conceiv'd their comming might prove the cause of establishing the sooner the Congregation which he had mov'd for, and which would not be granted at the instance of us alone.

We had given and lent some Copies of the first Letter against the Minister of Groning to divers of those persons whom I have mention'd, who lent it from one to another, and testified much satisfacti­on therewith. On Thursday the ninth, I carry'd one in the afternoon to Cardinal Ghiggi, who see­ing by the Title that it was writ against Marests, (Maresius, I suppose) wonder'd at it, as being against a man whom he knew, and of whom he made no great account. I read to him the place of that Letter, where there is mention of our hope that the Pope would shortly determine our diffe­rences. To which he answer'd that we did well in asking a Hundred to get Fifty; the meaning whereof is, that he believ'd it would not be done, and therefore that we must have patience. That he had told the Pope that the advantage which the Jesuites endeavour'd to make of the Decrees which had been made at Rome, had caus'd all the stirre, and that one side could hardly be brought to yield to the other; adding to this purpose, Par in Parem non habet imperium.

The General of the Dominicans seeing himself engag'd by the interest of truth, the Church and his Order to proceed in this affair since the delivery of his Memorial to the Pope, resolv'd to acquit himself worthily of all the Duties whereunto he conceiv'd himself oblig'd by the high importance whereof he knew it to be. VVherefore though he had about him without looking forth of the Co­vent la Minerve, many Divines of his Order very intelligent and zealous, who were capable of do­ing service therein; yet, to omit nothing in his power, but to strengthen the number and ardor of those whom he might imploy in the defence of truth, knowing that F. Reginald of the Covent of Dominicans at Tholouse had for a long time particu­larly studied all that had pass'd in these Contests since the publishing of Molina's book, he sent him a Letter of Obedience to come to Rome, dated 11. of May in the same year 1652.

VVe had not had time in our first visit to Cardi­nal Castagusti to inform him of our affair, and he had desir'd us to take another opportunity to visit him. VVe went accordingly on Tuesday the 14th. of May. He receiv'd us obligingly, heard our discourse, and answered us both in Latin and Italian judiciously; in conclusion he oblig'd us to come to him again on the Friday following to give him a Copy of our Latin Manifesto, which we did accordingly.

On Sunday the 19th. we went to S. Peters Church to Vespers; at our comming from which we fell in­to the Company of Cardinal Barberin, who carri­ed us to walk in his two little Vineyards. Amongst other remarkable things which he said to us, he dis­coursed very well how the opinion of Molina arose upon occasion of the opposition which was made at that time to Calvinisme, and that things were not so well undestood as to refute him without falling into the other extreme. That however Molina's opinion having been judg'd not good, he was ac­cus'd to the inquisition in Spain, where (he said) to have only been cited, was a thing highly igno­minious. VVherefore the Society of Jesuites, see­ing themselves wounded in the affront which one of his Members had receiv'd, became wholly in­terested for him, and have since been daily more and more engag'd.

The morning of Friday the 24th. was spent in ci­vilities with the Ambassador. M. Hallier arriv'd in the Evening with M. Lagault, M. Joysel, & a 4th. nam'd M. Thomas, who was a Batchelor of the Faculty and Cousin to M. Hallier; but who in the sequel profess'd not to be one of their deputation. One came to advertise me of their arrival, and the lod­ging where they alighted, presently after their comming. I was alone at home when I receiv'd this notice, and went instantly to salute them, to congratulate with them for their arrival, to offer them whatever they needed, either in reference to our House or our Persons. By that time I got to their Lodging, they were at Supper with other Company. I fear'd to disturb them by my appear­ance; and because it was already late, all I could do was to return home, and leave my Servant there, to tell them when they were arisen from the Table, what diligence I had us'd to wait upon them, as also to make them the offers of service vvhich I vvent to offer them my self, if I could have found them in a condition fitting to be spoken vvith.

The next day M. de Valcroissant, M. Angram, and my self determin'd to visit them. We sent about eight a clock in the morning to see whether they were in a condition to receive our visit; but they were gone before to the Ambassadour's house, where, because he came forth late out of his Cham­ber, they spent all the morning, excepting M. Lagault, who left them, and vvent to see the Priests of the Mission, and aftervvards came to us. VVe offer'd to stay him at dinner vvith us, but he excus'd himself, for that he purpos'd to re­turn to his Collegues at their Lodging. But the Ambassador retein'd them at dinner: and in the af­ternoon [Page 189] we going to the Pope's Vespers, under­stood that M. Hallier and M. Joysell were already gone from thence in one of his Coaches to see Car­dinal Barberin. So we deferr'd visiting them till the Evening. When we arriv'd at their Lodgings, they were reconducting two Priests of the Mission who came to see them, so that they receiv'd us at their Gate. He had no long conference with them because they were called upon to go to collation. We invited them to come dine with us the next day; but they were promised elsewhere, otherwise M. Hallier professed sufficient willingnesse there­to.

As we were going forth the next day being Sun­day, May 26. to accompany the Ambassadour to the Pope's Chappel; these Gentlemen pass'd by our Lodging. Our Coach stood at the Gate, in which there was room enough for them and us, and we desir'd them to go into it; but it being but a little way from our House to the Ambassadors, and the Street fair and spacious, they would con­tinue their way afoot; which oblig'd us to do so too. I hapned to walk with M. Hallier, who, a­mongst other things told me most freely that he had so great correspondence with Cardinal Barbe­rin that he might in a manner passe for his Dome­stick; but he knew not whether it were advanta­geous, or not, to be so. At our comming from the Ambassador's, he caus'd M. Hallier and my self to come into his Coach; and as we were near one the other, the Ambassador said, smiling, Do not fight; and I answered him, That M. Hallier and I were not likely to fight, since our business was to keep others from fighting.

It was the same day, that having left the Am­bassador and these Gentlemen in the Chappel, we made our last visit to M. Albizzi concerning our Impression, and in which, as I mention'd above, he gave us the four pages of new Apostills, which he said, questi Signori Cardinali would have us put into the Book, or none at all: but he told us also in reference to the arrival of M. Hallier, Joysell and Lagault, that they had had some Books at the Custome-House, which he had taken care to be sent back again. I learnt since that the excellent Books which they took the pains to bring with them so far for defence of their Cause, were nothing but Jansenius damnatus, The secrets of Jansenism; The Crownes of Victorious Grace; The Jansenists ac­knowledg'd Calvinists by Samuel des Marests, and other pitifull Libels of that strain, all fill'd with falsities and calumnies, and the most part already ruin'd and confounded by the answers made there­unto; notwithstanding which they forbore not to get them in readinesse for their service, and to re­produce them anew.

We were desirous to have them at dinner with us on the day de la Feste Dieu, i. e. (of Corpus Christi) after the procession of the Sacrament which is performed at Rome with great magnificence and solemnity. Wherefore I vvent the day before a­bout dinner time to their Lodging, where I found only M. Thomas, to vvhom I made the invitation in their absence, and pray'd him to be one of the Company. As I vvas speaking to him, a Laquay came to tell him that his Companions din'd with the Ambassador. M. Thomas promis'd me, to ac­quaint them vvith vvhat I said to him; but to be certain whether they would do us that honour the next day or no, I went soon after dinner to the Ambassadors, upon occasion of the Pope's solemn Vespers, whither I purpos'd to accompany him. In the Garden there I found M. Hallier and M. La­gault, to whom I made my invitation. They an­swered me, that they yet had not time to look a­bout them. I reply'd that they might defer look­ing about them till Friday; but in the mean time I desir'd that we might dine together the next day; They told me that it should be another time. I an­swer'd that it should be when they pleas'd, and we would expect their day and their order.

However we receiv'd one the next day from the Ambassador by his Mastre de chambre and by him­self, to dine together with him on Friday. Ac­cordingly we met there. During, M. Joysell spoke of M. Julien the elder, whose great age and vigor both or body and mind, as well as of capacity, ac­knowledg'd by all the world, render'd him vene­rable; he spoke contemptuously of him, giving him the title of a tottering Wall; and of M. Julien his Nephew as of a simple Country Curate. Where­upon I found my self oblig'd to take him up, and tell him more than once that he spoke of two Do­ctors as considerable as any were in the Colledge of Sorbon. After dinner all the Ambassador's at­tendants being withdrawn, I suppose by his or­der, that we six might be left with him alone; after some general discourses about moral matters, he fell at length upon our affair, and told us he was glad of this accusation, to exhort us all to act one towards the other with all sort of civility and ho­nours without any demonstration outwardly of di­vision and misunderstanding, without any com­plaint or asperity on one side or other. He told us further, that he exhorted us hereunto in the King's name, for fear least the Nation and our Faculty might be dishonoured, and our selves particularly by the heats and disputes hapning between us, if we acted otherwise. All which notwithstanding, either side might vigor­ously represent what they had to plead in behalf of their respective Cause. M. Hallier and his Col­legues agreed and promis'd all this very fairly; M. de Valcroissant likewise promis'd the same in our behalf. I lookt upon this as a very commodious occasion to dive into some of the designs of these Gentlemen; wherefore in confirmation as to my part, of what M. de Valcroissant spoke in our names, I added that, besides the good dispositions we all ought to have to this mutual candour and corre­spondence, as well for its own sake, as for the honour the Ambassadour did us in exhorting us so obligingly, it seem'd to me that we had all the rea­son in the world for it even at this time, since our interests were common, and our intentions and sollicitations ought to tend to the same end, name­ly to obtain the soonest we could, the Congre­gation which we had requested; that after we should have obtain'd it, then was the time that ac­cording as we were engag'd, our courses and in­tentions might be different; but till then we might make all our pursutes together, and by con­sent.

The Ambassadour who had no other design but to perform between us all the offices of an upright and civil Mediator, reply'd, and told me, that I [Page 190] could not oblige those Gentlemen to concurre and join with us in what we demanded, that it behov'd us to leave them to do as they thought fit, as our selves might also on our side: but otherwise to live good friends. I answer'd the Ambassador, that I did not pretend to oblige these Gentlemen to any thing against their own minds; yet it seem'd that if they intended to do any thing conducible to the illustration of Truth, and establishment of a firm peace in the Church, they ought not to disagree from the Congregation which we had demanded; as I beseecht the Ambassador to permit me to ask M. Hallier in courtesie, whether he were not thus dispos'd? The Ambassador gave M. Hallier time to answer. He had no great mind to it, and his Collegues much lesse; but however it was requi­site for him to answer. Wherefore he said, that they had no design to demand a judgement of the Pope, and that they had no other conditions to request but what the Pope should appoint. That in what manner soever the Pope declar'd, they should not be troubled, because he was the Judge both of Doctrine, and of the Conditions where­with he would decide it. But I said to him, Do not you conceive that the Congregation which we have demanded, is to be wisht for in reference to the greater satisfaction of all the world? Will not you help us in the assistances which we are oblig'd to make for it? M. Hallier answer'd, that they would not hinder us from making such instances; but as for themselves, they had in charge to desire of the Pope barely a Decision, without being sollici­tous concerning the Conditions. He did not yet speak clearly enough; wherefore seeing him he­sitate in what he said, I let slip these words, You see they seek only a Judgement made in secret, (such as it may be) and without the antecedent discussion of things. M. Hallier finding himself a little pinch'd with this Reproach, went about to avoid it, by saying, that there was no need of a Congregation, or Examination, because the que­stion was about things already decided, and that they had order to act thus.

The Abbat of Valcroissant interpos'd, and said it was not true that they had order to act thus, because the Letter upon which he could ground this pretence, was publick and testify'd the con­trary. And as for what M. Hallier said, that these things were already decided. M. de Valcroissant told him, that it was abundantly visible what they design'd. That upon this supposition, they would not only be contented with demanding a decision, but hinder to their utmost its being made with the requisite solemnities and hearing of the Parties. That we would not according to this in­telligence which be gave us of their purposes, oppose the same as much as possibly we could. That besides we maintain'd, (and that with more reason then he) that the matters we were to de­fend, were decided and judg'd in our favour, as we should shew him; but this was it that was to be examin'd, whether he had reason to affirm the same or no: whereas according to his mind, there was no need of a Congregation to hear the parties, and lesse of any examination, because things already judg'd us'd not to be examin'd; and this was it undoubtedly at which they aym'd, namely to hin­der all hearing, and all examination; That on the contrary for our parts, it was that we should endeavour to obtain, according to the order which had been given us, and the necessity we saw, so to do. That we hop'd to effect it too, because it ne­ver hapned in the Church that considerable per­sons, such Bishops as commission'd us, requir'd the hearing of Parties, and it was deny'd either by the H. See, or in Councils. But M. Hallier re­ply'd, that it never hapned in the Church that Parties were heard upon matters already judg'd and decided; and that it could not, and ought not to be done.

Assoon as M. Hallier had thus opened his mind, M. Joysel and Lagault testify'd, that they were dissatisfy'd with it. M. Joysel who sat next M. Hallier, pusht him several times to hold his peace; and M. Lagault, who was separated from him by M. Joysel, made signes to him with his eyes and hands to speak no further.

The Ambassador also endeavor'd to divert this Discourse, and said, that it made such ado about the manner of being heard in that Congregation; there was danger lest at Rome (where they are very scrupulous) this demand might be interpre­ted, as if we meant to give Law to them by pre­scribing to them the wayes of acting, and the or­der which they ought to hold, and as if we pre­tended to instruct them undrr the pretext of be­ing heard; That the matter ought to be contract­ed as much as possible; That the King, who hi­therto was but young, beginning to grow up, would end these Disputes, and perfectly redresse them.

The Abbot of Valcroissant answer'd the Ambas­sador, that we wish't nothing more then this were done the most spedily that could be; but yet to that speed other conditions and precautions were to be attended to, in order to do it well. And that our demanding to have it done in a regular and so­lemn Congregation, wherein the Parties might be heard according to the usage of the Church and all Tribunals, both Ecclesiastical and Secular, was no prescribing of Law to any person; But we deman­ded as a thing just, and advantageous, and per­haps necessary in the present conjunctures for the disentangling and clearing of all the difficulties wherein Truth was endeavour'd to be oppress'd. That moreover, we could with as little reason be reproacht, that we pretended to instruct the peo­ple at Rome, by being heard in a Congregation; that the same might be retorted upon all parties, that demanded of their Judges time and conveni­ence to inform them; who for all that do not thence infer, that their parties account themselves wiser then they. That when in Councils, and par­ticularly in that of Trent, Divines had contested and disputed in presence of the Council for the clearing of things, those Divines did not thereby presume to be more knowing then all those Bi­shops, nor to instruct an Oecumenical Council wherein the Pope precided by his Legats, and the H. Spirit invisibly by its assistance. But whereas M. Hallihr, Joysel and Lagault declar'd, that they would not concur to a thing so just, and which would be so advantageous to themselves as well as to us, if they were in the right, it shew'd that they distrusted their own cause, and would continue to hold the truth in unrighteousnesse. That we [Page 191] doubted not after this declaration of theirs in his presence and before us, but they would do their utmost to hinder so great a Good: But this should not hinder us from doing all that possibly we could to procure it.

M. Hallier was in some kind of little confusion, for having declar'd himself so much in behalf of a thing so unjust and so unheard of; to make amends for which, he said, that as for themselves, they were come to Rome to declare to his Holinesse, that they were ready to acquiesce in his orders, howsoever they were pass'd, the decision effected. That the Pope had several wayes to do it, and that he might do it of his own proper motion without hearing any person. That he might consult the Universities to have their sentiments in the mat­ter, and know what judgements were made of it by all Europe before he pass'd his own. That he might erect a Congregation if he thought good. That he might hear us apart, one side after the o­ther, or publickly in presence of either Party, vivâ voce only, or only by writing; either one way or the other: That they were ready for all, and should be pleas'd with any. But at length falling to his former strain, he said, that yet they were oblig'd to follow their orders. That the Bishops who sent them, had no other thoughts but that these matters were determin'd; and that they would act confor­mably thereunto; That this was their Commis­sion.

The Abbat of Valcroissant reply'd, and told M. Hallier, that what he spoke would not be found true: That the Bishops demanded only a Judge­ment by their Letter: That they did not say, that it should be Definitive: and they having not said it, he had no right to say it; that he pass'd beyond his Commission, and we would evidence the same to all the world.

To appease this Contest, the Ambassador said, it was no time to dispute this; that M. Hallier and his Collegues might act as they thought good, and we as we pleas'd: But it was fit that both sides proceeded with mutual Civility and Can­dour.

M. de Valcroissant answer'd the Ambassador, that M. Hallier's speaking before us in this man­ner concerning the Bishops, whose Commission he pretended, could not but oblige us to gainsay him; and that such words were not to be let passe with­out an answer.

M. Joysel and Lagault, did all they could to make M. Hallier hold his peace, and spoke to this effect several times, that each party might act as they thought good, and neither side was bound to give account thereof to the other.

M. de Valcroissant, upon M. Hallier's saying that they car'd not which way the Pope proceed­ed, answer'd him, that yet there were certain u­sual Rules in his Holinesse's judgement upon mat­ters of Faith; and he askt him this Question, If the Pope without any examination or consultation should pronounce upon some Doctrine proposed, This Doctrine is Heretical, would it be well done? would you approve it? wherefore you ought not to say so generally, howsoever the Pope proceed­eth; but indeed we hope he will do in this affair, what shall be most expedient for the peace of the Faithful, the clearing of Truth, and the dignity of the H. See.

M. Hallier hereupon seeing himself so prick'd, said, that if the Pope would hear the Parties, as we demanded, he was not one that would shun the Conference, and they would appear in the Congregation with us; but they were come to Rome barely to tell the Pope their judgement, and were no Parties.

I askt him therefore in two words, And who are we? to signifie to him, that in effect we were as little Parties as themselves, and perhaps lesse; since we acted not but by order of the Bishops who sent us, to beseech the Pope to erect a Congrega­tion for the clearing of all things by hearing of both sides therein; and that there were very many complaints to be made against them for the ma­nagement which themselves, or the adherents of M. Cornet, whom they represented (for they la­bour'd only to effect his enterprise) had held for three yeares past to the present. M. Hallier and his Collegues knew not what to answer to this.

In fine the conclusion was, that we should ne­ver speak of the affaires and questions in agitati­on when we met together; that we should visit one another and talk upon occasions with charity, honour and civility. But as to what M. Hallier demanded at first, that we should divulge nothing concerning our affaires, nor write thereof into France, we utterly tejected so unreasonable a Proposal, which could not be other then the effect of his fear lest it should be known in France in what manner things were transacted at Rome, and which accus'd all the Bishops that signed M. de Va­bres's Letter (whose Deputy he term'd himself) of a prodigious insensibility, which he attributed to them in so important an affair, if they had no curiosity of learning newes concerning it.

After we had taken leave of the Ambassador, we retired altogether, and as we pass'd through those vast and spatious Rooms in the Palace of the Barberini, where the Ambassador lodg'd, I went along with M. Hallier, who spoke two things to me very considerable, which yet I cannot set down here but with much trouble, to see the reasons for which himself affirm'd that he had resolv'd to engage in this affair. First, That when he en­ter'd upon the Syndicship, he desir'd nothing but peace in the Faculty. But some began to push at him, and I first of all, and so things by little and little came to the passe at which they were now. Secondly, That the Pope had requir'd his coming to Rome; that he was come thither, and it would shortly be seen what would follow thereupon. I answer'd nothing concerning the Pope; but as to his Syndicship, I told him, that we believ'd (this is meant of afterwards: for when I oppos'd his ele­ction, none of the Doctors knew that I intended to oppose it, nor that I had the book which was the cause of my opposition) that we believ'd (I say) that he would pursue M. Cornet's enterprise. He reply'd, that it was not so, and that we were mistaken.

As for his saying that the Pope sent for him, and that he was come by his order; 'tis a thing I could never clearly understand, and believe it was not so; there not appearing any probability at all thereof. However he believ'd it, and not only be­liev'd it, but publish'd it openly. I heard by a Let­ter [Page 192] written to me the 22 of the foregoing March, that they boasted that they were summon'd by the Pope and the Cardinals before they set forth. And by a­nother of the 12th. of April, that M. Cornet, and M. Morel, were not contented that M. Hallier and his Collegues had undertaken this Journey; but were pacify'd upon M. Hallier's telling them that he was sent for by the Pope and some Cardinals. I know not whether by this Pope and these Cardinals there were not really some complot of M. Albizzi and some Cardinals, perhaps also some tacite consent or other of the Pope upon some Proposal made to him about it. In brief, 'tis a thing I could never clearly discover; but I leave it to the Readers to judge of.

But as for F. Mulard, who set forth from Rome in December, to carry them the Letters and Mes­sages which oblig'd them to resolve upon coming, he came back again with them or shortly after. For to my knowledge he was seen at Rome on Wednes­day the 29th. of May, being the Eve of Corpus Christi, and he was heard that very day to say, speaking of M. Hallier and his Collegues, and swear­ing by the name of God, By G. I have done so much that I have made them come; I have put the Sword into their hands, let them fight now. But what said one to him? Will you meddle no more in the matter? No (answered he) at least let them begin; when they have done the businesse, I may add the last stroke of the Pencil. It was ad­ded, That he could not be so supine as to forbear to meddle till the end; and he corrected himself by saying, that he might do it also in the interim, to put them in the way, if need were.

CHAP. XI.

Of what pass'd during the whole Month of June, and the beginning of Ju­ly.

ON the first day of June I visited the Curè of S. Saviors Church, with whom having made divers reflections about our affaires, he told me, we should do well in this so intricate a cause (where­in we had to deal with such potent Adversaries who would endeavor to crosse and check us in the least circumstances of our business, when they could not as to the main) to retain an Advocate that well understood the formes of the Court of Rome, that so we might do nothing without his counsel in certain formalities requisite to be observ'd in this Countrey, in which it was likely we were not in­structed of our selves.

In the afternoon of Sunday the second, we went to visit the Fathers Divines of S. Augustin's order. Whiles we were entertaining them, the General return'd home, and having seen us, came and con­vers'd with us. After some Discourse about the presence of M. Hallier and his Collegues, that there was no need of a Congregation, because the things were already judg'd, we took leave of him. He accompany'd us from the Cloister where he had found us to the Church, where after we had per­form'd our Devotions, ten or twelve of his Fathers whom he had left with us, reconducted us out of the Church.

On Tuesday the 4th. I heard that M. Hallier went alone the day before to see Cardinal S. Cle­ment, and as he gave an account of his businesse, he told him that he who was the cause of all the stir about the Propositions, was a great Doctor that was at Rome. M. Hallier meant me; but the Car­dinal either not understanding him, or not willing to understand him, answer'd, that he wonder'd how so great a Doctor could have been the cause of all this scandal. Then M. Hallier explain'd himself, that he did not mean that that Doctor was great in respect of that quality, but great of body, of a tall stature, quantitate molis, non quantitate virtu­tis. He added, that all the evil in Jansenius's book was contracted into the Five Propositions, or rather, that it was all contain'd in the first a­lone. The Cardinal desir'd M. Hallier to recite it. M. Hallior did so, but either by chance or wit­tingly omitted these words, secundum praesentes quas habent vires. And at length setting forth, to what a pitch the mischief of the division caus'd by the Propositions was attain'd, he told the Cardi­nal, that the Jansenists were habited in one man­ner, and the Molinists in another. The Cardinal kept directly to the point in question, and told M. Hallier, he wonder'd how possibly a man so judi­cious as he could be induc'd to quarrel with Janse­nius about that Proposition. That there might in­deed be other things in that Author, which deserv'd Censure; but as for this, it was so clearly Catholick, that there was nothing more firmly establisht in the Scripture and the H. Fathers, particularly in S. Augustin, then what was deliver'd by M. Janseni­us concerning this matter; and that he had expli­cated himself nowhere better, nor given less hold against his book then in this place. The Cardinal dilated amply, to convince M. Hallier of his Asser­tion by the indubitable principles of Theology, from which M. Hallier could not dissent. On the contrary M. Hallier did what he could to defend himself by vain distinctions, but alwayes over­skipping the main matter in question. At length he was so put to it, that he could reply no more, and so this Conference ended. Neverthelesse he for­bore not to tell the Cardinal whilst he was recon­ducted by him, that it was good that the Proposi­tions were condemn'd and censur'd, or at least prohibited to be maintain'd, that I may use the Latin word les prohiber. The Cardinal (who made the Narrative of this Conference to him from whom I had it) could not believe what he saw, and doubt­ed whether M. Hallier understood Italian, though he begun to speak Italian, and the rest of their Discourse was mix'd, part Latin and part Ita­lian.

M. Hallier, to explain in the sequel of this Dis­course who the great Doctor he meant was, nam'd me; He accus'd me also to be an enemy of Religi­ous Orders, though no person ever oppos'd them more then himself before his reconciliation with the Jesuites, and whilst one of his Maximes was, That the Jesuites had no conscience. He utter'd all other things he could in my disparagement, and to perswade Cardinal S. Clement, that his persecu­ting [Page 193] the Propositions was only in regard to their Heretical senses, he said, that for his part he was no enemy to S. Augustin's Doctrine, nor to that of the School of S. Thomas, but he was ready to subscribe to effectual Grace, and also to Physical Predetermination.

On Wednesday I went to la Minerve, to pub­lish to divers persons the design which M. Hallier and his Collegues had declar'd to us in the Ambas­sadors presence; and all that I acquainted with it, condemn'd so unreasonable a pretension. Also meeting with F. Delbene in the place Navonne on Friday, I inform'd him of their purpose, which he pronounced very ridiculous.

On Saturday June 8. we went again to visit Card. Giori, whom we could not inform of our affair the first time. He heard us gravely, and answer'd us with great judgement.

In the afternoon M. de Valcroissant and my self went to the H. Office to see the Fiscal, but he was not there; wherefore leaving M. de Valcroissant, to go speak a word with the P. Companion of the Commissary, the Commissary himself met me. He drew me into his Chamber almost by force, but such a force as proceeded only from friendship. When I was there, he propos'd some arguments to me about the first Proposition. M. Albizzi in­terven'd, and we spoke civilly enough together. We continu'd the Discourse upon the same Sub­ject, and occasion being offer'd me to quote that excellent passage of the Homily of S. Austin, ta­ken out of his 92d. Treatise upon S. John, which is read in the Roman Breviary on Friday between the Octave of the Ascension and Pentecost, where that H. Doctor expounding the words of the Gos­pel of S. John, chap. 15. by which our Lord promis'd his Disciples, that when he had sent the H. Spirit to them, that H. Spirit should testifie what this di­vine Saviour was; Ille testimonium perhibebit de me; he concludes with these after many others: Ille ergo testim [...]nium perhibebit de me, & ves testi­monium perhibebitis; dabit enim vobis fiduciam te­stimonium perhibendi, charitas Dei diffusa in cordibus vestris per spiritum sanctum qui dabitur vobis: quae utique Petro adhuc DEFƲIT, quando muli­eris an [...]illae interrogatione perterritus, non POTƲIT verum testimonium perhibere, sed contra suam pil­licitationem timore magno compulsus est ter negare. When I had apply'd this whole passage to the first Proposition, M. Albizzi had the goodnesse to tell me, That he doubted not, but when a man sins, Grace is wanting to him; Not the Sufficient (added he) but the Effectual. Whilst M. Albiz­zi and I were speaking, the F. Commissary was gone to fetch a book, to shew me some passage. He came back and read his passage to me, and propos'd his argument to me again before M. Albizzi, and he did it with a rude and fierce tone; but when M. Albizzi had left us, he friendly told me, that it be­hov'd him for certain reasons to speak in that man­ner before him.

M. de Valcroissant had the patience to wait for me all this time; and when I had found him again we went together to Cardinal S. Clement, who confirm'd to us most of the things which are above menti­on'd to have pass'd in M. Hallier's visit to him; and particularly that in reciting the first Proposition he suppress'd the words secundum praesentes quas habent vires, and they demanded a pure and absolu [...] con­demnation of the Propositions without distinction of sences, examination or Congregation.

On Tuesday June 11th. I went to see F. Hila­rion, who told me that M. Hallier and his Col­legues had been with him, but he declar'd to them presently that there was no need for them to give themselves that trouble, because he was not of the Congregation. That they had no long discourse with him; but amongst other things they told him, that the Propositions being matters already decided and determin'd, they came with a belief that this affair would soon be dispatcht. The Father added, that we were not to fear that, but we needed to deliver a Memorial to the Pope to beseech him that we might be heard; that nothing would be done without it; and that he had heard that it was resolv'd upon.

On Thursday the 13th, I was in the Pope's Presence-Chamber, at the end of the Congregati­on of the H. Office, whence I saw all the Cardinals come forth, excepting Cardinal Spada who stay'd with his Hol [...]ness. M. Albizzi follow'd Cardinal Ghiggi to his apartment. I sent a Laquay thither to bring me word when M. Albizzi was gone from thence, and immediately went to wait upon this Cardinal; but assoon as I had spoken three words to him concerning M. Hallier and his Col­legues, he told me that he had seen them; he said Yesterday, but it was upon Tuesday. He gave me to under [...]and that the Pope would consider of the Congregation we de [...]anded, and probably would erect it; and assoon as it was establisht, it would set upon two things to examine. First, whether it were expedient to make any Definition upon the Propositions, because the Pope was not oblig'd to make any upon every occasion, and all matters propounded to him. Secondly, to examine the grounds of the matters upon which such D [...]inition was to be made in case it were resolv'd upon. And he seem'd to intimate as if M. Hallier and his Col­legues had had audience of the Pope, and were inclin'd to consent to the Congregation. Where­upon I told his Eminence that there was no great likelyhood that this was the inclination of those Gentlemen, because themselves had testifi'd to us, that they aim'd at a pure and simple condem­nation, without hearing Parties, as if the matters were already determin'd, and because we knew also that they sollicited to that purpose. The Car­dinal reply'd, That if they were formerly defin'd, they were not to be examin'd again; but that this vvas the thing in question; that their vvord vvould not be taken for it, and that nothing vvould be done in this affair but by a Congregation, vvhich should first examine all things exactly. I answer'd, that provided this course were taken, we should be perfectly contented; but in the mean time they diverted the Contest elsewhere, and drew it to things which had no affinity with that which was in question. He reply'd, that these sorts of sollici­tations were not much regarded at Rome, and that they were but lost words; and he ask'd me, where and how they held such D. scourses? I told him, that they had been with all the Cardinals, Consul­tors, and Qualificators; whereat he seem'd some­thing to wonder, as of a thing of little consequence. I told him, I fear'd I should be tedious to his Emi­nence, [Page 194] if I should acquaint him with the grounds upon which they sounded their reproaches; and that we had nothing else to answer thereunto, but that what they said would not be found true; but supposing it were, and there were as much more, yet it was nothing to the main business in question, which ought solely to be regarded. And thereup­on I fell insensibly to lay forth particularly the principal points of the accusations and reproaches which they fram'd against us. I told him the grounds thereof, namely, M. Hallier's Syndic­ship, the business of Santaret, the design of ac­complishing of M. Cornet's enterprise, the Religi­ous Mendicants, the Decree of the University a­gainst the Irish, in what manner M. Hallier im­pos'd the Minister of Groning's Book upon the Faculty. I summ'd up all this in very few words, and confusedly enough, considering the matter. Yet Cardinal Ghiggi apprehended all well enough, and told me, We ought not to be troubled about their suggestions; that they signifi'd nothing; and in reference to the Minister of Groning, he said scoffingly, that it was to alledge a testimony ex ore mendacis; He added, that all sollicitations to other persons, besides those which were nam'd for the business, were lost labours, and even to those (who perhaps would be Cardinals, perhaps Con­sultors, and perhaps others) all those Prefaces and Discourses would be useless and superfluous. That the ground of things that could be alledg'd on either side should be drawn up in writing as compendiously as possible, and reciprocally deli­verer'd to each part, that so either might see what they were to encounter with, and without so do­ing, all was to no purpose; and we might remain satisfi'd with this; and that nothing would be done at Rome, in respect to what one party or the other affirms or denies. Finding by the Cardinals dis­course, that what we had demanded was like to be granted, I askt him whether he had seen our Me­morial. He askt me when it was delivered. I told him on the first of January; He answered that he had not seen it. VVhereupon acknowledging the equitablenesse of his Sentiment, that what we had su'd for to the Pope, was sitting to be granted; I told him the substance of the Memorial almost in its own words; but I added that I would bring his Eminence a Copy of it, and professed to him how great sub­mission we and all the world with us should have for a Decision made in that manner. As I was a­bout to take my leave, I told him we fear'd least M. Hallier and his Collegues had a design to carry matters to some imposition of silence, or some o­ther remedy of that nature, which would produce nothing but mischief; that they would never be brought to a conference but with regret, as partly in respect of the difficulty they would find to de­fend so bad a Cause well, and partly because M. Hallier, as able a man as he might be in other things, was certainly little vers'd in the doctrine of Saint Augustin whom he had not read. He told me that I ought not to fear; and that their wishes or wills would be in no consideration at all. After this I withdrew, but I remember that in the course of this conference, I told Cardinal Ghiggi of the approbation which M. Hallier had given not two years since, whilst he was Syndic, to the first and third Proposition taken in the sences in which alone we held them; and after that approbation so freshly and solemnly given, new interests ha­ving made him change his mind, he now prosecu­ted the condemnation thereof. I remember also, that one told me in the Pope's Presence-chamber, that M. Hallier and his Collegues were gone that day to wait upon Cardinal Spada; that before their parting from him they had spoken something to him in private; wherefore reflecting upon his staying with the Pope, after the Congregation of the H. Office, it seem'd not improbable but he stay'd so in reference to them, and the affair about which they came.

On Friday, June 14. I carri'd Cardinal Ghiggi the Copy of our Memorial, which he told me he would gladly see, lo vedrò volontieri; and in the afternoon we went to la Minerve to see the Pro­curator General of the Dominicans, whom we found to be a very intelligent and resolute man. We visited also the F. Prior of the Covent, who receiv'd us in the Sacristy, whilst M. Hallier and his Collegues were under the Cloyster with F. Mola­no, whom they were come to visit. After they had left him, F. Molano told us, that M. Halier had assur'd him, that they would maintain Effectual Grace; and F. Fani whom we met, told us also, that they had declar'd the same thing to the Master of the Sacred Palace.

He profess'd, that he did not otherwise impeach the Propositions than in Calvin's sence, and that this was correspondent to the discourses which he had held upon the way in divers places; amongst o­thers, at Lyons, where he said, That he was not going to Rome to dispute, but only to let the Pope know that the Doctrin contrary to that of the Propositions, was the Doctrine of the Church, which could not be opposed without Error; and that they who contradicted it, were guilty of as pernicious tenents as those of Calvin, as he said he would prove to his Holinesse by the Book of the Minister Maresius which he carri'd with him, and made a great stirre with everywhere. All this is out of a Letter written to me from Paris, May the 10th. upon the testimony of People of Honor who heard him discourse in that manner, and sent the Intelli­gence from Lyons thither.

On Saturday the 15th. I went to see F. Luca Vadingo. I put him to speak of M. Hallier and his Collegues. He said he would not tell me what they had spoken to him, as neither would he tell them what we should speak to him; but he would serve both the one and the other alike. That he had profess'd to them how just our Demands were. And upon my urging him to speak by saying that theirs did not agree with ours; he told me at length, though with some he­sitation, that they had affirm'd to him that there was danger, lest we might embroyle and perplex things in a Congregation: whereunto he had answered, That men were as quick-sighted at Rome as in any place of the world, Tanto oculati quanto si voglia in altro luogo; and that there was one thing there which was not anywhere else, namely, the infallibility of the Pope by the assistance of the H. Spirit.

From thence I went to the Master of the Sacred Palace, where I saw his Companion who told me, that M. Hallier and his Collegues spread a report, that we were all enemies to those of Religious Orders; that we set upon the Jesuites to ruine them by doctrine, because none but they were able to resist us; and when we had once pull'd down the Jesuites, we would soon [Page 195] dispatch the rest. I had no need to satisfie him con­cerning these accusations, because he was so al­ready; but he told me it were good that we re­mov'd such evil Impressions out of the minds of others more credulous.

We purpos'd to demand Audience of the Pope the next day, to speak to his Holiness concerning these new Comers, and to renew the Requests which we had formerly made to him. I went to his Presence-Chamber ro facilitate the procuring thereof; but I was advis'd in the afternoon to de­fer these instances till there were greater neces­sity.

In the afternoon I went to Cardinal Roma: I complain'd to him, 1. what false things, and remote from the business, M. Hallier and his Collegues, as we understood, spread every against us. 2. What their profess'd design was, namely, to get a pure and simple condemnation, for that the things in question were already determined. The Cardinal answer'd, And where are they so? we must see how. I told him that perhaps they believ'd their word would be sufficient; and that if they saw they could not compass a condemnation of that nature, we fear'd they would then aim at an Imposition of silence (which would be unprofitable and preju­dicial) rather then come to a Congregation. He reply'd, that every one doth his utmost for the accomplishment of his designes: I answer'd, that we all ought to have but one and the same, to wit, the clearing of truth, the establishment of Peace amonst Divines, and that sutably to the ho­nor and dignity of the H. See. The Cardinal re­ply'd, that the clearing of Truth included all the rest. I answer'd, that what he said, was very true; but a Congregation was necessary for that clearing of Truth. He reply'd that it was a thing already resolv'd and decree'd.

I profess'd my joy for it. We arose up, and I askt him what persons were of it, that we might visit them. He told me, this was not yet to be known, and that it was fit that they were visited before­hand. I know not whether M. Hallier had got some inkling hereof elsewhere; but the Cardinal said that they were not altogether Strangers to it when they came to him, and that they had spoken very reasonably, Mi pare (said he) che parlano molto a justamente.

I did not certainly understand that they had had audience of the Pope, till Thursday the 17th. but then I learnt that it was very short, and that there could not have been many things spoken of. I learnt also that they were displeased at the Lodge­ing where they were, and had seen another which had likt them better; that they had agreed about the price; but the difference between them and the owner was, that they would take it but for three Months, and the Owner would not let it ex­cept for a year; and that it was at length com­pounded by a Friend of theirs, who perswaded them to take it for six Months.

Tuesday in the afternoon I went to see a Dis­calceated Carmelite, Professor in Theology, a Person of great parts, probity and prudence, born at Chartres, as I think, as well as M. Hallier; his Name was F. Melchior. He told me that M. Halli­er had said to him that he found nothing to say a­gainst us to our manners; that he was of the same mind with us in reference to the ground of doctrin; that there was nothing but the novelty of terms, and the manner of speaking, with the consequen­ces, that he was offended at. As for his audience of the Pope, that he had given him fair words; but it was not upon that that he placed the principal hopes which he had of the successe of his pur­sutes.

On Wednesday in the afternoon, the Abbot of Valcroissant and my self went to Cardinal Spada. The Abbot very well represented to him the justice of our Demand, and very solidly reply'd to the ma­ny frivolous answers and difficulties which our Ad­versaries made about it; so that the Cardinal seem­ed by his countenance much satisfied therewith. He told us, those Gentlemen had been with him in the morning, that they had not spoken of all the particulars mention'd by the Abbot, and that they had declar'd to him how they desir'd a speedy di­spatch of this affair.

On Thursday morning, June 20. — came to visit me, and told me M. Hallier and his Col­legues had been with him the day before. That he put him in mind at his first complement of an anti­ent acquaintance which they had had, but obiter in the University — where they met. That after the complements he told him, that he was not in that Court about the matters which had been agitated between the Dominicans and the Jesuites; that those things were disputable and probable on either side; but as for the Propositi­ons, they were Heretical, and taught by a meer Heretick. That afterwards falling to discourse of the Propositions in particular, there was not one of them but he undertook to confute sometimes upon foundations contrary to those of the Jesuites, and soon after upon the Principles and Maximes of those Fathers. That he admired this poor man, qui non constabat sibi, who did not agree with him­self, that if he committed the like extravagances everywhere else, there needed none to ruine all that he said, but himself. That he had told him, that as for the Propositions, whether in their grounds, or their consequences, there was only St. Augustin & suoi scholari that were of that Opinion. He told me that he reiterated to him many times, That France was in a general com­bustion about these Contests. That of the hun­dred and twelve, or hundred and eighteen Bi­shops in France, fourscore had declar'd for the sentiments whch he defended. That these things were so misconstru'd; that some Bishops, other­wise good men, had taken upon them to maintain Calvinistical Propositions. That the University favour'd the Jansenists too? who, (as M. Hallier told him, and he repeated to me several times in his visit) held the Propositions wholly Lutheran and Calvinistical. The Abbot Rondanini came to see us during this conference, and because we were not ready to receive him, he went to take a Turn upon the Mont de la Trinite. The Visitant departed, and the Abbot return'd; we all three receiv'd him, M. de Valcroissant, M. Angran and my self. In his long conference with us, he told us mucb the same things concerning the Visits of M. Hallier and his Collegues, as are above related. When his visit was ended, F. Mulard came to see us. He went to make a turn in the City, and left [Page 196] him with M. de Valcroissant, to whom he told se­veral particularities about his Voyage and that of M. Hallier, and since their arrival at Rome this very remarkable, viz. that M. Hallier told him, that the Pope signify'd to him at his audience that he had added Cardinal Ghiggi to the four others which his Holinesse had nominated for the Congregation with honourable Titles, namely Roma, Spada, Gi­netti and Cechini; Roma, he said, was huomo da bene an hone [...] man; Spada huomo [...]capace, an able man; (these were the qualities in which they excel'd) without having added any thing concerning the two other.

I had entreated F. Guérin to endeavor to get a Co­py of the Memorial, which M. Hallier and his Col­legues presented to the Pope that we might see, as we on our part were very willing that all the world saw ours. For that purpose he address'd himself to F. Noel, who had great intimacy with M. Hallier. F. Guerin told me, that F. Noel as­sur'd him that there was no Copy of that Memorial iu rerum natura. That it was very plain, and all it contain'd, that such and such deputed to his Holi­nesse by fourscore Bishops, beseecht him to decide the Five Propositions in question, or the Questions contain'd in the Five Propositions. That they re­presented to his Holinesse that they were matters already decided, and assur'd him, that these Propo­sitions had no relation at all to the Dispute between the Dominicans and Jesuites in the time of Cle­ment VIII.

In the afternoon we went to see Cardinal Bar­berin, who was ready to go abroad to Card. Bran­caccio; we accompani'd him thither, and after a short time spent in taking the ayre, he brought us to our own lodging. Upon the way we spoke con­cerning books. I complain'd chiefly of the malice of certain Authors who writ against us, and for want of true grounds to do any thing, falsly imputed to us some bad opinions, which we own'd not; and afterwards labour'd to prove against us such things as we agreed in, and acknowledg'd true as well as themselves. I instanc'd in the book of F. Annat de Ecclesia praesentis temporis, which is whol­ly founded upon a false and calumnious suppositi­on. The Abbot of Valcroissant alledg'd also to him for example Riccardus, who makes use like­wise of the same fraud to impeach falsly the Third Proposition, opposing it in a ridiculous sense of a Necessitating Grace destroying Indifference, in with it was notorious, that neither we nor any Ca­tholick maintain'd it. It was added further, that if Riccardus had encounter'd it in a false sense, M. Hallier had approv'd it during his Syndicship in its true sense. We arriv'd at our Lodging, whether it pleas'd his Eminence to bring us, and so our Dis­course broke off.

On Sunday the 23d. in the afternoon we went to see Cardinal Ghiggi. The Abbot of Valcroissant very well refuted (as he had done before to Car­dinal Spada) some of the principal reasons, for which M. Hallier and his Collegues endeavour'd to obstruct the Congregation which we demanded, as also the most considerable slanders, by which they endeavour'd to decry us as sworn enemies of the H. See. The Cardinal heard all the Abbots Dis­course calmly, and when he had done, askt us where M. Hallier spoke all the things whereof we complain'd; for he remember'd none of them; and indeed, that all that was spoken to him in that man­ner, enter'd at one ear, and went out at the other. That besides, he was not yet commission'd by the Pope to take any cognisance of those affaires; that every week six or seven hundred Letters came to his hands, that fourscore went to one Congregati­on, and forty to another; that for his part, he was chiefly taken up with things which they call'd Mat­ters of State. That when our businesse came to him, he would apply himself to it in a fitting man­ner; that till then it was fit for us to have patience; that Time serv'd to ripen things, and that often­times the H. See was willing to let the heat of mens minds abate a little. At length he recommended to us, to act peaceably, pacifica mente, and we an­swer'd him, that he should alwayes finde us in that temper through our whole deportment; but we could do no less then speak & represent the things which we conceiv'd important to our affair. And whereas he said, he would have great care of it when it came to him, we told him we were very glad of it, because he would finde that it was very important to the honour of S. Augustin, for whom he profess'd so great Devotion.

We went afterwards to see Cardinal Roma; he was at his Palace, but was busie about some affaires. His Maistre de Chambre told us, that his Eminence would be glad to entertain us at leisure; and because he was the next day to consecrate Monsignor Lit­ta Arch-bishop of Milan, he desir'd us to defer our visit till the Tuesday following. We had hi­therto defer'd to visit the Bishop of Bethleem; we acquitted our selves thereof this day; and after di­vers general Discourses, at length falling upon the affaires which brought him to Rome, he shew'd us a Memorial which he had to present against a Brief pass'd by Ʋrban VIII. in the year 1632. impow­ring Commissioners to make processes against Bi­shops. It was an Affair wherewith he was en­charged by the Clergy, besides the principal which was to obtain Bishops for Portugal.

On Tuesday June the 25. passing before the No­vitiate house of the Jesuites, I enter'd into it, not knowing that it was so, being invited thereunto by the goodliness of the Garden which appear'd to me as I went along, the great Gate thereof being open. I saw Cardinal Ghiggi there walk­ing between two Jesuites; but it did not trouble me, nor give me any irksome suspition of him, because I had a most firm confidence of his ca­pacity, Equity, and Benignity towards all the world.

In the Afternoon we went to Cardinal Roma's Palace, and were fortwith admitted to him. And whereas amongst other things we complain'd of to him, we told him that we were threatned that we should have but one or two Audiences for forme; he wonder'd that we could doubt of being heard as much as we could wish in an affair so impor­tant to the H. See as this, in which it was not only to judge (as the good Cardinal said) but to be judg'd by all the world; because assoon as its Judgement were pronounced, every one would take the liberty to examine it, and see whether it were pass'd according to justice and truth.

VVe went from thence to see F. Pascaligo, to whom we display'd our affair at length: He was [Page 197] very glad, and surpris'd to hear it; and confirm'd further to us our intelligence concerning the or­der which was given between two or three years before to certain Divines to write down their opi­nions, and deliver them seal'd up both concern­ing the Propositions, and the false censure of them divulg'd under the name of our Faculty.

VVhen we had quitted him, we went towards the Ambassadors Lodging, whether I had pur­posed to go. VVe met our friends coming out thence, and a little after F. Malgoires who came after them, and told us that he had disputed there for two hours with M. Hallier. He told us seve­ral things of that Dispute, but amongst the rest, two more remarkable. First, That M. Hallier held all these matters so certainly condemn'd by the Council of Trent, that he would not so much as hear of St. Augustin. Secondly, That upon his telling M. Hallier that M. de Valcroissant main­tain'd the five Propositions in question only in the sense of Effectual Grace; M. Hallier reply'd, that the Sieur de Valcroissant durst not subscribe that. We were extremly surpris'd at this Dis­course, being unable to comprehend how it was possible that after so many Declarations made thereof formerly, and renew'd upon all occasions, and by all means imaginable with the greatest so­lemness, there should yet be found people that durst confidently affirm such malicious calumnies.

I went to the Ambassadors: and found that Card. Barberin was there. I told his Maistre de Cham­bre, that we had been at his Eminences Palace to wait upon him: He answer'd me that there would be a good opportunity to do it the next day at his return from la Minerve after the Congregation of the H. Office. VVhen he was gone, the Ambassa­dor took Coach to go abroad to take the Air, and I accompanied him. He told me there was some likelyhood that a Congregation would be erected, not for us to dispute in, but wherein we might be heard così, così, so, so. I answer'd him, that we did not desire to dispute, but we earnestly wisht to confer one with the other, and that it might be done with all Moderation, Civility and Respect possible, yet according to the formalities requi­site in all sorts of judgements for the full clearing of the thing in contest.

On VVednesday morning we went to meet Cardinal Barberin at la Minerve, and returned to his Palace with him. The Abbot of Valcroissant acquainted his Eminence with the same causes of complaint we had of the carriage of M. Hallier and his collegue, that he had told Cardinal Spada and Ghiggi, and answer'd in like manner their ob­jections and difficulties. The Cardinal made a little recapitulation of what the Abbot said, and answer'd nothing thereunto, saving that if the Pope gave him any Orders about our Affairs, he would endeavour to acquit himself thereof with the affection and fidelity which he ow'd to the H. See. He added, that we ought to be some­thing contented now we had declar'd and conti­nu'd so to do daily; that we had no other interest in this Affair but to preserve the Doctrine of Effectual Grace; since there was none but admit­ted and acknowledg'd it was well as our selves. M. Angran reply'd to the Cardinal, that indeed there was none that declar'd against, or durst do so; but there were many who admitted only the name, and in their hearts deny'd and oppos'd the thing; and that the whole invention and structure of the Pro­positions was set on foot for nothing in the world else but to destroy it.

In the afternoon I went to see a Person that un­derstood affaires very well. He told us, that M. Hallier was (in concetto nella corte) suspected by the Court to do what he did only out of a grudge; and that it would be advantageous for us, if he continu'd to give the same opinion of himself that he had done hitherto. I went next to Car­dinal Roma; but hearing that M. Hallier was with him, I waited till he came forth. I spoke but two words to the Cardinal, about something which I conceiv'd we had not sufficiently expli­cated to him the day before. He askt me, whe­ther I would not be glad to have a speedy end of this affaire? I answer'd him, that we wisht no­thing else, but that it were treated with the greatest speed that could be; provided that speed were accompany'd with all the consideration ne­cessary for the examination of it: and that in this case the Counsel deserv'd to be practic'd, which saith Festina lentè: whereunto his Eminence as­sented.

On Thursday the 27th. we went, for the closing of the Solemnity of la Feste Dieu, or the Festival of Corpus Christi to the Church of St. Peter, and as we were going thither we met M. Hallier and his Collegues who were with the French Jesuites, Penitentiaries of that Church for that Nation. It was no very strange thing, considering that the confederacy of those Do­ctors with the Jesuites was so great, that almost every day, after their other visits were ended, they went to le Giesu to confer with those Fa­thers about what they had done that day, and what they should do the next. But yet a few yeares ago, such carriage in a Doctor of Paris would have been constru'd a great prevarica­tion.

On Friday we made a short Visit to the Resi­dent of Polondi who was our Neighbour, and who had told me in several accidental meetings, that the Queen of Poland frequently enquir'd what we did at Rome. From thence we went to the Ambassador, to accompany him to Vespers at St. Peter's Church. When they were ended I beheld the ceremony of the white Gennet, which the King of Spain's Ambassador ptesents every year to the Pope in the name of the King his Master, in homage for the Kingdome of Na­ples. This year it was the Prince Pamphilio, the Popes Nephew that presented it, the Spa­niards having engag'd him to take upon himself for that purpose the quality of their Kings Am­bassadour extraordinary, by promising to make him a Grandee of Spain; I heard the Protesta­tions which the Procurator Fiscal of the Apo­stolical Chamber maketh, That this Present which the Pope receives, doth not prejudice the Rights of his Holinesse, nor those of the Apo­stolical Chamber to that Kingdome; and the Re­petition made thereof after him by the Pope him­self, wherein he calls it Regno nostro Napolitano; after which nevertheless he gives his Apostolical Be­nediction to the King of Spain, his wife, children & people.

Of Saturday the 29th. being S. Peter's day, all the morning was spent in Devotion at the Pope's Chappel, and in the afternoon I heard the secret Vespers which are celebrated in the Pope's Presence-Chamber, where few others are ad­mitted besides the Musitians that sing them.

Cardinal Ghiggi had familiarly askt me how he might get some books of the handsome bind­ing of France. Upon which occasion I was ob­lig [...]d to wait upon him on Sunday afternoon the last of June; at which time I gave him a Copy both of the Letter of M. de Vabres, and of that of the other Bishops which I presented to the Pope. I told him of the frequent Assemblies and Coun­sels which M. Hallier and his Collegues held with M. Albizzi. The Cardinal answer'd, that to give them audience, was the least thing that was due to them. But it all signify'd nothing; that I might assure my self that this affair Ca­minarebbe per via regia, would proceed in the usual Road, and be handled with a full and pub­lick discussion; that nothing would be done o­therwise: I reply'd that this was all we desir'd, as well in reference to the circumstances, as to the matter of Doctrine. He added, that he could in some sort give me assurance thereof, Sicurezza. I express'd much satisfaction at this good word, and gave his Eminence my most humble thanks for it.

On Tuesday the 2. of July I met M. Borne, M. Hal­liers Correspondent and ours too. He askt me whe­ther I thought we should make a long stay at Rome. I told him smiling, that we should continue there at least (jusqu' aux Roys) till Twelftide. He reply'd that that term would seem very long to those Gentlemen, who were very weary already, and thought they should have dispatcht sooner then so.

On Thursday the 4. we went to give Cardinal Ho­modei full information of our Affair, having been hinder'd from doing it at our first visit to him. He was much satisfi'd therewith, and express'd a de­sire to entertain us again, and to have the bottom of things lay'd open to him, that he might under­stand it; promising if there hapned any occasion wherein he might assist us to obtain a happy issue thereof, he would employ his utmost to that effect.

Friday the 5. was the ordinary day that the Am­bassador was to be accompanied to his audience of the Pope: which Duty being performed, we went to visit Cardinal Brancaccio, who was come to Rome about three weeks before, to spend the Sum­mer there: we set forth our affair to him at large, and he answer'd us with great courtesie and erudi­tion. And because he understood the French Tongue well, he engag'd us to lend him the book of Victorious Grace, which I carry'd to him on Sunday following; but not finding him at home then, I went again to his Palace on Tuesday the 9th, to entertain him again; and deliver the same to his hands.

I visited again upon that Sunday July 7. Cardi­nal Roma, to put him in mind of our extreme de­sire that the Congregation might be establisht whilst there were Doctors of both Parties upon the place, and that we might once come to shew what we had to say in that Congregation; yet pro­vided, that as much time were taken as should be necessary for a thorough discussion of all our allegations. The Cardinal answer'd me, that we ought not to doubt of that, and that the H. See was so much concern'd, that the affair might be transacted in that manner, that we had no reason to doubt that it would pass otherwise. I told him that this was as much as we wisht, and that in the mean time we labour'd much and made no pro­gress; and that all we had done about the affair in our visits hitherto, was almost as if we had done nothing at all. The Cardinal confirm'd his former asseveration, and added, that he hop'd the Congregation would shortly be erected, and that nevertheless he did not yet know the order and pleasure of the Pope.

On Monday the eighth, I was giving a visit to Monsignor Sacrista, when M. Hallier and his Collegues came thither; they were led into an­other apartement, and I presently quitted the place to them. The next day in the afternoon F. Mariana came to see me, and give me an account of their conference with Monsignor Sa­crista; He said they spoke to him una man di spropositamenti, abundance of impertinencies; a­mongst the rest, that the Propositions were condemn'd by the Censures of our Faculty in the year 1650. that they made several complaints a­gainst me, which were nothing to the purpose; and so of the rest.

M. de Valcroissant had made an Advertisement to the Reader, to premise before the works of S. Augustin, contain'd in the little Tome which we caus'd to be printed. We were in doubt for a good while, whether or no we should print it before we shew'd it to M. Albizzi, who was so hot upon reviewing it, even to the Apostilles, least if he perceiv'd that we did it without consult­ing him, he might cause us some new obstruction. But on the other side, when we consider'd that his former opposition was purely a vexatious and humersome action; that to give him this ad­vertisement to the Reader to peruse, was to give it to the Jesuites; that there was dan­ger lest we should not easily recover it out of his hands, and lest it might return at length maim'd and with corrections to which we could not conform; and that all this might much retard our Impression and deprive us of the advantages which we hop'd to obtain by publishing it: We re­solv'd at length, first, to take good heed that there might be nothing in the said advertisement that were obnoxious to exception; and 2ly, to be contented with the Imprimatur of the Master of the Sacred Palace, according to the ordinary course: and lastly, to cause it to be printed with­out noise, and also publisht before M. Albizzi had notice of it. But in case he should afterwards complain and make a trouble about it, then we should endeavour to defend our selves and ju­stifie our proceeding against his assaults; and it would be time enough to come into his hands when we could no longer avoid it.

Yet this resolution was not approv'd by our Friends at Rome without some fear; however, we continued it, although they judg'd it something hazardous. But M. Albizzi's ill dealing with us about the Apostilles, and fear of the same; for this [Page 199] advertisement, if it once came into his hands, ob­lig'd us to venture all the after-claps his Furious­ness seem'd to threaten. I had carri'd our adver­tisement a day or two before to the Master of the Sacred Palace, and this day (Tuesday the 9th.) I went to fetch it from him. He lik't it well e­nough, and deliver'd it to me without scruple, ha­ving first set his Imprimatur to it; and so we caus'd it to be printed with the permission a­lone of the Master of the Sacred palace, M. Albizzi not so much as hearing any thing of it.

Wednesday the 10th. I learnt that the General of the Dominicans had been with the Pope on the Sunday preceding about the affair of the Con­ception; and that the Pope told him that where­as none of his Predecessors nor the Council of Trent had defin'd it, neither would he define it; and moreover his Holinesse acknowledg'd that the im­portunity made to him for it, was not so much out of devotion and piety, as out of jealousie and ambition.

In which no doubt the Pope express'd as much moderation by rejecting the Proposal, as the Authors thereof shew'd ignorance in prosecuting such a Definition; since not onely Prudence al­lows not the determining of the Immaculate con­ception, but it is also impossible to do it, there being nothing of it in the tradition of the Church; so that if the Pope would do it, he must ground his judgement upon particular Revelations, which would be a visible delusion, and open a way to all sort of error.

THE FIFTH PART.

Containing what pass'd during the last six Moneths of the Year 1652.

CHAP. 1.

Of the Declaration made to us, July the 11th. by Cardinal Roma, that the Pope had erected the Congregation which we demanded. Of our visits till the 21. to the Cardinals that were of it; and of the Letter which we writ thereupon to the Bishops by whom we were deputed.

THe occurrence which first offers it self to begin this Fifth Part, is one of the most considerable of the whole Narrative. It is the Declaration which was so­lemnly made to us by the Pope's Order, That he had appointed the Congregation required by us, and lookt upon by us as the cer­tain means for the advancing of Truth and Inno­cence above the malice of those who persecuted both of them by Error and Calumnie. This so ad­vantageous and so desir'd Congregation was de­clar'd to us in this manner.

On Wednesday evening, July 10th. a Note was brought me by one of Cardinal Barberin's La­quayes, whereby I was advertis'd that my Col­legues and I must not fail to repair the next day in the afternoon to Cardinal Roma's Palace, who had something to tell us by the Pope's order at the end of the Consistorial Congregation, which was to be held there. The Note contained these words.

A Monsiur de Saint Amour.

Che si compiaccia dimani dopo pranzo 11. di Lug­lio, corrente mese, essere co 'i sui compagni dal Sig. Card. Roma, che da sua Eminenza segli de ve par­lare dopo la Congregatione Consistoriale, d' ordine di nostro Signore. Per gratia non manchi.

We repair'd thither accordingly in good time, and finding that it was much too soon, we went to make some particular visits in the neighbourhood, till his Maistre de chambre should bring us word that it was time for us to go thither again. A little while after we were there, we saw Cardinal Patotta come forth from that Consistorial Congregation, which was ended a little before. Cardinal Roma recon­ducted him to his Chamber door at the furthest. Then there came forth another Prelate, and we were introduc'd.

M. Albizzi stay'd behind there, which was un­doubtedly that he might peform the Office of a Secretary or Publick Notary, to take notice of what M. the Cardinal should say to us, and what we answer'd; that so the action might be more so­lemn, legal and authentick. He was seated as well as the Cardinal; but at a convenient distance. Chairs also were placed for us, and when we were seated, the Cardinal began in Italian to this effect; You are here Gentlemen (said his Eminence to us) in the name of some Bishops of France, as also in your own, to obtain of his Holinesse the clearing of some Pro­positions which cause very great trouble in France. The Pope hath for that purpose ordain'd a Congrega­tion, as you requested of him, and to the end you may if you please, go and particularly inform the Cardi­nals who are of it, of what you think fit; You shall be advertis'd that there are Five of them, namely (said he) Spada, Ginetti, Cechini, Ghiggi, and my self. Moreover when you shall be ready and desire to speake to us all together in Congregation, you may advertise us thereof; we will appoint a [Page 202] day for that purpose and acquaint you with it.

The Abbot of Valcroissant answer'd to the Car­dinal in Latin, and told him, we were much ob­lig'd to his Holiness for having had regard to the Remonstrances made to him by us on the part of the Bishops of France who [...]ent us, and who, as well as we, had no other thoughts, as should be found in the sequel, then to preserve in the Church S. Augustin's doctrine, to which alone we adher'd. That this resolution of his Holinesse gave us much consolation, and hope that the Church and the H. See would receive all sort of ad­vantage and satisfaction by it as well as our selves.

The Cardinal express'd briefly what desire him­self had that this Congregation might produce all good effects, and what hope he conceiv'd there­of. After which we made him our most humble remerciments, and he conducted us as far as he could towards the door of his Chamber, excusing himself that his wearinesse permitted him not to go further. Which I mention not in respect of any advantage or satisfaction to us thereby, but onely to give account how things passed, and to acknow­ledge the goodnesse and courtesie of that pious Cardinal.

I can say nothing as to Cardinal Spada's satisfa­ction or discontent at the Pope's granting us this Congregation; but I know that being that morn­ing with the Pope at the Congregation of the H. Office, he had much conference with M. Al­bizzi, during which, though otherwise a very reserved Person, he gave great external signes of commotion and displeasure, whatever the cause were.

Upon this Declaration of Cardinal Roma I lay'd aside my purposes of a journey into France during this Summer, about Domestick affairs, which requir'd my presence. I now thought of nothing but apply­ing all my industry together with my Collegues to every thing whereunto we conceiv'd our selves ob­lig'd for the attaining of the other fruits and ad­vantages which we hop'd for from our Labours, which we had employ'd hitherto.

The next day we went to render thanks to God for the same, and to congratulate with some of our particular Friends, and to carry the good newes to the General of the Augustines, who not being at his Covent, we acquainted some of the principal Mo­nasticks of his Order.

In the afternoon we went to the Ambassadour, who was well pleased with our intelligence, and told us he thought he had much contributed to it by his importunity with the Pope at his audience eight daies before. He told us also, that they (meaning the Pope and all his Council) would make a clear determination; that we should be heard as much as we desired; but they would not have us enter into endlesse contests and disputes, tending to the exasperation of the minds of men. I was beginning to answer the Ambassador, that we were far from desiring to enter into such dis­putes; and to shew him in what honourable and civil, yet earnest and peremptory manner we al­wayes maintain'd it necessary to hear us in presence one of the other. When Cardinal Barberin ar­riv'd there, he comming incognito to see the Am­bassador, we were oblig'd thereby to end this con­ference: yet we omitted not to deliver the Am­bassadour a Letter which the Bishop of Grasse (now of Vence) writ to him concerning our af­fair.

I conceive I should wrong the publick as well as our cause, if the Copy of the sad Letter re­maining with me, I should not insert it here. It was addressed à Monsieur Monsieur le Bailly de Va­lenscy Ambassadeur du Roy aupres de sa Saintele, and contain'd the following words.

SIR,

THough I am tardy in rendring you most humble thanks for the favours which the Doctors of Sorbon deputed to Rome by some of my LL. the Bishops of France have received from your good­nesse; yet I beseech you to believe that I had at first all the gratitude for the same which I think my self ob­lig'd to have by being interested in their deputation. The affair about whech they are imployed, is so reason­able and so important to the Peace of the Church of France, which is bound up with that of the State, that knowing the zeal you have for the glory of both, I wonder not that you have by your just Protection coun­tenanced those whose designs are so innocent and con­formable to their duty. The Bishops are the centers of Ecclesiastical unity in their Dioceses, as the H. Father is the center of unity in the whole Church. Wherefore observing divisions ready to arise about questions of high importance, we conceived we could do nothing more becomming the Episcopal Office, than to recur to his Holiness, that it would please him to take cogni­sance of the dispute, and determine the same by such waies as the Churth hath us'd to follow in such cases, and have been practis'd by his Predecessors. 'Tis a Demand so reasonable and so just, that we cannot ima­gine how it can be denied. Yet with all the justice of our Cause we still need the continuance of your favour, and am bold to hope it. We know, they who lately went to Rome, are strengthened with powerfull Let­ters, and perhaps with extraordinary Orders: but we know better that your Prudence is able to distinguish between what Importunity, canvasing and Prejudice may attempt, and what is for the solid service of the Prince and the true interests of Religion and the State. You are concerned in this affair upon two accounts; As Ambassadour of the greatest King in the World, you love the peace of his Kingdom, and you acquit that Charge with such courage and prudence, and your deportment cannot be too highly commended. But you are also a Religious, and a Religious of S. Augustin upon account of your Rule. Whence all the Defenders of his Doctrin are encouraged to believe that you will second them in so holy a quarrel, and that in this occa­sion you will fight for true Christianity, as your Order doth for Christendom. Your Ambassage will be signa­liz'd for ever, if during your exercising thereof, the Church see that famous Dispute terminated by your cares, which hath so long disturb'd its quiet. I wish you that glory, and account it mine, to style my self

SIR,
Your most Humble and most Obedient Servant, ANTHONY Bp. of Grass and Vence.

When we came from the Ambassador, we went to the four Cardinals nominated to us the day be­fore by Cardinal Roma, to salute them as Deputies for the Congregation; but we found only Cardinal Ghiggi to whom we exprest extraordinary joy and satisfaction. He receiv'd us with great civility and courtesie, and made as it were excuses for the slownes of ordaining the Congregation, and told us the abundance of affairs at Rome had been the cause thereof.

I went on Saturday the 13th. to give notice of the same to Monsignor Sacrista, but finding he was at the Pope's Palace, I went thither to him, and in discourse askt him whethether he did not think it expedient that we render'd our most humble thanks to his Holinesse for the Congration. He much ap­prov'd thereof, and immediately went to call the Pope's Mastre de Chambre to me, whom I acquain­ted with my purpose, and concluded upon the next day for an audience.

M. Rousse Cure of S. Roch had sent me a Letter for the General of the Capucines to whom I went to deliver the same in the afternoon; and discour­sing with him, I found that M. Hallier and his Collegues had been with him to beseech him that upon occasion of his visiting several of the Cardinals by reason of a journey he was shortly to take into France, he would tell their Eminences how in his first journey he had found that the Jansenists were multiply'd in all parts, and how necessary it was to discredit and exterminate them, by cutting up their root before they could multiply further. Thus sincerely did this good Father declare the whole project to me. I did not disagree from him that thanks be to God, those whom those Gentle­men branded with the name of Jansenists, were suffi­ciently multiply'd; but I told him it were to be wisht that there were no persons in France or any where else but such as were decry'd under that name, be­cause there were not in the world better Servants of God and the King, of the Church and the H. See.

We spent the Forenoon of Sunday the 14th. in the Pope's Presence-Chamber expecting audi­ence, but it was was wholly taken up by Cardinal Corrado.

Monday the 15th. we writ a common Letter to all the Archbishops and Bishops who had enchar­ged us with theirs to the Pope, and in whose name we acted at Rome. We sent them word that at length we had obtain'd the Congregation which they wisht, and we had sollicited by their order. Take the Copy of the Letter as it follows.

My Lords,

ALL that we have done hitherto at Rome, having been onely to sollicite the Pope and Cardinals for the Congregation which your Lordships demanded of his Holinesse by your Letters concerning the Five Propositions; we conceiv'd it sufficient to give ac­count to such of your Lordships as were at Pa­ris how things proceeded here. And till we had re­ceiv'd his Holynesse's answer and orders concerning your Letters, we did not think it expedient to write to your Lordships in general. We presume your Lord­ships have understood what favourable reception his Holinesse made us in our audience at our first arrival; how we represented to him the state of the affair concer­ning which you writ to him, and the necessity of pro­nouncing a Solemn Judgement in the Case, and esta­blishing fpr examination of the Propositions, a Con­gregation in which the Divines of different opinions might be heard. Your Lordships have also seen the Memorial which we deliver'd to his Holinesse accord­ing to the custome, to give him a compendious account of your demand; and been informed that his Holiness, after professions of his great esteem of your zeal for the Faith, the service of the H. See, and the peace of the Church of France, told us that he would ma­turely consider the importance of this affair, and the demand we made to him in your name, that he would see what would be most expedient for the good of the Church, and acquaint us with his Pleasure. After that, my Lords, we took care to inform the Sacred Colledge of the whole affair; and remonstrate to their Eminences how profitable it would be that his Holi­ness establisht the Congregation which you required for the examination and decision of the Propositions. We have seen what great esteem their Eminences have of the Prelates of France, and we are not able suf­ficiently to represent to your Lordships the honour they do, and the favourable audiences they give us upon that account. They have all acknowledged the im­portance of the affair, and profess'd with much zeal that they will contribute all that lyes on their part for the interest of Truth and the peace of the Church. In brief, my Lords, his Holinesse who watches in behalf of the Church with a most pure intention, and most exact prudence, hath given us to understand his plea­sure by the mouth of my Lord the Card. Roma Dean of the Sacred Colledge. On Wednesday last we were advertised to repaire to his Palace, that we might hear from his Eminence what his Holinesse had ordained upon your Letters, and the demand made by us to him in your Names: We repaired thither at the hour appointed; His Eminence told us, that whereas we were come to that Court to demand of his Holiness in the Name of the Bishops of France, by whom we were sent, a Congregation for the examining and deciding of the five Propositions concerning Grace, his Holiness having our Suit, had granted the said Congregation; and that the Cardinals design'd for it, were my LL. Spada, Ginetti, Cechini, Ghiggi, and himself; that if we would begin to inform their Eminences in particular, we might visit them; and when we were ready to argue in full Congregation, we might give them notice, and they would take care to assemble. We signified to his Eminence our obligations to his Holiness for having thus provided for this im­portant affair, and told him we hop'd it would have a good issue, to the clearing of truth, the glory of the H. See, and the peace of the whole Church; and that when your Lordships writ to his Holiness, you had no other design then to keep S. Austin's Doctrine, received and approved by all the Church, and parti­cularly by the H. See, from being crush'd and op­press'd upon occasion of certain Propositions invented to impugne the same, as we should make appear in the Congregation. After which, we took leave of his E­minence with great sentiments of joy for having un­derstood the so just and so advantagious resolution of his Holiness. Thus my Lords, you have some effect of our solicitude, and a testimony of his Holinesses vi­gilance and wisdome in the government of the Ʋni­versal Church. We cannot but ascribe it to a manifest [Page 204] Providence of God, who always watches over the H. See, that all the sollicitations to his Holiness for a long time have been fruitless; and that whatever instances have been us'd to induce him to a Judgement disadvantagious to the Propositions, under pretext of the evil senses whereof they are capable, his Ho­liness hath always declin'd it, and at length ordain'd a Congregation in which we may be heard, both by word of mouth and writing. Without question all my Lords the Prelates of France will be extremely well pleas'd to hear that his Holiness hath taken this course, since in the present case of the contest about the matter of Grace, no way can be more expedient then this, for the clearing of truth, and our establishing peace in the Church. And although divers other Prelates have desired of his Holiness by their Letter only a bare de­cision upon the Propositions, yet certainly they had no other intention then your Lordships, though they did not so expresly declare it; and the persons who have pre­tended that those Prelates desir'd not that his Holiness would grant the Congregation which your Lord­ships demanded, have no doubt acted contrary to their intention. This we have easily justifi'd in some occasi­ons, by representing, that if those very Prelates were to take cognizance in a Council of the Questions upon which they desire a Judgement from the Pope, and if the Doctors should desire them that they would hear them first, and consider their Reasons and Remon­strances upon the matters to be decided, they would grant them that favour, and appoint the Divines to appear, that so they might hear what they had to say: from whence we concluded, that in demanding his Holiness's Judgement, they could not but approve that he should first hear the parties who presented them­selves, according to your request. We shall endeavour, my Lords, to contribute what lies in us to the advan­cing of so important an affair, protesting to your Lordships, that in imitating your zeal, and following your orders, we aim at nothing in this Controversie besides the clearing of truth in one of the principal mysteries of Faith and Christian Piety, besides the peace of the Church, and the defence of S. Austin's Authority and Doctrine, which hath always been in so great Veneration in all the Church of France, which found its first Defenders there in S. Prosper, and S. Hilary, which being afterwards impugned, hath been maintained by Caesarius Archbishop of Ar­les, and by all the Fathers of the Council of Orange; by Avitus Archbishop of Vienne, and by all the Holy Fathers who liv'd at that time; in fine, which hath had for its Protectors in the nineth Age the SS. Re­migius, Florius, Prudentius, and so many other Saints, and in general all the Fathers of the Coun­cils of Valence, Langres, and Toul, assembled from the greatest part of the Provinces of France. We read in S. Prudentius Bishop of Troy, who was so famous in his Generation for Learning and Piety, one of the fairest testimonies of all Antiquity for the Authority of S. Austin's Doctrine touching the matter of Grace, wherein that H. Prelate seems to address to all the Bishops of France at this day, what he then writ to Hincmarus and Pardulus: Hoc primum (saith that H. Father) praecipué (que), ve­stram sinceritatem monens & postulans, ut doctrinam Beatissimi Patris Augustini, omnium abs (que) ulla du­bietate undequa (que) doctissimi, Sanctarum Scriptura­rum autoritati in omnibus concordissimam (quippe nullus Doctorum abstrusa earum scrupulosiùs rima­tus, diligentiùs exquisierit, veriùs invenerit, vera­ciùs protulerit, luculentiùs enodaverit, fideliùs tenue­rit, robustiùs defenderit, fusiùs disseminaverit) vestri Pontificatus tempore, commento quolibet impugnari non permittatis; quando tanto coelestis gratiae munere donata existit, ut nullo cujusquam conamine ullate­nùs evelli possit, cùm eam & Apostolicae sedis subli­mitas, & totius Ecclesiae Catholicae unitas, auctorita­te concordissimâ approbarint ac roborarint: adeo ut nullus ei singulariter, verum Ʋniversitati Ecclesiae Catholicae cum ea & in ea queat anniti. Si enim ad­versam fidei Orthodoxae in quoquā conspiceret, nequa­quam eam Romanae Ecclesiae Antistes Venerabilis In­nocentius cum totius Orbis Episcopis suscepisset, ne (que) praedictum Patrem memorabilem suarum Epistolarum communiter privatim (que) officiis affecisset, ne (que) successor ejus Zozimus eodem tramite concurrisset, ne (que) Bonifa­cius ejusdem Apostolicae sedis Praesul Epistolas Pela­gianorum sibi delatas ei ad respondendum misisset, aut responsionem ejus quatuor libris editam probabiliter at (que) honorabiliter suscepisset. Coelestinus quo (que) me­moratae Urbis Episcopus, quid contra Gallorum insa­niam super eo ejus (que) doctrina senserit, ex auctoritate Apostolica Decretorum suorum scita declarant. Can it be doubted then my Lords, but the H. See will in its Judgement upon the five Propositions concern­ing Grace, confirm the Authority, and follow the doctrine of great S. Austin, approv'd and re­ceiv'd by all the Popes that have spoken of it, and which we find at this day at Rome in general esteem, and most high Veneration? Ought we not to pray to God that Innocent the Tenth may at this time happily terminate what Innocent the First so well began, touching the Authority and Doctrine of the same S. Austin? and ought we not, my Lords, to hope that all the Faithful, who shall understand that things are preparing thereunto by the esta­blishment of a Congregation, will with a spirit of truth, submission and peace, await the Oracle of the H. See, and that the troubles excited amongst them about those Questions, will be calmed by de­grees, to the edification of the Church? for the good and honour whereof we beseech God to pre­serve your Lordships, with all the respect and e­steem which we ought to have for your Sacred Per­sons.

My Lords,
Your Lordships most humble and most obedient Servants,
  • De Latane Abbot of Valcroissant.
  • De Saint-Amour.
  • Angran.

On Tuesday the 16th. I had occasion to go to our Printer, and as I return'd I went to F. Gue­rin, whom M. Hallier and his Collegues had visi­ted that very morning. Among other things, M. Joysel had complain'd to him, that I reported them to be the Emissaries of the Jesuites: I never had such a thought; themselves had done it more then I: but I would fain know what they were else, considering the confederacy and perpetual correspondence they had with those Fathers, of which I had at my departure from this visit a fair [Page 205] proof from the Bishop of Bethleem, who came the same morning to see us; for he told us he had visited those Gentlemen before his coming to us, and found them all three with three Jesuites at their lodging, laying their heads together. But to go on with what F. Guerin inform'd me; he told me M. Hallier had said to him, all would have been as well as possible could be, if we would have forborn (as himself did) to drive the Jesuites up­on the matter of Moral Theology: That it was highly advantagious to himself towards the justi­fication of his present actings; that he had for­merly been the sworn Enemy of those Fathers: That, speaking of M. Arnauld, he said, he had taken the liberty to set forth divers Positions in his book of Frequent Communion, whereof he was afterwards oblig'd to make explications, of which he gave two instances: First, That Satisfaction is necessary before Absolution: And secondly, That Priests have power as well to bind sinners, as to loose them. Now to judge what reason M. Hal­lier had to make these complaints, it is good to ob­serve here by the way, that M. Arnauld never thought of the first, and the second is very true: Quorum remiseritis peccata, remittuntur eis; & quorum retinueritis, retenta sunt, in the Gospel of S. John, Chap. 20. v. 23.

F. Mariana din'd this day with us: He told us, M. Hallier complain'd that he found many Janse­nists at Rome (so he call'd all such as gave not a blind belief to his discourses, and had a sound and serious respect for S. Augustin's Doctrine:) and truly all Rome was full of this sort of Jansenists. This afternoon we went to the Palaces of the Car­dinals Spada, Ginetti and Cechini, to pay them our respects upon their being nominated for our Con­gregation, but we found only Cardinal Ginetti, to whom we could acquit our selves of this duty. Afterwards we visited Monsignor Sacrista, by whom we understood most of the same things that F. Mariana had told us concerning the discourse of M. Hallier and his Collegues in their visit: He added, that M. Hallier protested to him, that he had no quarrel against Effectual Grace: That as for what pass'd under Clement the VIII. and Paul the V. were he to take a side, he would rather be for the Dominicans then the Jesuites: That he had been a great Enemy of those good Fathers: That himself and I had been formerly very good friends: That I had been sometimes his Schollar (perhaps I might have been, and indeed when I commenc'd Doctor, M. Froger Cure of S. Nicolas du Char­donnet, who was the Director of my Studies, hap­pening to die in that conjuncture, M. Hallier did me that office, which M. Froger was preparing to do for me the same day he dy'd) In brief, M. Hal­lier told Monsignor Sacrista, that he esteem'd S. Augustin's Doctrine good and Catholick, and yet in the course of the conference he said, That when a Proposition is once condemn'd by the Church, it is not to be regarded whether it be in S. Gregory, S. Augustin, or any other; supposing thereby, with as much ignorance as irreverence to­wards S. Augustin and the Church, That a Propo­sition of S. Augustin's in this matter of Grace un­der contest, may be the object of the Churches Censure, which is as much as to affirm, that the Church may condemn it self.

On Wednesday morning, July 17. we payd Car­dinal Cechini the same duty we had done the day before to Cardinal Ginetti: In the afternoon we went for the same purpose to the Palace of Cardi­nal Spada, but could not find him, and therefore went to that of Cardinal Roma, to thank him for contributing his assistance to procure the erection of the Congregation: The Cardinal told us he was glad of it, and that the business would be di­spatcht (si spedira presto:) That himself and the other Cardinals were properly only to govern it, and see that all things were transacted in a fitting manner, and according to form: That a great number of Divines (una gran mano di Theologi) would be present to hear us; that M. Hallier and his Collegues had been sent for that very morning to him, as we had been the Thursday preceding: That the erection of the Congregation was signi­fi'd to them, and that they were told, as we had been, that when they were minded to be heard therein, they should give notice of their desire, and the same should be assembled; and that they answer'd, that they were ready. I askt the Cardi­nal, whose care it should be to advertise us when they pleas'd to appear for a hearing, that so we might be present at it, and they reciprocally pre­sent when we should be heard? Also, who were the Divines that were to be at the Congregation? His Eminence answer'd, that neither point was yet resolv'd upon: That sometimes charge was given to Divines to prepare themselves for these matters, sometimes to others; that some had been exclu­ded, others added: That being he would speak no­thing but was certain, he could not yet tell us any thing concerning these particulars; but when the List was perfected it should be deliver'd to us, that we might repair to the persons if we pleas'd, al­though it would be very troublesome to visit so great a multitude (tanta gente.) We render'd most humble thanks to his Eminence, and told him we would expect his orders. As to the main business; he told us also in this conference, that he had stu­died these Questions formerly, and understood them a little: We took the liberty to tell him, that considering the difficulty of the matter, it was ne­cessary for a man to apply himself entirely there­unto: He answer'd, that the Cardinals needed not so throughly to understand it as the Consultors; because the Cardinals have but a judgement in point of Prudence, the Consultors a Theological one, and the Pope a Decisive. Noi habbiamo un giuditio prudentiale, i Consultori il Theologico, & sua Santita il decisivo. Yet it may be said to the commendation of this pious Cardinal, that it were to be wisht all the rest had been as diligently acquainted therewith as he.

On Thursday the 15th, we went again in the afternoon to Cardinal Spada's house, but had not yet the good hap to meet with him. As we came back, we made a short visit concerning the busi­ness of the Congregation to the Cardinal of S. Cle­ment, in whom we always found an admirable in­sight into these matters, and an equal vivacity and clearness of judgement: VVe were highly pleas'd with all that he said to us in this visit, which had been longer, if the Ambassador of Bologne had not interven'd. VVe went thence to advertise Cardi­nal Barberin of the Congregation, who carri'd us [Page 206] abroad to take the air, and brought us back to our lodging. After which I went to our Printer, and as I return'd, found F. Guerin at his door, who told me M. Lagault was newly parted from him, and had said to him, That were the Question only about Molina and S. Thomas, who held differing Do­ctrines indeed, but such as may be follow'd indif­ferently, and without errour, they should not be so much concern'd; but that the Propositions were as manifest Heresies as the denial of Transub­stantiation, and though they were not in formal terms in Jansenius, yet it was clear, that they were the whole foundation of his Doctrine.

On VVednesday the 19th, after we had accom­pani'd the Ambassador to the Pope's Palace, I met him again at that of Cardinal Pamphilio, whence he carried me home to dine with him: He told me that he had much congratulated the Pope for the establishment of the Congregation; that he had told him that his Papacy would be the most illustri­ous of all those that had preceded him: that he had the most glorious occasion in the world; Do­ctors and Bishops of either side abundantly submis­sive, who respectfully attended the Oracle of his Decision, &c. The Ambassador told me also, that the King medled not in the business, but as the common Father of all his Subjects, without incli­ning either to one party or other. And moreover, that if he were minded to take a side in this matter of Religion, it would be requisite that his Maje­sty did it after another way.

Returning after Dinner to our Lodging to take my Collegues, we went to Cardinal Spada, who receiv'd our professions of satisfaction for the ere­ction of the Congregation. From thence we went to see the Generals of the Augustines and the Do­minicans; but finding neither of them, I made a short visit alone to the Cure of S. Saeviour, who acquainted me that M. Hallier and his Collegues began to say that it would not be meet that we argu'd in the Congregation both sides present; and that one of the reasons which they alledg'd was, that it would take up too much time: whereas on the contrary (said the Cure to me) there is no more compendious and clear way then to speak in pre­sence one of the other; because should we do it apart, they would go one way, and we another, and so we should put all into confusion.

CHAP. II.

Of the first Suspitions we had, that our Adversaries endeavoured to ob­struct what was most essential to the Congregation, viz. an open hearing in the presence of either side. Of the sollicitations we made thereupon the rest of this Month; and our discove­ring of a design to get Persons wholly suspected by us appointed for this Assembly. A very considerable Let­ter which I received about this time.

THe jealousies continually given us (for whose entertainment we were but too apt) that M. Hallier and his Collegues imploy'd all their cares and the credit of their Patrons the Jesuites and o­thers to quash the condition of mutual appearance in the Congregation ordained, oblig'd us to go on Sunday morning (July 21.) to the Pope's Maistre de Chambre, and tell him that we thought fit to defer our thanks to the Pope, because we conceiv'd we should have occasion to addresse to his Holiness within a short time about some businesse, and we were willing to do both together. Wherefore we beseecht him to reserve till that time the courtesie which he had promis'd us in introducing us that day to have audience of his Holiness. Our design in this delay, was, to free our selves from being ob­lig'd to speak to the Pope about this difficulty and circumstance, and to get it handsomely rectified by the Cardinals without needing to move his Holiness concerning it when we should give him our thanks for the Congregation which he had granted us, that so our acknowledgement might be serene and fair, as the Declaration of it made to us by Cardinal Roma was.

But before I mention our sollicitations about this matter, I cannot forbear to insert a Letter here, which I intreat the Reader to look upon as a thing by it self; and which I transcribe not, although it hath much reference to sundry things before and hereafter related, but because I find it very ele­gant, and apt in this place about the time in which I receiv'd it at Rome from a Doctor of Sorbon, one of my intimate Friends, who writ the same to me from the place where he then was, June 16. 1652. The Contents follow.

SIR,

I Receiv'd together the two large Letters you writ to me, full of testimonies of the confidence and Friendship wherewith you are pleased to ho­nour me. If I durst, I should find fault with your going too far therein; for I can make no other construction of your too favourable judge­ment [Page 205] of me, than that it proceeds from a singular affection, which gives you an opinion of me far above what I acknowledge in my self. I have alwayes written to you with sincerity, and freely signify'd to you my thoughts and sentiments concerning your journy to Rome about the affairs which you manage there, and concerning the Proposals which you have made to me. And be­cause I see things not alter'd, or at least vari'd on­ly in appearance and some circumstances, I can­not change my judgement or disposition. 'Tis true which you tell me, that the voyage and resi­dence at Rome is dangerous, and more for re­gard of the corruption of the mind then of the body; because that of the latter is sensible and vi­sible, and the other being spiritual is indiscern­ible, and ofttimes carries its poyson into the bottome of the heart without being taken notice of, insensibly corrupting Faith and Reason it self by humane prudence, and a manner of life and de­portment altogether Political, which people con­tract there, unlesse they be prevented by God's special protection and favour. And to tell you true, though I am much averse from that vice which passes for vertue in the world, yet I ac­count not my self so strong, but that I think fit to avoid even the occasions of it. Nevertheless 'tis not this alone which keeps me from comming to you, and taking upon me that part which you would assign me in the affairs wherein you are en­gag'd, and labour with the care and zeal which you have ever professed for the Church and the Truth. If I conceiv'd I could be as serviceable therein as you apprehend, and could it reason­ably be hop'd matters would be so carri'd and have such effects and issues as you aime at, solitude should no longer detain me, nor the danger of the wayes or residence at Rome keep me from of­fering my self to God, to do him service, and se­cond you in that which you endeavour to per­form to him. But I am so strongly perswaded of the contrary both by potent considerations taken from humane prudence, as well as from reasons divine, and founded upon the present posture of things, that all the Remonstrances in your Let­ters have not mov'd me, although otherwise I may say (I think) without flattery, I am very prone to resign my self and submit to my Friends, and so devoted to satisfie and content them as far as my ability reacheth, that I can scarce deny any thing to them without doing violence to my self, especially in things wherein the service of God and honour of Truth are concern'd, and to persons with whom I have some particular league and engagement of Friendship as I have with you. No, Sir, I cannot believe that ever there will be a regular and free conference about the matters in contest at this day; and should there be one appointed, and persons found capable of deba­ting the questions on either side, and Judges in­telligent enough of the truth and sufficiently im­partial to determine them (which is very difficult, not to say morally impossible) I could not pro­mise to my self the success which you aim at, and seem to hold for certain. All that could be hop'd, so far as I see, from such a Conference, and most upright Judges, deputed to preside in it, is, that things would remain as they are, and Truth not be more wounded and oppressed than it hath been formerly; should the Arbitrators be dispos'd to do something more, and to pronounce in favour of Truth; they who have been inveig­led into the contrary part, the Temporal Pow­ers engag'd with them, and the Spiritual, who at the best that can be hop'd from them (if we may judge by things past) are indifferent as to these matters, would quite stop the passing of such judgement, thereby to avoid offending so many of the world; and under pretence of eschew­ing Division and maintaining the Church's peace, leave things in the same state in which they are. If you judge my conjectures, and the consequen­ces I draw from them disagreeing from your own thoughts, yet I am confident you cannot but say that the suppositions which I make and from whence I draw those consequences, are very fa­vourable, and that I put the case of things as well as you can desire, and in better than there is hopes of seeing them. For leaving you to find Persons capable to propose, manifest and maintain the truth befittingly in a regular Conference, I think you will not be backward to confesse that there is not the least likelyhood of finding Judges suffici­ently intelligent in these matters, sufficiently well affected to Truth, and sufficiently proof against all sorts of interests, to pronounce in its favour when they have discover'd it: And if they were truly such, undoubtedly one of the Parties would except against them or elude and prevent their Judgement. These matters have been agitated, examin'd, and determin'd too in in abundance of the most important questions and difficulties by the authority and oft time in the presence of two great Popes very learned and of upright intentions. And you know what hath been the issue of those Conferences which lasted many years. You are far from seeing your af­fairs in so fair a way; and if you promise your self a better issue thereof, I attribute it to your zeal and the affection you have for the cause you ma­nage, which makes you build too much, and ground the hopes of your justly desired successe upon the good reception that hath been shewn you, and the fair words and promises which are given you. Yov will permit me to mind you that that coyne is very current in the world, and more in the place where you are than in any other; 'tis that wherewith all pay­ment is ordinarily made; and many times where there is least will and power to give, the promises are largest. VVe have a very fresh example hereof, and in the same affair that you are solli­citing at present, in M. Sinnic and M. Bourgeois who prosecuted the same before you. All the world knows how they were receiv'd well, heard courteously, how they had sundry audiences of the Pope, who receiv'd their requests and re­monstrances by word of mouth and by writing, who gave them good words and made them still hope from his Holinesse all that could be hop'd from a common Father of all the Faithfull. M. Sinnic was invited and treated magnificently by Cardinal Barberin, who made him the goodliest promises in the world, at what time in all proba­bility the design of remanding him home was al­ready projected, and accordingly was effect­ed [Page 206] shortly after. All the Proposals of accommo­dation made to you touching the B. of Ipre's book, the Doctrine it contains, and the Bull that hath been made to fulminate against it, seem to me as suspitious as the promises that are given you, and are of much more dangerous conse­quence. You know Sir, by experience, in some general and particular Assemblies of the Faculty in which you were present, how all people easi­ly hearken to such accommodations, how it is easie to be inveigled to remit something of the interest of truth in such cases, either by sur­prize, or by weakness cover'd with the pretext of peace; and how such accommodations and modifications are prejudicial to the truth. These are wounds which prove afterwards irremediable; because they are made by those who profess to defend it; and in this they injure it more then they who openly impugne it, and are its greatest Enemies. I confesse to you, I could never read without pity (and I speak it too without any indignation) the Objections and Proposals made to you about the B. of Ipre's book and the Bull; and that which most amazes me is, that they who made those Objections and Proposals, pass for persons very intelligent and well-affected towards the truths of Grace. For to reply that M. d' Ipre intending to justifie some Propositions of S. Augustin's, found among those of Balus, which have been condemned, and desirous to reconcile the Authority of the H. See, and of the Bull which seems to condemn them, saith Haereo; 'tis but to quarrel with that great Lover and Defender of S. Augustin, and Indict him for a word, and for a word very well spoken, and which shews his great moderation amidst his great knowledge, and the incomparable zeal he had for the truth. How frequently doth S. Au­gustin use the same manner of speech, or like it in his works, when he meets with some difficul­ty, even against the most important mysteries and certain principles of Faith? How often hath he remain'd in such dubitation, while he enquires the manner and way how original sin is contract­ed; not to mention abundance of other difficul­ties, in which he scruples not to declare his per­plexities? and his modesty goes sometimes so far, as to acknowledge and confess his ignorance in certain cases. If it be demanded, how the Eter­nal Father begets his Son, how Jesus Christ gives us his Body in the Eucharist, how that Body can be the Life and Food of our Souls: If abundance of other questions be put touching our Mystery, touching the Articles of Faith, touching the dif­ficult places of Scripture, to reconcile passages together which seem contrary one to another: who is there of the Doctors Antient and Mo­dern, that continuing firm in what the Faith teacheth us concerning those Questions, not on­ly saith not as M. d' Ipre, Haereo, but confesseth not that he cannot render a true reason of what he believes, and remains all his life in that igno­rance? And shall it then be taken ill, that in a very difficult and intricate Question or Fact, in which some unskilful or ill-meaning persons have gone about to set the Authority of the Pope a­gainst that of S. Augustin, pretending to subject some Propositions of this Doctor of the Church to the censure of the H. See, M. d' Ipre who hath labour'd with as much and more diligence and fidelity then any one whatever upon this point, upholding S. Augustin's Doctrine without injuring the authority and respect which is due to the H. See, should say at the first view of this affair so intricate and so difficult to disintangle, Haereo? They who frame these complaints against that great Prelate, and they who wonder and suffer themselves to be over-aw'd when they hear them, shew they have no great understanding in the Doctrine of the Church, and S. Augustin, nor much stedfastness in what they know thereof. And though they cover their accusations with the Authority of the H. See, yet I can tell you with assurance, that they have not (or at least their proceedings argue not) so much zeal, nor so pure and disinteressed respect for the Head of the Church, or the Church it self, as M. d' Ipre hath had and testifi'd in sundry important occasions, both by his actions, and by his writings. Other particulars wherewith he is charg'd, flow from the same Fountain, and are no less unjust then groundless: If he hath written concerning the matters of Grace, since a prohibition of the H. See, he is not the only man that hath done so, but 'tis he alone that hath written in that manner that he hath done, having only reported the sentiments of S. Augustin, whom the Church owneth, not only as one of its Pillars, but as its Master and Teacher, particularly in the matters of Grace; and he writ his book, being a Prelate and Pastor of the Church; should all those who writ before and after him, have incurr'd the Cen­sure of the H. See; yet methinks all these peculiar considerations ought to secure him from it. Ne­vertheless, by a most manifest injustice, endea­vours are us'd to get his book subjected to Cen­sure, and to acquit all others: Whereas it is al­ledg'd, as you tell me, that the other books have not been inform'd against as this hath been, and that had they been complain'd of, and pre­sented to the Pope, they would likewise have been prohibited: This is to seem blind in these things and deeds either through ignorance, or passion; through ignorance and want of understanding in these matters, if we admit they speak really; through passion and interest, if knowing well how the same have pass'd, and not believing what themselves pretend, they think to make the same credited by others: For all the world knows how many complaints have been made, how ma­ny Petitions have been presented to the Pope a­gainst the Jesuites, and the books and writings publisht by them about these matters, which yet they urge, are prohibited to be written of. In one single printed Petition have been noted, I think, twenty Jesuitical Authors, who have set forth books since that Prohibition, which is urg'd to stop that of the Bishop of Ipre. When M. Sinnic pass'd by Paris to go to Rome, he took with him a Copy of the Theses of Lovain, printed at the foot of the Bull, wherein they were expresly prohi­bited. And for all this, ignorance is pretended, and they say Justice should have been done against those Authors and their writings, had complaint been made thereof to the H. See. I confess Sir, I admire how any dare alledge such excuses in the [Page 209] place where you are, as they so confidently do; and how they can hold you in hand with, &c. You see Sir, with what liberty I write and expose my thoughts to you in answering to your Letters: 'Tis an evidence of the sincerity of the friendship I bear you, and of the confidence I have in yours. As­sure your self I do not forget you in my addresses to Almighty God; I represent to him your af­fairs and necessities as my own, and beseech him to make me as I desire to be always, more and more yours; which I shall look upon as his mercy towards me, & the making me more to be his. And I desire you to beg the same of him in my behalf.

The same day that we desir'd the Pope's Maistre de Chambre to defer the Audience which he was wil­ling to procure for us, as I related at the beginning of this Chapter, I went in the afternoon to Car­dinal Ghiggi, partly in reference to M. Hallier and his Collegues, partly to make some Remon­strances to his Eminence touching the Consultors and M. Albizzi. I told him that I came to speak to his Eminence about some things a little trouble­some, which concern'd our affair; that I was loth to give him disturbance with them, but we could not represent the same to him, to the end he might take some order therein if he could, un­less his Eminence were advertis'd thereof, that so if the Pope happened to speak to him about them, he might be prepar'd to tell his Holiness his senti­ments. I told him, that when we were sent for to Cardinal Roma, to hear the Declaration which he was to make to us from the Pope concerning the erection of the Congregation, M. Albizzi was present at what the Cardinal said to us; that by being so it seem'd to us that M. Albizzi was in­tended to be Secretary of the said Congregation, and that the same appear'd to us very hard to ad­mit, considering his great prepossession against us, and the extreme partiality which he profess'd as openly in behalf of our Adversaries. Now to satisfie the Cardinal concerning his partiality, I intended to represent to him, 1. What M. Albiz­zi had done in the business of the Houres. 2. That he had told me that my opposing the Censure M. Cornet endeavour'd to get pass'd in our Faculty against the Propositions, was a disservice to the H. See. 3. That upon a bare suggestion of F. Mu­lard, he had obstinately maintain'd that we were not deputed by several Bishops. 4. The manner wherewith, being in his Antichamber, I had heard him speak of me to two Flemish Cordeliers. 5. His insolence at la Minerve upon a very civil visit which we made to him. 6. His opposition, and ri­gorous, and altogether unjust treatment of us a­bout the impression of S. Augustin. 7. What he had done on the other side to get publisht F. An­nat's book, if he could, against the Popes inten­tion; and how he quarrell'd with the Printer when he saw that Fathers book prohibited by the Pope. 8. The continual correspondence he hath held with M. Hallier and his Collegues, since their arrival, besides that which he hath always held with the Jesuites. 9. VVhat I heard from F. du Plantet, that he had wonderful kindness for them and their affair. 10. I had also purpos'd to speak to him a­bout the diversity of the Commaes, which he had caus'd to be put into the second impression of the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. purposely to comply with the Jesuites: But I could not particularly acquaint the Cardinal with any thing but the insolence which M. Albizzi had shew'd us at la Minerve, and his dealing with us about our impression of some of S. Austin's works; but I did it with great resent­ment, terming it barbarous and un procedere di Turco: I added, that it was a shame that he should deport himself thus with the countenance of their Eminences, and oftentimes acting in their names: That I had proofs hereof at hand, but it would require an hours time for his Eminence to see them. The Cardinal seem'd mov'd at my dis­course, and almost convinc'd of what I said; yet he told me, that we might comfort our selves, for that the Pope and their Eminences would look ex­actly into the matter, having purposed so to do; that he was sorry for our discontent; but should a Prince have regard to the inclinations and aversi­ons which one side or other may have against per­sons, nothing would ever be done: I assented to him, that to do so generally is difficult, yet expe­rience sometimes shows, that it is necessary (and the late History of Mascambrun sufficiently evi­dences that I had reason.)

Then I proceeded to speak concerning the choice and alteration made of the Consultors, attri­buting the same chiefly to the suggestions of M. Al­bizzi, and adding, that we had cause to fear that he would do his utmost to introduce persons engag'd in the sentiments of the Jesuites, and exclude such as he saw inclin'd to favour S. Augustin's Doctrine.

The Cardinal told me by the way, that S. Augu­stin's Doctrin, was out of all danger, che non patirebbe niente. He said also, that the choice of the Consultors was order'd by the Pope, who elected one person to day, and another to morrow; that it depended wholly upon his Holiness; nor ought any to ask why he did thus or thus, for he was the Master.

I reply'd, that indeed the Pope was the Master; but M. Albizzi having the advantage to suggest to him this person or that, and to represent rea­sons to his Holiness for the exclusion of some or others, he might bear a great stroke in the nomi­nation. That besides, he had so great a sway over the Consultors, that they had not the liberty to speak their suffrages in his presence, when they saw the same were not consentaneous to his sen­timents and desires, lest having private access to his Holiness every eight days, and a great freedom with their Eminences, he might do them ill offi­ces. That some of them had told me that they had formerly been spoken to about these matters, but because they had declar'd themselves a little too forwardly in behalf of the cause of Grace, they had heard no further of them since. That my self had experience hereof, upon an occasional meet­ing with the F. Commissary of the H. Office, when discoursing very gently with him about the first Proposition, and he being satisfi'd with the an­swers which I made to him, M. Albizzi superven'd, and thereupon the Commissary became as it were Metamorphos'd, and not like the same man, speak­ing to me with a rude and sharp voice; but when M. Albizzi was gone, the Commissary resum'd his former stile, and told me it was requisite to use such language as he had done only to please him.

The Cardinal answer'd, that the Pope speaking to him about M. Albizzi, said, that indeed he was [Page 210] a man that sometimes spoke roughly and passion­ately, but otherwise when any thing was to be done, he consider'd twice upon it.

I told the Cardinal how little vers'd M. Albizzi was in the matters of Grace, and so was an incom­petent person for the right discharging the office of Secretary in a Congregation, wherein that business was to be thoroughly examined. The Car­dinal answered, that perhaps he would be the fitter for it, because he was only to write down what should be dictated to him: I reply'd, that to give a true Relation of a Disputation held between D­vines about this matter, it was requisite for the Relator to understand fully the Opinions both of the one side and the other, that so he might com­prehend the knot of the difficulty, and faithfully report what should be alledg'd by either party in defence of their Sentiments. That heretofore, in the time of Clement the VIII. and Paul the V. there were two Secretaries; and therefore admitting M. Albizzi for one, it was our request that at least another might be added to him.

I proceeded then to acquaint him with a third thing which troubled us; namely, that after we had Petition'd for a Congregation, in which the Parties might be heard coram openly; that after it had been declared to us, that the Pope had granted the Congregation which we petitioned for; yet it seemed M. Hallier and his Collegues endeavour'd to hinder the execution of the same as it was pro­mis'd. That we designing to speak nothing but what was true and justifiable, were very desirous to have them present at the Declaration of our Sentiment, to the end they might either assent and acquiesce in them, or be convinc'd thereof in case of denial. On the other side, fearing they might vent many false, fictitious, and frivolous things, we desir'd likewise to be present at their Hearing, that so they might be aw'd by the ap­prehension of our replying to them; or in case they utter'd any thing of that strain, the same might be forthwith excepted against by us, and re­futed. That the communication alone of Papers was not sufficient for this purpose, because possi­bly they might declare themselves more amply in speaking, as to some things, which in their Papers they would but slightly touch upon; yet this slight touching might be enough to mind those Persons whom they have tamper'd with, of all that they have before-hand privately suggested, which how­ever extremely false, must needs pass for true, unless it be refuted, which is not to be done, un­less they be heard; because the transient intima­tions in their writings, will scarce be taken notice of, or make impression; That therefore it was absolutely necessary, not only that there be an re­ciprocal communication of the Papers of one side to the other; but also that we be heard viva voce, and that in the presence of both Parties.

Cardinal Ghiggi ask'd me whether we had ac­quainted Cardinal Roma with these things. I told him, That we had, but receiv'd no plain answer from him about them. That I hoped his Eminence would be favourable to our Desires, because be­sides the justness and advantageousness of them, they were also congruous to the practice both of the Church and of the H. See. The Cardinal then reply'd, that those Practices were understood well at Rome.

I added that we had express order to be impor­tunate upon this point, and no power to act o­therwise; and therefore we beseecht his Eminence to bring it about that we might suffer no difficulty therein.

The Cardinal began to be something mov'd at this, and told me; It seems then you intended to give law to the Pope, but the Pope would receive none from any. I answer'd that we intended no such thing; but all our businesse was to desire in the name of some Bishops who sent us, a thing which they conceiv'd the Pope's justice, wisedome and prudence would easily condescend to their re­quest. He reply'd, But, questa parola, Vogliamo, That word, we will. I answered that it was often used innocently to expresse that which is desir'd, without pretending to give law to any person; but for my part I had not us'd it. He acknowledg'd I had not; but added that this other, Non Possiamo, We cannot, had the same meaning. I answered that it was requisite that we, who acted not in our own names, should expresse by some some word our obligation to keep within the limits the Pow­er hath given us; that it behoved us to follow our orders, and that if we went beyond them, we should be subject to be disavow'd. He excepted, But can those Bishops themselves impose Law upon us? I answered that to desire of the Pope urgently, but yet with all possible respect a thing so very just, was not to impose Law; and that I should not have spoken to his Eminence so much as I had done, but only to avoid the necessity of speaking the same elsewhere more publickly; and to the end that he knowing our orders, might by his pru­dence and goodnesse assist us to execute them with­out further publishing thereof.

Touching the choyce of the Consultors, I pro­ceeded to tell him that if it were thought fit, I as­sent that all the Consultors and Qualificators of the H. Office were indifferently taken, that so the businesse might clearly appear to be done without any partiality. And should it be conceiv'd that I made this Proposal, because there were many Do­minicans of it, I was willing that they should be ex­cluded as well as the Jesuites. The Cardinal ex­cepted, VVhy so? VVhy not a Dominican and a Jesuite? I answered, that as for the Jesuites, it could not seem reasonable to admit them for Judges in a cause wherein they were Parties; that we had declar'd them such at first; that 'twas they who had excited all this contest, by their intrigues in our Faculty, to get S. Austin's doctrin condemn'd, and that by the most strange and unequal proceedings imaginable. That when the same should come to be laid open in the Congregation, it would scarce seem credible how such projects could enter into the minds of men who ought to have some Piety and Learning. The Cardinal reply'd, that others might say as much of us, but that the truth of all would be seen in the sequel. At the end of this Conference he reommended two things to me; First to endeavour as much as we could to make our writings short and intelligible; and secondly, to do all things with patience and moderation. I answer'd that I conceiv'd we had hitherto acted according to that temper, and in case it hapned we fell into any other, it would be an obligation to cause us to be advertis'd thereof, to the end we might take a bet­ter course.

The next day in the afternoon I went to wait up­on Cardinal Roma. I told him that my Collegues remain'd at our Lodging to prepare our Papers against the Congregation, and that in the mean time I was come to acquaint him with some things which troubled us as to that particular. I repeated to him almost the same which I have newly set down. He made not so large answers thereto as formerly; yet he satisfied my scruples as courte­ously as he could; and as for the point of being heard in the presence of both parties, he readily ac­knowledg'd the benefit of it, and the necessity there would be for it sooner or later. However he advis'd me to repair to the other Cardinals, to tell them as much as I had said to himself in reference to this Article.

The same Evening about ten a clock I receiv'd a visit from an Archbishop, who chose that hour purposely to come and see me incognito, and could not longer defer telling me some news which he conceiv'd would be very acceptable to me. He told me that he had confer'd with the Pope that morn­ing about our affairs. That his Holinesse himself gave occasion to the Discourse, and told him that he still remembred the time when the Congregati­ons de Auxiliis were held under Clement VIII. and Paul V. that he knew all the world was then for the Dominicans against the Jesuites; that for a long while together the publication of the Bull whereby the Jesuites were condemned, was daily expected; that neverthelesse it was not publisht, though they well deser'vd it; But it was conceiv'd that the H. See acted prudently (Fìc stimato allora grand prudenza, said the Pope) in not publishing their condemnation; because though the said De­finition would have appear'd with the general sa­tisfaction of all intelligent Persons, yet those mat­ters surpass'd the reach of the unlearned, and the generality of the Faithfull. That moreover the Pope said that he knew the Jesuits Sentiments were not good; and that if he condemn'd them, there were no Persons of Learning & Ability throughout Eu­rope but would be satisfied and well pleas'd there­with: But that these Truths were so far above the ordinary capacity of Man, and the weak being much more numerous than the strong, more would be scandaliz'd than edifi'd with such condemnation. Whence this Archbishop concluded that if in the process of time I obtain'd not my design'd condem­nation of the pernicious opinions of Molina and his Brethren, yet I was sure the Pope would never pronounce any thing in favour of them; and con­sequently those whom I defended were no wise in danger of being condemn'd. He told me also that hereupon he had made a motion to his Holiness, that considering the Jesuites were so violent in their ex­orbitances against S. Austin's doctrine, he would please to make a Decree, by which all the Faith­full might be injoyn'd in general to follow that great Light of the Church and embrace his Senti­ments. That his Holiness paus'd upon this Over­ture, and as he believ'd, would take it into consi­deration.

I had told Cardinal Ghiggi something of what I heard from Cardinal Roma about the changing of the Consultors, June 17. which he did not so ex­presly confirm to me in my visit of the 22d. Wherefore I thought fit to advertise Cardinal Ghig­gi of what I had understood from him in both con­ferences. For which purpose I went to him on the 23d. and passing from one Discourse to ano­ther, he held me about an hour in speaking some­times about our affairs and sometimes about other indifferent matters. Amongst other he told me, That we and our Adversaries endeavoured to ingra­tiate with those who sent us by making a great stirre, and giving them a punctual account of all our Dili­gences. Whereunto I answered, That as for M. Hallier, he had profess'd to us, that those by whom he was sent to Rome, were so little anxious about any thing that was done there, that he offer'd me to for­bear writing any thing touching our affairs into France, if we would forbear too. But we could not accept the Offer, because the Bishops in whose name we were there, were concern'd for the least circumstances of what pass'd either well or ill in our negotiations, so great interest did they take in the affair wherewith they had encharged us, and ac­counted the same of such high importance. I had received by Letters of June 28. a new Order pre­cisely to proceed in this manner; and therefore told the Cardinal that we could not disobey in this point, but we should certainly satisfie this Duty every eight dayes. Yet I added, that by writing nothing but the Truth we did our utmost to eschew the exaspe­ration of things, and rather to qualifie and sweeten whatever passages we had reason to be scandaliz'd and discontented with. That moreover we sought not to make a stirre without necessity, because we could scarce be sufficient for such things as were indispen­sible, and therefore had intreated my LL. the Pre­lates to send two or three Persons more to assist us, that so we might better acquit our selves of what was to be transacted both by Speech and Writing in the Con­gregation.

Going the next day to speak with sundry persons whom I conceived were then to be met with at la Minerve, I hapned to light upon a Dominican of great age, yet of a vigorous health and mind, who I afterwards understood was call'd F. Galassini; he advis'd me to take care to the nomination that was to be made of the Consultors for our Congregation, and told me he had learnt from a good hand, that before they were pitched upon, some Persons did their utmost to oblige them to declare them­selves for Molinisme.

The other considerations upon which, as I related above, the Cure of S. Savior had counselled us to re­tain an excellent Advocate well vers'd in the Court of Rome, least we might do any thing contrary to form, joyn'd to those first difficulties about hear­ing us in presence of either side, and those petty reproaches of intending to impose Law while we desir'd to be heard, the Parties present, oblig'd us at length to retain one, who, when occasion requir'd, might plead the justness of our Demands with more earnestness than we durst our selves, and press his Holiness and their Eminences with more liberty than we might take, being accustom'd, as they are, to repair to them about affairs, which they lay forth to them at large; and lastly, who might sometimes draw some secrets and intimations from them, which their shyness kept from us. For these reasons we went on Wednesday July 24. in the afternoon to Signor Eugenio of Perugia, a man of great parts and of a very solid and free spi­rit.

I went next to give half a dozen of our books to the General of the Augustines, who told me that himself was appointed for the examination of the Propositions, but with injunction of secresie. I heard also at the same time, that Cardinal Roma was the cause that this General was put into the number of the Consultors.

We went on Monday, Aug. 5. to la Minerve, M. Valeroissant and I, to give some to the General of the Dominicans; but not finding him, we left them for him, and gave some to divers of his Or­der.

In the afternoon I went to carry a couple to M. Albizzi, who receiv'd the same with civility enough, and said, there could be nothing but good, being S. Austin's; and that he would shortly per­use them. I told him, we design'd nothing else in procuring this Impression, but the clearing of things; that when he understood us, perhaps we should be more in his favour then we were; but the calumnies of all sorts spread against us were so numerous, that I wonder'd we were not less: He answer'd me, that credit was not given to all reports; that he had lately been told of things al­ledg'd against him by us to deprive him of the Se­cretaryship; that he did not value the suggestion; that neither money, nor preferment, nor any other interest, could engage him to procure the condem­nation of the Propositions. I reply'd, that neither had we any other interest but the service of Truth, and that of the H. See; that I hop'd he should find it so; but indeed, I had said upon some occasions, that hitherto we had been much in disfavour with him, and that I wonder'd we were not more, con­sidering the ill impressions suggested to him of us. In fine, that both he and I were to give account to God of the things which we should do in this world; that the time would speedily come, and that it behov'd us to endeavour to do nothing whereof we might be asham'd before the Tribunal of his Divine Justice. I offer'd him as many of our books as he pleas'd, and left him with fifteen or twenty Letters newly brought him, which put an end to my visit.

The same day I made another particular visit, wherein I learn'd that the custome of the Rota al­low'd us to print our writings in as great number as was needful to deliver to the Judges; and that M. Hallier, and his Collegues, were taken in many places of Rome for people that attempted the ruine of S. Austin's Doctrine.

On Tuesday, Aug. 6. I went to present our book to Cardinal Pamphilio, and withall to give him thanks, as the Popes Nephew, for the esta­blishment of our Congregation. He receiv'd all with satisfaction and civility. Thence I went to pre­sent one to Cardinal Cechini, and though he was weary with a Congregation that had been held at his house all the morning; yet I forbore not to tell him, that the book presented to him, contained all the Fundamentals requisite to be known for the clear comprehending of the present Controversies in the Church, and in what manner it was fitting to determine them.

Cardinal Ginetti, to whom I deliver'd one in the afternoon, put me in mind to present a couple to each of the Cardinals of our Congregation; one bound in red Spanish Leather, with their Arms stamp'd in gold upon the Cover, and the other in Parchment, both of the best binding that could be had in Rome. For having receiv'd these two, he told me, that one of them was to give to Mon­signor Ginetti his Brother. I signifi'd to his Emi­nence, that I had another for him; but that second was for their Divine, or such other person as they pleas'd to favour with it, and whose assistance their Eminences perhaps might be willing to use in the Study whereunto they would be oblig'd for the discussion and decision of the Propositions. He askt whether this was all the informations that we purpos'd to deliver to them? I answer'd him, No; but that this book was the main foundation of them. Accordingly I went to present one to Monsignor Ginetti, who told me he had already read some of our Adversaries Papers, and should be very willing to read this work also.

Thence I went for the same purpose to Cardinal Barberin's Palace; but not finding him there, I carried one to M. Holstenio, who testified very great satisfaction therewith. He much commend­ed our design, and told me that after our example he would get printed some little Treatises of S. Cyprian and S. Augustin De Unitate Ecclesiae, & De U [...]ilitate credendi, &c.

On Wednesday Aug. 7. I went to la Minerve to give some Books to such persons there as had not yet receiv'd any, and to whom we were ob­lig'd to do it. I gave two more to the General of the Dominicans, who told me that M. Hallier said in a visit to him, That he did not intend against S. Austin, nor against S. Thomas, nor against Ef­fectual Grace; That he would not meddle with the matters that had been handled in the Congregations De Auxiliis; in a word, that he aimed onely against Calvin.

When I gave one on Thursday Aug. 18. to the Procurator General of the Capucines, he told me he had been very glad to see the Latine explication of the Propositions, which was made shortly after M. Cornets enterprise, and begins In Nomine Do­mini, &c. and that he was well edified therewith. He received it from the F. Capucine Assistant of France nam'd F. Brisse, to whom I had sent it, ha­ving fallen into his acquaintance by going together once or twice to his General. When I gave one the same day to the Procurator General of S. Marcel, he told me that M. Hallier had made a second visit to him, in which he talkt after a quite other manner than he had done in the first. The F. Abbot de la Paix at his receiving one from me, told me that Cardinal Lugo had counsell'd him to take heed of us, for we went about to defend Jan­senius under pretext of defending S. Austin. When I deliver'd some to Cardinal S. Clement, I presented some also to his Nephews, whose parts, studious­ness, modesty and civility were in particular vene­ration with me.

At my delivering some to M. Eugenio our Ad­vocate, I fell into the knowledge of a young Flo­rentine Gentleman nam'd Signor Cosimo Brunetti at his House, in whom at that first converse I found a very great vivacity and solidity of Spirit, with a free and ingenuous integrity, much fine Learn­ing, a very prompt, open and obliging nature. He sojourned at our Advocates House for his im­provement in the study and practice of the laws, [Page 213] and to observe the way and genius of the Roman Court. I offer'd him a Copy, which he accepted with great professions of acknowledge­ment for the civility which I shew'd him.

CHAP. IV.

Of an Audience which I had of the Pope, Aug. 9. when I presented our Tome of S. Augustin to his Holiness.

ON Friday Aug. 9. I went to give one of our Books to the Popes Maistre de Chambre, and desired him to procure me audience that morning, to present a Copy likewise to his Holiness. VVhilst I was in the Presence-chamber, I deliver'd some to sundry Chamberlains of Honour and other Offi­cers, who all receiv'd the same not only with te­stimonies of civility, but also with professions of an universal and high esteem of the works of that H. Doctor. Presently after, I was introduc'd to the Pope, where having first render'd him our most humble thanks for the Congregation which he had establisht in order to our affair, I present­ed him the Book. At first he made some difficulty to receive it, not knowing what it was, least his particular reception of it might be (as he told me) interpreted for a publick approbation. I signifi'd to him that it was nothing but S. Augustin, and that it was not to be doubted but his Holiness had such Sentiments of approbation and esteem for the doctrine and works of that H. Doctor, as his Pre­decessors had given him example. The Pope an­swer'd that there was no doubt but S. Austin's do­ctrine was authoriz'd by the Church, and ought to be embraced as that of the Church it self; but eve­ry one endeavoured to draw the same to his own side, and pretended it congruous and favourable to his Opinions. I reply'd that the preventing that disorder and foolish pretension of our Adver­saries, was partly the design of printing this Col­lection, in which were the principal and last works which S. Augustin had written upon the matter in contest, when the greatest difficulties possible to be brought against it, had been both by those whom he oppos'd, and those whom he instructed, impro­ved to the highest degree to which they could be rais'd. That we had put into this collection, not only some principal passages of those works, but the works themselves intire, to the end it might be seen more clearly and certainly which was the true and undoubted doctrine of that Saint. That they whom a secret light of Conscience convinc'd that they falsly presum'd this heavenly doctrin to be consentaneous to their low and carnal opinions, thwarted this Impression purposely to hinder it; that it had been retarded a full month by their de­vices; but at length the Tribunal of the H. Office, whither we were drawn upon this business, judg'd that there was no ground to inhibit the finishing of it. That since it had been finished, I had present­ed Copies of it to almost all the Cardinals of whom the said Tribunal consisted, and who all receiv'd the same with satisfaction. The Pope reply'd and bid me give his to Cardinal Ghiggi, and signifie to him that he should deliver the same to his Holiness, when it was time for him to read it. I answered that I should do what he appointed, but I concei­ved nothing hinder'd but his Holiness might re­ceive it, and likewise read it when he thought good: That there was nothing at all new in it be­sides the Preface, in which we had collected toge­ther the advantageous testimonies of Saints, Popes and Cardinals touching these very works which we had caus'd to be printed. The Pope reply'd that those who had been at Rome in behalf of Jan­senius on the part of the University of Lovain, had also made Collections, to show the authority of S. Austin's doctrine; but it was a thing concern­ing which there was not any doubt. I rejoyn'd, that as for Jansenius, his Holinesse well knew that we had already declar'd to have nothing to do with him, and that we took no side but that of S. Au­stin; but that the Passages in the Preface were not only to show the authority of his doctrine, but also to explicate the order and series of those works of that Father which we had caus'd to be printed; the matters which were handled in each of these works, and the occasion which induc'd S. Austin to compose them. Here I opened the Book, and read some passages of the Preface as they presented themselves. The Pope heard them willingly, and among the rest that of Pope Hormisdas, wherein it is so expresly declar'd that the Sentiments of the Catholick Apostolick and Roman Church touching the matter of Free-will and Grace are contain'd in sundry of S. Austin's works, but chiefly in two, De Predestinatione Sanctorum, and De bono Perse­verantiae. After which the Pope receiv'd the Book which I was come to present to him.

Then he fell to speak concerning our affair, and told me we must hasten to do on our part what was necessary for the speedy dispatch of it, because he intended on his to set about it with diligence, for some reasons which he mention'd. I answer'd that we would use all possible expedition; that for that purpose my Collegues stay'd at home in order to prepare our Papers, lest, being uncertain whether his Holinesse's affairs would permit us an audience for presenting the Books, they might have lost two or three hours in his Presence-Chamber; but had they been sure of admittance, they would not have fail'd to have come also, and been partakers of the honour and comfort which I received in this conference with his Holiness. That his Holinesse might hence see how we manag'd our time, and how diligent we were to be in a readinesse to employ the Congregation which his Holinesse had granted to us. That I assur'd him, my Collegues had since notice of its erection, many times spent ten or twelve hours a day about the business The Pope reply'd that so we must do if we would have expe­dition of him; that he was old, that he had liv'd fourscore years, and that if we hastned him not, he should go on slowly. I told him I should acquaint my Collegues with his Holinesse's desire of speed, and that the same should further oblige us to redouble our diligences; but in the mean time whilst we were doing what lay in our power, and all the Congregation were imploy'd in a serious discussi­on of what he had to represent to them, the ti­dings of its establishment spread throughout all [Page 114] Christendome, would very much quiet the most restless minds with the expectation of an approach­ing satisfactious decision.

I further took the confidence to intimate to the Pope our extreme desire that his Holiness's other affairs would allow him some time for the reading of that little Book which I had presented to him, in order to prepare himself for the Decision which he intended to make, not only in regard of the ne­cessity there was for it, to the end he might right­ly apprehend of himself whether we or our Adver­saries truly maintain'd S. Austin's doctrine, but al­so in reference to the incredible satisfaction which I hop'd he would receive from it. Whereof to raise in his Holinesse some desire, by what my self had receiv'd as often as I had read those little Trea­tises, I told him (what was most true) that I had already read the same several times, and knew in general all that was contain'd therein; but I had found so great a sweetnesse in the bottom of my Soul as often as I had read them, that should I see all the Grandeurs and riches of the world together offer'd to me on condition to lose the hope and li­berty of reading those works again when it pleased God to give me time and desire so to do; certainly all those Grandeurs and riches would be as nothing to me in comparison of that advantage.

I represented to him what might be desir'd from thence in reference to the clearing of obscurities pretended to be in the Sentiments of this so clear-sighted Doctor; and added, that I conceiv'd I might assure his Holinesse, that our Adversaries could bring no Objection from Humane Reason or the Authority of the Scriptures against the opinions we defended, but what we could show in those very works to have been made to S. Austin, and make appear that the Answers made thereunto in his time were the same with those made by us at this day. After the Pope had had the goodnesse to hear all which I here relate, and more amply than is re­cited, he answer'd me in these words with some kind of astonishment; Dite gran cose, You speak great matters; and I reply'd in these very terms, E vero, Beatissimo Padre, posso ingannarim, mà crado ch' io non m' inganno. 'Tis true, most H. Fa­ther; the things which I speak are great and appear little credible; I may be mistaken, but I think I am not. This answer I utter'd with so much con­fidence, and as so strongly perswaded of the things which I spoke, and the Pope heard the same with such attention, that me thought he also was half perswaded with what I had said to him.

In fine, I told him further, That 'twas a won­der how he had not been surpris'd in this affair, after all the inventions and artifices employ'd to circumvent him; that we hop'd he would perceive the same in the sequel, and bless God for it as well as we; and that when he should have one day made, as we hop'd, a so­lemn decision, the Church would have cause to say of him more truly than the Poet Ennius ever had to say of Fabius Maximus:

Ʋnus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem.

His Holiness smil'd; and having given me his Benediction, I withdrew.

CHAP. V.

Of the extraordinary Summons made to us by Cardinal Roma, at the instigati­on of M. Albizzi to provide within a Fortnight the Writings which we were to deliver; Of the two first which we got ready within that time, and sub­scrib'd upon S. Augusti's day.

IN the afternoon of the same day I went to carry a couple of our Books to Cardinal Barberin, who said to me as he receiv'd them, Gli altri se ne servi­ranno ancora, The others (i. e. your Adversaries) will make use of the same too. I answered, Eminen­tissimo si; They might serve themselves of them if they could; but they would not find in them whereupon to support their opinions if they follow'd the principles of Molina; that we would have sent each of them a Co­py, if we had not doubted either that they would have constru'd this civility, as they did some which we shew'd them at their first arrival, as done out of the fear we had of what they could do against us, whereas the same proceeded merely from our benevolence to­wards them; or that they would have taken it for a piece of mocquery and insulting on our part, so appa­rent was it how little favourable or acceptable the little volume could be to them.

On Saturday Aug. 10. I gave one to F. Hilarion, who made great account of it, and likewise highly approv'd our design of making the diffe­rence of the several sences whereof the Propo­sitions were capable, when we should come to that point before the Congregation, hereby to save them that trouble, and to have something fix'd, to the defence whereof we might stick.

From that day till Thursday Aug. 15. the day of the Assumption, excepting that I was oblig'd to go and distribute some of our Books to some Persons to whom they were due, either upon account of their eminent and considerable dignity, or in regard of particular friendship which we had with them, I continu'd in our Lodging with my Collegues, to finish and revise with them our first Paper, intitu­led De gestis in negotio quinque Propositionum; to the end we might have the same ready to appear be­fore the Congregation upon the first occasion, and leave it there after we should have spoken upon that subject what we had to represent to them. But that Thursday evening a Ticket arriv'd which check'd the satisfaction we had in distributing our Books, and was a new occasion of hastening.

A Laquay of Cardinal Barberin's brought the same to me about Sunset, and told me he had receiv'd it from his Dean, that is to say from the Dean of that Cardinal's Laquayes, who according to custome receives it from the Maistre de Chambre, and en­charges with it whom he pleases of his Compani­nions. This subordination there is amongst the Laquayes, and the Dean is cloath'd in black, and not in the colours of his Master, as the rest are.

The Ticket contain'd these words; Monsieur de Saint Amour, si compiacerà d' esser di matina con l'aleri due suoi compagni, dall' Eminentissimo C. Roma per le quindeci hore; Per gratia non manchi, che deve parlarli d' ordine di nostro Signore. 15. Agosto 1652.

This Ticket gave us some amazement, and of the divers reasons for which we conjecture it writ­ten, and upon which we bethought our selves what to answer, that which we judg'd most likely, was, that the intent of it was to instigate us to hasten our informations to the Congregation assoon as pos­sible: In which case we had a very good answer to make, namely, that we were not behind hand, since the Congregation was not yet perfectly form­ed, the Consultors who were to be of it, not be­ing yet determin'd, but provided they were so be­tween that day and the end of the month, we should be ready against that time.

Yet we could hardly believe that this was the bu­sinesse, because the Pope had in my audience the Friday before profess'd indeed his desire of hasten­ing, but signifi'd not such impatience as that we needed purposely to be sent for upon so solemn a day; and because since that audience it was not likely that M. Albizzi had seen his Holinesse, con­sidering that Thursday this year being the day of the Virgin's assumption, there had been no Con­gregation of the H. Office before the Pope, and consequently M. Albizzi had had no occasion to repair to him on Wednesday evening; and I understood he had spent all that afternoon at Car­dinal Spada's Palace about a Law-Process which was examin'd touching a defectuosity found in the Re­gisters of the H. Office in reference to the matter of the conception.

Accordingly on Aug. 16. we went to Cardinal Roma between eleven and twelve a clock, un­certain what he had to say to us, but well pre­par'd to answer to whatever it might prove; M. Albizzi came thither also. The Cardinal enter'd into his Chamber as he came from his Chappel, where he had said Mass, still habited with his Cope, and a very modest Surplice, which was of plain silk, and had no Needle-work. M. Albizzi en­ter'd into his Chamber before us, and after a short time we were call'd in: Seats were plac'd for us right over against the Cardinal, and M. Albizzi was seated on the right hand between his Emi­nence and us. The Cardinal told us, that it was more then a moneth since the Congregation had been establisht; that we had not yet deliver'd any writing in; that the Pope desir'd to expedite this affair, and allow'd us fifteen days more; which past, if we were not ready, his Holiness would think what he had to do, and take such course in the business as seem'd good unto himself. M. de Ʋalcroissant answer'd, that since the first advertise­ment that we had receiv'd of the establishment of the Congregation, we had not lost one moment of time, as his Eminence should find when he saw our writings; that however we should be ready within the time prefix'd: The Cardinal reply'd, that he was glad of it. I interpos'd, and told him, that though we had notice of the Pope's resolution for erecting the Congregation, yet it did not yet seem to us perfectly setled, because we were not advertis'd what Consultors were to be of it, and therefore beseech'd his Eminence to tell us whether they were appointed. The Cardi­nal was just going to answer me, but M. Albizzi interrupted him, and said, that we had nothing to do to think of the Consultors; that they were not the persons that made report to the Pope; but the Cardinals; and therefore the Informations ought to be deliver'd to their Eminences within the time limited. The design and project of M. Albizzi was, that we should give all the Informations and Instructions touching our affair to the Cardinals within those fifteen days; for he, as well as M. Hallier and the Jesuites, sought nothing else but to stifle it, and make it abortive. But to avoid further manifestation thereof upon this occasion in his presence, and making more stir about his inter­rupting the Cardinal, and by that means depriving me of the opportunity of replying to his Emi­nence: I made semblance of not having heard what M. Albizzi said; but looking towards the Cardinal, and perceiving he answer'd nothing, I was silent also, and we arose up. The Cardinal re­conducted us through two Antichambers as far as his Dining-Room, and at parting desir'd us very courteously to make haste, that we might not cause any delay in the dispatching of this affair; perche si voleva spedir ta cosa: For that it was resolv'd to expedite the same speedily. This Cardinals inten­tion was very upright, for he had long complain'd of the want of necessary order in it; but many others endeavour'd to drive it on so fast, because they were unwilling to have it further examin'd: They could not endure the carrying it on with that vigor as we did, and they fear'd, lest our little S. Austin, which was growing to be common, and read by all the world, out of the curiosity that e­very one had to understand so eminent a Contro­versie, would make all the world, and the Pope himself become Augustinian.

From Cardinal Roma we return'd directly to our lodging, and began that afternoon to lay aside all other business, and to betake our selves all three to our writings, that so we might prevent vexa­tion, stop rumours, and give M. Hallier and his Collegues no occasion to break off and go away, as we were inform'd they intended to do by All-Saints day at the first, under pretext that no pro­gress was made.

Wherefore I fell to work almost continually without going abroad, together with my Col­legues, till Tuesday Aug. 28. being S. Augustin's day, when we sign'd the first Copy. All that I learnt in this interval, was the confirmation of what M. Hallier had declar'd to the General of the Dominicans, that he neither was against S. Austin, nor S. Thomas, nor Effectual Grace, nor what had been done in the matter de Auxiliis, under Clement VIII. and Paul V. that thereupon the said General askt him whether he assented to the Propositions taken in the sense of Effectual Grace, and told him, that as soon as he found that the Question in this affair was about the Controversie his Order had with the Jesuites, which had not yet been de­cided, he would not suffer it to be decided amongst other parties without interposing therein.

The same day, Aug. 28. we went to Cardinal Roma to present our first writings to him: We un­derstood that he kept his bed, and thereupon in­treated [Page 126] his Maistre de Chambre to give his Emi­nence notice thereof.

On Thursday the 29th in the afternoon, I went alone to Cardinal Roma: His Maistre de Chambre told me, that he had acquainted him with our be­ing there the day before, whereof his Eminence was very glad, and told him he should be very wil­ling to hear us, and the first audience he gave when he was recover'd should be to us. I signifi'd to this Gentleman, who was a very good and honest man, that I conceiv'd we had nothing to do till his Eminence's recovery, because I believ'd he was the first to whom our writings were to be present­ed, and from whom we ought to receive what or­ders we were to observe for appearing the first time before the Congregation. The Maistre de Cham­bre answer'd, that he thought that was the right course; nevertheless, if I pleas'd, I might repair to M. Albizzi about it, because he, as Secretary, had the direction of every thing. I reply'd, that I was unwilling to go to M. Albizzi, because per­haps his Eminence would be better within two or three days; and in case his infirmity continu'd, it would be time enough then to consider what course to take. He was satisfi'd with this resolution, and I was very glad of it, being loth to come into M. Albizzi's hands sooner then needs must; and partly because we might have leisure for the ma­king of other Copies of our Papers to present to the other Cardinals, at the same time that we de­liver'd the first to Cardinal Roma: To which pur­pose I went to find out divers Clerks or Copists; and excepting the time of my attendance upon the Ambassador on Friday the 30th, I spent that day and the next with my Collegues, in setting our Clerks to work, and comparing what they had written.

Aug. 31. going between four and five a clock in the afternoon to learn tidings of Cardinal Roma, I found that he was gone abroad to make a visit hard by; wherefore I staid till his return, and salu­ted him as he alighted out of his Coach, congra­tulating him both for his recovery, and the hope it gave me that his health would permit him shortly to look upon our Papers, and betake himself to all the rest of our affair. He answer'd, that he was far from being recover'd, that he went abroad only by order of the Physitians to take a little air; but as soon as it pleas'd God to restore his health, he would willingly imploy it in what concern'd us. I reply'd, that in the mean time we would offer our prayers to God to return it sufficiently for that pur­pose; and certainly it was much our obligation and interest so to do, in regard of the understanding, sincerity and uprightness wherewith we knew he would comport himself therein.

CHAP. VI.

Of two Conferences held at Paris during this moneth of August, between M. de Sainte Beuve, Doctor and Profes­sor of Sorbon, and F. l'Abbe the Jesuite. Other Letters written to us from Paris, during the same moneth, enjoyning us not to appear but in pre­sence of our Adversaries.

I Receiv'd news at the end of this moneth of two famous Conferences held at Paris, in presence of some persons of Quality, between M. de Sain­te Beuve and F. l' Abbe the Jesuite, touching the subject of a work publisht by this Father in refe­rence to the controversies of the times. The Fa­ther receiv'd much confusion therein, having been convinc'd of foul dealing, or little intelligence of the points whereupon they confer'd, which were many in number. The Letter which M. de Sainte Beuve did me the favour to write to me about it, contains so clear and compendious an account thereof, that it may be inserted here at length, with the satisfaction of those that shall read it, and without much interrupting the course of the prin­cipal Narration in hand.

A Copy of the said Letter.

SIR,

THe discourse of F. Annat is the common discourse of the Society. Those good Fathers publisht here as well as at Rome, that the Pope is to pronounce with all speed; and when they are told that there is no Congregation yet setled in which the Parties may be heard, they answer, that his Holiness will not hear any Parties, and that their Society hath resolv'd not to enter into a conference either at Paris or at Rome, touching the controverted Doctrine. This is what F. l' Abbe said to me in the conference I have had with him, when he wisht it might be heard privately, for fear, as he said, it might be disown'd by the Society, which hath resolv'd not to confer about these matters: Nevertheless, I think not to offend them, if I acquaint you with some of the particulars of it: You shall know then that he hath compos'd a book entitl'd Elogium Di­vi Augustini, Umbra ejusdem, Tumulus novae Do­ctrinae, Epitaphium, Antitheses Cornelii Jansenii & Divi Augustini. He presented the same to M. Dugue Bagnols, to whom he is known, for he liv'd long at Lyons, and is Procurator General of that Province. M. Dugue surepris'd at the sight of those Antitheses, committed the same to the perusal of some friends, and by them was assured, that they were full of falsificati­ons; whereupon he repair'd to the Father, and engag'd [Page 247] him to a Conference, for which I was chosen: The day, place, and hour appointed in the presence of the Abbots Charrier, and de Bernai, M. M. de Mo­rangis, de Beaumont, Dugue, the Lievtenant Cri­minal of Lyons, de Pomponne and Croisi, at the house of M. de Bernai. I offer'd to make good five things: 1. That the Author in contriving his Anti­theses, had made use of many Treatises constantly held not to be S. Austin's. 2. That it appear'd upon peru­sal of them, that he had no tincture of the reading of that Father. 3. That he had corrupted his words shamefully. 4. That he had perverted his sense: And 5. That he had falsifi'd M. d' Ipre in the places which he cited for his Antitheses, both as to the words and the sense: I prov'd the former of these: 1. Because he cited as S. Austin's works the book De vera & fal­sa Poenitentia, that De Praedestinatione & Gratia, the Hypognosticon, the 191 Sermon De Tempore, which is Pelagius's Confession of Faith, and the book ad Articulos sibi falso impositos; and I justifi'd all this by the testimony of Cardinal Bellarmin; lib. de Script. Eccles. in Aug. & Hier. which as you see ad­mits of no reply. The second Charge I made good, by producing two and twenty allegations ill made; a­mong the rest, the fifth book ad Simpl. The three Operis imperfecti; the ten contra Julianum: And to make it appear that it was not through errors of the Printing, I desir'd the F. to tell me whether they had in their Colledge the third book of the Opus Imperfe­ctum; if they had, to let me see it: He promis'd I should, telling me, they had the same of two or three Editions. The third was prov'd, by confronting the places as he cites him, with the plain Text, and made horrible things appear; as for example, that he added a Negation to an affirmative Proposition of S. Au­stin's, &c. I prov'd the fourth only by two places, the time enforcing brevity; the first of which was an ob­jection of S. Augustin, which he cited as if it was his answer; and the other was the Pelagian Doctrine, which he call'd the Augustinian: And for the fifth, I contented my self with chusing one place out of M. d' Ipre, which he falsifi'd in the citing, by putting a negative for an affirmative: All this convinc'd the Company, who demanded of this good Father; whe­ther he had any thing to object against me; whereupon apprehending that they were desirous to see me act the Respondent as well as the Opponent, I declar'd that I was ready to perform that part too; and for the sub­ject of the next Conference (for it was above six a clock) I said I was ready to maintain, that of all the Antitheses of that Father, there was not one good: That day sevennight being appointed, all the above­said persons met at the same place again, excepting M. de Bernai, and M. de Pomponne, who were gone out of Town; but in their stead came M. de la Moig­non, the Father having profess'd that he would not confer if there were more persons then at the first time, for fear lest the matter might become publick, which would be prejudicial to him, for he should be dis­claim'd by the Society, which had resolv'd not to enter into Conference either at Rome or at Paris: I began with the same declaration that I had ended the prece­dent; and having again declar'd that I would hold my self worsted if, the Father could prove against me, that so much as one of his Antitheses was sound; the Father refus'd to confer about that point, but only about the ground of doctrine: The Company told him, it would be more contentment to them, if he kept to the business in hand, without medling with the Contro­versie in which they understood not very much; yet they could not bring him to accept my Challenge: Wherefore I made another to the second part of his work, Umbra Augustini, being a Latin Poem, speaking whereof in his Epistle Dedicatory, he had written, Corrupit Augustini Doctrinam Jansenius, & Poema Prosperi de ingratis parum gratus Poeta Gallicus: Emendat Poetam Umbra Augustini: I offer'd to make immediately an Antithesis of his Poem, and that of S. Prosper, and to shew that they were perfectly opposite: He was unwilling to accept of this offer too, but propos'd to dispute at large of matters of doctrine, whereunto I assented: He propounded five points: 1. That M. d' Ipre was condemnable, as hauing written against the Council of Trent, and consequently against S. Austin, by affirming, That a man mov'd by Grace, is necessitated as to his liberty: Whereunto he was answer'd, That such a man is ne­cessitated in sensu composito, but not in sensu divi­so; and told that M. d' Ipre saith no more, which is not condemnable, unless the whole School of S. Tho­mas be condemn'd too: After many Contestations, the Father was oblig'd to consent with us. The second was concerning Sufficient Grace, and it was prov'd to him, that M. d' Ipre deny'd none but the Molini­stical, in which he had so much reason, that Aquaviva himself had condemn'd it: He was loth to yield to this, but at length was constrain'd to it. The third was, concerning the necessity of sinning without Grace; which whole Doctrine having been explicated, he was reduc'd to the works of Infidels, and granted, that it was a Theological Question; whence I infer'd, that then M. d' Ipre was not condemnable in this point. And this Doctrine appear'd so fair to all the Hearers, that they declar'd highly for it. The fourth concern'd the Commandments, and I having shew'd him, that the Doctrine maintain'd by us as to this point, was held by all the Thomists, the Defenders of Congruous Grace, and the Church in her Prayers; having re­duc'd the Question to Final Perseverance, and prov'd that what the Father held, was the Doctrine of the Pelagians, Epist. 103. and of Caelest. l. de perfect. Iustitia; and having made out, that supposing the ne­cessity of Grace to act, it follows, that we cannot act without it; For, Necesse est sine quo aliquid esse non potest; The Father could not condemn the Do­minicans nor the Congrui, of whose number he pro­fess'd himself; and therefore was constrain'd to ab­solve M. d' Ipre from the accusation which he had charg'd upon him. The last was touching the Death of Jesus Christ; in reference to which, after I had explicated to him the Doctrine of M. d' Ipre, and S. Austin's Disciples, I shew'd him, that the same was held by Vasquez, Pesantius, Pius, M. de Chartres, the Cardinal de Retz, and in a word, by all the Di­vines who say that de singulis infantibus non est provisum sufficienter; as also by those who say as much de infidelibus. I made him see that his Do­ctrine was the same with that of the Semipelagians a­gainst S. Austin, ad Cap. Gall. and S. Prosper, ad object. Vins. After which I prov'd, that that where­of he complain'd, was no other but S. Austin's: Whence I concluded, that therefore M. d' Ipre, and S. Austin's Disciples, could not be condemn'd as to this Article. The whole Company remain'd convinc'd thereof, nor did the Father gain-say it: It was almost seven a clock when this was done; and the general con­clusion [Page 218] was a complaint which M. Dugué made to the Father for having term'd S. Austines disciples Monstres, Lutherans and Calvinists. Whereunto the Father answered, that it was written Poetice. Thus the conference ended, and thereupon some of the Company remembring the title of that Poëm, Umbra Augustini; added to it, & Umbrae somnium. I conceiv'd that I could not conceal these Passages from you, because hearing of the same written by another hand, you would never have pardoned me. As for other things, I intreat you to endeavour to confer with B. Hallier in presence of some person of quality. I have not received the Book of that Bernardine. I am now out of my Lectures; in which I can say, that Ita explicatum est liberum arbitrium ut vicerit Dei gratia. I think to read concerning the Euchartst next year, and to encounter Mares (Maresius) to the purpose; but that design is not yet fully resolved upon, M. le Morice intends to treat of Predestina­tion, and to refute the third Apology. M. Girard salutes you, and so doth M. Beaumont, &c. and my self, who am more then any other,

SIR,
Your most humble and most obedient servant, de Sainte Beuve.

All the Letters I receiv,d from Paris of this latter date, during this whole month, spoke of nothing but of the Congregation, of the establishment whereof we had given notice to my LL. the Bishops. Those, in answer to the first news, we sent of it were full of nothing but expressions of joy, benediction, and hope; to see our Disputes happily terminated, to the edification of the Church, and the glory of the H. See. But after they understood what re­strictions were desig'd to be made of the conditi­ons, whereupon we had sued to the Pope for the Congregation; that we were not assured, but with hesitation that our Adversaries should appear there in our presence and we in theirs; that there was but so much as the least thought of putting a Je­suite into the number of the Consultors (a Member of that society who was our principal Antagonist, and a Confrere of those who had made the chief corruptions in Doctrine, who had been the first Authors of all these troubles, who had instigated supreme Powers to fire and sword against us as a­gainst Plagues of that State and Religion;) that besides this they heard what triumphs were made everywhere, because there would be no regular conference before the Congregation; and that the same was granted to us, but as a Ceremony intend­ed to be observed for the condemning of us with more solemnity, after we had rendred account of our Faith, by making us undergo a kind of Exami­nation.

The joy was soon turn'd into sadness, and the sweetness of the former hope into bitterness; ne­vertheless it was not all lost. The goodness of the cause we had to maintain, and the justice of the conditions upon which we demanded that it might be lawful to defend the same, induc'd my Lords to enjoyn us and our friends to counsel us anew, that we should continue our instances, for the effectual obtaining in the sequel all that we had at first de­manded, and which there was reason to presume with all kind of justice that had been promis'd us, after the declaration made to us by Cardinal Roma from the Pope. Above all, we were enjoyn'd by them not to appear before any Congregation, ex­cept in the presence of our Antagonists, and un­less the proceedings were according to the Laws of a regular Conference, as had been done under the Popes Clement VIII. and Paul V. in the Congrega­tion de Auxiliis.

CHAP. VII.

Of the Contents of our two first Papers: Wherefore one was concerning what had pass'd in the Affair of the Five Propositions, and the other touching the authority of St. Augustin.

NOtwithstanding the abovementioned Letters, we did not think that things were reduc'd to such extremity; although we perceiv'd some diffi­culties therein, even greater then were yet appre­hended at Paris. The last rudeness shew'd us by M. Albizzi in presence of Cardinal Roma; first by pressing us with such impatience to provide preci­pitously all our Writings about the Five Propositi­ons within a fortnight, otherwise the Pope would proceed without any regard to what we should have to say; and next by interrupting the Cardinal, to tell us disdainfully that it did not belong to us to in­quire who were the Consultors, nor to confer with them, instead of suffering the Cardinal to inform us of them, who had promis'd us a List of their names assoon as they should be determined: This last rudeness (I say) was hitherto unknown in France, and none but our selves were yet sensible of the arrogance and scorn of it. It was so deeply resented by us, not only in respect of the digni­ty of the French Bishops by whom we were sent, who seem'd to be injur'd in our persons, but also upon our own account, who deserv'd to be treat­ed after another sort, had there been nothing else considerable in us, besides the honor we had of being Doctors of the Parisian Faculty; that we were tempted to lay aside all our other Writings, and put up our Complaits to the Pope by a Me­morial, wherein the action should have been represented as it deserv'd. But all things con­sider'd, we judg'd it more fit to suppress our re­sentment for a time, and defer our complaints to a more advantagious opportunity, then to afford our adversaries ground to triumph further over us for delaying our Writings, and to proclaim, as undoubtedly they would, that we defer'd them on purpose, because we had not confidence to pro­duce them; which resolution was the more easily taken, for that we conceiv'd, that after we had presented the same to Cardinal Roma, it would be more seemly to complain to him of M. Albizzies strange action which pass'd in his Presence, and that his Eminence would do us Justice for it. Thus [Page 219] our patience and moderation as well as extraordi­nary Diligence which we took to finish them, were the cause that we had them ready, as I said by S. Austin's day, sign'd them the same day, and went to present them to Cardinal Roma.

Which though his sikness permitted us not to do, and his Dignity of Dean of our Congregation for­bad us to deliver them to any of the other Cardinals before his recovery which we daily expected; ne­vertheless before I relate all the occasions wherein mention will be made thereof hereafter during the month of September, it will be meet to give a brief account of them here, it being impossible to insert them at length, by reason of the too great interruption which they would cause in this Nar­rative.

It must be remembred how I describ'd the make­ing of Memorials with an inscription on the outside, containing the persons name to whom they are ad­dressed, those of the Supplicants, and the sub­ject or affair about which they speak. We pre­par'd our Writings in the same form, though they were very thick; the first containing twenty leaves, and the second an hundred and ten. We set the Inscription upon them as they use to do upon Me­morials, though not on the back-side, but in the first page of the first leaf. The Inscription of the first Writing contained these words in Latin.

To the most B. Father Pope Innocent X. To my LL. the most eminent Cardinals, Roma, Spada, Ginetti, Cechini and Ghiggi. And to the other Divines de­puted, or to be deputed for the Congregation touching the Affair of the Propositions concerning Grace.

By MM. Noel de la Lane & Lovis de Saint Amour Doctors of the Faculty of Divinity of Paris, and Louïs Angran Licentiate in the same Fa­culty.

Against MM. Franceis Hallier, Franceis Joysel, and Jerosme Lagault Doctors of the same Faculty.

The first Information upon matter of Fact.

The second Writing had the same Inscription, only with this difference, that it was intitled, The first Information upon matter of Right.

It is to be observed in reference to these Inscri­ptions, that we inserted the words, To the Di­vines and Consultors deputed or to be deputed: be­cause when Cardinal Roma gave us notice from the Pope of the Congregation, he said it would con­sist of Cardinals and Theologians; and therefore they were to be mention,d in that Title, for fear of giving them offence in case they were omit­ted; but being we know not yet whether they were appointed or no, having receiv'd no list of them, we thought fit to use said alternative words; trusting, that if they were not determined, they would be shortly; and that when they were, they would fall to examining our Writings in order to judge of them, as well as the Cardinals, and be­fore them too, notwithstanding what Mr. Albizzi said to us as to that point.

VVe forbore to mention the Jesuites, yet be­cause we reserv'd them for the second Informa­tion touching matter of Fact, which we purposed to deliver in the process of the Affair, and de­liver'd accordingly, as shall be shew'd hereafter.

But to return to our two first VVritings above­mentioned; The first contain'd what had pass'd in the Five Propositions since M. Cornet propounded them to the Faculty, July 1. 1649. till that time. It was almost the same with what I have related in the first Part of this Journal, concerning what was done in the Assemblies of the Faculty on the first day of July, August and September of the same year 1649. the false Censure which they publisht throughout all France, and sent to Rome under the name of the Deputies of the Faculty, what was done in the Parliament, October 5. which we intimated, rather then set forth at large; and concerning the patcht Peace which was made in the Faculty in December: The Theses which M. Hal­lier sign'd as Syndic, in which the first and third Proposition in the sense wherein we held them, were maintain'd in Sorbonne with his approbation, Jan. 1650. The Letter which M. de Vabres pro­cur'd to be subscrib'd by a multitude of Bishops, the Subscriptions beg'd here and there in all Socie­ties; what was done upon this occasion in the af­fair of the Irish, the false deputation of F. Mu­lard, and other things done at Rome, from the time of our arrival, till July 11. 1652. when the Cardinal Roma gave us notice of the Congregati­on. One thing also we observ'd in this writing, which I have not so expresly related above; name­ly, that all these enterprizes were design'd to pro­cure by such scandalous and oblique ways the de­struction of S. Augustin's Doctrine, which they veil'd under the obscurities of these equivocal Proposi­tions contriv'd purposely to deceive. Wherefore we concluded this writing, requesting most humbly, that to the end all things might be done in this affair without fraud and confusion, before the examination of the Propositions were proceeded to, they might be alter'd and reduc'd into the several senses whereof they were capable, in such sort, that they might be free from all equivocation, and that the Catholick sense which they contain'd, and we alone held, might be di­stinguisht clearly and plainly from the erroneous sense in which they may be understood (all that I relate of this Conclusion, is nothing but a faithful Transla­tion) that the senses being thus distinguisht and sepa­rated into several Propositions, we might declare which were those which abhorr'd, anathematiz'd, and had always anathematiz'd with S. Augustin, the Council of Trent, and the whole Catholick Church. That our Adversaries might be also oblig'd to keep the same course, and govern themselves in such sort, as to what they should argue and write against us, that there might be no question between them and us of the senses which we had once condemn'd, and declar'd that we acknowledg'd false, but only of those according to which we maintained the Propositions to be Catholick, and pertaining to the Faith of the Church; by which means the dispute between them and us would be clear­er and shorter, and all ambiguity and fallacious sub­tilty being retrencht, it would be more easie and safe to pass Judgement upon them.

We declar'd further by anticipation, that we pur­posed not to maintain the Propositions in any other sense, then in that which we should demonstrate to be suitable to S. Austin's Doctrine. Could any offers in the world be more equitable and Christian? and could the same be refused by such as had the least sentiments of charity, either Christian or Civil? [Page 220] But to follow my Translation, we added, that being the whole authority of S. Austin's Doctrine was founded only upō the testimonies given to it by the Supreme Pontifs and the whole Church, and there­fore ought rather to be styled and accounted the D [...]ctrine of the Supreme Pontifs and the whole Church than S. Austin's; [...] the end [...] remain safe and intire in the Church as it [...] been, and secur'd from all impeachment in reference to those who dar'd to lift themselves up against it; to the end also to establish between our Adversaries and us a principal and certain rule of all the [...] which [...] should have both by speech and writing [...] the Propositions, such as had been lately establisht by Clement VIII. and Paul V. Lastly, to give our Adversaries place to clear themselves, if they thought good, of the reproach charg'd upon them by us of ha­ving attempted to destroy it; We summon'd them to declare by an authentick Writing that they acknow­ledg'd for true and indubitable (as we maintain'd they were) the Propositions following.

I.

That any Doctrine, Proposition or Opinion touching the matter of Grace, Free-will, or Divine Predesti­nation, which shall be found to be S. Augustin's, or necessarily or evi­dently coherent with his Doctrine, cannot in any wise be condemn'd either of Heresie or Error, or with any other kind of Censure whatso­ever.

II.

That never any Doctrine or opini­on of S. Augustine hath been con­demn'd of Error by any Popes or ap­proved Councils.

III.

That the Council of Trent hath not defined or taught any thing that is contrary in any sort to S. Augustin's doctrine touching Grace.

IV.

That all that S. Augustin hath held against the Pelagians, and Semipelagi­ans, as a certain and Catholick Do­ctrine, ought likewise to be held for such; as likewise nothing ought to be held which is contrary to that Do­ctrine.

V.

That to affirm that S. Augustin's Doctrine touching Grace is uncertain, contrary to its self, exorbitant, ob­scure, harsh, unworthy of the Cle­mency of God, little suitable for edification of the Faithfull, or any thing else of that kind; is injurious to Popes, Councils, Saints, and generally to the whole Catholick Church.

VI.

That presupposing the H. Scrip­tures, and the Definitions of Popes and Councils, the Doctrine of S. Augu­stine touching Grace is a most clear and certain rule, by which the Pro­positions in question, and all other generally whatever concerning Grace, Free-will, and Divine Predestination, may be examin'd with certainty, and also by right ought so to be.

These six Propositions we demanded that our Adversaries might be oblig'd to acknowledge to­gether with us for true and indubitable; and to let them and our Congregation know that we made not this Demand without reason, but for the clear and plain stating of Principles upon which both sides were to build and proceed, we present­ed to them the second Writing, which, as I said above, was the First Information concerning matter of Right, and was thus intituled, The Tradition of the whole Church in reference to the Authority of S. Augustin's Doctrine.

This second Writing was larger than the first, and contain'd eminent Testimonies touching this matter of more than twenty Popes, of as many General Councils, National or Provincial, and of above sixty either Saints, Fathers of the Church, or illustrious men, or Divines, or Religious Or­ders, or famous Universities, who during the space of twelve Ages had approved and commended this Heavenly Doctrine, as well in the Greek Church as in the Latin: And we answered also in the said Writing to all the Objections that the Jesuites are wont to make against the Authority of that H. Do­ctor.

And because we are advertis'd that when Wri­tings presented at Rome to Congregations hapned to be somewhat long, the custome was sometimes [Page 221] to draw Summaries or Abridgements of them, for the ease of such as were to read them, and that ei­ther to give them beforehand a Model of all the Contents of such presented Writing, or to help them to recollect the substance thereof after read­ing; we made one of both our Writings contain­ing eight leaves. The Conclusion whereof was, That having thus establish'd the Authority of S. Au­gustine's Doctrine, we had nothing to fear in refe­rence to the Propositions; since we were sure likewise to show clearly that the sence in which we held them, was as certainly the Doctrine of S. Augustine, as we had shown invincibly that his Doctrine was that of the Church, after so general and continual esteem and ap­probation as we had evinc'd it to have been in for twelve hundred years. But moreover we publish'd this Cartel of Defiance to the whole Molinistical Host, that we were certain, and spoke it without fear, That that H. Doctor would be found so con­gruous to all that we maintain'd, that our Adver­saries, however they might rack their Brains, and whatever pains they should take with the whole Society not only of the Jesuites but of all others that would take part with them, could never propose any Argu­ment drawn from humane reason or the H. Scriptures, which we could not make them see, had been proposed to S. Augustin by the Pelagians or Semipelagians, and resolvl'd against them by this H. Doctor, and which we could not in like manner refute very easily against our Adversaries by the answers and the do­ctrine which we should extract out of his Works.

VVherefore we further said, That our Adver­saries, who made trophies upon the least occasion, were injurious in reproaching us for seeking delayes; since in so short a space as six weeks we had with extraordi­nary diligence and pains compos'd those two Writings; one concerning Transactions, and the other concern­ing S. Austin's authority in which we had reported above two hundred testimonies of above a hundred se­veral Authors, and those the most considerable that could be cited in any Cause whatever; and that there was nothing that we wisht more, or could be more ac­ceptable to us, than, assoon as the authority of the said Doctrine were acknowledg'd and confirm'd, as it ought to be between our Adversaries and us, to proceed forthwith with equal diligence and confidence, to make appear in the examen of the Propositions what that Do­ctrine was.

And lastly, we told them that we did not think them to have so little insight into the matter which we negotiated, as that they could think that we held back; but that they murmured at the slow­nesse whereof they accus'd us, that so they might keep things from being throughly examin'd (as they had done hitherto) by urging them on preci­pitously; and that they had endeavour'd to bring it about that we might be constrain'd to huddle over the businesse, because they saw no other refuge for their so decryed cause, but to deprive their Judges of the understanding of it, and to hinder the dispelling of the clouds wherewith they had obscur'd the Truth and blackned the most innocent intentions of its Defenders; being also as little ig­norant that when things should be examin'd as they ought to be, they could never escape; and that upon the least Objection brought by them against us, either before the Pope or the Cardi­nals or the Consultors, they should incontinently see themselves overwhelm'd with a hundred and a hundred passages of S. Augustin.

VVe spoke very high, but indeed it behoov'd us to lift up our voyces and make our selves heard;

Yet we said nothing but what we had well consi­der'd, and would very gladly have been put to prove. And we held our selves so certain thereof, that we did not declare these things only in speech or writings that were lyable to be disclaim'd, but in Writings which we had duely examin'd, review'd and subscrib'd.

CHAP. VIII.

Of a Writing of M. Hallier and his Col­legues which fell by chance into my hands.

SUch were the Writings prepar'd by us in this Businesse and some time after presented to the Pope and the Cardinals, as I shall relate in pro­per place; and thus we began to treat this affair in order to its discussion upon so solid and inexpug­nable foundations. But because my purpose is to repose not onely what I know was done by our selves, but also whatever I could learn to have been acted either by M. Hallier and his Collegues or our other Adversaries, I think not unfit to mention also in this place the Writing which I intimated above to have been presented by them to the Cardi­nals, when they went all together to deliver their instructions upon the Five Propositions, and in one single Audience which might last an hour or there­abouts. The Writing bears no mark which inti­tles it to M. Hallier and his Collegues, or shews that they own it; and indeed I think they never sign'd any at all in this affair. But it came to my hands upon Tuesday Sept. 3. by the procurement of a certain Person, who got it purposely to shew me; and assoon as I had perus'd it, I coppyed it out.

In this Writing those Doctors especially studied not to appear Molinists, and said they would not establish the Sufficient Grace of the Jesu­ites, but only Sufficient Grace in general.

One may see particularly the spirit of M. Halli­er in it, who alwayes endeavoured to passe at Rome for a Defender of Effectual Grace; and who to get those condemn'd whom he term'd Jansenists, hath alwayes fasten'd upon them that they taught a kind of Grace not Effectual, but Necessitating; That they deny'd all Sufficient Grace, and other such Chimeraes which they attributed especially to those that were at Paris, pretending that we disguis'd our selves at Rome. And 'tis no wonder, that these Calumnies, not being refuted, because they were sown secretly, and we would not speak before the Congregation except in their presence, made impression in the minds of the Cardinals, some of the Consultors and the Pope himself.

This Writing being very short, I shall set down here at length, except some common passages upon the First Proposition, which have been refuted in several Work:. It was without a Title, as many o­thers were, and began thus:

Prima Propositio.
Aliqua Dei praecepta hominibus justis vo­lentibus & conantibus secundum praesen­tes quas habent vires sunt impossibilia: Deest quoque iis gratia qua possibilia fi­ant, Jans. lib. 3. de gr. Chr. cap. 13.

Sensus est, mandata Dei hominibus justis qui praecepta divina transgrediuntur esse impossibilia de­fectu auxilii sufficientis quo vel possint eadem im­plere, vel necessariam ad ea implenda gratiam pe­tere.

Nota per has voces (defectu auxilii sufficientis) non intelligi gratiam illam versatilem quae modo ef­fectum suum habet, modo non habet, quae à multis Doctoribus Catholicis refutatur: Sed intelligi gra­tiam quae verè sufficiens sit quocunque tandem mo­do, seu quae verè facultatem tribuat justo aut im­plendi praeceptum, aut petendi gratiam necessariam ad illud implendum, ita ut per eam justus inexcusa­bilis reddatur quando praeceptum transgreditur.

Secunda Propositio.
Interiori gratiae in statu naturae lapsae nun­quam resistitur.

Sensus est, in statu naturae lapsae nullam esse gra­tiam Christi actualem internam in voluntate resi­dentem, cui voluntas humana de facto dissentiat.

Nota hic non attingi doctrinam Sancti Auguflini de gratia efficaci à se. Aliud est enim asserere San­ctum Augustinum admisisse aliquod genus gratiae quae infallibiliter effectum suum consequitur. & à nullo duro corde respuitur; aliud asserere Sanctum Augustinum nullam aliam gratiam praeter efficacem admisisse quae sufficiens sit. Primum Catholicum est; secundum non nisi à Calvino ejusque sequaci­bus fuit assertum.

Quod Sanctus Augustinus grati­am Quam plurima afferri possunt ex­pressa testimonia S. Augustini ad pro­bandam gratiam sufficientem. aliquam sufficientem ad­miserit, patet ex iisdem quibus dicit Deum justo non praecipere impossibilia, nec justum deserere prius quam ab ipso deseratur. Nam cùm mandata Dei non reddantur possibilia nisi per gratiam, & justi non semper man­data Dei observent: sequitur eos aliquando actu & de facto gratia Dei resistere.

Non itaque hic agitur de gratia sufficiente ver­satili statuenda, quae modò effectum suum habeat, modo non habeat: Sed tantum in genere quaeritur utrum verum sit in statu naturae lapsae nullam dari gratiam quae verè sufficiens sit.

Tertia Propositio.
Ad merendum & demerendum in statu na­turae lapsae non requiritur in homine li­bertas à necessitate, sed sufficit libertas à coactione.

Sensus est, ut actio quae meritoria aut demeritoria est, libera censeatur, non requiritur ut fiat cum in­differentia, sed sufficit modo voluntarie & sine co­actione fiat.

Haec autem sententia eadem est ac Calvini, qui nunquam eo sensu negavit liberum arbitrium, quasi actiones nostrae voluntatis non essent voluntariae, sed eo sensu quod negarit nobis inesse [...]differentiam ad utrumlibet.

Quarta Proposttio.
Semipelagiani admittebant praevenientis gra­tiae interioris necessitatem ad singulos a­ctus, etiam ad initium fidei; & in hoc erant haeretici, quod vellent eam gratiam talem esse cui posset humana voluntas re­sistere vel obtemperare.

Propositionis hujus duae sunt partes: Prima est facti; utrum scilicet Semipelagiani admiserint gra­tiam necessariam ad initium fidei.

Secunda utrum haereticum sit dicere gratiam a­ctualem Christi talem esse cui possit humana volun­tas consentire vel dissentire.

Neque etiam attingitur quaestio hic de gratia ef­ficaci à se aut à consensu, quia utriusque opinionis assertores fatentur quod gratiam Dei possumus ab­jicere juxta Concilium Tridentinum Sess. 6. c. 5. Sed tantum quaeritur utrum gratia in statu naturae corruptae talis sit, ut necessitatem inferat voluntati, adeo ut ei non possit dissentire; quod nullus Catholi­cus umquam admisit.

Haec Propositio, suppositâ aliarum falsitate, ne­cessariò debet falsa judicari; nam si impossibilia numquam sunt Dei Praecepta justis defectu gratiae sufficientis cui actu resistunt, sequitur posse gratiae resisti. Nam ab actu ad posse valet consequentia. Secundò si certum sit ad meritum requiri indifferen­tiam, cum actio qua gratiae Dei consentimus, sit me­ritoria, sequitur consensum ei praeberi cum indif­ferentia, ac proinde cum potentia dissentiendi.

Quinta Propositio.
Semipelagianum est dicere Christum pro om­nibus omnino hominibus mortuum esse aut sanguinem fudisse.

Duo quaeruntur circa hanc Propositionem. 1, Quid de ea sentiendum quatenus notam haeresis af­fingit communi Catholicorum Theologorum sententiae quae asserit Christum pro omnibus omnino mortuum esse.

2. Quatenus ex mente Jansenii Christus non pro omnibus sed pro praedestinatorum salute tantum mor­tuus est, ita ut omnibus reprobis negata sint auxilia sufficientia quibus possint salvari.

Hoc sensu examinata Propositione, intactae relin­quuntur difficultates quae occurrunt aut circa in­fantes sine baptismo decedentes, aut infideles, aut obduratos. Nam qui dicit Christum non pro solis praedestinatis esse mortuum, non dicit consequenter pro quolibet reprobo in particulari mortuum esse, sed suf­ficit quod pro aliquibus saltem reprobis.

Quod autem pro justis saltem non perseverantibus mortuus sit, patet ex Concilio Tridentino, ubi defint justis mandata Dei non esse impossibilia, quia Deus iis gratiam necessariam suppeditat. Si enim possunt observare mandata, possunt salvari, ac non nisi ex meritis Christi.

Idem Sess. 6. c. 3. Verum tametsi ille pro om­nibus mortuus est, non omnes tamen mortis ejus beneficium recipiunt. Ergo Christus pro iis etiam mortuus est qui beneficium non recipiunt; at illi non alii sunt quam reprobi.

CHAP. IX.

Of our Sollicitations during the whole moneth of September, to obtain that our Writings which we presented to the Cardinals, might be communica­ted to our Adversaries. Of the Death of Cardinal Roma which hapned during this moneth. Of the secret Congregations which began to be held at Cardinal Spada's house.

IT was the first and only thing which I did on Sunday the first of September, to seek meanes how to get the abovemention'd Writing, which yet I could not do till two dayes after, and all that I learn't on Monday the second, was, from the Re­sident of Poland, who signify'd to me that a Gen­tleman of that Kingdome told him, that he had been in the company of one of the Doctors of our Antagonists and a Jesuite; which Doctor said, that there were but ten or a dozen Doctors of our Faculty and four Bishops that maintain'd our cause, and that the Pope had profess'd that he would make so good a Censure upon this occa­sion, that there should be no more coming thi­ther again. I sent likewise those two dayes, to know whether Cardinal Roma gave audience, and understood that he did not.

On Tuesday the third I went to see F. Melchior, who not being at home, I fell into discourse with F. Dominique Priest of the same Order, a very able man, and who taught Theologie in his Co­vent, together with F. Melchior. He told me he had been at the Covent of the Minimes upon Saint Augustin's day with M. Joysel, who spoke so confidently of the condemnation of the Proposi­tions, that he was constrain'd to advise him not to go so fast, for there were many in the world that did not, as he, account the Propositions Hereti­cal, by reason of the senses, as he explicated the same, which they admitted relating to Effectual Grace. Their Discourse forthwith fell upon the First Proposition, of which F. Dominique told M. Joysel what sense we held, and alledg'd some ar­guments for it, which M. Joysel being unable to gainsay, answer'd in one word, That they im­pugn'd the same as it was in Jansenius, and be­cause it was there. F. Dominique demanded, whe­ther the being of a thing in Jansenius were suffi­cient to make it deserve to be impugn'd and cen­sur'd? M. Joysel answer'd, that it was not; but yet if it were lawful to maintain Propositions be­cause they might have good senses, none should ever be condemn'd, because there is not any so bad but may be well interpreted; and he brought this for example, That the body of our Lord is not in the Eucharist, which he said might admit a good sence, because 'tis true that it is not there Circumscriptive, that is to say, as other bodies are in their ordinary places according to their natural extension. F. Dominique answer'd, that if there had been any Hereticks who had affirm'd it to be there Circumscriptive, as there had been o­thers who have said that it is not there really; then, before judging of the Proposition, which affirms the same not to be there, it would be re­quisite to distinguish it with reference to those two sorts of Heresies. So in the matter pro­pos'd, there having been Hereticks who have af­firm'd, that the Commandments of God are not possible even with the assistance of Grace, and others that they are so without it, that is, without that Grace which is necessary to render them possible with the last and next possibility, and which hath no more need of any other assi­stance for action; it is requisite for right deter­mining this affair, to distinguish the senses ac­cording to which the said First Proposition may be extended, before judgement be pass'd upon it.

The same Father told me another passage which fell a few dayes before from M. Hallier, and for which he was sufficiently well taken up. This Doctor said, that if Molina were rightly consi­der'd, it would be found that there was not so much to say against him as people believ'd, and that there was much difference between him and the Pelagians and Semi-Pelagians. The answer return'd to him, was, that this Discourse was very strange from a man who pretended to subtilty in these matters, For in the first place he was askt how it was possible that there should be so little to say against Molina, considering all that had been done against him in Spain and at Rome in the Congregations de auxiliis? And in the second place he was told, that truly there was much dif­ference between Molina and the Semi-Pelagians, because Molina had said much more then they, That the Semipelagians held, that only the begin­ning of the first disposition to Grace proceeds from the part of man; that as for the rest, they assented readily, that Man is govern'd by the moti­on and power of the Efficacy of Grace; but Molina holds that Man is the primum mobile & chief master of his own Salvation from the beginning, to the end.

In the afternoon we went to wait upon Cardi­nal Roma. His Maistre de chambre told us, that we might send one of our Attendants to him upon Friday following, and he would signifie to us when we might probably have access to his Emi­nence. In the mean time he advertis'd us that one of our Antagonists came thither to know whe­ther the Businesse were likely to go forward, and that he answered, That it did not stick at us, that we had performed our parts, but themselves might consi­der that Cardinal Roma was not in a condition at present for affairs. He added, that if they came again, he would acquaint them with our new di­ligence.

F. Epiphanius came to see us after Supper. The Discours [...] hapned to be about the false censure of the Fa [...]ulty dispers'd through the world, and which MM. Henneguin, Peregret and Cornet avow'd in the face of the Parliament not to have been sub­scribed by any of themselves. F. Epiphanius told us, That M. Lagault affirmed to him since his com­ming to Rome that it was sign'd by them, and that there had been but one way which hinder'd us from being confirm'd by the Faculty.

On Wednesday the 4th. I went to Giesu Maria, where I saw F. Pancratio and another chief Father of that House; they both confess'd to me, that they had taught the Molinistical Opinions, and that whilst they taught them they were perswaded in their Judgements that none but these were con­sentaneous to truth; but the reading of S. Augustin which they had happily undertaken, perfectly undeceived them. In our Discourse interven'd a very aged Prelate nam'd Monsignor Garotti, who spoke something concerning this matter, but vigorously and as one that understood it well. He told me that all this affair was but a businesse of a­nimosity on the Jesuites part; that he remembred that Clement VIII. having highly blam'd the Ge­neral of the Jesuites for their engaging in defence of Molina's doctrine, the General answer'd the Pope, Vedremo, Beatissime Padre, come la potremo diffendere, We will see most H. Father how we shall be able to defend it: That thereupon he writ to all the Fathers of his Society to send to him all the best arguments that they found upon this Subject; and that a Jesuite talking with him (Monsignor Garotti) told him that he had of his own head fur­nish'd his General with ten Reasons for such de­fence.

Perceiving Cardinal Roma's sickness to continue, it came into our minds to impart our Writings and their Summary to M. Hallier and his Collegues, that we might get so far onward, and that they might employ part of their time in perusing them, and prepare themselves to make such answers thereunto as they should think fit. I went to see M. Cosimo, Cure of S. Saviour, to desire him to di­rect me to some Officer of Justice of his Acquain­tance who were fit to make such signification in due form and order. M. Cosimo told me, That this could not be done, but either by the Secretary of the Congregation by whom our Writings might be communicated to our Adversaries, and theirs to ours, and that by Order of the same Congregation when it thought fit, after perusal and examination therein; or else Order of the Dean, in case we could obtain of him to permit us to hasten things, by indorsing them with Communicetur. That otherwise he thought it an ill course to do it of our own Heads, unlesse per­haps they would somewhat excuse it as possible to be our custome in France, and as if we understood not that of Rome: But it was to avoid such inconveni­ences that he had advis'd us to retain an Advocate; and since we had means to prevent mistakes in our proceedings, it was best not to bring our selves to such a passe as to have need of making excuses.

A visit which I made to Cardinal Palatta took me up all the afternoon of this day, and in a con­verse sufficiently long that I had with him; that which I learnt most considerable, was, that M. Hallier had visited him and told him, That we were Jansenists; and that our aime was by shifts and under pretext of some equivocations & interpretations of Propositions to cause the Church to declare that she had acted wrong in her former condemnations.

On VVednesday the sixth, I went towards eve­ning to Cardinal Roma's House. His Maistre de chambre told me, That we could not hope to see his Eminence till within two or three dayes more. I an­swer'd, That we would willingly have so much pa­tience, and ask'd him whethor there were not some way in the mean time for his Eminence to appoint that our Writings might be communicated to our Adver­saries, to the end they might be employed in persuing them till he recover'd his health. He reply'd, That he would endeavour to acquaint his Eminence with it; and we agreed upon the Tuesday ensuing for an answer.

A Discalceated Carmelite inform'd us the same day that M. Ollier was the man that sollicited in their Covent at Paris for subscriptions against the Propositions, and their Fathers refused to do it.

On Saturday the seventh I acquainted a person, one of the most intelligent and accomplish'd in the Court of Rome, with what had pass'd between M. Albizzi and us, upon August 16. at Cardinal Ro­ma's House. This Person counsell'd me not to lose this occasion of making known to the Pope the animosity and partiality of that Assessor, whereof the said Person gave me further clear and convin­cing proofs. M. Othewin told me that M. Hallier being that morning taking the aire uprn the Mont de la Trinité, said to the F. Abbot of S. Antonie that he (Hallier) held us fast, that we should not escape him, that he would cause us to be put in Cornetto, which is as much as to say, in Bed­lam, and some other things of the same sttain.

The Ambassador had been sick for some weeks, and so we could not visit him, but (thanks be to God) having by this time recover'd his health, we went this evening to congratulate with him. He fell to ask us about our Businesse how it stood; and told us he had seen some of our Cardinals, a­mongst others Cardinal Ghigghi, who seem'd very pleasant and joyfull; which was an argument that they who usually are deep musers upon the smal­lest affairs that give them the least trouble, must needs have found out some favourable expedient to get out of it, and which afforded much satis­faction. VVe answered that that could not be, because to get out of it, it was necessary to exa­mine the affair in due manner, which they could not do without trouble. Then we fell into Dis­course whether or no we should be heard in the [Page 225] presence of either side. VVhereupon he made scruples, which we answered; and though he seem'd in some measure satisfi'd therewith, yet he told us, that he knew not whether it would be granted to us or no. He told us further, that they had used diligences by the mediation of the Nuntio's to get the Opinions of Universities, &c. and we answered him that that course would not conduce much to the clearing of things, unlesse they did us the justice and took the pains to hear us in the presence one of another. VVe talkt what had pass'd in the affair of the Irish, of the Letters which the Jesuites had obtain'd of the Em­peror, the King of Poland, &c. of the Cornetto whither M. Hallier in companies threatned to send us. Here the Ambassador told me, that the day before he complain'd to him of a Letter which I had written to M. Bouvot Register of our Faculty, and which M. Bouvot had shew'd to M. Grandin our Syndic, in which, he said, I sent word that there had not been seen in many ages such a thing as the Congregation we had obtain'd, and that the Pope speaking of M. Hallier, said that this Doctor seem'd to his Holynesse very presumptuous. I answered the Ambassador, that indeed I believ'd I had written to M. Bouvot, when the Congrega­tion was declared to us; That I did not remem­ber what words I us'd to him about it, but I saw not the least apparence that I spoke any thing near what I was charg'd with; because when I writ I endeavour'd to do it as if it had been in presence of all the world, and as if my Letters were pub­lickly to be seen, because it was possible they might be so. That I had written many indeed which I should be loth to have become publick; but I writ none which I foresaw not might incurr that danger; upon which consideration I endeavour'd to write nothing whereof I might he asham'd and repent me, in case they hapned to be seen. How|'ever, it would be very acceptable to me if he plear'd to take account of that whereof M. Hallier complain'd, because I had written none for a long time, whereof I kept not a Copy by me; and that though I could send to M. Bouvot, yet I promis'd him to bring him a faithfull Copy, that so if I had deserv'd blame, I might receive it and make satis­faction; but if there were found no cause of com­plaint, he might understand how groundlesse those of our Adversaries were.

On Sunday morning Sept. 8. I went to see the General of the Dominicans about' a particular af­fair of one of the Religious of his Order, concern­ing which a Friend of mine had written to me out of France. F. Barellier his French Assistant inter­ven'd in our Discourse. The General told me, among other things, that M. Hallier speaking to him about me, accused me of having written against the Pope; with which he acquainted me out of kindness and under secrecy, not to exasperate me against M. Hallier, but to cause me to bethink my self what might be the meaning of this accusation, which was of consequence. Yet I was not much anxious about it, nor have thought much upon it since, knowing well that this calumny was like all the rest which they us'd to devise against us, extra­vagant and groundlesse.

On Monday the 9th. towards evening I went to Cardinal Roma's House. His Maistre de chambre told me, That he had not stirr'd out of Bed of two dayes before; that he was up that day, but was con­strain'd to betake himself to bed again immediately; that if he could recover a little, he would go speedily into the Country to confirm it; that therfore he could not of long time intend our affair, and that we might con­sider upon what we thought expedient to do therein in the mean time. That M. Hallier and his Collegues had been there the day before, and he had told them the demurr was not on our part. He intimated to me likewise, that, if it seem'd good to us, we might visit M. Albizzi. VVhereunto I answered forthwith, That we could not have confidence in M. Albizzi, nor treat with him; and that if Cardinal Roma pleas'd to write upon our Papers that they should be commu­nicated to the Doctors our Adversaries, it would serve them very much and us too, advance our affairs, and put both sides into a condition to wait some good space of time without impatience the secovery of Car­dinal Roma. He reply'd, That his Eminence was not in a condition to meddle therewith; that M. Al­bizzi should no longer ordain any thing by his own authority; that it behooved us to have recourse to the Pope for the knowing of his pleasure what course we should take. I answered, That it was much better to expect yet for some time; That if in case Cardinal Roma did not suddenly recover his health, yet his in­disposition might diminish and allow him to inscribe upon our Writings that they might be communicated. Wherefore I intreated him not to tell any person that he had spoken to me of M. Albizzi, but to signifie to M. Hallier and his Collegues, when they came thi­ther, that I had been there and was oblig'd to have patience as well as themselves. VVhich request he granted.

Tuesday the 10th. in the afternoon I visited Cardinal Barberin. Assoon as he saw me, he ask'd me whether we had delivered our Writings; adding that if Cardinal Roma's sicknesse continu'd, some means must be thought upon to supply that defect; that much time was spent without any thing done, that it was tedious; but however we might hold our selves assured, that the Questi­ons de Auxiliis would not be medled with, but on­ly the Propositions taken into consideration. To all which Discourse of the Cardinal, I answer'd what I thought fit, and he carried me abroad wth him to take the aire, and return'd me to my Lodging.

I had attempted from Tuesday morning to get Cardinal Roma spoken to by his Auditor for the Soit communiqué (Communicetur) of our Writings, and upon Wednesday morning we went to a very good and pious Ecclesiastick, his Eminency's cou­sin and intimate Friend to obtain the same courte­sie of him, and get him to perswade the Cardinal to do it, if possible. He promis'd us to effect our desires, in case he found the Cardinal in a condi­tion any wise fitting to be spoken to; but he told us that he was very sick, and recommended him to our Prayers. Afterwards we went to the Au­gustines, whither we were invited, to hear an Ora­tion of the Divinity-Professor who then began his Lectures. He spoke very copiously of the esteem that ought to be made of S. Augustin's Doctrine; he urgently recommended to his Auditors the rea­ding of that Father's admirable works; but if they did not read them all, yet that none should omit [Page 226] to read the little volum which had been lately prin­ted at Rome by persons whom he said he would not name; and yet without naming us he gave us pub­lick thanks for it.

N [...]helesse we judg'd it expedient to visit the other four Cardinals design'd for our Congregati­on, that we might let them know what assiduous diligence we had us'd in the preparing of our Writings, and what had hindred us from present­ing the same to them since they were ready. The same afternoon we visited Cardinal Cechini, who intimated to us to deliver them to the rest in the mean while till Cardinal Roma recover'd. VVe answer'd that we had forborn so to do out of an in­tention to deliver them to all at the same time, and that they might have all a fresh remembrance of them when they should assemble in the Congrega­tion to hear us and regulate us according to what they should have seen of us in writing. He re­ply'd, That for his part he should alwayes willing­ly concurr with what the rest should ordain in the businesse.

Before our going to Cardinal Cechini, we had been at Cardinal Spada's House, where arriv'd at the same time some of the Cardinals in order to a Congregation which was to be held there; for which cause we retreated, having seen but not spoken to Cardinal Spada. Hereupon when we returned thither at the end of the Congregation assoon as he saw us, he came to us with a smiling countenance, and told us he was sorry that he could not give us audience that day. VVe signifi'd to him in a few words what we had to say to him; but we were oblig'd to return thither the next morning upon his invitation.

Before we went to him upon Thursday the 12th. I met with the Bishop of Bethleém, who out of kindnesse conjur'd me for the honour of God to deliver our Writings, adding that delay caus'd it to be suspected that we had evil designs, and in­clin'd the people with whom we had to do, to judge and condemn us without hearing. That it was reported that time had been given us, that we had been summoned, and that we had pass'd the term. That all these particulars were registred. I thank'd the Bishop for his affection, and answe­red him, that we had also kept Memorials both by our Letters and otherwise, of the whole manner wherewith we were treated, and of all that had been said to us. That we had us'd the greatest diligence that could be required of us in prepa­ring our Writings. That we had more reason to complain of our being hastned as we had been, than others had to complain of our having delay'd. That we did not in the least fear the most embittered and powerfull persons against us, because they could do us no mschief, but they must do the like to the H. See, since we had no other interests in the whole affair but what were the same with those of the supreme Pontificate. The Bishop assented that the manner of proceeding towards us was exorbi­tant and strange, but yet it behooved us to condescend to the state in which things were, and endeavour to stop the mouths of the most passio­nate against us.

When my Collegues and I went to Cardinal Spada, we told him that we had ever since a fort­night before repair'd to Cardinal Roma to acquaint him that we were ready to appear in the Congre­gation when it should please him to assemble it; and to bring him our first Writings; That we had been deferr'd from day to day since that time by Cardi­nal Roma himself, to whom we had spoken once, and wbo advis'd us to have a little patience, ad­ding that assoon as he recover'd a little health, he would employ the same in our affair. Cardinal Spada answered, that he would make report of what we said to him where it should be needfull; but that these Autuminal Sicknesses were some­times dangerous, and besides very long: that in case this of Cardinal Roma's should hold on, some order must be consider'd of in reference to our affair. VVe reply'd, if it lasted, we doubted not of the necessity of taking some other course therein; and we assur'd his Eminence that on our part we would alwaies be found dispos'd to further the bu­sinesse with all sort of diligence, so far as the Things which we had to manage would per­mit.

M. Hallier and his Collegues came to wait upon Cardinal Spada, who was to go to Monte Cavallo, and being he was ready to go just as we had finisht what we had to say to him, we became oblig'd to accompany him thither. When he was enter'd into the Popes presence, we stay'd in the Anti­chamber during that Congregation. And Mon­signor Sacrista who entertain'd us there a good while, told us, among others, two remarkable things. First, That M. Hallier and his Collegues had long ago deliver'd their Writings touching the Propositions to the Cardinals, and since be­gun to deliver new ones to them which related on­ly to our persons and designs. Secondly, naming some of the Consultors appointed for our Con­gregation, he told us that F. Luca Vadingo would be one of them, and that he was well inform'd of the whole intrigue of the affair, particularly touch­ing the Book of Jansenius; that in the beginning when he was first sounded, he said, Let us see whether it be contrary to S. Augustin, and then condemn it; or if they will not examine it, all that can be done against it is to prohibite it for having transgressed the Prohibitions of writing concern­ing this matter: That the cause stood thus when it was reported to Ʋrban VIII. and that after it was dispatcht by the Pope, some persons had added what is found in his Bull, That Jansenius had re­viv'd the Propositions condemned by Pius V.

When the Congregation was ended we went to Cardinal Ghiggi's Apartment, where we waited for his return; and though it was sufficiently late, yet he prevented us in speaking to us first, and caus'd us to enter into his Chamber. We told him, that our Writings were ready. Which word we had no sooner spoken, but O sia lodato Dio, God be thanked (said he to us) I think we have heard some mutterings about them. The meaning of which in his mouth, was, that great complaints had been made about them. VVe answered that it should be manifested that we had not been faulty of any delay. (Indeed 'twas an extraordinary thing that we could get our two pieces ready in so little time; and I think no person ever labour'd at any work with more assiduity and speed day and night than M. de Valcroissant and M. Angran did to dispatch them; and when they were done, to [Page 227] get Copies of them quickly ready for their Eminences; we employed for some dayes toge­ther twenty Amanuenses, whereof some tran­scrib'd one Quire and some another.) The Car­dinal reply'd that he did not say that we had cau­sed any delay, but that he exhorted us to endea­vour to act in such sort that there might be no ap­pearance that we had, nor ground to suspect it: Ma al meno que questo non apparisca. He told us also that if Cardinal Roma's sickness should prove long, Cardinal Spada would be the person to whom we ought to addresse our selves, as Dean, à chi bisognarebbe far capo.

I went in the afternoon with much anxiety to enquire the condition of Cardinal Roma's health; Cardinal Barberin arriv'd there almost at the same time that I did. VVe were answer'd that he was a very little better, whereupon Cardinal Barbe­rin return'd without seeing him for fear of di­sturbing him. From thence I went to see the person whom I had entreated to procure that Car­dinal Roma's Auditor might inscribe the Communice­tur upon our Papers; for I had understood that that was sufficient to authorise the imparting of them to the Doctors our Adversaries; and he told me that Signor Francesco, (which was the name of his Eminence's Cousin whom I spoke of) had told him that his Auditor could not write the Communicetur without first receiving his Ma­ster's order; that himself (Signor Francesco) could not speak that day nor the next to Cardinal Roma to cause him to give his Auditor such or­der; but in case his health continu'd in the con­dition wherein he beheld it, he hop'd that he might do it by Saturday or Sunday following.

Friday the 13th. was the day of the Ambas­sador's usual audience; and before he went to it, I entreated him that in case the Pope spoke to him about the delay of our Writings whereof complaint had been made, he would tell his Ho­linesse, that that which hinder'd us for a fortnight, in which we could have deliver'd them, was Car­dinal Roma's sicknesse. The Ambassador answer'd me nothing touching our Writings, but askt me immediatly whether I had heard tidings of his health that day; and told me with a most sincere sentiment of esteem and grief, that if that Cardi­nal should be taken away, the Church would have a signal losse in him. We sent about noon to know what newes of him, and understood that he was very much better then the day before. In the afternoon we went again to Cardinal Cechini to give him the same information concerning our Writings that we had given to others; but we were refer'd till that day seven night to speak with his Eminence.

On Saturday in the afternoon I went to Cardi­nal Roma's house, where I learn't that his health still grew better and better; and in the joy and hope that his Maistre de Chambre had of it, he told me that M. Albizzi coming thither the Thurs­day before to the Consistorial Congregation which was held there, he had said to him with a free aire; Questi Dottori Francesi vengono sempre qui, & l' Eminentissimo non può attendere à sto negotio per hora. Fra tanto bisognarebbe far qualche communicatione di scritture, &c. Those French Doctors are al­wayes comming hither, and his Eminence cannot at present intend their affair. It may be requisite in the mean time to make some communication of the Wri­tings of one side to the other, to employ them. But he had no sooner opened his mind to M. Albizzi, and done speaking, but M. Albizzi told him, Non si vuol disputare quì di questa cosa, It is not intended to dispute that point here. VVhich averseness of M. Albizzi from what he propos'd to him, kept him from speaking any thing more to him a­bout it.

On Sunday the 15th. I accompany'd the Am­bassador to the solemnity of the Chappel which was performed that day as the Anniversary of the Popes election; and whilst Cardinal Barberin was renewing to him the ceremony ad multos annos, there came a very great rumour of Cardinal Ro­ma's death. VVhereupon believing that God had dispos'd of him, we went in the Afternoon to Cardinal Spada, to tell him that when he pleas'd we were ready to appear before the Congregation and to deliver our Writings. The Cardinal told us that he would give us an answer on Wednesday or Thursday at the furthest, and that in the mean time we might visit those other Messieurs, to the end they might read our Writings. I did not be­lieve that by questi altri Signori Cardinal Spada meant Messieurs the other Cardinals of our Con­gregation, but the Doctors our Adversaries, and that his Eminencie's intention was that we might communicate our Writings to them in the mean time. M. the Abbot of Ʋalcroissant understood it also in this manner; and he and I having reply'd to the Cardinal that that was our Purpose (that so we might be more assur'd what was his, and act without fear of proceeding contrary to his intenti­ons) He told us that that was not his meaning, but when it should be time to communicate them, if the Congregation judg'd it expedient, they should be communicated reciprocally at the same time, to the end there might be neither advantage nor disadvantage on one side or other, acciò non sia nc vantaggio ne svantaggio.

On Monday the 16th. towards evening I went to see F. Melchior, who inform'd me that since some dayes they had been much troubled in their Co­vent about a Thesis, which was to be maintained there, of which the Doctors our Antagonists and the Jesuites having had notice, endeavoured to hinder the Impression by M. Albizzi's means, and made a great stirre about it. That M. Albizzi for that purpose sent for the Procurator General of their Order, to whom, assoon as he saw him, he made great reproaches, for that the Professors of the Covent de la Ʋictoire taught Jansenisme; the greatest proof whereof alledg'd by him was that they convers'd with us, and for this conside­ration he threatned them to give them a Mittimus to depart out of Rome. That all the day preceding, though it were Sunday, was employed in goings and commings to and from M. Albizzi about the said Thesis. That M. Albizzi had a design to have seiz'd all the Copies that were wrought off; but he to whom they belong'd had been more diligent in getting them from the Printer than M. Albizzi had been in sending to take them thence. That M. Albizzi seeing himself prevented herein, sent to their Covent in the Pope's name to prohi­bite the Person that had them to part with any of [Page 228] them; and afterwards sent order to their Procura­tor-General with threatning that he should remain responsible for them. In fine, all this bustle was made against the said Thesis, because it was known to be compos'd conformably to the mind and do­ctrine of Councils, S. Augustin and S. Thomas; ad mentem Conciliorum, Sancti Augustini, & Sancti Thomae, and that it was almost wholly fram'd in their very words. F. Melchior told me likewise what diligence they had us'd both in addresses to the Master of the Sacred Palace, who licenced the Impression, and to Cardinal Ghiggi, from whose good will and protection they promis'd themselves assistants in this affair: and all that had pass'd therein he related to me more distinctly and particularly than I do here, because I set down only the most remarkable things which I writ thus confusedly when I returned home after their vi­site.

On Tuesday morning being the 17th. we sent up our prayers to God for the eternal rest of the Soul of Cardinal Roma, whose death hapned the evening or the night preceding. It was a great loss both to the H. See and the Sacred Colledge: He was a man of known and generally esteem'd integrity throughout the world. He was of very easie accesse, very equitable, and unmoveable by favour or faction. He had a very sedulous care of his Bishoprick of Tivoli, and divided himself between the administrations of it and those where­unto he was oblig'd in reference to the Offices he had at Rome, with indefatigable pains. His chari­ty and liberality towards the poor and his Church were so large, that they left him no thought of laying up of treasure upon earth either for himself or any of his kindred: and he gave them no part of his Ecclesiastical goods besides one furniture for a Table which he gave to one of his Brothers, as he would have given the same (he said) to any other Stranger, if he had not had that Brother, to the end he might have in the time of repasts some com­pany and conversation. But this is not a place to speak of the particular actions and vertues which render'd him so commendable during the whole course of his life; it shall suffice to adde here in reference to our affair, that he was more intelligent of, and better affected to St. Augustin's doctrine than he ever profess'd to be. But I was inform'd above a year before that he studied it with particular affection; and that he was enlightned in it by the informations which he caus'd to be given him by a very learned Dominican, who had such confidence in me and in the secrecy which he pro­mis'd himself that I would keep for him, and the good use that I would make of the knowledg which he imparted to me of the correspondence which he had in this affair with Cardinal Roma, that assoon as he had finisht a Writing to give him, he shew'd me a Copy of it, and when they had conferr'd to­gether about it, advertis'd me likewise how his Eminence took and apprehended the matter, and in what sort he accounted himself convinc'd of it. I kept secrecy herein so faithfully, that I never spoke so much as a word of it to my Collegues themselves, who only knew that this Cardinal be­ing very pious and equitable, it was very advan­tageous to us that he was Dean of our Congregati­on. But now there is no longer any danger in speaking it. I preserv'd and still keep the Copies of those informations, which Cardinal Roma be­liev'd peculiar to himself; and lookt upon as his own labour, having therein imploy'd that of a man whom he knew very intelligent and impartial, whom he otherwise consider'd as his antient friend, and who undertook the same by his motion, having nothing else in his view but God and the Truth: The Propositions in question were consider'd and handled in these Informations, as we had alwayes consider'd them, capable of several sences very op­site, but as pertaining to the faith of the Church, when they were purg'd from their equivocations, and reduc'd to the sence in which they would be necessary sequels and clear dependances of the Ef­ficacity of Grace. This may be seen in those Writings themselves, which I have thought fit to place at the end of the Collection, because they de­serve to be kept to posterity. It may be judg'd thereby whether the death of this great and pious Cardinal was not a signal losse to the H. See, the Sacred Colledge and indeed to the whole Church; it depriv'd us of a considerable Prop both in the Congregation whereof he was Dean, and in all o­ther dependances of our affair to which he was sincerely affected; and of which he said a hundred times to the Ambassador, as well as of that of the Bishopricks of Portugal, that it was a shame they were not ended.

VVherefore his death, which according to the judgement we were able to make of it, was very unseasonable for us, could not but be resented by us with particular sorrow; but having consider'd that our affair was more God's than ours, that he had not remov'd this prop without secret but just reasons of his inscrutable judgements, and that he could, if he pleas'd, deliver it from oppression, and instead of one man whom he took from us, give us a thousand others with as much facility as he could, if he had pleas'd, have sent to our Lord in the time that he was sought to be hurried to death, more than twelve legions of Angels, to secure him from it; we comforted our selves for the losse, and fell again to prosecute our affair with new care, diligence and vigour.

In the afternoon we went to visit Cardinal Ghig­gi, M. de Ʋalcroissant represented to him with what diligence and sincerity we had labour'd to put our selves into a state to appear at the Congrega­tion ever since it was declar'd to us, and after ha­ving spoken there to leave some thing in scriptis that might be worthy of the subject and the assem­bly; and on the contrary, in what manner we had been censur'd in the mean time as tergiversators, and those that endeavour'd to decline the clearing of things; but we conceiv'd that hereafter we should not be thus dealt with, when it were once considered who sent us, and what was the weigh­tynesse and importance of the things which we had compris'd in so little time in those two first Wri­tings which we brought to him; and which accor­dingly, after this was spoken, we presented to him. The Cardinal received the same civilly, and with a sentiment of humility desir'd us to pray to God for him, that God would please to open his understanding to comprehend the same aright, ad­ding that, for his part, he would study them ve­ry willingly and carefully. He told us also that [Page 231] from thenceforward, either the Pope or Cardinal Spada must be addrest to, for direction concern­ing what should be fit to be done in the Congre­gation. VVe answered, that we hop'd his Em­nence would have a hand therein too, and take care that all things might be observed according to the necessary forms. He reply'd, that as for himself, his Obligation should be to study the Writings which we had given him, and if in reference to the management and direction of the affair Cardinal Spada pleas'd to confer with him, it would be a thing that depended on his civility; Sarebbe la sua urbanità.

Wednesday morning Sept. 18. I visited the Am­bassador, and went abroad with him to take the aire. Amongst divers things which we spoke about our affair, the most considerable was, that he told me some had spoken at Court of the Janse­nists (or those that were denoted by that name) a people very ill affected to the King's service, even so far that some of them at Paris had left off praying for the King, and pray'd only for the king­dome. That hence it was concluded that they ap­proach'd very near to the Calvinists who were enemies of Kingly Government; that the King and Queen were render'd odious to that Party, by saying that they were not favourable to it; and to temper in some sort the extent of these false and malicious teproaches, (the Ambassador told me also) that it was said that all the Jansenists were not of the same humour, but that the malicious of the Party made use of the rest, who were good people, to cover their most evil designs under their reputation, as they carry Images of wax be­fore Processions. I answer'd the Ambassador, that these calumnies deserv'd that an Answer should be given to him, to let him see the malig­nity of those that invented them. Whereupon he told me, That he had charged M. Hallier with the threatning that I acquainted him M. Halli­er made of the Cornetto or Ergastulo against us; and that M. Hallier swore all the Oaths in the world, that he never spoke so; and never­theless I was as well inform'd as any man could be that he had spoke so, and indeed it was very true.

We made divers visites on Wednesday after­noon, Thursday and Friday both morning and afternoon, to wait upon the Cardinals Spada, Ginetti, and Cechini, and present our Writings to them. The first of the three whom we found rea­dy for it, was Cardinal Spada upon Saturday the twenty first in the forenoon. M. de Valcroissant set forth to him very well and plainly the state of our affair, and gave him our Writings, and the last that he spoke of being the Summary, the Cardinal began his answer there, and told us that he would not look upon it, nor make use of it, till after he had perus'd the large Papers. According to the character that had been given of him to me divers times, he was a man likely to take that pains; but however he made us this promise, and receiv'd them courteously.

When we went to him on Thursday in the after­noon, we found there a secret Congregation, at which were Monsignor the Patriark Spada, a cri­minal Judge; the Capo Notaro of the H. Office and M. Albizzi: and when we went on Friday to Cardinal Ginetti, we found a Congregation of Cardinals assembling there; and as we were reti­ring, there arriv'd one, who advertis'd me that on Tuesday following a Congregation of Consul­tors were to be held about our affair, and that I must take heed, because some persons who were favourable to us, and ought to be there of right, were excluded.

In the afternoon of Saturday, amongst other little businesses I went to carry Monsignor Sacrista our Writings of matters of Fact, and the Summa­ries of both, that he might have some kind of Idea of that of S. Austin's authority, a perfect Copy whereof could not then be had for him. He told me one very considerable thing, which was, that the Pope in discourse with him a few dayes be­fore said to him, That the Jesuites fomented He­resie.

On Sunday September 22. we went in the morning to Cardinal Ginetti: He was reconducting a Per­son to whom he had given audience, and return­ing came chearfully to us, and said to us, as if to congratulate with us for what he was going to speak, E ben, sarà per Martedi la Congregatione, Well, the Congregation will be on Tuesday. I appre­hended that we ought to be so far from being well-pleas'd at the Congregation's assembling before our Writings had been seen by those of whom it consisted, or communicated to our Adversaries, that on the contrary we had reason to be sorry for it. VVherefore being we had not yet certainly understood this news from any person, and accoun­ted the Assembly which was to be held without our participation and convenient advertisement of it, as good as nothing; to the end we might more cautiously declare our Sentiments to this Cardinal, assoon as he had regal'd us with these comple­ments, E ben sarà per Martedi la Congregatione, I answered seriously and coldly in these words; Che Congregatione, Eminentissimo? VVhat Con­gregation is it, my Lord, that your Eminence tells us is to be on Tuesday? The Cardinal judging by our Answer that we had heard nothing of it, and fear­ing he had gone too far in opening a secret to us whereof we were not to be advertis'd, fairly chang'd the Discourse and askt us what brought us thither? VVe told him, It was to present our VVritings to him, which accordingly we did. As he receiv'd them, he said he would read them most diligently, diligentissima mente; and after he had read them, he should be very glad to hear us concerning them.

Departing thence, after some small visites, I met a certain Person in the City who told me that the General of the Dominicans intended to pre­sent a Memorial to the Pope, to get time to send for some able persons of his Order, be­sides those he had already, who might represent to his Holyness the interests that his Order had in this affair.

In the afternoon I visited that General, to shew him one of our VVritings concerning Matters of Fact and our Summary. He presently sent for one of his Order to transcribe them. VVe conferr'd together a long time, and all our Discourse was, whether we had taken a right course in the busi­ness, and whether it would not be better to deli­ver VVritings concerning the Propositions, then [Page 230] concerning S. Augustin's authority; because he fear'd least whilest we took this care on one side to defend it, they might ruine it on the other by con­demning the Propositions. I represented to him on the contrary that we were oblig'd to take that course in conformity to the desire and letters of our Bishops, who had written to the Pope, that in order to do something of profit and edification in this cause, it was requisite to resume the affair from its original and by its principles; rem à fon­tibus & ex integro violare. That however admit­ing we had taken a wrong course in reference to the mode of the Court of Rome, and done a super­fluous thing in proving the authority of S. Augu­stin, whereof no Body doubted; it would then be easie to make our Adversaries acknowledge it, as we requir'd them, and establish it as we de­manded; that the worst was it might occasion pos­sibly two months delay in the Congregation, which would not be altogether unprofitable; wherefore if those of the Congregation had any sense of ju­stice and equity, and so great an esteem for S. Au­gustin, that it were not necessary to say any thing in behalf of his authority, it being so universally acknowledg'd and beyond all contest, they would have nothing to do but first to confirm it as we de­sired; and after they had comply'd with our need and infirmity, and we were ready to take the right course in which we had fail'd, then to dismiss thoroughly the fantastick Propositions, I spoke to him about the Memorial which he was to deliver to the Pope, and about which he had been that day in the Pope's Presence-chamber to desire audi­ence. He answer'd me that he could not deliver it, not having been introduc'd to audience. That his purpose in pressing to deliver it that day was, to hinder and get deferr'd the Congregation de­sign'd upon the Tuesday ensuing; that since he could not declare that day, he would wait to pre­sent it after that secret Congregation was past.

VVhen I left him and had been a good while entertain'd about our affairs with sundry very af­fectionate and able Persons of his Order, I went to see another General of an Order, a very intel­ligent Person who very well understood the Jesu­ites, and who, speaking of them, said one thing which may amaze those that shall read it, viz. Non è più gran fortuna nel mondo, che di non conno­scerbi, & non esserne conosciuto. There is no great­er advantage in the world than not to know them, and not to be known by them.

On Monday the 23d. we went in the morning before the Consistory, to see Cardinal Ghiggi (in whose equity, good intention and candour we had very great hope) and endeavour to set forth to him how unusual and strange the Congregation in­tended to assemble the next day seem'd to us, we not having been advertis'd of it, our VVritings not having been well examin'd, and perhaps not any of the Consultors who should be call'd to it, having heard any thing of them. His Maistre de bre referr'd us to 3. in the afternoon. VVe fail'd not to return thither at the time appointed. His Gate was shut, no audience to be as'kd or hopt for.

Had we been admitted, we could onely have let him know our dissatisfaction that the proceedings in this affair were so little conformable to the Sute we had made aswell by the Letter of the Prelates which we deliver'd to the Pope in 1651. and which there was a full years leasure to consider, as by our Memorial of the 21. of Ianuary, six Months before it was plainly and nakedly declar'd to us that the Pope had granted to us the Congregation which we had requested of him. But for all this we could not have hindred the assembling of the Congregation which they resolv'd to hold on Tu­esday morning. It was signifi'd on the VVednes­day foregoing to be that day, in the usual order and according to custome by Tickets fastned on the Hall-doors of the Cardinals who were of it, (and elsewhere if need require) whereby notice is gi­ven of the day, hour, place, and subject that is to be treated of. All this had been done, and the Subject was also chosen and appointed to be the first Proposition. And that even three dayes be­fore we had deliver'd to Cardinal Spada our pre­ambulary writings touching things wholy different from the first Proposition. But the first notice we receiv'd of it, was that which Card. Ginetti gave us.

Tuesday the 24th. being come, a friend of ours went to Cardinal Spada's Palace, to observe what should pass there and advertise us thereof. The hour appointed was 13. a clock, that is, about eight in the morning. Cardinal Cechini arriv'd there first, about half an hour after seven; and before eight all the rest, of whom the Congregation consisted, arriv'd there one after another in this Order. The Procurator General of the Capu­cines; Aversa: The General of the Augustins: F. Palavicini, a Jesuite; F. Campanella a Carme­lite, who had also been a Jesuite before he en­ter'd into the Order of the Carmelites; Mon­signor Albizzi; The Master of the Sacred Palace: Cardinal Ginetti: F. Delbene: The Procurator Ge­neral of S. Marcel: The Commissary of the H. Office: F. Modeste Procurator of the Conventual Cordeliers: Cardinal Ghiggi: F. Luca Ʋadingo. The four Cardinals retir'd together in private for some time, and M. Albizzi with them: and a little after, which was about nine a clock, they caus'd all the other persons above named to enter. At Dinner time every one returned home. This is all that I leatnt after they were separated; and that they were to assemble again in the same man­ner that day seven night.

In the afternoon I went to S. Andrew de La­val, where I spoke with F. Delbene, from whom I could learn nothing, saving that we had reason to be satisfi'd with what pass'd that morning. And as I was speaking to him of the reasons which hinder'd us from being contented with such proceeding, though perhaps in reality we had cause to be so, he said we might represent the same to the Cardinals, if we thought good; but he counsell'd me, if we did it, to do it a little less vehemently than I had done to him. F. Pascaligo with whom I conferr'd likewise in pri­vate, was much concern'd in our Discontent, and judg'd the Proceedings with us hard and grievous. Yet he confirm'd to me that we ought to hold our selves assured of F. Delbene, that he was absolutely for us; and according to what he could judge by his countenance; since the Congregation of that morning, he could not but be well pleas'd with what had passed therein.

The next day some of our friends congratula­ted [Page 231] us thereupon, and counsell'd us to urge on our Affair in this good conjuncture, by delivering our Informations conformable to the manner in which they had began to proceed. But we ex­cus'd our selves from so doing, alledging that this secret and invisible management of such a difficult and intricate matter as ours, was too subject to foul dealing; and that besides we were oblig'd to do nothing that might prejudice the intentions of the Bishops who sent us, and in whose names we had demanded of the Pope a Congregation, in which the Proceedings might be with the greatest Solemnity, and according to the free, open and fair forms which had from all time been observed and practised in the Church. But our friends askt us, Whether by standing upon those forms and intentions of the Prelates, we would leave them to make qualche Sproposito, some odd Deci­sion besides our purpose? And we defended our selves from that Panick fear, by alledging, that if they had a mind to do well, we had taken the right way; but if they were disposed to suffer themselves to be carried to any undue and un­searchable Resolution, the private and secret In­formations which we should deliver them by the way, would not hinder them from it: That when all was said, we could do nothing that was con­trary to the intentions of the Bishops who sent us.

The same day in the afternoon I found occasion to take a copy of a new Writing, which I was told was deliver'd by M. Hallier and his Collegues to the Consultors. I was employ'd therein till eight a clock in the evening, together with some other persons who helpt me. VVe took it to pieces, and copied it out leaf by leaf, every one transcribing as much as he could; he that had it being oblig'd to restore it; and we fearing never to see it again, if we lost this opportunity of transcribing it.

This writing was intitl'd, Damnatio Propositio­num quinque ex Jansenii libris excerptarum. They attributed all the Propositions to Jansenius, with­out reciting any passage out of him, but only re­ferring to some places; nor was any sense or explication set down of the three last Propositi­ons.

But upon the first they thus exprest the sense of Jansenius; Mandata Dei, etiam à justis, quando praecepti implendi necessitas imminet, observari non posse, Deo denegante iis adjutorium suum, tam illud quod ad praecepti observationem sufficiat, quàm istud quo gratiam ejusmodi emereri possint: quod utrum­que justis denegari docet: which is false, captious, and founded upon the Ambiguity of the word Sufficient, as it would have been easie to show, if we had had the liberty to defend Jansenius.

They impugned this sense by divers passages of Scripture, very remote from the matter in questi­on: as, Jugum meum suave est, & onus meum leve; si vis ad vitam ingredi, serva mandata.

In the Sequel they confusedly recited the ordi­nary passages of the Bulls of Baius; of the Coun­cils of Orange, Trent, Colen and Sens (which have been explicated a hundred times) without speaking a word of the Explications that have been made upon them: And especially, they urg'd di­vers censures of the Faculty against Luther and Calvin; which shews that they impugned the Pro­positions in the sense of Luther and Calvin, or gave cause to the Pope to construe them, in that sense.

The sense which they put upon the second Pro­position, with reference to Jansen▪ is very remark­able; Propositionis istius (said the writing) apud Jansenium sensus est, nullam esse Dei gratiam interi­orem, cui homo per liberum arbitrium dissentiat aut dissentire possit in statu naturae corruptae, cùm in eo statu nullam admittat gratiam quae non sit efficax ad eum effectum ad quem datur; gratiae autem efficaci nunquam dissentiatur, aut etiam, ex tertia Proposi­tione, dissentiri possit; hinc concludit interiori gra­tiae nunquam resisti. Vid. Tom. 3. lib. de Grat. cap. 14, 22, 25, 27, 28. lib. 3. cap. 1, 2, 3.

Thus whilst the Pope and Cardinals declared to us viva voce, that they would not have us speak of Jansenius, and that they considered the Propo­sitions in abstracto; these Doctors did not forbear to oppose him in their secret writings which were not communicated to us. And indeed had they been communicated to us in a legal way, whatever purpose we had not to speak of Jansenius, we should not have forborn refuting so great a falsity, as the charging him with having taught that Ef­fectual Grace cannot be resisted, and that Inter­nal Grace is never resisted; and accordingly we could not but say something again in defence of that Prelate against the like Impostures, in the An­swer to the sixty passages of St. Augustin pro­duced by M. Hallier, which we did not deliver to the Pope, till we heard the condemnation was al­ready prepared, and which was not examined at all, as shall be shewn in due place.

The passages cited by M. Hallier and his Col­legues upon reference to the second Proposition, are the same which are every day in the mouths of the Molinists, and which are transcribed from the writings of M. le Moine.

Touching the third Proposition; it may be ob­serv'd, that though no sense be particularly set down of it, yet Jansenius is charged to have taught, That man hath no power to resist Effectu­al Grace, because such Grace does necessitate. And therefore he is combated with these words of the Council of Sens against Luther; Non multum di­stat à Manichaeo Lutherus: Nam cuncta quae ab homine fiunt, necessario fieri Lutherus credit.

They continued the same order in the other Propositions, heaping up passages full of Abuses and Falsities, because they knew that those wri­tings being secret, they would not be refell'd by any person. Touching the fourth, they cited the false Council of Arles of the year 476. the Letter of Lucidas, the Council of Carisi, and other false or Semipelagian pieces.

This was the reason why they were so afraid to appear in a contradictory conference, well know­ing that these passages which were capable of blinding the eyes of the Cardinals, whom their great imployments kept from being througly in­structed in these matters, and who take all passa­ges for good that are produced before them, could have serv'd for nothing but to confound them in case they had had Adversaries to their face to con­fute them.

Thursday the 26th. going in the morning to Monte Cavallo, I visited F. Fani who was highly dis­gusted [Page 232] that the Thesis of F. Melchior which was composed almost in the very words of Augustin, had been stopt by M. Albizzi, who intended to to get it deferr'd till Easter, because, he said, they were then at Rome upon the examination of St. Augustines Doctrine. This reason so high­ly displeased F. Fani, that he told me he would endeavour to acquaint the Pope with it; and Mon­signor Sacrista was so touched with it, that he ex­horted me that we should deliver an express Me­morial to the Pope about it, to let him know how this Assessor treated that great light of the Church under his Papacy. But for that this Insolence was but an accessory to the principal things which we had in our hand, and we might more commodiously represent the same at another time, we did not think fit to make it a particular affair different from our own which wholly employed us, and which by the new Difficulties rais'd against us upon every occasion, gave us more trouble and business then it would have done, had it been managed in that usual and publick way in which Cardinal Ghiggi had long ago assured us it should be.

F. Hilarion and F. Ʋbaldino were both of the number of those which ought by right to have been of the Congregation which was held on Tuesday at Cardinal Spada's house, and both very fit persons to pass a Judgement on the Propositi­ons with knowledge of the cause; but both of them had reasons which kept them from being pre­sent at those kind of Congregations, F. Hilarion held to the Judgement which he had delivered when the false censure of the Faculty was exa­mined before the Pope; and as for F. Ʋbaldino though he would not be present in person at the Congregation, yet he thought fit to send his Vote and Judgement thither in Writing, ac­cording to the course and practise of those Di­vines, when any reason obliges them so to do. He entrusted it with the Commissary of the H. Office, who presented it to the Congregation; but Car­dinal Spada refus'd, and would not receive it. I went to see that Father on Thursday the 26. in the afternoon, and besides what I have related concerning his Vote; he told me that the greatest part of the Congregation was spent on things re­mote from what ought to have been debated; that there was no likelyhood that they could come that way to a handsome Decision, and that before they could agree what mischief to do against us, they would employ some time and consultation to resolve upon it.

The same day I met with F. Alvarez an eminent Dominican and first Professor of Divinity in the Covent of la Minerve, who told me, that our Consultors found themselves much intangled, si horavano impicciatissimo. That amongst others, the General of the Augustines did not dissemble what haste the time allotted for this affair put him upon, and how troubled he was to see that they were oblig'd to speak in a Congregation of learn­ed and venerable persons, before they had time allotted them to inquire into the things whereup­on they were to pass Judgement: That to be able to speak solidly of all the matters which were to be handled there, and were propounded, required the reading of St. Augustin, Jansenius, our Wri­tings, and those of our Adversaries.

After divers visits which we had made to Cardi­nal Cechini to present our writings to him, at length we were admitted to it on Fryday morning, Sep. 27. But first the Abbot of Valcroissant set forth to him very largely in Latin the state of things, and what manner we accounted just and expedient to handle this affair for the right under­standing and judging of it. Having heard us fairly, he bid us address to the other Cardinals be­fore the Congregation, which was to be held on Tuesday following, in case the Signature of Grace did not hinder it, because in that of the Thursday foregoing, there had been no speech at all of these perambulatory matters which ought to be first judg'd of before setting upon the Propositions; but the Ax hath been laid directly to the root of the Tree, and they had began with the Proposi­tions. We did not open our selves very much to this Cardinal what esteem we made of those Congregations; but we told him, that this equi­table manner of interpreting the things which we had represented to him, caus'd us to believe that when he had seen our writings, he would under­stand and determine together with us; that to judge aright of this Affair, and in order to the due comprehending of it, it was requisite first to dispatch all those preliminary demands, and then rightly state the Propositions and Questions which were to be decided, and upon which our Adver­saries and we were to contend. In fine, he pro­fess'd, that he took things well, and had they de­pended on him, he would have given his Judge­ment for the treating of them in the manner we desir'd. But he was already fallen into the Popes disfavour, as I have related above; and if he had much of the spirit of Iustice, yet he had very little Authority: He was present at those private Congregations, whereas there were none but Cardinals; but his disgrace and mis-understand­ing with the Pope, did not allow him to appear anywhere in the presence of his Holiness, nor so much as to speak amongst his Confreres with the liberty which he could have done, if he had not been in that condition of disfavour.

I learnt in the afternoon, that the General of the Dominicans had new cause of complaint about the Congregation, namely, that the F. companion of the Commissary of the H. Office, and the F. companion of the Master of the sacred Palace, who by right ought to be of it, were excluded out of the number of the Consultors.

Saturday the twenty eight, I met with a very learned Dominican, who being drawn to speak of the first Proposition, told me that he accounted it very true, and out of all danger of censure, if they did justice unto it; but that they who had a desire to condemn it, would fasten upon the expression and manner of speaking, that so they might have whereupon to ground their condemnation. That nevertheless he believ'd, there was no place to attaque it that way, because the manner of speech was not bad, because it was deriv'd from the Go­spel. Which he prov'd by the example of that young man who ask'd our Lord what he should do to inherit eternal life; and our Lord having an­swered him, That he should sell all that he had, and give it to the poor and follow him; the young man became sad thereat, because he was very [Page 233] rich. VVhereupon our Lord said to his Disciples, That the rich should hardly enter into the king­dome of God; because it was more easie for a Ca­mel to passe through the eye of a Needle (which is yet impossible) than for a rich man to enter in­to the kingdom of God. VVhich having mov'd his Disciples who were present to put this Questi­on to our Lord, Quis ergo poterit salvus esse? who then can be saved? Our Lord answered them, Quae impossibilia sunt apud homines, possibilia sunt apud Deum: That the things which were impossible to men, left to themselves, were possible to them with the grace of God. Behold the very word (said this Dominican) which is in this Propositi­on, us'd by our Lord in the Gospel, and in an Hypothesis like to that in the Proposition: For the young man, upon occasion of whom he us'd it, was righteous, having kept God's commande­ments from his youth, and S. Augustin saith of him, that erat juvenis gratiâ & aetate. And our Lord bidding him sell his goods and give them to the poor, doth not give him an advice, but en­joynes him a thing of commandment; for in the circumstances of that time a man could not follow our Lord without forsaking all. Besides, that our Lord placeth the Impossibility not upon the sale of the Goods but upon Salvation. Now it cannot be said that the Obligation that lyes upon men to save themselves, is only a counsell and not a command. And nevertheless our Lord maketh use of that word, Quae impossibilia sunt apud homines. Why then, said this Dominican, may it not be made use of in reference to the Righteous mention'd in the Proposition, to whom the commandments of God are impossible in this manner when they have not yet all the grace which is needfull for the observing of them; and to whom they become afterwards possible with the help of that Grace when they have receiv'd it, possibilia sunt apud Deum (as it is also said in the Gospel) and which is to be presupposed in the Righteous meant in the Proposition, to whom it is said that the comman­dements are impossible onely secundum praesentes quas habent vires, according to the small strength they have during the time, that those command­ments are not yet altogether possible to them, with the utmost possibility which needs no other grace to act?

As for the Council of Trent, which condemns this manner of speaking (said the Dominican) 'tis in speaking against Luther, that it condemns it; against Luther (said he) who held that God's commandements were impossible to men, even mov'd and excited by Grace, etiam sub gratiā posito, which is meant of Actual Grace; for otherwise, the Council should have added it in vain: and Luther spoke universally of all the Righteous; the inde­finite term of the Council being to be resolv'd in­to an universal. Now there is much difference between saying that God's commandements are impossible to all righteous men, with whatever actual grace they be aided and assisted, (which is that which the Council condemns) and saying that there are commandments of God which are im­possible to the Righteous whilst they have not yet the Effectual Grace, whereof they stand in need to render the same possible unto them in such sort, that there be not wanting to them any assistance for acting effectively; which is that which is af­firm'd in the first Proposition.

This was the sence of that Dominican, who un­derstood and consider'd it in this manner. The Pope, to whom it was expounded otherwise, and who understood and consider'd it otherwise, hath condemn'd it. I stand to the condemnation which he hath made of it, under which this sence which this Dominican had, is not comprised and in­volv'd. I do not say, of the Proposition for it is condemn'd; but I say of the Catholick verity, which he consider'd under the terms of that same Proposition: which verity is not condemned with the Proposition.

Monday the 30th. being by occasion in the Covent of the Augustins, I visited the Senior professor of Divinity, and in the Discourse we had together, I told him that he should do very well to perswade the General of the Augu­stins, underhand to demand in the private Con­gregations held at Cardinal Spada's House, that before any thing else, Justice might be done to Saint Augustin, whose Doctrine and Authority had been so unworthily affronted; and I told him plainly, That I could not speake to the General of it my self; because I would not take notice of the private Assemblies which were held about our affair, nor give occasion of saying that I made any secret and particular in­formation to the Consultors which were of them.

CHAP. X.

Letters written to us from Paris during the moneth of September, by which we were enjoyn'd not to engage in the Congregation, but upon condition of be­ing heard in presence of our Adversa­ries. Two or three remarkable things which hapned to the Jesuites during that time.

'TIs a thing which still amazes me when I consi­der it, how the joy and hope, which our Bishops and Friends had of the Declaration made to us at the erection of the Congregation, were destroy'd in a little time. Besides what I have spo­ken thereof above in the end of August, he of our Bishops who had the most experience in the Court of Rome, and also the greatest correspon­dence there, caus'd us to be advertis'd, that we should keep our selves strictly upon our Guards, and that it was signifi'd to him from Rome, That the Congregation was not appointed but to put us in a condition of receiving a contradictory judgement a­gainst our selves, whereof the design was already re­solv'd upon. And during the whole Moneth of Sep­tember, they who were at Paris caus'd the like ad­viso's to be given us continually.

By the Letters of September 7. we were given to understand as from them, That they had been written to from Rome that the Congregation was not granted us in order to do us Justice, but to circum­vent us, with a design to pass a contradictory Judge­ment in the cause which we defended; and therefore we ought to have a care of surprises.

By the Letters of the 13th. That what I had sig­nifi'd to them by the last which they receiv'd from me did not surprise them. That they had long ago been perswaded that M. Hallier and they with whom he acted in consort against us, would use all their en­deavours to elude the congregation, and not to appear in it; but they held themselves assured, that so long as they had such Deputies as our selves with the Pope, they ought not to fear that we would depart in any thing from the Order which they had given us for obtaining a Congregation, in which the Parties might be oblig'd to appear solemnly, and to act according to such forms as were Canonical, and necessary for pas­sing such a Judgement as might be receiv'd by all the Faithful with benediction and without contest. That if nevertheless the people with whom we had to do were obstinate, in declining to appear before the Congregation according to the legal forms, they enjoyn'd us to have recourse to our Commission, which imported that we should be hear'd publickly in a Con­gregation where our Adversaries might appear; to hold our selves to that clause, and not to infringe the same in any manner whatsoever. That they were too well perswaded of the justice of the Pope and Cardinals, to believe that after so legal a Declaration they could find any thing to gainsay our proceeding. That con­sequently we should remember that besides this power we had no other. Wherefore if there arose any difficulties to the prejudice of it, we should have recourse to them, and send them word what was re­quired of us. That that which oblig'd them fur­ther to recommend the same to us again, was, That the Jesuites and Friends of M. Hallier reported at Paris, that he would be comming away about the end of October to be at Paris in the end of November, and that he would bring a censure along with him.

By the Letters of Sept. 20. my Lords approv'd the conclusion of our VVriting of matters of Fact, and that which we had delivered concerning S. Au­gustin's authority, whereof we had sent them a co­py. They were very wel pleas'd that we therby ob­lig'd our Adversaries to acknowledge that authori­ty, and our Iudges to establish it, because when this should be once done; the remainder of the contest would be easie to dispatch, but they re­commended to us above all to take heed that by occasion of our Writings our Adversaries did not endeavour to make our affair a processe by writing, because it was the only means that could be left them to save themselves. That M. Lagault had written to a Person, a Friend of my Lords, as triumphing already for the victory whereof he was certain; that it seem'd by his Letter that he was in a manner sure that no hearing would be allow'd us in the manner that we had demanded, and that all that would be granted, would be to hear us in private the most spee­dily that possibly could be.

And lastly, By those of the 27th. of the same moneth, That we should alwaies take heed not to engage in the Congregation otherwise than in presence of our Adversaries; that the said Lords had not sent us but upon that condition; and that we should act in such sort, that our Adversaries as well as our selves might reduce all that they should say into writing, and that they might be oblig'd to sign the same, ac­cording to the custome of Congregations.

About this time two or three remarkable things pass'd amongst the Jesuites. They caus'd to be maintain'd in their Colledge in the Town of Grets, in Germany (Graecii) this Proposition, That it is not a matter of Faith that Innocent X. is a true and lawfull Pope, Innocentium X. esse legitimè Pontificem, non est de fide.

They made a great solemnity at Rome for the se­cular year of the foundation or possession which they had of a Colledge establish'd for Germans and Hungarians. They caus'd an Oration to be pronounc'd by a young German Count which one of their Fathers had compos'd; to which they in­vited all the Cardinals, who accordingly were all present at it, if I be not deceived, except Cardi­nal Spada, who perhaps was detain'd elsewhere by some more grave employment. They caus'd the said Oration to be printed, and it was censur'd a few dayes after by the Master of the Sacred Palace. I remember amongst divers things in it deserving reprehension, which were in very great number, it was said by a sufficiently silly figure of Rhetorick, that the Pope favoured Heresie.

Some Persons having consider'd that it was little edifying to see the Jesuites wander to and fro in their Churches and under their Cloysters, to receive and make visites, &c. in the time that the Divine Offices of the Grand Masses and Vespers were ce­lebrating amongst them, whilst they caus'd the same to be sung by Lay-men commended for it; they caus'd notice to be given thereof to some of those who were of the Congregation de Riti, of Ecclesiastical Ceremonies. The General of the Jesuites was advertis'd a little while after, that that Congregation was upon the point to make a Decree, 1. To oblige them to officiate in the double Festivals of the first and second classe with Deacon and Sub-deacon, and other convenient Acolytes at the grand Mass and Ʋespers with a Priest, Portecierges, (Taper-carriers) and Por­te-encens (Incense-carriers) &c. 2. To hinder them from keeping the Octaves of the Festivals of their Bien-heureux (Blessed) who were not cano­niz'd. The General and his Assistants having deli­berated what to do in this occurrence, resolv'd to prevent the Decree by putting it in execution, thereby to take from the said Congregation the cause of making one, which might be publish'd and become some matter of humiliation to them. Wherefore on the first of October when they cele­brated the Holyday of their Bienheureux Borgia, they officiated at the first and second Ʋespers, and at the grand Masse with the Ceremonies above mentioned, according to the intention of the Congregation, whereof they had gotten in­telligence, and contrary to what they had accu­stom'd, they kept no Octave of that Festival. Till All-Saints day there hapned no Festival for them of the first and second classe, and during the whole moneth of October they did nothing but after the ordinary way. The Pope who was advertis'd of these doings, and who intended to prescribe something further to them, caus'd one [Page 135] to tell the General, whom he had not seen of a long time, that he must repair to his Holiness. But the General would have been dispenc'd with­all, alledging that he fear'd the Pope would not explicate himself more clearly; that he might pre­scribe them something further, whereunto it be­hoov'd them to obey, and that it was better to keep themselves as they were. Nevertheless he could not gainsay it, it behoov'd him to go to the Pope upon the Octave of All-Saints. He represen­ted to his Holiness the alteration which the Con­gregation de Riti had introduc'd in their Society; that nevertheless they had submitted to it, and prevented the Decree by obeing it. The Pope answer'd him, that he was well pleas'd to under­stand that they had obey'd so readily; but that they deceived themselves in believing that the Congregation intended to oblige them to officiate in that manner only in the Festivals of the first and second Class; that they must do it as often as there should be a grand Masse and Vespers. The Ge­neral reply'd, That his Holiness oblig'd them to that which was not practis'd in any House of Reli­gion, not even in Collegial Houses, where they do not officiate in that manner upon ordinary Fe­stivals. That he intreated his Holinesse to consider that there was none in his Society that was instru­cted in the Ceremonies; that in many Colledges there was not company enough for that and the other Functions. The Pope answered that it must be done as his Holiness had said, in all the Hou­ses of their Society throughout the world; and that if they did it not of themselves, he would cause the Decree to be publisht. The General reply'd that they would obey, and so he withdrew. Accordingly the second Sunday of November they officiated in the profess'd House of le Giesù with the abovesaid ceremonies. They celebrated the grand Masse with Deacon and Sub-deacon, the Portecierges and the Port'-encense. In the after­noon at Vespers which were those of S. Martin there was a Jesuite who officiated in his Surplice and Cope; within the Railes there were two Porte­cierges and one Port-encense, and two other Aco­lytes in Surplices, all Jesuites. VVhen they had about this time at their Colledge the Forty Houres, they perform'd the same in like manner. They were oblig'd likewise to use the same solem­nity in the Noviciate when there should be a grand Mass or Vespers sung; but it was not believ'd that they would make much hast in taking up this usage out of Italy, where they were more distant from the Pope's presence. But let us return to the things which concern us.

CHAP. XI.

New Sollicitations for the Communi­cation of our Writings, and a new Writing of M. Hallier's which fell into our hands.

VVE did not go out of our Lodging on Tu­esday the first of October; but we under­stood the next morning that a second Congregati­on was held at the House of Cardinal Spada. That the other Cardinals were so late in appearing there, that Cardinal Spada being impatient thereat, sent Laquayes to their Eminences to know whether they would come. That at length Cardinal Gi­netti and Ghiggi appear'd there, but Cardinal Cechini did not come at all. That the consultors enter'd very late, and that the congregation la­sted but a very litle time.

In the afternoon I visited the Ambassador. He told me that the day before he had seen two of the Doctors our Adversaries, who acquainted him, that the Conferences were begun, that they were not sent for to them, and that they let them alone. I answer'd the Ambassador, that these were the proceedings which they desir'd, being acceptable enough to people that had no mind to appear publickly before the Congregation. The Am­bassador reply'd, that nevertheless they declar'd that they were ready so to do: I answer'd, That they were ready indeed, as those who to play the Bravoes, make shew of willingness to fight a Du­el, but underhand, for fear of becoming engag'd to fight, get guards set upon themselves. The Ambassador said, that he had always told me, that it would be a hard thing to get them at Rome to resolve upon giving us a publick hearing. I an­swer'd, that we were not yet at the end of the Affair; that we should be too blame, if we com­plain'd so soon that they would not hear us; that we still hop'd they would do according to the pro­mise made to us at the declaring of the Establish­ment of the Congregation which we had demand­ed. That these first conferences which the Con­sultors had together, were perhaps on purpose to venilitate the Propositions among themselves, thereby to reduce them to clear and distinct senses; which was the first thing that we had represented to the Pope as necessary to be done in order to proceed profitably and sincerely in the whole Ex­amen and decision of this Affair. The Ambassa­dor went to see the Cardinals Capponi and Ʋrsini: I accompanied him in those two Visits, and in the Discourse that I had with him by the way, I en­treated him to take some occasion to get M. Hallier and M. de Valcroissant to enter into a conference together about some point of the matter in que­stion, and that it might be in his presence, or of two or three of his friends with him, that so it might be try'd in what maner both the one and the other would scan and discuss of things; and that both sides of us might be put a little in breath by that Essay. The Ambassador answer'd me, that it was not fit for him to thrust himself so far into the discussion of these matters: I reply'd, that it would not be to decide them; but no more then as when the King causes the Regiment of Guards to be exercised, where every one does what he would do in a battle, yet without any being victorious or vanquished, or so much as any fighting offer'd on one side or other.

The Cureé of S. Saviour had been gratifi'd by the Pope with the Office of Sub-bibliothecary of the Vatican, which is a considerable quality as well in regard of the esteem which is thereby made of the capacity of the person to whom it is given, as in regard of the appurtenances annex'd to it, and for that it puts a man into the rank of the Prelacy, which obliges him to go in a Coach, and [Page 238] cloth'd with violet, di pavonazzo. 'Twas Car­dinal Ghiggi, his Countryman and antient friend, who induc'd the Pope to acknowledge the merit and labour of this Curié by conferring the said Dignity upon him. He was ours as cordially as a­ny man could be anothers; and assoon as he had in his hands the badges of his Magistracy, which were the keys of the Vatican, and the Achives and Presses where the Books are; he came to of­fer us the use of them, not only at the ordinary times when such as have permission may resort thither, but also at all hours that we pleas'd, day and night. He told me on Thursday, October 3. that the good Master of the sacred Palace, who knew not what intimate correspondenee we had with him, intreated him out of kindness to us, to accommodate us with such books of the said Li­brary as we should need.

If I did not fear to fall into too frequent and te­dious Repetitions of the same thing, I would here set down another Conference that I had with F. Mulard in presence of Sig. Domenico Ferranti and F. Fani, in which he told more things concerning his Deputation the foregoing year, and of that wherewith he affirmed himself encharged this year from the King about the same Affair, and of M. Hallier's letters to the Cardinals and M. Albizzi, then I have yet related. But to leave it all, and speak no more of it, I will only add two new par­ticulars more here, not hitherto mentioned. First, That in the beginning M. Joysel was not to have been one in the voyage wherein M. Hallier was engag'd; That the Letters of Recommendation from the Court in behalf of these Doctors, spoke only of M. Hallier and M. Lagualt; that M. Joy­sel aftetwards entreated them to take him into their company. And secondly, that the year be­fore when his General charg'd him upon his obe­dience to return into France, he did it partly be­cause of the Complaints which the General of the Dominicans made against him to his General, when he saw him solicit this Affair against us.

In the Afternoon we went to the Cardinals of our Congregation, to put them in mind, that it was a fortnight since we had presented our wri­tings to them; that we conceiv'd; that they might have since perus'd them, & that in our judgements it was expedient, that they would please to com­municate them to the Doctors against whom they were made, to the end they might be ready to an­swer thereunto when their Eminences should think fit that we appear'd with them in the Con­gregation. And lest they might forget this request after our departure from them; we made a short Memorial of it, of which we transcrib'd and sign'd as many Copies as were requisite, to present the same to each of them. The Memorial was thus inscrib'd on the outside: Eminentissimis ac Reverendissimis Dominis,
Dominis Cardinalibus congregationis in­stitutae pro negotio quin (que) Propositionum.
And within side thus: Eminentissimi Reverendissimi (que)
Domini Cardinales;
Eminentiis vestris humillimè supplicamus uti ju­beant Adversariis nostris communicari duo scripta, eorumque summarium ante quindecem dies obtulimus Eminentiis vestris: Quas Deus,
&c.’

This, &c. is the ordinary stile and form where­with Memorials are concluded, comprehending all the words of respect, affection and good wishes, that they may be added by extending more at length.

After the, &c. the Memorial was thus sign'd.

  • Natalis de la Lane Doctor Theologus Facultatis Parisiensis, Abbas beatae Mariae de Valle Crescente.
  • Ludovicus de Saint-Amour sacrae facultatis Pa­risiensis Doctor ac Socius Sorbonicus.
  • Ludovicus Angran ejusdem sacrae Facultatis Pa­risiensis licentiatus, ac insignis Ecclesiae Trecersis Canonicus.

We went first to Cardinal Spada, whom we found not at home, and thence to Cardinal Gi­netti, with whom we spoke. VVe had little time to speak with him, when we presented our wri­tings to him, and therefore upon this occasion we gave him an ample account of what was contained therein; after which he answer'd us in Latin, as M. de Valcroissant had spoken to him, and said nothing about the Communication which we re­quested, but gave us some genral terms of Assu­rance, that nothing would be done in this Affair, without first considering the whole exactly. Next we went to Cardinal Ghiggi, who retured not till night from taking the air with the Pope: VVhen we had acquainted him with the subject of our coming to him, he answer'd us, that he knew not whether that course would be judg'd expedient, that this business would not proceed so fast, that it would go forward with leaden feet, that nothing would be done therein but very leisurly molto po­satamente. After which, touching the word Adver­saries, he said, that he did not like the using of it between us, because he believed that both sides sought the Truth: we reply'd, that he did not like the using of it between us, because he believ'd that both sides sought the truth: We reply'd, that did we know a gentler word whereby to denote the people with whom we were in contest, we would willingly use it; and as for the scruple that he made about the Communication of our writings, it surpris'd us extremely; because Car­dinal Roma had promised the same to us in the Popes name, after we had been a whole year in suing for it. Cardinal Ghiggi answer'd, that he knew not what Cardinal Roma might have said or done: but however it should be taken into consi­deration what course would be expedient. He had some conceit, that this Request and Memorial were address'd to himself alone; but we told him that we should present the same also to the other three Cardinals; whereupon he answer'd us, that they would confer about it together; and after they had done so, perhaps it would be found re­quisite to consult his Holiness.

Saturday the fifth, we went in the forenoon to Cardinal Spadas house to present our Memorial to him, but not finding him there, we went to that of Cardinal Cechini, to whom we presented it, having first acquainted him with the cause why it was made. Cardinal Cechini answer'd, that he [Page 237] had not as yet perus'd all our Writings, that they were much longer then those of our Adversaries, and the days already very short, and that his eyes no more allowed him to read any thing by a Can­dle. But that he gave us one Advice, namely to beware in the other instructions or informations that we should have yet to make, of falling upon the matters of Grace which had been heretofore controverted between the Dominicans and the Jesuites; because according to what he had heard, he believ'd it was not the Popes intention that the same should be medled with in any sort, consider­ing that after the long conferences and disputati­ons about them under Clement VIII. and Paul V. all the Regulation that could be effected therein, was, that Paul V. imposed perpetual silence to both parties upon that Subject. We answered, that we beseecht his Eminence to give us leave to assure him, that the silence imposed to the Parties by Paul V. was not to be perpetual, but only a Provisional Order to hinder the parties from pre­venting his Judgement, and taxing one another of Heresie, till such time as the posture of things permitted him to publish his Decision, which was already made in favour of the Dominicans against the Jesuites, and whereof there was a Bull drawn up, as appears by sundry undenyable Records at Rome. That since that time, the Jesuites in­stead of making right use of that Silence which was injoyn'd principally in their favour (for a Con­demnation was the thing first intended) and retur­ning by degrees to the doctrine of the Church, whch they were convinc'd to have deserted, on the contrary they have alwaies receded further and further from it, and have at length so spread their erroneous imaginations everywhere in the Church, that they dar'd now a dayes to cry them up as the doctrine of the Church, and thereby gave an occasion to Hereticks to reproach the Church of forsaking Tradition, and the dictates of the Scripture in these matters. That it was time to re­medy this Disorder, and for the H. See and the Church to make known to all the world what was their common Doctrine and Belief as to these points. That it was the duty and interest of the one and the other, no more to keep under a Bushell by a longer silence the Light which ought to be set upon a Candlestick, or upon a Hill to give light to the whole world, and teach every one the true way of his salvation. That this my­stery of Grace was one of the principal points of the Churche's Faith, the knowledge whereof was most profitable to the Faithfull, to keep them in the acknowledgement of what they owe to God, and in the Christian humility which is so necessary to them. That for this reason the great Apostle of the Gentiles writing to the Romans to expound the same to them, tells them that he would not have them ignorant of it, least they might leave some entrance for vanity into their minds: Nolo enim vos fratres ignorare mysterium hoc, ut non sitis vobis ipsis sapientes. That hence S. Fulgentius had taught us that the blessed Apostle intended not to have that Doctrine kept in silence which he had left in writing: Beatus Apostolus noluit sileri quod voluit scribi. That S. Augustin had observ'd that it was in his Epistle to the Romans principally that this Apostle had unfolded this Mystery, to the end that the knowledge thereof being convey'd to that Great City whose Dominion extended over all the Nations of the World, the same might from thence be diffus'd through the whole earth, as flowing from the Head to all the Members: De cujus praedicatione maximè ad Romanos Apostolica Epistola loquitur, ut iude se praedicatio ejus velut à capite orbis toto orbe diffunderet. That it would be a very strange thing for those wholesom waters which ought to flow from that Source into all Christen­dom, deriving a happy fecundity upon it, to be stopt up and retain'd in that Source by a continual silence, which must needs cause everywhere a sad drought and sterility; That one day God, who said to his Apostles, Go, preach the truths of my Gospel throughout the world, might reproach their Successors for having kept those Truths cap­tive and extinguisht them in the very center of their safest Sanctuarie, as they would be, if instead of protecting them against the assaults of their e­nemies, the H. See condemn'd them to a perpetu­al silence. Wherefore there is no apparence to say that such silence was impos'd; or if it was, there would be a necessity and evident obligation to break it. As for that which Cardinal Cechini said to us of not entring into the matter de Auxi­liis, we answered, That we would not meddle with the same further than the things to be exa­min'd should engage us; But we could not dis­semble to his Eminence, that if they would not have those matters enter'd into, then neither could any examen or discussion of the Propositions be taken in hand, because we maintaining the same only by reason of the connexion which they had with Effectual Grace, whereof they were conse­quences and necessary dependances, when re­duc'd to the sence in which we intended to defend them, and so nothing could be establisht, judg'd or pronounc'd upon them one way or other, but the whole matter must at the same time be decided one way or other likewise. That there was so great a concatenation between all the Maxims that could be advanc'd on one side or other in this mat­ter, that one single point being once granted on either part, it was easie to reduce all the rest thereunto by necessary and evident consequences; Non habet aliud summa quàm p rtio; That it had been the artifice of the Jesuites and their Confede­rates in this last affair to hide the Catholick truths of this mystery of Grace under the ambiguous terms whereof the Propositions were compos'd, thereby to involve some one of those truths under the condemnation which they might obtain of the Propositions, extend the condemnation of a Pro­position to that truth, conclude evidently from the condemnation of this the condemnation of all the rest, and from their condemnation pretend afterwards that their sentiments which are diame­tricaliy opposite thereunto, were authoriz'd and establisht for Orthodox by the H. See. That no­thing but the evidence and importance of the Mis­chiefs likely to ensue from such a surprize as they would have put upon the H. See, had mov'd the Prelates by whom we were deputed, to send us hither to give notice thereof. That it belonged to the Pope and their Eminences, upon whom his Holiness rely'd, to take heed thereto; and that if we had some small interest therein, though our [Page 238] affection to the H. See, and the part which that affection caus'd us to take in an affair which so highly concern'd it, the Pope and their Eminences were far more highly engag'd and interested there­in than we. The Cardinal heard this discourse with great attention; he seem'd to us affected with it; and whereas he had been hitherto little accustomed to such language, the Sentin e [...]t which he exprest to us upon it made us conceive that he was one of those that consider'd the consequence of the things which we represented to him, and would to his power doe us justice there­in.

On Sunday the 6th. we went again to Cardinal Spada's house, to whom we deliver'd our little Memorial, and told him that we had addrest the same to all the Cardinals of the Congregation, be­cause when we requested him the first time that he would please to ordain the communication of our Writings, he had answered us that it was requi­site to make the same request to the others, and they would all together take order therein. Where­unto he returned that he would make report there­of, and it should be consider'd what was expe­dient.

The same day I visited Monsignor Sacrista who told me that the Jesuites were resolv'd to defend their Panegyrick of the Colledge of Hungary a­gainst the Decree of the Master of the Sacred Pa­lace; and that they said that as to what they ad­vanc'd therein, viz. that the Pope favoured Here­sie, it was a figure of Rhetorick, whereby they put abstractum pro concreto; and that generally in Rome the common sentiment was that the Pope knew them well, and that he had them not in gran concetto, that he made no great account of them, that he lov'd them not overmuch.

Monday the 7th. F. Mulard was again upon the point to return into France; and he acquain­ed me with sundry small news; amongst the rest, That the year foregoing he had presented to the Pope and the Cardinals Roma and Spada, the Wri­ting above mention'd, intitl'd, An sit sopienda, &c. That F. Annat was Author of that intitl'd, Jansenius à Thomistis damnatus. And upon my saying that it was a great shame that M. Hallier was so miserably become the Colporteur (the Pam­phlet-venter) of the Jesuites, in that he receiv'd of them the Writings which they put into his hands, without so much as examining them, and went a­bout to present them to the Cardinals, he took upon him to defend his good Cousin from this re­proach, telling me that he had made another since. And when I press'd him to tell me what it was, he answered me that it was only a collection of passages out of S. Augustin (I believ'd he re­ceiv'd the same from the Jesuites as well as the rest) but F. Mulard added, that M. Joysel and M. Lagault had also undertaken to compose some­thing upon this Subject, but that what they had written was worth nothing at all. Lastly, He told me that F. Annat was likewise about to return into France, and that those three Doctors us'd all their endeavours to perswade him not to de­part from Rome so long as themselves were there.

We did not go out of our Lodging on the fore­noon of Tuesday the 8th. But in the afternoon I visited F. Ʋbaldino who congratulated me for the good success of our Cause in our Congregation, and for that the whole Assembly had agreed to all that we had demanded in behalf of S. Augustin. I re­monstrated to him that it was not enough that they agreed thereunto by word, but it was requisite that they declar'd the same in writing, and oblig'd our Adversaries to do the like. He acknowledg'd it, and further confess'd to me that the way they had hitherto held in the Congregation both in re­ference to that point and to the Propositions, was not that which ought to be taken. He told me al­so, that one of our Adversarie Doctors had been to visit him; he could not tell me his name; but ac­cording as he described him, I believe it was M. Lagault. He told me that this Doctor said to him, that if these matters were not speedily defined, and if the root and course of these Heresies were not cut off, all would be lost in France, and that at length there would be no remedy left. That they did not at all contend against S. Augustin; That they would not meddle with the matter de Auxiliis: That they acknowledg'd and confess'd Effectual and Special Grace particular, which was not given to all the Righteous in general, without which there was no perseverance, and with which all such as received it could and did really persevere, which had been acknowledg'd and defin'd by the Coun­cil of Trent, as F. Ʋbaldino constrain'd him to grant. After which the same Father told me, that he urged the Doctor further, and made this ar­gument to him: You acknowledge then that that Grace causeth Holy Action, sanctam operationem; which M. Lagault granted. Now, said the Father to him, Omnis actio praesupponit posse; ab actu ad posse valet consequentia. If then such Grace gives the Action, it gives also the power proportionate and correspondent to such Action. Therefore who so hath not such Grace, hath neither such action or such power. Now to him that hath not this power, though God's commandements be possible to him with another possibility, yet they are impossible to him with this. To which the Doctor could not answer, but fell to cry up M. Hallier's great labours in behalf of the H. See, for which he deserved to be rewarded. He was so co­pious in this Declaration, that F. Ʋbaldino told me, he could not but have great expectations. To­wards evening I visited Monsignor Sacrista who told me that there was held that day another Con­gregation at Cardinal Spada's house, although there had been a signature of Grace upon the same day.

We had made some transcripts of the Summary of our Writings, to justifie to some of our friends that we had not taken pleasure to slink back du­ring the time which we had employ'd in composing them, and to give them an Idea of what we pre­tended therein. I had lent one of them to M. Bou­vier, who came to restore it on Wednesday the 9th. and who told me that the face of our affair was changed since a fortnight; that the wind sate in a good corner for us; that the common Bruit was that the Jesuites would be mortified, and that the Pope would count our affair among the great occasions of displeasure which they had gi­ven his Holiness.

In the afternoon I met M. Delbene, to whom I [Page 239] said pleasantly that I should willingly ask him ty­dings of what passed in the Congregations which I understood were held at Cardinal Spada's house; but I consider'd the Obligation which I knew he had to keep secrecy. He profess'd that he was sorry for the restraint that was upon him, but as he left me, he said pleasantly too, Ʋiva Sant' Agostino.

On Thursday the 10th. I went to accompany Cardinal Barberin to Monte Cavallo. He told me that it was a long time since he had seen me, and askt me whether I had heard of the little Book of Gravina which F. Nolano had caus'd to be print­ed, in which the authority of S. Augustin's do­ctrine was pleaded for; adding that it seem'd to him very superfluous; because all the world was oblig'd to reverence it; perche noi siamo tutti obli­gati a riverire sant' Agostino. I cannot tell whe­ther or no by this Discourse he meant to intimate that the Writing which we had presented was not necessary. I saw Cardinal Spada arrive, in whose train was M. Hallier and his Collegues. Monsig­nor Sacrista told me in the Pope's Anti-chamber that one of the Consultors had signih'd to him that it was fit we presented a Memorial to the Pope to get M. Albizzi out of the Assemblies; because, said he, Grida l'uno, minaccia & burba l' altro: He calls out upon one, he threatens and mocks another, he gains others by hopes, &c.

In the afternoon by chance I met with two Pie­ces of Writings which M. Hallier and his Collegues had presented September 29. in the hands of one of the Consultors; one of which was upon the first Proposition, and the other upon the second. Out of the great confidence he had in me he lent them to me, and we forthwith fell to transcribe them very diligently, that we might speedily return them into the hands of him who had the goodness to lend them to me.

Finding by these Papers that there were three others upon each of the other Propositions, in the daies following I us'd some care to procure them; and understanding, as I was going about it that M. Hallier had made the same complaint to Cardinal Ghiggi of the Letter which I had written to M. Bouvot, that he had formerly made to the Ambassador, I visited that Cardinal upon Friday the 11th. in the afternoon. He declar'd that com­plaints of that nature made no great impression upon his mind; nevertheless I show'd him a Copy of a Letter which I had written, and offer'd to leave it with him, that he might see how unjust and ridiculous M. Hallier's complaints were. But he was contented that I read to him what I would of it, and what I conceived most necessary to undeceive him. And indeed he was satisfied there­with.

I proceeded otherwise with the Ambassador when I carried him a copy of the said Letter, pre­sently after I had promis'd it to him: For I left it with him, to the end that if he thought good he might give it M. Hallier to send to M. Grandin, and compare it with the Original which I had writ­ten to M. Bouvot. The Ambassador willingly took it, after he had read it, to make the said offer to M. Hallier, telling me, that there was no ground of complaint in it, and I might without any fear send it open into all Countryes in the world.

When I went to Cardinal Ghiggi, I repair'd to the Capucines to see F. Brisse. M. Lagault ar­riv'd there at the same time that I did, and attend­ing till F. Brisse came down we discours'd toge­ther. He said that M. Cornet had reason to pro­pound the Equivocal Propositions to the Faculty, because they were every day endeavoured to be put into Theses; but should there have been any cause of blaming him for it, yet he had been clear'd by four and twenty Bishops who sent them to Rome to demand their condemnation. He said al­so, that were the question no more but concern­ing Molina, we should soon agree, and they would forsake their partie. That indeed Molina had placed the Efficacy of Grace in dependance on the Will, that therein he was wrong, that he had deserted S. Augustin; but should things be reduc'd to that Question, they should not be much concern'd, but leave us to act as we pleased: All this he said, whilst we were expecting F. Brisse. Whereunto I answered, when F. Brisse was come to us, asking him about what then was the questi­on in those Propositions, if not about the point of Effectual Grace which Molina had impugned; af­ter so many Declarations made by us that we did not stand for them, but by reason of the senses ac­cording to which they might be reduced, and had an indissoluble connection with that kind of Grace: He reply'd, That the Propositions were a distinct matter from it, as the Popes Declaration to them and also, to us manifested; namely, That his Holiness would not have any medling with the things which had been handled under Clement VIII. and Paul V. I would gladly have replyed some­thing to him, but after this he left me in displea­sure, telling me that we had good Judges, and should know shortly what would be the issue. He spoke in such manner as if he had been fully assur'd of the victory, and left me no room to reply to him; so that when he was gone, I was contented with minding F. Brisse to take notice what he had heard.

Saturday the 12th. among other persons whom I visited in quest of the three Writings above-mentioned, I spoke to the companion of the Commissary of the H. Office, by whom I learnt that a few dayes before M. Hallier and his Col­legues had visited the Commissary, and that du­ring the visite the Commissary sent to him for a Writing which he had lent him, to return the same to them. It was thus intitl'd, Jansenius à Thomistis gratiae per seipsam efficacis defensoribus damnatus: It was since printed, as I shall observe hereafter under the name of F. Annat, though M. Hallier presented it to the Consultors instead of Instructions which he was to present to them. It was founded upon nothing but perpetual equi­vocations of Grace Sufficient and Next Power, and upon the Chimera of Necessitating Grace which they attributed to Jansenius. VVhat it contain'd most considerable, was refuted by the Dominicans in an Answer which they made to another of M. Hallier's writings, wherein he repeated the same things, and whereof I shall speak in its proper place.

The same day I met with an Ecclesiastick who was Agent at Rome for the Archbishop of Malines, and I gave him notice that Jansenius was di­rectly [Page 240] and openly assaulted in all those Wri­tings which we had discover'd, to the end he might advertise the Divines in Flanders thereof, and they might see what they had to do for the particular defence of that Prelate's Book, since we could not interest our selves therein, nor speak of it in any sort.

On Sunday the 13th. I visited the General of the Augustines. He spoke of some Writings which had been shew'd him from our Adversaries. F. Mu­lard had shew'd him one which he came to demand again three dayes after, out of which he had ex­tracted as much as he could whilst it was in his hands. It was, as he told me, a pretty thick Book bound in parchment, intitl'd, Liber quin (que) Pro­positionum quas octuaginta Galliae Episcopi Romano Pontifici ad Censuram obtulere. He said, that when F. Mulard came to fetch it from him, he told him that he was going to get it printed. I say nothing of it here, because I doubt not but it was the same which was since printed at Paris by the Cramoisis with the King's priviledge, dated January 26. 1653. and with this title, Informatio de Quin (que) Pro­positionibus quas Episcopi Galliae Romano Pontifici ad Censuram obtulere.

This General shew'd me two other Writings which he said were given him by M. Hallier him­self; they were the same mention'd above to have been shewn me by one of the Consultors, to whom also they were given by the same M. Hallier, Septem­ber 29. The first was against the first Proposition, and the other against the second; and neither of them was any thing else but a heap of sundry pas­sages out of St. Augustine, which the compilers pretended to be against the Propositions. I shall hereafter give an account of the first of those Wri­tings when I come to speak of the Confutation of them which we presented to the Pope in a grand audience, which his Holinesse gave us on the 19th. of May, in the year 1653, and by what I shall say of that, the Reader will be able to judge of the second. But in the mean time I shall observe one particularity here which I told this General, assoon as he had inform'd me that M. Hallier in person gave them to him, upon which I cannot speak so minutely in what I shall have to say hereafter there­upon in general.

Amongst sixty Passages which were stuff'd in the former of those Writings against the first Propositi­on, there was one which wat taken out of Pelagi­us's Confession of Faith sent by that Heretick to Pope Innocent the First, but receiv'd only by Zozi­mus his Successor; and this passage was cited as out of a work of St. Augustin's, namely the 191 Sermon de Tempore.

It was a fault either of ignorance or malice, into which the Jesuite Ripalda, M. Morel and M. le Moine fell one after another; and they had been blam'd for it in the excellent Tracts printed against them, in which they had been so clearly convicted thereof, that though it had been excusable in M. Hallier, to have been the first that cited that work as St. Augustin's, yet it was no longer excusable after the publick confusion, which those three o­ther Divines above named had receiv'd for it. Nor did he cite it with such confidence, but that he de­clar'd that he would agree that St. Augustine was was not the Author of that Piece, but Pelagius. Not­withstanding which, he maintain'd that he had right to cite it, upon the reasons which he alledg'd for his so doing, which not only were false, but shew'd most palpable and strange foul dealing in him.

He said in that Writing that he might cite that piece, because though it were Pelagius's Confes­sion of Faith, yet it was certain that the said Con­fession was receiv'd and approv'd for Catholick by Zozimus, and that two Bishops of France nam'd Heros and Lazarus, who had accus'd Pelagius as an Heretick, were found and declar'd by that Pope Calumniators, as appear'd by the Letters of the same Pope to the Bishops of Africa; Sed cui pla­cebit hunc sermonem sancto Augustino abdicare ut Pelagio attribuat, nobis gratum faciet, si modo addat quod è re est, confessionem istam Pelagii a Zozimo Pontifice probatam fuisse, à clero Romano cum gaudio susceptam. Judica um ex earum lectiene litterarum absolutae fidei Pelagium fuisse, Herotem & Lazarum delatores Pelagii tanquam calumniatores habitos fu­isse, ut constat ex Epistolis Zozimi ad Episcopos Africae. See where M. Hallier fixes as to this point; see his language in the year 1652. See with what boldnesse he dares speak in a Writing which he presents to the Ministers of the H. See, in a busi­nesse wherein the Catholick Faith is concern'd; affirming a thing for true which himself knew long ago to be altogether illusory and full of falsity and lying.

For in truth, this confession of Pelagius was re­ceiv'd and approv'd by Zozimus for Catholick, and those French Bishops were decry'd and defam'd as calumniators by the Letters which that Pope writ upon this subject to the Bishops of Africa. But those Bishops of Africa having by their answer gi­ven the Pope to understand, that he had been sur­pris'd by the ambiguity of the words of that He­retick's confession of Faith, and by the apparence of his submission to the H. See, the same Pope af­terwards revoked the Approbation which he gave to the said Confession of Faith; and those Bishops whom he had decry'd as Calumniators, were ac­knowledg'd for very holy and zealous Bishops. Ought M. Hallier to produce before the H. See a Piece as approv'd by a Pope, which he knew very well the same Pope afterwards disapprov'd by revoking his Approbation? Ought M. Hallier to defame those two Bishops once again in this Wri­ting, after himself had justify'd them sundry times in his printed works as well as the Card. Baronius and Bellarmine? And how could he resolve to speak of them again in secret as Calumniators in the year 1652. after himself had been in the yeares 1632. and 1644. a publick witness of their inno­cence and merit?

He was so in the year 1632. in a Book which he dedicated to Pope Ʋrban VIII. intitl'd Defensio Ecclesiasticae Hierarchiae, in the Preface whereof be­ing to show, that Bishops have oftentimes cen­sur'd Errors which sprung up far from their Diocesses, he proves the same chiefly by the ex­amples of those of France, and descending to the two in question, behold how he speaks of them in that Advertisement to the Reader p. 34. Quid quod (saith he) Lazari & Herotis Episcoporam Galliae delationibus Celestius & Pelagius Heretici, qui Africam praesertim suis erronibus infecerant, Gal­liam [Page 241] vix ac ne vix quidem attigerant, toti orbi propalati fuerunt? Quos tamen cum falsis accusa­tionibus apud Sanctam Sedem Celestius accusasset, accusatus ipse, ut Catholicus, ILLI VERO INJƲSTE à ZOZIMO PAPA INFAMATI SƲNT ƲT INIQƲI ACCƲSATORES, QƲAMƲIS HEROTIS NOMEN ƲT SAN­CTISSIMI VIRI Prosper Aquitanicus summis laudibus extulerit, & Ʋtriusque de Pelagio & Celestio fugiendis missas litteras Carthaginensis Con­c [...]lii sub Innocentio Primo Patres approbarint. ZO­ZIMƲS VERO SENTENTIAM POSTEA SƲAM DE CELESTIO ET PELAGIO REVOCARIT, &c.

And in the year 1643. the Jesuites exasperated at the zeal which M. Hallier testify'd in behalf of the interests of the University, whose Priviledges those Fathers endeavor'd to invade, having pub­lish'd a Book under the borrow'd name of the Abbot of Boysic, in which they aspers'd M. Hal­lier's person with calumnies, and proclaim'd him an heretick, a calumniator, and one of the greatest enemies of Religious Life; they maintain'd that he was likewise an enemy to the H. See it self, and prov'd this last charge, amongst ot [...]ers, by the passage which I have newly transcribed out of his Advertisement to the Reader. M. Hallier, to answer to the Accusations of those Fathers, in the year 1644. publish't a Book intit'd A Defence of the doctrine of M. Fransois Hallier Doctor and King's Professor in Sorbonne By himself. And in the 36 page of that Book he answers to the abovesaid Ac­cusation in these words: The Accusation, saith he, wherewith you charge me, when yoa blame me for taxing Pope ZOZIMUS, as if he had unjustly de­fam'd two Bishops, HEROS and LAZARUS, falls upon a person as eminent for his learning as for the Purple wherewith his merits were sometimes ac­knowledg'd; I mean the great Cardinal Baronius, who sath the same expresly in his 5th. Tome upon the year of Jesus Christ 517. It would be ridiculous in y [...]u to pretend that that Illustrious Cardinal could be injurious to the person of Popes and the honour of the H. See, which he hath so worthily upheld. Do not finde fault then that I write boldly, that which he hath Affirm'd, and that without losing any thing of the respect which I shall alwayes inviolably render to the Soveragin Pontiffs, I relate one Act which cannot be dishonourable to Pope ZOZIMUS, who, it is known, was surpriz'd in that Affair.

I might further add here, that if the approba­tion which Zozimus through surprize gave to that Confession of Faith of Pelagius, authoriz'd all that it conrain'd, the same Pope having likewise by the same surprize approv'd the request which Celestius presented to him, containing a Doubt contrary to the Faith in the matter of Original sin, it would be lawful to bring in doubt the Catholick Faith con­cerning Original sin, by alledging that Zozimus approv'd the request of Celestius, in which he ex­presly declar'd that he doubted of it, as may be seen by that which Saint Augustine saith thereof, lib. 2. ad Bonifac. cap. 3.

I spoke part of this to the General of the Augu­stines, and observ'd to him many other falsities and extravagances in the other reflections of M. Hal­lier and his Collegues upon that single passage: This good General could scarce believe and com­prehend how it was possible, that persons of know­ledge and probity should suffer themselves to be led into such enormities; but he acknowledg'd yet more by this example, how greatly the Conference demanded by us viva vice, and by writing with peo­ple that us'd such practices, would be on the one side advantageous to all the Consultors and Cardinals and to the Pope himself, since it would save them much trouble, which was requisite otherwise to be taken before they could discover in the Writings of our Adversaries the like blemishes, which flew into our eyes assoon as we cast sight upon them (so pre­sent and familiar were these matters to us) and which they might all easily acknowledge after we had discover'd them; and on the other side, how decisive the same Conference would be between our Advesaries and us, since it would give us the advan­tage to reduce them publickly before all the Con­gregation, and in presence of his Holiness to con­fusion and silence.

Nevertheless I must adde something here in de­fence of M. Hallier, since I professe to set down as well what I finde favorable as disadvantageous to our Adversaries, and likewise to our selves, having no other design but exactly to report the truth of all passages I met with, both on their part and ours, in the course of this affair. Now all that can be said to diminish the wonder of seeing him fallen into such shameful contradictions, is, that in all likelyhood he took these Writings perfectly pre­par'd and transcrib'd as he deliver'd them to the Consultors from the hands of the Jesuites, and that he distributed the same to them without so much as once reading them beforehand. Which yet must be confess'd is a very pitiful Defence, and altogether unworthy of a Doctor upon whom so many Bishops rely'd in so important an Af­fair.

Tuesday morning October 15. I walkt abroad with F. Petit, who inform'd me that F. Annat was gone for France five or six dayes before; and that M. Albizzi, as well as our Doctors had done their utmost to retain that Writer at Rome, whose Artifices and Disguisements were so proper for the covering of Truth with darknesse, and its Defenders with calumnies.

In the afternoon I understood that there had been no Congregation that day at Cardinal Spada's house, and that the Consultors were countermand­ed when they were just ready to go thither. Va­rious were the conjectures what might be the cause of this countermand. Some conceiv'd it to be some unforeseen impediment arriv'd to Cardi­nal Ghiggi from the Pope; but I did not believe so, because the Tuesday before Cardinal Ginetti could not be there by reason of the Signature of Grace, at which he assisted, and yet the Congrega­tion of Cardinal Spada was held in his absence; and it would have been no harder to set the Con­sultors to dispute in Cardinal Ghiggi's absence then in that of Cardinal Ginetti; since Cardinal Cechini was come to Cardinal Spada's house and F. Pala­vicini too, before the newes of the countermand was sent abroad; and Cardinal Ginetti had no busi­nesse to hinder him from being there if he had not been countermanded.

F. Malgoires came to see us on Wednesday even­ing, and amongst other things he told us, that the [Page 242] Doctors our Adversaries profess'd themselves well pleas'd with the course which the Congregation held. That having had some conference with M. Hallier a day or two before, he had reduc'd him that he could not answer touching the parity which he propounded to him of the decision of the Council of Trent, which defines, that the Righteous cannot without special assistance persevere to the end, that is to say, keep God's Commandments to the end of his life with the ordinary perseverance of the same Righteous person in the fidelity and practice of the same commandments, and that M. Hallier having granted that the Command­ments of God were in some sort impossible to the just, who wants that special assistance which is not common to all the just, and is yet so necessary to this for the keeping them to the end, that accor­ding to the definition of the Council, he cannot do it without such assistance, he could not tell him any reason why the same Commandments might not also be said impossible in some sort to the same just person, when in the course of his life he likewise wants that particular assistance which is necessary for keeping them, and without which it is as true according to the Council that he cannot do it, then as this is when he is arriv'd at the end of his life and he failes therein.

Saturday the 19th. having visited the Cardinal S. Clement, he told me there had been some speech a few dayes before about adding Consultors to our Congregation, and that the Procurator General of the Carmelites della scala having been mention'd, it was answer'd that he was not right, and that he was a Jansenist; and another being nominated, that neither was he right, because he frequented us too much; that is, as this Cardinal said to me, their intention in this Congregation was, that after the Consultors had all spoken their suffrages, they would report to the Pope that they all condemned the Propositions unanimously unâ voce. That if it came before him, he would not fail to speake there, as he conceiv'd himself oblig'd to do, with vehemence and freedome, as he had done former­ly in cases that requir'd it, and whereas he was pre­sent. That if God dispos'd of the affair otherwise, and the thing should be pass'd without his inter­vention, he would humble himself before the height of his judgements.

Sunday the 20th. in the afternoon I receiv'd a Vi­site from an unknown person, who was extremely important with me to give him some information touching our affair, because he was ready to go into the Country, and in the course of his Journey, he was to see divers Cardinals who would ask him newes of it: I suspected that he came to get me to speak something, and afterwards report what I had said where he pleas'd; whefore I excus'd my self from telling him any thing (how important soe­ver he was) alledging that the affair was too vast and ample, to tell him any thing of it in a little time. He tempted me as much as he could, to cause me to fall into a Narration insensibly; but all he drew from me, was, that the only meanes that I knew, to satisfie his curiosity and that of the Cardinals, to whom he desir'd to give intelli­gence, was that he endeavor'd to get from one of the four Cardinals deputed for our Congregation, the copy of the Writings which we had presented to them, and to buy at the Booksellers the small works of St. Augustine newly printed.

The General of the Augustines, whom I visited a­bout some other affair the next morning being the twenty first, told me that by his care in reading that H. Father, he was furnish'd from the Foun­tain which answers to all the Objections propound­ed against his Doctrine, which was the same that we defended.

Tuesday the 22. towards evening I went to see F. Ʋbaldino, who told me that the Messenger of the H. Office came the day before to advertise him that there would be no Congregation that day at Cardinal Spada's house; at which he had wonder'd, having not yet been there, if he had not lookt upon it as a mistake of the Messengers, who be­ing sent about in general to all, made no dif­ference of those upon whom there lay some ex­ception.

Wednesday in the afternoon we visited Cardinal Spada, who was very ready to receive us. The Abbot of Valcroissant told him that we came to his Eminence, to understand whether our Writings had been communicated; and if they were not, to beseech him that they might be speedily. As also to advertise him, that we had already prepar'd o­thers for the proof of the first Proposition; and that we demonstrated so evidently that it was a­greeable to the Catholick Faith in the sense wherein we consider'd it by the connexion it had with the Effectualnesse of Grace, that it was impossible to shake it, it was so clearly and solidly founded upon indubitable principles. The Cardinal answer'd us, that the Congregations begun to be held touching the Propositions, had been interrupted the two foregoing weeks by some Occurrences, but they would begin again the Tuesday following, and be so no more. And upon what we represented to him (speaking about the first Proposition) of the sense in which we maintain'd it, and of the necessity of distinguishing the divers senses which the Proposi­tions might admit, thereby to avoid involving Ca­tholick truths with errors in one Censure [...]; he an­swer'd us, that they would consider the Propositi­ons precisely as they were in themselves, without having regard to the sense either of one side or o­ther; using these words which he accompani'd with a gesture of his hand in the ayr; Le ponderiamo iu abstracto. Whereunto we reply'd, that if the busi­nesse were only to consider the Propositions in ab­stracto, we would not have moved a step about it, nor taken the least interest therein, but we had regard only to the fundamental Doctrine which was in contest upon occasion of those Propositi­ons, and which would be manifested by the di­stinction of senses and the clearing of the whole matter.

As for the communication of Writings where­upon we insisted, he told us that in the last Con­gregation something had been spoken which had reference thereunto; but it was not judg'd expe­dient to make such communication. That indeed it was resolv'd to take into consideration all that we should write and speak vivâ voce, let it be as much as we would. That we might deliver as many Writings as we pleas'd, one, two, four, six, ten, mettete giù (that was his word) lay them down, intire Volumes. That we might demand to speak [Page 243] as much as we would, that they would hear us, that all should be receiv'd, that all should be consider'd and weigh'd with care; but as for communication of Writings, it was not thought meet. That should the Doctors of Flanders have come, they should have been treated in that very fashion, that we should be so too. That we had su'd for the Congregation before the coming of M. Hallier and his Collegues. That though they should not have come, yet it would have been establish't, and we should never­thelesse have been heard in it. That the same course should be as if they were not there. M. de Val­croissant began to reply to him, saying, that the communication of our Writings would be more profitable, because when it was seen what either side had to alledge, things might be more hand­somely clear'd, and what should be found untrue therein might be more solidly refuted. Here Cardinal Spada interpos'd, and said we were not ignorant of what our Adversaries could say. That we knew so well what could be alledg'd on either side touching these matters, that there had been so many Writings made pro and con, printed and otherwise, that the communication of Writings was not necessary; that moreover they had taken this course al tempo d' Ʋrbano, under the Ponti­ficate of Pope Ʋrban VIII; that we were now under that of Innocent, and that they were not in a condition which allow'd any other way. He had scarce done speaking, but he put his hand to his Cap, and rose up to end the Conference, and take away all place of Reply. So we were oblig'd to arise likewise, without speaking any thing further, and retire.

When we came from Cardinal Spada, we sepa­rate our selves, and I went to make a particular Vi­site to a Cardinal, who confirm'd to me Cardinal St. Clement's opinion, that the prime design of those who assembled the Consultors of the Con­gregation, was, after that they had made them dispute sufficiently, to tell the Pope that they all agreed upon the condemnation of the Propositions; but he added, that God caus'd things sometimes to succeed otherwise then men propounded to them­selves, and that sometimes there needed but a little Remora to stop the greatest Machines. As for the late passages at Cardinal Spada's house, wherewith I acquainted him, he told me that it was his opi­nion, that in case they continu'd to deny us a thing so just, ordinary and easie, it would be fit that we presented a Memorial to the Pope to give him no­tice of it, and to tell him, that we came to Rome to defend the Catholick Faith against one of the most malicious enterprizes that ever was contriv'd to its prejudice. That we hop'd that what we had to represent touching this affair, would be examin'd according to the ordinary formes of justice, both Ecclesiastical and Civil. That seeing that to the prejudice of the assurance which had been given us from his Holinesse at the advertising us of the Congregation, things were handled there in a manner quite contrary, which could nothing but continually disturb our minds, and keep matters in the confusion and obscurity whereinto the ma­lice of the Authors of this enterprize had cast them, we beseecht the Pope to give us leave to return home with his Apostolical Benediction; and that we hop'd he would be mindful of the Advertise­ment which we had given him, and not suffer him self to be circumvented by the Ambushes which we had told him were prepar'd for him. I answer'd this Cardinal that this resolution was bold, that ne­verthelesse it might become necessary; but I fear'd it would bring things to that passe which our Ad­versaries most desir'd; because one of their two great troubles, was, to see us upon the place open­ly labouring to manifest the truth, and directing meanes to sundry persons for the understanding of it, who would not think upon it without us. The Cardinal reply'd, that I need not fear that the Pope and his Ministers would take us at our word, if they had the least common sense, S. hanno qualche intendi mento; that on the contrary they would fear our departure from Rome with so great and just causes of dissatisfaction, which after our depar­ture would not be unknown to any body, and do so great prejudice to the reputation of the H. See, when so manifest a denial of justice by it were spread abroad. They will for certain be affraid, said he, lest you should depart, and this will oblige them to give you content. Neverthelesse he ad­ded, that things were not yet so urgent as to drive us to this course. I answer'd, that they were not; but yet the Discourse of Cardinal Spada which put us off so far, and cast us upon so many troublesome difficulties with hope of so little fruit, made me suspect that perhaps we should do him a pleasure to act in that manner, and that he desir'd to make us fear the paines and tediousnesse which we should undergo in the sequel of a Proceeding so unlikely to promote our affair by all our labours, to drive us to that passe as to resolve to prevent those troubles by departing, and leave the Pope and their Emi­nences in quiet. The Cardinal and I ended this Discourse, both of us saying, that time would ren­der us more knowing in the things that should pass, and in those which we should be oblig'd to do. In the mean time, after much reflecting upon the ne­cessities which might one day impell us to have re­course to that unacceptable Remedy, I writ into France by the Courier which set forth on Monday following, to the end the state of things with all necessary circumstances might be communicated to my LL. the Bishops who had sent us; and that if it should prove requisite to come to that extremi­ty, we might not do it without their privity and order. But I know not whether in the particular relation which I made of this Visite, I did not forget one thing which I am sure the same Cardinal said to me, either in this Visite or in another, complain­ing to him of the great credit of the Jesuites and their partisans, who depriv'd us of the meanes of obtaining the least things of justice; he answer'd me, that this was not to be wonder'd at, nor ought it to hinder us from doing what lay in our power for defence of the Truth. That we might call to mind the prodigious power which the Arians once had; that they govern'd the Emperors, that they assembled Councils; that they domineer'd there­in; and that they drove most of the Catholick Bi­shops from their Sees; And yet, said he to me, what is become of all this? They were a long time the strongest, and Masters of all, and neverthelesse all this is vanish't; even their Writings are perish'd, and there are no more footsteps of them but in the Books of the Orthodox. Sooner or later the case [Page 244] will be the same with all those that oppose the true grace of Jesus Christ; that therefore we ought not to be discourag'd, but do our duty, continue our en­deavours, pray fervently to God, and patiently wait till it please him to shew that mercy to his Church.

Thursday the 24th, F. Reginald, the famous Do­minican above-mention'd, arriv'd at Rome, to en­gage with the Religious of his Order in defence of the cause which was common to them with us.

Friday the 25th, the day of the Ambassadors Au­dience, when I went to his house, I found M. Hal­lier and his Collegues, M. de Valcroissant, and M. Angran, discoursing together, in presence of the Bishop of Bethleém, and two other Prelates; I drew neer, and all that I heard was, that M. Hal­lier, to purge himself no doubt from the blame charged upon him of hindering, not only the con­ference, but also the communication of writings, said, that he had two things to declare in reference thereunto. 1. That he maintain'd that the mat­ters in contest were already defin'd, and that this was the first thing to be lookt after: And 2. That if they were not, it was requisite in the second place to consider whether it were expedient to de­fine them; yet to all this neither the communica­tion of writings, nor the conference did hurt; but the Ambassador appear'd ready to go forth, and this discourse pass'd no further. While the Ambassador was with the Pope, I went to see the new Nuncio design'd for France: I had no time after the first words of civility, but to give him one of our little Volumes of St. Augustin; for his entertainment sometimes in reading it during his journey, and to tell him, that who so had well read that book, knew wherein all the present Disputes in the Church con­sisted; and who so had not read it, could not know them, how intelligent and able soever he might be in other things.

I spent all Saturday the 26th with F. Reginald, in carrying him to Saint Peter's, and the other Churches and places in Rome, whither he was di­spos'd to go after his arrival.

Sunday the 27th we went again to Cardinal Spa­da's house, where after we had pass'd the time in his Gallery, from nine a clock till between eleven and twelve, he came to receive us in the chamber which is before that Gallery: M. de Valcroissant told him, that the last day we were with his Emi­nence, we had not time to acquaint him with some Reasons which we intended to represent to him for the communication of our writings: That we had great cause to wonder that we were still constrain'd to sollicit it after so Authentical a Declaration as Card. Roma had made to us in the Popes name, that his Holiness, without any restriction, granted us the Congregation which we had demanded, and in which we had expresly demanded that our writings might be reciprocally communicated. But to shew this Cardinal the particular reasons of our making that demand, and prosecuting the execution of it, the Abbot de Vaelcroissant told him, that our Adver­saries in this cause were so accustom'd to produce calumnies and false suppositions, both in matters of Fact, and of Opinion, that it was absolutely neces­sary for us to see what they alledg'd, that so we might satisfie and wipe it off: That the matter in question was extremely vast, and yet very closely link'd together: That though many writings and printed works had been compos'd about it, yet it was very difficult to find what to adhere to: That it had been extremely imbroil'd by our Adversaries; That an answer given by conjecture, was not so likely to satisfie, as one given and apply'd plainly, when the question is stated. That our Adversaries either assented to the mutual communication of Writings, or not; if they did, there was no reason to deny it; if not, it was a sign that they distrusted their own cause, and a reason which render'd such communication more necessary; and that indeed they saw in their consciences, that they could nei­ther answer to what we alledg'd against them, nor make good what they alledg'd against us: That all these Reasons evinc'd, that the communication of Writings was more necessary in this important af­fair, then in all others wherein it was daily practis'd: That it was a way without comparison more com­pendious, clear and certain, to make all the world comprehend the truth of things, then not to do it; and that we hop'd that when their Eminences had consider'd what we urg'd to him, and which we beseech'd him to represent to his Holiness, if he judg'd it meet, for the obtaining of the communi­cation of Writings, they would conceive it as e­quitable and necessary as our selves. The Cardinal answer'd, that this did not depend on him alone; that we might move the other deputed Cardinals a­bout it, and he nam'd Ghiggi, Ginetti, and Cechini. That as for what he had said to us the last day, it was grounded only upon the practice which had been ob­serv'd since these questions began. That Pius V. under whom they were first debated, heard no Par­ties, nor caus'd any Writings to be communicated in order to the framing of his Decisions: That Gre­gory XIII. who follow'd him, did not follow this way: That Ʋrban VIII. took the same course as those two Popes; that at present we were under Innocent X. that it did not appear why it was neces­sary to run into those intricacies (in queste faccende) però; that nevertheless we might speak to the three Cardinals above-nam'd, as also to Cardinal Pam­philio, whom the Pope was pleas'd to have come to those Congregations, that at least he would be there on Tuesday following: That we might like­wise speak to the consultors; that he believ'd we knew who they were. As for the Doctors our Ad­versaries, they had presented Writings three moneths ago, and profess'd that whether there were any communication of them or not, they should be contented: That all they demanded was, that they might be treated as we were, and that our writings might be communicated to them, if theirs were to us: That since so long time that they were compos'd, it was not possible but either side must have seen the others writings, and that they were by this time in France too: That, in fine, we might visit the persons whom he had nam'd. Much might have been reply'd to Cardinal Spada, and he left us time to do it, though it was very late; but we did it not, conceiving we had obtain'd enough of him, that he permitted us to renew our sollicitations to the others.

Tuesday the 29th in the morning, I met the F. General of the Capucines, who stopt me, though I was in a Coach, to ask me what news of our Con­gregation; I spoke very coldly thereof to him, as one that had no news of them, nor was the least [Page 245] concern'd for any: He told me, that that which was to be held that morning, was deferr'd to the next day in the afternoon, of which I learnt the reason the same day in the Antichambre of Cardinal Ghig­gi, whom we visited; and it was, for that there was that morning an examination of Bishops.

VVe told Cardinal Ghiggi that we came to put him in mind of the little Memorial which we left with him about the communication of writings: He askt us, whether we had presented the same to the other Cardinals? VVe answer'd, that we had; but did not tell him that we had yet once been with Cardinal Spada about it. Cardinal Ghiggi told us, that the Congregation had been interrupted since the presenting of our Memorial, by reason it was the time of being in the country, and taking a lit­tle fresh ayr after the great heats of Summer, that therefore it had not yet been spoken of; but the Congregation would begin again the next day, and then perhaps it would be mention'd: The Abbot of Valcroissant answer'd, that we had many strong reasons which evinc'd the necessity of such com­munication; and he intended to repeat the same which he had alledg'd to Cardinal Spada; but he scarce toucht upon those concerning the calumnies and false suppositions of our Adversaries, as well in reference to Facts as Opinions; but Cardinal Ghig­gi reply'd, That as for all those calumnies and fal­sities, no regard would be had of them; that the chief and only business would be to give a suc­cinct and clear account of the reasons of what we held; that it was not yet resolved, whether or no to make of this affair a Process, una lite; that if a day were set, to enter into so publick discussions of it between parties, it would cause much noise and bustle: That as we were already three and three out of France, there might come three others out of Spain, three from Flanders, three from another place, &c. The Abbot of Valcroissant answer'd, that all which his Eminence said, did not hinder but that the reciprocal communication of our writings was necessary; since if, for example, we should not see the writings of our Adversaries, we could not defend our selves from what falsities and calumnies they might alledge therein, both against our per­sons and the truth, nor represent the same to their Eminences. The Cardinal askt us, whether we cer­tainly knew that they had presented any writings; & added, that perhaps they had not yet presented any. But however (said he, ending as he began) we have not yet spoken of your Memorial; perhaps we will speak of it to morrow, and you shall un­derstand our resolution. It was a thing not unplea­sant to be observ'd, that he inform'd us that they had not yet spoken of it; and Cardinal Spada told us, as a thing already determin'd amongst them, that there would be no such communication.

The two last days of this moneth I learn'd no­thing at Rome, but the very great correspondences and confederacies which Cardinal Spada had with Cardinal Barberin, whereof I was told in two con­verses which I had about that matter with a Ban­quier of very great Note, intelligence and free­dome.

CHAP. XII.

Of the Letters which were writ to us from Paris, during the Moneth of October, touching the manner of proceeding in the Congregation.

ABout this time all places were full of news con­cerning what was doing at Rome, and what the Iesuites with M. Hallier and his Collegues expe­cted and boasted was in hand to their advantage, for the consummation of their Enterprise against the Propositions, without their being oblig'd ever to appear before the Congregation in our presence; and these news daily more and more astonish'd our friends, and the Bishops who sent us. VVhereupon, almost all the Letters written to us during the whole moneth of October, were nothing but a con­tinual renewing of former injunctions not to re­cede from the conditions wherewith the Bishops had given us charge to demand a Congregation of the Pope, and wherewith the Pope had caus'd the same to be promis'd to us by the late Cardinal Roma, without any modification or restriction. The difficulty about communication of writings, was not yet known in France; on the contrary, we were enjoyn'd not to suffer our selves to be circum­vented in such sort that our affair might be made a simple Process in writing; but we were oblig'd ne­ver to separate the communication of our writings from the obligation which should be laid upon our Adversaries to be heard in our presence, and we in theirs, vivâ voce, in the Congregation, touching all that by either side should be presented in wri­ting; as also to have a care, that all which they and we should speak there, might be written down. Moreover, we were prescrib'd not to present any writing after those which we had deliver'd already, but according to the forms us'd under Clement VIII. and Paul V. till after we had declar'd vivâ voce, what we were to leave there in writing, and till we were assur'd that the consequence thereof would be the communication of the same to our Adversa­ries.

It would be tedious to relate all the Letters here which were written to us during this moneth about this matter; but it will not be impertinent to in­sert two or three, which will teach the Reader some other particularities concerning this affair, which might otherwise remain unknown to him: The first was dated October 8. from Chalons in Champagne, and was thus directed, A Messieurs, Messieurs de la Lane, de Saint Amour, & Angran, Docteurs de la Faculte, & nos Deputez a Rome. The contents follow:

Messieurs,

ALL good men rejoyce with us for the blessing which God hath given to your sollicitations and cares; which joy was particularly grounded upon the assurance given you, that the establisht Congregation would proceed according to the forms practis'd from [Page 246] all time in the Church, and in a like case under Cle­ment VIII. and Paul V. and without which it seems not possible for the truth to be perfectly clear'd. I know that M. Hallier hath written to Paris, that he would hinder your being heard; yet I cannot doubt but Pro­vidence, which hath taken so particular care of this affair, will dissipate all his intrigues; that the H. Fa­ther will do us Justice; that he will grant what he hath had the goodness to promise, and that he will take the same course in this cause that his Predecessors did, since it is so worthy of the honour of the H. See, and so necessary for the re-establishment of peace in the Church: Wherefore all my LL. the Prelates, for whom you act, conjure you to remain firm, that is, ne­ver to speak but in presence, and to deliver no writings, saving in the forms observ'd in the Congregations de Auxiliis, under the Popes above-mention'd. They re­lye upon your accustom'd prudence and courage, and I remain ever,

MESSIEURS,
Your most humble and most affectionate Servant, F. E. & C. de Chaalons.

He who us'd to write to us in the name of all my said Lords, when they did not do it themselves, in his letter of October 11th. set down this clause:

My Lords were glad of the Resolution which you have taken to speak high: They desire you not to re­lax in any thing; for it is highly important to the cause which you desir'd. They are very certain M. Hallier will use all means to obstruct an exact dis­cussion of it. He is a man that intends no conference, whatever shew he makes. He conceives the Dispute would not be advantageous to him, because he hath confess'd to many persons, that he never read St. Augustin.

Write as little as you can in explication of the Five Propositions: for you ought to fear that M. Hallier will perplex the Affair in proceedings by Writing.

And in a Letter of the 18. from the same per­son, there was this clause touching the same mat­ter.

The Molinists in these parts hold for certain, that you will not be admiteed to speak in presence of your Adversaries before the congregation; alledging, that the Question is only about Five Propositions, which may easily be judg'd by all those that have ne­ver so little understanding and any tincture of Divi­nity. They boast, that in the first congregation held at Cardinal Spada's house, the first Proposition was determined. My Lords have confidence in God, and hope he will destroy all their designs who go about to dishonour his Truth: Above all, they rocommend to you, to be stedfast and undaunted in extremities.

I received one dated the same day from a Do­ctor, my particular friend, who liv'd in Sorbonne, and always writ to me in Latin. He comforted me for the news of Cardinal Roma's death, and profess'd the more sorrow for it, because instead of a most equitable Dean of our Congregation whom we had lost, there remain'd another very partial and highly animated against us: His Letter was in these terms.

A diebus aliquot resciveramus mortem Eminen­tissimi Cardinalis Roma, cum litteras has accepimus. Certè non potuimus non lugere viri optimi & aman­tissimi aequitatis inopinatum exitum; dolor (que) noster eo major extitit quod tibi causaeque vestrae adversa­rium esse accepimus Cardinalem Spada. Scriptum enim mihi est è Flandria non potuisse cum ipso conve­nire D. Sinnich, ita durum se ipsi praebuit. Jacta­re vulgo se habere argumentum, cui Jansenista (sic enim loquitur) nullus respondeat. Id (que) dixisse olim P. Courvaisier minimo Burgundo. Addidisse etiam, se etiamsi Cardinales caeteri in doctrinam illam con­sentirent, aut certè mitiùs habere vellent, solum se adversus omnes pugnaturum: Haec te monendum cen­sui.

I find, after this, one from M. de Sainte Beuve of the 25th. of this month, which deserves more then any other to be here inserted at length, as well for that he speakes touching the same necessi­ty of being heard in presenee, as because a more illustrious Testimony cannot be brought how he and I were always affected to the H. See, and how we always consider'd the Propositions which were at length condemned by it. The Letter was par­ticular to my self, and contained that which fol­lows:

SIR,

WE are here troubled at the News, that the congregation is begun since Cardinal Ro­ma's death, in which Cardinal Spada is President, a Jesuite is a Consultor, and M. Albizzi Secretary, and that it is held without your being called to it. Though we could not imagine things to be so as is boasted in these parts, and that it seems your Letters assure us of the contrary, since by your last you signifie, that you were solliciting their Eminences to ordain the communication of your Writings to our Ad­versaries, and that it would please them to set the day of the first congregation; yet I cannot dissemble to you, that the manner after which they talke here, makes us fear, that there is something of Truth in their Discourse, and that perhaps our Adversaries are plotting something according to their usual slights and artifices. This is it which troubles us, and whereof we entreat you to give us some light. And in the first place, I am to signifie to you, that you must urge the carrying on of things in order, and that they be not done in secret. The Prelates who sent you, did not put you upon that journey to demand a se­cret Assembly of his Holiness, but a publick and solemn congregation, like that de Auxiliis, in which the parties might he heard in presence one of the other, both viva voce, and by Writing. The Pope granted the same to you, as being a thing very just, and which cannot displease any but those who hold a Doctrine of Darkness: Wherefore prosecute the Execution of his Holinesses Order. But now Sir, Was there ever any thing more remote from Equity, then to make our Enemies Judges? for is it not in some manner so, while a Jesuite is a Consultor? Who knows not that they are our right Adversaries? As for M. Albizzi, there is as little reason that he should be Secretary, since it is notorious, that he hath had inimate communication with M. Hallier about the Affair in question before the said Sieur Hallier went out of France. When the Faculty was assembled to [Page 247] be surpris'd by the Nuncio's means, who sent to de­mand, whether it had deputed you to his Holiness a­bout this Affair, M. Hallier, whom I accus'd of having sent F. Mulard the Cordelier in quality of the Faculties Deputy, and encharg'd him with Letters subscrib'd by himself as Syndic, which Letters Mu­lard carried open to F. Diuet to be sealed by him; M. Hallier (I say) confess'd before the whole Faculty, that he had written to Rome to M. Albizzi; but he added, that it was only in answer to a Letter from him touchong the present controversies. All the Faculty can testifie, whether M. Hallier had the confidence to deny it. So that to have M. Albizzi for Secretary, is to have a person whom we have had all reason to suspect ever since M. Halliers Declaration before the Faculty.

Moreover, Sir, every one knows that in Flan­ders it is loudly complain'd of in Books that M. Albizzi inserted something into the Bull touching M. de Ipre, which was not in the sense of the late Pope of happy memory. This alone ought to hinder him of being suffer'd to exercise the Office of Secretary, without complaint and re­monstrance to his Holiness against it. Perhaps they will say, That a Secretary is neither Judge nor Consultor; 'tis true; but then it cannot be deny'd, that he hath very great power in a con­gregation. And besides, though he could do no great matter, yet it is not suitable to order, at Rome especially, where all things are done so exquisitly, that the very adversaries of the Church are constrain'd to acknowledge the prudence of the proceedings, wherewith things are carried there. But if Sir, they will not do you justice in these points, I conceive it will be more expedient to produce nothing, then to submit to such a con­gregation as that which is contrary to the inten­tion of his Holiness. And in this case leave them to ordain what they think good, we shall very well know how to acquit our selves in all things. Let them perplex and intangle the whole matter as much as they will, yet it must be reduc'd to three points. 1. VVho are the Authors of those Pro­positions. 2. VVhether it be true, that they consist of equivocal terms, which is the cause that they have sundry bad senses. And 3. VVhether they be condemnable according to the sense of the necessity of Grace Effectual ad singulos actus, which is the only sense in which we have maintain­ed them hitherto, and pretend to maintain them for the future. Now being we know that they cannot be condemned in this sense, hence it is that we have no reason to apprehend any thing. If they will make a Gallimawfry of them, it will be easie to let all Europe see both the goodness of our cause, and the bad proceedings taken to dispa­rage a Doctrine which they durst not openly con­demn. Those persons will twice think what they shall do; and I can scarce believe that they will contribute to the oppression of Truth, and of the persons who defend. The Doctors of the Fa­culty of Paris ought to be more considered then to be sleighted; and it is not needfull to alienate the minds of those who have all possible devotion for the H. See, which will be done undoubtedly, in case they do not do them justice in an Affair which speaks for it self. 'I have often said it to M. Du­vel, and I know not whether he hath told it to the Nuncio, There are many persons very little affectionated towards the Holy See, who wish, that justice be not observed towards us, hoping thereby to draw us to their party. For my part, I hope God will not so abandon me; but I know not whether this will not much diminish the high esteem which ought to be had for what pro­ceeds from so venerable a Throne; But this, Sir, is enough touching that point.

I cannot end this Letter without letting you know, that M. de Marca nominated to the Arch­bishoprick of Tholouse, being in court last week, said to M. Nain de Beau. Master of the Requests, and to M. Queras our Confrere, that when he consented to the setting of his name to the Let­ter sent to his Holiness, he did it only at the en­treaty of F. Petave and M. Hallier, who writ to him about it; and that it was never his intention to demand of the Pope a condemnation of the Propositions, but only that it would please his Holiness to pronounce upon the present contro­versies. And when the abovenamed persons reply'd to him, that the Letter subscrib'd with his name, demanded of the Pope the condemnation of the Five Propositions, he was amazed at it, and desired to see a copy of the Letter, which was promised him. And accordingly one being found in the hands of M. Lovistre Curée of Man­tes, where the court then was, M. de la Mi­litire tooke upon him to transcribe and present it to him. You see, Sir, how the Prelates have been inveigled, and how the Pope is imposed upon, when it is represented to him, that all the Prelates whose names are at the bottom of that Letter, demand of him the condemnation of the Five Propositions, as being the causes of all the stir and contentions. Moreover, these two Gentlemen have had the honour to confer with him about the senses of the Propositions, and he acknowledg'd, that ours was not condemna­ble, and he said only, that his opinion was, that whosoever hath Faith, hath all that is necessa­ry from God to pray actually; and he advanc'd this Doctrine, founded, he said, upon that word of S. Augustin, Fides impetrat: You may judge by this, what sentiment the Thomists have upon this point.

The Book of F. Martinon came forth here some days ago: 'Tis a Transcription of all that hath been written against us by our Adversaries; but not a confutation of all that we have oppo­sed to their sentiments. It hath abundance of evil and unjustifiable Propositions: It bears a Warlike title: It may easily be rendred a pitiful piece in one printed Quire, or a work like to Vulpes capta.

We are given to hope for one from M. Annat shortly; we expect it with joy, not doubting but that it will be of use for the manifesting of the Truth;

I am, Sir, &c.

The beginning of this Letter shews the truth of what I said to Cardinal Ghiggi in the andience he gave me on July 23. that I was not hasty to send word into France of such things as might cause dissatisfaction there, so long as necessity and our obligation of informing our friends and our Bi­shops of what pass'd at Rome, permitted me to defer, or wholly dissemble them. VVhen I [Page 248] writ touching this matter to M. de Sainte Beuve the last day of September, I said nothing of the de­lay of communicating our writings, nor of the dubiousness signified to us, whether it would be granted or no; nor of the Memorial which we had resolv'd to present as a more express demand thereof, which might knock at the door of justice of the Cardinals chosen by the Pope to render the same to us; and which might leave to posterity more express monuments of the prosecutions and unheard-of difficulties whereunto we were re­duc'd, in case we should one day be oblig'd to ac­quaint the world with such irregular proceedings. I thought it sufficient to tell him only, that we were solliciting their Eminences to ordain the Commu­nication of our writings to our Adversaries, and to let them know, that we were ready to appear at the Congregation when it should please them to assemble it. And I us'd this reservedness out of hope that we should obtain justice at length, and that the denyal or difficulty which they then caus'd about it, might not be known to any person. But it pleas'd our Adversaries to publish the same eve­rywhere, by reason of the triumph which they presum'd they had over us by that injustice: so that considering the necessity of letting it appear, all we could do, was to give an account thereof to our Bishops and friends, and however to leave them still in hope that justice would be done us af­ter we had employed for the obtaining of it all the patience, perseverance, submission and power which we conceiv'd necessary to that effect.

VVe spoke no longer even at Rome in this con­juncture, of causing our adversaries to appear at the congregation in our presence; yet we did not renounce it; for we had presented our two wri­tings only upon a certain expectation that we should be so heard. But we were restrain'd only to demand the communication of our writings, that so our request might be as easie as possible, and such as even the openest injustice could not refuse; intending after the obtaining of this point, to de­mand likewise that our adversaries might appear to hear what we had to add viva voce to what we had written; but till we had surmounted the first difficulty, we were silent as to the other things which we had to ask, to the end we might obtain this more easily.

I spoke more openly thereof then I had done to M. de Sainte Beuve, to an Italian who was at Modena, and could not be ignorant of the least circumstances of our Affair, in regard of the great correspondences which he had in the Court of Rome, the Genius whereof he perfectly un­derstood, especially in reference to our Disputes. He answer'd me by this Letter of the second of November, that all those obstacles were only the contrivances of Cardinal Spada, who being ex­tremely passionate, sought nothing else but to discover the sentiments of the Consultors, to the end that if they were favourable to his purposes, he might press on the Affair to condemn the Pro­sitions, and that in case he saw that he could not get them to conclude against them, then he might spin out things in length; Take the Letter as it was written to me in Italian:

Reverendissimo Signor.

Recevò le lettere de V. S. e vedo conquanta cautezza per sua parte, & arte per l' altra se tratta il negotio. Jo stimo che il tutto sia concesso del' Eminentissimo Spada, qual è per mio credere appationatissimo, e non cerca sapere il senti­mento di quei Consultori per altro che per vedere se si­ano favorevoli alli suoi capritii, e quando vedrà di non potere concludere contro le Propositioni, tirarà il giuditio in longo; ma se le paresse potere condennar­le, accelererà & precipitararà il tutto. Non po­tendo io fare altro, raccommando la causa à Dio, & in questo spero ogni bene, e a V. S. facio humile riveren­za.

Di V. S. Reverendissima divotissimo servitore.

The substance of this Letter goes before it, and therefore it needs no translation. It was sub­scrib'd with the name of him who writ it: but as soon as I receiv'd it, I tore off his name, and I do not think it yet time to restore it here.

CHAP. XIII.

What we continued to do during the whole month of November, especially for getting in Audience of the Pope, to present our Papers to him, and ob­tain that the same might be communi­cated to our Adversaries, with an Epistle to his Holiness touching the same matter.

ON Fryday Novemb. 1. I understood that the Congregation was held on Wednesday be­fore in the afternoon at Cardinal Spada's house; that Cardinal Ginetti was not there, but Cardinal Pamphilio was, that it lasted till six a clock at night, and that F. Palavicini and M. Albizzi stayed after the rest, to confer together.

Sunday the third I visited the General of the Dominicans about a case of a particular Affair. I acquainted him by the by, with the Memorial which we design'd to present to the Pope for three things; whereof the first was the commu­nication of our writings; The second, the Jesu­ites: The third, M. Albizzi; He approv'd all, and told me on his part, that if things went long in the present course, his order could not forbear to interpose and declare themselves very highly.

Monday the 4. in the morning Monsignor Sa­crista sent to desire me to come to the Popes Pre­sence-Chamber at ten a clock. I went thither and spoke with him: He told me that the Pope had chosen two or three other Consultors to add to the Congregation, and among those an Augu­stin nam'd F. Celestin very much his friend. He pray'd me to visit him, and give him some infor­mation of our Affair, because the Congregation was to be held, as I think, the next day. I desir­ed Monsignor Sacrista to dispense with me from visiting F. Celestin, because whilst the Congrega­tion acted as it did, we did not acknowledge it, and could not considet it as that which we had demand­ed, of the Pope, and his Holiness had granted to us. Monsignor Sacrista pray'd me to go see that Father, as if I knew not that he was to be of it, [Page 249] but only as his particular friend, because it was re­quisite first to free him from the evil impressions which M. Albizzi had given him against the Pro­positions, when the said Father went to take the oath of secrecy from the hands of that Secretary, telling him in a scornfull manner that it was to pass judgement upon certain erroneous Ptopositions, or some other like note wherewith M. Albizzi branded them. Whereupon I promis'd Monsig­nor Sacrista to visite that Father with the reserved­ness which he advised.

In the afternoon I went and carried him one of our little Volumes of S. Augustine, whereof I made him a present. After some mutual ci­vilities, we fell to speak of the affair about which I was at Rome; I gave him a brief account of it, and we enter'd into the matter of the Propositions. He told me that he had but barely lookt upon them; that they were delivered to him in a Note without any other addition, but he judg'd by the outside and the surface that there was some evil meaning in them, yet considering them a little more, he found that they were reducible to a good sense, which might be justified. As I was going to speak a word to him concerning Effectual Grace, and the connexion they had therewith, he prevented me, as understanding it well, and him­self explicated the nature of that Grace in two words, namely, quae dat posse, velle & operari. Ne­vertheless he told me that care must be had of the delicateness of the ears of the Cardinals, who not being broken and accustom'd to Theological terms, upon the least umbrage that a Propositi­on could give them, were very inclin'd to con­clude its condemnation. I told him also that we had demanded that before passing of judgement, they might be clear'd of all equivocal and doubtful terms, and reduc'd to several clear and determinate sences, upon which we might give our Declarati­ons before the Congregation, and in presence of those who persu'd the censure of them, &c. He accounted all this perfectly just and necessary, and requisite to be press'd, and that it behoov'd us to renew our instances for it, farne nostre proteste. I answered that this was the chief point of our af­fair, and a thing of great justice. I desired him likewise to assist us to obtain it if he came in place where he had any power. But to the end it might not appear that he did it upon our recommendati­on, I conceived it were good that he did us the courtesie upon the first opportunity, whilst it was not yet known that he had any correspondence with us. He replyed that he would do it wil­lingly, and in this first interview he spoke in all points as an intelligent and equitable per­son.

The rest of this week we made no considerable visit. Only we went to our particular Friends to take their advice about certain things which we thought to do, and which I shall relate hereafter in the time and order that they were done.

During all the time that pass'd since the pre­senting of our two Writings and their Summary to the Cardinals design'd for our Congregation, we caus'd to be transcrib'd by a good Copist a very fair and correct Copy of them to present to the Pope. VVe caus'd the same to be bound up in the best Vellum with the Pope's armes stampt in gold upon the cover. The three Writings together compos'd a small volume in Folio about an inch thick. In the beginning of this Book and before all those Writings we plac'd an Epistle to the Pope, whereof take here the Translation:

Most Holy Father,

YOur Holyness having by your goodness and your justice establisht the Congregation for examination of the grand questions concerning Grace, we thought fit before all things to com­pose two Writings which we present to your Ho­liness; one whereof contains what hath pass'd in the affair under debate, and the other concerns S. Augustin's authority. VVe fear not most H. Father but your Holiness will approve this pro­ceeding, since we tread in the steps of Celestin I. Clement VIII. and Paul V. doing nothing but what they did in a case altogether like. Thus we take for our rule the first and the last judgement which the H. Apostolick See hath pronounc'd touching this Contest; and the way whereof we make use to end it, is, to follow both its anti­ent Decisions, and those which it hath made in these latter ages.

Soon after S. Augustin's death, some Priests of France found fault with his writings, and trou­bled the peace of the Churches by undiscreet Questions; whereupon Prosper and Hilary had recourse to Celestin, and reported to him what was publisht in France against the said Father. They complain'd that some Priests in France went about still to call in doubt that which had been prov'd in the Writings of S. Augustin, confirm'd by the Popes Innocent, Zozymus and Boniface, and establisht by Councils; and they demanded that before all things the H. Apostolick See would repress the temerity of those French, and con­firm the doctrine and authority of S. Augustin. This care of Prosper and Hilary receiv'd commen­dation from the mouth of Celestin, and taking from the Priests of whom they complain'd all li­berty of detraction, he ordained that the autho­rity and doctrine of S. Augustin, should remain inviolable in the Church.

Molina having had the boldnesse in Spain to re­new those antient complaints made of the Priests of France, and once again to make head against the same S. Augustin; and this new doctrin be­ing accused to the H. See in which Clement VIII. presided at that time; this H. Pope would not have that Cause examin'd before him till he had first ordained that the authority of S. Augustin should be approved according to the Constituti­ons of his Predecessors, and his doctrine consi­der'd as a rule by which all controversies touching the assistance of God's grace ought to be exa­mined, and Pope Paul V. afterward ordained that the same thing should be exactly and religi­ously observed.

Yet there are found at this day, most H. Father, New Censors amongh the Priests of France, who, to defend Molina's doctrine, have had the presumption to rise anew against S. Augustine; who trouble the peace of the victorious Church by Questions which they borrow again from the [Page 250] School of those Authors already condemned, and who call in doubt the principal Articles of Christian Grace, and of the doctrine of that H. Doctor. 'Tis for this cause that we are come to your Holiness in the name of some of the most illustrious Bishops of France, who with a pasto­ral care watch for the peace of the whole Church, the honour of S. Augustine and the dignity of the H. Apostolick See. VVe have complained of the Propositions which have been invented to prepare ambushes for the doctrine of S. Augu­stine and for your Holiness. And to the end they might be examin'd, and this whole affair fully and perfectly cleared, we have su'd to your Ho­liness for the erection of a Congregation in which both sides might be heard vivâ voce, and by writing. Your Holiness hath accordingly establisht it, and they have appointed us to pre-present our Writings to them. VVe have there­in first related to your Holinesse and the Con­gregation what hath been acted in reference to the Propositions; in doing which we have fol­low'd the example of Prosper and Hilary com­mended by Pope Celestin, discovering by what means and artifices S. Augustin's authority is en­counter'd, and with what excessive boldness the Jesuites by an unheard of conspiracy attempt to destroy it under pretext of these equivocal and fallacious Propositions. In the next place we have defended the best we could S. Augustin's au­thority, which is assaulted in so dangerous a man­ner, and hath receiv'd so great wounds; and we have prov'd it by the Tradition of the whole Church, namely by the testimonies of twenty Popes, fifteen Councils, and threescore and ten Fathers and Divines of great reputation. Which we have done, to the end your Holiness and the Congregation might understand on the one side the justice of our complaint, and observe on the other, how necessarie it is to expresse the temerity of those Censors. And to the end your Holiness might have the goodness to practise from the entrance of this contest the same that Pope Celestine did heretofore, and Cle­ment VIII. since, in occasions perfectly like to this, for the defence of S. Augustine's doctrine and authority, and to support it with a new re­commendation; we have conceiv'd that be­fore all things we ought to summon our Adver­saries to acknowledge the authority and doctrin of that Saint, not only with unprofitable and in­effectual words, or deceitfull elogiums and pray­ses full of disguisement and fiction, but by solid and express approbations, till your Holinesse shall have establisht it your self according to the example of your Predecessors by a publick Defi­nition against these few accusers who can scarce be repressed any other way; which is the onely and most profitable remedy that can be made use of for the peace of the whole Church.

VVe know, most H. Father, that there is no practice or endeavour omitted by our Apversa­ries to hinder the effect of so just and necessary a Demand; we know that there is nothing in the world which they fear so much as to be con­strain'd to subscribe as they ought, to the autho­rity of S. Augustin, or to see your Holiness treading in the steps of Celestin I. & Clement VIII. confirm it anew, repress the temerity of these Censors, and give for rule of this controversie a Doctrine that hath been establisht for so many ages; because, assoon as they shall be oblig'd to admit the same against their wills, or shall see your Holiness solemnly confirm it, they will be out of all hope of prevailing against the Proposi­tions, under the obscurity of which they aim on­ly at the condemnation of S. Augustin, according to their form'd design, although they affect not to express his name.

Your Holiness will hear with wonder, that after having openly attaqu'd S. Augustin's doctrin with their utmost strength, both by themselves and by the help of the Jesuites, whose defenders and confederates they are, they now openly proclaim their submission to it. They will have the bold­ness to profess themselves publick Panegyrists and defenders of that Father even in presence of your Holiness. But their doing thus will be only to palliate the contempt they have of him with feigned respect, and to free themselves from blame; it will be only to avoid the punish­ment of the insolence wherewith they outrage him; it will be only to hide the aversion which they have for his Doctrine, under the commen­dation which they give to his Person; it will be only to diminish the care which is to be had in these controversies, in examining which are the true sentiments of that H. Father, and to make it believ'd that it is not concern'd in the Proposi­tions which have been presented to your Holi­ness, since themselves who impugn them, profess to follow the doctrine of that Father, and so re­verence his authority; to the end that having a­voided the condemnation of their temerity by such feigned and captious elogiums of S. Augustin, and got off without being oblig'd to subscribe to a­ny thing, or your Holiness having ordained them so to do, they may with their Partisans thence forward reject his authority with more boldness than ever, condemn his doctrine, and continue to banish it from their Schools as Calvinistical and dangerous, especially in case your Holiness should be induc'd under some pretext to condem the Pro­positions, because they will not fail afterwards to make the censure fall upon S. Augustin, and indeed they would have some ground for their doing so.

These are the designs of our Adversaries, and we doubt not but they will be of no force with your Holiness, whom they have not been able to surprize hitherto, whatever slights they have made use of; since if that unhappiness should hap­pen, it would be an exposing the principal In­heritance which the H. See possesses as by succes­sion, to pillage and depredation, a transporting of it by the hands of the Churches own children to its enemies, as no doubt it would come to pass by the contempt of S. Augustin's authority and doctrine; it would be a nullifying the authority of all the Fathers; it would be totally to exter­minate the antiquity of doctrine and venerable Tradition; it would be to abolish the respect which is due to the Decrees of the H. Apostolical See; it would imply that the Church hath unjustly condemn'd the enemies of Grace; it would give occasion to believe that the H. Council of Trent favoured the Pelagian Hereticks, and gave new [Page 251] forces to the Calvinists. In fine, it would give ground to say, that your Holiness hath made but little account of all the antient Decrees which your Predecessors, Innocent, Zozimus, Boni­face, Celestine, Sixtus, Leo, Gelasius, Hor­misdas, and others have pronounced in fa­vour of S. Augustin, or rather that you abo­lisht them.

It must be confess'd, most H. Father, that these things are of great importance, and seem almost incredible; but besides that they are evidently ma­nifested to such as shall read these two Writings which we now present to you, they will be more visible and conspicuous in the whole sequel of this affair, and we are ready to convince our Adver­saries thereof.

Your Holiness will no doubt foresee dangers so extreme and imminent, you will hear complaints so necessary, you will take time to inform your self fully of a cause so important; and your pa­storal vigilance will apply it self with no less wis­dome, integrity and justice to this great affair which is of high consequence to the whole Church, to the H. Apostolick See, to the Faith, and Christian piety, then to all the other affairs of the same Church. VVe know that God hath, as one of the principal effects of his favour, given us in our dayes such a Pastor, that if it hapned sometimes that your Holiness cannot be adver­tis'd of the importance of things, yet when you are so, you cannot but ordain all that is requisite in justice, reason and equity; and we know likewise that all that we say is so certain and con­siderable; we know that the whole Church is re­duc'd to so great extremities by all the contrivan­ces of our Adversaries in this contest, that your Holiness would before now have provided for so urgent a necessity, if the true state of this affair had been sooner lay'd open to you, which it hath not been till the present.

Nevertheless what ever great promise we seem to engage our selves to here, we dare confident­ly affirm, that we shall give most clear and indu­bitable proofs thereof, provided the Congrega­tion which your Holinesse hath establisht obtain its full and entire effect, and time and place be allow'd us to convince our Adversaries in their presence vivâ voce, and by writing. 'Twill then be that your Holiness and the whole Roman Church shall really know, that 'tis not without Cause that we have laid open to you the greatness of this danger, and that our complaints have been neither false nor frivolous when we brought them to the H. See, and to the Supreme Tribunal, before which S. Bernard hath taught us, that no person ought to draw any advantage from false­hood.

We are, Most H. Father,
Your Holiness's most humble and most obedient Servants and Sons,
  • Noel de la Lane, Doctor of Divinity in the Faculty of Paris, &c.
  • Louis de Saint-Amour, Doctor of the Sacred Faculty of Paris, &c.
  • Louis Angran, Licentiate of the same Sacred Faculty, &c.

Perhaps it will be thought strange, that we have spoke in this Epistle so earnestly in favour of the Propositions; I shall give the reason of it in ano­ther place, where I shall shew that this doth not hinder but that we always condemn'd them in the same sense wherein they were condemn'd by the Pope: And to speak ingenuously here, I acknow­ledge that it was I who was the Author of the course for the reasons hereafter mention'd; and that in this Epistle, it was I who entreated M. de Valcroissant who penn'd it, to add these words, nec sane immerito; that it would not be without soms grounds that the Jesuites would reflect such con­demnation upon S. Augustin. We conceiv'd that the Pope would peruse of all our writings, at least this Epistle, which was address'd as an Epistle De­dicatory to his Holiness, and we judg'd it reasona­ble to give him this Idea, to the end the more to oblige him to cause the distinction of senses to be made as we demanded. But let us proceed with our Relation.

During the same interval, we prepar'd a particu­lar Memorial to present to the Pope with our book, whereby we demanded three things of his Holiness, wherewith I will acquaint the Reader, by inserting here the Translation of the said Memorial. It was thus inscrib'd;

To our most H. Father Pope Innocent X. • 1. For the Communication of the Writings of the Doctrs of Paris, whose names are subscrib'd. , • 2. Touching the Jesuites. , and • 3. Touching M. Albizzi. 

Most H. Father,

SInce the time that Cardinal Roma, of happy Me­mory, inform'd us on July 11. by order from your Holiness, of the establishment of the Congre­gation which we demanded of your Holiness, by our Memorial presented to you on Jan. 21. we have not ceas'd to labour to get ready the first informations necessary to our cause; whilst we were busied there­in with the greatest diligence to which we could be oblig'd by any reason or consideration whatsoever, we were suddenly summon'd to repair to Cardinal Roma, who advertis'd us, that we must get ready our instructions touching this affair within fifteen days; that otherwise, after that time expir'd, your Holi­ness would think of other means to provide there­in.

We conceiv'd, most H. Father, that this Order might have been procur'd by our Adversaries, and by M. Albizzi's means, in whose presence it was signifi'd to us, and who at the same time put an affront upon us, which we pass over in silence for the present; but we did not think that it came from your Holiness, as well because it was not suitable to the nature and posture of the affair, as because in the audience which we had of your Holiness eight days before we heard nothing of it, your Holiness on the contrary testifying to us, that you were satis­fi'd with the diligence wherewith you knew we la­bour'd therein; and it was not likely that M. Al­bizzi had seen your Holiness within those eight days.

Nevertheless, most H. Father, that we might not make any complaint to your Holiness without abso­lute [Page 252] necessity, and to take away all colour of blame for our imaginary delay, we testifi'd no resentment at all for it, but resolv'd to get our first writings ready to be presented by the time prescrib'd, and we labour'd therein day and night with so great and extraordinary closeness, that at length we finish'd them upon the 28th of August. We went to pre­sent them the same day to Cardinal Roma; but the sickness which befell him at the same time, caus'd us to defer it from day to day, till the 17th of Sep­tember, on which, and the following days, we pre­sented them to the other Cardinals of the Congre­gation; since which, most H. Father, notwithstand­ing so great hastning of us, we have not heard a word of their being communicated to our Adver­saries, though we have sundry times made suit for a thing so just, easie, ordinary and necessary. Where­fore we humbly request:

1. That your Holiness will please to consider the vast extent of this affair, how many things are es­sential to it, how many other dependant on it, up­on which it is needful that the parties be heard, and the Judges inform'd, that so they may understand the true state of it, and fit it to be brought before your Holiness, to make such decision of it, as may remove out of the Church all occasion of Errour and Division among Catholicks touching rhese im­portant points of the Faith and Christian Piety: How much time will be requisite for the doing of all this aright, and how tedious the affair will be, unless speedy course be taken to exclude all delay: Be pleas'd therefore, most holy Father, to appoint that our writings may be speedily communicated to our Adversaries.

2. And because there are two sorts of them; some who appear openly, but are indeed the least, being scarce any thing else but the Agents and Instruments of the others, such as are M. Hallier and his Col­legues; others who are our true and principal Ad­versaries, namely, the Jesuites, who have rais'd all this stir to overthrow S. Augustin, and root his holy doctrine out of the Church, by help of the Five Propositions, whereof the Censure is prose­cuted, as we have formerly intimated to your Ho­liness in the Memorial presented last Lent, and as will appear daily more and more in the progress of this contest; We most earnestly supplicate, that our writings be signifi'd, not only to the said M. Hal­lier and his Collegues, but also to the Iesuites, and that both the one and the other be oblig'd to appear before the said Congregation, and both by speech and writing answer to the Accusations made, and to be made in this affair against them. This was al­ways our meaning when we made suit for the Con­gregation, to the end the affair might by help there­of be so advanc'd, that these controversies might once be terminated at the same time with all the world, and that our pains might be instrumental to procure herein a general quiet to all the Faithful; and we conceiv'd, that considering the state of things, no other course could be thought more expedient: But because we find that they have brought those Doctors upon the Stage, thereby to exempt themselves from appearing, out of design that if their own sentiments should come to be con­demn'd (as there is all reason to hope) they might always keep a refuge to themselves, and put the Church into new trouble about these matters, un­der pretext of not having been heard, and that their Doctrine was not the thing in question, we conceive our selves oblig'd, most Holy Fa­ther, to make this more express and precise Suppli­cation for it to your Holiness.

3. And whereas the abovesaid M. Albizzi is a person very closely united with them, one that hath always backt their designs, whatever they were, from whom, since we have had the honour to ad­dress to your Holiness about so great an affair, we have receiv'd contempts, obstructions, checks, and other ill treatments upon all occasions wherein we have had to do with him, whose greatest design in this affair, is to hinder the thing which may be most necessary for the service of your Holiness and the Church, namely, the full clearing of this affair with sincerity, and the most suitable, usual, and fitting means: For these and other causes, most H. Fa­ther, we beseech your Holiness, with all due re­spect, that you will please to regulate the Consul­tors which are to be present at the said Congrega­tion, and not appoint the said M. Albizzi for a Consultor, and much less for Secretary, since it seems necessary to chuse for that place among the Consultors, the most moderate, impartial, and learned person, and one who is least diverted by o­ther occupations; which four qualities being all wanting in the said Sieur Albizzi, and for that by some occurrences we suspect that he pretends to that imployment, your Holiness will pardon us if we take the boldness to disswade you in this matter, and do us the favour to believe that we would not do it, if we did not consider, that as St. Augustin writes to Innocent the First, God hath plac'd you in the H. Apostolical See by a particular gift of his Grace, and hath render'd you such during our days, that we ought rather to fear being accus'd of negli­gence, if the respect we owe to your Dignity kept us from telling you the things which we see it is so impor­tant to the Church to be represented to you, then that you will hear them with displeasure: and if we did not find that there is great necessity for it, in refe­rence to the service of Truth, the Church, and likewise of your Holiness, whose years we beseech God to multiply, and diffuse upon you all sort of blessings.

Subscrib'd thus;
  • Noel de la Lane, Doctor in Divinity of the Faculty of Paris, and Abbot of Valcrois­sant.
  • Louis de Saint-Amour, Doctor of the Sa­cred Faculty of Paris, and of the Society of Sorbonne.
  • Louis Angran, Licentiate in the same Fa­culty, and Canon of the Cathedral Church of Troie.

Sunday the 10th, we went with our book of wri­tings and this Memorial to the Popes Presence-chamber, to desire Audience, and present them to his Holiness: We could not obtain it; but I met F. Celestin in the Presence-chamber, who told me, that he had visited the Cardinals Spada and Ghiggi, and spoken to them about the necessity of making a conference between the Parties, but he found their Eminences not in the least inclin'd to it.

In the afternoon I visited F. Lezzana, to know whether the report were true, that he was made a Consultor: He answer'd me, that he was excluded, [Page 253] as being suspected by them touching his Faith: Me excluserunt, said he, ut suspectum in fide. He told me also, that in a visit to Cardinal Spada about the present Controversies, he recommended S. Au­gustin to him, as him alone among the four Fathers of the Church, that deserv'd the Title of Doctor by way of Eminence, in regard of the sublime and vast knowledge which was diffus'd in all his wri­tings, and of the multitude of Hereticks whom he encounter'd and overcame: He said, that Cardinal Spada receiv'd this intimation well enough, but he durst not go so far with Cardinal Ghiggi, because his Eminence had told him in a discourse, that he had read Vasquez, Merat, Suarez, and a fourth Je­suite Author, whose name comes not into my me­mory: To which he might have added a commen­dation commonly enough given to this Cardinal, namely, that he had made a Compendium of Sua­rez Metaphysicks.

The next morning we went again to the Popes Palace for Audience, but had no better success then before. In the afternoon F. Melchior came to see us, and told us, that they in their Covent were threatned that the Congregation de propaganda fide, should visit there in reference to Jansenism, where­of they were accus'd.

Tuesday the 12th, we attempted again, but in vain, to present our book to his Holiness. As I was going up to the Presence-chamber, I met a General of an Order coming down, who told me that the time was favourable enough to make the complaints which he knew we intended to make against M. Al­bizzi.

Wednesday the 13th, there was a Consistory which caus'd the Assembly of the H. Office at la Minerve to be deferr'd till afternoon: I went to take a turn there, and met F. Celestin again, who told me that the Assembly at Cardinal Spada's house had been appointed for that day, but was re­mitted to the next. I met also F. Capisucchi, Se­cretary of the Congregation dell' Indice, who upon that, and perhaps other accounts, had great familia­rity with Cardinal Spada: He told me, as if to con­gratulate with me, that our Congregation would be held the next day in the afternoon at that Cardi­nals house: I answer'd him seriously and coldly, that it was none of ours, non è la nostra. He re­peated his complement, and said, he might very well know; for otherwise that of the Index was to be held, which it could not be, by reason ours was to be held the next day at Cardinal Spada's house. Whereupon I explain'd what I had answer'd, and told him plainly, that I did not say that a Congre­gation would not be held at Cardinal Spada's house which might hinder his, but that the Congregation held at Cardinal Spada's house, might perhaps be some preparative to ours, but was not ours. And so the Father well apprehended what I meant.

The same afternoon I visited F. Pancratio, who told me that F. Jean an Augustine, otherwise call'd Tartaglia (who was added by Cardinal Pamphi­lio, as a new Consultor to the Congregation at the same time with F. Celestin) acquainted him, that the Thomists were agreed upon the falsity of the first Proposition; whereupon he desir'd him to re­member that they were Compatriots, and not be so hasty, but to give this matter a few moments hear­ing before he determin'd any thing touching it. A little while after I understood that this good F. Tar­taglia had put himself into a Covent of Bare-foot­ed Carmelites, out of a considerable motion of Piety: He had been Fellow-Student with F. Pala­vicini, and purposed to put himself into the Socie­ty of the Iesuites; which purpose having commu­nicated to a certain Religious person (from whom I understood it) the said Religious ask'd him why he minded to become a Iesuite? F. Tartaglia an­swer'd him, that his design was to retire out of the world, to mind God and his Salvation, &c. The Religious askt him, whether he conceiv'd he should be retir'd from the world by becoming a Ie­suite? and represented to him on the contrary, that he would thereby be more engag'd in it: That whereas he had perhaps some talent above the gene­rality, he must exercise it in all imployments up­on which these Fathers thought fit to put him; that they spent most of their life in visits, directions, ne­gotiations, &c. F. Tartaglia was so prevail'd upon with these Reasons, that instead of becoming a Ie­suite, he made himself a Bare-footed Carmelite; but the Religious told me, that however I was not to expect any good from him in reference to our cause, for he was imbu'd with the same Principles of Molinisme that F. Palavicini had suck'd in, and that in the whole Order of Carmelites, it would be hard to find a Molinist like him: That once his Superiours taking occasion of a slight indisposition which he had, sent him into the country under co­lour of taking the air, but indeed to remove him from his Profession of Divinity, because he taught Opinions contrary to those of S. Thomas; that ne­vertheless, after a years interruption, he was re­stor'd to the exercise of his charge, after promise of Reformation; but he always returned to his first sentiments, and taught according to the same principles of Molinisme.

Sunday the 17th we return'd again to get Audi­ence of the Pope, but it began so late, and was likely to be so short, by reason he was to go abroad to take the ayr in the afternoon, that we deter­min'd not to wait for it.

Tuesday the 19th we went again, but there was such a multitude, and amongst others Cardinal Sforza, who ingrost almost all the time, that we despair'd of having any Audience that day.

In the afternoon I visited F. Pascaligo, who told me that F. Celestin had taught Scientia Media, as well as F. Tartaglia, and that in print. We went to see the Ambassador, who desir'd us to dine with him the next day.

We went thither, and both at dinner and after, the discourse was concerning the pains we took to get our writings communicated (for during those sollicitations, there was no speech of being heard in presence) Whereupon the Ambassador told us, that we need not trouble our selves about it, for without doubt it would be granted us, when things were in a condition to permit it; that it was pra­ctis'd in all Processes of the Rota, and consequent­ly would not fail to be allow'd in a general and im­portant affair as ours was. That in the Rota they sometimes made ten and twenty Decisions before they pass'd Sentence; that the same would cer­tainly be done in our affair, and instead of ten we should have thirty: That we must not be impatient, but walk abroad, and divert our selves; that we must [Page 254] calmely spend our time in studying and clearing up our selves, because whenever we testify'd the least impatience, it would be taken for obstinacy and dis­obedience. We answer'd him, that we were wil­ling to do all this, so long as it caus'd no prejudice to our affair. He told us, that the Pope had sig­nify'd to him that there should be two Congrega­tons in a week. We answer'd, that they might make as many or as few as they pleas'd; that it did not move us. That while they were such as the present, as we could not hinder them, so we had no regard to them. That this was not after the man­ner that we demanded, and that was promis'd us. He told us likewise, that the King would procure both for us and our Adversaries to be heard, and to represent as much as we pleas'd the justice of our cause. And upon our saying that, we had gone a fortnight together to all the Audiences of the Pope, to present the Book of our Writings to him, he did us the favour to offer us to introduce us on Fry­day following when himself was to go; or else to take at Audience for us for the Sunday insu­ing.

Thursday the twenty first, I was in the Pope's Pre­sence-chamber during the Congregation of the L. Office, and came down from thence with the Ge­neral of the Augustines, who askt me where M. Hallier's lodging was, that he might go to restore him the Writings which he had had of him.

Friday the 22d. we went to the Ambassador's house to accompany him to the Popes Palace. He told us that we were down in his Note, and we de­sir'd him to procure us audience for Sunday next, because we should then have more time to speak to the Pope, then if we did it in his presence. Yet because we were not sure whether it would be de­sir'd till Sunday, or whether we might not be call'd whilst the Ambassador was there, we tarri'd in the Presence-chamber expecting the issue. A quarter of an hour after the Ambassador had been at audi­ence, he came forth unexpectedly and with some commotion in his countenance, as I observ'd. N. Piques Secretary of the Ambassy had in his hand the Memor [...]als of Affairs, whereof his Master was to speak to the Pope, ready to deliver to his Holi­nes's Maistre de Chambre at his coming forth accor­ding to custome. But as he drew near to present them, I perceiv'd the Ambassador made a signe to him with his head, not to deliver them.

We let him depart, and stay'd in the Presence-chamber. The Ambassador of Venice, who was to have audience next him, was not yet come. M. Angran, who had not observ'd as I did the counte­nance and commotion of our Ambassador, con­ceiv'd this interval a fit opportunity for presenting our Book to the Pope, and therefore motion'd that we might desire the Maistre de chambre to in­troduce us. I told him and M. de Valcroissant, that assuredly the Pope and the Ambassador had had some brush; but I entreated them not to speak of it, because I knew not whether any besides my self took notice of it. The Ambassador went down to Cardinal Pamphilio, where he was three quarters of an hour at audience. I went thi [...]her likewise, and learn't that the day before a Gentleman arriv'd by Post from Monsignor Corsini who was going Nun [...]io into France, to advertise the Pope that he was stay'd at Marseilles, and could not passe further. In the afternoon I went to see the Ambassador; Assoon as he saw me, he told me that he could not speak to the Pope about us; and I answer'd, that I per­ceiv'd as much at his coming forth from the Audi­ence. He reply'd, that indeed it was not difficult to perceive; for (said he) we were at big words this morning. I went abroad with him to take the ayre, where he told me, that a Cardinal Bishop in Marca Anconitana, had sent to desire him by a Gentleman to procure for him all the Writings that were made touching the Propositions.

Saturday the 23d. I met the Bishop of Beth­leem, who told me that M. Hallier inform'd him the day before that the Bishop of Amiens was dead, and before his death made abjuration of Jan­senism in the presence of VVitnesses. He told me also, that he had receiv'd order from the Clergy to make no new Demand to the Pope touching les causes majeures, and that the Clergy would continue firm in the practice of the ancient Canons.

I had not ended with the Bishop of Bethleem when a certain Ecclesiastick came to me, and tol, me, that he had visited F. Hilarion that week about our affaires; and that speaking to him of M. Al­bizzi's extraordinary partiality, the Father told him, that it was true that M. Albizzi was very hot in the businesse, and that he had added some words of his own to the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. He men­tion'd expresly these three, In praejudicum fidei; and that a Cardinal (St. Clement) making great complaints thereof, M. Albizzi had recourse to F. Hilarion, as thinking himself a lost man unlesse he help'd him. That F. Hilarion having seen the said words, said, it had been better if they had not been there; but since they were so, it was requisite to endevour to salve them. Wherefore in the Con­gregation of the H. Office having interpreted them in this sense, namely, That it was a thing which would turn to the prejudice of the Faith, if the Pope's Decrees were not better executed, &c. Cardinal St. Clement's complaints were ineffectu­al, and M. Albizzi scap'd and got out of the mire.

But this danger wherein he saw himself, and the favourable interpretation by which he escap'd, did not render him more moderate in this matter, nor dispos'd to confine the sense of the words of the Bull within those bounds. On the contrary, he ex­tended them upon occasion the most he could, it being his interest and satisfaction that they might be verify'd if it were possible, and that every one might understand them, not only according to the explication of F. Hilarion, but also in the rigour of his own terms. He would be lookt upon as the le­gal interpreter of them, because he had been the Instrument, as himself declar'd in the first Visite which my Collegues and I together made to him, having fallen into a passion against those who doubted of the truth of the same Bull; and telling us that he could better testifie concerning it then any other, be­cause it was himself that pen'd it, and caus'd to be added in it, that Jansenius reviv'd the Propositions of Baius. This passage, as well as many o­thers, I had omitted in my Journal, which one of my Collegues perusing, call'd it to mind, and sent it to me in a Letter, as it it is here tran­scrib'd.

F. Petit came to see us in the afternoon. He told me, that after many Sollicitations which he had made to M. Albizzi in the name of M. Her­sent, to know what was requisite for him to do that he might be absolv'd from the Excommunication which had been fulminated against him by the Con­gregation of the H. Office; M. Albizzi at length answer'd him plainly, That M. Hersent must come to Rome to unsay and retract in a publick Sermon, and to preach the contrary to what he had preacht there upon the day of S. Lewis, and caus'd to be printed in his Sermon. He made this answer, and yet he knew that the Congregation of the H. Office had nothing to gainsay, either in the sermon by it self, or in its relation to the Epistle and to Jansenius. F. Petit, who did not know him so well as he, had recourse to Remonstrances and Prayers, representing to him the difficulty of the Journey, and told him, that M. Hersent inquir'd what behoov'd him to do in the place where he was, for obtaining absolution; and he would perform it punctually. At length M. Al­bizzi yielded a little, and answer'd him with much difficulty, grumbling and shaking his head (they are the very words of F. Petit's Letter to M. Hersent, which fell into my hands since) That people must not think to delude and abuse the authority of the H. Of­fice thus, which us'd not to absolve such contumaci­ous persons by a Procuratour; that therefore M. Her­sent must repair to the Nuntio, and before him make an Act and a Protestation of his submission and obe­dience to the H. See, and declare that he renounc'd all the sentiments and opinions of the Jansenists. That when M. Hersent had sent him such an Act, he would then see what was fit to be done for him, and endeavour to cause satisfaction to be given him, but upon any other terms there was no hope.

Sunday the 24th. we repair'd again to the Pope's Presence-chamber: there was but halfe or three quarters of an hour's time for audience, which was given to the Nuntio newly return'd from Florence, and to the General of the Capucines. The Gene­ral of the Dominicans desir'd one as well as we, and told us that he was in the same bottom with us, sumus in eadem navi. He offer'd to perswade us to present informations to the Congregations held at Cardinal Spada's house, but we declar'd to him our stedfast resolution, and the necessity under which we were, not to proceed further then we had done, till we saw a Congregation establisht bona fide with all the conditions wherewith we had demanded, and which was resolv'd to proceed according to all the usual and requisite formes.

The new Sub-Bibliothecary told me in the after­noon, that the King of Poland had lately written to the Pope to presse the condemnation of the Pro­positions, and that he more apprehended in his Dominions the divisions which might arise about them then the Wars of the Tartars and Mosco­vites. The new Nuntio was arriv'd there not long before, and when he went to salute the Queen, she askt him newes of what was a doing at Rome touching this matter. He answer'd her Majesty, That he knew not in what posture this affair was, but assur'd her that he was forbidden to speak of it, ei­ther by words or by writing. An admirable Answer in the mouth of a Nuntio speaking to a witty and intelligent Princesse, as that Queen is!

Wednesday the 27th. we went to visite Monsignor Canzoni Bishop of Borgo. The Book of Jansenius was lying upon his Table. He told us among o­ther things, that he could not expresse the asto­nishment and compassion which he had to see how outragiously that Prelate was decry'd and con­sider'd as a capital enemy of Religion and the H. See; when he remember'd with what general ap­plause and consent in the Consistory (whereof himself was then Secretary) he was promoted to the Bishoprick of Ipre, and that the expedition of his Bulls was granted to him gratis. And amongst the reasons why this grace was done to him, besides his rare learning, he told us that it was consider'd that he had been thrice in eminent Conferences with Hereticks, against whom he nobly maintain d the honor of the Church and the verity of the Faith▪ And this remembrance encreas d the grief he had for the persecution done to his Book and his me­mory. After which he fell to speak of the Congre­gations which were held at Cardinal Spada's house: We told him expresly that we expected some of a­nother sort, and lookt upon those only as such as might serve for preludes and preparations to those which we demanded.

Thursday the 28th. the Sub-Bibliothecary came to see us, and tell us (he said) some newes of what pass'd in Cardinal Spada's Congregations. Neverthelesse all that he inform'd us, was, that F [...] Palavicini was sufficiently mortify'd at the last which was held; and that he (the Sub-Bibliothe­cary) heard from the Antichambre where he was, that every one cry'd up his own Sentiment vigo­rously, gagliardamente.

Friday the 29th. we went again with our Book to get audience of the Pope. He gave none but to a Polish Gentleman newly arriv'd at Rome, a German who was going away, and to three Auditors of the Rota. All which was dispatcht very speedi­ly, and justify'd what a friend of mine well vers'd in those things told me upon the staires, that of late the Pope gave as little audience as he could, and made choise of such as might give him the least di­sturbance.

In the afternoon I met F. Delbene, to whom I spoke earnestly how the Cardinals were oblig'd to hear us before they proceeded further in their Con­gregations, and what injustice they did us if they resolv'd upon any Censure before examination of the Propositions, as we demanded in all the neces­sary forms. He consented to all that I said, and he answer'd me, fariaeno male; no lo faranno. They should do ill; they will not do it. Parting from him, I met with F. Mariano, who told me much good newes concerning the F. Commissary of the H. Of­fice, the Master of the sacred Palace, F. Celestin, and the whole Congregation. He told me, that the weaknesse of F. Palavicini was discover'd every day more and more; that his Companion F. Tar­taglia the Barefooted Carmelite had all his own Or­der upon his back to keep him from acting as a Mo­linist in any thing that he had to do in this Congre­gation; that Cardinal Spada speaking familiarly concerning M. Albizzi to Monsignor Spada the Patriarch, he shak'd his head, and signify'd by that gesture that he was not satisfy'd with him; that the Dominicans abovemention'd were very much heat­ed since they perceiv'd the evil intentions wherwith this affair was carry'd; but there were very many [Page 256] who were incens'd against us, and chiefly against me, because they receiv'd no information about the Propositions from us.

Saturday the 30th. we receiv'd a Visite from the Bishop of Bethleem, who told us, that having re­ceiv'd one the day before from M. Hallier, he in some sort blam'd that Doctor for that we were not heard before the Congregation, nor our Writings communicated. Whereunto M. Hallier answer'd, that we sought nothing but protractions; That should any Writing be communicated to us, we would desire six months time to answer it; That for his part, he had no need of hearing us; That let us be admitted first into the Congregation, and he afterwards; that without having heard us, he would answer directly to all that we spoke; That we had only Jansenius; that he knew all that Jan­senius said; That as for the audience which we sought to have of the Pope, we should never obtain it; That a Congregation was appointed for us; that we had no longer any thing to do to speak to his Holinesse. That this was the course at Rome; and to shew how much our protractions were to be fear'd, he took into consideration divers cases of affaires of State, to which delayes are altogether prejudicial. The Bishop of Bethleem told us that he had undertaken to speak with us, that he might know out designe, and as a Mediator procure of the Cardinals the reciprocal communication of our Writings. We thankt the Bishop for his good will, and desir'd him to tell M. Hallier, that we wisht that our Writings might be communicated more speedily; but we should have patience till it were done; That assoon as we had theirs, we would use all possible diligence to answer them; That we ne­ver sought any protraction in things, but what was necessary for the right examining of them; That we would not have any composition of the business with him, and that he aim'd at nothing but to pro­cure a good determination from the Pope after our Contests had been examin'd in the legal and accu­stomed formes.

The same day I was to visite F. Pascaligo. He told me, that so far as he could discover what pass'd in Cardinal Spada's Congregations, things went there rather well then ill; That such as at first were but indifferent, began to be well treated; That there needed but one resolute person to sway the whole Assembly, most of which, though well meaning persons, had not read St. Augustine. He told me also, that Cardinal Ghiggi had demanded of some, whether there were not some way to finde a Mean and Temperament in this affair. I answer'd him two things. First, that they could not at Rome do a greater pleasure to the Hereticks, then if they came to condemn any thing that was Saint Augustin's. And secondly, That the H. See ought to beware, not only of condemning a Ca­tholick Maxime, but also of absolving or suffering error. That it ought to take equal heed, what was fit to be done, and what was not. And that it would be a lesse ignominy to it if it did not condemn an Error which came under its Cognisance, then if it condemn'd a Truth.

CHAP. XIV.

What pass'd at Paris during the same Moneth; especially the violences of the Jesuites against some Doctors S. Augustin's Disciples, to remove them from their Employments.

WE were busi'd at Rome all this Month in the most vigorous and assiduous pursuit that was lawful for us to make there, for the first audience in the Congregation which we demanded might be granted to us together with our Adversa­ries, after our first Writings had been communicated to them, to the end they might come to such au­dience prepar'd to answer to those Writings, and to what we should add thereunto viva voce. VVe could neither obtain to have a day set for such first Audience, nor that our Writings should be com­municated, nor know whether they would grant us either one or the other. In the mean time the Je­suites, and the Doctors their adherents continu'd triumphing at Paris beforehand for the approaching condemnation of the Propositions, of which they held themselves sure, and in which they involv'd ours. By this meanes they caus'd great doubtings and distrusts, both in the Prelates who deputed us, and in our friends, what might be the issue of the Congregation which was signify'd to us, and what justice we should have done us by it; wherefore they sent us word by a Letter of the 22th. That we had done very well in demanding of Cardinal Spada a Hearing and a communication of our Writings; but that it was said there (at Paris) that it would never be granted us, because they would not engage themselves at Rome into the bottom of the Dispute. And they enjoyn'd us severely not to deliver any instruction which might engage us in a single processe by wri­ting. Also M. de sainte Beuve writ to me the same day that we ought to continue our instances that the Authors of the Propositions mi [...]t be known, our innocence declar'd, and the NECESSITY OF EFFECTƲAL GRACE establisht, which was the whole point of the Question; and that if we could not obtain this, that at least it might be inserted into the Bull, in case any were made, that we had alwayes declar'd that we undertook the defence of the Propositions, only in the sense where­in they imply'd the Necessity of Effectual Grace; that by this meanes the Bull would be favourable to us, and moreover, make our Adversaries passe for calumniators and successors of these Semipe­lagians, as well in their manners and proceedings, as in their doctrine.

But the Jesuites and their Adherents did not stop at these threatnings of future things; they already made advantages as well at Rome as at Paris of the Victories which they had not yet obtain'd. They assur'd their Partisans at Rome, that the Decree which they made against the Propositions, would be received with applause in France by all the Court and all the great persons of the times; and in France they animated all the powers, both Ecclesi­astical and secular against the learned and pious persons of whom they were jealous, as against per­son [Page 257] already condemn'd and declar'd Hereticks; the affairs of M. Manessier and M. Cordon, where­of one had been elected for the place of Regius Professor of Divinity in the University of Caen; and the other for that Principal of the Colledge of Montaigu, who were both cast out of their char­ges, are two memorable examples thereof, which I than insert here with the circumstances wherewith I understood the same in a Latin letter written to me the 29th. of this month. For that it contains nothing but affairs of the University, I shall leave it in the language of that place.

Terrent minis Molinistinae quos ratione vincere non possunt. Hac se arte putant Romae plurimùm au­thoritatis habituras, si potentiam secularem osten­tare possint. Timeri volunt quando persuadere & vi argumentorum vincere nequeunt. Ita profecto, ni fallor, Romae agent quemadmodum Lutetiae. Hic de futura, ut aiunt, Censura triumphant, illic de Op­timatum protectione gloriabantur. Enimvero non semel ad vexandos adversarios Romano nomine abusi sunt, eviceruntque ut irascerentur ex Optimatibus & Principibus aliqui in homines Romae damnatos, & tollendos censerent quos Pontificium fulmen ferisset. Nuper hac usi sunt calumnia ut D. Manessier Cado­mensi Cathedra, & de Cordon Montis acuti Prima­tu dejicerent; nefas aiebant, in eos conferre suffra­gium, quorum doctrinam Papa proscriberet. Quam artem ubi non procedere senserunt, ad vim apertam versi, utrumque suo loco pellere voluerunt. Litteras quasi à Rege miserunt ad Gubernatorem Cadomensem (Lettres de cachet, i. e. under the Privy Seal) qui­bus mandabatur, juberet protinus D. Manessier urbe cedere, sive lectiones orsus esset, sive non, seseque con­ferre ad Comitatum, Regi actionum suarum ratio­nem redditurum. Invigilaret quoque P. de Folle­ville Oratorii Sacerdotis & Professoris Theologi lecti­onibus et doctrinae. Delata res ad Cadomensem Aca­demiam, movit indignationem omnium. Causam D. Manessier suam fecere Academeci Proceres. Rescrip­sere ad Parisiensem Academiam, ut suo alumno pa­trocinaretur, obstaretque ne Theologi Professores pa­terent impotentissimorum hominum libidini. Non­dum res conclusa est apud D. Rectorem. Moras ne­xuit D. Morel, qui Decani loco illis Comitiis interest; causatus rem esse periculosam, Regiae voluntati in­tercedere, ingratiam nescio quorum hominum perditae doctrinae, quorum reliquiae et Romae et in Gallia Re­gia auctoritate brevi conterendae sint. Non impe­diet tamen ne Parisiensis Academia Doctoris sui de­fensionem suscipiat. De D. Cordon res ita se habet. Mortuo de Canel, Bursarii palam fecere quàm pro­penso in illum animo essent. Hoc malè habuit Moli­nistas. Statim illi advolare ad Poenitentiarium, qui nomine Capituli inspector est, ut electionem istam di­sturbaret. Itur ad Carthusianos item illius Collegii inspectores; convenitur Prior. Doctores scrupulum movent, videret nempe ne grande piaculum commit­teret, reusque esset violatae Religionis, si hominem haereticum, daemonis filium, daemonem ipsum, et quid non? Collegio bene Catholico praefici sineret: omnia mala bonaque, justa & injusta tendanda esse ad Dei gloriam. Ille egregie animatus hisce declamationi­bus Bursarorum animos tentat. Ʋbi non potest ad su­am pertrahere sententiam, quid agat? Molitur fa­cinus indignum, indignissimum. Tres ex iis (sex autem omnino sunt habentes jus suffragii) hactenus ut Bursarios ab ipsis quoque Carthusianis, à Capitulo, à Primario, ab omnibus habitos, ipso electionis pervi­gilio bursa dejiciunt, nescio quid causati. Non ce­dere illi abdicati quoque, de vi queri, appellare, in­teresse velle Comitiis, ferre suffragium; eligunt D. Cordon semel, iterum; biduo enim repetita suffragia. Opponunt sese Prior & Procurator Carthusianorum. Inde ad Senatum. Nam cum periculum esset ne Ca­pitulum Parisiense rei indignitate motum adversus Carthusianos sentiret, obtinuerunt placitum libello supplici oblato, quo rei totius cognitione & judicio Capitulo interdicitur. Tum alio libello supplici ob­tiuuere ut de Marlier, quem Carthusiani Primarium volebant, licet non electus, Primarium lite penden­te ageret. Duo Consiliarii sese contulere in Monta­num Collegium, ut in illud novum Primarium indu­cerent. Restitere Bursarii, intercessere decreto fa­cto non auditis partibus. Inde, quod summae aequi­tatis judicium est, abiere ad Cathusianos duo illi Se­natores ad paratum convivium. Tertium etiam ha­bere voluerunt, quo, non obstante intercessione, prius illud Decretum firmarent; sed rejecta est à Senatoribus importuna petitio, quorum magna pars graviter tulit tam praecipitanter rem illam actam esse ab uno aut al­tero Senatore inconsultâ Curiâ. Nam ita duo prima illa decreta facta sunt. Rem aliàs persequar. Sed non omittam Principis Senatûs dictum, quo rem dixit ad Regiam auctoritatem pertinere, necesse esse ut mos ipsi in Montano gereretur; quasi Regium edictum sit, ne quis adversùs injustam Monachorum tyrannidem reclamet. Vale.

CHAP. XV.

The continuation of our Solicitations du­ring December, to obtain the audi­ence of the Pope which we desir'd, for presenting our Writings with two Memorials to him: one for communi­cations of the said Writings; and the o­ther against F. Modeste, M. Albizzi, and the Jesuites.

THe first day of December the first Sunday of Advent; upon which the Pope usually went to Chappel; but some indisposition hindring him from doing so, and yet permitting him to give particular audiences, his Holiness appointed this day, at Cardinal Ʋrsin's request, to give audience to divers Polonians who were returning into their own Country. VVe endeavoured also to get op­portunity to present the Book of our VVritings to his Holiness; but some obstacle hinder'd him from giving audience either to the Polonians, or to us. They return'd thither on Tuesday, and we like­wise: but they were so long at audience that they left none for us, though it appear'd that the grea­test affair which the Pope had with them, was, to give them his Benediction and indulgences.

In the afternoon I went to visite the Ambassa­dor, [Page 258] who was going to see Cardinal Albieri whi­ther I accompani'd him. VVe had been once or twice before to visite this Cardinal; and that we might be no more disappointed, I took this occasion to agree upon an hour for the next day with his Maistre de chambre. In going and coming I spoke to the Ambassador touching the communication of our writings. He told me that all the fear was of protractions which might happen thereby. I an­swered him that so much must be resolv'd upon as was absolutely inseparable from a legal examen; and besides such, we sought none: I manifested to him by the whole course which he knew we had kept hitherto, that we had not caus'd any, and I gave him all reasonable assurances that we would never occasion any. On the contrary I shew'd him that our interest as well as our intention was, to see this affair assoon ended as we could procure it; that if after a thorough discussion it were found that we were in the wrong, we should be glad to see a solemn and authentick condemnation, and that were favourable to truth, pronounc'd against us; that the Pope, the Consultors, our Adversa­ries and we ought to aim at no other; that likewise if it were found that the sentiment of the Jesuites and M. Hallier and his Collegues were not confor­mable thereunto, it behoov'd to spare them no more then us to the prejudice of truth. The Am­bassador acknowledg'd the truth of all this, and told me two things sufficiently remarkable, to let posterity know what infamous and shameful means were made use of to decry us and disparage a holy and wholsome doctrine. He told me that M. Hallier and his Collegues had shew'd him a Letter of M. de Marca Bishop of Conzerans newly nomi­nated to the Archbishoprick of Tholouze (whose hand the Ambassador said he knew well, having receiv'd many Letters from him whilst he was in Catalonia) in which that Prelate signifi'd to them that the Jacobins had inform'd him that a certain woman being at Confession confess'd that she had forgotten herself in the conjugal fidelity which she ow'd to her husband, and alledg'd that Grace fail'd her three times. The second thing which the Ambassador told me about the same matter, was, that a certain man being sick in the quartier of the Jocobins, (viz. the Reform'd in the Street S. Honore), receiv'd the Viaticum from M. de. S. Roch in the usual manner; That yet afterwards being visited by two of that Order who went so comfort and exhort him, telling him that it be­hoov'd him to think upon God and his Grace; The man answer'd, that he did not believe himself to be one of those for whom God had prepar'd it: That thereupon the Jacobins told him that he must begg it of God; and that he answer'd that he had not so much as the Grace to pray: They reply'd that he ought to have confidence that God had me­rited it for him by his death; the man answer'd that he could not perswade himself that he was one of those for whom our Lord died. That the man was recover'd a little; that yet it was not known what would become of him in the end: but the Jacobins. and M. de S. Roch were much troubled a­bout it, and that it made a great noise in his Pa­rish. But in the mean time it was manifest what evil effects had been caus'd by spreading in the Church the difficult and strange Questions of the Mystery of Grace, namely Libertinisme and De­spair.

I could not this day give the Ambassador the Answers which these examples or rather fictions deserv'd, because we arriv'd at his House, and the Discourse broke off. But being the next day at S. Louis, one told me in the Sacristie in presence of sundry Ecclesiasticks who stood about the Fire, that the talk was in Rome, that the Confession a la mode was, to say, instead of I have fail'd, Grace hath fail'd me; whereupon conceiving that this Discourse proceeded from the Letter which M. Hallier had show'd the Ambassador, I first remon­strated to the Company, as well as I could, and the place permitted, the injuriousness and impie­ty of those who thus sought to make ridiculous the prime maximes of the Gospel by false and sence­less consequences. After which I went to dine with the Ambassador that I might have occasion to speak to him both privately and at his Table, and by answering those foolish and temerarious obje­ctions, ruine them in the same place from whence in probability they first began to be di­sperst.

I said as I had done at S. Louis touching the first, That when it is said that Grace is necessary to all actions, the meaning is not, for the doing of them simply, because there are many other motives of civil honesty and natural equity obliging us there­unto, which are sufficient for the doing of them, as is clear by the examples of so many Pagans who receiv'd no Christian graces, who had not so much as the smallest light of Faith, and who neverthe­less were chast, just, charitable, faithful and gene­rous, out of the consideration of what they ow'd to the interests of their honour, their friends and their Country. But the meaning is, That Grace is necessary for the doing of the least action upon the principles of Christian love, and profitably for salvation, &c. And as for the second example, to take away the scandal it might give in case it were true, I affirm'd that it was not an effect of the sound doctrine of Grace (whereof Christian Pie­ty oblig'd men not to be ignorant) but of the ill use and false consequences drawn from it by its enemies; That from this example we ought to take occasion to humble our selves before God for avoiding the like error; That men ought to spend all their lives in fear and confidence, to work out our own salva­tion and hope in God with trembling: That S. Paul who did not find himself culpable for any thing, nevertheless did not presume that there­fore he was justifi'd; but although he had no such presumption, yet he had a holy hope of his salva­tion by the strength of him through whom he could do all things; that it behoov'd to follow his example in either respect, & that every one ought to labour after his salvation as if it wholly depend­ed on himself, and yet hope in God's mercy and grace, as being unable to do any thing but by grace.

I also caus'd the Ambassador to read about two pages of S. Prosper's Epistle to S. Augustin, where­in he acknowledg'd was contain'd and reduc'd the ground of all the ordinary Objections brought a­gainst the doctrine of Grace which we defended. But he askt me whether S. Augustin answer'd to all [Page 259] that, as I assur'd him; and if so, how was it pos­sible that the Pereyrets, the Halliers, and other famous Doctors of the Faculcy had not read it, or if they had, why did they not understand it? I an­swer'd him, that I wonder'd at it as well as he; but I believ'd his admiration would diminish, when he should consider that this was not more strange, than to have seen the Chief Priests among the Jews who were no lesse able or considerable in their kind than the Pereyrets, Halliers and the rest, go about to kill Lazarus assoon as our Lord had rais'd him from the dead, because the evidence of that so famous miracle was the cause that many a­mongst the Jewes embraced the faith of Jesus Christ.

The same day being Wednesday December 4. we repair'd to the house of Cardinal Altieri at the time appointed. VVe discours'd largely of the quality and state of our affair; he heard us with great attention, and receiv'd it well, not doubt­ing of the necessity of hearing the parties in pre­sence, and reciprocally communicating their Wri­tings, and that after the Congregations of Cardi­nal Spada he sufficiently ventilated the matter, in case they should resolve to passe judgement upon it. At the end of this visite he told us, he should be glad to see us again and discourse about the Pro­positions, which had been given to him in a Note which he drew out of his Pocket, where they were barely set down without any citation, apostil or gloss whatsoever. VVe answer'd that we should have the honour to see his Eminence whenever it pleas'd his Eminence. Nevertheless when we made a succinct reduction of the Propositions to the sense of Effectual Grace in which we main­tain'd them; he forthwith acquiesc'd therein, and answer'd us as one that had sufficiently read S. Au­gustine. He also demanded of us to see our Wri­tings, on condition to restore them assoon as he had seen them, and caus'd them to be transcribed; and we promised to bring or send them to him speedily. He had told the Ambassador and con­firm'd the same to us, that being to take his leave of the Pope in the Consistory held on Monday December 2d. in order to retire to the place of his ordinary residence; the Pope said to him that he must not depart yet, because he intended to put him into some Congregation; and the Cardinal him­self and the Ambassador conceived as well as we, that it was ours for which the Pope designed him. Of which we were very glad, because he appear­ed to be very equitable and very intelligent. But some time after he departed from Rome, without our knowing the reason of it, although he de­sired to keep correspondence with us; and indeed he not onely read our writings de Gestis, and re­stored it during his stay at Rome, but after he was gone sent to us in divers Pacquets the Copy of the other concerning S. Augustin's authority; and ac­cording as he dispatcht it, a certain person from him brought it punctually to us.

Friday the 6th. I met M. Joysel. VVe talkt long together about indifferent matters. At length he askt me whether we should stay much longer at Rome? I answer'd him that I wisht we were ready to go from thence by the next week, if it were possible. He askt me whether we were not weary of Rome? I told him that my Collegues and I had particular affairs enough which ob­liged us to return into France the soonest we could; but we had patience seeing we could not make things go on so expeditiously as we desired. He replyed that for their parts, they had formerly had much employment at Rome, but now the main of their affair was dispatcht, that they had presented their Informations to the Congregation, and demanded nothing else but that they might return. He inform'd me also, that they were going to begin, or had begun to hold two Congregations a week at Cardinal Spa­da's house, and made as it were an excuse to me for it, telling me, that it was done without any sol­licitation of theirs, and the Pope himself appoint­ed it so of his own accord: whereunto I answer'd, that instead of two I wisht there were four, if it might be, because it was but so much preparation for the right clearing of things, and in order to the better understanding of the parties when au­dience should be given them. Touching the read­ing of the H. Fathers, and particularly St. Au­gustin, he told me, that it was requisite to consi­der the spirit and the design, and not to stop at the words and the letter. I answer'd him, that both ought to be consider'd: We fell to other discourse, and parted.

Saturday the seventh, I had some engagement to go to the Ambassador in the morning. In his Anti-chamber I found Monsignor Glioddi with whom I discours'd a long time. As I was speak­ing to him of the long delayes of communicating our Writings, and of the frequent Congregations which notwithstanding were held touching our affairs at Cardinal Spada's house, he told me that it was not to be wondred at; that he knew neither the bottom of our Affair, nor the order that was kept in it; but many of another nature often pass'd through his hands, and that they had this custome at Rome to inform themselves very carefully of an Affair, and to view and possess all the Writings concerning it before they ordain'd the same to be communicated to the parties. That it was very likely that the same course would be held with us, and perhaps that which hitherto hindred such Com­munication, was, that they were minded to see whether the cause were such as was fit to be decid­ed before they put it into the hands of the parties; because if such Communication wete once made by their order, they should be more oblig'd to decide it, then they were by the private and su­perficial disquisition which they had hitherto been about.

Sunday the eight I learnt nothing, saving that a Prelate told me as we came out of the Chappel, that the day before he had discours'd with the Pope touching the Jesuites; and that his Holiness was very well dispos'd to do justice to those that should demand it against them, as willingly as if they demanded it against any other person what­soever. In exchange for this Intelligence, I gave this Prelate a Copy of a very handsome letter which was written to me touching their Panegy­rick of their Colledge of Hungary, which was condemned two months before by the Master of the sacred Palace.

Monday the ninth we went to the Popes Pre­sence-Chamber to present to him the book of our [Page 260] Writings; but finding many people there expect­ing audience, and consequently that it would be very difficult to get any, we considered that the Pope went frequently abroad to take the air, and that we might present the same to him at his Re­turn; and though this course seem'd less advan­tagious, and it was a little disparagement to our persons and affair, yet the long time we had sought an audience, the fear of greater delay, and the necessity there was that the Pope should see more amply the state and importance of the business, and especially the redoubling of the Assemblies of the Congregation, prevail'd with us to resolve upon it: wherefore we went thither in the afternoon for that purpose; but by that time we got to Monte Cavallo, we understood that the Pope was already returned.

The next morning we went again to his Pre­sence-Chamber, that we might omit no occasion in the which we could hope to get our desired audi­ence; but 25. or 30. persons were demanding it as well as we, though almost none were admitted to it besides Monsignor Fagnani.

Friday the 13. we accompanied the Ambassador to the Ceremony which is yearly perform'd on the day of S. Jean de Lateran for the rest of the soul of Henry IV. of glorious Memory. Passing by Monte Cavallo as we returned, we found that the Sermon was newly ended, and saw the Car­dinals and Prelates coming forth. There was one told me that the Preacher who was a Iesuite, nam'd F. Olive, after he had cited many Canonists about the matter whereof he treated, said, But some Divine must be cited too; and he cited S. Augustin, who said, he is, as I think, the Prince of Divines, Il quale, come io penso, a'l Prencipe de' Theologi.

It was a slight commendation in his judgement who related it, that this Jesuite gave S. Augustin before that illustrious Assembly, to purge himself in some sort from the esteem which began to be had of them in Rome, that their Society were ene­mies to that H. Doctor.

The same person that made this Observation, told me, that he had spoken a day or two before to Cardinal Ghiggi, and mentioned certain defects in some of the Consultors, in regard whereof an impartial judgement could not be expected from them. That he had particulatly spoken of F. Cam­panella who had been a Jesuite; of F. Modeste who was become a perfect Dependant on M. Albizzi upon account of his pretention to the General­ship of his order, and M. Albizzi's promise to procure it for him; of F. Tartaglia companion in studies with F. Palavicini; of this same Jesuite who was said to be of such strong and able parts, that he alone could overturn all the world. To all which the Cardinals whole answer was, that F. Palavicini was so far from being of such abili­ties, that on the contrary the world stopt and checkt him every day.

The same person told me further, that because the General of the Dominicans could not get au­dience of the Pope, himself had advertis'd his Ho­liness of the Thesis which the Jesuites had caus'd to be maintained in Germany, viz. That it was not de fide, that Innocent X. was lawful Pope. That the Pope was surpris'd and scandaliz'd at it, and sent to the General of the Dominicans to demand the said Thesis, that he might see and be assured of it by his own eyes.

In the afternoon I was at the Sermon at la Mi­nervé, at the end of which several Dominicans and others of our friends came to me under the Cloi­ster, and blam'd me highly for letting all Cardinal Spada's Congregations pass, without interposing at all, and giving any instruction either to the Cardinals or the Consultors. But I endeavoured to satisfie them by assuring them that so soon as the Congregation should be establisht according to our demand, and the promise which was given us, and proceeded according to such forms as were accustomed and necessaty for the hindring of all sorts of surprises against Truth and Innocence, and that it were rightly and duly signified to us; that then by Gods help, we would not be want­ing in any thing which the Cardinals and Consul­tors could expect from us, for their cleat and full instruction in the whole Affair; but so long as they proceeded in these Congregations as they had be­gan, so that we understood only by chance and by stealth upon what days they were held, the de­livety of our Adversaries instructions to them, and the rest of their actions, we should never con­sider them otherwise then we had done hitherto; namely, as some Preparatives to the Congregati­on which we had demanded, but not as the Con­gregation it self. That the vast amplitude and ex­traordinary importance of this Affair, as well as the precise commission which we had received from our Bishops, did not permit us to go beyond those bounds. That if the Pope and Cardinals chosen by him for this Congregation would not forbear to proceed without regarding what we had repre­sented to them, and to condemn the equivocal Pro­positions which were presented to them, without distinguishing the different senses whereof they were capable, they might put all into confusion in the Church, if they thought good, and give us the dissatisfaction of not having been able to obtain of them the most just things which we had demanded, and which it was incomparably more their interest to grant us then ours to obtain. That by denying the same to us, they might cause a drop of blood to spring into our faces, but it would be such as came from the mortal wound which they would give themselves and the H. See. That we wisht we could hinder so dismal a disorder and scandal; buc that under the apparent pretext of a hope to hinder it, which might prove deceit­ful, we would not put our selves in hazard to see another arrive which might be more prejudicial both to them and to us.

During this week the Subbibliothecary told me that the Bishop of Angelopolis had obtain'd a De­cree against the Jesuites a year ago, but could not get it expedited since that time, by reason that Cardinal Spada hindered it underhand, though himself had been one employ'd in the passing of the said Decree. The Agent of the Bishop of Angelopolis who honoured us with a Visit in these Conjunctures, testified great grief and resent­ment to the Subbibliothecary that he was forced thus to consume so much time unprofitably in get­ting his Decree delivered to him: For, said he, if it be not just, do not pass it; if it be just, do not retain it. The Subbibliothecary offer'd the Agent [Page 261] to speak of it, and present him to Cardinal Ghiggi, in whose probity and sincerity he had more confi­dence then in his friendship, that his Eminence would give contentment to this Agent, either by himself, or by express order from his Holiness. He spoke to the Cardinal, and presented the A­gent to h [...]m. The Cardinal touch'd the knot of the Affair, and acknowledg'd the injustice; and without making a stir, or speaking to Cardinal Spada, an express order came from the Pope to those who were to make expedition of the said Decree, that they should make the same without delay. And accordingly in less then three days it was expedited for the Agent, who could not, as I said before, obtain it in a years time, though he sollicited for it with all manner of care and dili­gence, and was a man so intelligent, vigorous and undaunted, as I believe is not often met with.

Saturday the 14th I met F. Malgoires in the City, who told me, that a few days before, he had much started M. Hallier and his Collegues, by tel­ling them, that they could not gain any thing here­after by their pursuites to get the Propositions condemned, because the Pope having already de­clar'd, that he would not have Grace Effectual by it self medled with; though it should come to pass that the Propositions were condemned, yet it would be nothing to the connexion which they have with such Grace; so that since we held them only in the sense according to which they have such connexion, the condemnation pass'd up­on them would give them no advantage against us.

The antient Procurator General of S. Marcel had desired of me, to let him see our Writing de Gestis. I carried it to him this morning, and askt him by way of Exchange, whether he had no sort of Writing which M. Hallier and his Collegues had shew'd him. He told me that they had been to see him several times, but never left half a line with him. He told me also that in Cardinal Spa­da's Congregations, they were upon the fourth Proposition. That hitherto they had only given their sentiments by speeches in few words, in po­che parole. That he believ'd their Eminences would see their sentiments in writing at length, per extensum, but he was not certain of it.

We gave our Writings thus freely and indiffe­rently to be seen by all such as testified to us the least desire of it, whether they were Consultors or not. For we considered no person under that quality, no notice having been given us of them, excepting that we acted a little more reservedly towards such as we knew were Consultors by the private intelligence of our friends. Thus I carri­ed our writings de Gestis to this antient Procurator of S. Marcel, (who was one of the Consultors) his lodging being in the way by which I was to go elsewhere, and I sent the same some days before to F. Bordone, (who was none) and who liv'd in a re­mote place off the City.

But the Letter written to me by this latter, the next after he had received the said writing, deserves to be reported here, because of the singular esteem it professes of S. Augustin, and shews what pity it was that a man so full of esteem for that H. Father, and who by his charge of Qualificator of the H. Office should by all right have been of the Congregation, was yet excluded with some others as well affected towards St. Augustin as he. The Contents of the letter were these.

Illustris. Signore, Tengo copia del fatto sopra le controversie de gratia, del quale S.V. Illustris. m [...] h [...] honorato, confarmete partecipe; ammirando la flac­cielagine e temertea di quelli che vogliono combattere la doctrina di sant Agostino, DELLA QƲALE S. CHIESA NEL DEFINIRE LE CON­TROVERSIE DI SIMILI MATERIE CO­ME REGOLA INFALLIBILE SEMPER SI E SERVITA. Di S. Cosmo di Roma li. 5. Decembre 1652. Di. V. S. Illustris. devotissimo servo nel Signore.

Signed thus, F. Francisco Bordone.

I have received (said he) the copy of your writing concerning Facts in reference to the con­troversies about Grace, which you have done me the favour to send me. I admire the Impudence and rashness of those who go about to impugn S. Augustines doctrine, of which the H. Church hath alwayes made use, as of an infallible rule for de­ciding the controversies of these matters. I thank you, and kiss your hands, &c.

Your most affectionate in our Lord, &c.

Tuesday the 17. M. de Valcroissant and M. Ar­gran continu'd to sollicite for audience to present the Book of our Writings, and the Memorial above mentioned to the Pope, wherein we pe­tition'd, that they might be communicated. And moreover a second Memorial which we had sign'd on Fryday before, Decemb. 13. wherein we adver­tised the Pope of sundry things which we con­ceiv'd his Holiness would find very important in themselves, and yet more regard of their con­sequences, which I will not trouble the Reader with here, but leave him to judge thereof by the reading of the said Memorial, whereof the tran­slation follows:

To the H. Father Pope Innocent X. touching some orders given by his Holiness to M. Albizzi, and violated both by him, and the Jesuites, and F. Mo­deste Consultor of the H. Office.

Most Holy Father,

YOur Holiness having consider'd the Memorial which was presented to you in Lent last against the impression wbich was making of a Book of the Jesuites, whereof F. Annat was Author, touching their sufficient Grace, and other like matters against Jansenius, with the authority of the sacred congrega­tion of the H. Office; your Holiness judg'd the rea­sons for not permitting the said impression so conside­rable, that although the Book was already finished, yet your Holiness forbad proceeding in it, and appointed that all the sheets of it which were printed, should be supprest and carried to the H. Office.

The orders, most H. Father, could then be no other­wise then obey'd; but since, the same orders have been sleighted, and your Holinesse's intentions frustrated and despised; inasmuch as though the course of the impression of the said book was stopt, neverthe­less they have caus'd another to be printed at Paris con­cerning the same matter, against the same Adve­sary for the same ends, and by vertue of the same [Page 262] permission of the H. Office, albeit the same permis­sion had been at least suspended and hindred by those orders of your Holiness.

And although the said Book be printed at Paris, yet neither can M. Albizzi, nor the said Author with his Companions, nor F, Modeste Consulter of the H. Office who approv'd it, quit themselves of ha­ving contemned, transgressed, and voluntarily, and with deliberate purpose violated the express and for­mal pleasure of your Holiness touching this matter, which was to them sufficiently known, as your Holi­ness may evidently see, if you please to consider the following reflexions.

The said permission of the sacred Congregation of the H. Office was granted at the request and sollicita­tion of M. Albizzi on May 13. in the last year 1651. The Memorial against the Book which was printing here, was presented to your Holiness in Lent last; your Orders given to M. Albizzi at the same time, were by him executed upon H. Thursday and Saturday, and the same Memorial put into his hands: Lastly, the Approbation of F. Modeste was sign'd the 14. of July last, and this new book was not published at Paris till towards all Saints, with the said permissi­on and approbation in the Front.

If M. Albizzi, most H. Father, had had a sincere desire to obey your Holiness, he would not have fail'd to have recall'd and requir'd from F. Annat the per­mission which had been given him, since himself ha­ving sollicited, and got it expedited, he must needs know, that it was general, not only for that Book, but for others like it; and since he might have per­ceived clearly by the Memorial, that among the rea­sons which your Holiness had to prohibit the said book, there was not any which concern'd it in particular, but all were generally as much against any other book of the same nature and subject, as against that.

But moreover, most H. Father, the said Sieur Al­bizzi hath manifested clearly with how great repug­nance he executed the orders which your Holiness gave him. He hath shown how much more he valu'd his passions and his intimate leagues with the Jesuites then your Holiness's commands. We have made it appear, that though he executed them, yet he did not approve them; that his own were very different from those of your Holiness; and that indeed if it had been possi­ble for him, he would willingly have avoided the ne­cessity of executing them, which seem'd so hard to him. Your Holiness judg'd by the said Memorial, that it was expedient for your service to suppress the said book; M. Albizzi made great complaints that your Holiness was advertis'd of its impression; he was sorry that the book was not publisht before the news of it came to your Holiness, and he was so full of resentment for it, that the Printer repairing to him often during that time, and above a month after, about other business, M. Albizzi always made new re­proaches, sometimes for the unprofitable expence, some­times for other disadvantages which the Jesuites had suffer'd by the suppression of the said book, which was not done but because he had not been either secret or di­ligent enough to get it publisht before we could give notice of it to your Holiness. There cannot be ima­gin'd, most H. Father, a Minister more opposite and contradictory to the commands and service of his Prince then he; and it is not to be doubted, but ha­ving demean'd himself after this manner in reference to this book, he hath as much and mare conniv'd, or positively contributed to the other▪

As for F. Annat, is it credible, most H. Father, that when he saw his first book prohibited by your Holiness's order, he knew not the reason why? That he did not acquaint his Companions with it, who were in continual expectation of his work; and that none of them had heard tidings of our Memorial which was in the hands of the said Sieur Albizzi, who along time hath acted nothing in those Affairs but with their privity? Is it credible, that when F. Modeste gave his approbation to the second book above three months after the suspension of the first, which he had also ap­prow'd, he had not the curiosity to know what was become of the first, if at least he was then to learn? It must needs be acknowledg'd, most H. Father, that all the persons we speak of, have had a hand in this misdemeanor, though perhaps not all equally, but M. Albizzi more then any. It is beyond all doubt, that they well enough knew what they did; but they never thought that it would come to the ears of your Holi­ness, but perswaded themselves that we would not have either vigilance enough to discover them, or re­solution enough to advertise your Holiness of their Miscarriage.

But what can F. Modeste alledge for himself, to whose care, fidelity and judgement the examination of the said books was committed? How can he excuse himself for having made a Panegyriek of the latter, as a work most worthy to be publisht, and the most agreeable to the H. Fathers, to the Councils, and to the Doctrine of S. Augustin that can be imagin'd, if under vain pretexs there be found in the said Book more injurious contempts towards S. Augustin then in any other, if therein Principles are establisht most prejudicial to his authority, if therein his senti­ments are perverted after a most odious manner, and if those of the H. Fathers, Councils and Popes are treated therein with disguisments full of deceit and imposture? Certainly he will not be excus'd by having pretended to the General-ship of his order, nor because M. Albizzi promis'd him, as it is publickly reported in Rome, to make use of all his credit for his pro­motion, thereby to draw and embark him in the practi­ses of the Jesuites; and if this excuse be not receive­able, we believe he cannot find any other to justifie what he hath done in this matter.

Many other reflections, most H. Father, might be made upon things so important; but to avoid being te­dious to your Holiness, we refer them to your pru­dence, and most humbly beseech you, to believe that all which we say, is only for your service, and that of the H. See, and that it will be as easie to make it all good against any whosoever shall be found concern'd there­in, as it is to promise it, provided it please your Holi­ness either to hear us your self touching this matter, or in the Congregation which you have appointed for us, when it shall be held, or in presence of whatever other Judges who shall hear us aecording as so weighty and difficult a thing requires. After which referring all to the good pleasure of your holiness, we beseech God to multiply the number of your years, and shour upon you all sort of Benedictions.

Signed thus,
  • Noel de la Lane Docto in Diviniiy of Paris, and Abbot of Valcroissant.
  • Lovis de Saint-Amour Doctor of the sacred Fa­culty of Paris, and of the Society of Sorbonne.
  • Lovis Angran Licentiat in the same sacred Fa­culty of Paris,and Canon of the Cathedral Church of Troie.

CHAP. XVI.

In what manner we were at length con­strained to take occasion of the Pope's return from taking the aire to present our Writings and Memorials to him. A Conference with the Ambassadour, and other things which I learnt till the Festivals of Christmasse in the year 1652.

VVHilst my Collegues waited in the Pope's Presence-chamber for an opportunity to present our Writings and Memorials to him, I was with the Ambassador to see whether he intended to go to his usual audience upon Friday following; and if so, to beseech him to procure one for us in order to the presentation of these Papers, and to desire him to read them. The Ambassadour told me that he did not know whether he should go to audience on Friday or no, and that he would not go without being first assur'd that the Pope would receive him as he ought to receive the King of France's Ambassador: but in case he did go, he would certainly obtain for us our desired audi­ence. I signifi'd to him all that we had formerly said to the Pope, and that the Memorials and Wri­tings which we were to present to him, were so clear, that there was no need of our adding there­unto any thing by word of mouth, saving a request to read them; for which in case we had no admit­tance during his audience, it would suffice us if we could by his mediation present the said Wri­tings and Memorials to the Pope during the ap­proaching Festivals, at the ending of a Chappel or other solemnity.

After this, all that we did out of our Lodging till Sunday the 22d. consisted in three familiar visits of which I made one to the General of the Au­gustins upon Thursday the 18th. who told me that they had been so extraordinarily hastened in their Congregations that he had not had time to read half what he wisht, in order to prepare himself for what he was to say. The second with M. Valcrois­sant to F. Tostat a Minime, who had been Confessor to the Abbot de S. Cyran during his imprisonment in Bois de Vincennes, and who render'd such fair testimonies of his vertue and after so Christian a manner, that it well appear'd that he had conver­sed with him besides in Confession. And the third, all alone to F. Luca Vadingo on Friday the 20th. who told me that many of the Consultors wonder'd that they were set about this affair and pass'd judgement upon it, una sola parte informante, be­ing informed but by one side. That nevertheless we should do well to continue as we did, and not fail to make our Remonstrances in time and place for not being heard. He ask'd me also to let him see our Writings but not to tell any that I had shown them to him.

The Ambassador was not at audience on Friday; & we could not reasonably hope to make use of his mediation for presenting our VVritings and Me­morials to the Pope on Sunday the 22d. at the end of Chappel. Wherefore we were constrain'd to ex­pect the Popes return from taking the aire, which the fairness of the day caus'd us to hope he would not fail to do. It prov'd so; and at his return when he came near the Presence-chamber, he stood still. M. de Valcroissant presented our Wri­tings and Memorials to him saying, H. Father, This is the Book of our Writings which we be­seech your Holiness to have upon your Table, and these two Memorials we pray that your Holiness will please to read. The Pope askt what side it was for. It was answered that it was upon account of some Bishops of France in behalf of S. Augustine per Sant' Agostino. The Pope repeated the words, per Sant' Agostino with reflection. And then ha­ving consider'd us a little more attentively, he said, So, So, qui è; I know, I know what it is. M. de Valcroissant added that it was in reference to clear­ing the Five Propositions and defending them in the sense of S. Augustine. VVhereupon the Pope ma­king a sign to one of his Officers which follow'd him, that he should take the Book and bring it to him, he gave us his benediction, and as he with­drew, said, Si vede adesso, & lo considererò ancora io, This affair is now under examination, and I will like­wise examine it afterwards.

Returning from Monte Cavallo we went to the Ambassadors house, to advertise him of what we had newly said to the Pope; but finding him re­tir'd to write into France, I went thither again the next day about dinner time. VVhen I had gi­ven him the abovementioned account, he answe­red, That he had alwayes told me that they would use all necessary speed; and I replying that they had not hitherto us'd too much, since we could not yet obtain that our first writings might be com­municated, he began with a higher tone, and told me that such communication might draw out the affair in length, and that it was requisite I knew that the King would have it dispatcht, and would allow but two Religions in his State, the Catho­lick and the Calvinist. I answer'd the Ambas­sador that on our part we would do all we could to accelerate the expedition of it; but I believ'd the Kings interest was not so much to have it di­spatcht, as to have it dispatcht well, according as the Catholick Religion, which I believe we defen­ded, requir'd; and that if the King were minded to have but two Religions in his Dominions, I did not think that he would admit the Molinisme which we opposed. But I entered upon a more considerable reflection, which the Ambassador approv'd, and told me he would accordingly write that day into France, namely, that being the event of the judgement which was to be made in this affair was uncertain, and probably enough might and ought to be made against the intentions of the Doctors our Adversaries, it seem'd to me impor­tant for the honour of the King, not to concern himself in their behalf, to the end that if they should come to be condemn'd as they deserv'd to be, it might not be said that his Majesty was en­gaged in a Party which was worsted. The Am­bassador retain'd me to dine with him. After din­ner we fell again upon these matters, in reference [Page 264] to which he said divers things to me, whereof I shall here recount the principal, according to the order in which they came into my memory, and I set them down at that time. He told me that since the King was come to Paris, the wings of those whom he called Jansenists were much clipt, that his presence had dissipated above three thou­sand of them, nay more than six. I desir'd him to name one of them to me. He told me that by Letters from Gentlemen and other persons of qua­lity it was signifi'd to him that Monsieur such a one, and Madam such a one had renounc'd the Party. Nevertheless he named to me no person of those six thousand who were already faln off; but he men­tioned M. Singlin and F. Desmares, whom he called two grand Pillars; that it was written to him that they hung but by a thread, and had protested that they would renounce the party assoon as the Pope had determin'd. That the Sermons preacht about it had caus'd the Barricadoes at Paris. That the Spaniards lookt upon these contests in doctrine as a fit means for fomenting the divisions of the State. That the Spaniards ca [...]'d not to meddle therein. I reply'd that they had meddled therein five or six years ago, when the Doctors of Lovain came to Rome to endeavour to stop the course of these divisions: but they could not compass their [...]ent. He told me further that we had made a g [...]at breach in the Sorbonne (which formerly [...]de Rome to tremble by the ability and reputation of its Doctors) by having divided our selves and co [...] to that pass as to put our selves under the judgement of a dozen Monks; that we were deri­ded at Rome for having reduced our selves to these terms, &c. I answer'd the Ambassador that the H. See was the head and center of the Church; and therefore recourse had been made to it from all parts of the world, not only by ordinary Doctors as our selves, but by Councils of Bishops; and consequently the same might be done beseemingly enough. That when we demanded a Congrega­tion from the Pope, we hop'd he would compose it not only of able Monasticks, but also of other persons of the Clergy eminent in knowledge and considerable by their Learning, as well as by the rank and authority which their Quality gave them in the Church, that so the Congregation might be suitable to the weighty matter to be de­cided by it, to the persons that were to contend therein, and to the whole Church as being con­cern'd in the judgement. That we already knew several of the persons whom the Pope had chosen for the Congregation held at Cardinal Spada's house, but knew not yet those whom his Holiness might adde to the same Congregation, to make it such as we had demanded of him. That it was easie for the Pope, even without going out of Rome, if he were willing to ttansact things with the ordi­nary forms and solemnities which we had demand­ed, to adde still to those already nominated a good number of intelligent and qualified persons who might render the Congregation full and solemn; but indeed although, as I said before, it was a thing very commendable and natural to have recourse to Rome in a time of need, yet it was really shame­full and deplorable to be put to such needs and not to be able to regulate our selves; that therefore I confessed that they who were the cause of the division between us were extremely to blame. And hereupon I gave him a full relation of the whole affair, to let him see that neither the Pre­lates who sent us, nor we, were the cause thereof. Thus the Conference ended; but it was very long considering that it was a day of dispatch, it being above four a clock before I could take leave of the Ambassador.

One visite more I made on Tuesday the 24th. to F. Pascaligo, who told me that he heard from a Consultor, that Cardinal Spada's Congregation was upon the 4th. Proposition; that the same Consultor said to him, that as concerning matter of Fact, he conceiv'd it was evident by the Epistle of S. Prosper; but as to the censure included in the Proposition which condemns the Semipelagians as Hereticks for having been of such an Opinion, it seem'd to him (the Consultor) that it was con­trary to the Orders of Paul V. who had equal­ly prohibited either party to condemn one ano­ther.

CHAP. XVII.

A Consultation between my Collegues and me, whether in case they persisted at Rome to refuse to receive from us, in order to an examination and judge­ment, any but secret and private in­formation, we should at length com­ply and deliver the same in such man­ner. Our Reasons for and against it. Of the Letters which we writ thereup­on to Paris, and the Answers we re­ceiv'd.

WHatever stedfast resolution we had taken & professed touching the Assemblies of the Cardinals and Consultors held at Cardinal Spada's house, yet we were incessantly anxious concern­ing them, and fear'd some troublesome sequel from them. They troubled us so far, that we fell into consultation whether it would not be ex­pedient for us to comply with the time & the dispo­sition of things and minds, and deliver to the said Cardinals and Consultors secret and particular in­formations in writing touching the Propositions, to the end to prevent such mischiefs as might hap­pen by their absolute condemnation, rather than let them passe on to such condemnation by keep­gin close to the Order which we had receiv'd not to proceed but before a Congregation, wherein the forms usual in Ecclesiastical and civil judge­ments might be kept. We could not agree amongst our selves what to think most expedient, and so to send to our Prelates to beseech them to permit us to act according co such necessity as we should all acknowledge. But our opinions being different in the business, we were oblig'd to signifie to them at length what reasons we had on either side, either [Page 265] to comply or to continue firm in the order which they had given us; that so upon consideration of the same they might let us know their resolution, and send us orders what to do.

The Opinion amongst us for complying with the Congregation's manner of proceeding was groun­ded upon very urgent reasons. The bottome of all which was, that notwithstanding out instances for the communication of our writings, and a hearing in presence of our Adversaries before the Congre­gation, we could get no plain answer concerning those two points, but still the Congregation fre­quently assembled and proceeded to the examina­tion of the Propositions, and passing judgement upon them. We consider'd that being they saw not our writings, nor heard us before them, they could not be so fully instructed concerning S. Augustin's Principles, as they would be if they heard us or perus'd our Papers. That the more they became ingag'd by declaring what they could do against the Propositions, the more difficult it would be to reduce them, when we should after­wards come to speak before them in the Congre­gation. That if we alwayes persisted in demand­ing those two things without ever obtaining them, and they still proceeded as they did, they might at length pronounce a judgement upon the writings alone which M. Hallier and his Collegues, or the Jesuites supplyed them with, the same re­maining unrefuted by us, and consequenly make a decision to our disadvantage: whereas if we pre­sented to them such writings as we could compose, and refuted those of M. Hallier and his Collegues, as was easie for us to do, ours might be so strong and convincing, as we saw that already was which we had ready upon the first Proposition, and we might so well refute all those of our Adversaries which came to our hands, that it would be morally impossible for the Consultors not to remain con­vinc'd of the righteousness of our cause, and of the truth of the Propositions reduced to the sense which we defended, and not to be oblig'd by evidence of the things which we should tepresent to them in our writings, to declare themselves in our favour, and to pronounce to our advantage by distinguishing the senses, and approving those which we maintain'd. VVe were further con­firm'd in these apprehensions by knowing that M. Hallier and his Collegues were highly pleas'd with our insisting upon the communication of our wri­tings, and a publick audience with them, without being able to obtain the same; because by this means they were at liberty to say and deliver in writing whatever they pleased, and feared no confutation or gainsaying; and that if by so doing they could obtain, as they hop'd a favourable judgement against the Propositions, the credit which they had in the world would enable them to make as high use of it for the ends they aim'd at, as if the same were passed after the greatest solemnities, and with full and perfect cognisance of the cause.

We consider'd moreover, that the thing most to be fear'd in taking this resolution, was, either that the writings which we should deliver would not be regarded, or our verbal representations in particular visits not sufficiently attended to, and the same judgement be nevertheless pass'd, which in that case would be more prejudicial to us after our writings and remonstrances; because it might he said that it was decreed after the Parties had spoken and written all that they could, and con­sequently it would not be so easie to reclaim a­gainst such judgement if it brought any preju­dice to the truth, as it would be in a time more favourable if it were passed without hearing us, as the prepossession and precipitation wherewith they seem'd to proceed caus'd us to mistrust: But it could hardly enter into our minds that they would so lightly passe over our writings, and give so little attention to our words in a cause of so great importance both to the H. See and them­selves as this. Wherefore it seem'd to us a safe course to present our writings to them, and visit them severally to inform them; thereby to pre­vent the mischievous judgement which they might passe; then to wait, till it were given against us, to provide against it in a more favourable time, which perhaps would never happen. But we were fur­ther to fear lest if, after having made so great in­stances both for the communication of our wri­tings and for a common hearing with our Adversa­ries, we came to comply, and took another way; we might never obtain either the one or the other of those things both which appear'd to us so neces­sary. But against this fear we question'd with our selves what advantage we could draw either from such eommunication, or Hearing, if they conti­nued to deny the same to us till judgement were passed, as it was likely they would do by the pre­sent proceedings. Wherefore all these conside­rations made us conclude that it was requisite to comply with the time and disposition of the per­sons with whom we had to do.

But on the other side the reciprocal communi­cation of writings on which alone we insisted in expectation of a common audience, and concern­ing which alone the question had been in all the sollicitations which we had made since Septem. seem­ed to us a thing so just in it self, and so equitable to all persons that had the least degree of reason, that it might seem we could not hope for justice in any thing whatsoever if we could not obtain it in this. What reason then was there to go and de­liver writings about Propositions obscure and in­tricate, difficult to be unfolded and comprehended, and yet more to be resolved, to persons who seem­ed so unmov'd and regardless of our most earnest and respectfull suit for a thing so evident and plea­ding so highly for it self? We considered that not onely equity and the light of nature were vio­lated herein, but also the customs from all time observed in Councils, and before the H. See it self. That this secret and dangerous proceeding into which we were consulting to engage, destroy­ed Ecclesiastical liberty and the confidence of such as might oppose themselves to novelties and er­rors in hope to find countenance from the H. See when they laid forth their complaints and remon­strances unto it in presence of such as they found themselves oblig'd to accuse. That the very inte­rest of the H. See, and the sincere affection we bore towards it ingag'd us to preserve the avenues and recourse thereunto free and open to all the Faithfull in whatsoever needs might arise in all ages; and consequently not to comply with this hugger mugger proceeding, which would be of ill example and dangerous consequence to all [Page 266] Christendome. That if any justice were to be hopt from this Congregation upon the account of wri­tings and particular informations vivâ voce, those were sufficient which it had already receiv'd from us touching the evil designs of the Authors of the Propositions, and the authority of S. Augustin's doctrine. That till this Congregation had done us reason upon those writings by obliging our Ad­versaries to acknowledge the said Authority in such manner as was requisite to the due examen of the Propositions, we could not hope thar it would do us more upon the other writings and in­formations vivâ voce which it might receive from us. That if we could flatter our selves with hope that our writings would be so clear and invincible, the reasons which we should alledge so palpable, and the productions of our Adversaries so easie to be confounded that it would not be possible but that all the Cardinals and Consultors must yield thereunto and become favourable to us; yet we ought to consider that amongst the same persons who compos'd the Congregation, there were di­vers Consultors, who though perhaps not so ex­perienc'd and exercis'd as we, either in the mat­ter of Fact or Right relating to our contests; yet were sufficiently instructed therein by all that had been already deelar'd thereof, to regulate them­selves and inform othets. That there might be many of them well affected to S. Augustin and his doctrine touching Grace Effectual by it self, who might represent to their Confreres and the Cardi­nals as solid and unmovable foundations, as we our selves were able to represent to them, if not with as much force and largenesse, because we were a little more vers'd therin, yet well enough to supply what might be defective on our part, and effectually e­nough to perswade the Congregation of the evi­dence of the justness of our cause, or at least of the necessity of hearing us more amply in the forms which we demanded before they hazarded their own reputation and that of the H. See by a preci­pitated judgement, if it were capable (as we un­doubtedly suppos'd it by the reasons which in­clin'd us to the resolution of delivering our wri­tings and informations in private) to suffer it self to be prevail'd with and fully perswaded in our favour by those which they saw in our writings, and heard from our mouths. That if on the con­trary we flattered our selves too much when we thought that it was morally impossible for all the Consultors not to be convinc'd of the evidence of our reasons and the truth of the Propositions redu­ced to the sence in which we defended them; if old prepossessions of many were stronger upon their minds than the reasons propounded in this manner for defence of those truths; if they were capable notwithstanding such reasons to continue in their antient sentiments, and conclude the condemnati­on of the same truths, it were better to leave the other Consultors (who understood those truths as well as we) to alledge the reasons for them unpro­fitably to their brethren, than to make a vain attempt our selves, and by so doing abandon the right which we had to require a Proceeding in the Open and Universal way, which had been both prescribed and promised us, and to defend truth in the accustomed forms which had been also pro­mised us, and according to which they that main­tain'd it had no reason to fear any thing. So that it was more expedient that we persisted in our for­mer demands and pretensions against the manner of Proceeding held by the Congregation, which appear'd so unjust and prejudicial to us in case it were continued to the end, then to acknowledge it for lawfull by condescending to submit to it, that we had ground to hope from the equity of the Pope and the Cardinals that after they had held the private Congregations at Cardinal Spada's house as often as they conceived necessary for their own satisfaction, they would afterwards give us the like by according the justice of our suits. Thas if they did otherwise, we ought to be patient, since we could not force them to do justice whether they would or no. And if they proceeded in this course so far as to make a Decision, it would not be injurious to us, unlesse it were so to Truth; if Truth were wounded thereby, we must resolve to suf­fer with it, and comfort our selves in such suffering by assuring our selves that the same Truth which engag'd us therein would secure us sooner or later; it being certain that the same may be said of it which is said of Righteousness in the Gospel, Blessed are they who love it, and who hunger and thirst after it, because they shall be sa­tisfied therewith.

But besides, we had this further important con­sideration, That we were not come to Rome either for the defence or examination or determination of the Propositions simply, as if our hopes and pretensions reach'd no further. What interest could we have in the successe of that work of dark­nesse, or in the condemnation or defence of such Propositions in themselves? We who had alwaies consider'd them as the object of our aversion, and as the unhappy instrument of a pernicious design for the unworthiness whereof we had alwayes re­proach'd their Authors. But we had taken this oc­casion in which the exorbitant outrage endeavou­red to be done to the H. See and the Faith by the Jesuites and their Adherents, was so visible, and the artifice whereby they contriv'd to get their errors authoris'd, so audacious and surprizing; to the end that all persons who had any love for the H, See, for the Faith, and for Sincerity, entring into the just indignation which so shamefull and unrighteous procedure merited, and acknowledg­ing the necessity of securing the H. See & the Faith from the like ambushes for ever, might at length resolve to embrace the means necessary thereunto, which were no other than to condemn the errors which gave occasion to these conspiracies, and e­stablish the Faith against which they were project­ed. So that this design obliging us to be able to manifest boldly, and with a holy confidence be­fore the Judges which should be assign'd us, all the errors whereinto the infirmity and extravi­gance of humane wit had suffer'd the Jesuites to be led, contrary to the Maximes of the Gospel, as well in Doctrine as in Morality, we were ob­lig'd also to preserve that Christian freedom, with­out which our Jorney was frivolous; and was it a way to preserve it, by yielding to act after so vile and abject a manner? to wrangle pitifully a­bout the terms of phantastick Propositions; to place all the success and fruit of our pains in [Page 267] what might be ordain'd concerning them; to ap­pear privately before Judges who would seem to us like Idols, all whose words would be mysteri­ous as Oracles, to exhaust all the force of our industry, labour, patience, bodies and minds, without being assur'd that any thing we writ or spoke; would be throughly weighed, or so much as read and remembred, and in a fear that every one of those to whom we had spoken, would ne­ver dream of us after our backs were turn'd.

All these reflections seem'd so strong to us both on the one side and the other, that we could not end the difference between us. We were oblig'd to writ into France, and represent the same to the Pre­lates who sent us, and to our friends that so we might have the judgements of the latter, and the resolutions and orders of the former to conclude amongst us what we should do in such perplexed and important extremities. We writ thither in the beginning of November, what I have above related; and towards the end of this month De­cember we received such answers as the Reader, I conceive, will not be unwilling to see.

The first is a Letter which was written to us in Latin, on Novem. 28. 1652. by two of my Lords the Bishops who sent us, being the only persons amongst them who were then at Paris. They writ the same to us in Latin, that it might not on­ly serve for our particular direction, but also to justifie our proceeding before the most scrupu­lous persons of the Court of Rome, by letting them see what they had prescrib'd us in the Origi­nal it self. This Letter was written before we durst signifie to their Lordships at Paris all the difficul­ties with which we were surrounded, because we were still in hope that we should be deliver'd from them at Rome, without needing to make them known at Paris; but the vigilance of the Prelates prevented our needs. Nevertheless I shall insert only their last Letter here, and subjoin the Answer which we return'd thereunto on the 30. of December.

The first written to us after the newly menti­oned, by one of our especial friends, who con­sulted many others about it, is of December 6. 1652. in these words. ‘I have read all the reasons which you have sent me; I find that all those which are not for communicating, (with the Consultors, as we propos'd) are the strongest; the others sway me not all.—Nevertheless I expect a more valid determination. If there proceed any thing from that Congregation in fa­vour of the Molinists, I foresee a horrible perse­cution, because the Ecclesiastical Superiours who might hinder it, will be the prime Ministers of it; and we are already lookt upon as Victimes, shortly to be sacrific'd to the Idol of the Je­suites.

The same person writ to me eight days after (Decemb. 13.) in this manner; ‘All the Resoluti­ons of our friends are, that you offer not any in­struction whatsoever to the Congregation as it is now held. It is requisite that you let all be said against you that can be. You are only to speak boldly, and represent that you act only in the quality of Commissioners. You shall declare that since you are dealt with so hardly, you will writ to the Bishops: that they may discharge you of your Commission, and recall you home. In truth it is an amazing thing to see a Congregation proceed in the mannet that this doth. We find none in the Church that ever was like it.’

‘There are no persons here who have a sincere love for Truth, and true zeal for the honour of the H. See, but sigh at so unjust proceedings. I know some who afflict themselvs with watchings, fastings, and other austerities, to pacifie God, who without doubt permits this unhappiness be­cause of our sins. We shall never cease to offer vows and prayers to God, to implore him to diffuse a spirit of justice and truth in the hearts of all those who compose that Congregation.’

The same day Decemb. 13. M. de Sainte Beuve, (whose testimonies I so willingly produce, as well in regard of his own merit, learning and integri­ty as of his quality of Professor in Divinity, which he discharges with great ability and reputation) writ me a Letter touching the same matter, where­of the Copy follows.

SIR;

WE have all reason here to wonder at the rumors which are spread about, and at the discourses of the most considerable persons touching the Doctrine of Grace. A week ago the Queen said before a great company that we should shortly be condemned at Rome. The Jesu­ites say as much to their Confidents, and some of them proclaim the same with as great a certain­ty as if it were in their own disposal. Though I know very well that it is impossible for Truth to be condemned by the H. See, and though I See not that that which we defend is subject to censure, since no person can justifie that the Proposions are held by any Disciple of St. Augustin; yet I con­fess I am something afraid, that considering the manner of proceeding held by the Assembly in­stituted for their examen, we may receive some displeasure from it. What can we expect from a Consultor who being a profess'd Jesuite, is by obligation engag'd to act as our formal Adversa­ry? VVhat ought we not to fear from an Assem­bly in which he who hath fomented the Divisions of Divines hitherto, by declaring himself of a party, and a Solicitour, by the very confession of M. Hallier in our Faculty, holds the pen, and hath the Office of Secretary? And lastly, what likelyhood is there that an Affair can be well understood when no hearing is granted to the Parties, and when the Communication of their Adversaries Productions is deny'd? How can any one know what they would have? how judge of their defences? But the worst of all is this, something will be decreed, which shall make nothing to the decision of the present contro­versie, and shall nevertheless be made use of by the Sectators of Molina as a strong determina­tion against effectual Grace. Thus Truth will suffer, and those who defend it will be persecuted, and the Churches troubles continued. VVhereas were your writings reciprocally communicated, and you allowed audience, it would be known wherein all the difficulty consists. And as your Memorial is a great overture to Peace, since by it you declare that the Propositions are not ours, [Page 268] but are equivocally and maliciously fram'd on purpose to involve a good Doctrine in the con­demnation of a bad; and since you demand on­ly that the several senses may be distinguished, with protestation of submission to the Judgement which shall then be pass'd, it were an easie thing to resolve peace to the Church by doing justice to those who sue for it. All things therefore being consider'd, my advice is, that you complain to the Pope of that Consultor and that the Secre­tary, and absolutely except against them. Also that you request his Holiness to ordain, that all which hath been and shall be done till you be heard in presence, one side of the other, and have had communication of eithers productions, be declar'd null, as being against all order of justice. If you obtain not that which you de­mand, I conceive you may crave his Holinesses benediction, and depart, as having nothing to do in a place where audience is not afforded you in an affair for which alone you went thither. You may come back into France, and expect what shall be determined at Rome. But since they cannot hurt us, without doing extreme wrong to the grace of Jesus Christ, if we suffer any thing, we will comfort our selves tanquam digni habiti pro nomine Jesu contumeliam pati. The in­terest which we have, is common to us with the Disciples of S. Thomas, and no less with the H. See, whose Doctrine we defend. VVe have been wanting neither to Truth nor the H. See, and therefore we hope likewise that the H. See will be wanting neither to us nor Truth, whereof it is the defence. It behooves us to pray very earnestly, and expect all from the H. Spirit.

I am, &c.

Eight days after, M. de S. Beuve writ another let­ter to me, which is here subjoyn'd to the foregoing.

SIR,

I Do with great reluctancy give credit to the words which the Ambassador said to you, since his sentiments can be no other then those of him who sent him, which we every day understand to be not advantageous to the cause for which you are at the Popes feet. By the last Post I told you what the Queen said before a great presence; and since that, I hear that the King hath also said, that four Propositions of the Jansenists are already condemn'd. I can scarce believe that their Ma­jesties spoke this, except from the Ambassadors Letters. For which reason I must desire you not to trust to what that Lord shall say to you, M. the the Official told me, he hath learnt from a Jesuite, that there are two condemned, viz. that con­cerning the Possibility of the Commandments, and that concerning the death of Jesus Christ. I answer'd him, and all such as have spoken to me as affrighted with these rumors, That it be­hoved to expect the Bull, which I was certain would be advantageous to us. For either his Holiness will distinguish the senses, and then our opinion will be approv'd, it not being possible for the Doctrine of the Effectualness of Grace to be condemn'd; or else he will not distinguish them, and then he will pronounce nothing against us, since we hold them good but in one sense alone, and not absolutely. VVhether by writing or by speaking, In the name of God let it be declar'd, 1. That we are not the Authors of them, 2. That being fabricated of equivocal and captious terms, they include sundry senses which we detest. 3. That we do not and never did pretend to maintain them saving in the sense of Effectual Grace necessary to to every good action.

I know not how what M. Hallier hath said to you, can agree with what he writes hither. He spoke to you about taking a new lodging, and yet hath given notice to M. de S. Malo, that he is upon his departure, and shall speedily come back into France. His arrogance do's not surprise me. I have known him too long, to be scanda­lized at it. I pray God reform him yet more within then without. M. le Moine gives out here, that F. Annat hath left him his Memoires upon the Five Propositions: and so you see he is the Truckler under that good Father. I am gald the Dominicans bethink themselves of stir­ring; it is their duty. It shall be a secret amongst us till you allow us to speak of it. I am not far from your conjecture touching the Popes designs in this affair. Is it true, that the examination of M. d' Ipre's book is taken in hand at Rome? If so, it were to be wisht, that the Doctors of Lo­vain would make haste. I have sent you the right Title of F. Annats Book, and without doubt it is the same which you obstructed there. There is nothing to be done as from the Parliament, touching the permission for its Printing. The dis­course about the retractation of M. d' Amiens at his death is ridiculous.

I am, &c.

Another particular friend of mine who was like­wise Doctor of Sorbonne, and was at that time in Normandie, writ one to me December 22. whereof the Copy follows.

I Received all your Packets in Normandie, whe­ther I went about some affairs. I have read your two writings; one of which is an abridge­ment; the other a Narration at length of all things which have pass'd in the affair of the Five Propositions. I find the Narrative very well compos'd, saving that it seems to give too much advantage against the Propositions, by speaking of them frequently as equivocal. I expected to find it extremely high, and fear'd it might be a little too vehement, by so much of it as you sig­nifi'd to me; but it seems extraordinary mode­rate, and the person who you tell me is not spar'd in it, hath no reason to complain, except perhaps he may believe that you speak not seri­ously in the commendations which you allow him. I am willing to believe, that you have done it with knowledge of the cause, not to prejudice that of the Truth which you defend, by speaking with more smartness of the persons who oppose it, and of the violences and artifices wherewith they carry on their opposition. I cannot but wholly approve your resolution of declining to proceed further, or deliver any new writing, till answer and satisfaction be given to what you [Page 269] have already offer'd. If the communication of your Adversaries writings be deny'd to you, to­gether with the conference viva voce which you have demanded to have with them, for repre­senting of your Pleas and Refutations, that so things may be laid open before your Judges, who cannot otherwise take a right Cognisance of your differences so as to pass judgement, and deter­mine them according to Truth and Justice, 'tis an evident sign, that they are not dispos'd (as you sometimes believ'd) to do justice to you, and the cause which you manage. This is the uni­versal opinion of all intelligent men concerning their strange proceeding. And methinks it ob­liges you to keep firm, and not to advance fur­ther by producing new Pieces, till reason be done you upon your first productions. They would be glad to have you write always, and to receive from you as many Requests, Informa­tions, and other writings as you please, provided they be not oblig'd to answer and satisfie you; and all those writings would serve for nothing, but to give them more liberty to condemn you; and the condemnation would be the more dan­gerous, for that it would seem in the world to have been pass'd with cognisance of the cause, and after hearing you, and receiving all the re­quests and justifications which you presented to your Iudges, &c.

Another of Decemb, 26. was writ to me from Grodna in Poland by M. Fleury the Queens Con­fessor, which though not relating to the manner of the Congregations proceeding, yet shew'd that in all places the Iesuites already promis'd themselves an approaching and indubitable con­demnation of the Propositions; It had this passage; A few days ago, a Father Iesuite in this Court writ to an Officer of the Queens, that which fol­lows.

‘If the news from Rome be true, before our Return, the Truths which I have preached to you, will be again confirm'd by the H. See. I say a­gain, because they are already compris'd in the Council of Trent, and some others.’ He to whom this Letter was written, made a good an­swer to it, thus;

‘I have always believ'd that the Council of Trent would be receiv'd at Rome, as it is by all the faithful. I will not perplex my self with que­stions which surpass my capacity. VVhen I am taught a Doctrine agreeabie to that of St. Paul, and as it is explicated by S. Augustin, I shall be­lieve it, and not otherwise. The Holy sacred Oecumenical Council of Trent confirms me therein, and teaches me what I ought to believe. I beseech God to give me Grace to be willing and able to practise it. 'Tis from that Grace alone that I expect my salvation. I intreat you, reve­rend Father, to pray to God that I may obtain it, and that when I have it, I may persevere in it.’ He who returned this answer is a wise and prudent person; and though no great Book-man, yet God hath well instructed him in these Truths, of which many who believe and call themselves Divines, are very ignorant.

Decemb. 27. M. de Sainte Beuve writ a large letter to me again from Paris, in which he gave me a particular account of what had pass'd in the affair of M. de Chavigny, which the Jesuites spread abroad at Rome as an authentick proof of the confederacy and Cabal of the Directors of Port-Royal, but was really an illustrious proof of their unconcernedness and evangelical vigour for the salvation of the great as well as the small, whom God in Mercy committed to their safe guidance. After M. de St. Beuve had ended this story in his letter, he spoke thus to me touching our affairs.

I consent with you, that an affair of Doctrine ought not to be brought into negotiation; You must keep firm, and insist upon the pronouncing of a decisive judgement. None but such as de­fend a lye, desire accommodations, and say with the Harlot before Solomon, Non mihi, nec tibi, sed dividatur. The furthest we can go, is, in case the Propositions be condemned, to require that it be exprest in the Bull that they are not ours, and we neither do, nor ever did pretend to maintain them otherwise then in the sense of the necessity of Effectual Grace. As also that it be added, That nothing shall be inferr'd from such condemnation against this Doctrine.

And at the end of a Letter of the same date, he writ these words to the Abbot of Valcroissant, I have signifi'd to you or M. de S. Amour, that my ad­vice was, that in case you could obtain neither the communication of Writings, nor a hearing in the Congregation, you ought to withdraw. M. de Cha­alons is not of the same mind, but thinks it best that you remain firm and stay for a definition, which can­not be disadvantageous to us, since the necessity of Effectual Grace cannot be condemn'd.

But now follows the Letter which was writ to us, Novemb. 28. by the two Bishops above men­tioned, and the Answer which we returne [...] thereunto, Decemb. 30.

A Messieurs, Messieurs de la Lane, de S. A­mour and Angran, Doctors of the sa­cred Faculty of Paris, and our De­puties at Rome.

ALthough by continual experience & testimo­nies we find, that the most important affairs may be safely entrusted to your fidelity, learning and courage: and nothing appears in your Con­duct below either the judgement which we made of you, or the esteem which you have publickly acquired in the world; nevertheless as we have de­puted you to the H. See with our Letters, recom­mendation and authority, so the cause of the whole Church now in agitation, leads us to ani­mate you frequently by our exhortations and re­monstrances. VVe have with satisfaction under­stood, and the first labours which you underwent in this contest, have manifested to us how careful you have been in the beginning this dispute with the defence of S. Augustin, the inducement where­unto is the peace of all the faithful, and in fight­ing for the authority of that H. Father of the Church, whom though alwayes very considerable to Popes, some persons are not afraid to trample upon throughout France with a most incredible and scandalous temerity. For if Pope Celestin was circumspect with Apostolical vigilance, to keep that Prelate of H. reputation, whom his Pre­decessors [Page 270] had always rank'd among the most ex­cellent Masters of the Church from being expos'd to the contempt of some Priests of Marseille; is it not just to use the same remedy in an occasion which is more dangerous? And there are found many persons either of the Priesthood, or of the religious habit throughout France, who are with more temerity carried against S. Augustine then the Semipelagians were heretofore; is it not fit to seek protection for him in the same See from whence he deriv'd his principal authority? where­fore as we congratulate with you for having form'd this design with much prudence, and de­fended that H. Doctor with very learned Wri­tings; so we promise our selves that you will not only execute the things which have been recom­mended to you from us, but also in your manage­ment observe the same order which we have judg­ed necessary to prescribe to you. We should have no ground to give you this advertisement a­gain, considering the constant fidelity where­with you acquit your self of your duty, were it not that they who defend Molina's cause, boast publickly here, that they will so order it, that there shall be neither conference of Doctors on either side before such as are appointed Consultors, nor any communication of Writings. And though the Authors of this publick humour are not known, yet it is spread so throughout Paris, and other Cities of France, that we should seem wholly to abandon the cause of Religion, if we did not exhort you to act in this cause (as we doubt not but you do) with a zeal proportionate to your great prudence. Assoon as we receiv'd intelli­gence of the Memorial which you presented to our H. Father, we observ'd at the same in­stant your constant and stedfast resolution, not to deviate in the least from the Commission which hath been given you, but to execute punctually what we have committed to your fidelity and indu­stry. And when our H. Father granted you the effect of your demand and ours, he made us con­ceive a sure hope that he purpos'd to terminate this difference by such a way as was fitting to ad­vance the Glory of God, the tranquillity of the Church, and the Quiet of the Faithful. For what can happen on one side or other more desireable to those who are divided by diversity of opinions, and have recourse to the H. Apostolical See, then that the Truth be displayd by a peaceable and friendly disputation, that the wild and confused reports, and humane Artifices wholly cease for the future, and that all things be examin'd by the light of Truth, and in the midst of that splendor which invirons the authority of the H. See? But what can be imagin'd more advantageous to per­swade those who not being engag'd on any side, and holding themselves distant from all sorts of prejudices and prepossessions of mind, make pro­fession of embracing that opinion which the su­preme Vicar of Jesus Christ shall declare to be Catholick, after the pronouncing of a solemn judgement upon the matter? Is there any who would stop that Sanctuary against afflicted inno­cence, and not permit Catholick Bishops, Priests and Monasticks unworthily out-rag'd by a thou­sand several calumnies, to defend their faith before their proper Accusers, to pronounce the most hor­rible Anathama's against the false Doctrines wherewith they are charg'd, and to discover the deceits of their Adversaries and Contradictors▪ But it will be said perhaps, that the H. Apostolical See will of its own accord take care enough to bring Truth to light, unmaskt of all its own co­vetings and obscurities. Who cannot entertain this hope? certainly we know the See of Rome hath hi­therto us'd this vigilance; and we promise our selves that it will use no less for the future. Our H. Father Pope Innocent X. hath hitherto sufficient­ly manifested that vain Reports are of no moment with him, but that on the contrary he will weigh all things with a judicious maturity. But as we have always conceiv'd that amicable conference of both parties viva voce, and by writing, was the certainest means to discover Truth, and most a­greeable to the practice of the Church; so the more we advance in the progress of this affair, the more we are confirm'd in this opinion. For since on the one hand the advantage of such Dis­putation is indubitable and evident, and on the other there is no danger to be fear'd from it, nor any thing to disswade it; it is manifest that such a means ought chiefly to be made use of, the suc­cess whereof is likely to contribute most to the honour of the H. See, the Edification of the Church, the confirmation of the publick Peace. For though the preheminence of the H. See of Rome be sufficiently great of it self, not to have absolute need of such kind of Consultation, even when it is to pass its judgement about Doctrines of greatest importance; nevertheless we hope that the H. Father will have great regard to the present circumstances, and in this case consider less the exact rigour of his Right then the uti­lity of the whole Church, and the design of cal­ming these storms and tempests in all ages to come. All things are lawfull for me, said S. Paul, but all things are not expedient. So in the time that Clement VIII. of most H. memory establisht the Congregation de auxiliis, he did not think he any wise weakned his authority (which he kept up ve­ry vigorously where he liv'd) when he suffer'd not only the Dominicans and Jesuites to be pub­lickly heard disputing, but even the sentence which was pass'd by the Consultors to be review'd and examin'd anew, for fear the Partisans of Mo­lina should complain of the least wrong done them, and of being condemn'd without hearing, as they gave out without ground or pretext. That B. Pope understood that the principal authority annex'd to the See of Rome, is nowise wounded by the re­ciprocal Conferences of Divines, as that of Oecumenical Councils suffers no diminution, and the respiration of the H. Spirit which is always persent to them, remains nevertheless constant and undubitable when the Doctors are caus'd to dispute publickly before the Canons are drawn. Now whereas all the Prelates of the Gallicane Church have no other desire nor aim then this, that no person may have any doubt for the future, and that after these so important matters are judg­ed, they may no longer be the subjects of con­testation and dispute, (having had no other notice in recurring to the H. See by their letters, but the zeal of procuring peace) we doubt not but this means which is most visible, carries [Page 271] with it the publick tranquillity, will be well plea­sing to the whole world. But if some of those who are now at Rome, so give up themselves to be led by their own passion as to employ all their endea­vours to obtain a Censure (in any sort) of these Propositions which have been fraudulently invent­ed; if they decline all examen conducible to the discrimination of what is precious from what is vile and despicable, of truth from error, and of faith from perfidiousnesse; all their humane artifices tend only to hinder the communication of writings in order to a serious discussion; if only the name of a publick Dispute makes them so to tremble that they use all sorts of means to secure them­selves from it; Doth not this Tergiversation ma­nifest to the world how little sincerity and integri­ty there is in their pretended design of seeking the clearing of Truth? and may it not be concluded that they have just reason to distrust the goodness of their cause, since they are afraid to maintain it in the presence of their Adversaries? May it not be conceiv'd that they are seiz'd with a secret fear of letting all the world see in the open day-light of a Congregation, how remote they are from S. Augustin's doctrine, since they fear being oblig'd to dispute with those who know all the windings and fallacies of the new Authors, not only by do­mestick study, and private intelligence, but also by a long experience of many years, being ready to discover and refute the same upon the place? In the mean t [...]me 'tis of this very thing that the Iesu­ites and their Partisans boast and glory at Paris; and all their business is to declare openly that they will bring it to passe that there shall be neither publick disputation nor communication of writings at Rome. The truth is, we should hold their dis­courses worthy of nothing but slighting, if we had not to do with men who use all imaginable en­deavours and stirre all sorts of engines to bring about their designs. But for that reason we being at Paris, have writ this Letter to quicken your courage and fidelity; and we should have caus'd the same to be sign'd by many Prelates of the Gallican Church, had the case admitted longer delay, and allow'd us to advertise the LL. our Confreres who are dispers'd into several Provin­ces of this Kingdom. Continue therefore to act as you do, tread in the same way vvhich vve have prescribed you, and keep such a course as is advan­tageous for the stifling of all deceits, and for the procuring of peace. Demand vvith urgent suite a Congregation in vvhich things may be examined and treated viva voce and by vvriting in a mutual conference, not in private and secretly. Thus mind­ing you of the orders which you have receiv'd from us, we pray that you may be cloathed from Heaven above with the strength of God himself, whilst you defend the Cause of his Spouse.

Signed M. & N.

The answer made by us to this Letter is here subjoyn'd:

My Lords,

THe Letter which we lately receiv'd from you hath much comforted us, in that it informed us of your approbation of the first Informations which we presented to begin the Instruction of the weighty cause which you have committed to us; as also of the course which we have observed hitherto therein. We alwayes remembred, My Lords, that the principal and most express design for which you writ your first Letters to his Holinesse touching the Five Propositions in question, was, to obtain of his Holinesse, that before passing of judgement upon them, it would please him to esta­blish a solemn Congregation, in which all the in­teressed parties might be heard in presence one of the other, vivâ voce and by writing, together with mutual communication of all their writings; to the end that the H. See having taken exact cog­nisance of all that either side pretended and had to say, it might pronounce an authentick judgement, by means whereof all the differences in the Church touching these matters might be regulated, truth and falshood perfectly distinguisht, and a firme and solid peace as to these important points esta­blisht amongst all Catholicks. The advantage and needfulness of this your design, My Lords, we cea­sed not to represent to his Holinesse, their Emi­nences, and all persons of Literature, to whom we could fairly address for that purpose since our arrival in this City till the eleventh of July last, when we were sent for by the late Cardinal Roma, to understand from his mouth by order of his Ho­liness that he had establisht the Congregation which we had so importunately demanded. After which, my Lords, we spent some dayes in ren­dring our first respects, and the testimonies of our acknowledgements to those Cardinals designed by the Pope for this Congregation, conceiving there would be more leisure than we desir'd for all necessary preparations, because it would be ready to take the cause in hand, as well by reason of the ordinary heats of the season wherein it was establisht, as before we consider'd that it requi­red time to advertise and get ready all the interes­sed parties, the Consultors who were to be of it, not being yet nominated. All which consider'd we might have remain'd so for some time, and not so soon have us'd the power which you committed to us in beginning to give his Holinesse and the Congregation a general Idea of the state of the affair, in expectation till all the other persons who were to come, whether from you or else­where, were assembled in this City, and then to enter further into the matter. But we were strangely surprized when MM. Hallier, Lagaut and Joysel, (who had hitherto endeavoured to hinder the establishment of the Congregation by demanding alwayes only and purely an absolute condemnation of the Propositions, as of things already condemn'd and needing no examination) hastned ten or twelve dayes after to carry writings to the Cardinals, as their Instructions to their E­minences, out of a design, as we then suspected, and afterwards found, to be quit of it so, and reduce all our contestation to an information which cost [Page 272] them but a few hours in private, and without any witness of what they alledged, whether touching matter of doctrine, or the actions, opinions and designs which they might impute to their adversa­ries. We took notice also of a rumor spread abroad almost at the same time, namely, that this Con­gregation was very contrary to our intentions and designs; that we had not demanded it but only for form, and out of a conceit that it would not be granted, that we sought only how to get away after it was establisht: which discourses we suspect­ed that our Adversaries publisht, to engage to take the same course which themselves intended to hold, and to deliver tumultuary writings upon which the affair might be judg'd without hearing us other­wise. This was it, my Lords, which oblig'd us to set upon the cause, according to the power which you had given us in case of need, and which caus'd us to hasten with extraordinary diligence the two Informations which you have seen, one of the principal transactions since the first of July, 1649. till that time, and the other of S. Augu­stin's authority, thereby to delineate the first plat-form, and lay the foundations of what was to be done in this affair, in attendance of the arrival o [...] such as might come hither; and we found our selves engaged to do it, as if we had been the sole parties. For considering our Adversaries humor, and the temper of those who upheld them, if we had given the least intimation of other persons be­ing expected besides us, for terminating this affair with all the world, they would have triumphed after a strange sort; and publisht as a most certain thing that we sought nothing but evasions and protraction. Thus, my Lords, it was requisite to yield to the disposition of the time and persons, and we were further oblig'd to redouble our dili­gences by the occasion mention'd in our Memori­al of the tenth of November. But, in brief, though we were ready by S. Augustin's day, and went the same day to present our Writings to Cardinal Ro­ma, yet the sickness which surpriz'd him the day before, and his death which hapned afterwards, caus'd us to defer presenting them till the time spe­cified in the same Memorial. VVe conceiv'd, my Lords, that they ought to have been forthwith communicated to our Adversaries, and desir'd it of their Eminences when we presented the same to them, as a thing of no difficulty. VVe had done it of our own heads, if consulting a Friend to com­mend us to some Officer of justice who might do it, he had not hinder'd us by telling us that perhaps their Eminences would not be well pleas'd with that haste, it not being the custom of the Place to do it without their order. At length, my Lords, after a fortnight and more was past, and we saw that there was no speech of communicating them, we renew'd our request to their Eminences, and left a short Memorial with them to put them in mind of it. The same sollicitation to the Cardinals we continu'd near the whole month of October; and though to us it seem'd a very easie and ordinary thing, yet one of them having told us that per­haps it would be needfull to speak to the Pope a­bout it before it were resolv'd upon, we conceiv'd that at the presentation of your said writings to the Pope (whereunto we were oblig'd) it would be expedient to present a Memorial likewise to him for this communication, and for the two other things contain'd therein touching the Iesuites and M. Albizzi. VVe began the tenth of November to endeavour audience of the Pope for this pur­pose, and when ever his Holiness hath given any since that day, we have not fail'd to attempt an admittance. But the multitude of affairs where­with his Holiness is incumbred day and night, not having permitted to give much during this time, we were constrain'd to attend his Holinesse a week ago also in his Presence-Chamber as he return'd from taking the air. His Holinesse taking notice of us, stood still, to know what we would say to him. VVe presented to him our Writings and the above-mentioned Memorial with another touching a new Book which F. Annat ha's caus'd to be printed at Paris, contrary to the expresse in­tentions of his Holiness. We had not time to speak much to him concerning what we presented, but beseecht him to have our writings onely by him, and to read those Memorials. He told us with much goodnesse and courtesie that himself would consider upon it all, and do what should be expe­dient.

You see, my Lords, how far we have been able to prooceed in this affair. This week we are pre­paring to renew to their Eminences the memory of that request for the communication of our wri­tings. VVe understand that his Holinesse hath substituted Cardinal Pamphilio instead of the late Cardinal Roma, which is a new testimony of the care which his Holinesse continues to take touch­ing this affair. In the mean time, since October to the present, their Eminences have often assem­bled, and summoned together many Divines of divers Religious Orders, and different Sentiments, even Iesuites too, to hear them, and it is affirm'd to us, that these Congregations are appointed for the examination of our businesse. VVe have al­so understood that MM. Hallier, Lagaut and Joysel, have frequently visited those Divines, and carried to them sundry writings touching the Propositi­ons, and made many private Informations, as if the Decision demanded by us ought to be made in that form, and without other solemnity. This is what they desire, because they see well that they are not able to maintain in publick against us what they alledge, nor answer to what we have to alledge against them. VVe have nei­ther visited, nor intend to visite any of those Divines under the notion of Consultors and Iudges, nor have we given them any information upon the Propositions, either by speech or writing; but since we have been told what their manner of proceeding is, we never car'd to know who they were, because we perceived that nei­ther your Orders, my Lords, nor the quality of our affair could consist with such actings; and we have alwayes had too great confidence in the equity and prudence of his Holinesse and their Eminences to fear that they will conclude this affair without hearing us, as the weighti­nesse and condition of the cause deserve, and according to the requests which we have made, and so often reiterated to them for it. You have further represented to us in your Letter with so powerful reasons the importance of acting thus, and so expresly enjoyn'd us to follow the same course [Page 273] still, which you may be secure we will observe most exactly. All the Congregations which their Eminences have made, and the delay of the com­munication of our writings, make us not impati­ent, nor ought they to make you so, my Lords, because we doubt not, but it is done to the end their Eminences and the Divines may better understand the state of the affair, and the controversie before calling the parties to a publick hearing. VVe are inform'd that it is a thing usual enough here in all judgements to view the writings before appoint­ing the communication of them; and the quality of this affair which concerns the foundation of faith and Christian Piety, deserves more attention and maturity then others less important to the H. See. Upon this account it is that we sleight the reports which our Adversaries disperse here and at Paris; namely, That they shall speedily have such a censure as they desire. 'Tis an artifice they mak use of to frighten and amuse S. Augu­stines disciples in France, and to decry them by the expectation which they raise in all the world of an approaching condemnation, which cannot hap­pen but against those who visibly oppose the au­thority and doctrine of that incomparable Do­ctor. Nevertheless whatever hope we have that no judgement will be pass'd without the communica­tion which we demand, yet not to omit any thing of our duty to Truth, the H. See, and your Or­ders, we are preparing a new Memorial wherein to represent with the strongest reasons the justice and importance of such communication. And because we otherwse find that if our Adversaries once see things in such a posture that they shall be oblig'd to appear, they will endeavour to shift it off, and urge among others two most false sup­positions which they have broacht; namely, first, that the present difficulties are not the same with those which were under Clement VIII and Paul V. And in the second place, that touching those Matters silence is impos'd for ever: we have like­wise another Memorial ready to present to his Holiness, whereby we clearly shew the Falshood of either allegation. VVe shall probably pre­sent these two Memorials before the next month be past, sooner or later according as we shall see it expedient. In fine, my Lords, we have not re­main'd idle the rest of the time which we have had free; we have still been preparing some writings before-hand as well upon the subject of the Pro­positions as upon other things whereof we are to inform the Congregation in the progress of the affair, that so both may be produc'd the most speedily we can, when time for it shall come, and by the extreme diligence which we shall use in all occasions, we may quash the conceit which our Adversaries endeavour to beget in the world that we seek protraction, designing by this means to derive upon us the odium of the lasting of these contests, which we desire with all our hearts to see terminated, and which they themselves first rais'd, and still keep afoot. 'Tis true, my Lords, the weight which lies upon us is very great, espe­cially hitherto, inasmuch as not appearing yet in the Congregation, we cannot wholly rid our selves from fear of the surprizes wherewith we are threatned by the rumours which are spread abroad, that they will hinder it from ever coming to pass; and that it cannot be but these fears must greatly perplex us by the sollicitudes which they create in us, and by the diligences to which they oblige us in order to understand their designs and projects, as much as we can in the darkness wherewith the affair is still cover'd. We shall have great need of the assistance of those whom you have design'd hither, that so we may be able to discharge all that we shall see expedient to do, as well in the present disposition of things, as in those whereun­to we hope to bring them. But however, neither the multitude of the adversaries we have, nor the abundance of things we are to do, astonish us; we shall go into the field which is open to us with all possible diligence, circumspection and industry; and we hope that God on the one side, and his Ho­liness and their Eminences on the other, will sup­ply what shall be wanting on ours: as for the de­sire of getting out of affairs, we believe there is not more either in our Judges or our adversaries, then we know there is in you, my Lords, and in our selves, unless perhaps there be this difference between our adversaries and us, that their desire of hastning things, and their importunities for that purpose, are effects of their design of obscuring and embroiling them, and our desire of hastning the same also, how great soever, and though, as we conceive, it surpass theirs, is nevertheless accompani'd with a constant resolution not to ha­sten more then the perfect clearing and solid esta­blishment of them will permit; with this mind we shall act in all that we shall do, write and speak in this affair. We beseech you, my Lords, to be assur'd of it, and rendring you again the most humble thanks which we owe you for the approba­tion wherewith you have receiv'd what we have done till the time of your Letter, and for all the other care which you take to encourage us by your advertisements, we beseech you also once more to believe that we will not depart from the same in any thing, and that in this, as in all other things, we shall always be mindful of the respect which we owe to your Sacred Character, and of the high Obligations which we have to be,

My Lords,
Your most humble and most obedient Servants,
  • De la Lane Abbot of Valcroissant.
  • De S. Amour, Angran.

The Memorial spoken of in this Letter which we say we had ready to present to the Pope against the two most notorious Falsehoods which our Ad­versaries endeavour'd to make pass with his Holi­ness for most current Truths, namely, that in our contests there was no relation to the matter which was treated of under Clement VIII. and Paul V. and that perpetual silence was impos'd upon this matter, was not presented to the Pope as we sup­pos'd it would when we writ this Letter, because there arriv'd no necessity and occasion for it after­wards, as shall be seen in the Sequel. Neverthe­less we sent the same a while after to the Bishops; and this is the reason that it is sometimes spoken of in the Letters written to me from Paris after it was receiv'd there, which I shall insert in their pro­per time to denote the Sequel of other things men­tion'd in those Letters. But being this Memorial, though prepar'd, was neither sign'd by any of us, nor presented to the Pope; and for that the sub­stance of the principal things mention'd therein is contain'd in divers places of this Journal, a­mongst others in a visit which we made to Cardi­nal Cechini, Octob. 5. 1652. and in the writings of the Dominicans, I shall wholly omit it for bre­vities sake, and proceed to what remains.

THE SIXTH PART.

Containing what passed during the first six Months of the Year 1653.

CHAP. I.

New Sollicitations in the beginning of the Year 1653. for the communication of our Writings; Discourses touching that matter with several Persons, particularly with Cardinal Spada and the Ambassador.

AS Soon as the Festivals of Christmas were past, we renew'd our sollicitati­ons to the Cardinals appointed for our Con­gregation, to obtain of their Eminences that our Writings might be communicated to our Adversaries; which we found our selves oblig'd to do, partly because it was likely the Pope had referr'd to them the two Memorials which we had presented to his Holi­ness December 21. for that purpose, and partly by reason of the Answer which we had lately made to the Bishops who sent us, which was a new obligation to us to redouble our diligences in an affair so just and necessary.

The same day that we returned that Answer, we went to visit Cardinal Ghiggi: The Abbot of Valcroissant acquainted him how we became ob­lig'd to present those two Memorials to the Pope; he related to him what they contain'd, particularly the first; and as mention was made of Cardinal Roma, this Cardinal told us that the Pope had substituted Cardinal Pamphilio, for which, as we continu'd speaking of our Memorials, we signi­fi'd him our satisfaction only by gestures. VVhen M. de Valcroissant had done speaking, he offer'd to give a Copy of those Memorials to his Emi­nence. The Cardinal answer'd, that it was better that he receiv'd them not, that so if his Holiness should happen to speak to him of them, he might find him wholly free from Prepossession in the business, not having yet seen nor received them; he told us nevertheless, that it might be the Pope would not speak to him of them, but debate con­cerning them perhaps with other Cardinals then these appointed for our Congregation, perhaps with those, perhaps all alone; that perhaps he had already done reason therein by writing upon them what he thought good, that he counsell'd us before we proceeded further, to repair to his Holiness's Mastre de chambre, to know whether the Pope had not deliver'd them to him with this resolution written at the bottom: Thus Cardinal Ghiggi excused himself from taking them, and by what he said to us we saw no likelihood that the Pope had yet spoken any thing to him concerning them.

The next day we went to Cardinal Pamphilio's house, where we found M. Hallier and his Col­legues, who departed before the end of the audi­ences. We were admitted to audience, but so late; that we could do no more but make a complement to him touching what we learnt the day before of his being of our Congregation in our visit to Cardinal Ghiggi.

In the afternoon we went to inquire of the Pope's Maistre de Chambre whether his Holiness had delivered our Memorials to him. He answered us that the Pope did not remit affairs of such im­portance to him. From thence we went to the Am­bassador's house to accompany him to Chappel to the Vespers of the Circumcision. After they were ended, I waited upon him home. He told me up­on the way that there was newly sent to him from the Court a famous Book of F. Du Boss a Corde­lier [Page 276] concerning the death of Jesus Christ for all, I answer'd him that I believ'd I had one (viz. the Apology of the H. Fathers) wherein that was mar­vellously well refuted. Being arriv'd at his house, I spoke with F. Pique, Secretary of the Embassy, who told me that M. Hallier and his Collegues expected the condemnation of the Propositions assoon as the Congregations held at Cardinal Spada's house were ended; and that they were very well pleased with the man­ner in which things were transacted. I answered M. Pique that those Gentlemen had all reason to be satisfied therewith, since they were on one side delivered from the pains of justifying their calum­nies, and defending themselves from our accusati­ons; and on the other all corresponded so well to the unhappy designs of their pernicious enterprize. That nevertheless I believ'd Justice would be done upon all the so reasonable demands which we had made; and that I did not think it imported the King's service, and the quiet of the State, to passe judgement suddenly in this affair without exami­ning it, and to precipitate a Decision without considering whether it were proper to clear and establish the Truth, to secure Innocence from Oppression, and to calm and reconcile men's minds.

The first day of the year 1653. we went in the afternoon to visit Cardinal Spada. After the Ab­bot of Valcroissant had given him account of the contents of our two Memorials, he answer'd us that it was not the custome at Rome to handle things in that way of disputation; that it was pra­ctis'd neither in the Congregation of the H. Office, nor in that del' Indice which was establisht since the Council of Trent; that indeed Books were lookt into, but the Authors were not heard to argue; that there would be no end if that course were follow­ed; that it was not practis'd under Pius V. Gregory XIII. Ʋrban VIII. nor under this very Pope in the affair de' due Capi, of the two Heads, (he meant in the examination made at Rome of the Book concer­ning the authority of S. Peter and S. Paul.) As for the Jesuites he assur'd us in the Faith of a Priest (laying his hand upon his breast) that since this affair was begun, not any Iesuite had spoken to him, excepting what F. Palavicini, one of the Consultors, had spoken publickly in the Con­gregation. As for M. Albizzi, that the part he had in this businesse was very small; that all he did therein, was, that when the Consultors had spoken in those Congregations half an hour, or three quarters at most, according as they pleased in full liberty, he writ down their conclu­sion. As for the Consultors, that it was but a work of supererogation which was requir'd to be practised in this case, that it was not the order to say to persons, Go visit this or the other; that they were known well enough, that they came to the Congregations, that either side was left at li­berty to go and inform them; Come (added he) Sappiamo bene che si fa dall' una & dall' altra parte, as we well know both parties do. The Abbot of Valcroissant answered that the Propositions in question were none of those which were condemn­ed by the Bull of Pius V. which probably was not publisht but by Gregory XIII. That it was no won­der if the Parties were not heard in that case, the said Bull having been closely drawn up without any persons having been advertised of it, so that it was not possible for any to present themselves and demand a hearing touching that matter. That although things were thus transacted under those two Popes, yet under two others, their Succes­sors, namely Clement VIII. and Paul V. an other procedure was observ'd, mutual audience and communication of writings allow'd to the Domi­nicans and the Iesuites in their contests about Mo­lina's Book. As for Ʋrban VIII. that there was likewise no opportunity of hearing parties in refe­rence to his Bull, which came forth unexpectedly too, and was but a renovation of that of Pius V. and a Declaration that there were in Jansenius Pro­positions condemn'd by that of Pius V. In which no doctrinal judgement was made as was intended to be in this case; for which consideration it was very expedient that the parties might be heard di­sputing together. That the Council of Trent ac­counted the same so important, that it made many summons to those upon whose Opinions it was to pronounce, to appear there to defend the same, and represent the grounds of them; that it sent safe conducts to them, to the end they might re­pair thither in all liberty; and that they not com­ming, at length it caused their Sentiments to be disputed and maintained by Divines who so well took their part, and propounded their reason with so great vigour, that an Historian of that time records, that themselves seemed of that per­swasion. Cardinal Spada answered hereunto that they had in a manner observ'd the same course in the Congregations held at his house. That Di­vines of divers Orders and different Opinions, Dominicans, Iesuites, &c. had been caus'd to come thither. That besides, so much had been written and printed on either side touching this matter, that it was not possible to be ignorant of any thing that could be said therein. That the ve­ry writings which we had composed were to passe through so many different hands, both of Con­sultors and Copists, that they could not but reci­procally come into the hands of either party; and that this gave power enough to each side suffici­ently to answer thereunto. The Abbot of Val­croissant reply'd that although very much had been written upon this matter, yet it might be said that the Propositions had not yet been written upon as was requisite; that they had been least of all medled with; that besides, this matter was so vast, so intangled, so subject to ambiguities and equivo­cations, that it was more needfull to discuss the same in the presence of the parties than any other whatsoever. That for want of so doing great broyles and occasions of division and scandal might arise, as it was easie to foresee by the professions of Pelagius and Caelestius which were received as Catholick whilst they were not opposed by Adver­saries who understood and discovered the double­ness of their hearts and words. I know not how Cardinal Spada constru'd those acts of Pelagius and Caelestius; but he told us that our Adversaries had more reason to complain of those equivocations than we; but however, that it was one thing to say that it would be expedient to hear the parties in that manner, if the Pope pleas'd, and another to speak of it as a thing necessary; and he added one [Page 277] word more, to give us to understand that it was unprofitable harping upon the same string, to speak of it so much as we did. Nevertheless I forebore not to speak two things to the Cardinal which we had hitherto let passe without answering. One was touching his repeating this day a question which he had made to us in a former conference, namely, How we would have done if no Doctors had come of the contrary party? Whereunto I an­swered, 1. That they were come, and we acted with them as being there. 2. That turning over my Papers some dayes before, I observed that in a visite which I made to his Eminence Aug. 1. 1651. after I had spoken to him of the hope I had of the establishment of the Congregation, and the pur­pose of the Bishops who sent me, to send other Doctors the Autumn following, he askt me whe­ther there would also come Doctors of the con­trary party; and that I answer'd him that it was not necessary for any to come, to the end we might have Adversaries, because they were al­ready upon the place, namely the Jesuites. 3. That the affair deserv'd the designing of a time in which the Congregation should begin, and in the mean while that notice of it were given in all parts by the Nuntio's which his Holinesse had resident with Christian Princes, to the end such learned men, as found themselves interessed therein, & were mind­ed to engage in it, might repair to Rome by that time, and there represent their reasons & their interests.

The second thing was in reference to the Cardi­nal's saying, That they knew well that we resort­ed to inform the Consultors on either side; and I told him that we had not visited any of them in that quality. That that which occasion'd my visit­ing them incontinently after my return to Rome, was this; being come to advertise the H. See of the shamefull and dangerous surprize intended to be put upon it, I conceived that after advertising his Holiness and their Eminences of it, it was fitting that I advertis'd all persons whom I could under­stand were usually imploy'd at Rome in affairs of Doctrine, by that means to obstruct such sur­prize as much as I could, and make others as diffi­dent as possible, who might be tempted for the future by the same people whom I knew to be the Authors of this. That in my Visits to them, ha­ving met with divers able persons, and commen­ded them to my Collegues, they became desirous of knowing them, and thus we afterwards visited them sometimes, and were reciprocally visited by some of them who repay'd our visites; but we ne­ver visited them in the quality of Consultors of our Congregation, nor to give them any Informati­on. That we had not yet made any upon the Propositions, nor produced others besides the two writings and their Summary which we had presented to him and to the Cardinals Ginetti, Ce­chini and Ghiggi in the month of September, and to the Pope about ten or twelve dayes before. During the course of this audience Cardinal Spa­da's Maistre de chambre came to advertise him aloud (in all likelihood on purpose to hasten us away) that several persons attended for him; neverthe­lesse we took no notice of it, but continu'd what we had to say; and at length, as we parted we told the Cardinal that as to the manner of our de­manding the communication of Writings and pub­lick audience in presence of our Adversaries, we conceiv'd that we did it with all due decorum and respect to the H. See.

The same day we visited Cardinal Ginetti, and gave him account of the contents of our Memo­rials, for which he thank'd us.

Thursday January 2. we visited Cardinal Barbe­rin before he went to Monte Cavallo. He fell to speak concerning books, upon which occasion I mention'd that which F. Annat had printed at Pa­ris, the Cardinal excused it, as if it had been no great matter to have caus'd it to be printed at Paris, Stampato in Parigi, notwithstanding the orders which the Pope had given that it should be suppress'd at Rome. VVe also said something to his Eminence concerning the two Memorials which we had presented to the Pope, as well a­gainst that Book, as for the communication of our Writings. But the hour of going to Monte Ca­vallo being come, our conference was broken off.

In the afternoon we went to see Cardinal Cechi­ni. We acquainted him with our two Memorials, but had scarce told him the summe of the first, but he interrupted us with some compassion, telling us that we did not come any thing near the matter which was to be consider'd. That he had read all the writings which we had given him from one end to the other; but they did not touch the point in question: Nolunt (said he) considerare quid actum est, vogliono cercare la verità abstrahendo, &c. They will not consider what hath been acted in re­ference to the Propositions, but seek the truth nakedly and by abstraction, determine them ac­cording to the terms whereof they consist, and I would to God (added he) I might tell you with what care, intention, and sincerity the work is car­ried on. I answered the Cardinal that the affair was of greater importance then their Eminences apprehended. That the Propositions which they examin'd were only the occasion, but not the principal motive of our comming to Rome. That we were come thither only upon the consideration of Effectual Grace by it self necessary to all Chri­stian actions, which was one of the principal My­steries of our Faith, which the Authors of the Pro­positions endeavoured to overthrow, by the bad senses wherof they had maliciously contriv'd them capable, and with which the same Propositions ta­ken and reduc'd as we understood them, and as they who fram'd them covertly opposed them, had an indissoluble concatenation. That consequently for the right judging of those Propositions it was necessary rightly to know and establish the ground of that Mystery. That therefore when we under­stood that there was some tendency at Rome to passe judgement upon the Propositions, we came to beseech the Pope, that before doing of that, this Capital point on which they depended might be examin'd and decided. For it being once known and rightly setled, it would be easie afterwards to passe an equitable and certain judgement upon the Propositions. That till that were first done, nothing could be determin'd with a legitimate and sufficient cognisance of the cause. Upon which ground (I further told him) we had been oblig'd to draw a Memorial against the false and ridiculous pretension of those who said that there was nothing to do in this case with the matter De Auxiliis, be­cause [Page 278] indeed the first Enthymeme which we intend­ed to make for proof of the five Propositions, in the sense wherein we understood them, was this; Grace necessary to every Christian action is effe­ctual by it self; Therefore the five Propositions are true, reduced to the sense which we defended. That if those who impugn'd them, granted me the Antecedent, and deny'd the consequence, I would convince them thereof in one afternoon; if they deny'd the antecedent, I must prove it, and so we shall fall directly upon the matter of De Auxiliis. The Cardinal seem touch'd with the force wherwith we deduc'd all this to him; and he answer'd us, that for his part, he should readily consent to the treat­ing of the affair as we demanded; but he was not the Master of it, and on the contrary was oblig'd to conform to the manner wherewith it had been hitherto carry'd and examin'd. We told him that the Popes Clement VIII. and Paul V. treated it after another fashion whilst these matters were agitated between the Dominicans and the Jesuites; and that those Popes were so diligent therein that after much private study they were personally pre­sent in fourscore and seven Congregations, besides those which were held at first by the Consultors. That we hop'd also that the present Congregati­ons were but preliminary to such as should be held afterwards in the forme wherein we de­manded, whereunto we beseecht him to con­tribute what he could: Which his Eminence hear­tily promis'd us.

After this visite we made one of civility to M. Noiset, who acquainted us with the surprizing news of the imprisonment of Cardinal de Retz hapned at Paris Decemb. 19. The Courier extra­ordinary who brought the intelligence to the Am­bassador arriv'd the day preceding, and the Am­bassador acquainted the Pope with it that morn­ing after the Assembly of the H. Office; it was soon after dispers'd all over Rome, but we were ig­norant of it till the evening.

Friday, January 3. we visited Cardinal Altieri and gave him one of our little Volumes of S. Augu­stin. He re-delivered to us our first Information De Gestis, and gave us to understand by what he said touching our affair, that he comprehended ex­ceeding well, both the extent, dependences, con­sequences and importance of it. He told us it was an affair worthy of a Council, but things not being in a condition for one, it was requisite in the mean time to use all possible care in it at Rome. That the decision ought not to be hastned, but a right course taken with all necessary precautions, as hearing the Parties, and all things whose observation we required. That yet he did not disapprove what had been done hitherto, because it was good that they render'd themselves in private capable of un­derstanding the nature of the business before ven­turing to hear and judge others.

Saturday, January 4. the evening we were in­vited to dine the next day with Cardinal Barberin, who acordingly treated us with much magnifi­cence and courtesie. We had little time for dis­course in the afternoon, by reason of the Vespers of the Three Kings, to which we accompany'd his Eminence.

Sunday the 12th. of this month I visited a very intelligent Divine of the H. Office, with whom I was familiarly acquainted, partly to blame him for refusing to be a Consultor of our Congregati­on when it depended onely of himself; and be­cause his absence had occasioned the introducing of F. Tartaglia in his stead, who as much favour­ed the interests and pretensions of the Jesuites as he might have obstructed them. He answered me smiling, that he had already been blam'd for it by one of the Consultors his Friend, but upon ano­ther reason, namely, because he had lost the occa­sion of making molte buone risate per le pazie, i. e. of laughing in many cases at the fooleries and im­pertinences which had been uttered in those Con­gregations by some of the Consultors who were contrary to S. Augustin, and understood not the first Principles, nor the most ordinary terms of the things which were there handled. He told one serious thing, namely, that a friend of M. Al­bizzi informed him, that being lately upon occa­sion with him, he had heard him say, That some words which he remembred Pope Ʋrban said to him at the time of making the Bull against Janseni­us, much troubled his mind, gli davana gran fa­stidio; the words were, Vedete, Monsignore, non est nostrae intentionis sugillare aliquem inauditâ parte, i. e. Take heed, Sir, it is not our intention to condemn any one without having heard him. I wonder'd at this Discourse, and askt him that made it, how these Compunctions could seize upon M. Albizzi. He answer'd me, that perhaps he had been toucht with somthing which he had heard spoken in those congregations; that nevertheless he knew not how, but he was certain of the thing, and he enjoyned me not to make him the Author of it, and several times repeated the above-mentioned words.

Amongst my Papers I have found one authen­tick Piece which confirms this truth, viz: an Act passed before a Notary, February 22. 1647. by M. Sinnigh Doctor of Lovain shortly after his return from Rome to Lovain, by which he testifies upon Oath that in the audience which he had of Pope Ʋrban VIII. in presence of M. Papius and M. Ver­canteren, November 26. 1643. the Pope said three things to them. 1. That by the Bull which he had publisht touching the Book of M. Iansenius Bishop of Ipre, and other Works composed about the same matter on either side, he had no other intention but to confirm the Bull of Pius V. which was already confir­med by Gregory XIII. 2. That he had expresly ap­pointed that none should be noted particularly in the said Bull by the expression of his name. 3. That it was not his intention to do any prejudice by this Bull to S. Augustin's doctrine, and that those were to be check'd who durst say the contrary. And that he (M. Sinnigh) having reply'd, That then it was strange that the name of Iansenius was inserted in the Bull contrary to his Holinesse's precaution; The Pope answered him, That as for that, they must speak to M. Albizzi who was the compiler of the Bull; He attests also in the same Act that on April 28. 1644. having had audience of three Cardinals, Spada, Pamphilio and Falconeri, in presence of M Albizzi, and the Abbot of S. Croix in Jerusalem named Hilarion, he said among other things, That that he was ready to show, 1. That all the points concerning Grace and Free-will contested between Iansenius and his Adversaries, were the same with those which were in dispute between S. Au­gustin [Page 279] and his Adversaries. 2. That all the Arguments wherewith the Doctrine of Jansenius is encounter'd by his Adversaries, are the same with those which the Pe­lagians and their Partisans employ'd to encounter the Doctrine of S. Augustin. 3. That all the Calumnies whereof they made use to decry Jansenius, were employ'd against S. Augustin during his life, and after his death. To which he added, That he en­gag'd himself to burn Jansenius's book with his own hand in the field of Flora, if he fail'd to prove any of these points. That he had said near the same thing to our H. F. Innocent X. soon after his as­sumption to the Pontificate, Novemb. 5. 1644, in the first audience which he had of him. This is the substance of the said Act, which I judg'd fit to be plac'd at length in its own language a­mong the pieces which I shall subjoin to this Jour­nal.

The first time I visited Monsignor Sacrista in the beginning of this year, he told me that the Je­suites had dismis'd from their places the Prefects, Professors, and other Superiors of the Colledge wherein the Thesis above mention'd was main­tain'd, viz. That to believe that Innocent X. was true and legitimate Pope, was not de fide. He told me also that the Pope was much displeas'd with M. Albizzi. The Procurator General of the Augustines came to us, and in the Sequel of this Converse, having shew'd them a Letter which I had lately receiv'd out of France, in which one of our Confreres spoke disadvantageously enough of the Propositions, by reason of the bad senses which might cause them to be con­demn'd; they very appositely reply'd, that the good which they admitted, ought to be consider'd first, and they being secur'd and establisht, then the condemnation of the bad might be thought of.

Tuesday the 14. being the Feast of S. Hilary, I went again to Monsignor Sacrista at the Pope's Presence-Chamber, where I also spoke with the Bishop of Borgo, the Commandeur du S. Esprit, M. Campore, and others. I told the most of those with whom I discours'd, what was in the Lessons of the Breviary of the Life of that H. Bishop, who going to Constantinople, and finding that the Faith was in great danger there, conceiv'd no better and safer way to defend it, then to demand (as he did by three Petitions or Memorials which he pre­sented to the Emperor) that his Adversaries might be oblig'd to appear before his Imperial Majesty, and enter into a conference with him touching the matters in question; Ʋbi extremum fidei periculum animadvertit, tribus libellis publicè datis, audien­tiam Imperialem poposcit, ut de fide cum adversa­riis causam disputaret. That we made the same suit to the Pope, and if the same hapned to M. Hallier and his Collegues which did to the Arian Bishops, who were more powerful with the Em­peror in credit then in Doctrine, for fearing the abilities of S. Hilary, they became reduc'd to em­brace rather any other expedient then enter into conference with him, to avoid which they were fain to perswade the Emperor to remit him unto his Episcopal Sea with honour; Verum cum Ʋrsaci­us & Valens Ariani Episcopi, quas Hilarius scrip­tis confutarat, praesentis eruditionem pertimescerent, Constantio persuaserunt, ut specie honoris in suum Episcopatum restitueret. Which was sufficient to the Church of France to receive St. Hilary with open Arms, as returning victorious over the He­reticks to whom he had offer'd a disputation, and they durst not accept it, as S. Jerome reports. Tunc Hilarium è praelio Haereticorum revertentem, ut in­quit S. Hieronymus, Galliarum Ecclesia complexa est. All those whom I spoke to that day in the Pope's Presence-Chamber, acknowledged that this was the very true case in which we were be­fore the Pope, in respect of M. Hallier, and his Collegues, and many of them told me that them­selves had the same conceit in seeing their Bre­viary, before I advertis'd them of it.

In the afternoon we went to visit Monsignor Bentivoglio, to inform him of our affair in the same manner as we had inform'd others, Cardinals, Prelates, Consultors and other learned men since our arrival at Reme; and we were the more sa­tisfied with our giving him this information, for that he acquainted us with the high esteem which he had of the Bishop of Angers, one of those who deputed us.

From thence we went to la Minerve to speak with the General of the Dominicans, whom we found not there, but spoke with several of his Order; F. Mariana being there, told us, that the Pope had depriv'd M. Albizzi's son of the Go­vernment of Fort Ʋrban, of which he had been Go­vernour for several years. This Fort is so called because Pope Ʋrban VIII. caus'd it to be built up­on the Frontiers of Romania towards the State of Modena. The Sub-bibliothecary assur'd me, that he had a while since told Cardinal Ghiggi, that it was expedient to take some order concerning that Fort, in regard of the Popes displeasure with the said Seigneur Albizzi, for which the Pope was minded to remove the Assessor of the H. Office from his imployment; and that it was not fit to restore a discontented person, and leave a For­tress upon the Frontiers of the Estate in his hands, and in the disposal of his Son. That he knew not whether this advice of his to the Cardinal was the cause that it was so done, or whether it was in­tended before he spoke of it; but he had spoke thus to Cardinal Ghiggi; and the thing was exe­cuted soon after. F. Mariana told us also that our two Memorials were still upon the Popes Ta­ble, and that Monsignor Sacrista who saw them there since my parting from him, informed him so. The report of M. Albizzi's disgrace was forthwith spread all over Rome, with a circum­stance too, whereof F. Petit came to advertise me in the evening, but of the truth of which I always doubted, namely that it was an effect of the Memorials which we presented to the Pope a­gainst him. But however it came to pass, it was a very rude shock for him; because besides that he saw his eldest son whom he had by his first wife depriv'd of his imployment, he had several others of an age which required providing for, by his second wife. Wherefore when he receiv'd the news of this disgrace, he complain'd at first very high in the Popes Presence-Chamber; but some of his friends minding him not to shew any resentment, as well in respect of the Pope, as not to injure his Children further, and for the consideration of his reputation, in regard of the [Page 280] Publick, and particularly of his Envyers, who would be the more joyful for his sensibility, he alter'd his Note, and fell to say, that the Pope was Master of his own places, which it was not expedient to leave always in the same hands; that his Son was yet young enough, and that indeed no other reason ought to be inquir'd of what was done, then the pleasure of him who did it.

VVednesday the 15. I went in the afternoon to see some book in the Library of Car. Barberin, but finding no body there, I went to the Am­bassador, whom I accompani'd in a Visit which he was going to make; being returned from which, he took me into his Chamber to discourse about the state of our Affair. I told him we could not recede from the demand we made in the begin­ning for a Conference and reciprocal Communi­cation of writings with our Adversaries; for the reason whereof I alledg'd the importance of pre­serving in the Church that custome and liberty, because it was ever judg'd the most facile and sure recourse of those who defended the faith against the errors of its opposers, which I confirm'd by the example of S. Hilary; the History of whom he had read the day preceding in his Breviary. The Ambassador was mov'd with it, but attempt­ed to find some difference between that case and ours, because S. Hilary made that offer and de­mand before the Emperor who was not instructed in those matters, and could not judge of them; and that we were before the Pope, who had au­thority to judge of them, and whom we ought to presuppose instructed in those things, were there nothing but the light and assistance which he receiv'd from the H. Spirit. I answer'd the Ambassador, that the difference of these circum­stances was nothing to the substance of the ex­ample which I brought, because it was only to let him see, that the confidence wherewith a single man well instructed in the verity of the Faith, de­manded to confer publickly with an Army of its Opposers, suffic'd to maintain it and confound them. But to take away the foundation of this difference, I produc'd to him the example of the Council of Trent, which though it had no less au­thority to judge nor light then the Pope, and though the assistance of the H. Spirit was no less promised to it then to the Pope, yet conceiv'd a Conference between the opposite parties about a matter to be so useful and proper for clearing it, that it always practis'd it before it pass'd decrees. Then I proceeded to the reasons which render'd it more necessary, and shew'd that it was much more due to the suit which we made for it both in our names, and in those of the Bishops who sent us, being of a Degree in the Church conside­rable enough to oblige the Pope not to deny what they demanded with so great instance and respect, since had they appointed it themselves in their own Diocesses, they had Authority so to do. We discours'd long about this point, and at last com­ing to speak of the Concernment which the King took in this business, I represented to the Am­bassador, that it was not his Majesties interest to have a huddled Decree made at Rome, which might excite trouble in the Church and his Kingdom, and give him a pretext to persecute his Subjects, who though render'd suspected, were most affe­ctionate to him; but that his true interest was to procure the passing of one, against which there might lie no cause of blame, according to the accustomed forms of Ecclesiastical judgements, and which might produce Peace amongst Divines by a solid clearing of the Truth. That I con­ceiv'd also that the King ought to beware of ren­dring himself so easily the Minister of a Decree obtain'd by surprise, of which the Obtainers might make use for the oppressing of the Truth and its Defenders, because though the Calumnies disperst of them at the Court, and the false Im­pressions given of them to their Majesties, had inclin'd them to look upon those people as the Object of their Aversion; yet other occasions might come to pass, in which Decrees might be made not so agreeable and advantageous to the service and contentment of their Majesties, as this appear'd to them; and to the execution where­of it would be pretended at Rome, that they were no less oblig'd, and whereunto perhaps they would be necessitated by extraordinary ways, of which there were but too many examples. The Am­bassador told me that most of the world held all this affair to be nothing on our side but a Cabal: I answer'd, that this might indeed be said of us, as it might have been of S. Hilary, and those twelve or fourteen Bishops who retir'd half a days Journey from Rimini to a little Town which at this day bears the name of la Catolica, the Catholick, after so great a number of other Bishops had sub­scrib'd a Confession of Faith which destroy'd the Faith of the Church; and that if the H. See came to pass a judgement in our favour, as I doubted not it would, if it examin'd things and decided them, it would be manifested that it was no Cabal. The Ambassador reply'd, that there was a suspiti­on of us at Court, and that it was believ'd, that we only sought protractions, to the end that while the affair remain'd undecided, the number of our Partisans might still increase, and our party be strengthned. Hereupon I laid open to the Ambassador as well as I could our sincere In­tentions and particular interests, that things were handled and dispatcht the most speedily that could be: Yet I told him there was this difference be­tween our Adversaries and us, that they desir'd to hasten the Decision for the confounding of all things by precipitating them under the pretext of the blame which they charg'd upon us of seeking to retard them; but for our parts we were so desi­rous to promote them in such manner, that the speed used therein might not hinder their being examin'd with convenient leisure and attention. I likewise told the Ambassador the whole con­tents of our two Memorials; of which there was nothing but he judg'd reasonable. I spoke in gene­ral of the notorious falshood I had observ'd in the Writings M. Hallier presented to the Consul­tors touching Pelagius's Confession of Faith, which he cited knowingly as a work of S. Augu­stin, or at least relying upon the honesty of the Jesuites, from whom he receiv'd and presented them, without troubling himself so much as to read them. The Ambassador seem'd mov'd at this passage, and spoke in such a manner as gave me to know, that if what I said were found true, M. Hallier would fall in his and all the worlds opi­nion [Page 281] into the contempt deserv'd by an action ei­ther so malicious or so servile, & one way or other so contemptible. I know not how in the Sequel of our converse he fell to read two chapters of F. du Bosc's Book; But I know, that what he had read giving me occasion to speak of the necessity of considering the place, a Proposition in the place whence it was extracted in order to the right judging of it, I brought him this example, Manducemus & bibamus, cras enim moriemur, Let us eat and drink, for the morrow we shall die; And I askt him whether considering it by it self, he would not take not for a Proposition unworthy to be produc'd by a Christian, and as befitting on­ly the Discourse of a Sardanapalus, as undermin­ing the foundations of Religion and Christian Piety, as destroying all hope and pretention of an Eternal life, and favouring Libertinism and De­bauchery. Nevertheless (I told him) I had taken it out of the Books of a VVriter to whose La­bours and Preaching the whole Church was main­ly beholding for the light of Faith which it had re­ceiv'd, who excited us more then any other to renounce the interest and pleasures of the world and our very selves; and that in a place where he establishes one of the principal foundations of our salvation, namely, The Resurrection of the dead: In one word, out of S. Paul to the Corinthians, Chap. 15. vers. 32. where after other proofs of this fundamental Truth of our Religion he brings this, That if it were not certain, it were in vain that we performed all the painful and laborious actions of Christian life, we should only cheer up our selves, and pass our Lives in delights agree­able to our carnal inclinations, being they would be so short, and we should have no other after­wards. Si (secundum hominem) ad Bestias pug­navi Ephesi, quid mihi prodest, si [...]mortui non re­surgunt? Manducemus & bibamus, cras enim mo­riemur. VVhence the Ambassador who saw how impious and dangerous this Proposition was, when separated from that place, and divided from what precedes aed follows it, acknowledging also how holy and edifying it was considered in its own place, might easily judge of the necessity and ju­stice of considering those under examination, with reference to the persons to whom they were imputed.

Thursday the 16th. in the afternoon we visited the General of the Dominicans, to acquaint him with the weighty and important reasons which re­tain'd us from delivering secret and private Instru­ctions upon the Propositions to the Consultors of the Assemblies held at Cardinal Spada's house. He approved our reasons, and desired us to commu­nicate to him the writings which we presented to the Pope, as accordingly we did we same day. He told us he conceived that the thing further to be feared in this affair was, that some Provisional Remedy would be used therein, as Imposition of Silence. VVhereunto I answered, that we were as well prepared against so unworthy an Expedi­ent as against the rest, and that we had a Memorial ready to present to the Pope against such impositi­on of Silence, assoon as we saw the least need of presenting it.

The more our Adversaries sought to keep their Writings conceal'd, the more we endeavoured to communicate and make ours publick. VVe had long ago provided a Copy of our first Information De Gestis for the Ambassador, to the end to inform him with the most care we could of all that we did in this affair. Which Copy I carried to him on Fri­day the 17th. and desired him to ask M. Hallier for his only for an Evening, not that I might see them, but that having received them from his own hand, I might show him (the Ambassador) the notorious falshood which I had mentioned to him, and that he might not doubt of M. Hallier's being guilty of advancing it. The Ambassador assented, and told me that an Abbot (whom he nam'd) lately signi­fi'd to him that he heard M. Hallier and his Col­legues say, that there was not a page in S. Augu­stin explicable according to the Letter, his Wri­tings were so obscure and perplex'd. I answer'd that himself might make experience of it when he pleas'd to read them; but if he was minded to read something of them in a language more na­tural to him, I would show him the contrary by the Translation of the Book De Correctione & De Gratia, which I believed he would very much like.

I understood that M. Albizzi did not enter into the Assembly of the H. Office which was held on Thursday before the Pope with the Cardinals, as he was wont, but stay'd without with the Con­sultors, and enter'd not but with them. This made me suspect that the Pope had spoken to the Cardinals about our Memorials; but I learnt after­wards that possibly he was excluded upon an other business which concern'd him more nearly, and which I suppress; though I know the particulars of it very exactly, that I may avoid saying things disadvantageous to him, which are not ne­cessary to my Subject, since I do it unwillingly when I am oblig'd to it by that consideration, and would willingly omit the same, if I did not fear to alter the truth, and frustrate those to whom I owe it.

Tuesday the 21. we went in the evening to Car­dinal Ghiggi, in whose Anti-chamber we found M. Hallier and his Collegues. When M. du Noiset who was a [...] audience came forth, they enter'd; and we when they came forth. The Cardinal spoke first to us, and reflecting upon the persons who newly left him, said, Existimabant negotium finitum esse, with some other broken words which we could not hear well, but, as I believe, signifi'd nothing but that those Doctors were mistaken in conceiving that the business was done. Whereupon the Cardinal told us that it did not belong to them to know the times and seasons of it, Non est vestrum nosse tempora vel momenta. After he had ended the Abbot of Valcroissant told him that we came to his Eminence, to know whe­ther the Pope had ordained any thing touching our Memorials, and that the affairs lately supervening and taking up the Pope and their Eminences (to wit, the imprisonment of Cardinal de Retz) kept us from comming sooner to desire tidings of them. The Cardinal answer'd us that those affairs lasted still, but he believ'd the Pope had read our Me­morials, because there seldome passeth above eight or ten dayes but omnes supplices libelli all the Memorials were read, and answers given to them. We fell to speak of the two principal things de­manded [Page 282] by those Memorials, namely the recipro­cal communication of our Writings, and that a publick audience in presence of either side; and to perswade the Cardinal of the justness of our de­mand, M. de Valcroissant represented sundry rea­sons to him taken from the nature of the affair. The Cardinal constru'd all those reasons contrarily to what we hop'd; for he consider'd them as if thereby we pretended to give Law to the Pope in a thing whereof he was the Master. The like he jud­ged of the certainty wherewith we spoke of the in­dubitable truth of our opinions, and the falshood of the others whom we opposed; as if this great con­fidence was a defect of submission to the Decision which might be made thereof by the H. See. On the contrary, we gave him what verbal assurances could be given, that we had in our hearts as true a submission as this confidence was great; and we told him, that his Eminence could not consider those two qualities as opposite to one another, be­cause they were both natural and ordinary to the defenders of truth; as on the contrary they who impugned it wanted both, or had the same but falsly and in appearance. After which the Cardi­nal advised us to be short in the Writings we in­tended to deliver, and to explicate our designs and pretensions briefly, and yet more than we had done in the summary of the two first Wri­tings which we had presented. He also said that we should do well to repair to Cardinal Spada be­tween that time and eight dayes after, and make our instances to him, if we desir'd to be heard in presence of our Adversaries, because he believ'd our VVritings would be receiv'd and audience gi­ven us; but he gave us to understand, that it would be severally, one side after the other. He ask'd us also whether we had visited Cardinal Pamphilio, and testified some desire that we would not fail to go and inform him. VVe answered, that as for that particular we had done all that we could, after we understood that the Pope had made him of the Congregation; but our affairs could be only transi­ently explicated; that as often as we had been at Car­dinal Pampbilio's house we found it so full of people expecting audience of his Eminence, that we were oblig'd to return without demanding any, and that we were loath to accost him in his multitude of incumbrances with the least overture of our affair. But we had desir'd his Maistre de chambre to pro­cure some time for us in which we might speak with him in a fitting manner; that he had given us hope of such an opportunity, but not yet effected it, though he had seen us often in his Anti-chamber whither we repaired to put him in mind of it. Indeed we had been four times at Cardinal Pam­philio's house since the next day after Epiphany, and could never find him in a condition fit to be inform­ed. But in the mean time we caused a Book of our writings, like that which we had presented to the Pope, to be transcrib'd, intending to present the same to his Eminence, either when we should speak to him about our affairs, in case the Book were ready when that good hap should arrive, or some time after we had entertain'd him there­with, if we saw his Eminence first. We ac­quainted Cardinal Ghiggi with all this, and he was glad of it; having some suspition that we neglect­ed to visit Cardinal Pamphilio, probably because he conceiv'd that we did not think him much skill'd in these matters, nor much at leisure to be in­structed therein. At last we acquainted Cardi­nal Ghiggi with the notorious falshood in M. Hal­lier's writings, of which I had told the Ambassa­dor. The Cardinal askt us pleasantly whether the falsity was in those which M. Hallier had given in facto, or in those which he had given in jure; for he told us instantly that that Doctor had given none but in jure; and besides added he, they were indeed de communi, and little serviceable to the Congregation.

When we went from Cardinal Ghiggi, we re­pair'd to Signor Eugenio our Advocate, to acquaint him with the odde estate of our negotiation, and to desire him to visite our Cardinals in our name, and beseech them to deliver us from the tediousness and perplexity of those importune and extraordinary solicitations. VVe did not meet with him; but being return'd home, we were told that a Laquay had been there from Cardinal Spada, to tell me that his Eminence desir'd to speak with me the next morning.

CHAP. II.

Cardinal Spada's offer to us in the end of January, to hear us in the Congregati­on held at his House; and our Answer, that we were ready to appear there when justice was done us upon the con­ditions demanded by us. The Letter which I writ thereupon to the Bishops who deputed us.

I Failed not to go to him the next morning; and because all that he said to me in this visit and two others, one in the afternoon of the same day, and the other on Thursday the 23d. before he went to the Pope, was of consequence enough to be signifi'd punctually to my LL. the Bishops who sent us; I shall not relate it otherwise than by in­serting the Letter, though very long, which I writ to them thereupon on the Monday following, be­ing the 27th. I directed the same to the two above­mentioned, who were then at Paris, and it con­tain'd these words:

My Lords,

VVIthin these eight dayes a thing hath pass'd in our affair, of which we conceiv'd our selves oblig'd to give you notice without delay; and I am charg'd to do it, because I acted most therein, and MM. de Valcroissant and Angran being imploy'd about other things which presse us, re­ferr'd this care to me. They conceive that nothing is to be neglected amongst all the things which I have to acquaint you with; and therefore I shall endeavour rather to represent the same exactly [Page 283] to you then in few words. VVe hold it our duty to give you account of the least particularities, that you may the better understand the main, leaving it to your prudence to make relation thereof to my LL. your Confreres, according as you shall judge expedient for their satisfaction, and the good of the affaire which you have committed unto us.

On Tuesday last returning to our Lodging in the Evening we were told that one from Cardinal Spada had left word there that his Eminence desi­red to speak with me. Which Order I failed not to obey the next morning; and being introduced in­to his Chamber, he told me that he had Order (with­out specifying from whom, tengo ordine were his words) to let me and my Collegues know, that if we had any thing to propound to the Congregati­on held at his House, and would appear there, we should be admitted; and if we were ready, it might be on Monday: That the Doctors our Ad­versaries might be admitted afterwards upon Wednesday; and they should be treated in the same manner as we. That thus things would be transacted calmly, and nothing innovated in the ordinary practice according to which they pro­ceeded.

I answered the Cardinal that he told me very acceptable news, in telling me that the time vvas come in which vve might appear in the Congrega­tion. That we never wisht any thing else, and we should do it with great contentment; but that the term which his Eminence propos'd was some­thing short for the first time, which requir'd a little more than ordinary preparation, and proportional to so grave an Assembly, and so weighty an acti­on. That it would not be my part to speak, but M. de Valcroissant's. That I could not precisely tell his Eminence whether he could be ready by the day appointed by him. That I hop'd so; but I must first speak with him before I could give his Eminence a positive answer.

Before I proceeded further in my Answer, the Cardinal told me that if Monday were too soon, it might be deferr'd till Wednesday; but he was de­sirous of a precise answer either that morning, or without fail in the afternoon, that he might after­wards give such Orders as [...]ere necessary for the Assembly.

I answer'd him, that I would not fail to bring him one in the afternoon at furthest; but besides the time needfull for M. Valcroissant to prepare himself, we should be glad to have some wherein to confer with the Consultors particularly before seeing them in publick. That we had not been told hitherto who they were; and therefore I desi­red his Eminence to cause a List of them to be gi­ven us.

His Eminence presently took up a pen and writ one himself, then bid me transcribe it; which I did presently in his presence whilst he read some Memorials; and though I saw something which I might say to him immediately, yet consi­dering that I was to return suddenly to him, I thought best to defer it till I had conferr'd with my Collegues. Wherefore assoon as I had done the Catalogue, I took my leave.

Thus passed this Visite. Being returned to my Lodging I gave account of it to my Collegues, and shewed them the List which I had written, contain­ing the names following.

  • 1. The Master of the Sacred Palace.
  • 2. The General of the Augustines.
  • 3. The Commissary of the H. Office.
  • 4. F. Raphael Aversa, formerly General of the Regular Priests.
  • 5. The F. Procurator, General of the Conventual Cordeliers of S. Francis.
  • 6. F. Campanella of the order of the Carme­lites.
  • 7. F. Luca Vadingo of the reformed order of S. Francis, Superior of the Covent of S. Isidore, a native of Ireland.
  • 8, F. Ciria sometimes Procurator General of the order of the Servitae.
  • 9. F. Delbene Superiour of the House of S. Andre de la val, of the order of the Theatines.
  • 10. The Procurator of the Capucines.
  • 11. F. Sortia Palavicini of the order of the Society of Jesus, and Reader of Divinity in the Roman Colledge.
  • 12. F. Maistre Celestin Bruni, an Augustin.
  • 13. F. Tartaglia of the order of Barefooted Carmelites.

This list, and what I have above mentioned, being consider'd by us, the principal thing where­upon we could presently resolve, was, that M. de Valcroissant should stay at home to prepare him­self to appear in the Congregation on Wednes­day following, and that M. Angran and I should return presently after Dinner to acquaint Cardi­nal Spada with that and other things needful to be represented to his Eminence.

Accordingly, my Lords, we went to Cardinal Spada, and told him that M. de Valcroissant could have wisht a little longer space for his preparation the first time; that nevertheless we left him at home to begin to get ready against VVednesday next which was the longest time allotted us by his Eminence. That we had considered of some things needful to be provided for before hand, if they were not already; namely touching the two Memorials presented by us to his Holiness, where­unto we had yet received no answer. That we knew not whether the Pope had taken any order or no: that in one of them we desir'd that when we should appear before the Congregation, not only the Doctors who were here against us, but also the Je­suites, our principal parties, might be oblig'd to appear there in our presence, and answer to the Accusations and instances which we had already made, and were yet to make against them in the progress of this Affair. That before our appearing it was needful that the same were ordained by his Holiness. That moreouer we had consider'd, that in the list of Consultors given us by his Eminence, there was the name of a Jesuite; that a Party could not be a Judge, & that we were unwilling to acknowledge a Jesuite for such, and less this then an other; because besides the quality common to him with all the rest, we had some writings of his which he gave the last year to his Schollars in the Roman Colledge, in which we were ready to shew that he taught pure Pelagianism, Maximes direct­ly opposite to all the Essential principles of S. Au­stin's [Page 284] Doctrine against the Pelagians. That be­sides him, we found among the Consultors the Procurator General of the Conventual Cordeli­ers, whom we conceiv'd to be F. Modeste, who made a Panegyrick upon F. Annat's Book newly printed; in which the Doctrine and Authority of S. Augustin were unworthily injur'd. That we had accus'd this Father to his Holiness as having prevaricated in this point of his duty, and we could not own him for a Judge in a cause wherein we accus'd him as Criminal. That lastly his Emi­nence had not signifi'd who was to be Secretary in the Congregation; that if they intended to choose one amongst the other Consultors, we had no­thing to say; but if M. Albizzi pretended to con­tinue in that office as we heard he had hitherto done in the private Congregations which their E­minences held, we were not resolv'd to come where he exercis'd that charge, because he was a man too much suspected by us, for reasons re­presented in our Memorials, and others which we should deduce more largely in time and place, if it were needful. That we most humbly beseecht his Eminence, that all this might be re­gulated between this and VVednesday, if it were not already, and this granted, we would not fail to be ready to appear that day in the Congregation.

The Cardinal reply'd to us, that this discourse seem'd very different from that which had been held in the morning. That we said indeed that we would appear, but withal made Demands contrary to the purpose which we pretended to have of so doing. That we well knew, that there was no resolution to hear us in presence of both sides, that it was not the manner of the H. Office. That his Holiness might order things without all these Formalities: That all the Congregations which had been held were not necessary: that if their Eminences were oblig'd always to observe that course in all affairs, it would not be possible for them to dispatch any. That the Favour done us in offering to hear in the manner propounded to us, was not due to us, that we might accept it if we would; that if we would not, no body was forc'd to receive it: Beneficium (said he) non con­fertur invito: that however we had no reason to refuse it, since they promis'd to hear us as largely as we pleas'd; instead of one hour three days; and to receive as many VVritings as we were minded to present; two Reams of Paper if we would; and that they assur'd us nothing should be done till every thing were first most exactly weigh'd and discuss'd. As for the Consultors whom we refus'd, he could assure us, as he had done for­merly, that since the establishment of the Con­gregation, no Jesuites nor any other from them had spoken to him concerning these affairs. That if we refus'd those whom we mentioned, our ad­versaries might likewise refuse others. That we ought not to have any ombrage concerning these Divines, since they had no decisive voice; Au­dimus, said he, illos disserentes, as we shall hear you. That were Prelates there with their Emi­nences, they should have no decisive voice; but after hearing the Arguments of either side, their Eminences were to consider the whole, make re­port thereof to his Holiness, and all to be judg'd and regulated according as Justice, and Truth, and the Obligation incumbent on the H. See to provide for the needs of the Church and the Faithful requir'd. As for the Secretary, that his Office was very small and little important in those Congregations, that he had no power at all; that all he did there, was, after the Divnes had spoken an hour more or less, when they came to conclude and say, Sum igitur in voto, &c. to writ down the words dictated to him by the speaker, which were also written down by others who had so much curiosity.

This, my Lords, is the substance of the Answer which Cardinal Spada made to us: If himself had dictated it, no doubt it would have been better digested and express'd then I am able to relate it: 'Tis a very difficult thing to represent in wri­ting the discourse of any one whatsoever, but more one of so great and high a Genius as is that of Cardinal Spada; wherefore when you read what I was able to collect, I beseech you to sup­ply with your imagination, the force and vivacity wherewith his Eminence spoke it.

Towards the end of his Discourse he fell upon the principal point of our demand, viz. to have our Adversaries present, and we stood so much upon it, that the rest were no more spoken of▪ VVherefore having urg'd to us again that the pre­sence of Adversaries, and the disputation which we demanded, was not the use of the H. Office. VVhen he had done speaking, we reply'd to him that our intention was not in any wise to cause any alteration in the Laws and practices of the H. Office; but his Eminence was also to consider, that we had not recourse to it. That we had re­curr'd to the Pope as the Vicar of Jesus Christ, and head of the Church, to whom in the name of the Bishops who sent us, we had represented the in­tended surprise of his Holiness, entreated him to beware of it, and considering the combustion caus'd amongst Catholicks by these contests, most humbly desir'd him to establish a Congrega­tion like that held under Clement VIII. and Paul V. in which the parties were heard viva voce, and by writing in presence one of the other. That the Letters which we first presented, were most ex­presly to this effect. That the Memorial which we deliver'd after those Letters, contain'd the same also most evidently. That all our remon­strances by speech touching this affair, both to his Holinesse and their Eminences for a whole year together, before the Congregation was de­clar'd to us, were only to obtain the same in that form. That at length the Congregation was de­clared to us without any restriction, that we had given notice thereof to the Bishops who sent us, that the report of it was spread over all the world; that we had acted till the present in that confidence, and could not but be a little amaz'd at the difficul­ty which we found in the performance.

I think, my Lords, we had not gone much fur­ther in this reply, when Cardinal Spada interpos'd and told us that we ought to consider what he had told us already several times, to wit, that when this affair was in agitation under Pius V. there were no parties heard, nor in the time of Grego­ry XIII. nor afterwards under Ʋrban VIII. and lastly, under the present Papacy things were not handled otherwise, and that it was resolved not to alter the course.

VVe inserted in his Discourse that between the times of those Popes newly mentioned there was Clement VIII. and Paul V. under whom the proceedings were in the manner which we deman­ded.

His Eminence continuing his Discourse, answer'd that it was true; but that it was not intended now to bring upon the Stage again the matters agitated in that time; that the Question was only about qualifying precisely Five Propositions, what they were in themselves according to the very words in which they were comprised. That this might be done by the single inspection of them as they lay, without considering what had been acted, or hear­ing the Parties contradictorily.

We told his Eminence that we could not enough wonder, how any could pretend to decide the Propositions without medling with the matter De Auxiliis. That it was very easie to prove evident­ly, that none of them could be touch'd, but the whole matter De Auxiliis must be decided and carry'd one way or other by most certain conse­quences.

His Eminence answer'd that this was our preten­sion; that our Adversaries had another, and took themselves to be as well grounded in theirs as we in ours. That they conceiv'd it very easie to separate the Propositions from the matter De Au­xiliis, as certainly as we believ'd the contrary. And lastly, that vve ought not to doubt but the Persons employed to determine them vvould consider all their consequences and dependen­ces; and therefore there vvas no need of such a contradictory conference as vve deman­ded.

We reply'd to his Eminence that this Matter was of it self so difficult, so subject to equivocati­ons, so embroyl'd and obscur'd by our Adversa­ries; that a reciprocal Conference could not but be very advantageous for the dis-intangling of it, and exposing it naked to the eyes of the Congregati­on. As for vvhat he said concerning determining the Propositions in the manner he mention'd, it vvas not at all the design either of the Bishops vvho sent us to Rome, nor ours; that vve very little car'd vvhat value vvas set upon a vvord subject to divers interpretations, or hovv far it might be extended; that had nothing but this been in que­stion, the Bishops vvho sent us vvould not so much as have set pen to paper, nor we have come out of our Closets; but the ground of their sollici­tude and ours, vvere the Catholick truths con­tain'd in those Propositions; vvhich vvere taught us by Jesus Christ, and deriv'd dovvn to us by the Holy Scriptures, and by the continu'd Tradi­tion of Popes, H. Fathers and Councils, which we observed were endeavoured to be overthrown under the pretext of some bad senses in vvhich the Propositions might be understood. That thus the Propositions vvere not the primary object of our thoughts and cares; but having been taken by our Adversaries as a very plausible means to ruine the whole Catholick Doctrin concerning Grace; and knowing very well that they could not be toucht without immediately falling amongst all the difficulties which are in the Church touching this matter; not to divert out of the way which our Adversaries put us upon to obtain, that they might at length be terminated, we judg'd it suffici­ent if the Congregation which we demanded were establisht for deciding the Propositions, to the end it might be oblig'd to decide all the remainder to the bottome. That in fine, not to enter fur­ther into the discussion of what we said, if the Propositions▪ did not relate to the matter of our Grace, we had nothing to do in the business, because we were sent only upon that account, and that was it which caused the present divisions in the Church; that we came to the H. See to seek a so­vereign remedy which might conduce to the esta­blishing of a solid peace amongst Catholicks, by perfectly clearing the truth; that the Congrega­tion which we demanded was esteem'd the remedy most suitable and proportionate to the present circumstances that could be us'd; that having de­manded it so expresly, and for so long time toge­ther, and it having been signifi'd to us without any restriction, we had all reason to presume, pretend and believe that it was establisht; if it were, we desir'd the execution of it; if not, all that we had to do, was, to demand the establish­ment of it.

The Cardinal urg'd to us the delivery of our Writings to the Congregation, by which we had in a manner own'd it, and profess'd to be satisfi'd with the institution of it; and he ask'd us where­fore we scrupled to proceed in the manner al­ready begun, since we were certain regard would be had to all which we should represent as well this way as an other; besides that His Ho­linesse was not oblig'd to receive from us what rule he should hold in the conduct of this Judge­ment.

We answered him, that we delivered those Writings out of a reasonable presumption that the Congregation having been purely and unconditi­onably granted us, it was establisht according to the terms wherewith we demanded it; otherwise we should have delivered no Writings, but conti­nu'd our Instances for its establishment; and be­sides many reasons which we had represented for the obtaining of it, and the obligation impos'd on us by the Bishops to prosecute it till we obtain­ed it, we had yet a most powerfull one; namely, that as far as we could understand after throrough­ly examining our selves, and considering the cause we maintain'd, we saw not that our Adversaries could charge us with any thing which we could not very easily wipe off, whether in fact or opinion, but we did not perceive the Case so fair on their side; that therefore having to oppose to them none but most certain Truths, which we are ready to make good by most convincing proofs; and conceiving them to have nothing considerable to charge us with but what was false, fictitious and calumnious, we were not resolved to weigh what they had to say with what we had to say, as it would be if we have not the means solidly to refute their allegations, and manifest to the Congregation that they can give no solid answers to what we shall object against them. Now whereas his Eminence several times urged that it was not ne­cessary for the Pope to comply with whatever we demanded in this affair; we declared to him that [Page 286] we no wise doubted of the Pope's plenitude of power, and the universal sollicitude which he ought to have for all the Churches, enabled him with a right to suppress of his own accord a Heresie either newly sprung up, or already increased in any part of the world whatever, not only without hearing of parties contradictory in judgement, but also without the secret Congregations which had been held to the present, as Cardinal Spada himself said before, and as we could easily prove by the ex­ample of Celestin the first, when upon the adver­tisement whieh he received from S. Prosper and S. Hilary, he vindicated S. Augustin against the con­tempt cast upon his Doctrine by the Priests of Marseille, though in a lesse degree than that of the Jesuites and their Imitators at this day. That if a Pope took this course in every case, and made a good Constitution to repress the boldness of who­soever perverted the Maximes of Faith and Good manners, such Constitution would be very legiti­mate and valid, and all the Faithfull would be ob­liged to revere and obey it according to the laws and customs of the Church: but as our affair stood at this day, we conceived it just and for the interest of the H. See as vvell as our ovvn and that of the Church, to do vvhat vve requested of the Pope vvith all importunity, submission and respect. That it was a demand from which we could not recede in any thing, being but Commissioners. And being we apprehended this stedfastness of ours might be somewhat displeasing, that we might not seem to persist in it out of obstinacy, we declar'd that in reference to any other course after the orders which we had received from the Bi­shops, it was requisite to write to them to know whether they continu'd in the same resolution; that if they alter'd it, which was not likely, we might also take another way than what we now held; but till they chang'd their Orders, we were oblig'd not to depart from them.

His Eminence askt us by the way, whether we desired this Expedient to prolong the affair; to which it might have been answer'd, that if we had such a purpose we should have embraced the offer he made us of giving us as many audiences, and re­ceiving as many Writings as we pleased: but we assured him that if we were put to the proof in the way we demanded, it should be seen how extremely desirous we were to see the affair spee­dily ended, and that never any delay of the Decisi­on would be caus'd on our part.

As we proceeded to assure him, that if he were the chief in the business, we were so respectful of his Sentiments and submissive to his wayes, that we should consult him what he conceived fit for us to do; the Cardinal reply'd that we might do as we thought good, either accept or not accept the offer'd favour of hearing us as he propounded. That if we would take that evening to deliberate with M. de Valcroissant, he would allow us that time to advise together, but he desired to know our last resolution the next morning before he went to the Pope at the Assembly of the H. Office. We scrupl'd not to refuse this favour from his Emi­nence.

Thus, my Lords, we rested upon this Visite. His Eminence no doubt spake many other things in confirmation of those which I have represented to you, and with more energy than I have been able to relate them; but I conceived it would be sufficient if I reported to you the substance of the the principal; some having escaped my remem­brance, & others being not essential to the business.

Thursday morning M. de Valcroissant stay'd yet at home to prepare himself against VVednesday, but M. Angran and I repaired again to Cardinal Spada's house, as he appointed us the day before. VVe gave him our answer almost in these very words, viz. That we could not accept the offer made to us by his Eminence, but upon the condi­tions which we had mentioned; that upon those terms we were ready to accept it, and comply with it; that we dispair'd not to obtain the same when his Holiness and their Eminences had consider'd how just and important they were, and never were deny'd by the H. See when demanded; that per­haps it never hapned in any kind of judgement that the Judges signifying to one Party that they were ready to hear it, and the party answering that it was ready to speak on condition its adversary might be present, the Judges deny'd such a con­dition. VVe added that (to shew his Eminence that it was not particular obstinacy, but an ex­press obligation which caus'd us to act thus) be­sides our General Commission oftentimes reitera­ted to us by us by particular Letters, we beseecht his Eminence to look upon one which we had re­ceived lately wherein the aforesaid Order was most expresly renewed. And hereupon, my Lords, we presented to him a Copy of the Letter which you did us the honour to write to us the 28th. of No­vember last; we desired his Eminence to read it, and offer'd to leave the Original with him for more surenesse.

His Eminence replyd that there was no need of it, yet if we pleased for our own satisfaction to read it, he would hear it. So we read the Original to him.

Which ended, his Eminence excepted at those passages of the Letter whieh concerned our adver­saries, and said in their defence, that they seem'd not to him desirous of avoiding a mutual confe­rence, but on the contrary professed to wish it, and to be ready for it; and further declar'd that however the H. See proceeded in this affair, they were contented.

We answer'd that we wonder'd not much if in some occasions they professed to desire such a Con­ference; but we conceived that what emboldned them to speak thus of it, was their perceiving that it was not likely to be granted to us; and that if they should find that they must come to it, they would not be so desirous of it.

His Eminence reply'd, that it was one thing to conjecture the secret intentions of persons, and an other to tell what of them appeared out­wardly; but as for what appeared of those Doctors, none could deny but they were so di­spos'd; and were perfectly submissive to all that should be ordain'd by the H. See, not only in re­ference to the Decision it self, but also as to the manner of proceeding.

These affected compliances which our Adversa­ries have always in their mouths, and boast of up­on all occasions, call'd to my mind that the prin­cipal artifice made use of by Pelagius and Caelestius to circumvent Pope Zozymus, was the profes­sing [Page 287] an absolute submission to him, as Annal. Ec­cles. ad an. 417, & 418. Baronius observes. But we answe­red his Eminence that we did not judge of them by their secret intentions, but by what they declar'd at their first coming in pre­sence of a person of unexceptionable credit, who would attest the same to his Eminence, if it were needfull. For when it was propos'd that they and we together should by common consent sue for such a Congregation, upon being press'd to it, at last they answer'd plainly, that if we could obtain it, they would appear before it; but they would first do all they could to hinder it, demanding for­mally a pure and absolute condemnation of the Propositions without hearing of parties. We ad­ded that this proceeding did not surprise us, be­cause we certainly knew they could make good nothing against us, either by speech or writing when it came to be compar'd with what we had to say on the other side to overthrow it.

His Eminence said, that we spoke very confi­dently, and our Adversaries no less; that they had shew'd as well as we, by the Books which they had made touching this matter, that they could easi­ly defend themselves viva voce and by writing, it being easier to do it this way then by printed works of which all the world must judge.

We answered that we could not perswade our selves that his Eminence had perus'd the Books of both sides; for then he could not but have found that they were reduc'd by this way to the necessity either of being silent, or alledging nothing more but indefensible things.

The Cardinal did not assent to this, nor yet altogether gainsay it, but leaving the cause be­tween both, and saying that this was our conceit, ann perhaps others were of another mind, I know not how we fell again upon the principal subject of our discourse; but his Eminence alledg'd for instances against our demand the Conference of Poissy and Fontainebleau and other ordinary Dispu­tations which produce no fruit.

We answer'd that it was not to be wonder'd, because in those Conferences and ordinary Dis­putations there were no Judges to determine upon hearing of the parties, which was in the right.

His Eminence further said, that he wonder'd at the assurance wherewith both we and our Ad­versaries spoke of our affairs. We answered that this was a motive to perswade the bringing of us together, that it might be seen who had reason in the allegations advanc'd in the absence of their ad­versaries.

His Eminence said that Conferences serv'd only to exasperate men's minds more, and produce divi­sion and noise. VVe answer'd, that if any one fell impertinently into heat in these Conferences, it would be to his own prejudice; and besides upon the first appearance of such misbehaviour, a little admonition would settle all again; and we beseecht his Eminence to consider what we had represented to him for the obtaining of a Conference.

He reply'd that we might sollicite it, and if the Pope appointed so, well. VVe answered that we sollicited not only his Holiness, but likewise his Eminence for it. That we knew the Pope would do nothing therein without his advice, and that his Holiness had so great esteem of him that we doubted not but to which ever side he inclin'd, he sway'd much in the business. VVherefore we had recourse to him and supplicated him to further our sute with his Holiness.

The same Evening, my Lords, I went to ac­quaint the Ambassador with the passages of these three visites to Cardinal Spada, and to beseech him to speak thereof to his Holiness the next day, being that of his audience, and procure one for us, to the end that we might make our Remonstran­ces to him our selves. The Ambassador promis'd me he would. And accordingly the next day when his audience was ended, he told me that he had spoken largely to his Holiness about the passa­ges of the said visits, who was inform'd thereof be­fore and knew the whole contents of our Memori­als. That his Holiness was considering to take order for every thing, but would do it in his own time and in the manner which himself judg'd fit; that in the mean time we must be quiet and pati­ent; and get our selves ready to appear possibly before his Holiness and our Adversaries present when we least expected it. That he was resolv'd to end this affair with all possible solemnity, and that neither the one side nor the other should re­turn into France before we had been heard as am­ply as we could desire.

You see, my Lords, in general what account the Ambassador gave me of the Popes intentions. He specifi'd nothing precisely concerning the particu­lar of our demands, but said enough to oblige us to be ready for every thing.

I assur'd the Ambassador that we should joyful­ly and quietly attend the effects of his Holiness's good purposes, and considering afterwards how the Pope could be so soon inform'd of what had pass'd between Cardinal Spada and us, I disco­ver'd that the day before this Cardinal with Ginetti, Pamphilio and Ghiggi stay'd an hour with his Holi­ness after the other Cardinals of the H. Office were gone at the end of their ordinary Assembly, to which Cardinal Spada went immediately as he left us. Hence I doubted not but in that time this Cardinal reported to his Holiness how we stood dispos'd. I shall add no more to this Letter but the rumour vvhich I vvas told by one vvho heard it from our Adversaries, viz. that the abovemen­tioned Cardinals stay'd vvith the Pope to make report to his Holiness of the Affair of the Five Propositions, which were going to be decided, not to say (as the Relator did) condemned; as if this affair were in a condition to be judg'd, and as if an hours time suffic'd to give his Holiness the information necessary for that purpose. A thou­sand such bruits and more groundless they disperse abroad; and provided they find any intention to dismay S. Augustins Disciples, and excite some tempest against them they care not what way they take. Indeed we ought by this time to be proof against those Artifices and vain fears. Would God our Adversaries could abstain from the one, and we avoid the other, and that his Mercy may give us all a sincere love of Truth, and a true spirit of Peace: In which wishes I remain,

My Lords,
Your most humble and obedient Servant, De Saint-Amour.

The fairness of this Letter shews how the cir­cumstances of time oblig'd us to carry our selves with Cardinal Spada, and to suppress such things as might exasperate him, had it been intercepted. I remember, that to oblige me to appear in the Congregation in their manner, he endeavour'd to frighten me, bidding me take heed what I did; and telling me that if we did not appear, things might happen which might cause us to repent it. But I answer'd him resolutely, yet with respect, that the Pope and their Eminences might do what they thought good; that we were only to answer for the justice of our demands, and they for what they should do thereupon.

The multitude of things spoken in this visit per­mitted me not to reply to his example of the Conference of Fontainebleau, whence he inferr'd the unprofitableness of all Conferences; which would have been easie to do, there being no­thing less suitable to the Cardinals design then the example of that Conference of Fontainebleau, which is known to have been so glorious to the Church, to have conduc'd to the conversion of so many Hereticks, and to have cover'd with eter­nal confusion one of the greatest props of Here­sy in France.

CHAP. III.

How we observ'd that the Congregation held at Cardinal Spada's house was only a part of the Inquisition. The Audience given there to M. Hal­lier and his Collegues: the Letter which I writ thereupon to the Advo­cate General Brignon. A Conference which I had with the Ambassador touching what had pass'd between us and Cardinal Spada.

THE foregoing Chapter contains the principal and most considerable Passages from the time of my being sent for to Cardinal Spada till the departure of the Pope, Jan: 27. Some small par­ticularities remain not unworthy to be related.

Wednesday the 22. after our second Visit to Cardinal Spada, we went in the evening to adver­tise Cardinal Ghiggi of what had pass'd in those two visits, and of the necessity of making the same answer the next day to that Cardinal which we had already given him. At first Cardinal Ghig­gi would scarce hear us, but turn'd the whole car­riage of the Affair upon Cardinal Spada who was (he said) Dean of the Congregation; but reiterating the Remonstrances, and beseech­ing him to consider that we were come to beseech his Eminence to assist the justice of our demands, in case Cardinal Spada made report thereof to the Pope the next day, as we believ'd he would; he heard what we had to say with more patience, and more courteously receiv'd our request that he would be favourable to us.

On Thursday morning having been so late with Cardinal Spada that before his going to Monte-Ca­vallo there was no time but for his Mass which was just beginning; and finding, as he conducted us, M. Hallier and his Collegues staying to attend up­on him thither, we thought good to perform that duty to his Eminence as well as they, thereby to oblige him the more to be mindful of us and the justice of the things which we had represented to him.

As we were going down stairs, he caus'd his Maistre de Chambre to signifie to M. Hallier and me, that we should go in the Coach with him. This Doctor and I sat near together, and talkt peace­ably: I put on the most free and cheerful counte­nance I could, that the Cardinal might know that the justice of the things demanded by us, though he were not dispos'd to grant them, kept us from discontent and anxiousness about the issue.

In the afternoon we went again to our Advocate to tell him how things stood; after which he said, that according to the ordinary forms there was not the least difficulty in our affair, but he had heard that they would burlare gli uni & gli altri, delude both the one side and the other. Neverthe­less he promis'd to visite their Eminences in our name, to make such instances to them as our af­fair required, and to endeavour to know the rea­sons which mov'd them to baffle us in that man­ner.

In the Evening a Laquay of Cardinal Spada's addressed himself to us, to know M. Hallier's lod­ging, which I told him, and believe he was to give him notice to appear before the Congregation on Monday following.

Being on Friday amongst the attendants of the Ambassador, I heard some Frenchmen say one to another, that M. Hallier and his Collegues said the day before that our affair was just going to be dispatcht, and that those Doctors believed it would have been ended that day, because the Cardinals Barberin, S. Clement, and Colonna went out of the Congregation of the H. Office before them which were of ours, and these, viz. Spada, Ginetti, Ghig­gi and Pamphilio stay'd after the rest a whole hour with the Pope; but as I sent word in the above­said Letter to the Bishops, it was only about the report which Cardinal Spada made of what had pass'd between him and us.

Saturday in the afternoon we visited M. Guef­fier and gave him an account of all that had pass'd in our affair. He was highly pleas'd that we had had recourse to the Pope himself, and not to the Congregation of the H. Office. And the next morning he came to tell me that he was desirous to write into France that we were in danger of ac­knowledging in these contests the Congregation of the H. Office, whose jurisdiction and authority is not own'd in France. I answer'd that we were far from it on our part, and I read the above-mention'd Letter, which he counsell'd me to send word for word as it was drawn to the Bishops to whom it was written; and pray'd me to inquire in the mean time a little more exactly whether the Congre­gation was summon'd with the Title of the H. Of­fice.

Monday the 27th. I went to see the General of [Page 289] the Augustins, and recounted to him the last weeks passages in our affair. He was pleas'd therewith, and pray'd me to let him presently set down some­thing thereof in writing, or promise to give him a Narrative, which I willingly did. At my request he shew'd me the Ticket for appointing the Assem­bly to be held that afternoon at Cardinal Spada's Palace, and offer'd to give me a copy of it, ta­king up his pen for that purpose; but bethinking himself he said It was best that I transcrib'd it my self for fear of some inconvenience. I did so, and these were the words of it. Die Lunae 27. Janua­rii erit Congregatio Sancti Officii in Palatio Eminen­tissimi & Reverendissimi Domini Cardinalis Spadae. Forthwith I went to M. Gueffier, to shew him what I had discover'd.

Afterwards I went to see F. Luca Vadingo, and his Ticket was wholly like the foregoing. In the afternoon I sent one to the Gates of our Cardinals to see if there were any left, and bring one to me if it could be done without offence, that I might have an Original written with the hand of the Cur­sors of the H. Office. That which was fastned at Cardinal Ghiggi's gate was brought to me, contain­ing the same words with the former, and these be­sides on the backside, Sancti Officii, Eminentissimo & Reverendissimo Domino Cardinali Chisio; and within, before Die Lunae and the rest, Eminentis­sime & Reverendissime Domine. I acquainted M. Guffier with all this, and he writ that day into France what he thought good; and for my own part, I did my Duty therein eight dayes after, by a Letter which I writ to M. Brignon, Fe­bruary 3.

At the Congregation thus summon'd this after­noon, H. Hallier and his Collegues were present; and all that I learnt they d [...]d there was intimated to me the same Evening by a Friend who was pur­posely at Cardinal Spada's house to see what past there. He did it in the following Note.

The Congregation begun about three a clock. Your Adversaries ariv'd about a quarter of an hour before, and fell into talk with F. Campanella. When the other Qualificators and Cardinals were come, their Emininces retir'd into their accustomed chamber, the Qualificators into theirs, and the Molinists into that where the fire was. They did not enter where the Cardinals were at the same time as the Qualifica­tors, because F. Palavicini was not yet come. On the contrary they went so towards the Stair-head that one would have thought they had been going away. But meeting that Father upon the stairs, they came back with him, and enter'd into the Congregation, and there stay'd till the Ave Maria. When they came forth, the FF. Tartaglia, Campanella, Celestin and A­versa congratulated them; and so did F. Delbene in ceremony. This is all that I could spye or understand; The Ticket upon Cardinal Spada's gate was like that brought you from Cardinal Ghiggi's, so that there was no necessity of taking it, the great multitude also being there. I kiss your hands, and cause some good Souls to pray to God for you, that by his assist­ance you may be victorious on Wednesday over your Adversaries.

The good Priest who writ this Note believ'd that we were to appear indeed on Wednesday accord­ing to the Offer which he knew Cardinal Spada had made to us, and comming to see us the next day he wonder'd at our resolution and answer, that we could not appear unless upon the conditions above-mention'd; and the more, because he came to tell us from Monsignor Sacrista that he concluded by discourse with Cardinal Ghiggi that it was likely a Bull would be pass'd for condemning t [...]e Proposi­tions, yet without hurting S. Augustin or Effectu­al Grace. This good Priest was a little startled at this report, and blam'd us both from himself and Monsignor Sacrista of a little obstinacy. VVhere­fore to justifie our selves to the latter, as we did immediately to the former, I went on Tuesday in the afternoon to him, and after some discourse on either part about the business, I told him that we were responsible only for the demands which we had made and still insisted upon; that the H. See was so for what it should do upon those demands; and that it was a strange preposterousness, to see the H. See deaf to the horrible accusations made a­gainst the Jesuites, who outrag'd it by going about to engage it with themselves to dishonour S. Au­gustin and hfs Doctrine, and that the same H. See was inclin'd to grant to those Reverend Fathers a condemnation of the Propositions which [...]hey had contriv'd purposely to accompl [...]sh the trea­cheries and outrages which they intended a­gainst it.

The next morning I talkt with several persons at la Minerve about the same matter; and after they had heard me, the conclusion of the plurality was, that we had done well, and been mindfull of one of their Proverbs, That the Asse which suf­fers himself to be laden at the beginning of the jour­ney, must carry the same burden all the rest of the way.

The last visit which I made during this month to the Ambassador was upon Friday the 31. to­wards Evening, to beseech him to explain to me a little more largely what he had told me the week before at his comming from audience concerning the Pope's good purposes to give us contentment, and to hear us in presence of our Adversaries. The Ambassador fell at first to speak of our Memorials, and did me the favour to repeat to me the particu­larities which the Pope said to him thereupon, ad­ding that we spoke a little too vehemently against the persons of whom we complain'd. I answer'd him that it was necessary to speak so; that never­theless we did it with great circumspection, weigh­ing all our words, and taking heed whether it would be easie for us to prove what we found our selves oblig'd to alledge. And to shew him more parti­cularly all that we had said therein, I offer'd him a copy of them which he willingly accepted. As for the principal affair, he told me the Pope intended to have the Votes of the Consultors in writing, examine them himself, caus'd the Congregation held at Cardinal Spada's house to assemble before his Holiness▪ to dispute the same matters in his own presence which were debated there. That the ex­amination ended, he would appoint publick pray­ers, make a Jubilee, and other such solemnities, before the resolution which he was to take in this so important occasion. That he would also first assemble all the Cardinals with their habits of ce­remony, Rochets and otherwise. That himself [Page 290] would appear in his Cap, and cloath'd with his o­ther Pontifical ornaments. In brief, that the busi­ness would be very solemn. But that he (the Am­bassador) could not tell me all that he knew, yet we should assuredly see the affair determin'd with perfect solemnity; that in the mean we ought to trouble our selves about nothing else, but to get ready to appear before that venerable Assembly, and represent all that we conceiv'd necessary for justification of the cause we defended, possibly too (as he hop'd) in presence of our Adversaries, that nothing might be wanting to our content­ment or the discussion of the affair. I testifi'd to the Ambassador great satisfaction for the hope he gave me, and told him that course would be admi­rable and afford great edification to all the Church, provided it were follow'd and put in executi­on. He answer'd that I need not doubt of it, and that sometimes Popes, ill-lik'd for other reasons, perform'd extraordinary and impor­tant things in which God's protection and direction was manifestly seen, and which oblig'd such as were otherwise not well pleased with them, to heap all sorts of applauses and benedicti­ons upon them.

The Ambassador added that nevertheless he must advertise me that many at Rome disapprov'd our carriage. That it was mere disobedience that we would not be heard, except after our own fashion. That we had no reason to pretend a necessity of hearing us as Parties in the affair; That they would not so much as hear of that word; that there was nothing in the points, which concern'd the Faith; and that the aime both of the one side and the other was to seek the truth, and contribute what every one could towards finding it. I an­swered the Ambassador that the Faith of every one being that which might be dearest to him, there was nothing in which he might be a party with more reason then when that is concern'd. That a man assaulted therein, had more reason to defend himself, then his goods, life and honour. That it was the most ordinary matter of contests that could spring up in the Church; and that if in other judgements it was fit to beware of suspect Judges, and to procure the observation of forms, more ought to be taken in such cases wherein a man's faith is in question. The Ambassador reply'd that the offers of hearing us in the Congregation ap­pointed for our affair made us culpable of our own wrong; and since we would not accept them, per­haps we would wonder that a Cardinal should come to him to make a publick Memorandum or Act of those Offers, and of our refusal and diso­bedience. That consequently thereunto a Decree would come forth; and that for his part, he could not but give way to the Act demanded of him, and write into France how things pass'd. That verbal processes would be made at Rome of the whole transaction, enter'd into the Registers of the H. Office, and found there to the end of the world. I answer'd the Ambassador that the offers made to us of hearing us, were not pure and simple, no more then our refusals; but we were offer'd to be heard in a secret and private Congregation, in which there was a Secretary and Consultors, our profess'd Adversaries, in which they were to be Iudges, and we to be heard severally, instead of obliging our Adversaries to appear there in our presence to answer the accusations which we had to make against them, and also to produce their defences before us and their charges against us. That provided the Act were made not only of the Offer and our Refusal, but also of the cir­cumstances pertaining both to the one and the o­ther, it could never be but to our advantage and glory; but if the circumstances were omitted, and the Act nakedly enter'd into the Registers, I should endeavour (and I added that I had done it already) not to omit them in the Letters which I was oblig'd to write into France, to give an account of our negotiations at Rome; and I hop'd those Letters would become publick and remain monuments to posterity as authentick and permanent, and more credible than the Registers of the H. Office, since they would shew their defect, and want of fidelity and exactness. As for the Ambassador, if he were oblig'd to send word into France concerning the said Offer and Refusal; I hop'd from his justice and generosity that he would not deny my most humble request to send the circumstances of them too; as also to consider that 'twas no disobedience to request so just and necessary a thing of the H. See as we demanded, of being heard pro & con by word of mouth and writing in presence of our Ad­versaries upon the matter in question; especially being oblig'd thereunto as we were, by the Com­mission given us by the Bishops who sent us. That if the Pope had at first done us this justice and grace together, as we might have hop'd; or rather if the Declaration which he made to us by Cardinal Roma that he had granted the same to us, had been perform'd, we should not have been constrain'd to renew our instances so long and so often; but we had been oblig'd to reiterate the same, and endea­vour to surmount all the difficulties lay'd in our way from time to time; and thus it was not through obstinacy but necessity that we acted in this manner. The Ambassador seeing me so cou­ragiously defend our proceeding against his ex­ceptions, told me, He was not alwayes so bad as he appear'd, but spoke all this to let me know how things were constru'd at Rome: and because the Pope and Cardinal Spada were wholly surpris'd and astonish'd at the resolute manner wherein I had spoken to his Eminence about this Subject. I an­swer'd the Ambassador that in all I said to Cardinal Spada I did not think I had any wayes violated the respect which we ow'd to his Eminence and the H. See. The Ambassador reply'd that he had nothing to blame me for thereupon; but our down-right and flat refusal to appear in the Congregation a­maz'd them, and that they lookt upon it as if we intended to give law to them, which they were wont not to receive from but to give to others. I told the Ambassador again that no Judges in any place of the world conceiv'd that the Parties conten­ding before them had the least thought of giving them law, when they humbly demanded the fa­vour to represent to them the merit of the cause upon which they were to pronounce; and besides that this seem'd to me a First Principle known by it self, and needing no proof, that the Commissi­on of the Bishops who sent us was to us a Law which we might not transgress. The Ambassador answer'd me that if those Bishops were themselves [Page 291] personally at Rome, they durst not act there as we acted; because there were means to reduce them, & in case of too much perverseness to depose them. I reply'd that it was strange that so much difficulty should be made at Rome to grant to us and those Bi­shops a thing which had been formerly so easily granted to the Dominicans and the Jesuits in a like contest under Clement VIII. and Paul V. in the Con­gregation de Auxiliis. The Ambassador answer'd me that they knew at Rome what was done in that Congregation, and had the Acts of it. I reply'd that we had them too, and knew as well as they all that pass'd therein: which the Ambassadour took as too confidently spoken, because it imply'd that we paralleld our selves with them. Then he askt me for an example of any Saint, who refused to be present in a Council as we did to be in this Congregation. I instanc'd in S. Chrysostome, whose Festival the Church had celebrated but four dayes before. Yet he said we should do well to appear there, because if we were heard severally, perhaps it would be a means to oblige them to hear us afterwards in presence of our Adversaries. I an­swer'd him that nothing hinder'd but they might do it at once, if they had any such intention; and that moreover perhaps the case would be the same as with our Writings which we had fairly present­ed upon a full confidence that the same would be communicated without any difficulty; and yet we could never obtain the communication of them, whatever instance we had made for it. The Am­bassador said that perhaps the reason was, because we had demanded it with too great earnestness; that they would communicate them when we de­manded it no more, and least thought of it. That they would do things after their own fa­shion, and not be forc'd to any thing. That they were the Masters, and would have it ap­pear so.

CHAP. IV.

Passages at Paris and elsewhere upon oc­casion of these Contests, signifi'd to me by Letters during the same month of January.

AFter the account of what I could learn to have pass'd at Rome during this first month of the year 1653. I shall present the Reader with some things done and spoken at Paris and elsewhere du­ring the same time, which I understood by the Letters of some Friends, considerable and unex­ceptionable persons.

After the Ambassador had told me what M. Hallier shew'd him in a Letter which he receiv'd from the Bishop of Conzerans since nominated to the Arch­bishoprick of Tholouze touching the Frantick sick­man and hs uncouth confession, I writ to Paris about it to the Cure of S. Roch and M. de Sainte-Bouve, for satisfaction therein, and that being inform'd my self, I might give the Ambassador a true account of those two stories; and after he knew how apocryphal and forg'd they were, (ac­cording as I believ'd them) he might no more take notice of and object such detractions and ca­lumnies to me. M. de Sainte-Beuve sent me an Answer first dated the third of this Month, and here it follows:

SIR,

FIrst wishing you the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ for all this year, I shall tell you that we wonder'd at the pretended Letter of the Arch­bishop of Tholouse; Whose learning and pru­dence, in my opinion, destroy the whole Story. What I writ to you concerning him the first of November is very certain; MM. Queras, le Nain, and de la Militiere will make it good when it shall be necessary: nevertheless for more sureness I will get him to speak by his most inti­mate Friend; I will know whether he is chang'd, or whether he is impos'd upon, and send you word by the next return. As for M. Hallier I can­not but tremble to see the terrible judgements of God upon him, and the losse of his reputation, which began in the Clergy, in the Assembly whereof he was the Promoter, which continu'd in his Syn­dicship of our Faculty, and which he is going to complete at Rome. Would to God it might be with the edification of his Soul: but when I consider that he bids war to Truth, and that his negotia­tion tends only to the persecution of persons of whose probity be is fully convin'd, I confess I am as it were besides my self, and find thereby what it is to forsake God. Pray to him, I beseech you, that he do not abandon me to the de­sires of my own heart, but make me to know his Truths, and live according to them. I am, &c.

Eight dayes after this Letter, the said Sieure de Sainte Beuve writ me another, which serv'd to clear to me what he had told me in the pre­ceding concerning the new Archbishop of Tholouse, and contain'd other particular things remarkable, enough to be inserted in this Jour­nal.

He sent me word, That our Friends at Paris were anxious about what was doing at Rome, be­cause they heard that the Congregations were held very frequently, and we not admitted to audience; that we our selves knew not their proceedings; but it was nois'd at Paris that three Propositions were already examin'd and condemn'd. He wisht that we would present to the Congregation which acted, a request like the first Memorial deliver'd to the Pope, and therein declare that the Propositions UT JACENT were not ours, that we alwayes condemn'd them in the bad sense which they included, and never pretended to defend them in any other sense but that of the necessity of Effectual Grace; and he believ'd that this would fully secure us. He was not troubled for their being condemn'd, provided that by the same Bull of their condemnation it was declar'd that no prejudice was meant thereby to the doctrine of Effectual Grace; which he judg'd to be in effect a gaining of the Cause for us. He deplor'd the injustice of the whole proceedure [Page 292] observ'd at this time against S. Augustine's Disci­ples, against whom every particular interest was made to pass for a point of Doctrine; and amongst others in the business of Caen, which being be­gun by a very strange and irregular thing which he observ [...]d, namely, by a Privy-seal Letter compos'd by F. Paulin a Jesuite, and the King's Confessor, in which a Swordman was appointed to watch over the Doctrine of a Professor of Divinity, had many sequels of the same strain. He further took notice of several persecutions and calumnies rais d against us, which the Authors cry'd up for convictions of our evil doctrine; but he added that the main and most important thing was, that he and our other Friends stuck all to the Memorial which we had presented to the Pope; that if it pleas'd him to distinguish the senses of the captious Propositions, they would disapprove those which his Holiness disapprov'd, and approve those he ap­prov'd, which they knew well to be that of Effe­ctual Grace. And as for the Argument which the Archbishop of Tholouse's Letter supply'd, he esteem­ed it as ridiculous as any other; and added that this Prelate ingenuously confessed that the Letter was his; that he writ it to M. Hallier whom he made use of at Rome for the obtaining of his Bulls: that he sent word of things as they were reported to him; but he positively deny'd that he had empower'd him by that Letter or any other to prosecute at Rome any con­demnation of the Propositions fram'd by M. Cornet, &c.

I do not wholly relate what M. de Sainte Beuve said of the Archbishop of Tholouse touching the sick person of the Parish of S. Roch, referring the Reader for further knowledge of the truth to what the Cure of that Parish writ to me himself the same Tenth of January. His Letter was in these words.

God give you the good day and good year which you sent to me from Rome beforehand, and which arriv'd in time at Paris. As for the main business of yours, I knew nothing, before I re­ceiv'd it, of the two cases said at Rome to have hapned in my Parish. Upon inquiry touching the sick man, I have found that it is true that about two or three months ago I administer'd to a cer­tain man desperately sick, and heard the general confession which he made with bitterness and fer­vency; and for fruits worthy of repentonce, he faithfully perform'd what I appointed him. He re­ceiv'd also the most holy Viaticum in presence of sundry persons of condition and vertue. One and the other Sacrament being receiv'd by him with great fervency and piety, and great hope in God's mercy and grace, as well of amending if he liv'd, as of his salvation and life eternal if he dy'd. Now God hath prevented him in his mercies, and I took my time well; for the deliration began al­ready when he receiv'd the Sacrament; but after­wards he was seiz'd with so great and furious a delirium, that for three weeks or a month he was not capable of any ratiocination; and not only wanted judgement and the use of reason, but being of a hot and boiling temper he utter'd all sorts of words, Blasphemies and Oathes (though when in health no swearer at all) and many times despairingly said, that he was damn'd, and that there was no God for him, and other such language to which a furious Raving in a hot temper is apt to lead a sick man. During this time the Father, Reader of the Jacobines of S. Honore visited him, and 'tis true that he answer'd him as he did every body else, That he was damn'd, and other like; but that he formally answer'd him according to the three Questions contain'd in yours, namely, 1. That he did not believe that he had grace. 2. That he had not so much as the grace of Prayer. 3. That he could not perswade himself that he was one of those for whom Jesus Christ dyed; this, under correction, is very false; and I am certain that had he been learned (as he was not) or been of these Opinions and Do­ctrines concerning Grace, he was not then in a condition to answer about them so distinctly and formally; and should he have answer'd so, yet the disorder and despair of his answers ought not to be attributed to the Questions of Grace, but purely to his great and high Delirium. Nor do I think that the abovesaid Father so propounded those three points to him; if he did, 'twas very imprudently done, considering the sick-man's condition.

As for the second Case touching the Woman who in Confession said Grace had fail'd her thrice, instead of saying she had sinn'd thrice; it did not happen in my Parish; but yesterday two Jaco­bines told me they heard that it was in the Con­fessional of a Sub-penitentiary they knew not whom. So that 'tis but a hear-say; and I will in­quire more largely of this Case, and of the first too. I forgot to tell you that the abovesaid sick-person is returned to his right judgement and per­fect health, and lately came to thank me for my ministring to him; and that he never seem'd to me to adhere to those three or other opinions. I will look into the business, and write of it to you more largely. When he visited me, he told me that he remembered nothing at all of what passed, and is reported to have been spoken or done to him by during his delirium.

Though the Bishops who signed the Letter of M. de Vabres, did it onely for particular Engage­ments, and without any pubick deliberation of the Clergy, yet their great number made M. Hal­lier and his Collegues take the confidence to speak and act at Rome, as if they had been sent by the whole body of the Clergy of France. But to over­throw this falshood and presumption when occa­sion presented it self, wherein we might reproach them with it, we procured an authentick piece at hand to convince them. The Abbot of Val­croissant writ a Letter touching this matter to the Abbot of Marmiesse, who was then A­gent General of the Clergy, and returned him this answer.

SIR,

I Received the Letter which you did me the honour to write to me, and sought in our deliberations of the Clergy whether there were any ground for the busi­ness concerning which you write to me. The Clergy [Page 293] of France hath not deputed any Doctor to Rome about the Questions which are agitated there. 'Tis true, sundry Prelates no doubt out of a Principle of Charity, writ some time ago a Letter to his Holi­ness; but it was as a particular thing, and no act of a form'd Assembly. This, Sir, is all the satisfacti­on I can give to your questions. Be pleas'd to believe me alwayes perfectly,

SIR,
Your most humble and faithful Servant, The Abbot of Marmiesse, Agent General of the Clergy.

I have not yet set down one circumstance of the reasons which the Pope told me he had to hasten to pronounce judgement upon the Propositions, in the audience which I had of him, July 9. 1652. namely, by reason of the Divisions which they ex­cited everywhere, he having lately been adver­tis'd that they began to excite some in Poland. I reserv'd it for this place, that I might at once clear it. For some time after, being certifi'd that the Iesuites had imploy'd not only the recommendati­on and Letters which they had obtain'd for this end from the Emperour, the Kings of France and Spain, but also from the King of Poland: I writ thereup­on to M. Fleury, the Queen of Poland's Confes­sor, from whom I received the following An­swer.

SIR,

I Read to the Queen the Contents of your Letter of the last of November. She was amaz'd when she heard that you were assured that the King of Poland had written in favour of the Fathers, and to press the conclusion of our affair, and that his Majesty fear'd that doctrine might spread in his Kingdom. Two dayes after, the Queen told me in presence of her first Physitian, a good Friend of the Fathers, that he had spoken to the King about it, and the King affirm­ed that he had not written. He said indeed that he had been much press'd to do it, and that within three or four dayes; but alwayes refus'd to write, and would leave the cause to be judg'd without medling in it; that it was not an affair for a King but for the H. See and the Pope. This, Sir, I thought good to write to you, that you may be confirm'd in the knowledge you have otherwise, that the good Fathers employ other weapons than Study and Prayer for advancing their designs, and for the judgement of an Affair wholly Ec­clesiastical, &c.

'Tis clear by this Letter, that the King of Poland had not written about this matter. Yet the assu­rances given me at Rome of the receit of his Let­ters there, were very express; and that which the Pope himself said to me, was a very evident confir­mation of it; So that it seems doubtfull whether amongst the Arms made use of by the good Fathers to promote theit designs, there was not a suppo­sititious Letter of the King of Poland, as there had been a False Censure of the Faculty of Divinity of Paris.

Their false Deputy, F. Mulard, was at Char­tres the same Month; where upon the Eye of the King he visited M. Feron Doctor of the Society of Sorbonne and Abbot of S. Laumer, and told him that he was come from Rome, and should return thi­ther suddenly with good tackle against the Thomists. That the H. F. would shortly pronounce upon the con­troverted Propositions, and according to all probabi­lity in favour of the Molinists. This notice was given by the said Sieur Peron the next day in a Letter to an intimate Friend of his, Doctor of Sorbonue.

M. Brousse sent me word by one of the 24th. That a Friend of his, a considerable Officer of the Queen's, told him that he was present on Monday be­fore, when the Bishop of S. Malo told her Majesty (no doubt upon the Letters which he had receiv'd from M. Hallier) that three of the Propositions were already condemn'd, and the rest would be so suddenly. That these reports were dispersed abroad, and occasioned many persons of Quality to resort to him for informa­tion of the truth.

In fine, I learnt by the Letters of this Month, that as Orders were given, and extraordinary en­deavours used to pluck M. Cordon out of the Col­ledge of Montaigu, and M. Monassier out of his Chair of Divinity in the University of Caën; so the like had been employ'd to hinder two Fathers of the Oratory from preaching ar Paris in the two Churches where they were retain'd. That M. Ar­gentier went to the Marguilliers of S. Bennet, to tell them from the Queen that her Majesty would not have F. Des Mares preach there, and that a Let­ter under the Privy-Seal was sent from the King to F. le Boulx to forbid him comming to Paris where he was also to preach in another Church.

CHAP. V.

Containing what pass'd in the first dayes of February, particularly concerning a Memorial prepared by the General of the Augustines touching the Five Propositions. Of a Letter which we writ to our Bishops, informing them that the Congregation appointed for us by the Pope took the style of the Con­gregation of the H. Office. And of a Writing of M. Halliers which came by chance to my hands.

THe first of February I visited Cardinal Altie­ri, who was about to return me the Book of Prevailing Grace which we had lent him, and the first Chapter of our Writing concerning S. Augu­stin's [Page 294] authority, which he had caus'd to be tran­scrib'd, being to return to his Bishoprick the Mon­day following. He told me that he thought the Pope had intended to adde him to our Congregation, but for certain respects, because he must have ad­ded others too, it was not done; and that his Ho­liness was willing that when he took his leave again in the last Consistory, their long Discourse should make the world believe that they had many affairs; but they had none at all, and all that they said was only familiar and indifferent things. I know not whether I was mistaken in my suspition that the cause of the Pope's declining to adde this Cardinal to the Congregation was his having open'd his mind too freely to others about the necessity and justice of hearing the Parties as we demanded, and seriously sifting the whole matter de Auxiliis, be­fore any thing could be reasonably pronounced upon the Propositions. But so it was, we were depriv'd of his protection, and bore his absence with the same submission to God's good plea­sure which we used in all other difficult [...]es opposite to our desires of seeing his Truth triumph over all those who assaulted and oppress'd it so un­worthily.

The same morning I went to la Minerve, where I learnt that F. Barellier and F. Reginald went the day before to the Ambassador by their Genera'ls order, to beseech him to allow them to intervene in the affair of the Propositions, against the Jesu­ites; and that the Ambassador answer'd them that their intervention would be no wise displeasing to the King, whose whole interest in the affair was to have it decided with the greatest diligence pos­sible.

Sunday, Feb. 2. the day of the Purification, ha­ving first accompany'd the Ambassador to the Pope's Chappel, and according to my weak mea­sure perform'd the duties of pyety required by that Festival, I went to our Advocate who told me that being with Cardinal Spada at the end of a Congregation held at his House, and speaking to him about our affair, his Eminence told him strange things cose stupende; which yet our Advo­cate did not explain to me exactly. That as for our demands, the Cardinal said the Pope had given order to treat this affair in the manner wherein they acted, and till his Holiness appoint­ed otherwise they could not alter it. That it was not in their power, but if we would obtain more than was hitherto done, we must address to the Pope. Touching the persons against whom we excepted, our Advocate told me further that we could not accomplish our desire; that he ad­vis'd us to desist from it, otherwise we should make so many persons our Enemies to no purpose. That in conclusion he ask'd the Cardinal how the affair stood then in the Congregation; who an­swer'd him that it was under examination whether the Propositions were any of those which were condemn'd by the Bull of Pius V. That in case they were not, we had reason; if they were, then our Adversaries had. That nevertheless after it were found that they were not, the next Questi­on would be, whether they were true in them­selves or no, which was a hard thing to judge, and therefore the Congregations were frequent. That Si vorrebbe far qualche cosa, they were desi­rous to do something considerable; but there was no great likelihood of bringing it about; they met with great difficulties; that after the making of a Decision, it was not known whether they who were condemn'd by it would acquiesce in the Con­demnation. In summa, in a word, 'twas an affair likely to last to the end of the world, fin alla fine del mondo. Giesù m' ha detto grancose, che pareva quando parlava a gli altri che le loro Signorie fossero tanti demonii. & quando parlava a loro che gli altri fossero tante bestie: Jesus (said our Advocate end­ing his Discourse) the Cardinal spoke strange things; he said when he talkt with your Adver­saries, he seem'd to hear them say that you were very Devils; and when he talkt with you, that your Adversaryes were wilde Beasts.

Tuesday Feb. 4. in the morning two Augu­stines visited us from their General; to desire us to appear in the Congregation, though it were for no more but to make the Declarations upon the Propositions which he had often heard us make in visits and particular meetings. We profess'd to these Farhers that we wisht nothing else but an occasion of making those and other Declarations with all possible solemnity; but to appear before the Congregation whilst it acted as it did, and the persons excepted against by us were amongst the Consultors, was a thing whereunto it was impossible for us to condescend and conform. When these Fathers left us, I went to Masse at la Trinita del Monte, where I met M. Guef­fier, who told me he had blamed the Doctors our Adversaries for appearing and being heard in Cardinal Spada's Congregation the last week.

Wednesday the 5th. I went to see the General of the Augustines, who repeated his desire of our appearing in the Congregation, Though it were (said he) only to testifie your submission. That it would be expedient that we spoke all three there; that one of us represented perhaps the occasion of our undertaking this journey; that another lay'd open the truth of the Propositions in the sense wherein we maintain'd them▪ and that the third tefuted the Objections which could be brought against them. That above all it would be requisite that we took heed of saying any thing in defence of Jansenius; and as for the Bull issu'd against him, that we profess'd that we made no scruple to receive it.

I thank'd him for his affection, and represent­ed to him some of the Reasons which kept us from complying with his desires. He redoubled his instances; I repeated my excuses, and Cardinal Roma's Brother supervening ended our Confe­rence.

Thursday the 6th. a friend of ours advertis'd us that F. Luca Vadingo told him that we should un­doubtedly be heard; but it were good that some Doctors from Flanders came to Rome for the inte­rests of Jansenius, since we declar'd that we would not meddle with his defence.

Friday the 7th. being the day of the Ambassa­dor's usual audience, when he return'd from it, I went to him, to see, whether he would inform us of any thing touching the purpose which he said the Pope had to hear us solemnly; but he told me, he had other things to extricate. And in the afternoon being at S. Peter's Church, I was wit­ness [Page 295] of Cardinal Corrado's piety whom I saw at Prayers above an hour and a quarter all alone upon his knees behind a pillar, without train.

Saturday the 8th. I was inform'd that in Cardi­nal Spada's Congregations F. Palavicini being se­veral times in dispute with some Consultors who validly and learnedly confuted what he alledg'd, M. Albizzi, to hinder the like inconveniences, at length brought an Order of the Pope that none of them should speak but in his rank, and measure his discourse by an half-hour glass which was intro­duc'd for that purpose.

The same day I saw the draught of a Memorial which the General of the Augustin's was resolv'd to present to the Pope upon the fitst favourable occasion; in which he beseecht his Holiness to con­sider, 1. That the Propositions were contriv'd purposely to involve in their condemnation the total ruine of S. Augustine's doctrine under the name of that of Jansenius, which was so decry'd. 2. That their Authors had compris'd in them the whole matter of Grace. 3. That they had pro­pounded them in general without the name of any Author, in hope that they would be speedily con­demn'd. 4. That finding that they could not make them so bad but they would appear capable of some Orthodox sense, they afterwards attributed them to Jansenius, that at length they might be condemn'd under that pretext. 5. That being con­sider'd even with reference to that Author, they included the sound Catholick doctrine of S. Augu­stine and S. Thomas, whereof Jansenius made pro­fession. I shall here insert the Copy of the said Memorial, having been permitted to tran­scribe it.

Beatissime Pater,

EX obsequio in auctoritatem hujus sedis ac debito officii mei pro tuenda doctrina S. Augustini quam tuetur S. Thomas & ejus schola, humiliter supplico, ut advertat, quòd sub his quinque Propositionibus latet eversio totius doctrinae ejusdem S. P. Augustini; quem cum diserte ut Doctorem Ecclesiae adversarii impugnare non possent, pretextu doctrinae Jansenia­nae tam invisae eum omnino impetere cogitarunt. Iu illis enim quinque Propositionibus, datâ operâ, & magno artificio, & majori dolo, comprehensa est tota materia de Auxiliis, de possibilitate praeceptorum, de gratia sufficienti & efficaci, de libertate liberi ar­bitrii; quae quatuor capita totam hanc materiam comprehendunt. E primò quidem Propositiones in abstracto proposuerunt, existimantes quòd statim pro­scriberentur. Ʋt adverterant non posse per se Cen­suram damnabilem habere, quia eas ita confingere non potuerunt quin bonus aliquis appareret earum sensus, easdem Propositiones retulerunt relativè ad doctrinam Jansenii, ut saltem hoc titulo condemnarentur. Cae­terum & cum hoc quoque respectu involvitur do­ctrina sacra & Catholica ejusdem & S. Augu­stini & S. Thomae quam Jansenius profitetur. Quare, &c.

Moreovet the same day I learnt that they who most ardently wisht the condemnation of the Pro­positions began to confess that they were not of the number of those which were condemn'd by the Bull of Pius V. but were found in a greater num­ber of those which this Pope had collected to con­demn, and were left behind, yet being of the same quality with those which were condemn'd, they de­serv'd the like condemnation.

Sunday the 9th. I went to rhe Sub-Bibliothecary at the end of his grand Mass, to tell him that I heard that Cardinal Ghiggi had said that the Pro­positions might be condemn'd without touching S. Augustine or Grace Effectual by it self; and to beseech him to advertise his Eminence of it, that he might take heed what wrong this report might do to his reputation. He told me he would seek oc­casion to speak to him about it; but in the mean time he advis'd us to frame a handsome Memoral, to represent to the Pope, that the usage of the Church had been in such Cases as this to assemble Councils either General or Provincial; and that it was free for all the Faithful to enter into such Councils, and represent to the Church so assem­bled what every one thought fit to represent in de­fence of the Catholick Faith. That the Tribunal of the H. Office was establisht for the punishment of Criminals who subverted the Maxims of the Faith, but not to make Canons and Decisions. This Consideration of the Tribunal of the H. Office, the style whereof was transferr'd to our Congregati­on, troubled us much, and oblig'd us to write ano­ther Letter upon the tenth of this Month to our Bishops, and give them account of some particulars touching the said Congregation, not signify'd to them by my Letter of the 27th. of January, and especially to know of them what we should do, if all the difficulties we had made of appearing were redressed, and there were only this that hinder'd us. The Letter follows:

My Lords,

HAving review'd the Letter which was written to you a fortnight since concerning the offer made us by Cardinal Spada to appear, if we would, in the Coogregation held at his Palace, and our answer thereunto; we found it not so exact but there remain some circumstances which deserve to be signify'd to you.

Though we had refus'd to appear for the rea­sons therein mention'd to you, yet we under­stood a day or two after, that it was appointed to be held on Monday, and that M. Hallier, Lagault and Joysel were expected to be there alone with­out Adversaries. We were told that the Tickets customarily fixt upon the Gares of the Cardinals belonging to it, run thus, Eminentissime & Reve­rendissime Domine, Die Lunae 27. Januarii, 1653. erit Congregatio S. Officii in Palatio Eminentissimi & Reverendissimi Domini Cardinalis Spadae, horâ 21. And upon [...]nquiry we found it to be so. But having thereby the more curiosity to know whether the abovesaid Doctors appear'd there; we sent a man at the time appointed to see them enter in case they should come thither; which accordingly they did. Afterwards we understood a remarkable observation made of their deportment whilst they were in the house.

The Cardinals were in the usual Chamber of their retirement expecting till all their Eminen­ces [Page 296] were come, the Consultors in another, and M. Hallier with his Collegues in a third. When all their Eminences were arriv'd, they went into the Chamber where the Consultors were, to begin the Congregation. F. Palavicini the Jesuite was no [...] yet come, and his absence probably was the cause of deferring the admission of those Do­ctors. For there pass'd a considerable time, about a quarter of an hour, during which they who were without the place of the Assembly, won­der'd at the delay of introducing these Gentle­men. Themselves shew'd some signs of impati­ence by their cariage; but at length it was perfect­ly visible; for they left the Chamber where they were, being near the place of the Assembly; they passed into the Out-room, went down the stairs, so that it could not be known whether they were going away in good earnest or not. But F. Pa­lavicini being come, and meeting them upon the stairs, the cause of their impatience was clearly known. For after such a salutation as uses to be between persons of perfect correspondence, the Doctors turn'd short and came up again with that Father; and assoon as they were re­turned to the place where they were at first, they were all four introduced into the Assem­bly.

VVhat several reflections were made hereup­on, my Lords, is not needfull to tell you, but we cannot omit the intimate correspondence of these Doctors with that Father. 'Tis believ'd their in­troducing was not deferr'd till that Fathers com­ming without some very particular reason. Nor that it would have been so, had any other Consul­tor then he been absent; since at other times im­mediately upon the arrival of the Cardinals, the Congregation begins, though some o­ther Person of the Congregation be not come; and especially this, which we are told is sometimes held in the absence of one of their Eminences.

Another thing which a little amaz'd us, is, that these Doctors appear'd there, though the Con­gregation taking the Title of the H. Office, is a Jurisdiction, however venerable in the places where it it is receiv'd, not own'd in France, and consequently to which French-men cannot have recourse about an affair risen in France, and which concerns in some manner the whole Galli­cane Church. As for our selves, my Lords, had we had no other consideration but this, to hinder us from appearing, this would have greatly troubled us, and we durst not have done it without first consulting the Ambassador to know whether nei­ther the King nor his Estate, nor the Gallicane Church would be prejudiced thereby. Perhaps these Doctors inquir'd thus about it; but concei­ving they did not, we beseech you, my Lords, to resolve us what we shall do in a like case, namely, supposing all the other difficulties which have hitherto kept us from entring into that Congregation, were remov'd, and there remain'd no more but this.

We conceive those others will not be redressed so suddenly but we may have your answer here­upon before-hand. But to the end you may judge thereof with more certainty, we think our selves oblig'd to represent to you in few words some circumstances on either side, which you cannot comprehend there so well as we do here.

What may be said to induce us to appear in this Congregation, though under the title of the H. Office, is, that though the affair be handled there, yet perhaps no mention will be made thereof in the Pope's Constitution, but it will be drawn in form of a Brief or ordinary Bull. 2. That the Pope being to be assisted with information in this affair, his Holiness is free to take whom he please for that purpose. That had he appoin­ted but three persons only, to be inform'd by us concerning what we had to represent to his Holiness, he relying upon those persons, we should have had nothing to say. Wherefore his Holiness having chosen Cardinals the most im­ploy'd and vers'd in matters of Doctrine, and added to them thirty of the most experienc'd Di­vines in Rome, we ought to be satisfied with this establishment. 3. That though all the Cardinals design'd for our Congregation, and most of the Divines imploy'd in it, are Officers of the H. Of­fice, yet some are not, and so it cannot abso­lutely be said to be that of the H. Office. 4. That the affair is not treated nor reported, at least hi­therto, in the general Assembly of the H. Of­fice.

Now to this it may be answer'd, That whoever is engag'd in the information of an affair, contri­butes very much to the judgement of it, and the Registers of the H. Office will without fail very authentically set forth that the whole procedure of this affair was before its Tribunal; and so its Ju­risdiction will be acknowledg'd by us, and by you also, my Lords, in this so important affair, and that without contradiction; and supposing (as is very uncertain) the Brief and Bull speak not at all of that Tribunal, yet Monuments will be left to Posterity in what manner we acted in this Cause. 2. That the Pope being the Common Father of all the Faithful, may well comply with what the Customes of those who have recourse to him will admit; and there are other Cardinals, Divines and Bishops in great number in Italy, whom he may summon hither to make a Congregation somewhat solemn and more proportionable to the affair than this of which we speak is hitherto. 3. That no Cardinal is of this Congregation but is of the H. Office. That the Secretary of the Congregation is the Assessor of the H. Office. That of the thirty Divines chosen for it at first, only two not are of the H. Office, namely the Ge­neral of the Augustin's and F. Aversa; and there is great reason to doubt, whether by being chosen for this Congregation, they be not eo ipso made Qualificators of the H. Office; which may be said also of the two other Divines substituted since in stead of the two Qualificators of the H. Of­fice, who would not be present at these Assem­blies. To which may be added, my Lords, that although no report be made of this affair to the General Congregation of the H. Office, yet the whole conduct is as that of the H. Office, the man­ner of proceeding secret; excommunication to whosoever shall tell the least word of what is done in those Assemblies; all the Consultors ha­ving no other suffrage touching what is treated [Page 297] there, but a deliberative one; and all the rest ge­nerally according to the order and manner of the H. Office; which was also one reason urg'd by Cardinal Spada in answer to our instances for a contradictory Conference, as we signifi'd to you by our last. As for the reasons, my Lords, on either side relating to the substance of the thing which we propound to you, you know them better than our selves, and sufficiently see the consequences which can be foreseen on the one side and the other. Wherefore we shall content our selves with having mention'd these to you, and we believe they will suffice to clear the thing perfectly to you about which we consult you, and we beseech you most earnestly to send us your re­solution with all speed.

Other things remain'd to tell you, my Lords, concerning the choyce of the Consultors, and the proceeding hitherto held in this affair; but be­cause some of them are such that we need further light before we can speak of them with assurance and plainness, we shall defer them till we be bet­ter inform'd, and can acquaint you with them all, contenting our selves for the present to have spo­ken to you of these. We are,

My Lords,
Your most humble and obedient Servants,
  • De la Lane, Abbot of Valcroissant.
  • De Saint-Amour.
  • Angran.

But when I reflect upon this Letter, I must con­fess, that how displeasing soever it was that an affair referr'd to the Pope by Bishops of France should be examin'd in the Inquisition, a Tribunal not own'd in France; nevertheless it would have been an advantage to us, to have had it discuss'd in the full Congregation of the Inquisition, and not in this part, which M. Albizzi had cunningly cull'd, by re­moving those whom he thought likely to be con­trary to his designs. For had it been examin'd be­fore the proper Judges of that Congregation both Cardinals and Divines, without affecting or ex­cluding any, 'tis credible things would have pass'd after another sort. Cardinal S. Clement alone, who had right to assist therein, and was excluded by this attificial choyce, would have so clear'd things, that he would have overthrown all the designs of the Molinists, and procur'd a distinction of the senses of the Propositions, which was all that we desir'd. Besides, there was amongst the Con­sultors the F. Abbot Hilarion; the Abbot of S. Peter in vinculis, since Archbishop of Manfredo­nio; F. Ʋbaldino General of the Sommasques; F. Bordone of the Order of S. Francis; the General of the Dominicans, and another Dominican, Com­panion of the Commissary of the H. Office; Mon­signor Paolucci, the Procurator General of the Augustines, and possibly two or three more, all excellent Divines, and very zealous for S. Augu­stine's doctrine, and Members of this Tribunal, who being joyn'd to those of the Consultors who were favourable to us, would have been stronger as well in number, as they were incomparably in Learning. And the reason alledg'd for excluding the Dominicans particularly, and Cardinal S. Cle­ment, as if they would have been partial in the bu­siness was the worst pretext in the world; since M. Hallier and all the rest protested daily that the Do­minicans had interest therein, and that the points in contest were such upon which they fully agreed with the Jesuites.

Tuesday the 11th▪ a New Writing against the Propositions fell into our hands; it was of a hand like that of the others, whereof we knew M. Hallier and his Collegues were the Distributers. We forthwith took a Copy of it, that we might return it without delay to the person who did us the favour to communicate it to us.

In this VVriting, after the Propositions in the front, they attributed the same to Jansenius, citing him in this manner.

(1.) A pag. Indicii facti 19 ad 22. (2.) à 33 ad 50. (3.) à 1 ad 18. (4.) in Hist. Haer. Pelag. & Semip. (5.) à pag. 59 ad 63.

The false censure of the Sorbonne was cited in this manner: Has Propositiones Sorbona sequenti Cen­sura notavit.

The first Proposition was branded as Calvi­nistical, and as condemn'd by the Sorbonne in Luther. Damnavit in Luthero primam Propo­sitionem ut impiam, Blasphemam & Haereti­cam.

Primam Propositionem (said the VVriting fur­ther) Jansenistae cum Calvino communem habent. It attributed to Jansenius that ridiculous fiction of Necessitating Grace. Intenditur (said this VVri­ting) hac Propositione, ac imprimis scilicet, hominem in eo statu collocare, in quo si peccat, necessario peccet, quia defectu gratiae non peccare non potest; si verò bene agit, necessariò bene agit, quia GRATIA ILLƲM AD AGENDƲM NECESSITAT. Calvi­nus hoc etiam dixit. Propterea rectè concludit homi­nem libero arbitrio carere. Nam revera si homo ex necessitate agit, liberè non agit.

Thus they securely vented Calumnies in private Writings, and further affirm'd this Falsehood upon the fourth Proposition in these words:

Porrò eo fine hanc Propositionem adstruunt Janseni­stae, ut consequenter ad sua Principia loquantur, ut gratiam sufficientem tollant; ut qui bene agit, bene agere necessario dicatur, cum gratiae resistere ne­queat.

And upon the fifth; Hanc Propositionem adstru­unt, ut consequenter loquantur. Si enim Christus pro omnibus mortuus non est; Ergo nullam gratiam illis confert, saltum in ordine ad salutem, qui dam­nantur. Ergo necessariò peccant. Ergo praecepta Dei illis impossibilia.

About the same time accidentally came to my hands another Writing upon the Propositions [Page 298] somewhat longer than the former, which tended only to shew that they who prosecuted the con­demnation of them were not contrary to the Tho­mists.

It was an abridgement of a longer VVriting mention'd above to have been dispers'd at Rome, and since printed at Paris, viz. Jansenius à Thomi­stis damnatus. Only there was added divers passa­ges of S. Thomas which the Dominicans con­futed and endeavoured to present the said Confu­tation to the Pope, with the other Writings which his Holiness would not hear of. 'Tis observable that it determin'd not any sense of the Propositi­ons, nor attributed them to Jansenius, but hand­led them in abstracto. It cited sundry passages of S. Thomas and the Thomists, to show that the Commandements are not impossible. That there is a Sufficient Grace in the sense of the Thomists; That Sufficient Grace is resistible; That the Will is not necessitated by Effectual Grace. None of which things were ever disputed in France, but thought fit by these Gentlemen to be brought into question at Rome, thus making an imaginary di­spute and Chimerical adversaries; which was very easie for them to do, because they spoke alone, and writ what they pleas'd, without our knowing any thing of it when they dispers'd these Writings, or being able to refute them had we known it, their subtilty in this affair having alwayes been so to carry it, that they might be free to calumniate as much as they would, and not be subject to con­viction. But the advantage to be drawn never­theless from this proceeding, is this, that it disco­vers that the doctrine of Effectual Grace is so esta­blisht in the Church and particularly at Rome, that they who impugn'd it in France were oblig'd to declare by all wayes at Rome that they meant not to touch it; and being they oppos'd the Propositi­only by Citations of the Thomists who are Defen­ders of Effectual Grace, 'tis a manifest proof, all those which this History affords of the condemna­tion which they obtain'd of them, do's no preju­dice to that Grace, as we have a hundred times protested.

These false accusations shew what necessity there was of a contradictory Conference, in which the Calumnies wherewith the minds of the Cardinals were prepossess'd would have been not only lay'd open but destroy'd in a moment. For to do it we needed to say no more, but that we taught no­thing of all that which M. Hallier imputed to us; that we did not reject all Sufficient Grace, but on­ly that of Molina; that we did not hold that Ef­fectual necessitates but only that it infallibly causes to act; that men have a power to resist it, though it is not resisted: And so of the rest. This declara­tion alone would have stop'd their mouths, and reduc'd the Dispute to precise terms, by obli­ging them to confess that either the Question was about nothing, or else design'd against Effectual Grace.

CHAP. VI.

Of the Conference, Feb. 14. between M. Hallier and his Collegues on the one part with the General of the Domi­nicans, and some principal Fathers of his Order on the other.

M. Hallier and his Collegues having understood the visit which the Father Barelier & Reginald made to the Ambassador to entreat him that the King would allow the resolution of their Order to intervene in this affair, conceived themselves ob­lig'd touse all their endeavours to hinder it. For which end they repair'd to the General on Tuesday, Feb. 11. Some dayes before we had visited him, and speaking of the design of all those who prosecuted the Propositions to destroy the Doctrine of Effe­ctual Gtace by their condemnation, we thought fit to give him the proofs thereof in a short Writing, wherein we laid open their sentiments and designs; and accordingly, not thinking of any thing else we went to carry it to him upon February 14. But comming to la Minerve, F. Reginald met us, and told us that M. Hallier and his Collegues were with the General, and it would be well that we deliver'd our Writing to him whilst those Doctors were there. VVe did so, and waited till their depar­ture to speak with the General, and know what was the subject of their Visit. He receiv'd us but coldly, and told us that those Doctors had visited him in complement; and that as for the Paper which we caus'd to be given him whilst they were there, he had not yet seen what it was. Where­upon we gave him an account of it, and read it to him.

The next day we were inform'd that M. Halli­er and his Collegues had not visited the General of the Dominicans only in complement, as he ci­villy told us, but to protest to him that he had no design to prejudice the Doctrine of Grace Effe­ctual by it self, which his Order profess'd to de­fend; to convince him of which, they were ready to subscribe the Five Propositions in the sense of such Effect [...] Grace, provided on the other side he and the [...] his Order would concur and contribute toge [...] [...] them to the condemnati­on of the same Pr [...]tions as they were contra­ry to the doctrine [...] sufficient Grace. That for this purpose he de [...] speedy Conference in his presence with some principal Fathers of his Or­der, and they should all find how they (Hallier and his Collegues) held the same Sentiments with the School of S. Thomas. Only they desir'd that F. Nolano and Reginald might not be of this Con­ference; because they were too hot upon this matter, and things would be more easily accom­moded if they were not. We understand also that the General accepted this Offer, but would not yield to the exclusion of the two said Fathers; whereupon M. Hallier and his Collegues at length consented. That the same Evening the General acquainted the Fathers of his Order with all this, [Page 299] and order'd F. Reginald to draw up the Five Pro­positions distinctly, in the sense of Effectual Grace, intending to cause M. Hallier and his Collegues to subscribe them before entring into any other ac­cord with them.

The same morning M. the Abbot Viole told me that M. Joysel was impatient to return, and expe­cted a condemnation of the Propositions the se­cond week of Lent; that he had in a friendly and pleasant way blam'd M. Joysel for daring to come to Rome about this affair, being so little vers'd in the matter in question; that he could not under­stand how so many other props of the Party came to rely upon him; and that M. Joysel ingenuously answer'd, that who had a mind to come, came, but of his own accord, and without procuration from Bishops or any body. I told the Abbot, that I was glad to understand this particularity. Whereup­on he went about to retract, and excuse M. Joysel, saying that perhaps they had receiv'd procurations since he was at Rome. But I answer'd him that it was too late to disguise what he had spoken so plainly.

Thursday the 13th. I understood that besides what is above related, M. Hallier and his Col­legues offer'd the General to confer not only with his Fathers, but also with us; and that the Gene­ral answer'd that being that the Pope and Cardi­nals would not yield to a disputation between us, he was loth to suffer one before himself, or to be the Mediator of it. That nevertheless the Gene­ral purposed to speak to the Pope the next day, and tell him what had pass'd between him and M. Hal­lier and his Collegues; and that if his Holiness thought good that he should set them and us to di­spute together, to try whether we could close, he should do it willingly, and account himself happy in being able to contribute to our reconci­liation. I desir'd him who gave me this intelli­gence to pray the General not to make any such motion to the Pope, because we had no reconcili­ation of Doctrine to make with them; and that as for Conferences, it was more expedient to make them in a full Congregation. After I was re­turn'd home, and given account hereof to my Col­legues, they approv'd my answer.

In the afternoon we went to the General, and assur'd him again of their design who persecuted the Propositions, to make use of their condemna­tion against Effectual Grace and S. Augustin; of which we gave him new proofs; and he promis'd us to beware of suffering himself to be diverted by M. Hallier and his Collegues from the Capital point of Effectual Grace which they promis'd him to subscribe, being that alone for which himself and we were concern'd. After our departure, one of their Fathers who had some intelligence of what pass'd in Cardinal Spada's Congregations, told us that all went very ill there for the Propositions; that nothing was spoken of but their condemnati­on; but because the Pope had given order what­ever were done, to beware of medling with S. Au­gustin's doctrine, or the matter De Auxiliis, they scarce knew what course to take. That yet he fear'd our resolvedness not to appear in Con­gregations but after our own way, might exaspe­rate them against us, and carry them to extremi­ties. We answer'd that we could not hinder them from doing what they thought good; yet all they could do could not hinder us from acting as we were oblig'd. An other of those Fathers told us that M. Hallier and his Collegues, had since their visit to the General endeavoured to defer the Conference design'd to be on Friday till Monday or Tuesday following; but the General would not yield to it, fearing to lose time whilst it was uncertain what the intentions of those Doctors might be. That otherwise they beliv'd they tended to deceive; but they should find themselves deceiv'd; for either they would subscribe the Propositions as they pro­mis'd in the sense of Effectual Grace, and so we should have all we desir'd; or else they would not, and so manifesting their promises as equivocal and fraudulent as the Propositions, they should oblige their whole Order to stand no longer in suspence, but engage against them in this affair.

Omitting some less considerable passages, which would cause too great interruption, I shall proceed to insert the Relation of the Conference which was held on Friday the 14th. word for word as it was given me soon after in Writing by one of the Do­minicans.

A Relation of a Conference between M. Hallier and his Collegues at la Minerve, Febr. 14. 1653. and the General of the Dominicans and some Fathers of that Order made by one of those Fathers.

M. Hallier and his Collegues came to the Ge­neral of the Fryers Predicants on Tuesday Feb. 11. 1653. The subject of their long discourse with him, was, That they agreed with the Thomists, and admitted Grace Effectual by it self, but held also that God gave Sufficient Grace. That in this sense they impug'd Jansenius, and desir'd of his Holiness in the name of fourscore French Bishops the condemnation of the Five Propositions, in the maintaining of which the Order of S. Dominicus was no wise interessed.

The General would not determine any thing with them, saying that the affair was too impor­tant to be decided in a moment; that he would consult with his Divines about it; that neverthe­less he protested that he undertook not to defend Jansenius, unless in what he taught conformably to the sentiments of S. Augustin, whom the Fa­thers of his Order so vigorously defended under Clement VIII. and Paul V. That if it could be known that the interest of that Doctrine was not mingled with Jansenius, he would not stir at all; but if it were never so little concern'd directly or indirectly, he could not but interpose in the busi­ness.

M. Hallier answer'd, That they were ready to show both to him and his Divines in his presence, that he was not concern'd therein.

Whilst they were in this debate, M. de S. Amour, M. the Abbot de Lane, and M. Angran came to la Minerve, and meeting F. Reginald (by whom they understood that their Adversaries were with the General) told him that they came to present a Writing unto him which contained the senti­ments of M. le Moyne, Pereyret, and others who prosecuted the condemnation of the Five Proposi­tions. F. Reginald answer'd them that it was very [Page 300] important that that Writing were deliver'd to the General before he concluded any thing with those Doctors, and therefore sent a Frier of the General's chamber to deliver it to him, and tell him that it was very important that he please to read the few lines written in the Paper. VVhich done, M. de S. Amour and the others waited till M. Hallier and his Companions were gone. After which they were admitted to the General, who recei­ved them somewhat coldly. The same Evening that General call'd for Reginald, told him that M. Hal­lier and his Companions were ready to subscribe, and to that purpose were to come on Friday to confer with us; and that they were very urgent that F. Reginald might not be there, which the Ge­neral would not yield to, and so at length it was resolv'd upon. F. Reginald answer'd, that great heed was to be taken of surprizes; that the Jesu­ites admitted Effectual Grace; that in the Con­gregations of De Auxiliis they proceeded so far as to affirm that God physically and really moves the VVill before it acts; and yet under these fair words they had equivocations which wholly ener­vated Grace; that therefore it was needful to go with great precaution. VVhereupon the General commanded him to draw up the Five Propositions in the sense of Effectual Grace, according to the sentiments of S. Augustin and the Fathers of the Order; which he did in this form:

I.

Gratia de se efficax vere, realiter ac phy­sice praemovens ac praedeterminans, immutabiliter, infallibiliter, insupera­biliter & indeclinabiliter, ita est ne­cessaria ad singulos actus etiam ad ini­tium fidei & ad orationem, ut sine illa homo etiam justus non possit adimplere Dei Praecepta etiamsi & conetur affe­ctu & conatu imperfecto; quia deest illi gratia qua possit, sive qua fiant ipsi possibilia possibilitate cum effectu, ut loquitur Augustinus de Nat. & Grat. cap. 42.

II.

In natura lapsa nunquam resistitur gratiae interiori, id est, efficaci, in sensu ex­plicato in prima Propositione, quae se­cundum phrasim Augustini vocatur interior.

III.

Ad merendum & demerendum in statu naturae lapsae non requiritur libertas ab omni necessitate, sed sufficit liber­tas ab omni coactione, hoc est, a vio­lentia & naturali necessitate.

IV.

Admiserunt Semipelagiani gratiae inte­rioris necessitatem ad singulos actus, etiam ad initium fidei; & in hoc erant Haeretici, quod vellent eam gratiam talem esse, cui posset humana volun­tas resistere vel obtemperare, id est, in hoc erant Haeretici quod vellent grati­am illam non esse efficacem modo expli­cato in prima Propositione.

V.

Error est Semipelagianorum dicere Chri­stum pro omnibus omnino mortuum es­se aut sanguinem fudisse: quia videli­cet Christus est quidem mortuus pro omnibus quoad sufficientiam pretii sufficienter, non tamen efficaciter, quia non omnes participant beneficium mor­tis ejus.

During these two dayes F. Reginald by the General's Command shew'd the Propositions which he had drawn to the other Fathers who were to assist at the Conference, namely to F. Galassin, F. Nolano, F. Alvarez Regent of la Minerve, and F. Libelli Bachelier and Re­gent also; and advised what they were to be­ware of.

Friday the 14th. being S. Valentine's day the Molinist Doctors came hither presently after dinner, and were brought into the great room of the Inquisition. The General also being en­ter'd, after a little Ceremony M. Hallier and his Companions were plac'd in Chairs near a Table upon which was set a Standish with Paper, in case there should be any need of writing. The F. Ge­neral sate directly against M. Hallier on the right hand, F. Galassin over against one of his Com­panions, F. Nolano opposite to the other, and F. Bachelier to the Regent, who was placed next to those Gentlemen, and after him F. Regi­nald.

The F. General begun in Latin, saying that those Doctors had taken the pains to come and enter in­to conference with the Divines of his Order about the affair of the Five Propositions; and therefore he desir'd them that they would unfold their senti­ments.

M. Hallier thereupon spake, and said in Latin, That the University of Paris had alwayes a great respect for the General and his Order; upon which he was very copious. That the Propositions had [Page 301] no relation to the dispute of the Fryers Predicants with the Jesuites; but were an affair totally distinct; that none was concern'd in it but Jansenius who had reviv'd the Propositions of Baius condemn'd by the most great H. and learned Pope Pius V. the light of that Order, in whose prayses he was very prolix; That the said Bull was publisht by Gregory XIII. renew'd by Ʋrban VIII. and Innocent X. That the Congregations were held to this end with precaution in no wise to meddle with the matter De Auxiliis. He was long upon this Discourse, during which the last of his Companions was fold­ing some papers upon the table.

When he had ended, the General spoke, and repeating briefly and judiciously what M. Hallier had said, shew'd that the question was not about the defence of Jansenius, but only to explain how the Propositions could be censur'd or condemn'd without touching the matter De Auxiliis; that this seem'd to him very difficult, that nevertheless he should be glad to know the sentiments of those Doctors.

M. Hallier reply'd and spoke many things in ge­neral, repearing what he had formerly said; and added that when the Fryers Predicants defended the efficacy of Grace before Clement VIII. and Paul V. these Propositions were not treated of; that when the Jesuites argu'd against Effectual Grace, that it would follow that the Commande­ments were impossible to those who had not such Grace; that this was absurd, and therefore it ought to be concluded that Grace is not Effectual of it self. The Fryers Predicants answer'd, by denying the Major and granting the Minor. That the Jansenists granted the Major and deny the Minor. That all the Thomists admitted Sufficient Grace; that Jansenius deny'd it; and consequent­ly the Thomists were far from Jansenius.

Hereupon F. Nolano said that this was so com­mon amongst the Thomists; that S. Augustine was of another mind; and that they ought not to deprive us of the weapons of S. Augustine. But the General interpos'd, and said that the Question was not about Sufficient Grace.

After which M. Hallier repeating the same things, added that this was the whole difficulty between the Dominicans and the Jesuites, but not the present question. That the Thomists affirm'd that Effectual Grace did not pertain to the First Act and Power, but to the Second; that they ad­mitted Effectual Grace which causes to act infalli­bly, insuperabiliter, iudeclinabiliter. But this did not hinder the Commandements from being pos­sible, even to those who have not such Grace, be­cause God gives them Sufficient to perform them, or else to obtain and impetrate that which is neces­sary.

F. Nolano interpos'd again that there was no ground either in S. Augustin or S. Thomas for such Sufficient Grace; that on the contrary they deny'd it. That if S. Augustine were suffer'd to be con­demn'd in one sole point of the Doctrine of Grace, his authority would be no longer considerable in the Church; that we ought not to suffer it; S. Augustin's doctrine having been approv'd by the Popes, Celestin, Homisda, Gelasius, and Clement VIII. that it was highly important to stand stiff up­on this.

The F. General reply'd again that this was not the question, and therefore M. Hallier might proceed, who repeating the same things conclu­ded that the first Proposition had no connection with the questions De Auxiliis, agitated under Clement VIII. and Paul V. And that for their parts, they never intended the condemnation of the Propositions but in the sense of Jansenius. That they had affirm'd the same in the first Me­morial, which they presented to the Pope in the name of fourscore Bishops who deputed them.

Whereupon the third read the Memorial which they had presented, and said the same things which M. Hallier had done. The second like­wise spoke something to the same sense.

Then M. Hallier added that they had alwaies made the same protestation; and that when they were call'd before the Congregation, they so pro­tested, because they saw well that those Questions were not to be medled with.

The general answer'd him, that then it was not without reason that he fear'd and intended to stir; and he demanded whether his fear was just and well-grounded.

M. Hallier reply'd, that the F. General's fear was just, and that he did well to fore-arm himself; but for their parts, it was in no wife their inten­tion to get the opinions of the Dominicans con­demn'd. Then he proceeded to the second Pro­position, and briefly explicated it, saying that the Thomists admitted Sufficient Grace, not on­ly external but also internal, which men may re­sist and do oftentimes resist; but Jansenius deny'd them; and so there was no connection of the Pro­positions with the doctrine of the Order of Fryers Predicants. As for the third, he said that Janse­nius affirms that 'tis sufficient to make an Action meritorious, that it be done without constraint, though it be necessary. That S. Thomas, Qu. 6. De Malo affirms this Opinions here­tical.

The second added, that the Thomists affirm the same.

The third cited some Thomists.

M. Hallier said, that the fourth and fifth had as little relation to the Dominicans opinions, because these Propositions were never agitated in the time of Clement VIII. and Paul V.

After M. Hallier had ended, the F. General commanded F. Reginald to speak first and declare his judgement. He was the last on M. Hallier's side, who said that being thick of hearing he in­treated the General to cause him to come nearer, and to place him where he might see him. Where­upon the Father exchang'd places with F. No­lano.

But when he began to speak, M. Hallier said he could not hear him, and therefore the General commanded him to speak lowder. Which he did, and said that three things were to be suppos'd: First, that it could not be made an Article of Faith, That there is Sufficient Grace common to all; that it was a dispute in the Schools; that ma­ny Authors deny that there is any Grace purely sufficient, but that all Sufficient Grace is effectua [...] for some acts, that in this sense Jansenius did not deny it. And however Jansenius's opinion were [Page 302] with which he would not meddle. It was certain, that a decision of Faith could not be made concern­ing Sufficient Grace, especially such as is general, because S. Augustin denyes it, Nunc autem qui­bus deest, &c. as he speaks of Sufficient Grace, which he saith is deny'd to some. Secondly, 'Tis to be suppos'd that the Sufficient Grace admit­ted by the Thomists, is very different from that of the Divines of the Society; that these latter hold a Sufficient Grace which may be and is determin'd by the Consent of Free-will, either present or fore-seen; and besides this Sufficient Grace they admit no other necessary to all acts. But the Thomists with common consent admit a Sufficient Grace which gives power, but is not determin'd by the consent of the Will, and besides this Grace they hold that for a man to act he needs another Grace powerful and effectual of it self. Thirdly, That this Grace, necessary to all actions, even to the beginning of Faith, Prayer, and other Good Works, causes the will to act infallibly, insupera­biliter & indeclinabiliter, and that independently on Scientia media, and the conditional Prevision of God. That this being suppos'd, the Proposi­ons were true in the sense of such Effectual Grace. That in the disputes De Auxiliis the Thomists had answer'd the Objections of the Jesuites, who drew all these Five Propositions as absurdities following from the Effectual Grace which the Tho­mists had explicated by the word of Physical pre­determination; that it was a Question whether it pertain'd to the first act or the second, because it reduc'd the power of the first act into the second act. That in the Congregations De Auxiliis se­veral points were disputed of, especially Grace necessary for performance of the Commande­ments; and that when the Jesuites objected, that if Effectual Grace were necessary, the Commande­ments would be impossible to those who had not such Effectual Grace, the Thomists answer'd that they were impossible in sensu Composito, but not in sensu Diviso: that as S. Augustin in the 42d. Chapter of the Book De Natura & Gratia distinguishes a possibility which he calls cum effectu, and another which may be call'd simplex, as may be collected from other places of S. Augustin; so the Thomists distinguish two Impossibilities, which, in the School-terms, they call in sensu Composito, and in sensu Diviso; that accordingly they distinguish that in sensu Composito, it is impossible for him who hath not Effectual Grace to observe the Commande­ments; which is as much as to say, that 'tis not possible for him with that possibility which S. Au­gustin terms Possibility joyn'd with Effect, Possibi­litas cum Essectu; but they are possible in sensu Diviso, that is, with a simple and remote possibi­lity or power. And therefore he conceiv'd that the first Proposition could not be absolutely and without distinction condemn'd, without doing great wrong to the doctrine which the Fathers Predicants had defended in the Congregations De Auxiliis, considering also that in the first Propo­sition Sufficient Aid was explicated in the same manner that many Thomists explicated it, viz. in these words volentibus & conantibus, which ought to be understood of an imperfect will and endea­vour, proceeding from a Sufficient Grace explica­ted in the sense of the Thomists.

As for the second Proposition, he said that he conceiv'd that neither could it be absolutely con­demn'd without doing wrong to the doctrine of the Thomists; because if by Internal Grace we ought to understand Effectual Grace, as S. Au­gustin understands it, it is certain the Thomists al­wayes held that, to speak properly, it is never resisted, yea that it cannot be resisted; though in a sense less proper they confess that it may be resisted, that is, a man may not give his con­sent, because he who consents, consenting freely, alwayes reteins a power of not con­senting.

As for the third he said, that if by Liberty from Necessity it was understood that to the making of an action meritorious it must be free from all Ne­cessity, even that which is call'd Necessity of In­fallibility in sensu composito, or from Necessity in general, and the like; then in condemning this Proposition, all the Thomists, yea all the Schools who admit it will be condemn'd. But if absolute or natural Necessity, which takes away the indif­ference of the Object be meant, then will Scotus with his School be condemn'd; and 'tis not conve­nient to require the condemnation of so famous a School.

As for the fourth, that it depended upon Histo­ry, and that the Thomists alwayes maintain'd in the Congregations De Auxiliis that the Semipela­gians err'd in that they would not admit at least for some acts, Grace Effectual of it self, but only admitted Sufficient Grace which may be determin'd by the Will. That therefore if this Proposition were condemn'd absolutely, the Thomists would be condemn'd too, and depriv'd of all their proofs which they drew from S. Augustin to prove Grace Effectual of it self.

As for the last, it appear'd sufficiently by what he had said in the beginning; because if they would have it that Jesus Christ dy'd for all, that is, by his death merited for all universally and without ex­ception Sufficient Graces, it was a Question of the School which could not be determin'd. That if it were determin'd in this sense, that Jesus Christ merited for all Sufficient Graces determinable by the Will, then Effectual Grace would be destroy­ed. But if they only aim'd to get it defin'd that Jesus Christ dy'd for all sufficiently, in regard his blood was of infinite value and sufficient for all, this fifth Proposition would not be condemn'd, because neither the Semipelagians ever spoke so much in this sense, nor the Disciples of S. Augustin e­ver accus'd them of Error, for having said that Jesus Christ dy'd for all in this sense. And therefore he concluded that the Propositions could not be condemn'd absolutely, without wholly ruining the Doctrine of the Thomists.

F. Reginald having thus ended, M. Hallier re­ply'd, That the Question of Effectual Grace was very remote from Physical Predetermination; that the Thomists never plac'd Effectual Grace in such Predetermination; that Grace was a thing ve­ry antient, and Physical Predetermination a thing very new invented by some new Thomists.

At these words F. Reginald made a little sign with his Head, intimating that he did not approve them; at which M. Hallier taking offence said that he spoke Truth, and that he ought not to [Page 303] shake his head at it; for 'twas true that it was a novel invention. F. Reginald, out of respect to the General, and because he was in their house, reply'd nothing.

M. Hallier continuing his discouse, said that 'twas true that the Thomists, to reconcile and ac­cord freedom with physical Predetermination, us'd the distinction of sensus Compositus & Divi­sus, but not to conciliate Effectual Grace with Liberty; That this Effectual Grace did not per­tain to the First Act, nor consist in a physical Pre­determination; that besides he had read S. Au­gustin very well, who never us'd those words Pos­sibility with Effect and Possibility simple; that they admitted Grace Effectual of it self necessary to all Good workes even independently on God's pro­vision, which he had taught publickly long ago, and was ready to teach again; that he had protest­ed thus before the whole Congregation of Cardi­nals and Consulters at his audience there; But that the Necessity of this Grace in no wise render'd the Commandments impossible to him who wanted it; That he who had it, had alwayes a power to resist it; that the Council of Trent had so determin'd when it said possit dissentire si velit, and that conse­quently a man consented without Necessity. That the third Proposition had been condemn'd against Michel Baius, that constraint alone takes away liberty.

F. Reginald replying, desir'd M. Hallier to excuse him if he told him that for certain all the Thomists, except one or two, held that Effectual Grace is a physical Predetermination; that even they who plac't it amongst indeliberate acts, said it is predetermined physically, and that therefore the Thomists us'd the distinction of sensus Compositus & Divisus, as well in reference to Effectual Grace as physical Predetermination; That when the Council saith possit abjicere, possit dissentire, it means in sensu diviso, and not in sensu Composito. That physical Predetermination is not a new invention as to the substance of the thing, that the word Predetermi­nation ought not to be disputed, being found in S. Thomas and many other ancient Doctors. That as for the distinction of Possibility with effect and sim­ple Possibility, it is found in S. Augustin, who uses the word Possibilitas cum effectu in chap. 42. of the book De Gratia & Libera Arbitrio; as for the other part, simple posibility, he confess'd it is not found formally in S. Augustin, but is evidently collected out of the fifth book De Civit. Dei.

M. Hallier rejoyn'd to the last point saying that the terme Possibility with Effect was never found in S. Augustin, and repeating the same things which he had said before; especically that he had alwayes protested that they pursu'd not the con­demnation of the Propositions, saving in the sense of Jansenius, and not in the sense of Effectual Grace which they held.

M. Hallier's Companions spoke the same things which they had said before, adding that in all Memorials they had us'd this exception, because they saw that otherwise they should do wrong to so many and so learned Divnes of S. Domini­cus.

Here the R. F. General interpos'd and said, Then our fear is just, since you acknowledge it requisite to make those protestations.

M. Hallier answer'd that they had taken order for that, because the speech which he made in the Congregation would be inserted in the Bull, to the end it might be known that the Propositions were condemn'd only in the sense of Jansenius.

Then the F. General commanded F. Alvarez Regent of la Minerve to speak, who said that he saw no more difficulty in this affair; that if these Doctors acknowledg'd Grace Effectual of it self indepently on God's provision, they must also ac­knowledge the truth of the Propositions in the sense of Effectual Grace, and consequently that the Commandments are impossible to him who wants it with an Impossibility consequent and not antecedent; and next, that a man never resists in­ternal, that is, Effectual Grace; and that this necessity takes not away merit; and so of the o­ther Propositions. That since they agreed in doctrine, it remain'd only to consider how it was requisite to proceed in this affair; that he con­ceiv'd it expedient to unfold the Propositions and demand the confirmation and definition of them in the sense of Effectual Grace, and their condemna­tion in the other senses.

M. Hallier permitted not the F. Regent to end, but told him that he acknowledg'd the Effectual Grace as mention'd by F. Regent; that he admit­ted that the Commandments are impossible to him who wants it, with an impossibility consequent and not antecedent; that they were ready to sub­scribe thus much privatim, but not as Deputies, provided their Reverences would subscribe the condemnation of the Propositions in the sense of Jansenius.

F Galassin told them, that the match was not equal; that a General could not subscribe it, they subscribing only as particular persons.

M. Hallier answer'd that he demanded only the condemnation of Jansenius who was condemn'd already.

F. Reginald having desir'd leave to speak one word, said, But what if Jansenius hath had the same sense as the Thomists in all these Propositi­ons, or in any one of them? this is the business. Why is it denyed to distinguish that sense? where­fore (continu'd he) to avoid this inconvenience, it will be requisite to make a common Memorial address'd to his Holiness and the Congregation, wherein to lay open the sense of Jansenius, and, it not being the same with that of the Thomists, to persue its condemnation.

M. Hallier and his companions answer'd altoge­ther that they could not do it, nor recede from their first Memorials, nor from the precise orders given them by the fourescore Bishops who dispu­ted them.

The F. Regent said to them, Neither can we a­gree with you, since you will not explain the sense.

Whereupon M. Hallier and his companions said, that they insisted upon the condemnation of Jansenius, and the five Propositions, so far as they deny'd sufficient Grace.

The F. Regent answer'd to them, He acknow­ledges it in the same Proposition, volentibus & co­nantibus with an imperfect will and endeavor; for that will or velleity, and imperfect indeavor pro­ceeds [Page 304] from an imperfect and smal Grace, which is in effect the sufficient, as many Thomists ex­plicate it.

The Doctors reply'd, that if he admitted it, he contradicted himself.

The F. Regent said to them, If Jansenius con­tradicts himself, will you demand that he be con­demn'd in both the two contradictions? It is re­quisite therefore to expound him before con­demning him. For two contradictions cannot at the same time be true, nor consequently de­fin'd.

The Doctors answer'd that Jansenius formally deny'd sufficient Grace in Tom. 3. l. 3. chap. 1. and the following, that he call'd it a Monster, and was as well against the Thomists as the Jesuites.

The F. Regent urg'd them and told them, Jan­senius admits habitual Grace, Gifts, Infus'd ver­tues, he admits also Inspirations and internal Il­luminations which make us know Good, for since we cannot will what we do not know; and in this first Proposition he saith that the Just man wills, he supposes the knowledge which comes from su­pernatural light and inspiration. In the third place he admits that he hath an imperfect will and Endeavour: Now this velleity and imperfect indeavor proceeds from some Grace, as Janseni­us saith, and this Grace is term'd sufficient by the Thomists; therefore he admits all that the Tho­mists admit, and that you admit: For what is it that you admit more in him who do's not fulfill God's Commandments? You admit habitual Grace and vertues; Jansenius admits them: You admit Illu­minations; Jansenius admits the same: You ad­mit a small and weak Grace for these Velleities and imperfect endevors; Jansenius admits it also: You admit a Grace in him who peformes the Command­ments; Jansenius admits the same: What is it then which you admit further in him who doth not fullfill God's Commandments?

The Doctors were much press'd, and never an­swer'd; but speaking all at a time, never an­swer'd to the question made to them by the F. Re­gent, who urg'd the same arguments upon them twice or thrice.

At length they answer'd, (and I think it was the last who answer'd) that besides this they ad­mitted a sufficient Grace, which gives the utmost and compleate power, in such manner, that there­in is wanting to him who keeps not God's Com­mandments, onely the bare action which proceeds from Effectual Grace.

The F. Regent told them that this sufficient Grace was not in the sense of the Thomists.

Then F. Libelli Bacchelier said that S. Thomas in 1. 2, 9, 109. act 9. and 10. and in many o­ther places, saith that a Just man cannot fullfill the Commandments and do good without the motion of God; that such motion is Effectual Grace; and that therefore in some sense it is true that a man who hath not Grace, hath not a compleate power; that this was the opinion of most Thomists, and that it was necessary to declare the sense in which they would have the Propositions con­demn'd.

F. Tolano added that the first Proposition could not be condemn'd without condemning those two expresse Articles of S. Thomas, wherein he affirmes that a man cannot do good without Grace; and that it is evident that he speaks of Effectual Grace; that S. Thomas never taught any other; and there­fore it was requsite to explicate the Propositions before condemning them.

The F. Regent fell again to presse the Doctors, and said, That what they admitted further in him who keeps not God's Commandments, is not at all receiv'd in the School of S. Thomas, though some Thomist should have said it. That if they would do any thing and agree with the Thomists, they must necessarily explain the Propositions, and afterwards in a Memorial either general, or in particular, demand of his Holinesse the con­demnation of the Propositions in the sense which should be found false; that it imported very little whether Jansenius or some other were the author of them.

The Doctors reply'd hereunto that they could not in any manner recede from the Memorials which they had presented, nor the orders which fourescore Bishops had prescrib'd them. The F. Regent rejoin'd, Neither can we agree with you.

Whereupon the R. F. General said to M. Hal­lier, that they must not take it ill if he took his Course, since he saw what interest all his Divines found, and themselves confess'd his Order said that the Propositions might not be condemn'd without explication.

This done, all arose from their seats, and af­ter they had conferr'd a little apart, the F. Gene­ral accompani'd the Doctors to the bottome of the staires into the Cloister; from whence F. Nolano, Libelli, and Reginald, accompany'd them to the gate of la Minerve. This is the account of that Conference.

CHAP. VII.

Of a long audience which I had of Car­dinal Ghiggi upon the same 14th of February.

THE same day that this Conference was held at la Minerve, I was a long while in Cardi­nal Ghiggi's Antichamber before his masse begun. When it was ended, the first that had audience was the Secretary of the Congregation de Propa­gande fide. After him F. Modeste, and next him two persons in a curt garb who seem'd to be but of mean condition. When there was no body more that desir'd it, I was introduc'd. I told the Cardinal that the last time we had had the honour to see him, amongst the reasons then represented to him for the communication of our Writings, I had acquainted him that hapning to see one which was presented to their Eminences by our Adver­saries, therein, casting my eyes upon a place, I found a great falshood. That I was come again to confirme the same to his Eminence, and to shew him if he pleas'd that it was not onely an [Page 305] enormous, but also a bold and wilful falshood. That his Eminence was concern'd to know with what sincerity either side acted, and if he pleas'd to let me see that Writing of our Adversaries, I would instantly shew him the falsity. The Cardi­nal took this Proposal quite otherwise than I ex­pected, and with an aire wholly contrary to his usual gentleness and courtesie. He answer'd me sharply, that it was time for us to resolve to sub­mit and comply with the Pope's pleasure; that we had been told often enough already that there should be no communication of Writings. He askt me how I could know whether the others had presented any; that perhaps they had not; that he knew as little whether or no we had. I reply'd that his Eminence amaz'd me with this, for I conceiv'd ours were both for bigness and matter considerable enough not to be forgotten. The Cardinal said, that at least we had not presented them à tutti to all; that Cardinal Pamphilio had none. That for his own part he knew not which were ours, and which were those of our Adversaries. That we had very late bethought ourselves of demanding a communication of Writings. That we spoke not of it at the beginning, before our Adversaries came. That we might have reason in desiring the Pope that he would please to define certain Propo­sitions; but to impose law upon him touching the way of doing it, was not just. That we said, Vogliamo parti, vogliamo contestare; We will have parties, we will enter into disputation with them; that it did not become us to speak in this manner; Non est vestrum (said he) nosse tempora vel momen­ta, quae Pater posuit in sua potestate. I answer'd his Eminence that the demand we made for the com­munication of our Writings, was not new. That on July 10. 1651. I deliver'd to the Pope the Letters of the Bishops who sent us, and that those Letters expresly demanded it. That in our audi­ence of the Pope, Jan. 21. 1652. we left a Memo­rial with his Holiness, wherein this demand was expresly contain'd. The Cardinal scarce suffer'd me to make an end, but he askt me, VVhat meant you to say partibus auditis, seeing you had no par­ties then? No sooner had I begun to answer him that the Jesuites were our principal parties, and al­wayes upon the place at Rome; but he interrupted me again, saying, Ha, You would now fall upon the Jesuites and grapple with them; but the Pope will not suffer it. That we must resolve to proceed more mildly, and not speak, as we did, of cau­sing the Jesuites to be declar'd Hereticks. Then with a more gentle tone he told me, that he had alwaies receiv'd me favourably; that he was not oblig'd to do so; that he might give me a bare hearing, and then reconduct me without speaking so much as one word to me. I thankt him for the good will which he profess'd to me, and told him that I conceiv'd likewise that on our part we had endeavour'd to correspond therewith; that our carriage had been modest and fair, and that the de­mand we made was never refus'd to any person by the H. See. He askt me whether I was sure of it. I answer'd that I knew no example. And he re­ply'd In some: as if to conclude, that if we had nothing else to demand, we might be quiet, and that it was not handsome in us to be so stedfast and resolute to be doing à pugni at cuffs. I answer'd him that I conceiv'd not that there was any fight­ing before Clement VIII. or Paul V. or in the Council of Trent. He reply'd that the times were now otherwise, and, as if to dismiss me, he askt me what it was that I pretended. VVhereupon I represented to him how little time he afforded me to speak, and satisfie his complaint of our not ha­ving yet presented our VVritings to Cardinal Pamphilio; and I told him that we knew not of his being substituted in the place of Cardinal Roma till he (C. Ghiggi) inform'd us of it the last of December; though indeed Cardinal Spada had told us once in October that he believ'd Cardinal Pam­philio would come to a certain Congregation which he design'd for us. That ever since we had done our utmost to present our VVritings to Car­dinal Pamphilio, but could not, by reason of the great multitude which we found at his Chamber door, as often as he gave audience, notwithstand­ing his Maistre de chambre had frequently pro­mi'sd to befriend us. The Cardinal reply'd that nevertheless Cardinal Pamphilio was at all the Con­gregations held during the month of October, No­vember and December. I mention'd again the communication of our Writings, and beseecht him that since I saw him altogether resolv'd to deny it to us, he would do me the favour to let me un­derstand the reasons why he became of this mind, having testifi'd to me in my former visits that such Communication was so necessary that nothing could be well done without it; to the end I might sig­nifie the same to our Bishops, and they, if it satisfi'd them, reverse the Orders which they had given us to persist in demanding it till it were granted. The Cardinal hesitated a little what answer to make; at first making semblance of doubting that he never was of that mind, or having forgotten it. But I press'd him, and said, Yes, My Lord, before the Congregation was establisht when M. Hallier came to relate to your Eminence all that came into his head against us, and I beseecht your Eminence not to value what he said; you answer'd me, that all those tatlings, chiacchiare, were to no purpose; that they went in at one ear and out at the other; that it was requisite to come to the proof, to writing, to set down the business in paper, to demand of the other what he hath to answer to it, who must also do the like, &c. In brief, your Eminence said so expresly, that to bring any thing to effect, it was necessary for all to be done which we demanded in our Memorial; that I askt your Eminence whether you had seen that Memorial, and you said it was fitting to do all that we demanded; but you had not seen it, and would be glad to see it; and therefore I car­ri'd it the next day or two dayes after to your E­minence, and you were well pleased with it. But since that Congregation has been establish'd and our Writings presented, we have been held in suspence for some time whether they should be communicated or not; afterwards we were told that it was conceiv'd that they should not; then from time to time our hope has been diminish'd, and now 'tis flatly deny'd. Your Eminence will extremely oblige me by telling me the reason of this alteration; that so being satisfi'd with it my self, I may signifie it to the Bishops. The Cardi­nal began his answer something in anger, saying, [Page 306] Polevale dimenticare questo, You might have put this out of your head, but told me no reason of this al­teration; and instead thereof fell to blame me, for that the Pope having declar'd from the beginning that he would by no means meddle with the mat­ter De Auxiliis, yet we forebore not in our first Writings to drive the affair directly to it. I ac­knowledg'd that we had very well understood what the Pope said to our selves concerning his resolution not to meddle with the matter De Au­xiliis; and that we had nevertheless made all the importunity we could to induce the Pope to make an exact and serious examen thereof; because it was not possible to pass a Judgement well upon the Five Propositions in question (being in the sense according to which we defended, and our Adversaries in their hearts oppos'd them, but vi­sible consequences from that Capital Principle and Essential Point of this matter) without first judg­ing of the truth or falshood of that principle. Wherefore though we found the Pope purpos'd to decide the Propositions without touching the matter; yet it did not stop us, because we hop'd that in the progress of the affair the Pope would discover the error and defect of that purpose, which had been suggested to him by M. Albizzi or some other. I had scarce nam'd M. Albizzi, but the Cardinal interrupt [...]d me in an­ger, and said, This it is, all is lay'd upon M. Albiz­zi. They of Flanders said M. Albizzi had falsifi'd the Bull of Ʋrban VIII. yet he (the Cardinal) had shew'd them that 'twas not so. After which he added some words which I heard not plainly, but conjectur'd by these two words istos pervicaces & pertinaces (meaning I suppose as well us as the Doctors of Flanders, that their sense was that there was no way to reduce those obstinate persons to reason. I took no notice of all this; but continu­ing what I was speaking, added, that indeed we doubted not but M. Albizzi and perhaps others with him had perswaded the Pope that he had im­pos'd perpetual silence touching the matter De Au­xiliis; and that this was the cause why the Pope would not engage upon an unprofitable and su­perfluous labour which would terribly wrack him, and whereof he could not hope to see any issue for himself, or fruit for the Church. That it could never be prov'd that such a silence was im­pos'd either by Clement VIII. or Paul V. That if it had, we could shew the Pope and their Emi­nences that that Ordinance ought to be revok'd; and that it could never be upon any occasion so necessary as this of the Propositions, by reason of their indissoluble affinity with that matter in the true and orthodox senses, for which alone their Authors prosecuted their Condemnation, and we endeavour'd to hinder it. The Cardinal suffer'd me not to make an end of what I was speaking concerning the connexion of the Propositions with Effectual Grace, but acknowledg'd that it was true, that they perceiv'd it well, and that this gave them most trouble. That they consider'd all this; and that I ought not to doubt of it. I ob­serv'd in this Conference that the Cardinal of­fer'd twice or thrice to end it, and about this place he turn'd towards the door (for we were walking all this while) whetefore I resolv'd to say nothing at all more to him, but suffer him to speak while he pleas'd. I was so dissatisfi'd during the whole discourse, that I believe some sight of it appear'd in my countenance; which I conceiv'd not unfit­ting to be observed by the Cardinal. When he had done, I suffer'd my self to be reconducted by his Eminence without speaking a word. He con­tinu'd still to set forth to me, though not without some sticking, what care they took to effect some suitable and fitting order in this affair, concluding that they desir'd that we would contribute there­unto on our part, instead of obstructing them, as we did; desideraremus manus adjutrices non im­pugnatrices. After which, perhaps a little to tem­per the bitterness of these words, he added, when he was come to the place of parting, that we ought on either side to pray to God for his assist­ance in this affair, Oremus Deum, &c. I said no­thing more at all to his Eminence, but made him a most humble and serious reverence, which might intimate to him as much my dissatisfaction as re­spect.

CHAP. VIII.

Of the two Memorials which our Ad­vocate presented to the Pope in our behalf in an audience which he had of him, February 17.

HAving in vain endeavour'd to give the Am­bassador a Visit, and an account of our af­fairs, I went alone to F. Luca Vadingo, who re­stor'd me our Writings De Gestis, and said he wisht all the Cardinals had seen it. He told me of the Jesuites reproaches cast upon us by reason of the two stories of the frantick sick man and the loose woman. He told me that we were accus'd of cau­sing disturbance everywhere, because we would not let our Penitents dispose of a penny but by our order, as appear'd by the story of M. Charigny. By all which I perceiv'd that these goodly fictions were spread amongst the Consultors of our Con­gregation as well as amongst the rest of the world. In brief, this good Father inform'd me, That their cares were so throng'd with these vain re­proaches, that in all their Congregations there was not so much as one word spoken concerning our Writings.

Saturday the 15th. one came from Cardinal Bar­berin to invite us to dine with his Eminence the next day: Which we did; and amongst sundry Discourses in the afternoon, he friendly blam'd us that he had not yet seen any of our Writings: Which oblig'd me to carry him a Copy a few dayes after. He shew'd us several curiosities and rarities in his House, amongst others a very good­ly sute of Tapistry given him by the late King whilst we was Legate in France. He carry'd us abroad for a while to take the air, and return'd us home.

The continual difficulties and troubles which we suffered for fout months in pursuing the communi­cation [Page 307] of our Writings, and the little hope Cardi­nal Ghiggi's late repulses left us of obtaining it, caus'd us to take a resolution to employ our Advo­cate thence forward in solliciting it, to try whether he could be more happy in it then we; wherefore before our going to dine with Cardinal Barberin, I went to acquaint him at large with the reasons of our demand and the objections made against it, that so he might be prepar'd to make good the one and answer the other when he should addresse to the Pope and Cardinals. And least he should for­get any thing of what I said to him, I left an Ab­stract thereof with him, which I shall here insert translated out of Italian. I intended it only for the use of our Advocate, but as it seemes, it pass'd from his hands into those of the Pope, as I shall shew afterward.

Reasons in behalf of the demand made by the Doctors of Paris, defenders of St. Augustin, for a Confe­rence.

1. 'Tis an affair upon which the eyes of the whole world are fix'd, and whose successe every one at­tends, as well in regard of the substance of the things in question, as of the manner of proceed­ing.

2. The Hereticks also are in great expectation concerning it.

3. A report is already dispers'd into all places, that the Congregation demanded by these Doctors was granted and signify'd to them without any re­striction, by the deceased Cardinal Roma of pious memory, according to the order which his Emi­nence receiv'd from the Pope.

4. That although it had not been so; yet their demand is just and consentaneous to the usage of the Church. The Council of Trent practis'd the same towards Hereticks, summoning them for that purpose, and offering them permission and full liberty to answer even to the things which the whole Council should object to them; Etiam ad Ob­jecta Concilij generalis respondendi.

Clement VIII. and Paul V. practis'd the same since between the Dominicans and the Jesuites. Under Clement, after other great examinations preceding, 68 Congregations were held in the space of three years, at which that Pope was per­sonally present, and 19 in like manner under Paul; in which Congregations the Domininicans and Je­suites were heard in presence one of the other both viva voce and by writing.

They between whom the present contest is, are not of meaner condition or consideration.

5. The matter is subtle and knotty of it self. Great surprises in it have sometimes been put up­on the H. See, because the Parties were not pre­sent and heard. Moreover it ha's been grievously embroil'd by the subtlety of Adversaries. It requires now a more exact discussion then ever.

6. 'Tis an affair more important alone then all others of the H. See together. It concernes the first principles and essental Elements of Christian Faith and Piety; yea the whole Catholick Reli­gion.

That which is demanded is the last and soveraign remedy which hath alwayes been in the Church, for repressing heresies and maintaining Catholick truths. The H. See never deny'd it to any that de­manded it. If it denyes it now, it takes away all courage, vigorous means, and boldnesse from Good and sincere Christians to oppose errors. By this demand alone S. Hilary sometimes overcame the Arians in the face of the Emperor, though one of those Hereticks. Wherefore, &c. It is hop'd the Pope, &c.

Objections Answered.

1. 'Tis said in the first place that there are no Par­ties in this affair.

Answ. Propriety, life, honor, and above all, Faith, is the matter which causes controversies, and parties amongst men. The quality of Judge of Ecclesiastical Controversies which belongs to the Pope, shewes that there may be Parties in things of Faith. And in those at this day, the contest is so enflam'd, that never were greater, more opposite and more formal parties.

2. That disputations never produce any fruit.

Answ. 'Tis true, when they are made Meta­physically, only by words in the aire and without Judges. But in this affair, Ecclesiastical Confe­rences vivâ voce, and by writing and before Judges, are demanded.

3. That such conferences exasperate men's minds more.

Answ. Suppose they do, yet those exasperati­ons would soon passe over, because they will be ended by the Judgment intervening. But by de­lay in the true way of attaining thereunto they are fomented and increased dayly more and more; be­cause they who are in the wrong, not fearing to be ever convinc'd so long as the proceeding is thus, every day attempt some new project a­gainst the truth; and they who maintain it, are animated more to defend it against such endea­vors: And neither the one nor the other will re­solve ever to be quiet till after a solemn and au­thentical decision.

4. That this Disputation is demanded, only to de­lay the judgment of the affair.

Answ. There will be alwayes seeking to delay the Judgment till it be examin'd and clear'd fitting­ly to be judg'd of, as the truth, the honour of the H. See, and the good of the Church requires. That this way is lookt upon as the only one in the present circumstances, for arriving to a perfect and sufficient knowledge to passe it; and it shall be seen with what diligence and sincerity this course shall be manag'd.

5. That perhaps the H. See will not engage it self at this time to make such a Decision.

Answ. When the H. See shall have taken a sufficient information of the affair, to be able to make such decision, it will not be oblig'd to make the same unless it Judge it necessary. It may deferre it for as long as it shall please and think expedient; and perhaps with more credit then refuse a fitting information.

[Page 308] 6. That the Adversaries are contented with such as is made in the secret Congregations.

Answ. They have reason not only to be con­tented with it, but also to desire it, having no o­ther means and hopes to escape; nor can they otherwise secure themselves from the necessity ei­ther of discovering what they are, or of acknow­ledging S. Augustin's authority, and the true Grace which must be confess'd by him that pretends to be a Christian, as saith that H. Father.

It will be reply'd on the contrary, Your Adversa­ries desire a Disputation no less than you, but they re­ferre themselves to what the H. See shall think most fit.

Answ. When they say they desire a Conference, they dissemble, they delude. When they affect to seem thus perfectly submissive to the H. See, it must be remembred what Baronius observes, name­ly, that the great artifices of Pelagius and Coele­stine to circumvent the H. See, were such affected testimonies of their counterfeit submission. Where­of our Adversaries are the more to be suspected, as the impostures and ambushes which they have made against it within four years are stran­ger.

7. That our Demand argues disobedience to the H. See, and implyes as if we intended to give law to it.

Answ. VVe are not so inconsiderate as to com­mit either the one or the other, nor so blind as not to see a difference between those faults, and a most humble, just, important and reasonable suite as ours is; nor so timerous as for such frivolous dreams as are objected to resolve to forsake so beaten and common a way in the Church.

'Tis themselves that pretend to give law to the H. See and to us also; having boasted to all the world from the beginning of the Congregation that they would never permit a Conference either viva voce or by writing. And this the more obli­ges the H. See to grant it to us; because 'tis nei­ther just nor edifying that the H. See should be conceiv'd to receive law from them, nor yet that we should receive it.

We saw the matter reduc'd to such extremity that we could no longer conceale our dissatisfacti­on from the Pope; we consider'd the Congrega­tion often assembled at Cardinal Spada's Palace so improportional to the grandeur of the affair to be decided, and the dignity of the persons who had recourse to the H. See for that purpose; we saw that it acted in a manner so little Canonical, and so little conformable to the proceeding which we had pray'd the Pope might be observ'd in that which we demanded; in fine we consider'd that it had so much of the H. Office, both as to the per­sons in it, and the course it follow'd, that we were resolv'd to make a new demand to the Pope of the first Congregation which we had demanded as ha­ving scarce any regard to this, but disapproving it as much as the circumstances of things would per­mit us to declare. VVherefore we made a new Memorial, which I beseecht our Advocate to pre­sent to the Pope the next day, Febr. 17. when he was to have audience of him about other af­fairs. He promis'd me to do what he could in it, and I to send him the Memorial the next morning before he went to the Pope. It was thus inscribed on the outside: Beatissimo Parti Innocentio Papae X. Pro Doctoribus Parisiensibus S. Au­gustini Defensoribus. And the Contents follow:

BEATISSIME PATER,

ITERƲM SƲPPLICATIO, ITERUM PRECES, alebat S. Bernardus ad Innocenti­um secuudum, ET DECIES REPETITAE NON DESINENT. NON DESISTIMUS QUIA NON DIFFIDIMUS. BONAM CAUSAM HABEMUS ET AEQUUM JU­DICEM Innocentium Decimum. Illi supplica­mus iterum humillimè, pro negotio quinque Proposi­tionum solennem illam, opprimendis fraudibus, in­dignandae veritati, compârandae paci maximè oppor­tunam, quam petimus Congregationem concedi, in qua Partes tum voce tum scripto coràm audiantur, omniaque illarum scripta mutuò commnnicentur; sicut postulant Ecclesiae consuetudo, negotii magnitudo, & ipsius Sanctae Sedis Apostolilcae usus, non ita pri­dem à Clemente Octavo & Paulo Quinto suae San­ctitatis Praeessoribus observatus, priusquam ad tan­tae litis diremptionem accingat se Sanctitas tua, ut tan­dem re perspectâ penitus, sententiam ferre velit. Hoc­que petimus it erum humilliamè, juxta literas Episco­porum Galliae, quorum nomine hîc agimus, San­ctitati tuae oblatas die 10. Julii anni 1651. juxta Memoriale exhibitum à nobis Sanctitati tuae die 21 Januarii 1652. aliaque ad id pertinentia, juxta de­clarationem hac de re nobis factam die 11 Julii ejus­dem nnni 1652. ab Eminentissimo bonae memoriae Cardinale Roma, nomine Sanctitatis tuae, Cui om­nia fausta ex animo precamur & annos de nostris. Hae die 17 Febr. 1653.

Sic subscriptum:
  • Natalis de la Lane Doctor The­ologus Parisiensis, Abbas Beatae Mariae de Valle Crescente.
  • Ludovicus de S. Amour Sacrae Facultatis Parisi­ensis Doctor & Socius Sorbonnicus.
  • Ludovicus Angran ejusdem Sacrae Facultatis Parisiensis Licentiatus, ac Insignis Ecclesiae Trecen­sis Canonicus.

I could not meet our Advocate to know what he had done with this Memorial till Tuesday after­noon; and then finding him in haste to go abroad, I was referr'd by him to M. Brunetti then at his House, whom he had acquainted with the suc­cesse.

M. Brunetti told me, that when our Advocate had ended his other affairs with the Pope, he askt whether his Holiness would permit him to present a Memorial to him; The Pope askt him in whose behalf? The Advocate answer'd, in ours. The Pope askt him, what we demanded? Our Ad­vocate told him, The establishment of a Congre­gation which might hear us contradictorily viva [Page 309] voce, and by writing. The Pope reply'd, Do not they know that there are two parties in this affair? Bring them to this, and assure them for the rest, all shall be done with the necessary pre­cautions. After this Answer the Advocate durst not presse further, but rose up to retire; As he was going, the Pope call'd him, and ask'd him what the Memorial was, and what it contain'd? Our Advocate gave him account of the Contents again, and the Pope answer'd as before, that there were no par­ties, that he would take order sufficiently for eve­ry thing without that trouble, that he assur'd us of it. Whereupon our Advocate rose up and was going away, but the Pope recall'd him once more, and for that he had spoken with some esteem of it to the Pope, his Holiness seem'd something curious of it notwithstanding his outward unwillingness; which our Advocate observing, drew the Memo­rial with the above-mention'd Abstract out of his pocket, and presented both of them to the Pope, conceiving the latter very proper and effectual to back the former.

Two or three dayes after our Advocate confirm­ed the same to me, and told me two things more. First, That the Pope testify'd to him an esteem of our persons, and a desire to give us satisfaction, particularly as to the Conference which we deman­ded; but withall bid him advertise us that we might bring ill suspitions epon our selves, if we persist­ed obstinately to give no information but in that manner. And Secondly, That the Pope menti­on'd Cardinal Spada as the person who told him that there needed no Conference in the Cause; and that he answer'd the Pope, That's very strange, H. Father; for he told me on the contrary that it stuck only at your Holiness, and that assoon as you appoint­ed it, he would willingly do it. That the Pope seem'd amaz'd at this, and that his wondering ob­lig'd him to confirm to his Holiness what Cardinal Spada had said to him by adding, No, H. F. when I tell you this, I do not lye; Cardinal Spada spoke it to me, I assure your Holiness. I thank'd our Advo­cate for his interest and affection in our affair, and we agreed that he should carry Copies of our little Italian Memorial which he so much lik'd to the Cardinals; and when need requir'd, address to his Holiness again in a second audience, and press him further.

CHAP. IX.

Of the Writings which the General of the Dominicans intended to present to the Pope with his Memorial to intervene in this affair.

TUesday the 18th. in the forenoon I under­stood that the General of the Dominicans had been the Sunday before to get audience of the Pope, but could not; and therefore intreated Monsignor Sacrista (who had opportunity every day to speak to the Pope before or after Mass) to present his Memorial, and some few Papers to his Holiness. I have not the Copy of that Memori­al; but for the Papers, I have most, if not all of them, which I shall insert in the annexed Colle­ction.

Here I shall only say, that as the Jesuites and M. Hallier represented our Opinions after a calum­nious and fraudulent manner, so the Dominicans shew'd themselves equitable and intelligent in lay­ing open their designs. Now the endeavour of the Jesuites and their Complices, M. Hallier, &c. was to hinder the Pope from giving them audience and receiving their Writings, which contain'd a full elucidation of the Controversie. But as they could not hinder them from comming to my hands, so neither shall they hinder me from preserving them to posterity as a monument of the zeal of that Order for the defence of Jesus Christ's Grace, and of the clearnesse wherewith those famous Divines extricated this so intangled mat­ter.

Only two differences will be found in their pro­ceeding and ours. One, that whereas by the express order of the Pope, the Cardinals and all our Friends at Rome, we abstain'd from so much as naming Jansenius; these Divines who had re­ceiv'd no such Order, defended him expresly in reference to the Five Propositions, and formally maintain'd that they were not his. So that if the Pope had pleas'd to decide this question of Fact, it was strange that on the one side he so often forbad us to speak of Jansenius; and on the other deny'd to hear and receive the writings of the most famous Religious Order in the world for knowledge in Divinity, and who were ready to defend that Bi­shop, and to show that the Five Propositions were not his.

The second difference is this; Although they explicated the Propositions in the same manner as we did, and no less then we maintain'd the com­mon doctrine of Effectual Grace, yet they did it in terms incomparably more powerful then ours. So that if those Eminent Divines have rea­son to say as they did, that they never maintain'd the Five Propositions, because to maintain the sense of Effectual Grace whereunto they were re­ducible, was not to maintain them, we had more reason to say so then they.

But reserving these Writings for the end of this Journal, I shall only reckon them up here, and exhort the Readers to peruse them carefully as containing a perfect elucidation of the Controver­sie. Perhaps I shall not rank them in the same or­der as they were intended to be presented to the Pope; but that's no great matter.

The first of them begins with these words: Bea­tissimo Patri Innocentio; Eminentissimis sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalibus & Doctissimis Theo­logis Censoribus pro negotio quinque Propositionum ab Apostolica sede deputatis. In this Writing they re­futed M. Hallier's great pretension that the Five Propositions in question had no reference to the matter De Auxiliis; and show'd that the Jesuites had objected all Five to the Dominicans in the Congregations under Clement VIII. and Paul V. and the Dominicans maintain'd them all in a Catho­lick sense, which is that of Effectual Grace.

The second Writing shews, that the Jesuites have three principal intentions in this affair. First, [Page 310] to get Molina's opinion obliquely defin'd. Se­condly, to overthrow all that was done in tenne years in the Congregation De Auxili­is. And Thirdly, to ruine S. Augustine's au­thority. All which they manifested by clear proofs.

The third Writing contains an explication of the Five Propositions with reference to Jan­senius; and therein they show that this Prelate never held the first but by determining it to a most Catholick sense; and that he never maintain'd the four others at all. They also unfold his Do­ctrine touching the matter of these four Proposi­tions.

The fourth Writing was almost to the same pur­pose, and seems made by some other Divine of the same Order.

The fifth is also a Catholick explication of the Five Propositions, and a deduction of the conse­quences ensuing from their condemnation in a Catholick sense; and instead of these Five Ptopo­sitions they substitute five of Molina's to be cen­sured.

The sixth clears Jansenius's opinion touching Sufficient Grace, and shows that he has admitted in effect all that the Thomists understand by that term.

The seventh is a refutation of all which M. Hal­lier alledg'd out of S. Thomas and the Thomists, against the Five Propositions in a Writing which fell into their hands; 'tis that which I spoke of above.

The eighth was a compendious enumeration of passages of S. Thomas and others falsifi'd by M. Hallier in divers VVritings which fell into their hands.

The ninth was an Abstract of the Outrages of the Jesuites against S. Augustin;

The tenth contain'd the reasons which had ani­mated the Jesuites against Jansenius; namely the just parallel which he had made of their doctrine with that of the Semipelagians.

The eleventh is an explication of these four Questions; namely, whether Jansenius admits that Internal Grace is resistible; and they show that he doth. Secondly, Whether Jansenius admits Suf­ficient Grace; to which they answer, That he admits the thing, but rejects the word, with reason. Thirdly, Whether Sufficient Grace can be prov'd by S. Augustin; and they answer by distinguishing the word. They shew that a Grace Effectual for one Effect, and Sufficient for an other, may be prov'd by S. Augustin. Fourthly, Whether the Congregations cited in the first Writing were held before the Pope; and the answer, that they were so in the year 1062. and that all Five Pro­positions were maintain'd there in a Catholick sense.

Such clear and compendions Writings as these will be found by who so peruses them, being pre­sented by an Order so considerable at Rome and in the whole Church as that of the Dominicans, might and ought to have made some impression upon the Pope's mind, and induc'd him to distin­guish the senses of the Propositions, had he been pleas'd to receive and examine them; but, as I have said, he was so fearful of engaging himself therein that he would give no audience to the Ge­neral of this Order, though he requested it seven­teen or eighteen times, his Holiness doubting that it was for this purpose that he demanded it; and a Prince of his near alliance, having taken a very favourable occasion to speak to him about it, his Holiness made a semblance of not hearing him, as shall be seen hereafter.

CHAP. X.

Of what pass'd at Rome from Febr. 19. to the end of the same Month.

VVEdnesday the 19th. I went to the Sub-Bibliothecary at the Vatican, and shew'd him that two Memorials which the Advocate com­mended by him to us had been presented to the Pope: wherewith he was extremely well-pleas'd. After which he told me how dejected his Heart was at a common rumor that Cardinal Ghiggi his Friend and Benefactor was in a strait union & intelligence with the Jesuites; because if it were a mere report and false, it wrong'd his reputation; and if it were true, 'twas yet worse. By this his grief he gave me occasion to tell him nakedly the whole Conference which I had lately had with that Car­dinal. And upon my saying that I had minded his Eminence that before the Congregation was esta­blisht, or he had seen our Memorial, he acknowldg'd to me that all was fitting to be done which we de­manded; the Sub-Bibliothecary interrupted me, saying, He said the same to me, I will maintain it to his Eminence; and the next time I see him I will not fail to charge him with it, and tell him friendly and freely, Come Signor Eminentissimo, How my Lord, &c. After which the Sub-Bibliothecary told me, that it was good and necessary in this Court to make a little noise, and carry it high, è buono in questa Corte di far un puoco di rumore. And yet some-wise qualifying his Counsel, he said that when I address'd to the Cardinals 'twas good that I did it with the fleam and calmness del Signor di Sainte-Amour; but when to others, to this or that General or Consultor, with the fire and ar­dor del Signor Cosimo de Ricciardi, which was himself. Not to increase his griefe, I was extraordinary moderate in recounting to him what pass'd in my Visite to Cardinal Ghiggi, and neverthelesse it very much amaz'd and afflicted him.

Returning home I pass'd by la Minerve, and gave the General of the Dominicans a Copy of the two Memorials which our Advocate left with the Pope. I told him also what extraordinary repug­nances Cardinal Ghiggi shew'd to a Conference and the communication of writings. The General said that they doubted him much more since the late Declaration he made what part and interest he took in this affair. He told me some particulari­ties of M. Hallier's visite to him ten or twelve dayes before, which I do not repeat here, be­cause they are mention'd in the relation of it be­fore inserted.

I went again to la Minerve in the afternoon, to shew F. Reginald some Propositions of S. Augustin, which F. Adam knowing for such, tax'd of impiety and heresie. As I was shewing the same to him in that Jesuites book under the Cloister, the Gene­ral pass'd by to go into the City; we shew'd them to him too, and he thankt me for the double obligation which he said he receiv'd from me that day.

As I was coming from la Minerve, I met F. Angelo Ricci who told me he had heard in several places in the houses of Cardinals and Prelates, (and one might be assur'd of what he said, he was so wise, reserv'd and circumspect) that many bad tenets were im­puted to us, from which he advertis'd us to en­deavor to defend and justifie our selves. These bad tenets were (he said) concerning Venial sins, Publike Pennance and the Pope's power. He was one of those who were troubled at our resolution not to informe the Congregation at all, whilst it remain'd secret and acted in obscurity as it did. Wherefore to remedy this his conceit as well as I could, I told him, that the best and soveraign means to purge us from those calumnies, was, the Congregation which we demanded, before which our Adversaries might impute what they pleas'd, but yet should be oblig'd to keep to certain heads, upon which after we were well justifi'd, they would be no longer creditable in imputing the same or any others to us. For which end it was requisite that we endevor'd the obtaining of such a Congregation before which all things being clear'd, calumnies would be destroy'd and con­founded, and till then we ought to suffer them with patience, since we could neither hinder them nor defend our selves from them. He exhorted me however that seing the Signori on whom we de­pended would not grant what we demanded, we would conforme to their course; being, the more stedfast we persisted in the contrary, the more danger we should be in to exasperate them. The great goodnesse and gentlenesse of so accomplisht a Gentleman and vertuous an Ecclesiastick, ob­lig'd me to tell him for his satisfaction (if it might prove so) that though the Congregation we de­manded seem'd to us so easy and necessary a means for discovering the falsehood and malice of those calumnies, yet if we could employ any other that were capable to overthrow them, we would willingly do it.

Thursday the 20th I had much talk with M. Hal­lier and his Collegues in the Pope's Presence-cham­ber, where they spoke many remarkable things, and M. Hallier amongst others very contemptuous words against the Arrests and authority of the Court of Parliament. And touching the voices of Mendicant Doctors, whom we endevor'd to reduce to two suffrages of each Order in the As­semblies of our Faculty; they told me they were perswaded that we did not attempt it, but only to the end we might more easily establish the points of doctrine which we had a mind to introduce there. But I think it more fit to passe over this Dialogue then to recount all the particularities of it which I writ down the same day.

Friday the 21. I went to carry the General of the Augustines a Copy of our Memorials: He thankt me for them, and told me he had had audi­ence of the Pope that day seven night, about o­ther affaires, yet took occasion to mention ours; and represented to him that it was a very dif­ficult and hazardous matter, that it could not be searcht with too much warinesse, that no precau­tions and diligences ought to be neglected in it; because it was manifest that the five Propositions were invented onely to ruin and and overthrow S. Augustin's doctrine. Whereupon the Pope an­swer'd him that he would have either side heard and that in his own presence; Vogliamo che tutti siano sentiti, & inanzi di noi. This good General out of the abundant joy which this hope gave him, told me there was yet an excellent means of ma­king this examen, and discovering the effects of Nature and Grace, namely, by considering a lit­tle with attention and reflection, all that passes daily within our selves. He told me also that we must be prepar'd with three things, in order to refutation of what our Adversaries might oppose to us. First, to explicate solidly some principal passages of S. Augustin, which they alwayes ob­jected to us. Secondly to do the like with some of the Council of Trent, which they likewise made use of. Thirdly to observe very distinctly, wherein consisted the Doctrin of Calvin, and de­clare how it was different from that of S. Au­gustin. He said, It was a shame to see the Wri­tings of our Adversaries, in which they boldly ci­ted false Councils, which, having had the curio­sity to search, he found to be such. He shew'd me many sheets of Paper written with his own hand, containing Observations which he had al­ready made upon this affair. He had collected all that pass'd in Cardinal Spada's Congregations. And being I wonder'd at his great pains and exact­nesse, amidst his many other businesses insepara­ble from his quality of General; He told me he never spar'd his pen to ease his memory. He said 'twas a strange thing that Vasquez having without contract, taken the liberty to explicate the Propo­sitions of the Bull of Pius V. without complaint ever made thereof by any body; yet the same act was a crime of State in Jaensenius. That the answer which they gave in this case, was, that Vasquez ly'd, and that Cardinal Tolet had not writ in his Journal, that which Vasquez saith was told him by that Cardinal. Which was neither a good answer, nor a proof that Vasquez ly'd, because the Cardinal might have told him a thing by word of mouth, which he had forgot to set down in his Journal. He lent me the book of Turrienus printed at Lyons 1623. to read the Bull of Pius V. in it. He had noted it with his own hand in divers places, and I found that in pag. 611. right against this paragraph, Deinde sciendum est inexpositione, this General had writ these words; Die 7. Febr. 1653. Cardinal Spada, dixit Vasq. mentiri, quia aliter reperitur in M. S. ejusdem Toleti. Which was a secret reveal'd innocently, and without in­curring excommunication, which who so had re­veal'd it knowingly, could not have escap'd. This, I suppose, was spoken by Cardinal Spada to ward off some objection, which he could not otherwise avoid; and was a new proof of his en­gagement in the defence of the contrary party.

Comming from this visite, I made another, in which I learn't that Cardinal Barberin said in dis­course [Page 312] with Cardinal S. Clement the day before, that it was ill done to set upon Jansenius for these five Propositions, because he was more obnoxi­ous in regard of some others which concern'd the honour of the Apostolical Decrees. He had said like­wise two dayes before, to F. Reginald (who ac­quainted me with it) that it was requisite to condemn Molina and his disciples, and that his Eminence was something displeas'd with the Ap­probation which M. Albizzi had given to F. Annats book.

Saturday the 22. we went to hear a Sermon, which F. Mariana made at S. Laurence in Damase. It was an excellent Sermon, and almost all concerning Grace, its necessity and effectual power. Cardinal Barberin was there also.

Monday the 24th. one of my friends told me that Cardinal Ghiggi had spoken to him of us, as much displeas'd with us, because we acted as if we minded to give them law, and never spoke of sub­mitting our selves to the H. See, whereas our Adversaries highly profess'd it upon all occasions. 'Tis true we did not affect to gain the good will of the Romans by such low flateries, though we had in our hearts as great and perhaps more sincere sub­mission to the H. See then they who glory'd in it and made advantage by it. But our submission was regulated by reason: and we were never of those who think Popes cannot be surpris'd, and that 'tis lawfull for them to neglect all kind of formes, and the most necessary meanes for discovery of truth, as was done in this case, by supposing that the Divine Inspiration would sup­ply for all.

Tuesday the 25th I went to visite F. Bachelier at la Minerve who was sick. I met a person there who told me that Cardinal Pamphilio had by me­diation of other persons solicited the General, not to intervene in our affair; but all that could be urg'd to him had not mov'd him from his pur­pose. A Prelate there also told me, he had seen the General's Papers which he design'd to present to the Pope.

Wednesday 26. we went to accompany the Am­bassador to the ceremony of Ashes. At Mon­te Cavallo we met the Abbot de la Paix, who told us we had the best reason in the world, but our resolute manner of carriage was not approv'd. Whereupon I shew'd him that we were oblig'd to act so, and for his further satisfaction, desir'd F. Guerin, who was to visite him in the afternoon, to carry him a Copy of the Latin Letter, written to us touching this point by our Bishops Nov. 28 and of the two Memorials presented to the Pope by our Advocate.

As we return'd home I visited F. Luca Vadingo, who told me we should do well to translate into Italian the Letter of the Curé of S. Roch, which I had shew'd him concerning the Disparing sick man of the Archbishop of Toulouse, and shew it to the Consultors, to defend our selves from the false impressions which our Adversaries, who never rested, gave them of us. He told me also that our writings both de Gestis and of S. Augustin's Authority, with their summary, were shown to him, and other Consultors by turnes. He ask't me if I knew whether any Doctors of the Universi­ty of Lovain would come, because they would be very necessary in the cause to represent the interest of Jansenius. In fine, he told me also that we should do well to shew that this Controversy was the same with that of the Dominicans and the Je­suites. That the first Proposition was concerning the Necessity of Grace, the second concerning its Efficacy, the third concerning its compatibility and agreement with Free-Will, the fourth to know whether the same were necessary to the beginning of faith, and the fith whether there be a sufficient Grace given generally to all men.

I spent the afternoon at la Minerve, where I found F. Fani, who told me that the Congregation was appointed to be next day at Cardinal Spada's house; and that if he were there, all he would an­swer to the passages of Scripture alledg'd by the Jesuites against the Propositions, should be, that these passages were the very same which the Semi­pelagians heretofore oppos'd to S. Augustin, and that he referr'd them to what S. Augustin answers thereunto.

After some particular visites on Tuesday the 27. comming by Cardinal Spada's Palace in the evening I saw M. Albizzi's coach alone, still waiting for him, and without doubt all the rest of the Congregation which had been held there, were departed before.

Friday 28 I understood that in this Congregati­on, order was given to the General of the Au­gustines, F. Luva Vadingo, F. Delbene, the Master of the sacred Palace, and the Commissary of the H. Office, to Write down their Vote or suffrage per extensum, and that speedily, to have it ready when it should be demanded of them. That they said they wonder'd why this Order was given to them ra­ther then to the other Consultors; and that Car­dinal Spada answer'd that the others had deliver'd theirs in Common, in a particular Congregation held purposely, to which they had not been sent for with the rest, because they were of a contra­ry sentiment. That one of those that were at that particular Congregation confess'd ingenuously, that they had subscrib'd the condemnation of the Propositions, and that the Cardinals had done the same and were all highly incens'd against us.

In the afternoon I met F. Galassini, who told me that a few dayes before he saw M. Hallier and his Collegues much plung'd with an Instance brought in defence of the truth which they impugn'd under the first Proposition, and that they could not get quit of it; and no marvel, for indeed it was not possible.

A supposal was made of two Just persons, who both indeavor to perform a Commandment of God whereunto they are both oblig'd; one performes it effectively, the other doth not. They were askt what is wanting to him who doth not performe it, unlesse the Effectual Grace; which is necessary to them for performing it, & which enables the other to performe it; and whether it is not this Grace which renders the Commandment possible with the last and compleat possibility, to which nothing is wanting? This good Father told me he never saw men so puzzled as these great Doctors, and that they could not answer a word to this Instance.

CHAP. XI.

Of divers Works publisht at Paris by Molina's Partisans during the same Month of February. Of sundry ru­mors and menaces which they dispersed there. And of the Letters which were writ to us from Paris during this whole Month and the beginning of March, both touching the Matter and our An­swers to Cardinal Spada's Offer.

THe Letters writ to me from Paris this Month gave me intelligence of divers Books newly printed, amongst the rest of one which M. Pignay complain'd of in the Assembly of our Faculty pri­mâ mensis, to the end the Faculty might nominate Doctors for examining it, and after an extract and report made of it, proceed to its condemna­tion in the ordinary forms. One of the antientest Doctors deputed for its examination sent me word that 'twas a Book injurious to the living and the dead, to the King and the State, to the Church, to the Bishops, to the Faculty, to the Parliament, to the Archbishop then living, to Cardinal de Retz; in fine, to all sorts of persons. And notwithstanding sundry Doctors M. Cornet's Adherents, amongst whom were M. Charton and M. Morel, were very stiff against M. Pignay's motion; and to hinder the nomination of Deputies for examining the Book, caused M. Mulot Dean, and M. Grandin to rise from their places, and to go out of the Assembly with them, conceiving it would break up by their absence; Yet the Doctors who remain'd finding it was not just that a Dean and a Syndic should thus bafflle the Faculty, and break its As­semblies when they pleas'd, held the Assembly in their absence, and did justice upon M. Pignay's Supplicate, by nominating Deputies for examinati­on of the Book complained of. It was composed by a Fueillant, and intituled, Chronicon seu Con­tinuatio Chronici Ademari Monachi Engolism ab Anno 1032. ad Annum 1652. Authore D. Petro à Sancto Romualdo Engolism, &c.

Two others were publisht under F. Annat's name, which were nothing else but the very wri­tings which M. Hallier and his Collegues present­ed at Rome to the Cardinals and Consultors of the Congregation, and of which mention is made a­bove; the one being intituled Jansenius à Tho­mistis condemnatus; the other, Augustinus à Baianis vindicatus. But which was most strange, besides the unworthy abjectness to which Doctors of Paris debased themselves in being the Pamphlet­venters of the Jesuites, in a cause wherein those Doctors appear'd outwardly the principal parties; the same work was printed and publisht a fortnight before as M. Hallier's, with the extract of a Let­ter in French by him written at Rome in December preceding; wherein that Doctor sent word that the Propositions would be shortly condemn'd, that the Pope and Cardinals judg'd us unworthy to be heard, and that the condemnation would be pasesed nevertheless. And the same Book was pub­lisht afterwards under the name of the abovesaid Jesuite with a Latine Preface, in which according to his wonted confidence and shamelesness, he af­firm'd that we had been heard as much as we would.

But leaving aside this spirit of duplicity and ly­ing, which caus'd both of them to speak so diffe­rently of the same thing; they shew'd evidently thereby, what we were taking pains to prove at Rome, that M. Hallier and his Collegues were in this affair only the Agents of the Jesuites, and those Fathers our right Adversaries; who conse­quently ought to appear before the Congregation to defend themselves, and neither they, nor such as were known devoted to them, (as F. Modeste, and M. Albizzi) to have seats amongst those who were to hear and pronounce upon our differences.

The above-mention'd Writing, Jansenius à Thomistis, &c. gave occasion to two printed Let­ters which were directed to F. Annat touching its being one while attributed to M. Hallier, and ano­ther while challeng'd back by that Father. One of these Letters was dated, Febr. 7. and the other Febr. 12. both excellent. But I am so much an Enemy to the least Faults which escape even inno­cently against the Truth, that I cannot but correct one here which I observ'd in the reading of them. In pag. 23. it is said that the transient audience which we had of the Pope in his Presence-chamber at the presentation of our Writings and Memorials to him, lasted a very considerable time. VVhich by what I have above related, is convinc'd to be a mistake in the Author's intelligence.

The same month another came forth, not quite new, but a second Edition. 'Twas the Antitheses of F. L' Abbé the Jesuite between Jansenius and S. Augustin, upon which he had conferr'd and been confounded by M. de S. Beuve, as is before men­tion'd; and yet this Father caus'd the same to be printed again, as if he knew not the weakness and falshood of his work. He follow'd blindly the pas­sion which inspir'd him with this incredible bold­ness, and crown'd it with no less an outrage a­gainst S. Augustin. For at the end of his Antithe­ses he added an Advertisment to the Reader, wherein he tells him confidently, that those testi­monies of S. Augustin which he cited, shew the falshood of the Five Propositions of the New Do­ctrine, or Jansenius abstracted and contain'd in those Five Propositions; and that if after all this, the Opinions of S. Augustin seem still obscure to any one, he need but be a little patient till Rome declares what S. Augustin's Opinions were, or what they ought to have been. Ex allatis divi Augustini testimoniis refutatas habes quinque The­ses novae doctrinae, seu, ut loquuntur aliqui, Janseni­um in quinque Theses digestum. Si cui tamen post tot testimonia, obscurus adhuc videbitur Augustini sensus, expectet tantisper, BREVI LOQVETVR ROMA QƲID SENSERIT AUGUSTINUS, AƲT QƲID SENTIRE DEBƲERIT.

In the Letter in which M. Brousse gave me no­tice of this second Edition, he concludes after [Page 314] these words; Behold, according to this Adver­tisement, S. Augustin eonvicted, and nothing more remaining but a Bull to declare him a Heretick, and remove him out of the Litanies as the Jesuites have already remov'd him out of the number of the Doctors of the Church, by putting S. Nicolas in his place in the proud Mausolaeum which they have erect­ed in the Court of their Colledge of Clermont, to the memory of Cardinal de la Rochefou­caut!

M. de S. Beuve about three weeks after writ to me two reflexions upon the same advertisement. The first was concerning the three last lines about S. Augustin, to whom, he said, this Discourse was highly injurious; that 'twas to accuse him of having err'd, and by extreme arrogance to pronounce before Rome, by saying that within a little while she will speak and declare what ought to have been the senti­ments of that H. Doctor. The second was upon the former part of the sentence; Ex allatis D. Augustini testimoniis, &c. for (said M. de S. Beuve) he thereby openly declares that their design is to in­volve in the Censure of Five Equivocal Propositions of which themselves are the Authors, the whole Do­ctrine of Effectual Grace so strongly made good by M. d' Ipre against Molinian novelties.

M. le Maistre Doctor and Professor of Divinity our Confrere hapned to be very sick; upon which occasion the Abbot Ollier made a Sermon at the Church of S. Sulpitius (the Cure whereof he had resign'd a little before) which deserves to be reckoned amongst the extraordinary Pieces which appear'd this month. The business was thus. M. le Maistre caus'd his usual Confessor to come to him, who was one of the Carmelites of the great Covent: He desir'd the H. Viaticum, which was brought to him from the Parish of Sulpitius. Up­on the ordinary exhortation which the Priest made to the sick person, he out of sentiments of sincere Christian piety testify'd some fear of the dreadful and hidden judgements of God. The Priest spoke largely to the contrary, and perhaps a little too much concerning the inexhaustible abysse of his mercy. But being a man of less abilities then M. de Maistre he could not free him from this holy fear which is inseparable from solid Christian piety; and therefore went away displeas'd and angry; su­specting also that some body from Port Royal or the House of the Incurables had infus'd this fear into him. He made report in the Church of S. Sulpiti­us of what he had seen, and heard, and of his su­spition that the sick person who was a Priest, was almost besides himself, and reduc'd to despair by him who had ministred to him, and that he spoke of nothing but repentance and God's iudgement. Upon this occasion the Abbot Ollier made a Sermon at S. Sulpitius, in which he shew'd at first extra­ordinary commotion and grief that all was lost. And then alledg'd in the first place that the cause of this his vehement affliction, was, that a sect of people was risen up in the Church who drew the people into error with themselves; which error consisted in their standing upon external repen­tance alone, so far as to contemn internal; and that nevertheless they continu'd puff'd up with pride. After divers injuries suggested to him by his zeal against those people, he instanc'd (as an example of the pride whereof he accus'd them) in a man whom he affirm'd that he saw cruelly mangle his whole body. Secondly, He said that these new Sectaries held for an undoubted Maxime, That Absolution is never to be given to any but those in whom perfect Contrition is found; which he said was an Error condemn'd by the Council of Trent, and of which he brought no other proofs, saving that he was ready to dye for it. In the third place he accus'd the same people of believing that Absolution is unprofitable & did not remit sins; and that external pennance alone remitted them. Fourthly, That they generally believ'd it was ne­cessary to salvation to forsake Cities and retire into Deserts. Fifthly, Himself affirm'd, that for ob­taining remission of sins in the Sacrament of Pen­nance, there was no more preparation or repen­tance necessary then is requir'd in adult persons for Baptism; and that this was the pure doctrin of the Council of Trent. And in the sixth place, That for the direction and amendment of life, it is not re­quisite to make use of the rules of the antient Fa­thers of the Church, but of those of the Doctors of the present times who had converted so many souls to Jesus Christ.

This was the substance of his Sermon, in which appear'd so many errors and calumnies. He who gave me this account of it in a Latin Letter of Feb. 22. had exactly taken it. Which Letter contain­ing this judgement touching our refusal to appear in Cardinal Spada's Congregations, but upon such conditions as we demanded, I shall here insert at length, and with it two others, conceiving them worth the Reader's pains to peruse.

QƲid sit de Cardinalis Eminentissimi Spadae nu­perrima denuntiatione sentienda, haud satis mihi liquet. Multi multa variáque dicunt, nec idem est ac constans omnium hac de re judicium. Si tamen licet in re tam difficili aliquid suspicari, arbitror virum in rebus gerendis versatissimum, hanc tentas­se viam dirimendae litis illius maximae, quae omnium brevissima videbatur, si vos consentientes habuisset. Ita enim & satisfaciebat Ignatianis qui nihil pejus decollatione oderant, nec vobis videbatur facturus injuriam, si rationem illam judicii probasse [...]is. Ete­nim mihi persuadere nunquam potui, prudentissimos viros, tanti momenti quaestiones, in quibus totius fi­dei Christianae cardo vertitur, ex praeconceptis opinioni­bus & praecipiti judicio definituros. Et quanquam Eminentiss. Cardinalem Spadam illi sententiae quae Jansenio tribuitur, infensum non unus pridem mihi nunciavit, publicéque dicere habere se argumenta duo quae Jansenistarum nullus solvere valeat, arbitratus sum tamen illum non adeò sic adhaesurum privatae sententiae, ut cum se judicem intelligeret, uon expe­riretur an qui aliter sentiunt, nihil habeant, nihil aut excogitarint aut à Deo acceperint, quo veritas illu­strari posset. Sit enim persuasus licet dum privatum gerit, privatis rationibus, quas ut plurimùm quasi partus quosdam animorum plurimum diligimus; at ubi judicem induit, aequus esse debet, & antequam ad judicandum accedat, omnibus se prejudiciis exuere. De Traditione quaestio est quaenam vera sit, quaenam à Christo per Apostolorum, per Augustini, per sum­morum Pontificum manus Ecclesiae concredita; quid illi conforme, quid illi adversum sit, res est obscu­rata pristinis contentionibus; multa per humanam [Page 315] Philosophiam & complicationis superbiam inducta sunt, quae sinceram Christi fidem involverunt: Enu­cleanda sunt illa, separandum est humanum à divino, falsum à vero; quod fieri non posse, nisi concertatione mutua oppositarum partium, ac utriusque doctrinae explicatione comparationeque certum est. Itaque li­cet Apostolica sedes, licet Concilia divinam gra­tiam in definiendis articulis Fidei semper sperare de­buerunt, quae nunquam ipsis deerit, licet ad illa per­fidia habere non possit accessum; Audire inter se Di­sputantes semper in more positum fuit, ut ex illa ve­luti collisione veritas excitaretur, cujus scintillae sese postea in universum orbem dispergerent. Istud non schismaticis, non haereticis negatum est, quanto ma­gis Catholicis concedi oportet; qui se Pauli, Augu­stini, Thomae, veterum recentiumque Pontificum, adeóque discipulos Ecclesiae profitentur, & Sedis A­postolicae vocem toties gratiae Christi vindicem iterum audire gestiunt clarè loquentem, vera falsáque di­stinguentem, atque à Molinianis tricis atqué argu­tiis, quibus tamdiù veritati illuditur, sinceram fi­dem & Christi doctrinam eruentem! Quod quidem ut maximi momenti est, ita & servatâ quantum li­cet legitimi judicii formâ fieri debet, ut quemadmo­dum olim dum Concilium generale cogi non poterat, Romanus Episcopus convocatis vicinioribus & sub­urbicariae regionis Episcopis de fide consultabat, & disquisitione facta discernabat; sic etiam hisce tempo­ribus pro ea qua pollet auctoritate, pro ea qua urge­tur charitate, ad pacem inter fideles stabiliendam, ad tuendam veritatem, summus Pontifex Innocentius X. collationem instituat solennem, ut pollicitus est, quaestiones ventilari & examinari jubeat; ut maturè examinatis omnibus, discordiae semina penitus aufe­rantur. Neque aliam mentem esse arbitror Eminen­tiss. Cardinalium deputatorum & Consultorum. Quî enim sibi in animum inducant, se tam exactè novisse omnia quae ad fidem Traditio nemque pertineant, ut nullam aliunde lucem haurire possint! Nam egent lectione, studio, meditatione diligenti, ut quotidiè discant quod priùs ignorabant, & apertè videant quod apertum & obscurum apparebat; sed an ea lege­re, meditari, & videre unius aut etiam paucorum est, nisi disputatione & contrariorum oppositione, quae opti­ma discendi Methodus est, adjuventur? An credere Spiritum sanctum immediatè cujuscunque hominis ingenio illabi, & revelare quae fidem explicant, nisi omnem in exquirenda veritate sollicitudinem adhibe­ant; Cum ne totius quidem Ecclesiae Concilia id un­quam speraverint à Deo obtinere, nisi & prolixas preces & maximam diligentiam adhibeant? sed ista prolixiùs quam putaram de re minime dubia, quamque firmissimè credere Romanos Cosultores non ignoro.

Tacere non possum duo quae Adversarionum tuorum fidem, probitatem & sinceritatem ostendunt. Pri­mum est, Abbatis Ollierii zelusne imperitus dicam an furor, qui nuper in S. Sulpitii Ecclesia, cujus se cura nuper exoneravit, concionem habens ea dixit, quae non Sacerdotem modò; sed ne hominem quidem pudoris alicujus decerent. Occasionem hanc furori dedit D. le Maistre Socius & Professor noster; aegro­tabat ille; advocavit Confessarium suum, Carmeli­tam scilicet ex majori Conventu▪ postea Viaticum petiit; adfertur ipsi ex Parochiali Ecclesia S. Sul­pitii, accedit ad eum Sacerdos, qui talem agrotum neque ex nomine neque ex vultu nosset, sed confidens ac securus; tum qui decumbebat ex sensu vere Chri­stiano testari quantum metu Divinorum judiciorum teneretur: alter mihi homo & ad misericordiam in­clinatior spem ingerere, misericordiam opportunè im­portunè ostentare; aliquod tempus ea in pugna perdi­tum est; sed sensit Sacerdos qui ad aegrotum accesse­rat, quàm impar esset congressus Achilli. Subiratus discessit: inde suspicio aliquem à Portu Regio aut Incurabilium Nosocomio infudisse metum hunc. Re­fert quod viderat, quod audierat, quod suspicaba­tur; hominem sacerdotem fere dementatum, & ad­actum in desperationem, à nescio quo, certe non è se­minario; nihil loqui nisi poenitentiam, nisi judicium. Excitatur rumor, animatur zelus, succedit indigna­tio, inde in Cathedram veritatis post aliquot dies; Quid ibi? multa convitia; verberatur aer petulan­tibus maledictis, haecque docentur & stabiliuntur, Christiana pietatate scilicet plenissima. Primò, tam insolentis iracundiae causa affertur, nempe invaluisse Sect [...]m novorum hominum populum in errorem indu­centium, quorum error hic esset, ut Poenitentiae so­li exteriori adhaererent, ad contemptum usque interio­ris; qui interim superbia inflati remanerent, &c. Tum post contumelias non paucas, exemplum attulit superbi quem ipse viderat (exempli fides sit penes di­centem tam sincerum) corpus suum dilaniare. Se­cundo, nunquam abs [...]lutionem dandam nisi iis, in qui­bus perfecta contritio deprehenderetur; quam doctri­nam errorem volebat à Concilio Tridentino damna­tum; cujus rei aliud nullum argumentum attulit, nisi quod protestatus est se pro eo mori paratissimum. Tertio illorum quoque opinionem esse, Absolutionem esse mutilam, non remittere peccata, quae sola exte­rior poenitentia remitteret. Quartò eos universim credere, quod ad salutem consequendam necessarium esset urbes deserere, & in deserta recedere. Quin­tò ad consequendam remissionem peccatorum in Sacra­mento Poenitentiae non esse necessarium majorem di­spositionem neque plus poenitentiae erigi quam ad Bap­tismum exigitur ab adultis, hancque esse puram doctri­nam Concilii Tridentini. Sextò, ad directionem & emendationem morum, antiquorum Patrum Regulis utendum non esse, sed hujus saeculi Doctorum qui tot animas ad Christum converterunt. Ista ad verbum ex compendio brevi concionis illius reddiderunt. Al­terum quod monendum habebam, videbis in Epistola P. Annati, quam ad te missam mox mihi dictum est. Vale.

The third of these Letters was from M. de Saint Beuve, and here follows:

SIR,

WE have understood with wonder; by your last, how Cardinal Spada hath at length a list of the Consultors, and offer'd you a hearing in the Congregation which it pleas'd the Pope to grant to you for the Controversies about Grace. But we have understood with joy in what manner you carried your self in this Occurrence, and all of us extremely approve your answer. It is not fit to appear so long as Palavicini, Modeste and Albizzi are Consultors; all of them carry their exception in their foreheads; and I doubt [Page 316] not but his Holiness will do you justice if you re­present to him that 'tis not reasonable in a Cause of the Jesuites for a Jesuite, or an approver of the Jesuitical doctrine contain'd in F. Annat's book, to have a suffrage, and much less he, whom all Europe knows to have been their Agent for oppressing S. Augustin's doctrine. 'Tis notori­ous that the Jesuites are our right Adversaries, and that the Doctors who appear there as such, are only the Sollicitors of their affairs, lending them their name and service, acting nothing but what they direct, and produce nothing but by their appointment. The last Book which came forth here under F. Annat's name, and this Title; Jansenius à Thomistis damnatus, is a con­vincing proof thereof; for this Jesuite's Book is nothing else but the Writings which M. Hallier and his Collegues presented to the Congregati­on. The approbation which F. Modeste gave to the former Book of the same Author, intituled Augustinus à Baianis vindicatus, shews that that Approbator declaring himself thereby for our Adversaries is no longer fit to be a Consultor. And what can be said in the behalf of M. Albizzi, who ingag'd M. Hallier to go to Rome, who writ to him so frequently, and receiv'd his intelligen­ces and answers, as M. Hallier confess'd in the open Faculty, when he was accus'd of correspon­ding with the Jesuites in this affair, and subscri­bing the Letters which he sent by F. Mulard, in quality of Syndic, though he had no order from the Faculty to write? 'Tis necessary, therefore, Sir, that these three persons be excluded from the Congregation; Justice requires it; and the honour of the H. See no less. When they are excluded, then you may appear, but according to order; not to make a harangue or remon­strance, but first to hear the complaints of our Adversaries, and then answer them by distin­guishing the bad sense from the good, which we defend and you would establish. To this purpose you must speak, propose and an­swer. Afterwards 'twill be your part to oppose, and then Rome will see that 'tis not of Propositi­ons made at pleasure that S. Augustin's Disciples complain. Then will follow the answers of the Molinists, who will do no small matters if they save themselves from Censure. This is the Or­der, Sir, which is to be held and not departed from. If our Adversaries have carri'd their Com­plaint to the H. See, we shall also carry ours. They could not find Propositions in our Books worthy of Censure, our Doctrine is so Ortho­dox, and therefore they fram'd some of their own invention; but we have drawn such out of their Books as they can neither disown or defend. This, no doubt, they foresee; and therefore en­deavour their utmost not to appear in a Disputa­tion; which you must insist upon and take the advantage of this Congregation. M. Hallier is to return after Easter, and go directly to S. Ma­lo, without comming to Paris, as I understand by the Almoner of the Bishop of S. Ma­lo. And if so, you judge right, that he desires to decline all dispute. He has written to M. A­myot, that he shall shortly have the Propositions condemn'd, that he has been heard in the Con­gregation, and that you stand off and dare not appear there. His Letter was publisht in the Sacristie of S. Maderic and read in the seats of the Sorbonne by him to whom it was directed. This vain boasting confirmes me in the same conceit, (besides that understanding persons have inferr'd the same) namely, that it is false that any Proposition is as yet condemn'd, seeing the Parties have not been heard. To think that judgment shall be pro­nounced without hearing you as you demand, is to think an impossibility. For how can they pro­nounce upon our sense, if they know not what it is? which they cannot but by our selves. To say that they will pronounce without distinguish­ing the senses, is ridiculous. For besides that no­thing would be pronounc'd in this case upon the present controversy, which is not touching the Propositions, but touching the different senses which they have, the Thomists would become in­volv'd in such an absolute condemnation. So that there's no more to be done, but to keep in the same mind. We will send you help, to the end that in case of sicknesse the Congregation may continue. He will set forth, I hope, the first week of Lent, &c.

The third of those Letters was written to me by order of my LL. the Bishops to whom I had address'd mine of Jan. 27. And the Copy is here subjoyn'd.

The answer to the Letter of Jan. 27.

SIR,

I Have communicated your Letter to my Lords, who were much surpris'd at your being sent for by Cardinal Spada, to appear before an other Congre­gation then that which it pleas'd the Pope to grant you upon your sute. They remember very well that his Holinesse cans'd the late Cardinal Roma to signifye to you, that having regard to the Letters and Memori­al which you presented to him, he granted you the Congregation of Five Cardinals, namely, Roma, Spada, Cechini, Ginetti and Ghiggi, for the dis­cussion and examination of the five Propositions. Since that time my LL. alwayes rely'd upon the esta­blishment of that Congregation, and perswaded them­selves that the judgment of the Five Propositions would be pass'd according to all the formes of Ecclesi­astical justice; that you should be heard in presence of your Adversaries, the Writing communicated, all causes of exception against the declar'd opposers of your cause admitted, and finally that the Pope would decide the questions in such manner as the like have alwayes been decided by his Predecessors, in Councils and particular Congregations. When they were most at quiet, your Letter comes and gives them notice of another Congregation to which you were summoned; this amaz'd them; neverthelesse your judicious answer to that summons comforted them; they extremely ap­prove the same, and injoyn you to insist upon it, and not go beyond it. M. Hallier will do any thing that he pleases. My Lords pray you to continue in the termes of your answer, hoping that the Pope being just will have regard thereto; and lastly they recommend themselves to you and beseech God to fill you with bles­sings.

By Command of my Lords N.

After the departure of the Post, my Lords con­dering the present posture of our affair, and fearing the ill consequences which they foresaw, conceiv'd it befitting their Episcopal care to indeavor the pre­vention of the same; wherefore those who were then at Paris, writ forthwith a new Letter to the Pope, which came not from them till eight dayes after, and was deliver'd to us at Rome in its due time. The French translation of it is here inserted, the Original Latin in the Collection ensuing. Be­ing directed To the most H. F. Pope Innocent X. it proceeded thus.

MOST H. FATHER,

BIshops highly affectionate to truth, and the Churches peace could not receive more wel­come newes then the assurance given us last Summer, that your Holines's paternal affection and Apostolical care had induc'd you to establish that Congregation, so much desir'd by us. Assoon as we receiv'd this intelligence from the Doctors who sollicite this great affair at Rome in our name, we rejoyc'd to understand that they had succeeded happily, that the supreme See of the Church ap­prov'd and profess'd to embrace that meanes, which may be in some manner term'd the only one likely to re-establish publick tranquillity: From that time we conceiv'd a firme hope, M.H.F. that the clouds of calumnies and humane artifices be­ing dispell'd, Truth, hitherto outrage'd and op­press'd by its enemies, would finde as many protectors as judges: and that being an Ecclesi­astical Judgment was likely to be pass'd for deci­ding such important questions, relating to the Faith, according as has been alwayes practis'd, we ought to remain quiet in expectation of what so solemn a Congregation should produce. For the Jesuites having caus'd these five Famous Pro­positions to be contriv'd at pleasuere by persons devoted to them, the structure whereof is so ar­tificial and the sense so equivocal, thereby to o­verthrow S. Augustin's authority, and make the novel opinion of Lowis Molina, triumph over the sentiments of the Congregation of Rome, the consent of so many Ages, and the Orthodox doc­trine of ancient Divines, we could not doubt but the esteem and reputation of that H. Doctor of Grace, would be in safety when it should be ex­amin'd before that supreme Tribunal, which has made him so renown'd in all the earth, by the glorious elogies which it hath given him. But, M. H. F. as much as we rejoyc'd then at the newes of that Cogregation, so much have we since been surpris'd with the astonishment of the suddain change of which the Divines deputed by us to your Holinesse have inform'd us by their last Letters; to wit, that the proceeding in this grand affair is become very different from what we be­liev'd, and that this Congregation is not, as was promis'd them, a Congregation in which the par­ties are heard in presence vivâ voce, and their Writings respectively communicated, for taking away all suspition of fraud; but that a course is held wholly different from what they had infor­med us that they had obtain'd of your Holi­nesse.

This, M. H. F. appearing wholly contrary to our hope of seeing the Churches peace re-esta­blisht, we could not understand without extreme grief; considering what boldnesse it gives to S. Augustin's declar'd enemies, with incredible mis­chiefs will ensue from it, of what new troubles it will afford matter to turbulent spirits, what dam­mage the H. See and the whole Church will re­ceive, if Molina's Partisans effect what they have us'd so many slight and artifices to obtain, which is, That it be not plainly declar'd in what precise sense the Propositions be condemn'd, but only that a judgment be pass'd without distinguishing the senses which are proper to them for deciding the capital point of the whole controversy: which would afford means to the enemies of the H. Doctor of Grace, boldly to abuse the said judgment hereafter not onely against him and his disciples, but likewise against the authority and reputation of the H. Apostolick See.

We beseech your Holinsse therefore to admit this complaint, being attended with no lesse af­fection and respect then grief and anxiety. Some small sparks have already caus'd a great flame on all sides, and the violence of this evils spreads everywhere. The children of the Church are divided, their Mother sighs at it, and the wis­dom of their Comon Father is alone capable to supply a remedy thereunto. This affair is treated with very much heat, but Y. H. may wholly ex­tinguish it by using clear and precise words, in passing a judgment on the sense of the Propositi­ons, which is the whole subject of this dispute; for by this means Y. H. will stop the contests of those who are divided into different opinions, and which both sides have maintain'd with so great ar­dour. Now to attain to this M. H. F. and that none may alledge any excuse to cause delay, it it seemes necessary in the present state of things, first, that liberty be given to our Deputies to declare their sentiments in presence of their Ad­versaries who are at Rome, to the end to disco­ver their artifices; and that what shall be alledg­ed by either side in defence of their opinions, be respectively drawn up into publick acts, by some unsuspected person, that copies thereof be given to the parties, and that they interchangeably com­municate what they advance for the establishing their own or opposing the sentiments of their Ad­versaries: That afterwards the Jesuites, being more oblig'd then any others to maintain this contestation in regard they uphold the new doc­trine of Molina, and are declar'd enemies of that of S. Augustin, may enter into the cause, in­asmuth as they are indeed the principal parties, as is evident from hence that the writings presented to the Congregation were made by Fransois An­nat of their society, who has been so bold as to print the same publickly at Paris under his own name. That M. Albizzi abstaine from the Con­gregation; since the causes of exception against him are so just and evident that they are known to all the world. And lastly that F. Modeste, who hath not fear'd to approve F. Annat's book assoon as it came from the presse, may be likewise re­mov'd out of the number of the Consultors, ha­ving by so manifest a fore-judgment shown how much he favors Molina and is contrary to S. Au­gustin.

Your Holinesse, M. H. F. sees that these pro­posals tend not to eschew the judgment of the cause, but seek the meanes of establishing the Churches peace. And we hope, your Holinesse will favorably admit requests, which as things stand, are not only just but necssary; which are full of low respect to Y. H. and which have no other aime but the good of souls which it hath pleas'd God to commiit to us, the authority of your judg­ment, and the glory of the Apostolik See. We know that one of the principal duties of Bishops is with great care to watch, that the Consciences of their people may remain in peace and Christian tranquillity; and that if when Tares are sown a­mongst them, we be so negligent as to sleep in­stead of plucking them up, God will require a se­vere accompt of us for it. This is it which makes us renew our supplications to Y. H. more then ever, to conjure you not to use a remedy in this occasion lesse then the evil, but to end this grand difference by a Iudgment: which may decide the bottome of the dispute, ruin error in its root, and establish a firme and sure peace. Which will most certainly come to passe, if it please Y. H. to grant us a Congregation like that which Clement VIII. and Paul V. establisht, open and free to all parties, of which no person may complain, and which may be famous for ever. We beseech Our Lord Jesus Christ the Author of all graces to preserve Y. H. in health for the general good of all Chri­stendome.

We are, MOST HOLY FATHER, &c.
Y. H. most humble and obedient Sons, N. and N. In the absence of our Confreres.

By the same return one of the same Prelates sent me the following.

SIR,

I Have read with great joy the generous resolu­tion which you have taken, not to a desert God's cause which you have hitherto so vigorous­ly and happily defended; as also the b Nar­rative of your transactions with Cardinal Spada. Nothing more weighty and judicious; and I hope you prudence and constancy will at length bring about the Congregation which we wish. I have understood with very much satisfaction how the Order of Dominicans proceeds. Be pleas'd to continue your adherence with them as to the fun­damental controversy which concerns Effectual Grace. For obtaining a solemn Congregation, I see nothing more conducive, then to persist in urging that the H. See never deny'd to hear Bi­shops who demanded Audience of it; That since the time of Pius V. Greg. XIII. and Ʋrban VIII. there have been no parties that demanded to be heard and to conferre; nor can there be any ob­stacle now since M. Hallier and his Collegues a­gree to it; c As for the circumstance of the Inqui­sition, we conceive it hath nothing to do in these parts at present. It will be good if the Embassa­dor can move in the businesse, and give the Pope to understand that the French cannot acknowledge that Tribunal. I am more then ever most real­ly &c.

a
It was not to return into France, as I design'd for six Moneths together about my domestick affairs.
b
My Letter of Jan. 27.
c
They profess'd so in words, and Cardinel Spada did them the honour and the kindnesse to say for them that they were ready to do it. So that this is meant but ad hominem.

The same day N. de Sainte Beuve writ one to me which deserves as well as any not to be deny'd the publick light, 'tis so clear, sincere and compre­hensive.

SIR,

YOU are very obliging in taking so much pains to encourage me, upon supposition that I am very anxious for the successe of our affairs. Per­haps something of my style may have occasion'd that your judgment; but though otherwise ob­lig'd to you, I cannot but tell you that I never had any apprehension, knowing the goodness of our Cause, and your vigilant and prudent con­duct. The reports spread hitherto by our Ad­versaries have not shaken me, but I hop'd well when I heard that they Decided beforehand, and publisht Judgments before the merite of the cause was known. Neverthelesse I cannot omit what they have vented this week. F. Paulin said at the Louvre that we were in such contempt at Rome, that we were not thought worthy of being heard. You see what a great honor this man does to the H. See, since he judges it capable of Prepos­sessions to the prejudice of the course of justice which refuses not to hear the most wicked wret­ches in their own defence. At the Colledge of Navarre, they say you have done as Luther and Calvin did. That first you referr'd your differ­ence to the Pope, and when he was taking course to pronounce concerning it, you appeal'd to a Council, or rather demanded to be heard in a Council. These people are as knowing in history as they are honest in reporting your actions. In Sorbonne 'tis said that you were upon flight, and that not daring to appear before the Pope, be­cause your condemnation was inevitable, you de­manded to have a Council assembled. At the Bi­shop of Malo's house, it is said that M. Hallier is to set forth in the beginning of Lent for France, and to be at Lyons by Easter, from whence he goes to Roanne, and thence to Nantes for S. Ma­lo, with design to dedicate himself for the rest of his dayes to the service of M. de S. Malo, more then ever. And upon my objections that it was hardly credible that M. Hallier could be return­ing so soon, unless he came away before the decisiō of the cause, I was answer'd that he hop'd to have judgment by that time, but would come back howe­ver, having sufficiently labour'd for a year toge­ther. Whence I conclude that M. Hallier must sup­pose [Page 319] that the business would not be determin'd, by his return; for should he come into France with the least advantage whatsoever, he would come to Paris and to the Court to receive honors and complements for it; and also to demand some recompence, either an Abby or a Bishoprick. But this is enough about them; let's return to our selves. Nothing can be more prudent and com­mendable then your proceeding with Cardinal Spada; your Narrative of it has fully satisfi'd me. You have nothing left to do but to keep your ground, and insist upon this especially. 'Tis a thing unheard of, that in an important Con­troversie the Bishops of France demanded a hear­ing and a conference before the Pope, and were deny'd. That if it be true that our Adversaries desire to be heard coràm, there is no inconveni­ence in granting, the one side demands, and the other consents to. That 'tis the only means to restore a calm in the Church, without which, whatever else be done, the stirs and contentions will continue. That if an absolute condemnati­on be pass'd upon the Propositions without di­stinguishing senses, the Molinists will forthwith make advantage of it against the Thomists; and that the senses be distinguisht without knowing of us which is ours. In fine, Sir, you must ei­ther be heard contradictorily, or else remain si­lent, patiently expecting what the determina­tion will be.

I forget to tell you that M. Hallier and his Col­legues write that he has been heard, that both he and his Collegues spoke an hour and an half with with great applause; and that the whole Assem­bly admir'd his abilities and moderation, your de­nyal to appear having given great advantage to your Adversaries. But for my satisfaction I shall be glad if you signifi'd to me what you have learnt of their Orations. I am,

Sir, &c.

The same day a Doctor of the Faculty deputed for the examen of the new Chronicle of the Feu­illant, sent me word by two Letters, that after a long Conference thereupon, they found the Book full of impieties and injuries; and (to make short) he signifi'd to me the week after that the Kings authority was interpos'd to forbid the Facul­ty to censure it, though it was injurious to Kings as well as to the Pope and Bishops, but principally to Kings. Take part of that former Letter written Febr. 18.

Redeo à privatis Doctorum Comitiis, in quibus Chronici Ademari continuationem à Fulgensi recens editam expendimus. Tot sunt impiè, insulsè, con­tumeliosè dicta, ut examen nos ad usque multam noctem tenuerit. Hos duos dies, quòd mihi incum­beret ut aiebant de illo referre, studio ad id necessario consumpsi; quare prolixiùs non vacat.

And part of the latter written to me March 7.

Chronicon Fuliensis omnibus Ordinibus, Pontifici, Episcopis, Regibúsque praecipuè injuriosum, menda­ciis erroribúsque plenissimum, Censura notari qui Regem obsident non sunt passi. Nec dubito quin Syndieus aliique ejusdem notae homines, prohibitionem hanc à Ministris Regiis extorserint, ita illorum in­doli bellè convenit cum hoc opusculo tenebrarum.

But they were not successfull in their sollicitati­ons from the King and his Ministers to the Arch­bishop of Paris and his Officiate, to hinder the condemnation of it, as they hinder that of the Faculty. For the Archbishop caus'd his to be publisht against it at the end of Parochial Masses on the first Sunday of Lent, in spight of all ob­stacles lay'd in his way from the Court. And the Keeper of the Seals, having himself conferr'd with the Official about it two hours, receiv'd from him so evident an account of the necessity and obligati­on which the Archbishop had to condemn it, that he was constrain'd to yield to his reasons. This particularity was signifi'd by M. de Sainte-Beuve in a Letter of March 7. in which he added that he had begun to read S. Annat's Book intituled, Augustinus à Baianis vindicatus; and truly (said he) I pity him, he is so weak, calumnious and injurious to S. Augu­stin. And in another of March 14. That he found himself oblig'd to refute him in his Lectures, which was easie for him to do, the Father's grounds being nothing but Imposture, and his strength consisting in captious arguments.

'Tis a strange thing that notwithstanding our re­fusal to appear in the Congregation separately from our Adversaries, and to present other Wri­tings till our former were communicated, was so equitable and well-grounded; Yet their Eminen­ces resolution not to admit of either, but to pro­ceed to judgement in the affair without it, ceas'd not to make us fear ill success, if we continu'd firm in our denyal. Wherefore we fell upon the same Consultation which he had held about three months before, namely, Whether in case that af­ter all our reptesentations of the justice and advan­tage of such communication they should continue inexorable, and that a pure and absolute Con­demnation were likely to ensue (much to the pre­judice of the Church's truth and to ours) it would not be expedient that we yielded to inform them after their mode, rather then let such a Censure come forth. The reasons for either part, above­mention'd at large, were again consider'd, with additions of new; but we were divided now, as formerly. We writ therefore severally into France our opinions, and the reasons of them. Not one of our Friends or Bishops thought fit that we should recede from any thing of our demand and proceeding, they judg'd it so equitable, and were so perswaded that if Justice were not done us in this point, we could not hope it in anything. This their judgement I shall extract out of a Let­ter written to him of us three, who was of the same mind, March 7. 1653.

Reflecting upon the debate which you have had a­gain with M. D. M. the more I consider the affair, the more I am on your side, and cannot yield to his rea­sons. I cannot think that if the resolution be taken to censure the Propositions, 'tis in the power of any thing that you can produce, to alter it. For the Condemnati­on will be concluded upon Politick reasons, to which you shall never be put to answer, and so never cut the knot of the affair. But if on the contrary the con­sideration of truth be more prevalent then human rea­sons, [Page 320] and they will not condemn it, you will be happy in having persisted so stedfast. You see how I incline according to my weakness and little intelligence; but I find not humility enough in my self to say that I sub­mit to everything. I confess I cannot do it upon the reasons of M. D. M. though I have all imaginable respect for him. Continue firm, I beseech you, and do not all three give out, whatever happens. If you do, you will be lookt upon as persons that had some good re­solution at the beginning of the enterprize, but relin­quisht it upon the first difficulties. Christians are not crown'd but upon perseverance.

But to summe up all my intelligence of this Month, I shall here only insert what was signifi'd to us March 21. in the name of the Bishops who sent us.

My Lords are enga'd in an Affair of great im­portance which concerns the Archbishop of Sens, and hath wholly taken them up this fortnight. All that they had given me in charge to tell you, is, That there are parties enough there, since M. Hallier, Joysel and Ragault are there, who de­mand an absolute Censure of the Propositions in the name of the Bishops, by whom they pretend themselves sent; and that you defend them in the sense of S. Augustin, which is the Catholick sense. That those Doctors cannot excuse them­selves from appearing in your presence to justifie their demand, and give account why they pur­sue the condemnation in such manner as they do. If they refuse, you must remonstrate to his Ho­liness, what an injury it is to the authority of the H. See; since the grand causes of the Church, amongst which this is one, ought to be treated before the H. See, and consequently according to all the forms of Ecclesiastical Judgements, (whereof the meanest require that the parties be heard to argue their rights) that so the judge­ment may be receiv'd without contradiction.

CHAP. XII.

The intelligence of M. Hallier and his Collegues with the Jesuites, manifest by the Writings which those Doctors presented to the Consultors, and were printed at Paris in F. Annat's name, which I endeavour to discover to the Card. Ghiggi and Spada, but to no purpose. A discovery of another Wri­ting of M. Hallier upon the third Pro­position.

F. Annae's printed Book, intituled Jansenius à Thomistis damnatus, I receiv'd on the first of March; which occasion I took too visite Cardinal Ghiggi, whom I had not seen since our great Con­ference above related. This Book and the Title-page fix'd upon the corners of the Streets of Paris I made use of, as a manifest proof, to let him see a truth, otherwise but too certain, yet not admit­ted by him, namely, That the Jesuites were our principal Adversaries in this affair; seeing the Doctors who appear'd against us were supply'd by those Fathers with the Writings which they were to present to their Eminences and the Con­sultors. The Cardinal answer'd me, that the Je­suites had not meddled in the business since their defending the Theses in Flanders; that he heard indeed that those of France had done some thing, but it was not considerable; that it behoov'd all star quieto to be quiet. I reply'd that it was not we who set a foot the Propositions from whence all this trouble arose; but that we were come only to advertise the H. See of the practises against it, and the Catholick doctrine of Grace contain'd in the Propositions, and to intreat that nothing might be done without hearing us thereupon in a solemn Congregation. After which falling to speak of the bad sense which the Propositions ad­mitted, I said, that we were agreed as to that; and that it was not our intention to maintain them in those senses; but yet we endeavoured to hinder an absolute condemnation of them, in regard of the evil use which might be made of it; and least they who pursu'd it might afterwards apply it to the Catholick truths whereof they were capable. That a Proposiiion ought to be look'd upon twice, and all its circumstances and sequels weigh'd before it be condemn'd; that if 'twere sufficient to the condemnation of a Proposition that it admitted a bad sense taken in the letter or the evil construction according to which they who dislik'd it pleas'd to understand it, many in the H. Scripture would not escape Censure. For example of which I alledg'd these, Non est justus quisquam; Qui in carne sunt, Deo placere non possunt; Peccatores Deus non audit; and those which the Church delivers every day, in the Gloria in excelsis, addressing to the person of our Lord, Tu solus Sanctus. The Cardinal answer'd that they consider'd all this; that nevertheless we did well to discharge our minds con tutti, with all, as he believ'd we did. The supposition which I perceiv'd he intended apparently to make by this discourse, that we had represented all our reasons to all the Cardinals and Consultors too, con tutti, increas'd my suspition of their proceeding in the two last Assemblies towards the Consultors, name­ly, that they would really pass to the condemnati­on of the Propositions, and take the visits which we had made to them to obtain a conference and com­munication of Writings with our Adversaries, as judicial and sufficient informations to condem us formally. Wherefore I told his Eminence that what I had now said was only to shew him the ne­cessity and advantage of hearing us according as we desir'd, for a thorough examination of all things; that we had spoke nothing to them but for this end; that his Eminence, I believ'd, was the only person to whom I had spoken so much as I had now done; and that we were so far from thinking to inform the others, that on the contrary we had avoided all occasions of doing it, because we would not do it but to good purpose, which could not be but according to the manner and form which we demanded.

The same day I desir'd our Advocate to go to the Cardinals of our Congregations, and press them with the most urgent reasons he could to grant us a Conference. We talkt largely toge­ther about the consequences which were to be fear­ed in case they should not grant it; and he under­took to visit them for the purpose aforesaid, except Cardinal Pamphilio, whom, he said he could not yet addresse to; but for each of the rest he took a Copy of the two Memorials which he had presented to the Pope, to leave with their Eminences, after he had spoken to them what he intended.

Tuesday the 4th. I went to shew F. Annat's book to Cardinal Spada, that he might thereby see that the Jesuites were in the cause as well as M. Hallier and his Collegues, in as much as these Doctors were but as the Agents and Pam­phlet-venters of those Fathers. The Cardinal an­swer'd that he had never told me that those Fathers were not of the same opinions, or that they acted not something underhand, but that they had not spoken to him about them▪ and that the Pope ha­ving put two Dominicans into the Congregation for one Jesuite, we were rather favour'd than o­therwise.

VVe heard in the morning at la Minerve that the General of the Domincians was gone to get audience of the Pope to present his Memorial and his Papers to his Holiness, and that the Commissa­ry of the H. Office desir'd to speak with M. de Val­croissant as a particular Friend, and that we might go to him by the back stairs. In the afternnon I accompani'd him thither. He propounded to us some difficulties upon the first Proposition, in which having receiv'd satisfaction from M. de Val­croissant's answers, he told us that it would be good that we could meet together some times, but in such a place as might not give jealousie to any body. I spoke to him concerning F. Annat's book newly printed; I shew'd it him, and told him it was the same Writing which M. Hallier and his Col­legues had presented to him four or five Months before. He answer'd me that he had one of them too; but had not had time yet to read it.

Some dayes before this visit a Writing of good length made by our Adversaries upon the third Proposition fell into my hands; we caus'd it to be transcrib'd by several Amanuenses, that it might be precisely restor'd by the time at which he who lent it us was oblig'd to return it. Afterwards re­covering two others, one upon the fourth, and che other upon the fifth Proposition, we apprehended that these three Writings were parts of an intire Treatise upon the Propositions, and consequently that we wanted what had been commented upon the two first; but we could never light upon them.

That upon the Third Proposition was nothing but a heap of passages and argumentations out of Ricardus and F. Pelau in his Treatise of Liberty; and besides an infinite number of wrested citations, it was wholly founded upon a point not at all in que­stion. For it pretended to show that according to the Fathers, Free-will requires some kind of Indif­ference. Now this was never disputed, none ha­ving ever deny'd that Free-will is alwayes insepa­rably in this life joyn'd with the indifference held by the Thomists; that is to say, with an active power of acting or not acting. Nevertheless up­on this false foundation all the said Tract is built, and falls to the ground by the sole distinction of two sorts of Indifference, whereof one, which is held by Molina, destroyes Effectual Grace, because it infers that a man may so act and not act, that it sometimes comes to pass that the VVill acts not and consents not to the same Grace which causes it to act at another time in the same dispositions; and this is that which we oppos'd. The other, held by the Thomists, does not in any sort destroy Effe­ctual Grace, since it so gives the active power of not doing that whereunto Effectual Grace deter­mines us, that yet it never comes to pass that the thing is not done. And as for this sort of In­difference, we not only never rejected it, but have formerly admitted it in a hundred places of our Writings.

But hence it is easie to judge what impression might be made upon the minds of the Cardinals by the noise of a hundred passages pretended to be formally against the opinions of the Jansenists, which they understood only by the fabulous and calumnious reports which it pleas'd our Adver­saries to make of them in their Writings and Dis­courses.

And 'tis pleasant to observe that as they attribu­ted to those Utopian Jansenists which subsisted on­ly in their own brains, the imaginary Opinion of an absolute Necessity which takes away the power of acting and not acting, and destroyes Indiffe­rence; so they make them speak after their mode, and attribute answers to them, which no body ever thought of.

Respondent primò Jansenistae voluntatem hoc qui­dem posse si velit, quia si vellet, hoc ipso actu illud faceret; sed non posse illud velle propter grntiam qua impedit ne id velit. Which is a ridiculous answer sorg'd by them at pleasure; for no body denyes that the Will can resist Effectual Grace, and hath the active power to will it, though it never comes to pass that it doth will it, because Grace makes it will the contrary, and determines it to will, not to use the power which it hath.

Respondent secundò, (say they further) hoc sen­su Voluntatem posse dissentire, quatenùs absente gra­tia non operatur illud bonum ad quod per gratiam ex­citatur, quod eâ praesente necessariò operatur. This is properly the ridiculous Chimaera of the Necessi­tating Grace which destroyes the active power of resisting it self whilst it is present. It sprung first in F. Annat's Imagination, who diffus'd it into those of M. Hallier and his Collegues, and by their means endeavour'd to perswade the Cardinals and Consultors of it.

'Tis easie to triumph thus over Adversaries by attributing to them imaginary opinions and an­swers. The length of this Writing hinders me from transcribing it particularly. I shall only adde that it is concluded with the ordinary Protestation, that they do not persecute the Propositions in the sense of Effectual Grace, and that the question is not about the points contested between the Do­minicans and the Jesuites.

Colligitur secundo (say they in the writing up­on the Fifth Proposition) quid dicendum sit illis qui hanc esse putant controversiam de auxiliis Divi­nae [Page 322] Gratiae tamdiù olim dissertatam sub duobus Ponti­ficibus inter Thomistas & Jesuitas, jamque hoc pre­textu Janseniani utuntur ut Censuras eludant; & cum non putent posse Thomist as in eandem ruinam tra­hi, cum illis ipsi commmnione sententiarum & con­nexione erigantur & stent, vel certè ut tanquam in pari causa dum ulterior expectatur definitio, eadem libertate fruantur docendi quodlibet quâ fruuntur illae duae familiae. Sed in co quoque latiùs aberrant, quàm toto coelo. Nihil omnino illis exprobatur de quo Thomistae cum Jesuitis contenderint, nihil exigi­tur quàm quod sucrit concordissimo duorum illorum Ordinum consensu atque suffragiis constitutum, quòd possibilia sint praecepta Dei transgressoribus, quibus transgressio ad culpa imputatur; quòd detur auxilium sufficiens at (que) internum eui homines dissentiunt; quòd indifferentia ad agendum & non agendum à libertate arbitrii quae requiritur admerendum & demerendum sit inseparabilis; quòd non sint Haeretici qui dicunt liberum arbitrium Deo moventi per gratiam efficacem dissentire posse ('tis the sense which they give the Fourth Proposition) & quòd sensus divisus quo id posse dicitur, non sit idem quod ex hypothesi mutatio­nis & substractionis ejusdem gratiae, sed ita ut cum illa sit expedita ad dissentiendum potentia, quod Chri­stus sit etiam pro reprobis mortuus, ut illis media sa­lut is obtineret.

This is the close way whereby they oppose us, fathering these ridiculous opinions upon us, or ra­ther upon those who were in France. For they pretended to spare us, by endeavouring to per­swade that we did not speak sincerely, or under­stood not the end of this new Heresie.

CHAP. XIII.

Proposals made to me by Cardinal Bar­berin about the Doctrine of the Tho­mists. The Beginning of the Congre­gations before the Pope. His Holi­ness's reconcilement with Signora Olympia by whom he is entertain'd at Dinner upon the day of the An­nunciation with his kindred, who endeavour to deter him from the Congregations, but in vain.

MArch the 4th. Cardinal Barberin return'd to me our VVriting De Gestis, and upon the 5th. I carried him our Summary. He askt me why we did not wholly joyn with the Dominicans? I answer'd him, that they did their own business, and we ours; that we might have our particular aimes and pretensions, though their Doctrine was no-wise different from ours, at least at the bottome. He fell to speak of Jansenius, and said, that he admitted the same Sufficient Graces which the Thomists taught; for which he cited Chap. 3. lib. 4. I answer'd him that I could not tell, having not read the Book; but that no doubt there are such small Graces as the Thomists call Sufficient, and acknowledge as well as we not to be such real­ly in the sense wherein the VVorld takes the word Sufficient, since they do not suffice, there being need, besides these Graces, of that which is Ef­fectual by it self, to perform the good action which would not be done without it. He askt me whether I had the Writing intituled Jansenius a Thomistis damnatus? I told him I had it, but did not speak of it to his Eminence, because it would shame M. Hallier, who had been the Distributor of it under the Paedagogy of the Jesuites, and whom I knew his Eminence honour'd with his af­fection.

In the afternoon I receiv'd a Visit from an in­telligent person, who inform'd me, 1. That next week una Congregatione Papale a Congregation in his Holiness's presence was to be held. 2. That F. Lezzana had been retain'd by the Pope to be of the Congregation instituted for examining the Pro­positions, but was, by he knew not what insinu­ation of M. Albizzi with the Pope, excluded. For proof of which he told me, that Monsiguor Sa­crista inform'd him that he, was that Father who said he was going to take the Oath requir'd by the Congregation; that afterwards he was left out without any thing spoken to him; and that though he was very patient and submissive to Provi­dence, yet he had testifi'd to Cardinal Ginetti some resentment of the stir. 3. That before the Commis­sary of the H. Office had consider'd upon the Propo­sitions, he was much animated against them; during which tempest M. Albizzi made use of him to sound the minds and opinions of others before they were apppointed for the Congregation. 4. That like­wise the Master of the Sacred Palace had the Pro­positions in abhorrence, as he who told me this found when asking of him permission to read the Writing compos'd upon them, which begins In Nomine Domini, &c. for he answer'd him (Guar­dateri d' imbe' vervi di queste cose) Beware of being infested with such things; and that to obtain such permission he was fain to carry a Friend, who was well known to the Master of the Sacred Palace, to assure him thar he was a man not likely to be sur­priz'd by heretical Sentiments, per inhereticarsi. 5. That the Fathers Delbene, Luca Vadingo, and the General of the Augustines were at first of ano­ther mind than what they were of after they had carefully studied these matters.

Thursday the 6th. I learnt at la Minerve, that the General of the Dominicans, despairing to get audience of the Pope, intended to take the oppor­tunity of the Congegation of the H. Office at which he is alwayes present, to present a Memo­rial to the Pope, that his Holiness would please to afford him the audience which he had so often sought in vain. He promis'd me himself also, to cause his Fathers to draw up a Relation of the Conference which they had had with M. Hallier and his Collegues, not to publish, but to preserve in the Archives of their Covent ad perpetuam rei memoriam.

In another Visite I understood that the Consul­tors had order to be ready to deliver their Votes or Sentiments in writing upon the third Sunday of Lent (if my Informer was not mistaken in the day) [Page 323] and that the Congregation was thenceforward to be held before the Pope, but that they were all charged to take their measures so, that no one might speak above a quarter of an hour. I learnt also in the same Vi [...]ite, that the Consultors dis­affected to the Propositions, finding the mind of them, and conceiving that any thing was lawful for them in the Congregations held at Cardinal Spada's House, made great clapping of hands and noise there, and M. Albizzi with them, crying Avant Heretick, Avant Lutheran, when the well-affected to the Propositions spoke the best things to defend them. In fine, that the five Cardinals oftentimes slept and snor'd there; sometimes all together; so that one of the Consultors seeing them in that posture, took the liberty to say to another these words. At least if there be any that keeps Sentinel, aiming thereby to hold the Con­sultors in their duty, that heed might be given to what was spoken, and the same afterwards re­ported to those that slept, Al meno se fosse qualche d' uno che facesse la Santinella. But whether they slept or wakt, certain it is that the manner of handling things in the Congregation upon the In­formation of one party alone was very unfit to in­struct them in the matters whereof they were to judge. Which made us many times with eyes of compassion look upon those Cardinals, who ha­ving spent their lives in imployments for the most part more Secular then Ecclesiastical, and Political then Theological, and being engag'd in an innu­merable multitude of other businesses, were ap­pointed to give their own judgements, and form that of the Pope upon the most difficult matters of all Divinity, and upon which judgement cannot be passed without temerity, unlesse care be taken for instruction therein by exact, assiduous and deliberate reading of the Scripture and the Fa­thers.

Immediately after Dinner I receiv'd a Note, sig­nifying to me, 1. That the Congregation would be held on Monday following before the Pope. 2. That his Holiness was so prepossessed that no good was to be hop'd. 3. That nothing was thought upon but a Condemnation. 4. That it was said of Monsignor Gavotti, that he began to doat, because he very well understood the do­ctrine of S. Augustine, and remembred also what passed under Clement VIII. and Paul V. 5. That all things tended to mischief, and to prevent the Dominicans of time to interest themselves in this affair. 6. That there was no place for saying a­ny thing in order to stop the course of this mis­chief. The Original of the said Note was thus:

La Congregatione è stabilita per lanedi.
Pare il Papa prevenuto in modo, che nulla si spera di buono.
Le prattiche si famo per condennare. Null' altra cosa più si medita.
Monsignor Gavotti è tenuto per semo.
Ogni cosa tende al male, & a fare presto, per levare campo a Domenicani.
Non si può parlare.

In the Evening I learn'd that a Letter from the Nuntio in Flanders giving intelligence of the death of M. Calenus who had highly defended Jansenius, being read in the morning in the Assembly of the H▪ Office, the Pope was displeas'd that he was enter­tain'd with nothing but that affair, and said angerly that he would end it, Voglio finir sta cosa. And that Card. Barberin, Spada, and a third, with M. Albizzi talking together about the Propositions, before the Pope's comming, Cardinal Spada said, We will condemn those Propositions; They must be con­demn'd. They will not obey the Bull; but hold these Opinions, because they say the Book is not condemned, but only prohibited. It must be con­demn'd; and more he said to the same purpose.

All these unacceptable Items oblig'd us to go on Friday the 7th. to desire audience of the Pope, to know what was determin'd upon our two last Me­morials which our Advocate left with him, and to take occasion to speak to him the most plainly and earnestly we could concerning our present needs. But we could not be admitted: Monsig­nor Fagnani, and the Inqusitor of Spain took up all the time.

Hearing that the Pope had occasionally spoken to Monsignor Fagnani concerning our affair, I vi­sited him the next day in the afternoon. He told me, that the Pope having ask'd him whether he had heard of it, he answered, No; his Holinesse seem'd troubled about it, and intimated a purpose to end it, telling him that he caus'd prayers to be made for it (the Vice-Gerent had sent by his or­der, to put a Bill upon the Sacristies, to recom­mend it to the prayers of those who said Masse, and likewise to some Covents to enjoyn the saying a Masse of the H. Ghost and Litanies: all which was done with very little Ceremony, and in such sort that we, who observed the most we could all things pertaining to our affair, had not taken no­tice of it, if F. Petit who had care of the Sacristie of S. Louis, had not told us that he believed the Bill sent thither concern'd us, and if a Monastick of la Minerve had not by chance intimated the same thing to me concerning those Letanies.) M. Fag­nani added that he told the Pope that his Holinesse did very well; that he could not be too circumspect in an Affair of that importance; that though his Holiness was assisted by the H. Spirit in Canonizing of a Saint, yet many things were striictly heeded, for fear there might be some suborn'd witness; and that in the matter of so abstruse a doctrine as this was, and wherein the Faith and the Belief of the Faithfull were concern'd, there was more danger of a surprize, and consequently more need of all possible precautions. That the Pope seem'd to consider upon, and be well pleased with what he said.

After Cardinal Ghiggi had given us notice that Cardinal Pamphilio was added to our Congregati­on, and something blamfd us for not having pre­sented a Copy of our Writing to him, to take a­way all occasion of displeasure, we thought fit to do it with the best grace and most ceremony we could. VVherefore we caus'd a new Copy to be made by the same Amanuensis who made that which we presented to the Pope. Being finisht towards the end of this month, we got it bound exquisitely, and besides the two Writings and their Summary, which we had presented to the Cardinals, we added the same Epistle prefix'd to [Page 324] that given to his Holinesse; And before all a par­ticul [...]r Epistle to this Cardinal, which we subscri­bed upon S. Thomas his day; whereof a faithfull Translation follows:

To my L. the most Eminent and Reverend Card. Pamphilio.

MY LORD,

OUr H. F. Pope Innocent X. the Vicar of Jesus and Successor of S. Peter in the See of Rome, hath at this day no greater Cause to decide then this, since the Grace which makes us Christians, is therein is disputed, and S. Augustin whom the H. See hath own'd by perpetual approbation ever since Innocent the First, called in question. It suffices, my Lord, that you know thus much, that you may be convinc'd what part to take, and what care this Cause of Faith requires of you in so important an occasion.

When Pope Innocent X. chose you among o­thers to support the weight of the Churches af­fairs, and employ your Ministry in the negotiati­ons which concern the H. Apostolick See, he en­gaged you wholly to his own person, not onely by the Purple wherewith he adorned your Emi­nence, but also by the society of his Family and Name, which is a very strict alliance; and was pleased to communicate to you all the lustre and glory of his Papacy; Your Eminence enter'd not into the Pamphilian Family by the quality of your birth, but by the consideration of your merits; not by the advantages of blood, but ver­tue; so that there lyes an indispensible necessity upon you contributing with so much more ardor the fidelity of your services to the dignity and ho­nour of Innocent X. as this link which unites you to him, being an effect of vertue, is much more great and considerable then those which are deri­ved from Consanguinity. We fear not then, my Lord, that it will be a diverting your Eminence from the care of the great affairs which exercise you, when we beseech you to read the Writings which we present to you, and to employ some time in examining with great care the whole Cause in question, there being nothing in the whole Church more considerable for the honour and reputation of Innocent X. then this affair con­cerning the grace of Jesus Christ.

The reading of all things which have pass'd in this Difference will encrease your Eminences vi­gilance and care, because you will find how just­ly their designes are to be suspected, the begin­nings wherof are full of so many intrigues and deceits. Neither the canvasings nor the solicita­tions of our Adversaries, nor the ostentation of the favor of the Grandees of the Times, nor the false Protestations which they make to defend the Faith and uphold the dignity of the H. See, will be capable of shaking you, because you will fear on one side their surprising his Holinesse, as they have already many times endevor'd, and on the other you will be lead to suspect that cause of in justice which hath needed so great a number of subtleties to support it.

As much as our Adversaries have plac'd their hope in humane artifices, in winding and captions subtleties of words, and in termes which they have invented to vilifie and disparage our persons; so much have we taken care to establsh our hope only in the assistance of God's grace, in sinceri­ty and upright dealing, in the integrity of the H. Apostolick See and in the the equity of Inno­cent X. We hope therefore, my Lord, that you will employ all your credit with his Holiness, to promote the Congregation which we have demanded of him, as being the most advantage­ous means of ruinning all kind of Deceits, of clearing truth, and procuring peace, and which all the world, as well as we, conceiv'd establisht be­fore we had the honour to present these Writings to him, to the end the whole Church may know and posterity one day relate how prevalent sim­plicity and fair dealing, truth and justice were un­der the Papacy of Innocent X. when he was assisted with the Counsels of a Cardinal who was the emulator of his Glory as well as Heir and successor of his name.

And although in all these things our own inte­rest is lesse imported then that of the H. See, and we could be quiet henceforward, if we were not mov'd with the concernments of truth, the H. See, and the spouse of Jesus Christ, and the peace and edification of the Faithfull; neverthelesse all these these things make so sensible an impression upon our minds, that we shall consider as a sig­nal benefit all the offices which your Eminence shall do for us with his Holinesse towards pro­curing the successe of a demand so just and neces­sary.

We are, My LORD,
Your Eminences Most humble and obedient servants,
  • Noël de la Lane Doctor in Divinity of the Faculty of Paris, and Abbot of Nostre Dame de Valcroissant.
  • Lovïs de S. Amour Doctor in the sacred Parisian Faculty of Divinity, of the House and society of Sorbonne.
  • Lovïs Angran Licentiate of the same sa­cred Faculty of Paris, and Canon of the Cathedral Church of Troies.

Sunday March 9. with the Letters from Paris I receiv'd the Advertisement of F.L' Abbé so injuri­ous to S. Augustin and the H. See, and by which that Father so manifestly discovers their design a­gainst S. Augustin's doctrine. I thought fit to shew it to as many persons as I could, that so the evil purposes of those Fathers might be more and more known, especially it coming to Rome so op­portunely the day before the first Congregation was to be held before the Pope. Amongst others I went to show it to Cardinal Spada and the Gene­ral of the Augustines, and left Copies of it with them; adding more largely by word of mouth what was written to me concerning it. I found the [Page 325] General of the Augustines shut up, to study against the next day's Congregation. Yet I was admitted to speak with him, and he told me that they did not yet precisely know what would be treated of the next day before the Pope, whether all the Propositions or only one; but it behov'd them to prepare for all and leave themselves to be govern'd by Grace.

Monday the 10th. the Congregation was held before the Pope in the afternoon. All that I could learn concerning it, was, that the Pope first made a short discourse, declaring that he intended not that in any thing which might be done in the pro­gresse of this affair, the doctrine either of S. Au­gustin or S. Thomas should be prejudic'd. 2. That the Consultors had more time and liberty to speak then they expected. And 3. That it lasted two houres and a half.

Wednesday the 12th. I repaired to see Cardinal Barberin before his going to la Minerve, but met him coming down staires. He took me into his Coach, and askt me the same question which we had done eight dayes before, Why we did not de­clare that we held no other opinions then the Thomists? I answer'd him as I had done formerly. But the same day he told the General of the Do­minicans, as I heard on Friday following, that we refus'd to subscribe the sufficient Grace of the Thomists, because haply in my discourse I had said that although we acknowledg'd those Graces which they styl'd sufficient, yet we could not agree to use that Terme; being those Graces were not truly sufficient for the Action in regard whereof they were so call'd, though effectual for their pro­per Effect; nor that they were given generally to all the world without excepting any person, as some of their modern Authors have taught, but not all either the best or the most ancient. Now I wonder'd much that such a discourse by the by, could serve his Eminence for a ground to tell that General seriously and without distinction, that we deny'd to subscribe the sufficient Grace of the Thomists, when it was propounded to us; as if it had been propounded seriously that we migbt make a solid Declaration, and as if we had abso­lutely deny'd those sorts of Graces.

In the afternoon I had accidentally a long con­verse with M. Joysel, all the particularities whereof, to avoid prolixity, I shall not here insert, but take notice only of three or four. First, speak­ing of the Congregation which we su'd for, he said, it was not according to the Custome of the Church, but a thing unheard of, and never prac­tis'd, and that they had above forty passages or examples to oppose us with in that point. Second­ly, I speaking to him of the Writings which they deliver'd to the Consultors, and F. Annat lately printed [...] first he deny'd it. Thirdly, when I af­firm'd the same so confidently, that he could not doubt but I had certain intelligence thereof, he confess'd it, adding that it matter'd not whence a good thing were taken. And Fourthly, when I told him that this shew'd their correspondence wiih the Jesuites, he answer'd me that the condi­tion of a Doctor were very unhappy, if it oblig'd to renounce the acquaintance and commerce of the Jesuites.

Thursday the eleventh I carri'd Cardinal Spada a Copy of the printed Preface of F. Annat's Biblio­theca, to confirme to him further how those Fa­thers interessed and carri'd themselves in this af­fair. And the next day I shew'd the same to our Advocate, that he might see by the thing spoke of himself therein, the extrem impudence and shame­lesnesse of that Writer. Our Advocate, scarcely beliving his own eyes, desir'd to transcribe what concern'd himself, that he might keep it as a proof of the spirit of Lying and bitternesse of those good Fathers. But I say'd him the labour, promising to send him an intire Copy. As for the Memorials deliver'd to him to be presented to our Cardinals, of which I askt him tidings, he said he had been with but two, namely Ginetti and Cechini, and not with the others, because those two refused to receive a of Copy those Memorials, after (as they alledg'd) the Pope had declar'd his pleasure, and signifi d that he would not grant the contradictory audience and reciprocal communication of writings demanded therein. So that our Advocate return'd the same to me, saving one Copy which he kept for himself. But to comfort me in some sort for the trouble it might be to me to see things so re­mote from our hopes, he told me one out of friend­ship which he hap learn't in discourse with Cardi­nal Ginetti, who was his great friend and open'd his mind to him, namely, that his Emincence be­liev'd that nothing would be done; or if any thing; such as would do neither hurt nor good, questo non portareble ne nocumento ne grovamento; and that we had reason to be not a little satisfi'd, because we had sav'd a Bull which our Adversaries would un­doubtedly have extorted from the H. See, had not we come to Rome.

Fryday the 14th. after accompanying the Am­bassador to the Pop's Palace, we went to that of Cardinal Pamphilio, to try whether we could pre­sent our book to his Eminence before the Ambas­sador came thither; but we could not. In his Antichambre we found the Bishop of Borgo, who in a long converse told us, that being lately in a com­pany where F. Palavicini was, this Jesuite said of S. Augustin, that he was no great Divine, che sant' Agostino non era gran Theologo.

I made a visite in the evening, wherein I learn't two things. First that an Officer Of the Pope's chamber said that if his Holinesse could condemn us, he would willingly do it, because he saw all France wholly dispos'd to receive and cause to be executed all the Decrees which he should make, if they were against the Jansenists; but if nothing could be done against them, nothing should be done at all. Secondly that there had been a Con­gregation the Wednesday foregoing at the Pope's Palace, which lasted three houres, and that one of the most sagacious Consultors had said to a Cardi­nal who told it me, that all things went alla peg­gio, were in a very bad posture there; that there was another appointed on Tuesday following, and that all who knew his Holines's accustom'd circum­spection and slownesse, and the heavy and long manner of proceeding of the Court of Rome, (which occasion'd the Anagram and Proverb Roma Mora) wonder'd extremely at this extraordinary speed, and presag'd no good from it, because it was wholly contrary to the genius of Rome, and yet amore to that of his Holinesse.

We spent all the morning of Tuesday the 18th. in the Antichamber of Cardinal Pamphilio, to see whether we could present our Book to him. But his door was so inviron'd with persons desirous to speak with him, amongst whom were the Ge­nerals of the Sommasques, the Conventual Cor­deliers, and the Jesuites, crowding (to use M. Albizzi's words) tanquam aliqui de populo, as all the rest did, to enter where his Eminence was; that all we could do was to get out of the throng, and in expectation till it was over, talk with some Prelates whom we found in the Antichamber, a­mongst which was the Bishop of Borgo. At length the multitude diminish'd, and many who were as earnest as we, were at last constrain'd to return as well as we without speaking to the Cardi­nal; the Resident of Genua comming to his Emi­nence after he had done his audience with his Ho­linesse.

Thursday the 20th. as I was going to Cardinal Barberin, I met F. Reginald in the street, who told me that a Consultor ask'd whether he might safely affirm in the Congregation that we acknowledg'd the Sufficient Graces held by the Thomists, because he hop'd to make great advantage of such a De­claration; for if we would do this, he hop'd that M. Hallier and his Collegues might make one in favour of Effectual Grace. I answer'd F. Reginald that there was no difficulty between the Divines of his Order and us as to the substance of those im­perfect Graces which they term Sufficient; but that before making a Declaration of so much be­fore a Congregation, there ought to be such a one establish'd as we demanded; and that while this continu'd to act as it begun, we could not make any before it, being resolved not to own it. As for M. Hallier and his Col­legues, we would not hear of any Treaty with them.

When I came to Cardinal Barberin, I told him that the last time I had the honour to see his Emi­nence, he askt me whether we agreed with the Thomists, and I was now come to satisfie him. For which purpose I presented to him the third Chapter of the Information which we had prepar'd upon the first Proposition. He answer'd me, that those Writings were very long, that all the world could not see them; That if we would present a little Memorial, and thereby declare that we held Sufficient Grace, as Alvarez and Lemos. — I reply'd that we could not give any such private Memorial, but this and every thing else should be seen in the progress of the Congregation when it should be held. He told me that the Congre­gation made hast. I answer'd his Eminence that it was without our partaking in it, and so long as it was held in that manner we could do no o­therwise.

I spent the afternoon at Cardinal Ghiggi's a­partment, but he would not give me audience. The things considerable which I learnt there were these: First, That the Pope had promis'd F. Lezzana a while since to give him permission to write and print concerning the matter de Auxiliis, as this Father told me, and that he came to desire his Eminence to put his Holiness in mind of it. To which the Cardinal answer'd, that he must have pa­tience till after Easter, and that in the mean time it would be seen what would be the result of those Congregations. And Secondly, That a Fourth Congregation was to be held before the Pope up­on Saturday following in the afternoon; which I di­scover'd by a Bill which I saw fixt upon the door of Cardinal Ghiggi's apartment by the Mandatario or Cursor of the H. Office, and contain'd these words, Eminentissim. & Reverendissim. Domine, Die Sabbathi 22. cnrrentis Martii erit Congregatio co­ram Sanctissimo hora. 20. ½.

On Friday evening I receiv'd the Letters, which came from Paris the last day of February, That of my LL. the Bishops to the Pope, spoken of above, was in the packet. On Saturday the 22d. I went to tell the Pope's Maistre de chambre that we had received Letters for his Holiness from our Bishops, and desir'd to present the same to him. He ask'd me what they concern'd. I an­swer'd, the Things treated of in the Congregati­ons before his Holiness. He referr'd me to Mon­day.

The same afternoon I understood that Cardinal Spada, by reason of some indisposition, was not present at the Congregation held that day; and that the General of the Dominicans went on the morning to desire Cardinal Ghiggi to help him to an audience of the Pope, which he had so long sollicited in vain.

The same person who had told me some dayes ago that all went very ill in the Congregations held before the Pope, told me on Saturday the 23d. that the day before they began to be in a bet­ter estate.

On Monday we went to present the new Letter of the Bishops of Fehruary 24 to the Pope; but Cardinal Trivultio took up the greatest part of the Audience that day, and the rest was given to o­thers.

Tuesday, being Annunciation-day, after we had accompanied the Ambassador to the Pope's Palace, we came back to la Minerve to take our places in the Quire, where we might conveniently see the distri­bution of purses yearly made to the Pope on that day to a prodigious number of young Maidens to­wards their preferment. There had been a long mis­understanding in the Family of the Pamphilii's; and Signora Olympia the Pope's Sister had not seen the Pope while it lasted. The reconciliation was lately made, and being Signora Olympia dwelt in the Palace Pamphilio not far from la Minerve the Pope was invited to dine there with all his Family at the end of the Ceremony. It was agreed be­tween the Pope's kindred (who fear'd that his ex­traordinary attending those long and frequent Congregations in which matters were handled which he had never studied, might prejudice his health) to represent to him the danger into which he put himself, and desire him to [...]a [...] another course. Some of them too who knew the merit of the sute which we prosecuted, who were sen­sible of the repulses which we suffer'd; who lik'd our Cause, and fear'd it might receive some injury by this hastiness, and least the dis-satisfaction which those who were concern'd therein should receive thereby, might produce some in the Pope; spoke to him with the rest, as well for those considerati­ons as for that of his health, all that they could to allay the forwardnesse and ardour of his Holi­nesse. [Page 327] But all served but to heat him the more. He wonder'd at his former aversenesse to hear of this matter afar off, considering the facility which he found in it then, and the pleasure which he re­ceiv'd from all that he could hear spoken of it. He said he never was in Congregations which gave him less trouble and more satisfaction. That they lasted but two or three hours, and that if he had not had compassion of some good old men amongst the Consultors, who were oblig'd to be alwayes standing, he should willingly have held them long­er. And this satisfaction appear'd so great to the Pope, that himself wonder'd at it, considering his ancient aversion; and he attributed this great and so sodain change to a particular and extraordi­nary assistance of the H. Ghost upon his person. Signora Olympia who saw the Pope so satisfied with these Congregations, ask'd him what matters were treated of in them, which could be so well-pleasing to his Holiness. The Pope answer'd her that 'twas about certain subtilties touching points of Faith which she did not understand; and yet (added he) I know not whether if you were there when one of the Consultors (whom he nam'd) speaks you would not understand them, he un­folds them with so great plainness and clearnesse. Signora Olympia reply'd nothing; but the Prince Justinian (who was also Kinsman to the General of the Dominicans, and his good Friend, and to whose mediation this General was oblig'd to re­cur some dayes before; to get his Memorial and the other papers presented to his Holiness) told the Pope that he understood not much in those matters but he had read all the Papers of that Ge­neral who had intreated him to present the same to his Holiness; and as much as he could judge of them, he found them very compendious and clear; and that he believ'd that if his Holiness should read them, he would also find much satisfaction in them. The Pope gave Prince Justinian no answer, where­by he apprehended that the Pope continu'd in his unwillingness to receive the said General's papers; And the discourse about this matter went no fur­ther.

Cardinal Spada was not present at the two Con­gregations held before the Pope the week forego­ing, whether he were constrain'd to be absent by some indisposition as his Secretary told me, or whe­ther he counterfeited a distemper to cover some dis­content which he had receiv'd in the former Con­gregations, as most believ'd; But on Tuesday morn­ing I heard, that the Cardinals of the Congregation were at his Palace on Monday without the Con­sultors; and I believe, with many others, it was partly to oblige him not to be longer displeas'd, but return the soonest he could to the Congregati­ons, which were to continue to be held before the Pope, as accordingly the Fifth being held on Wednesday afternoon, I heard that he was carri'd thither in a Chair; which some believe was merely a Ceremony to compleat the concealment of his pretence.

CHAP. XIV.

A Visite which I made to the Ambassador touching these Congregations. New Propositions delivered to the Congre­gation as equivalent to those under ex­amination, but most of them compri­sed in more odious terms. M. de Sainte-Beuve's judgement upon them. Four Congregations held in eight dayes before the Pope.

THe same afternoon I went to see M. Gueffier, with whom I found the F. Vicar of S. Antony, with his Companion. The discourse falling upon the demand which we made to be heard viva voce and by writing contradictorily with our Adversa­ries, these Fathers told me that M. Hallier and his Collegues affirm'd, that it was not the custome of the Church. That when the example of Cle­ment VIII. was alledg'd to them, they answered that 'twas a fault which that Pope had commit­ted; and when they were pressed with the ex­ample of the Council of Trent, they said that the Conferences among the Divines there, were only upon preliminary preparations.

I accompani'd M. Gueffier to the Ambassador's Palace, where I waited till he had done giving au­dience to others, that I might speak with him last with more leasure. I told him how the Congrega­tions were continued before the Pope, without our being yet spoken to about a hearing, or any shew that they thought of us. The Ambassador answer'd me, that we ought not to fear that we should not be heard, for we should be as much as we pleased. That he well knew what the Pope had said to him; That he told him he would take such course in this affair, that there should be no tail of it left. That if after we had been heard as much as we pleased, other persons in France desir'd it, and had any thing new to propose; they should be waited for, to know what they had to say, before passing of Judgement. That the Pope told him, That he knew there were some who presumed to have definitions after their own construction; but in an affair of this importance he was loath to ha­sten or do any thing till after a most exact discussi­on; That should he employ ten years in labour­ing in it, if God afforded him so much life, he should not account his time and pains mispent. That ma­ny persons of quality (some of which he named to me) had written to him concerning this affair; but he had answered them all, that they need no more to be troubled then we, for assuredly we should have satisfaction in this point, and that he was not in jest when he spoke about affairs of Re­ligion. That besides, the Pope had told him that he should be glad if we would not give him so ma­ny Memorials. I answer'd him, That it would be easie for us to forbear, if his Holiness did us ju­stice. But we had receiv'd another Letter by the [Page 328] last post from our Bishops to the Pope, which, if he spoke to him about our affair, we beseecht him to tell his Holiness we were desirous to present to him. The Ambassador promised me to do it upon Friday following, which was the day of his usual audience.

He kept his word, and told me on Friday assoon as he came from audience that he had spoken to the Pope; but the particulars I could not conve­niently receive from that day, by reason that two Danish Gentlemen went, with him from Monte Ca­vallo to dine with him, and stay'd there almost the whole day; and therefore I repaired to him again on Saturday. He told me that the Pope said there was not time enough on Friday to receive the Letter during his audience, but we might return upon the first day that he gave any, and we should have it; or if it were any thing of hast, we might give the Letter to Cardinal Ghiggi, who would infallibly shew it his Holiness. I ask'd the Ambassadour whether he perceiv'd that the Pope's resolution to hear us continu'd? He answered, That he could not tell me all that he knew therein; but we must expect, and undoubtedly nothing would be done without such hearing.

Thursday afternoon M. Angran and I went to present our Book to Cardinal Pamphilio; but be­ing hindred from doing it by a Congregation then held at his Palace, we returned thither on Friday for the same purpose, but without ef­fect.

Upon more attentive reading of the new Letter of our Bishops to the Pope, and considering how it might be taken by him and the Cardinals, to whom it would undoubtedly be communicated, we fear'd that being the intent of it was only to obtain a Conference; and the Ambassador assur'd us, That we should have one, it might be unseasonable to press for it by that Letter. Wherefore we resolv'd to defer delivering it, (as we had intended to do on Monday March 31.) till some new difficulty oblig'd us to it; or else to forbear altogether if we saw the performance of what we were yet made to hope.

'Twas not only the Ambassador who assured us that we should be heard before the Pope as much as we could wish; but 'twas the general talk in Rome, that we should be summoned presently af­ter Easter. Whereupon I began to keep close in my Lodging, more then formerly, to labour with my Collegues to finish the new Writings about which they had been constantly employ'd since the delivery of the first, and which we resolved to pre­sent to the Pope at the first audience which he should give us. The time which I had been forc'd to spend, and the little fruit which we found in all our Visites and Sollicitations to the Cardinals, and the small necessity of continuing them long­er, made me resolve to make no more to them; and thence forward I could observe nothing of what was done or spoken at Rome, but what came to my knowledge occasionally.

Yet I thought fit to advertise the Ambassador of the change of our Resolution touching the Letter which we had receiv'd for the Pope, and he had mentioned to his Holinesse. I did so on Thursday April 3. and acquainted him with the reasons a­bove-mention'd. He much approved our pur­pose; and told me that nothing press'd us to deli­ver that Letter, which we might do when we pleased, but assuredly we should be heard; and that by the last he received from M. de Bienne, he signifi'd to him that the King concern'd not him­self in the businesse either on one side or other, that all his Majesty demanded was that it might be dis­patch'd, and that speedily. I answer'd the Am­bassador that we desir'd the same; but yet it was to be remembred what I had read in a Book of M. Hallier's, That sicut Erroris spargendi, ita veritatis indagandae sua sunt incrementa, that as Error is not spread of a suddain, so Truth needs some time to be sought out and discovered; That a Statue is not made with the first stroke of the hammer, and that a Looking-glasse or a Diamond must be ground a long time before they come to be smooth. The Ambassador reply'd that some affairs were spoyl'd by too long demurre; I consented, but added, That others were lost by too much speed; that it was requisite to consider the nature whereof they were, and to use a reasonable moderation in all. That in this we would never cause any delay but what was perfectly necessary. That we would go di­rectly to the Question, and by the shortest & surest way we could, and that we would not do like those vvho had lately out of I knovv not vvhat design set afoot Five metamorphiz'd and disguiz'd Propositi­ons in the Congregation. Thus they vvere vvrit­ten in a loose leafe, vvithout citation, date, or subscription, and given to t [...]e Consultors to pass their Judgements upon, and also communicated to other Divines of Rome, whose Sentence con­cerning them some Eminent persons demanded.

Propositiones primae examinatae a Dominis, &c.
  • 1. Aliqua Dei praecepta, &c.
  • 2. Interiori Gratiae, &c.

And the three other famous ones as they were first fram'd by M. Cornet, after which were added the fol­lowing:

Propositiones mutatae.
  • 1. Non potuit natura humana etiam de absoluta Dei potentia creari sine donis supernaturalibus.
  • 2. Auxilium sufficiens fuit necessarium in natura integra, in natura lapsa non datur.
  • 3. Omnia opera humano modo facta ab homine existente in peccato mortali sunt peccata mortalia.
  • [Page 329]4. Non datur libertas quoad indifferen­tiam actus, sed quod coactionem.
  • 5. Christus mortuus est solum pro prae­destinatis.

I do not remember whether I shew'd this Pa­per to the Ambassador; but I remember well that he told me he could not believe what I said concerning those new Propositions; but I Answer­ed that I was well assured of what I spoke, having receiv'd them from a most veracious person to whom a Consultor communicated them, to in­treat him to help him to reduce his judgment upon them into Writing.

On H. Saturday F. Lezzana sent me a Copy like the foregoing, and desir'd me to furnish him with some Writing touching the matters, if we had any; The next morning I went to him, and askt him what was the design of broaching these new Pro­positions. He told me that he himself did not un­derstand it, but he had barely receiv'd order to set down his judgment of them in Writing before the end of the Festivals. I apprehended that the time of the end of the Festivals extended to a fort­night after Easter: but he told me 'twas no more then the two Holidays of Monday and Tuesday; and that the satisfaction which he should give to the person who lay'd that taske upon him might be of some importance to our affair.

I gave intelligence hereof to M. de Sainte-Beuve by the next Port, April 7. I spoke but obscurely to him of the manner how I came by them, tel­ling him that they dropt out of a Consultos pocket; least speaking more clearly, and my letter com­ing to be intercepted, the Consultor who gave them to my friend, whose assistance he desir'd, might believe himself and the whole secret of the privacy between him and my friend discover'd; M. de Sainte-Beuve's answer was as followes.

SIR,

A Second information in facto, is not thought of here, every one says you have all the Memoires for it, and that 'tis a piece whch requires your care. As for the Answer to F. Annat's book, I shall tell you that 'tis under so good a hand in Flanders, that that Good Father will have no great cause to please himself in the excellency of his work. The Answer is begun to be printed here; I think you will be as well satisfi'd with it as I am; but you must have a little patience, for the work is long. Were we capable of being asto­nisht at the reports of the Molinists, we should be quite disheartned with these which are dispers'd here. The most moderate amongst them affirme, that they shall speedily have a Bull, by which all the Propositi­ons will be absolutely condemn'd, and that the Pope is resolv'd upon it. This discourse was made in Sor­bonne, and is dispers'd by the Jesuites. The Bi­shop of Rennes tells me he heard it from them; but the braggadocioes adde that the Ambassador has for­bidden you to stirre out of your house, that the Pope ac­counts you unworthy of his audience, and that you have in vain offer'd the Pope 400000. Crownes to su­spend his Judgment.

This talk comes from Lyons by a Letter of a Fueil­lant. To speak ingenuously to you, I never saw any thing like their discourses, nor more resolution then there is in the minds of ours. If some are in fear, be­cause the Pope has held so many Congregations in so little time, others rejoyce at it, considering that be­ing himself takes such paines, tis a sign that he will be fully inform'd of the affair, which is the only thing we wish. For it is fit that truth be manifested, and the whole Church see that M. Cornet maliciously fram'd the five Propositions to raise an universal di­sturbance amongst Catholicks. I pray God make him understand the greatnesse of his fault, which is such that I know not a greater. I cannot tell whether you have contracted an obscurity by contagion of the place of your residence, or whether you affect it; but I as­sure you there is a great deal in your Letter, in part of which you tell me of the note which contains the Pro­positions dropt from a Consultors pocket. What think you is the design of them? Are they to be substituted in stead of the former? If so, 'twill be easy for you to come off. For as for the first, there needs no more to be said, but that we conceive that the Repugnancy by reason of which humane nature cannot be created with­out supernatural gifts, proceeds not from the Omnipo­tence, but from the Goodnesse, Providence and Justice of God. As for the second, we say that the suffici­ent aide, such as was in uncorrupted nature, is not an aide which is granted to our corrupted Nature; for that aide was subject to the Will. The third Pro­position is an Heresy. As also the fourth and fifth. We all subscribe to this sentence, if there be no more in question but this,

I am, &c.

Four Congregations were held before the Pope in the seven first dayes of this moneth, each of which lasted about foure whole houres, namely, Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday of the Passion week, and H. Monday. I heard on H. Tuesday that in that of the day preceding there was great contest among the Consultors. Of the other four and the six foregoing in the three weeks before that of the Passion, we could discover no more then what is above related, which is almost no­thing.

CHAP. XV.

The arrival of F. Des [...]mares and M. Manassier at Rome. A notable Change of a zealous disciple of Moli­na, who became an ardent one of S. Augustin, by reading the little vo­lume which I gave him of the twelve principal Maximes of the Christian Faith touching Grace; which he reduc'd into as many La­tin Disticks. A calumnious Memorial dispers'd in Rome and all Italie, as presented to the Pope by the Cler­gy of France about this affair. Ano­ther Writing of our Adversaries, fram'd to delude the Dominicans, and full of impostures.

ON H. Wednesday we were much comforted by the arrival of F. Des-mares and M. Mana­ssier at Rome, whom our Bishops sent to share with us in the paines which we foresaw this affair was likely to require in the progress of its examen, and which M. de Valcroissant, Angran and I, could never have undergone alone without sinking un­der them; for the examen was not yet begun, and we were already overcharg'd. This re-en­forcement and succour was as acceptable to us as necessary, and the more, because we had long desir'd it, and been much troubled to obtain it. But in truth we could not by any means have been without it, had the affair been carri'd as it ought to have been, especially considering the various dispo­sitions of those with whom we had to do, all agree­ing this point, to drive on that affair with unimagi­nable speed; for which purpose it was rumor'd that we aim'd at nothing but delayes.

These two new Collegues arriv'd about half an houre before it was time to go and accompany the Ambassador to the Tenebres (a ceremony so cal­led) of S. Peter. Yet I omitted not to go; I gave him notice of their arrival, and that they intended to have the honour of seeing him at his return. He answer'd me that he should be glad to see them, and that the Pope would certainly be so too. After having accompani'd the Ambassadour to S. Peter's Church, I return'd home, and M. de Valcroisant, Angran and I, went along with them to his palace. He receiv'd them with his accustom­ed courtesie, and confirm'd to us what he had so often said to me, that we should be heard as much as we could wish, the Pope having so assur'd him.

Upon H. Thursday I went again to the Ambassa­dor with F. Des-mares and M. Manassier, to accom­pany him to S. Peter's Church. He injoyn'd his Maistre de Chambre to take care of them that they might conveniently see the great Ceremony, or rather the several Ceremonies of that Eminent day. He had scarce left us, but the Pope came forth carri'd in his Pontifical chair; he took notice of them very attentively, and fixt his eyes upon them all the while his Chair was passing by. So that I conje­ctured the Ambassador had already acquainted him with their arrival; and accordingly he told me so the next day. I shall not stand here to describe the Ceremonies, which lasted all the forenoon; but I cannot omit the Ambassador's particular courte­sie, who in several occasions performed the charge which he had given his Maistre de Chambre, having the abovesaid persons near him, discoursing with them, and causing them to passe before him in such places where the Suisses, who kept the doors, would not otherwise have permitted them en­trance. We were all there at the Pope's Quarter, above the principal door of S. Peter's Church, du­ring the fulmination of the Bull In Coena Domi­ni; and the Benediction which he gives after­wards to the people; which is a narrow place scarce capable of a quarter of the Cardinals, Bi­shops, Ambassadors, Princes ally'd to the Pope, and the Officers inseperable from the person of his Holiness in this Ceremony; which my other Collegues and I had seen the year before.

But to omit these external magnificences, I had in the interval of the Ceremonies an encounter which gave me great satisfaction. There was in Cardinal Corrado's Court a learned person of great parts, named Il Signor Honorato, who ha­ving in several places heard talk of the subject of our Contests, and the Maximes imputed to us, could scarce credit them; and for his further assu­rance took the liberty to visit us long before. When he visited us, he was full of the conceits and phantasmes of Molinisme; and having propounded to us what he pleased concerning the Propositions, and heard the answers which we made thereun­to ingenuously according to S. Augustins's do­ctrin, he seem'd to us outwardly not averse from them; yet, as he told us afterwards, he was wholly scandaliz'd at them in his mind. Nevertheless be­ing we convers'd with him upon the terms of ho­nest liberty and civility, he believ'd himself ob­lig'd to us. He esteem'd our persons, but deplor'd our errors. When he met us, he receiv'd and re­turn'd our salutation civilly; but he was inwardly much troubled that such honest persons, as he ac­counted us otherwise, were so unhappily engag'd in such extravagant Opinions, as ours seem'd to him. We had a while ago printed our little Vo­lume of S. Augustin, and as I was going to distri­bute some Copies of it, I met this honest Gentle­man in a narrow place, where we were oblig'd to speak together. After some discourse, I concei­ved it not unfitting to offer him one. If he could have fairly declin'd it, he would, but fearing to in­jure the civility and heartiness wherewith I seem'd to offer it, he accepted it, though with repug­nance and regret. For some time he kept it, and would not read it; at length he read it; and it was at first an occasion of great perplexity to his mind; then, of much inquietude; afterwards of many tears and prayers; and at length the ground of a consolation which surpassed all the rest. He told me nothing of all these his secret sentiments [Page 331] till after that he was fully convinc'd of the Truth, which he had discover'd by reading those Divine Works, which he did in private without the assi­stance of any person. This reading alone so recti­fi'd his former mistakes which he hitherto had ac­counted Orthodox Truths, and so convinc'd him the certainty and excellence of the Orthodox Truths which we defended, which he had mistaken for pitifull Errors, that I cannot express with what humility and resentment he profess'd himself bound to God for it. I have seen him since seve­ral times so tenderly sensible thereof, that tears of joy and consolation have come into his eyes. But it was upon this day that he told me the first and most acceptable news of it.

A while afterwards he brought me twelve Latin Disticks, into which he had reduc'd as many prime maximes of the Christian Faith touching Grace, which S. Augustin in his 107. Epistle to Vitalis saith, Christian Catholicks hold as so many certain rules of their Belief concerning that my­stery. He shew'd them to me, only to see whe­ther he had rightly taken S. Austin's sense; but I found those rules so well compriz'd in verse, con­sidering the confinement of Poetry, and that they were compos'd by a person newly inlightned with those truths; that I desired him to give me a Copy of them, and have thought fit here to insert it. With which I shall also insert a faithful translation of the place of S. Augustin wherein those Rules are, to the end the Reader comparing the Disticks therewith may understand them more easily▪ and better judge of this first essay of a man newly re­claim'd from Molinism.

Because (saith S. Augustin) by the Grace of Jesus Christ we are Christians and Catholicks; we know:

I.

That Children have done neither good nor evil in a life peculiar to them before their birth; and that 'tis not according to what they have merited in a former life (it being impossible that every particular could so merit) that they come into the mise­ries of this life; but being born carnally according to Adam, they contracted from their first birth the contagion of antient death, and are not delivered from the pu­nishment of eternal death, which a just Sentence hath past upon all men, unlesse they be born again in Jesus Christ by Grace.

I.
Mortuus heu primi contractâ mor­te parentis
Nascor; at in Christo vita rena­ta mea est.
II.

We know that Grace is given neither to Children nor to persons of Age accord­ing to their merits.

II.
Nulla nec infanti nec adulto gratia, quam te
Forte putes factis promeruisse datur.
III.

We know that the Grace which is given to persons who have the use of Reason, is given to them for every Action.

III.
Recti quicquid agas, renovari ad singula credas,
Hanc tibi quam gratis vim de­dit ante Deus.
IV.

We know that Grace is not given to all men; and that they to whom it is given, it is not so by reason of the merits of their good works, nor in regard of the merits of their Will. Which appears clearly in Chil­dren.

IV.
Omnibus anne data est divina haec Gratia? Paucis.
An meruisse juvat? Nil: Volu­isse? Minus.
V.

We know that to whom it is given, 'tis given by the free mercy of God.

V.
Felices animae, quibus haec sors contigit: atqui
Credite gratuitum munus id esse Dei.
VI.

We know that to whom it is not given, 'tis by the just judgement of God that it is not given.

VI.
Vae tibi, vae misero, cui non data gratia; sed te
Credideris justi judicis esse reum.
VII.

We know that we shall appear before the Judgement-seat of Christ, that every one may receive acccording to what he hath done whilst he was in this mortal bo­dy, & not according to what he would have done either well or ill if he had liv'd longer.

VII.
Quae quis agat vivens Christo sub judice, non quae
Mox erat acturus, si licuisset, erunt.
VII.

We know that Children also shall receive good or evil according to what they have done, being in their Bodies. But regard will be had to what they have done, not themselves, but by those who answer'd for them in Baptism. Upon which account they are consider'd as having renounced the Devil, and as believing in God. Whence it is that they are reckoned in the number of the Faithful, and comprehended in that Sentence of our Lord, Whosoever shall be­lieve and be baptized, shall be saved. As on the contrary they who have not received Baptism, are comprehended in this other Sentence, Whosoever shall not believe, shall be damned.— According to this they shall be judged, and not according to what they would have done if they had liv'd longer.

VIII.
Sors eadem manet infantes post fu­nera: nempe
Qui vivis datus est sponsor, is actor erat.
IX.

We know that happy are they who dye in the favour of the Lord; and that all which they would have done if they had li­ved longer, concerns them not.

IX.
Felix si in Domino moriens; qua­lisne futurus
Tu fueras, non tunc discutiendus eris.
X.

VVe know that they who believe, being of Age to believe of themselves, do it by their own will and free arbitrement.

X.
Cuique suum manet arbitrium, su [...] cuique voluntas:
An credis liber, testis et ipse tibi.
XI.

VVe know that we act according to true Faith, when we who believe, pray God for them who will not believe, that they would believe.

XI.
Funde preces, rectaque fide te fun­dere credas;
Sponte ut nolenti det Deus ipse fidem.
XII.

We know that when any of those who would not believe, begin to believe, we ought to give thanks to God for it, and that we are accustomed so to do.

XII.
Si quibus hanc dederit, grates de­bentur eidem;
Atque agimus, nostris quod dede­rit precibus.

Returning from — on Friday, we pass'd through the street of the Booksellers, and going into his shop to whom we had given our little S. Augustin to sell, he told us that some dayes be­fore he had been cited to the H. Office, and in­terrogated concerning some words spoken in his shop derogatory to the respect due to the H. Fa­ther. At the end of the week following I went to him again, and he told me that one of his Appren­tices had since I saw him, been also examin'd at the H. Office; but when I endeavoured to get some knowledge of his examination, he told me they were forbidden to tell any thing of it under pain of excommunication.

On H. Saturday I heard that Cardinal S. Clement had visited the Ambassador a few dayes before, and confirmed to him what I have said above of the little understanding in these matters which his Eminence found in M. Hallier.

On Easter Tuesday the Sub-Bibliothecary told me that having been to give the Pope the comple­ment of the Festivals, and spoke to him about the Vatican Library, he also added something con­cerning our affair, but soundly and vigorously after his way a mio modo. That the Pope was plea­sed in hearing him, and nevertheless testified to him some esteem of M. Hallier, saying, he had made a Book against the Jesuite Cellot: upon which he answer'd the Pope, Allora, Beatissimo Padre era buon Christiano; Most H. F. that Doctor was then a good Christian; but uniting with those Fathers in their Conspiracy against Grace, by fra­ming the five Propositions in question, he was be­come a turn-coat in faith and Religion. That the Pope reply'd that he would use all necessay dili­gence in this affair, that he would cause the same to be examin'd again by able Divines, that he would also appoint praiers on purpose, to obtain the Assistance of the H. Ghost. Neverthelesse are perceiv'd no other traces of these good purposes, neither before nor after, but what I have related of the Congregation, and the Notes sent to the Sacristies and Monasteryes. The same person told me likewise two dayes after, that having been to make the like complement to the Cardinals Bar­berin and Ghiggi, the former told him that he for­saw great danger of division, in favour of which side soever the Pope should pronounce; where­unto he answer'd, that they who backt M. Cornet's enterprise were, vel omnium scelestissimi, vel igno­rantes, either the most wicked men in the world, or ignorant, And the second, that Nissano Jesuita era nel calendario del Papa, That there was no Jesuite in the Popes Calendar, i. e. of whom he made any esteem.

The same Tuesday I found Monsignor d' Ornano in the Vaticane, who told me he had lately seen a Memorial either of the Jesuites or the Doctors our Adversaries touching our affair. I desir'd him to let me see it. He said he had restor'd it. But if he could procure it again, he would send it to me. Two dayes after he sent a Copy of it which he was pleas'd to get purposely transcrib'd for me; but a­bout three weeks after it became very publick, [Page 334] and was dispers'd by the distributers of secret in­telligence in written hand with their Gasette of the 10th. of May.

I cannot affirm that this Memorial was made by M. Hallier and his Collegues, though it began thus, Supplica alla Sanctita & Nostro Signore ill Clero della Francia medianti alcani Doctori quà capitali della Sorbona di Parigi, che, &c. The Clergy of France supplicates your Holinesse by the intervention of the Doctors of Sorbon here arriv'd that, &c. But however, it showes what false impressions were given of us at Rome, and through all Italy. For it was nothing else but a repetition, without any proof of the same Ca­lumnies (concerning a Necessitating Grace, an absolute impossibility to keep Gods Command­ments, and the Death of Jesus Christ for the pre­destinate alone) wherewith our Adversaries filled all their Writings.

About the same time a Father of the Datary brought me another Writing, which was carry'd about from hand to hand in Rome, and we had not discover'd any thing of it. By the reading of it, we found that it must needs have been made at the time that M. Hallier endeavor'd to draw the Dominicans to his party, or rather to hinder them from joyning with us. For the whole scope of it, was to show that the cause of the Thomists had no relation to that of Jansenius, and that they could not be concern'd in the Censure which the Pope should make of the Propositions. It began thus without any Title; Ex multis capitibus per­spicuum est Jansenistas causae suae parum fidere, &c. And to prove that the Dominicans had no interest in this affair, it reason'd thus; Patres Dominicani nunquam hactenus negarunt praecepta Dei homini justificato per auxilium gratiae esse possibilia, nec nunquam dixerunt gratiam eis deesse qua possibilia fiant, eo scilicet tempore quo ipsos sub mortali pec­cato obligant. Nunquam etiam negarunt dari ve­ram gratiam sufficientem, cui voluntas humana actu resistat, licet eidem consentire possit; & efficacem, cui actu consentiat, licet eidem resistere seu dissentire possit. Quod necessitas antecedens libertatem de­struat s & quod Christus mortuus sit pro omnibus, multù in losis habet Sanctus Thomas, nec unquam Thomistae negarunt, nec ullum ex iis invenio qui vel unam ex quinque Propositionibus astruat, in eo sci­licet proprio sensu in quo eas Jansenius & Jansenistae adstruunt.

Now this particular sense upon which they ac­cus'd the Jansenists, was, That there is no suffi­cient Grace, neither according to the sense of the Thomists, nor according to the sense of Molina; and that Effectual Grace produces an antecedent Necessity. Non agitur de modo rei, sed de re ip­sa; non de modo quo gratia efficax est, sed de gratia sufficiente quam tam hi quam illi admittunt. Et de efficaci; utrum scilicet necessitet absolute & an­tecedenter voluntatem, quod certe utrique negant, & soli adstruunt Jansenistae. Non agitur etiam de modo quo gratia cum libertaee concilianda est, sed de libertate ipsa, quae reverà per necessitatem antece­dentem distruitur. Whence they conclude accor­ding to their wont; Ergo in hac causa Jansenista­rum nullo modo includitur celebris illa quaestio de Au­xiliis; nempe utrique concedunt divinae gratiae huma­nam voluntatem consentire ac dissentire posse; hec ip­sum Jansenistae negant. Igitur diversa sentiunt. But it had been easie in a Conference to have conclu­ded on the contrary, Hoc ipsum Jansenistae non ne­gant. Igitur idem sentiunt.

'Tis clear therefore that this fiction of Necessi­tating Grace, is the chief Engine of which they made use at Rome, to decry S. Augustin's Disci­ples, who never dream't of it.

And 'tis remarkable that they take for granted, that the Jansenists teach this Necessitating Grace; this Antecedent Necessity in formal termes, and not by consequence; and that when it is objected to them, they acknowledge it to be their opinion. Wherefore they confesse in this Writing, that in­deed the Jesuites pretend to conclude from the principles of the Thomists, that they admit Ante­cedent Necessity and Necessitating Grace. But (say they) the Thomists deny the Consequence, and continue stedfast in denying it: whence they distinguish them from the Jansenists. Equidem (sayes the Writing) Jesuitae adversus Thomista­rum praemotionem physicam pugnantes, arguunt ex hy­poohesi tria gravissima absurda sequi. Primum illam praemotionem afferre necessitatem antecedentem voluntati; nempe talis est praemotio illa seu praede­terminatio physica, ut actus ad quem praedeterminat, sine illa est nec possit, nec possit illâ positâ non sequi. Igitur Necessitatem Antecedentem voluntati affere videtur; igitur & libertatem destruere. Sed Tho­mistae negant utramque consequentiam, hoc est, negant à sua praedeterminatione destrui libertatem, vel an­tecedentem illam inferri necessitatem, adhibentque suam dtstinctionem sensus compositi & divisi, vel actus Primi & Secundi. Et licet praedictae distin­ctiones difficultatem forte non expediant, in his tamen Thomistae constantissimè sistunt, & semper negant ex sua praemotione hoc absurdum sequi, scilicet vio­latae libertatis & illatae necessitatis.

Thus separating the Thomists from those whom they style Jansenists, they must needs pretend that the latter admit those Consequences, and teach that Effectual Grace destroys Liberty, and an­tecedently necessitates the Will. Consequently, whereunto they thus reduce, the Dispute towards the end of the Writing. Non igitur in hac Jan­senianarum Propositionum causa de scientia Media, nec de Praedeterminatione Physica; sed de Divino­rum mandatorum Possibilitate, de Gratia sufficiente, de libertatis indifferentia, de sufficientia meritorum Christi, de Gratia non Necessitante

In fine, lest the Thomists should be jealous of the consequence of the Decree; they endeavor to satisfie them by this pleasant reason; That the Bull made against the five Propositions would hurt them no more them the Council of Trent. Quod aatem res seu causa Praedeterminantium seu Tho­mistarum in integro relinquatur, etiam si quinque Jansenianae illae Propositiones Decreto Pontificio dam­nentur, vel quia jam damnatae sunt, damnatas esse declaretur, manifestum est. Nempe ex hoc decreto non magis urgeri poterunt quam modò urgentur ex Tridentino...... Nec minus faelie contra novum illud decretum sese tueri poterunt, quam modò con­tra Canones Tridentinos sese tuentur.

By these shameful Calumnies they amus'd the Cardinals and Consultors at Rome, who had no great mind to be undeceiv'd, seeing they heard but one party; Which undoubtedly was a fitter [Page 335] way for them to be deluded then if they had heard none at all. And should they have heard us se­verally, it would have been to little advantage, since we not knowing many times what M. Hallier spoke, it was impossible for us to refute it; and should we have known it, it would have been in some sort unprofitable; for he publisht that we dis­guis'd our Sentimens, and that his aim was against the Jansenists of France: There needed but one re­gular Conference to reduce him to reason, by ob­liging him to prove the calumnies which he al­ledg'd; but the Pope was too much prepossess'd against this only meanes of terminating a Dispute so full of duplicity and so little understood. It would not be granted us, whatever instance we made for it during two full yeares. But what fol­low'd, hath but too much justified the necessity of it.

On Easter Tuesday, M. Hallier and his Col­legues went to visit the Count de Rochford who ar­riv'd at Rome a little before the Festivals. They might have perform'd this Visit at a fitter time; for the rain took them in the way, and they were throughly wet when they came to him. In their Discourse, they first desir'd his assistance in their cause, in regard (as they said, whether in raillery or otherwise) of the coming of F. Des-mares. Secondly, They told him, that they did believe the communication of their Writings would not be granted us, but that they knew that we had them. Thirdly, That 'twas we who had caus'd F. Annat's Writing concerning the Thomists to be printed, but maim'd and disfigur'd, (Then which I knew not whether there can be a more extravagant and groundlesse lye). And lastly they confesse, that indeed F. Annat had got many things ready before their arrival, and they had made use of them. A person present at the Visite told me all this the next day.

Thursday the 17th. the Bishop of Borgo came to bid us adieu before his return to his Bishoprick; and told me, that he believ'd the Pope intended to send for several able and qualified Pastors out of Rome, that he might be able to pronounte a so­lemn judgement, ex ea Cathedra upon our affair; and that Cardinal Sachetti said to him, that 'twere a shame there were not more at Rome capable to understand it well, and pronounce a judgement upon it correspondent to its merit.

CHAP. XVI.

The Declaration of our Sentiments touching the sufficient Grace of some Thomists agreed to by the Fathers of that Order. A Congregation held April 18. by the five Cardinals without Consultors. An Audience sol­licited for F. Des-mares and M. Manassier. A remarkable saying of a French Prince. The reason which oblig'd the Pope to be willing that we should be heard in his pre­sence.

APril 8. in the evening I visited F. Reginald, who falling to speak concerning their suffi­cient Grace, I told him that he knew sufficiently our sentiments of it, that we agreed in the thing, and doubted not but there were such small Graces which were the beginning of a right Will and Con­version, besides which for a through Conversion was requir'd a more powerful Grace effectual by it self for that effect, as those other small Graces were for their proper and particular effect; but call those small Graces Sufficient in regard of the effect for which they so styl'd them, we could not, because they were not really so, needing still ano­ther Grace to act effectually; that 'twas in this sense that the word Sufficient was taken in the World; and that the other notion of the word Sufficient, which they admitted in their School, for a Power depending in the action upon another Grace, being unknown, it gave too much advan­tage to the Molinists to admit a word which they abus'd; but otherwise 'twas only quaestio de nomi­ne, since we granted what they meant by the term Sufficient, and they rejected all that we rejected under that word: That being agreed upon the thing, we needed not dispute about words. That we could not grant that those small Graces were given generally to all, nor should we say that they gave a perfect, neat and compleat power, because these terms were abus'd as well as that of the Suf­ficient, the World understanding thereby a Power whereunto nothing is wanting, though we deny'd not the thing which they understood by those words of Next Power. That he should never have any thing else from us; and that if the Fa­thers of their Order were apt to stand upon their Niceties, and leave the main of the Controversie in which we agreed with them, we should never­thelesse continue to pursue our point without their assistance, and endeavour alone to finde strength enough in the Truth for the defeating of all its opposers. F. Reginald, both this day and two dayes after when he came to visite us, told us, that the Fathers of his Order desir'd nothing else of us, after this declaration of our Sentiments, except that we would not attaque the Authors of their [Page 336] Order, who taught that this Sufficient Grace (be­sides which an other Effectual is necessary to act well) is given to all the World, and gives a cer­tain Next Power which sufficeth not to act; We answer'd him, that we should not stand upon the disputes of the School, being about nothing but words; and that we had no design to oppose the sufficient Grace of some of their Authors, or what they taught concerning it, but only that of Mo­lina, profess'd by the Society of Jesuites, because 'twas only this which we judg'd incompatible with the faith of the Church in this matter.

The same day a new Congregation was held at Cardinal Spada's Palace, where the other four Cardinals of it and M. Albizzi were present, but not any Consultor; It lasted three houres; and after it was ended, Cardinal Pampilio stay'd a long while alone with Cardinal Spada. This was signi­fy'd to me at night by an excellent man of one of the first Orders in the Church. Si è fatta hoggi la Congregatione de soli cinque Cardinali, essendovi intravenuto il Card. Cechini; vi è stato anche ini­micus crucis Christi (so he styl'd M. Albizzi) Si è comminciata alle 20 hore, è finita alle 23. E restato dopo il Card. Pamphilio solo con lo Spada, & è notte ne è partito. Credo sia per consegli do­mestici Pamphiliani.

A friend of one of those Cardinals comming to visit us on Monday the twenty first, told us that he had said to that Cardinal, that he would give an hundred Crowns on condition that I would give him a Teston every day till this cause were end­ed; and that the Cardinal answer'd him, that I would be a great gainer if I gave him every day but a Julio; and that they all understood nothing in it.

He who writ me the abovesaid Note came also to visit us, and told us, that F. Aversa inform'd a considerable Prelate of the Court of Rome, that he had highly protested in the Congregation, that he had all imaginable esteem and veneration for S. Augustin's doctrine, but the Five Propositions non havevano che fare con Sant' Agostino, had no relation to it. He told me also that it was pub­lickly laught at in Rome, that M. Albizzi being no Divine, was yet Secretary of the Congrega­tion.

I further heard the same day, that the illustri­ous F. Mulard was newly come again to Rome. Nor was it long before he gave us matter of di­vertisement by the complaint which he made to us of his good friends. For finding him two or three dayes after at the Ambassador's house, he came to me, and told me, that M. Hallier and his Colle­gues were so impertinent as to accuse him of having given us F. Annat's Writing about Jansenius and the Thomists, that they had complain'd hereof to Cardinal Barberin; and that he desir'd me to te­stifie to his Eminence that it was not so.

Thursday the 24th. I entreated the Ambassa­dor to tell the Pope at his audience next day, that F. Des-mares, and M. Manassier desir'd to salute him in private before we appear'd publickly before his Holinesse, as we expected every day a sum­mons. The Ambassador very courteously pro­mis'd to do it. The next day we accompani'd him to the Pope's Palace, and when he came forth from audience, he told us that he had not forgot­ten us, but we could not have our desire at this time, and therefore he recommended it to the Pope's Maistre de Chambre to get us admission on Sunday next.

On which day we accordingly all went to the Pope; but the Count de Rochefort being first in­troduc'd took up all the time, and when he came forth the Pope would give no more audience, because he intended to go to take the ayre present­ly after Dinner. Whilst this Count was at his au­dience, Monsignor Senzasono told us; that he won­der'd at the strange familiarity wherewith F. Mu­lard had demean'd himself that morning towards the Count; and indeed had we not known that Father we had wonder'd at it the more; for that when the Count came forth, he askt us who that Cordelier was who was with him that morning, and told him that he was come to M. Hallier's assi­stance. We answer'd him, that he must not be sur­pris'd at what he observ'd in his carriage; for to tell him all in a word, it was F. Mulard. The Count reply'd, that the Father had been in so very ill an humour that day that he quarrel'd with a French Gentleman who sat between them.

Monday 28. M. de Valcroissant and M. Angran stay'd at home to finish the Writings which we were preparing, and I accompany'd F. Des-mares and F. Manassier to the Pope's Palace to endeavor to get audience for them; but we could not suc­ceed. We observ'd one pleasant thing of F. Mu­lard, who caus'd himself to be set down in the list of those who desir'd it, with the style of Preacher to the most Christian King. Whilst we stay'd there, we fell into discourse with a man who was come post to the Pope from the Archbi­shop of Avignon about some urgent and impor­tant affair; and after much talk concerning the doctrine which we defended, and the persecutions and calumnies employ'd to decry it, he comforted us by saying, That it was a great favour of God to be of the number of those who know his Truth, and endure something for its defence.

Tuesday the 29th. we went again to the Pope's Antichambre. As I was speaking about the mat­ters of our Contest, and the Jesuites exorbitances with the General of the Discalceated Carmelites; who was skill'd enough in them, in presence of the Resident of Modena, and two or three other Ro­man Prelates; the Gallicane Prince came to us; and having heard us peaceably to the end, when the General was call'd away to audience, to con­firm what the General had said, he spoke a very handsome and remarkable word. The very name (said he) of the thing you speak of evidences all that you have said; because justice is due to all the world, but Grace to none; it is done only to whom we please. I congratulated the Prince for his con­ceit, and told him, there needed no more to de­cide all our Controversies. Assoon as the Gene­ral of the Carmelites was enter'd to audience, the door was shut, and all the Sutors dismiss'd for that day.

In the afternoon I accompany'd F. Des-mares and M. Manassier in a visit to M. Gueffier, they laid open to him the necessity of hearing our Adver­saries and us contradictorily viva voce and by wri­ting; and what a shame it was to those on whom it depended, to be so long in granting it to us.

To the same purpose I discours'd to Monsig­nor Fagnani in a particular visit, and told him it was not otherwise possible to put an end to our contests. He answer'd me that these disputes had no end. I reply'd, that we did not desire those kind of Scholastick disputes, which are end­lesse; and as he perceived my drift, he preven­ted me and said, but those conferences (Congres­si ne i quali si portano Canoni de Consigli, luoghi de' santi Padre, principalmente di sant Agostino, decisioni de' Pontefici, &c.) In which are pro­duc'd the Canons of Councils, the testimonies of the H. Fathers especially S. Augustin, decisions of Popes, and other proofs of that nature, as the Scripture &c. He added that if the Pope spoke to him about our affair, he would per­swade his Holiness as much as he could to make such conferences, simili Congressi.

But 'twas these very Conferences which our Adversaries endeavour'd to hinder. All their bu­sinesse was done. They demanded nothing but to depart and return into France. This infor­mation I receiv'd from two Abbots, the one of France, who told us that he heard the Post­master who conducted M. Hallier and his Colle­gues to Rome, say, that they made account to depart by Whitsund [...]y if they could. The other of Italie, who was told by Cardinal Ghig­gi's Secretary that these Doctors desir'd that the affair might be dispatcht speedily, che si sbrighi; that we would weary them by our subterfuges; that they had business which requir'd their return into France; that M. Joysel alledg'd for his par­ticular reasons, that he was oblig'd to preach in Lent the next year, and had not yet begun his Sermons.

The same day being the last of April, I visited a very intelligent person, who told me that we must not think that either the instances of the Am­bassador, or the remonstances of our Memorials had put the Pope in the mind to hear us; that he had declar'd as much all the Lent; That M. Al­bizzi conceiving it requisite to follow the ordina­ry formes of his Tribunal, the Inquisition, and to have the same course held before the Pope as be­fore the Cardinals in the Congregation at Cardi­nal Spada's house, had told the Pope, that being M. Hallier and his Collegues had been heard there it was fit likewise that they should be heard before his Holiness. That the Pope being-urg'd thus by M. Albizzi, said at length, that he would do it, but he would hear both the one side and the other, Vogliamo sentire gli uni è gli altri. That hereupon M. Albizzi fearing that this might occa­sion the Conferences which we demanded, and doubting the force of what we had to alledge; ceased to press the Pope to hear M. Hallier and his Collegues; and that hence it was that we were forgotten by his Holiness and left in quiet since the Festivals, whereas during Lent we expected to be call'd before his Holiness assoon as they were past.

CHAP. XVII.

Of the Letters written to me f [...]om Paris during the whole moneth of April, concerning the state of our affair at Rome.

ALthough all the Letters written to me from Paris during this moneth contain nothing considerably different from what pass'd at Rome; but are onely reflexions upon the course held there in our affair, and testimonies both of the triumphs which our A dersaries made alrea­dy every where for the Censure of the Propositions, whereof they were confident; and of the Christian moderation and constan­cy wherewith we continu'd to pursue the exa­men of it, and to hope in the divine protection: nevertheless they seem to me so fit to justifie to the Publick and Posterity the innocency both of our Doctrin and Deportment; that I cannot for­bear to insert some of the principal here.

I receiv'd some from M. de Sainte Beuve every Post, and in regard of his quality and ability so well known in the world, and because he alwayes spoke directly to the substance of the affaire with great sincerity, I shall produce his first and almost alone. This he writ to me April 4.

SIR.

YOur concise stile tells me more things then when you are diffuse. Even your silence speaks, and in­asmuch as you sent me no intelligence, you thereby inform'd me that you were much employ'd and were not without fear. For my part, Sir, I forthwith regretted your dejection, yet could not apprehend that the event of the Congregation to be held before his Holinesse would be disadvantagious to us. The power of Truth, the assistance of the H. Ghost upon the Pope, his Holiness's greatnesse of mind, the learn­ing and the generosity of the principal Consultors, the interest which the Dominicans have in ours, and the multitude of knowing persons of our opinion, keep me from fearing any thing; and put me in great hope in case they proceed to a definition. You cannot imagine how much our Adversaries dread the inter­vention of the Dominicans. They tell some, that they are sure the General of the Jacobines will not enter into the Cause, but will be contented if he be promis'd that an insertion shall be put into the Bull, that the Pope pretends not to prejudice the Doctrin of S. Thomas by it. Which discourse was made by a Je­suite nam'd F. le Cointes, Companion of F. Paulin the Kings Confessor. But whil'st they speak thus, their Predicators preach in disparagement of effectual Grace, as one F. Mimbourg at S. German del' Auxerrois, and F. Lingendes at S. Gervais. They tell others that the Dominicans do not accord with us; and this is talk't in Sorbonne, and comes from Rome. M. Lagault writes to M. Duval as one high in hopes, and that which makes them conside­rable is, that 'tis said that generally what he sends word is to come to passe by a set time, comes to passe accordingly; witness the prayers appointed by his [Page 338] Holinesse. M. Duval above a fortnight before the last, inform'd us that the Pope would appoint pray­ers, and then pronounce without hearing parties, and that in France he should be obey'd. But all this do's not much trouble me. Let his Holiness pro­nounce if he please; he must distinguish the senses, unlesse he meanes to adde Oyle to the fire; for 'twill be a new contest more violent then the first, in what sense the Propositions are condemn'd. If he does distinguish them, our Adversaries must of necessity fall. For our sense cannot receive any impeach­ment, being no other but that of effectual Grace. What I am charg'd to accquaint you with Sir, is this, that if it comes to passe that a Bull be pass'd in condemnation of the Propositions without distin­guishing and securing the sense of effectuall Grace, you must make all possible instances and suit to get the Pope to explain himselfe and leave no seed of division in the affair, M. LL. the Bishops com­mand me to write this to you earnestly, and parti­cularly that you joyn your selves as much as may be withall the disciples of S. Thomas. For it shall not be said that we are injustly opress'd, that after the malicious contrivance of Propositions to black­en us, this imposture is Crown'd with an ambiguous Bull, and that we hold our peace.

I am &c.

The same day M. Brousse Writ to me that which followes.

SIR, My dear friend,

I Did not writ to you on Friday last, because I had nothing new to tell you, and was so engag'd in business that I did not think of the Post day till it was too late. Our Adversaries are more insolent then ever, and those words of the Scripture may be liberally apply'd to them; superbia corum qui te oderunt ascendit semper.

You will see by a Letter written to me from Ly­ons what they preach in that City; in these parts 'tis worse yet. F. Mimbourg made at S. Germain de l' Auxerrois a continu'd Satyre against S. Augu­stine and his disciples, who are alwayes those new Hereticks. He drawes the world after him by his insolencies, as F. Nouel sometimes did against the Book of Frequent Communion. Last week he was all about the Oeconomie of Grace and Predestination; he speaks such things as Pelagius never thought of; so that he laid for a foundation and principle in matter of Religion and Faith, that we ought to stick firm to what our sences and reason demonstrate to us; be­cause they are the two Lights which God ha's given us for our direction. The Concierge of the Hostel de Villeroy who receives and distributes M. Halli­er's letters, told a friend of mine lately that M. Hal­lier's servant sent him word that these Jansenists were worse then ever Calvin was, that they put them to so many troubles and shifts, was not credible. The Sieur Lagault writes to a Kinsman of his that he shall return very speedily, having no more to do in that Country. I salute all our dear Brethren and good friends, and am with all my heart, &c.

The person who freequently writ to me in Latin sent me this of April 4. touching the state of things at Rome.

QUid ex posterioribus tuis colligere debeam non cer­tè scio. Quamquam enim causam hanc semi­nari optandum est, tamen ut, de aliorum relatio­ne audio, non finiendae controversiae ratio initur quae omnino aequa videri possit. In consilium ad­mittuntur (si quibusdam credimus) solum ii qui cum Palavicino sentiunt & Albisio; caeteri jubentur ex scripto sententiam dicere. Brevitas imperatur ne omnia dicere liceat. Tui non audisti, Dominicani non admittuntur, qui tardè tandem rebus suis & doctrinae providere in animum induxerunt. Fortè istis satisfactum putabunt qui maximè illorum odere sententiam, si declarent nolle se quicquam praejudi­care Thomistarum opinionibus, & hac clausula & am­biguitate verborum se tegent. Dum Jesuitae in om­nes adversarios gratiae Molinisticae pronuntiatum esse contendent: at certè nihil est ejusmodi aequi­vocatione iis indignius, iis qui se doctrinae & fidei Moderatores supremos apud omnes haberi velint. Clarè pronuntiandum est, Ʋeritas lucem amat, ne­que unquam apud majores nostros & primos Ecclesiae fundatores in more positum fuit, ut verborum cir­cuitu hominibus illuderent, ne quisquam damnatus videretur, dum utraque pars diversa sentientium, tanquam damnata accusatur ab adversariis. Hac arte si prudentiam humanam olim Ecclesia sequi vo­luisset, Arrianorum querelas sedavisset; sed non Arrianum solum dogma respuit, sed evellere ra­dices ipsas sollicita, ambigua distinxit, probavit bo­na, mala clarè condemnavit. Olim quòd de una vel pluribus in Christo voluntatibus silere jubetur, a Constantinopolitano Concilio legitur damnatus Ho­norius, & experientia manifestum factum est, Mo­linistarum deliria, quiae omnino praecisa non sunt, jam nobis obtrudi tanquam doctrinam Ecclesiae, quorum impudenti audaciae resisti diù non poterit, nisi qua merentur censura notentur; timendumque est ne dum pacem quaerimus, veritatem amittamus, brevíque quod de Arrianismo dixit Hieronymus, stupeat orbis se factum esse Pelagianum: sed ista curent, quibus inest mali praecidendi auctoritas; nos Deum obsecremus.

The following dated April 11. was likewise sent me from the above commended M. de Sainte Beauve.

SIR,

T'Is this day a year since I spoke to M. Hal­lier in presence of M. Duval concerning his voyage to Rome, and told him all my thoughts of it as his friend; but he was then too much engag'd, to follow my advice. By this time, I hope he is upon the point to acknowledge that what I said to him proceeded from a lover of truth, and a person ally'd to him by an ancient friendship. For if the Pope pronounce, and se­cure our sense, what will remain to him of all his paines but confusion? besides that he will be e­steem'd by all intelligent men a perfect Boutefeu. But if his Holinesse do not pronounce, I see not with what face he can return into France. For that the Pope will pronounce without securing [Page 339] the sense of Effectual Grace, is a thing altoge­ther improbable. Such a blow is not to be fear'd from so wise, so prudent, so accomplisht a man, and so great a lover of peace. For my part, Sir, I hold for certain that his Holinesse will pro­nounce, he ought to do it in the present con­juncture, in which the whole Clery of France is at his feet demanding a decision of him with ex­traordinary submission. Rome ought not to lose this occasion, which never had its like. Yet I conceive his Definition will be so prudent, that no person will have cause to complain of it; o­therwise the advantage which we offer him will be lost. And as we say that the Propositions are not ours, that they are equivocal, that they have very bad senses, but yet have a very good one too, which is that of S. Augustin and S. Thomas; so I perswade my self the Pope will pronounce that they cannot be maintain'd but that in that sense, and with explication, not wholly naked, because as such, they have a very evil sense: If he do's this, the Jesuites will think they have their market, and not dare to say any thing; and we having ours shall have all reason to be contented and strongly to maintain the Pope's definition. I see not how he can pronounce after any other manner, without wronging the authority of the H. See, Truth and himself. I hope much from the continual prayers which are made in all the Churches of Rome for this purpose. I fear no­thing from the opposition of the Cardinals. I expect all under God from the strength of his Holinesses's mind, from the learning of the Con­sultors S. Augustin's Disciples, and from their care. There's but one thing to do, which is, to let the Pope know that when nothing could be found to gainsay our doctrine, their Equivocal Propositions were contriv'd to blacken us; that the same design will be endeavor'd to be carry'd on by the Bull which shall be pass'd; & therefore beseech his Holiness that some other then M. Hal­lier our greatest enemy may be appointed to draw it, that it may be review'd & examin'd diligently before it come forth, as well by his Holinesse as by the Augustines and Jacobines, since he de­clar'd in the first Congregation, that he intended not that any thing should be done in the whole course of this affair to the prejudice of the Do­ctrine of S. Augustine and S. Thomas. But if God should permit that there be obscurity in the Bull which shall be pass'd, which our Adversaries may abuse; I am charg'd by my Lords to bid you insist in their name to his Holinesse, that all may be pronounc'd & explain'd with such perspicuity, that his Holines's judgement may produce peace amongst us.

I am with all my heart, &c

Another followes of the same M. de Sainte Beuve dated April 18.

SIR,

IF M. Hallier and his Collegues have stay'd longer at Rome then they purpos'd, their mishap ha's been the cause of it. M. Lagault writes to M. le Moyne, that his employment be­ing to sing the Salve, he was oblig'd to stay at Rome, to sing that of Jansenism. I confesse to you, that when this was reported to me, I could could not but say that it was a conceit worthy of a Molinist, and that they must be pardon'd a sally of imaginary hope, since they have no ground for a true. Let us leave these Doctors to their boasting, whilst we labour vigorously in defence of the Truth. They are good friends of those who are in error, because they have been ado­rers of their own nature. Let us bear with them while they are vain in their own conceit, and de­sire God in their behalf that the spirit of Error rule no longer in them; You amaze me when you tell me, that the Consultors have not seen their first Writings; but I expect from your vigi­lance, that they will hereafter be all particularly inform'd of the merit of our cause. Let our Adversaries decline to appear contradictorily at Rome, 'tis an argument of the weakness of their cause: but when they boast of examples to justi­fie that persons decry'd for teaching false do­ctrine, ought not to be heard, it can be con­stru'd nothing but either grosse ignorance, or unmeasurable malice. It will not be necessary to take much paines to convince them; the Con­gregation de Auxiliis, and the Councils are pe­remptory proofs of the falshood of what they alledge so boldly. I should be troubled at the slowness of the Dominicans, did not the last in­form me that the General were the same day you writ it, to desire audience,

I am, &c.

Moeeover, the same person begins another of April 25. in this manner concerning the in­tervention of the Dominicans.

SIR,

GIve me leave to ask you, why you send me no word concerning the Dominicans? Do they a­bandon our cause, or is it a mystery that must be con­ceal'd from us? speak freely, Sir, and know, that if we are glad of their union, we shall not be discou­rag'd by their coldnesse. They may be so service­able to the cause, that yet the cause hath need of them; for 'tis the cause of truth, and God is sruth, whe needeth not either our goods or care — I read their Letter to M. de Chaalory, but I see not that it is requisite to think of what you propose, till his Holinesse have granted a Congregation like that de Auxiliis; if I flatter not my self, methinks what is hitherto done is a perfect preparation to it. We are threatned here with a Censure within eight dayes, and 'tis bruited, that the Pope is to passe it in coena Domini; but we are very undaunted,

I am, &c.

Another Doctor of my friends writ to me on the 15th. of the same Month in these terms.

The Molinists affirm that we are condemn'd, and that all which is done with so great solemnity, is done only to make the Judgment more notorious & powerful [Page 340] against us. I never heard them speak to us so as they have done since the arrival of the last Post. I have sure conjectures that their three Antagonists have written hither.

The same person making a general reflexion in another Letter upon the manner of proceeding in our affair at Rome, after many complaints and regrets wherewith he affirm'd his heart was full, spoke thus to me; Is it possible for Truth to be so ill treated in the place where it ought to be as in its Throne, and where its enemies ought not to be­hold it but with trembling? It must be hop'd that God will confound all those who so oppresse it, and that one day it will be like a mighty Rock to overwhelm them, if not in this world, at least in that wherein all the most hidden things shall be re­vealed.

CHAP. XVIII.

Of the first certain intelligence which I receiv'd May 4. that the Constitu­tion was made against the Propositi­ons. And of the Audience which F. Des-mares and M. Manessier had of the Pope the same day.

THe first of May being come, I understood that the feast of the two Apostles solemnis'd that Day did not hinder the Assembly of the H. Office before the Pope. Also that M. Hallier and his Collegues went not only to Cardinal Spada's Palace to wait upon him to Monte Cavallo, but also waited his return and reconducted him home; af­ter which they went to le Giefu to visite some Je­suites. All which implyes the most intimate cor­respondence and dependence between them that can be imagin'd.

Sunday [...]he 4th. I receiv'd a visit in the morning from a well inform'd person, who assut'd me that there was a Bull or Constitution prepar'd, by which the Propositions were condemn'd; and I cannot doubt but it was the same which was since publisht. F. Des-mares and M. Manessier, and I were ready to go to the Pope's audience. I took with me the Bishops Letter of Febr. 24. which we had forborn to deliver for fear of exasperating minds, and I resolv'd alone to present it to his Holinesse, if we were admitted, seeing there was no more time to sollicite for any thing. I would not dismay my new Collegues with the bad newes which I had lately receiv'd. But saying nothing to them a­bout the same, desir'd them to go before to the Pope's Presence-Chamber, where I should be as soon as they, intending to make a short visit by the way. The person whom I visited, was one who had disswaded us from delivering the said Letter for fear of producing ill blood. I told him that I was going to deliver it, seeing the Condemnation was already made, and nothing was likely to avert it but such an earnest and powerful Remonstrance as this Letter. My friend was amaz'd at my con­fident asserting the notice which I gave him; and supposing it true, as I assur'd him, he consented to the delivering of it, since it could do no hurt.

Immediately I came to F. Des-mares and M. Ma­nessier in the Pope's Presence-Chamber and the Maistre de Chambre to go back to the Pope, and to tell him that I desir'd to be admitted with them; and so I retir'd into the common Antichamber with the Letter in my hand (which I had deliver'd to the Pope if I had been admitted to audience) and let F. Des-mares and M. Manessier go alone; they were there three quarters of an hour. I can­not better relate what pass'd in this audience then the following Letter doth, which they writ con­cerning it the next day to our Bishops.

My Lords,

SInce our coming to this City, we have been employ'd chiefly in two things. First, To peruse the Writings prepar'd by our Collegues, that we might sign the same jointly with them, and have them in readinesse to present to the Pope when it should please him to hear us. And secondly, to obtain audience of his Holinesse. Whereunto being admitted yesterday morning, we told our H. Father, that our Collegues having represented to you, my Lords, that in hope that his Holinesse would establish a solemn Congre­gation wherein they might contradictorily de­fend the true sense of the Five famous Proposi­tions according to S. Augustin's doctrine, in pre­sence of their Adversaries, and before the Apo­stolical Tribunal of his Holinesse, they foresaw, that in the progresse of the Conferences they might have need of some assistance for the more easie and speedy discharging of the duties of their Commission; and you had sent us not only for that purpose, but also to make new instances in your name to his Holinesse for the establishment of such a Congregation as you had caus'd our Collegues to demand several moneths before.

Our H. Father answer'd us, that to satisfie the desires of the Bishops of France, who demand­ed his judgement touching the Five Propositions, he had assembled his Divines, and heard them sundry times with great care and patience upon the senses of those Propositions; and that not contented herewith, he had appointed publick prayers, to obtain such light from God as was necessary for passing his judgement upon them. That moreover, he hop'd to restore peace to the Church by other wayes then Disputes. We re­ply'd, that we had recourse to the H. See, to ob­tain the same peace; but that these Bishops of France who sent us to procure it, desir'd with all good men that it might be a true, sound and permanent peace; which was not to be hop'd in the present circumstances without the establish­ment of the solemn Congregation which we most humbly demanded of his Holinesse. He an­swer'd, that the prime and supreme Vicar of Jesus Christ was not oblig'd to examine all things by Disputation. That 'twas sufficient that he took such meanes as he judg'd fitting to form his judgement upon the controversies propounded [Page 341] to him, and that after this we ought to believe that the inspiration of God would not be want­ing to him for understanding the bottome there­of and deciding the same infallibly; and the truth of those Decrees depended onely, salamen­te, upon that Divine inspiration.

Our reply was, my Lords, that our demand agreed very well with our beliefe that God wat­ches particularly over the H. See, since we ac­counted it a visible effect of the divine vigilance, that it pleas'd God to inspire the Bishops of France with the thought and care to advertise his Holinesse of the conspiracy which was made against the Doctrine of S. Augustin and the Church; which we undertook to justify before his Holinesse in presence of our adversaries by unreproachable witnesses and invincible proofs. That if it pleased his Holinesse to bring it to the tryall, we hop'd he should understand our sincerity and their foule dealing; that this might be known by the sole reading of the six­ty passages of S. Augustin which they produc'd against the first Proposition, whereof there was not one but was a proof either of their ignorance or unfaithfulness; some being alledg'd imper­tinently, others misconstructed, and some mutilated and corrupted, as we were ready to demonstrate in presence of our Adversaries, and to convince them thereof before the H. See.

You alwayes suppose (said the Pope) that you have adversaries to encounter; 'tis not so. The other Doctors who are here to have judge­ment upon the five Propositions, call not them­selves your parties, nor desire to be heard con­tradictorily. We answer'd, they must needs be our parties; because they produce objections against the Doctrin which we maintain to be Catholick. But besides, your Holinesse will give us leave to say that we account all such our Ad­versaries and parties who impugne S. Augustin's authority and Doctrin. Now these are visibly impugn'd, and that by the Doctors who forg'd the five Propositions, by those who pro­secute their Censure with them; but principally by the Jesuites, whose books printed with the approbation of superiors and publick declamati­ons, tend utterly to ruine the Establisht autho­rity and Orthodox Doctrin of that great Saint. 'Tis no wonder if our adversaries demand not of your Holinesse to be heard contradictorily in presence of S. Augustin's disciples; they fear to be convinc'd of subverting a Doctrin whose defenders have so often found a sanctuary in the H. See which hath Canonis'd it by its Decrees. Hence it is than employ at this day all their artifices and intrigues to keep your Holinesse from obliging them to defend themselves be­fore you from the just accusations which we have to charge upon them and their pernicious Do­ctrin.

But (reply'd the H. F.) there's no need of entring into disputation with those you call your parties; 'tis no Law-Processe that is in de­bate, but the determining of Propositions. This suffices to produce peace to the Church; and we hope the Contests rais'd about these five, will cease as soon as the H. See shall have spoken, as it hapened in the Controvesie touching the authority of S. Peter, and S. Paul. Should I appoint such a conference as you ask, disputes would be infinite; Divines would come here from all parts: I will speedily end this business without noise. After using all the diligences I think necessary to understand it throughly, 'tis not to be doubted but the H. Ghost will com­municate such light to me as I shall need to judge thereof according to truth.

Here we took the Liberty to say, We most humbly beseech your Holinesse to adde one di­ligence to all those which you have us'd, name­ly the establishment of a a solemn Congregati­on, wherein the important truths in question may be clear'd and confirm'd. The Orthodox doctrin of S. Augustin is at this day in contest; our adversaries imagine the same by the bad sense which they put upon the five Propositions, whose Censure they presse and sollicite, to the end to disparage, by the conseqences which they shall draw from thence, the authority & Ca­tholick sentiments of that H. Doctor of grace. We have many things to represent to your Holiness against our Adversaries, both matters of fact, and upon the several senses of the Propositions. This cannot be well done but in their presence, when they may contradict us, and reflect the fals­hood, if we alledge any, and we also make good exactly and without exception all that we have to produce against them. We shall shew in that Congregation that the belief of the Je­suites touching the five Propositions, tends to o­verthrow the foundations of Christian Religion. The demand which we reiterate to your Holi­ness in the name of our L. L. the Bishops to be heard contradictorily, is legal, conformable to the practice of the Church, authoriz'd by the H. Fathers, and allow'd by the Predecessors of your Holinesse. What will the Faithful say when they see the H. Father deny the Sons of the Church, all S. Augustin's disciples, a thing most just, not wont to be deny'd to any person, not even to Hereticks? And what will Posterity say when it shall know that Bishops of France could not obtain of the H. See after long and urgent sol­licitations, that which ordinary Priests have ob­tain'd without difficulty?

The Pope answer'd, that all these considerati­ons had been represented to him already, & that 'twas to no purpose to repeat the same things; that 'twas our part onely to consider whether we would be heard before him without our ad­versaries and without disputes, or no, that in case we would, he offer'd to receive our wri­tings, and hear us with patience and benignity as much as we pleas'd, quanto vorrete. We re­ply'd, again that we were loath to be importune to his Holinesse; but the affair committed to us being of extream importance, oblig'd us to rei­terate our most humble instances for obtaining a means which we conceiv'd necessary for the right treating of it. In fine, perceiving the Pope press'd us to answer precisely, we, thought it our du­ty to say to him, H. Father, we desire withall our hearts and most humbly demand the audi­ences [Page 342] which your Holinesse offers us; but we demand them alwaies with the just and legal conditions which we have expressed, and which are imported by our Commission, the limits whereof we may not exceed. Whereupon find­ing our H. Father not disposed to grant us a con­ference, and that neverthelesse he pressed us to appear before him to represent the things whereof we desir'd to informe him, we insisted no further; but pray'd him to permit us to re­port to our Collegues what it pleas'd his Holi­ness to propose to us, to the end we might all together testifie the submission and respect which had for his Orders.

In this disposition, my Lords, we left his Holinesse. The same Evening we had certain notice of the draught of a Bull upon the five Pro­positions; we know not whether it be to con­demn them in general or in particular, or whe­ther it be onely to deprive the parties of Liber­ty to dispute of them by imposing silence to both; yet 'tis most likely to be for condem­ning them in some manner. However it be, all consider'd, we have conceiv'd, my Lords, that we are oblig'd to appear before the Pope when it should please his Holinesse to send for us and hear us in presence of our adver­saries.

In the first place to the end to testifie to his Holinsse that we reverence his power, and are obedient to his pleasure. In the second place to oppose by this last meanes now left us the en­terprises and Cabals of the Jesuites against the truth, and to take away the pretext which they might have to publish, though very falsely, that your Deputies, my Lords, durst not ap­pear before the H. see. In the third place to free our selves from the blame which the disci­ples of S. Augustin and S. Thomas might lay up­on us, (as they would here undoubtedly) of having left the truth in the oppression and ob­scurity whereinto its enemies would reduce it, if we refus'd the defence and elucidation which it requires here against those who endeavor to em­broile it, and put upon it, if possible, the re­semblance of error, whereby to render it odi­ous and worthy of Anathema. Lastly we have taken this resolution as the sole meanes we have at present to obtain the effect of the commission wherewith it hath pleas'd you my Lords, to ho­nor us.

For we conceive the audiences promis'd us by the Pope may in some wise inform him of the matters in contest; especially of the necessity of the Conference which we sollicite by your Or­ders; but they will not suffice to instruct him so fully in the matter in question that he may give a clear and definitive judgement of it with a per­fect cognizance of the Cause. Many things which we have to represent to his Holinesse may convince him that the present controversie is of highest importance, and cannot be clearly decided as things now stand, unlesse the parties be oblig'd to declare their belief plainly, and defend the same against their adversaries before the H. see in the manner which hath been propos'd to our H. Father in your name. This is it which the Jesuites fear and decline as the certain destructi­on of their Molinisme; and 'tis that which we desire with all our hearts as the sure victory which the invincible and H. defender of Grace will gaine once more over the new Pelagians of our age. God touch the heart of his Holinesse and dispose him to grant us a thing so just and necessary. 'Tis the usual subject of our prayers, the weaknesse whereof hath need, my Lords, to be strengthned with yours and all theirs who have any love and gratitude for the grace which makes us Christians, and obliges us to honor with sincere and true respect the prime Ministers of Jesus Christ, in the love of whom we shall remaine all our lives,

MY LORDS
Your most humble and most obedient servants,
  • F. Des-mares.
  • N. Manessier.

Receiving this Letter I remember one thing, which these Gentlemen have not mention'd, though they related it to us in the account they gave us of their audience; namely that when M. Manessier urg'd in the name of the Bishops for a Conference, and represented how necessary it was in this cause, the Pope answer'd them in these termes, Tutto questo dipende dall' inspiratione del spirito santo; all this depends upon the inspiration of the H. Ghost. Whereto M. Manessier replying that the assistance of the H. Ghost which God had promis'd to the Church in decisions of Faith, did not acquit Oecumenical Councils from all reasona­ble meanes of instruction in the truth; and that 'twas by these very meanes that such assistance was given them; the Pope said, Non dite questo, que­sta opinione non è buona; You must not say so; that opinion is not good. To which neither M. Manes­sier nor F. Des-mares durst reply any thing furthet, though it appear'd to them sufficiently strange; since those very Divines who professe most adhe­rence to Rome, (as the late M. Du Val) teach that the Pope is not instructed in the truth by special revelations but by the humane wayes, where­with God obliges him to seek it. Qui diceret (saith that Doctor in his book de autoritate Pontificis) Pontificem per immediatam & expressam revelatio­nem suas definitiones habere, nonnihil ad haeresin quo­rundam saeculi nostri Novatorum, quise à spiritu particulari de rebus fidei edoceri & confirmari ja­ctant, propenderet; quorum haeresis tanquam certis­sima ad errores via ab omnibus Orthodoxis reproba­tur.

CHAP. XIX.

The discourse of Card. Ghiggi with a­nother Cardinal in the Consistory, May 5. touching the new Bull. The reasons which mov'd us to go and tell the Pope that we should be ready to appear before him when and in what manner his Holinesse plea­sed.

TUesday, May 6. I heard that a certain Car­dinal being advertised on Sunday last that the Bull was prepar'd, instantly resolv'd to make his complaints & Remonstrances against it to the Pope on Monday morning May 5. in the Consisto­ry which was to be held that day: but fearing that what he should represent to the Pope would not be well receiv'd by his Holinesse, he conceiv'd it would be best to speak first to Cardi­nal Ghiggi who was likely to hear with more at­tention what he should say, to receive it better, and with more facility render the Pope suscepti­ble of it. He intended also to discover by Cardi­nal Ghiggi's answers how the Popes mind stood, and whether or no it would be fit to speake to his Holinesse afterwards. But Cardinal Ghiggi re­ply'd so sharpely to all that the other Cardinal said (though his elder and a most venerable per­son both for his endowments and his age,) and seem'd so violently prepossess'd and strongly bent to the purpose of Condemning, that he conceiv'd the Pope was affected in the same manner, and therefore resolv'd to say nothing to him for fear he should do it in vain, but to practise that coun­sell of the Scripture, Non effundas Sermonem ubi non est auditus. And he saw that thenceforward all was desperate, and no more to be done in the matter but to have recourse to prayers and pa­tience.

I was inform'd exactly enough of the particu­lars of the discourse of these two Cardinals, and shall insert some principal fragments of it which I pen'd down at that time.

Upon the friendly and familiar complaint made to Cardinal Ghiggi about the new compil'd Bull, Cardinal Ghiggi answer'd the other roughly and as being surpriz'd that the mine was discover'd, seeming also in some sort to deny that it was true. He askt him Chive l' ha detto? who told you this? The other answer'd calmely, I do not think I am oblig'd to tell you whence I had this intelligence; but I am advertis'd of it by a good hand. Your Eminence must not believe, but in such an affair as this, wherein all the world is interessed, eve­ry one endeavors to look about him and discover what is acted; I conjecture that in the first draught of the Bull there were some words in commenda­tion of S. Augustin, because besides what I other­wise heard, the discourse of these two Cardinals came to this point, that Cardinal Ghiggi acknow­ledging that the Bull was made, yet undertook to justifie the reasonablenesse of it, telling the o­ther that no dangerous consequence could be feared from it, in regard of the praises attributed therein to that H. Doctor, by which (he said) his Doctrine was secur'd. The other Cardinal re­ply'd, that those praises were of little advantage to S. Augustin if his doctrine was really condemn'd; adding that the Propositions in question were his very doctrin, and, till their condemnation, main­tain'd as so many articles of Faith. Cardinal Ghiggi answer'd, that they were equivocal; and contain'd evill sense: The other reply'd that they also contain'd Capital truths of the Catholick faith in the good senses wherein they might be understood. For proof whereof he began to ex­plain them with admirable facility and clearnesse; but Cardinal Ghiggi excused himself from hear­ing him, saying that he had not studied them. Whereupon the other said, Alas! how then can you consent to their condemnation; if you have not studied them? Cardinal Ghiggi answered, I should have studied them, had I been (da volare,) oblig'd to give my opinion, and Vote concern­ing them. The other demanded, if you have not given your opinion, how will it be true which the Pope shall say in his Bull, that he con­demnes them by advice of the Cardinals, de Con­silio fratrum nostrorum? Cardinal Ghiggi an­swer'd, that it would be true by a Council of pru­dence; per un Consiglio prudentiale, or otherwise, by a Political advice of what was expedient to ordain, regard being had to all the circumstances of the affair. The other excepted again, How can one give a prudential Counsel touching an affair which he hath not studied, and sees not to the bottom? If this Bull be published, 'twill be a Bull of the Consultors, not of the Cardinals; and of Con­sultors pickt and cull'd by wayes which all the world knowes and the French Doctors are not ig­norant of; they keep a register of them; and if an unfitting Judgement come forth we shall soon see the H. See charg'd with confusion by printed Books in all parts. Besides if any obscurity be in the Bull, every one will draw it to his own side, and this will cause horrible combustions and contest. But for all this, in summa (said my Re­lator) this Cardinal got nothing at all in his con­ference with Cardinal Ghiggi, but very sharp an­swers from him; Non fu guadagnato niente, ma sempre acertissima risposta.

Returning home from the Visit wherein I learnt these passages, we deliberated concerning our go­ing altogether that morning to the Pope, to deli­ver him the Letter of Febr. 24. and declare to him, that we had been, and should be alwayes rea­dy to appear before him whenever he should ap­point us. Besides, the general respect due to the Head of the Church from all the Faithful, we consider'd what particular reasons we had for it in the present conjuncture; and that the Pope was absolutely determin'd not to hear us at all in a contradictory Conference, having so declar'd to our new Collegues; that he conceiv'd he had us'd all moral diligences necessary for clearing the Truth; that he was perswaded that after those diligences, the H. Ghost's assistance of him was [Page 344] infallible; and that he was resolv'd to pronounce a Judgement.

We consider'd the persons who inform'd him, & from whom he took counsel, most of them preju­dic'd against S. Augustin's doctrine & against us: offended with the difficulties we had made to ap­pear before them, unlesse on the conditions we demanded, and accounting they did us a favour to hear us in the manner which they offer'd, (see­ing that most of the World was become disaf­fected to us through the contrivances of the Je­suites throughout all Europe, especially in France) not likely to neglect so favourable an occasion of promoting the dominion which they affect over the conscience and liberty of the Faithful.

We consider'd that the Bull, which was already compil'd against the Propositions, could not but give great advantages to our Adversaries, and be in their hands like a sword in those of a mad man, when once it came forth; that having assuredly not been made but by the ministry of M. Albizzi, and the assistance of the Jesuites, they might ea­sily have slipt into it words of very great conse­quence, beside the Pope's intention, from whence the Jesuites might pretend the cause gain'd for their Molina, and whose sequels his Holinesse, not being sufficiently instructed in these matters, could not foresee no more being necessary: for his sa­tisfaction, saving that it appear'd in general that his intentions were follow'd; wherefore we ac­counted it highly important to stop its publica­tion.

We consider'd that in one of the Writings pre­par'd for us, we had our selves done what we be­seecht the Pope might be done before all things, namely, distinguisht the Propositions into the se­veral senses whereof they were capable, and clear­ly explicated them both in the one and the other without equivocation or obscurity; Which Wri­ting was necessary to be read and publickly de­clar'd to the Pope before the Bull came forth; to the end that if it absolutely condemn'd the Pro­positions, we might have this authentick proof further that we had not maintain'd them absolute­ly, but only in the Catholick senses whereof they were susceptible.

We consider'd that we could not have the ad­vantage of making such declaration and protesta­tion before the Pope, nor hindering the publish­ing of the Bull, if we still insisted upon being heard in the formes which we had dnmanded; because 'twas evidently dangerous that the Pope would persist to deny the same to us, and without regard to what we had represented to him, cause the Bull to be publisht forthwith. Which would be of no other advantage to us, then that we might com­plain of being condemn'd after an unheard of manner in defending the best cause of the World. But neverthelesse such condemnation would cause great disorder and scandal in the Church.

We consider'd that the Pope might have good intentions; That our Writings were very home; that if he gave us time to explicate the same to him, and add thereunto viva voce what we pleas'd as he promis'd us, the truths which we had to re­present to him might make some impression upon his mind, stop his purpose against us wherto our Ad­versaries had drawn him, convince him of the ne­cessity of a Conference, and consequently move him to appoint one of his own accord without our further demanding it.

We consider'd that should we be deceiv'd in our hopes, this new fashion'd Audience which he would give us, not being according to Ecclesiastical lawes and customes, and we not accepting it but in regard of the present conjuncture and circum­stances above mention'd, there would be no great difference between having been heard in this man­ner, and not being heard at all.

Lastly, We consider'd that we accepted not this Audience, but only to have the meanes of repre­senting to the Pope that it was not such as we de­manded; that the accustom'd forms of the Church were not observ'd in it; that Ecclesiastical liberty was infring'd by it, and that we resolv'd not to begin to treat our affair after a manner oppo­site to their forms and liberty, but because we now saw no other way to preserve them, that we would slip no occasion, either in this Congregation or the following of making instances for the same; that whatever informations we gave of things, we should still conclude, that the Pope might see there­by the necessity of having Adversares to object a­gainst whatever falshood or mistake might be in what we should represent against both their pro­ceedings and doctrine, and in behalf of our own.

All these considerations confirm'd us in the re­solution of going altogether that day to the Pope, to testifie to him that we were ready to appear be­fore his Holinesse, when he pleas'd and how he pleas'd, and in the mean time to deliver him the Letter of February 24. as a testimony of our de­sires, and those of our Bishops; and moreover to get ready a Memorial to present to him when we should appear before his Holinesse, wherein to desire that both our first, and the new Writings which we should present to him, might be com­municated to our Adversaries.

Having briefly reduc'd our common resolutions into Writing before we went out of our Lodging, we repair'd to the Pope's Presence-Chamber to desire Audience; but it being already somewhat late, we could not obtain it.

CHAP. XX.

Our resolution declar'd to the Ambassa­dor. His care to signifie it to the Pope; and desire a set day of him. His Advertisement to M. Hallier and his Collegues to be ready to appear likewise before the Pope a day or two after us. Visites hereupon to the Car­dinals of our Congregation. The Bull prepar'd and review'd by these Car­dinals severally.

THursday May 8. being in the Pope's Pre­sence-Chamber, and seeing the Cardinals, Barbarin, S. Clement and Lugo come from the Con­gregation of the H. Office, but Spada, Ginetti and Ghiggi stay behind with the Pope; I left one to observe how long they continu'd there, who told me about an hour and a quarter after; and almost at the same time a Laquay came to me from Cardi­nal Barberin, to tell me that his Eminence desir'd to speak with me at what time I would set, I askt the Laquay when he conceiv'd his Eminence would be at leisure? he told me, Between four and five; and I sent word that I would not fail to be there at that time.

By the way I made another Visit, wherein I heard, that the General of the Dominicans visiting Cardinal de Medicis the Uncle, complain'd very much to him of M. Albizzi, especially concerning this new Bull, and the practises us'd to gain suffra­ges in the Congregation: they talkt of mony gi­ven, and Bishopricks and other employments pro­mis'd. They judg'd it the interest of Spain, as well as of the Order of Dominicans, to take heed of what pass'd in this affair; but Cardinal Pimen­tel's arrival was thought fit to be expected, that he might join with them in the common interest; In the mean time Cardinal de Medicis would use his endeavors with the Pope.

Cardinal Barberin's businesse was not great; he told me, he invited me to come to him, believing I had something to say to him. I made our excu­ses to him, that our new Collegues had not yet vi­sited his Eminence. I told him the cause of their coming, which was, to assist us in our negotiation, and to make new instances to the Pope for such a Congregation as we had hitherto demanded. He answer'd, that it was not to be urg'd too much; that perhaps the Pope will ordain it of his own accord. I acquainted him with their audience of the Pope, & our resolution to appear before his Holiness, when and how he pleas'd. He said, it would be fit to repre­sent that the Propositions could not be touch'd, without entring into the matter de Auxiliis. I answer'd, that this matter ought to be taken in hand, in order to root out the evil Opinions slipt into the Church touching the same. And that we had no other intentions nor course to take, then what was necessary for maintaining the belief of Grace aginst the late enterprises to ruin it. He said, there were some who perswaded the Pope that we would oppose Bulls; that we must take heed of that, and endeavor to remove that ill sug­gestion against us. I answer'd, that our carriage was full of sincerity; That we did nothing out of affectation; That 'twould be time enough to speak of this when occasion should be offer'd. That neverthelesse seeing he mention'd it, I could as­sure him that we should not transgresse any Bull; and as for that of Ʋrban VIII. his Eminence knew how F. Hilarion and my self had spoken to him of it, That it might have its full and intire effect, and yet all that was in Jansenius's Book be true e­ven to the least line; that this was my opinion; but in the present Controversie we had nothing to say, either of that Book or Bull. This Declara­tion seem'd to be well taken by the Cardinal, who being call'd aside for a little space into the next room, brought in with him F. Marinaris a Car­melite and his Chaplain, one of quick parts and a scholastick Genius. We discours'd long together before his Eminence, and afterwards went to see some Books in his Library, whereof we had spo­ken. The Cardinal told me of a Heretick, who said that they should gain all, if things were de­fin'd as we demanded. I answer'd him, that that Heretick might be mistaken in his pretention, and that no heed was to be given to what he said. Yet (said his Eminence) 'tis good to conform to the time and the manner of speech us'd by all the Thomists who have written since the Council of Trent. I assented that it was so, when the man­ners of speech tended to the clearing and establish­ing of Truths; but not when they might be pre­judicial to, and ruin them. That if there were some Thomists whose sentiments were a very little different from ours in some slight circumstances, there were others who were conformable there­unto; But all agreed with us in the manner. And besides, 'twas not by them that the same ought to be regulated, but by the Saints and the Councils; and above all, by the Truth. The Candle was lighted; I exhorted his Eminence to read the A­pology of the H. Fathers, and gave the Good night to him and his Divines.

As I came back, I made another Visite, where­in I learnt that the Bull whereof the Cardinal a­bove-mention'd had complain'd to Cardinal Ghig­gi was no more talkt of. That this Cardinal ac­quainted the Pope with it the same day for fear complaints of it might come to the Pope by other hands then his own. That another person speak­ing of it to the same Cardinal Ghiggi, he disown'd it, as not having been ordain'd by the Pope. That in fine, 'twas no more talkt of, but seem'd sup­press'd; whether it were stopt upon the above­mention'd Discourse, or whether the noise of it was only smother'd, the better to bring us to the Audience which was offer'd us.

In the same Visite I likewise learn't that the Cardinals Spada, Ginetti and Ghiggi, who stay'd with the Pope in the morning after the general Congregation of the H. Office, did not speak a­bout our affair, but about the Bishops of Flan­ders, whose resistance extreamly displeas'd the Pope. That he desir'd Cardinal de Medicis to [Page 346] obtain of the Arch-Duke that these Bishops might be oblig'd to come to Rome to purge themselves; that the only thing which kept them from being cited, was the doubt and incertainty of executi­on; and that Cardinal de Medicis would not con­sent to it, in regard Jansenius was persecuted by the French for considerations and interests of State.

Whilst I made these Visites, my four Collegues went to give the Ambassador an account of the au­dience which the Pope had given F. Des-mares and M. Manassier; they told him that we made no dif­ficulty to appear before his Holinesse whensoever he pleas'd to call us; that we intended to seek an audience of him on Sunday next, to make this De­claration, and were glad of this occasion to give him a preliminary instruction concerning our af­fair, because it was very likely that the Pope would afterwards see the necessity of a Confe­rence.

M. Hallier brought a servant to Rome, who un­derstood Latin, and there took the Order of Priesthood; He told one of our Domesticks, that his Master said, if he were sent for before the Pope, all that he had to say, was, that he had no more to say after what he had said in the Congregation: and that if this affair lasted yet beyond October, he must go at that time into France in regard of his Cure.

Friday the 9th. I accompany'd the Ambassador to the Pope's Palace. In the Presence-Chamber I spoke with Signor—Advocate of Malta, who said, that Cardinal Spada told him the day before, that the Pope desir'd to be quit of these Congre­gations before his going to S. Peter's for the so­lemnity of Easter. That his Eminence design'd to the Pope the dayes in which the Congregations would be dispatcht; and that when Lent was end­ed, Non si farebbe per un pezzo Congregatione nianzi al Papa, there should be no more Congre­gations before the Pope.

Saturday the 10. the Ambassador sent for us to come to him about ten a clock in the forenoon. The Messenger told one of our Domesticks, that he was going to desire M. Hallier and his Collegues to be there likewise about half an hour after. We went to the Ambassador at the hour appointed. He told us, that the Pope speaking to him concerning us the day before, he signify'd to his Holiness our resolution to appear before him when he pleas'd, and that he (the Ambassador) had oblig'd us to conform to whatever his Holinesse should ordain in this matter, by the hopes which he gave us, that this ingenuous and absolute remitting our af­fair to his Holinesse was the right course to obtain a Conference, if it were necessary as we pretend­ed. The Ambassador added, that we should do well to comply thus, and that the Pope would by degrees incline to the Conference which we de­manded. That if we needed a few dayes to get our selves ready, he would procure time for us. In fine, he told us that he had sent to M. Hallier and his Collegues, in order to make the same De­claration to them, that they should be ready to appear before the Pope a day or two after us. We answer'd the Ambassador no more, but that we were sorry we could not forthwith enter into Conference with all our Adversaries, because till we did so, it would be but so much time lost and superfluous paines; but seeing the Pope would have it thus, and there was no hope of obtaining such a Conference, we willingly took this resolu­tion.

The Ambassador accompany'd us in ceremony through all his Antichambres to the door of the outer room; and as he was ready to leave us, M. Hallier and M. Lagault arriv'd there, and the Am­bassador told me that he was going to make the same Declaration to them which he made to us, that they should be ready to appear and be heard be­fore the Pope, after we had appear'd; and having askt them pleasantly, whether they were ready to exchange a Pistol-shot; M. Hallier answer'd, that we were too many, Ne quidem, said he, Hercules contra duos.

In the afternoon I went again to the Ambassa­dor; He propounded the Rogation week for the time of our appearance, which I accepted. He told me, that M. Hallier and Lagault were not well pleas'd with his Declaration, and said, that all this tended only to retard; and that he answer'd them, that they ought to consider that all persons were desirous to be heard, and to speak their reasons, which advantage would be common to themselves with us, &c. I told the Ambassador, that we were willing that they should be heard as well as our selves; but all this was but little, till we were in presence one of the other; That we had purpos'd to seek for audience of the Pope the next day, and acquaint his Holinesse with our readinesse to ap­pear before him, but were now very well content­ed that he should be the depositary and witnesse of our Sentiments in that matter.

Instead of going to the Pope as we had propo­sed, on Sunday the 11th. we went to Cardinal Spa­da, with whom we found M. Hallier and M. Joysel. We waited their departure a long time in the Gal­lery. When they were gone, we were introduced into his Eminence's Chamber. F. Des-mares told him in very few and smooth words the ground up­on which our Bishops had sent him and M. Manas­sier. The Cardinal answer'd some civil terms, which not being heard by the Father, the Discourse became a little interrupted. But to recruit it, M. Valcroissant told him, that we desir'd to know three or four days beforehand what day the Pope would set to hear us the first time, to the end we might be the better prepar'd for it. The Cardinal an­swer'd, that the day could not be far off now. That the Pope had held Congregations with great dili­gence, that the affair might be ended before Sum­mer; and that if we desir'd to be heard we should be ready as soon as we could. The Cardinal seem'd to speak, as if, according to our Adversaries con­stant calumny, we still sought delayes: Where­fore I told him that we were ready, and demanded no delay, but only to be advertis'd three or four dayes beforehand of that which the Pope should pitch upon, to the end we might have time to re­collect what we had to say, it being not possible to have it alwayes in mind without trouble. That we expected to have appear'd immediately after Easter; that four weeks were since pass'd; that the day we spoke of was not yet determin'd. That we [Page 347] had purposed to go that morning and acquaint the Pope with our readinesse, but the Ambassa­dor had freed us from that care by undertaking to inform Cardinal Pamphilio of it. Cardinal Spada answer'd that it were good that we repai­red to the other Cardinals, and told them the same as we had done his Eminence. We re­ply'd we should, and as we retired, F. Des-mares presented the two following Letters to him written by the Bishop of Angers and the Bi­shop of Chaalons.

My LORD.

I Know not whether it be an abuse of your Eminen­ce's goodnesse, to recurre to it so easily as I do, to demand the honor of your protection: but in this case I can scarce believe you will account your self im­portun'd by the most humble supplication which I make to you, since it seemes to concern the peace of the Church in France. It is my Lord, to get the favor granted to the Doctors, who deliver this Letter to your Eminence, which they demand of his Holiness to be heard in presence of their Adversaries: which seems to be the more just, in that a difference cannot be bet­ter understood or more certainly judg'd, then by con­fronting the Parties, and hearing all the reasons which can be alledg'd on either side. And being I have particular knowledge of the affair both in its foundation and circumstances, I can also, my Lord, assure your Eminence, that 'tis the best course to extinguish the troubles it causes in the Church of France: because after every one hath spoken with freedom in presence of their adversaries, all that they have to set forth, they will be oblig'd to stand to the Judgement which shall be pronounc'd, and have no cause at all to complain. But not to interrupt your Eminence's other occasions by too long a letter, I end this with renewed assurances of being with all ima­ginable passion and respect,

My LORD,
Your Eminence's most humble and most obedient servant, Henry B of Angers.
My LORD,

I should not take the liberty to importune your Eminence, were not an interest infinitely dear to me concern'd, that of the Churches peace. The desire of seeing it reestablish't here, causes us to recurre in the present contests to the H. See with a true submission; to the end the most pure light flowing from thence may dispel the darkness and trouble possessing many men's minds. 'Tis out of this sentiment that the Doctors deputed by us cannot give over sueing to your Eminence for a hearing in presence of those who have so fre­quently and in so many places brought strange accusations against the doctrine which they maintain. This Justice hath alwayes been grant­ed by the Church to her Children, and offer'd e­ven in all Councils to such as had revolted from her. I dare assure your Eminence, that all the dependances of this affaires render it more neces­sary in this case then ever; and I hope the extra­ordinary prudence which appears in all your Emi­nence's actons, will favourably hear so many most just considerations upon which this most humble supplication is grounded. I am withall due re­spect,

My LORD,
Your Eminence's most humble and most obedient servant, F. Bp. and C. of Chaalons.

Monday the 12th. we went to make our com­plements to Cardinal Pamphilio, who was newly gone abroad: Thence we went to Cardinal Ghiggi, and waited a long time for admittance. He receiv'd what F. Des-mares said to him, with much gentleness. He askt us whether the Pope knew of our good purpose, because he conceiv'd that the Ambassador had not seen Cardinal Pamphilio on Sunday, in regard he went with the Pope to take the air. He told us that if the Ambassador had not seen that Cardinal, it would suffice if we ac­quainted his Holinesses Maistre de Chambre with our resolution. We thank'd the Cardinal for his good advice, to have us tell the Popes Maistre de Chambre what the Ambassador had undertaken for us to signifie to the Cardinal Nephew. He askt us news from France, and told us this considerable, namely that hopes were given them from the Court of the enlargement of Cardi­nal de Retz.

Tuseday 13th. We left M. de Valecroissant at home to prepare his Oration against our audience, and went to Cardinal Ginetti, to whom I gave an account in Italian of the businesse of our visit. He answer'd us with his accustomed civility, and told us that the affair was well examin'd (he accounted it already done, as indeed it was) that the Pope was a very prudent person, (and besides) had the assistance of the H. Ghost. He askt me news of M. Brousse's health and offer'd us all the service in his power.

We went thence to Monte Cavallo, to speak with Cardinal Pamphilio, where after we had wai­ted till noon, he was visited by the Cardinals Al­tieri & Rondanini; after their departure we were admitted, and having scarce toucht the affair, assoon as I nam'd the Ambassador, he told us he had seen him, and that our hearing it would be within four or five days, either Saturday, or Monday. In the little discourse we had with him, he pronounc'd a sentence, the most tedious that we could hear, yet the most pleasantly that he could, as if it had been the most acceptable thing to us in the world, namely, Questa cosa non è causa di contradettorio, This affair requires not the hearing of Parties. Being he gave us not time to say any thing to him concerning the Book of our writtings which we had prepar'd for him, we did not present it to him yet; and indeed it would have been a superfluous thing, as appear'd by the Event.

In the afternoon we went to visit the General of the Dominicans. Our conference was long; but the most considerable thing he spoke was, that he had done his utmost to intervene in this affair, but he could not be suffer'd. He had been seventeen or eighteen times to present his Memo­rials, and papers to the Pope, but could not ob­tain audience. He had procur'd Prince Giustia­ainno the Pope's kinsman and his own to undertake the delivery of them, but his Holinesse would not receive them. The secret of all which de­nyals, was, that the Pope purposed to decide this affair without entring into the matter de Auxilis. We concluded by telling him that he was however oblig'd to pray to God for us when we appear'd before the Pope, because we should be charg'd with his cause as well as our own, and should carry our own interests no further then his.

Thence we visited the General of the Augu­stines who made great caresses to us, testifying much resolution and hope, and by all that he said to us he manifested that he understood the particular design of hatching the Propositions, and the fundamentall matter of the contro­versie.

'Twas happy that M. de Valcroissant stayd at home; for the Ambassador going to take the aire had the goodnesse to passe that way himself, to ad­vertise us that the Pope had appointed Monday following, being that of the Rogations, for the day of our appearance.

The complaint made by the Cardinal above men­tioned in the Consistory May 5. to Cardinal Ghig­gi that the Bull was prepared, caused the report of it to be smother'd and made a greater secret; yet neither produc'd a total suppression of it, nor an alteration of the positive and determinate resolution to publish it. On Thursday the 15th. I was inform'd that since that Consistory, it had passed severally through the hands of the Cardinals deputed for the Congregation, who had view'd it and consider'd it, to see whether a­ny thing were fit to be added or retrench'd; that Cardinal Ghiggi was the last in whose hands it was, and that on Wednesday the 14th. he re­turn'd it to M. Albizzi reviewed and apostil'd, with order to have it fairely transcrib'd against the Congregation which was to be held on Thurs­day before the Pope, to the end it might be shown and read to his Holinesse at the end of that Assembly. I understood that in obedience to this order, assoon as M. Albizzi receiv'd it he set one to transcribe it, and that a great part of the night was spent in the work; but I knew not whe­ther it was fit for the purpose intended. For ha­ving sent a man to Montecavallo assoon as I recei­ved this intelligence, to see whether the Cardinals of the Congregation apointed for this affair stay'd with the Pope, after the others of the Generall as­sembly of the H. Office were departed, he brought me word two houres and a quarter after noon, that those Cardinals and S. Clement and Colonna, and M. Albizzi came forth with the Con­sultors almost at the same time: but that Cardi­nal Barberin stay'd with the Pope almost an houre after the rest, and Cardinal Lugo an houre and three quarters afterwards.

CHAP. XXI.

Of the Writtings which we prepar'd to present to the Pope at the end of our intended audience.

AFter the Ambassador had advertis'd us that Monday May 19. was the appointed day for our appearance before the Pope, we did not stirre out of our Lodging till that day, but labour'd to get our selves and our writings ready against that au­dience. The first of five, was thus intitl'd, To our M. H. F. Pope Innocent 10. for the Doctors subscrib'd, defenders of S. Augustin, against the society of Jesuites; The first part of the second in­formation upon Fact, conteining above a hundred Propositions extracted out of the books of the Jesuites against S. Augustins authority. In the preface to this writing we declar'd that we had produc'd the First information touching matter of Fact against M. Hallier and his Collegues, because they ap­pear'd first as parties in this affair; that the little time we had to prepare our first writings, and the extraordinary instances wherewith those Doctors pressed the dispatching of this affair be­fore it could be examin'd, constrain'd us to ex­pose them with such brevity and diligence, that we were forc'd to fall directly upon matter of fact, and deferre till another time all that had preceeded and given occasion to this so unheard of and dangerous enterprize; which neverthelesse was very necessary for the perfect understanding of all its circum­stances and consequences, so that we were ob­lig'd onely transiently to touch upon such things as evinc'd the Jesuites the prime architects of this conspiracy, and to deferre to a more favourable time to present against them and their particular misdemeanors a new Information. But because this Information was so vast and important, that we could not yet wholly finish it, we had divi­ded it into sundry Parts; whereof this was the first and most necessary to the businesse in hand, conteining above a hundred Propositions drawn out of the Books of those Fathers, by which the authority of S. Augustin, and that of the Popes, from whence the same is deriv'd, were unwor­thily outrag'd; and consequently serv'd to show that we complain'd not without cause that these very Fathers had undertaken to ruine it, and that we justly demanded that they might be ob­lig'd to acknowledge it after an authentick man­ner, namely by a solemn writing, which might serve for an example to posterity, conduce to the glory and reputation to the H. See, and to the edification of all the faithful.

Our design was, when we had before the H. See convinc'd the Jesuites of having corrupted the faith of the Church in the matter of Grace, to complain also of all the other corruptions which they had introduc'd in all the other points of Faith and Christian Morality; and to desire the H. See to do justice to it self and the whole Church against them for all their exhorbitances. But this requir'd time, and 'twas expedient to [Page 349] have this first question voided before hand; And therefore we had intitled this Writing, The first Part of the second information touching Fact a­gainst the society of Jesuites. The Propositions which we related in it, were taken out of the Books of Molina, Vasquez, Mariana, a decree of their General Aquaviva, F. Caussin, Theophile Re­nault, F. Sirmond, F. Pelau, F. Adam, F. Annat, F. Martinon, F. l' Abbe, the Jesuites of Lovain, and the other society who are condemn'd by the censure of Validolid.

And after the list of all these scandalous Propo­sitions, we showed in the Conclusion of the Wri­tings, that it was not credible that the same had e­scaped from them by chance, but that they had ad­vanc'd them with deliberate purpose, and by volun­tarily renouncing the truth and the respect which formerly they acknowledg'd due to S. Augustin's Doctrin. The proof we brought of this so strange accusations, was that two years before the publish­ing of Molina's work and doctrine, viz. anno. 1586. they caus'd a book eo be printed at Rome, intitled Ratio atque institutio Studiorum per sex Patres ad id jussu R. P. Praepositi Generalis de­putatos conscripta Romae in Collegio Societatis Jesu. 'Twas a Book in Octavo about an ich thick, and sent as a Circular Letter to all their Collegues for the regulating the studies of all their Fathers. Now in this book they acknowleged unanimously with sincerity and plainesse, that the Doctrin of S. Au­gustin touching the matter of Grace and Gratuitous Predestination, was that which they ought to follow. Item, said they, p. 37. under the title concern­ing the Choice of their studies in Divinity. It hath been resolv'd that the cause and manner of Pre­destination proceeds not from our part. But some will say, (they objected so themselves,) that this doctrin is not very proper for piety. And they answer'd, that 'tis a doctrin of S. Augu­stine, which hath been already receiv'd, not on­ly by the most common opinion of Divines, but also by the H. Fathers during twelve ages, who undertook to prove it by the Holy Scriptures, General Councils, the Answers of Popes, name­ly Zozimus, Sixtus, Celestine, Leo, Gelasius, all who, say they, alwayes had an ill esteem of the Priests of Marseille Castian, and Faustus, for having been the opposers of this doctrin of Predestination. We observ'd that the Jesuites spoke in this manner whil'st they did not yet foresee that they were to declare Warre against S. Augustin; but af­ter the contest wherein they were engag'd for defence of Molina's book and doctrin, to the end it might be free for all their Fathers to oppose that of S. Augustin & uphold their Confrere Molina who attaqu'd him first, and in whose defence they unhappily conceiv'd the ho­nor and reputation of their society concern'd, they re­trencht out of the succeeding edition of the said Book all that I have cited out of the first in favour of the doctrin of the gratuitous Predestination of S. Au­gustin whom they acknowledged to have taught it.

We shew'd that their boldnesse had increased ever since, and that the latest of their Authors were still more heinously injurous against S. Augustin; That since this enterprise of the Propositions F. A­dam, F. Annat, F. Martinon, and F. Labbe, had rose up against that H. Doctor, and that these three last appear'd even since the complaints which we had made thereof to the H. See: That none of of their Confreres had been displeased with them for this enormity, but on the contrary seem'd to esteem them the more, that they every where cry'd up their rare merits and advanc'd them to the prime charges and most considerable employments of their Order; That after this, it was not possible to ima­gine a greater violence, a more obstinate contu­macy, a more audacious impudence, or a more of­fensive outrage against S. Augustin and the H. See it self.

Wherefore we concluded that since it was requi­site to judge rather by these their exorbitances against S. Augustin, and their designes to ruine his doctrin, then by vain words of respect towards him utter'd with the lips; we had reason and necessity to sum­mon them as we did, and had already summon'd M. Hallier, and his Collegues by our first writing de gestis, to acknowledge by an authentick writing for true and indubitable, the six Propositions which are at the end of that writing in favour of that H. Father's doctrine, and which were again inserted at the end of this new one. After which we added al­so, that if they made the least difficulty of doing it, we produc'd against them once more that of S. Augu­stin's authority which we had pretended for the same effect against M. Hallier and his Collegues. The second of the Five was a Compendious distinction of the several Catholick & Heretical senses whereof the Propositions were capable; concerning which I shall speak no further here, as well because it is already printed, as for that I shall insert it at length hereafter for a reason which the Reader shall then understand.

The third was intitled, To our H. F. Pope In­nocent 10. To my L. L. the most Eminent Cardi­nals Spada, Ginetti, Pamphilio, Cechini and Ghiggi, and to the other Divines deputed or to be deputed for the Congregation concern­ing the affair of the five Propositions de gratia; For M. M. Noel de la Lane Doctor of Paris, Tous­saint Des-mares Priest of the Orators, Lewis de Saint Amour and Nicolas Manessier, Doctors also of Paris, and Lewis Angran Licentiate in the same Fa­culty. Against M. M. Francis Hallier, Francis Joysel, and Jerome Lagault, Doctors of the same Faculty. The second information touching Right.

I shall also omit to speak any thing of the Pre­face to this Writing, in which we set forth the reasons which oblig'd us to begin this Examen, and the proof the Propositions as we understood them by examining and proving the necessity of a Grace Effectual by it self generally for all the good motions and actions of Christian piety; and in which we show'd likewise in few words the evi­dent connexion which every of those Propositi­ons taken and understood in our sense hath with that capital point of the Churches doctrine: be­cause I find it requisite to insert the said Preface at length after the abovesaid distinction of sences. Something I must say of the body of this Writing, not seeing any fitter place then this; and 'tis the least I can do, to set down in grosse what they all contain, since their too great length and number rendring them capable of making a just volume a­lone, they cannot be commodiously inserted in­to this Journal.

Now this third was divided into four parts. The first contained sixteen principal arguments, by every of which we prov'd, that Grace effectual by it self necessary to all actions of Christian piety is the true Grace of Jesus Christ, which the Catholick Faith ob­liges us to confesse against the Errors of the Pelagi­ans and Semipelagians, if we will (as S. Augustin saith) not only be call'd and appear Christians, but be such indeed. When I say this Part contain'd sixteen Arguments, each of which was capable to prove this Truth invincibly, I do not mean sixteen Syllogisms or Demonstrations consisting of three Propositions, but sixteen Sources or Pla­ces, fruitful of solid proofs, upon which we esta­blisht this Truth as upon so many unmoveable foundations, each of which was able alone to up­hold it! All the prayers of the Church, all the Truths which they discover to us, all the conse­quences which we can draw from them, made toge­ther but the first of those sixteen Arguments. S. Augustin's whole Book de gratia Jesu Christi, and all the Maximes spread through it, made but the second. The third was taken from the diffe­rence which there is between the Grace of simple Possibility, and that which gives the good will and the good action. The fourth from the difference between the Grace of the state of Innocence (such as Adam had) and that of Nature corrupted and disorder'd by sin (such as we have at present) and so of the rest. The fifth was taken from all the objections made by the Pelagians and Semipela­gians against the Grace which S. Austin defended. And the last, from all the answers which S. Austin made to those objections.

The second part of this Writing was in a man­ner only a Table of the Popes, Councils, H. Fa­thers and eminent Divines from S. Augustine's dayes to the present, who had written of this matter; whom we maintain'd to have taught that very Grace as the Faith of the Church; and we offer'd & undertook to convince our Adversaries before the Pope, that the sentiments of all those Popes, Councils, H. Fathers and Divines which we cited, and of every one in particular, were such as we affirm'd; and we gave them the choyce to di­spute about that or those of these Popes, Coun­cils, Fathers and Divines, whom they believ'd less favourable to this Doctrine. Amongst those whom we cited were the Master of the sentences, S. Thomas, S. Bernard, the Council of Trent, and Clement VIII..

‘The third part contain'd nothing but the Judg­ments and Decisions which were made against the Jesuites in the Congregation de Auxiliis under the Popes Clement VIII. & Paul V. extracted out of the originals.’

‘The fourth contain'd a very great number of Errors, blasphemies, or impieties, which we deduc'd by necessary consequence from the do­ctrine opposite to the Effectual Grace which we held; namely, from that which Molina and his Followers hold to be subject to the use of free will. Of all which Consequences we offer'd to convince them. And we concluded thas 'twas easie to see by all these proofs how certain and unmoveable the doctrine of Grace Effectual by it self necessary to all acts of piety was, whose ruin the Architects of these Propositions proje­cted; and how greatly they had fail'd in the re­spect and affection which they ow'd to the H. See, who endeavor'd to get such detestable and impious Tenets, as these necessary sequels of the Molinistical Sufficient Grace, approv'd by it. For since, as we said, and show'd in the Preface of this Writing, each of the Five Propositions reduc'd to the sense in which we understood them, had an undissoluble connexion with Effe­ctual Grace, not any of them could be condemn'd, but this Grace must be condemn'd too; neither could this Grace be condemn'd, but the contrary opinion of Molinistical Grace subject to Free Will must be establisht as a Doctrine of Faith; nor this Molinistical Grace establisht as de fide, but all the other impious and abominable Pro­positions which we had deduc'd from it by neces­sary consequence, must be establisht too, as the Faith and Doctrine of the Church. So that, to take the matter in its extent, the condemnation of each of these Propositions as we maintain'd them, carry'd with it the establishment of all those pernicious errors, and introduc'd them into the Church.’

‘We said further, that we entreated such as said either that it was free or either side to defend their respective sentiments in this Controversie, or that they were enjoin'd silence therein for e­ver, or that it was requisite to make such an in­junction, and in the Popes power, to consider a little with attention what they said. Because if it were lawful for either side to maintain their respective opinions, then was it lawful to put the Doctrine of S. Augustin in equal ballance with that of Pelagius, the Catholick with the He­retical, the true with the false, that which was the nurse of Christian piety with that which was the mother of errors and heresies. That if si­lence had been impos'd in this matter for ever, or could be, then the Grace whereby we are Chri­stians, the Grace which the Christian Doctrine teaches and publishes for the proper grace of Christians; the Grace which the Catholick Bi­shops were wont to read in the books of God, and to preach to their people; the Grace which is un­doubtedly the true, Prophetical, Apostolical and Catholick Faith; the Grace which was requisite for Pelagius to confesse, if he would be a Chri­stian indeed, and not only in name: This Grace; I say, must be banisht out of the hearts of the Faithful, and out of the Catholick Church. We concluded, that none could enter into these dis­mal thoughts, but such as had the boldnesse to a­nihilate the mystery of the Crosse of Jesus Christ; and abolish all the mysteries of Christian Religi­on, and who could renounce all kind of respect and love to the H. See, for securing the fan­tasm of the interests and vain glory of the Je­suites.’

‘The fourth of these Five Writings was alone as big as the four others. It was intitl'd on the out­side; To the B. F. Pope Innocent X. To my LL. the most Eminent Cardinals Spada, Ginetti, Pamphi­lio, Cechini and Ghiggi. To the most learned Di­vines of sundry orders appointed, and to be appoint­ed for the examination of the Five Propositions; for the Doctors subscrib'd defenders of S. Augustin, Against the society of the Jesuites, and against [Page 351] M. Hallier, Joysel and Lagault Doctors of Paris, acting in the affair of the said Propositions in the name of the Jesuites, their own, or of any other what­ever. A third information touching Right, where­in the true and Catholick, sense of the first Proposi­tion is explicated and demonstated by the tradition of the whole Church.

The title in the inside was, An Information of the first Proposition, or rather upon the possibiliey of God's Commandments. It was divided into six Chapters, each of which comprehended many Ar­ticles. I shall for brevity sake only speak con­cerning the six Chapters in general.

The first Chapter was the shortest, wherein we declar'd the right and legitimate sense in which we understood and maintain'd the first Proposition; and related, distinguisht and rejected the erro­neous whereof it was capable. ‘We acknowledg'd the bad senses to be many. We instanc'd in some, but pretended not to mention all. The first, we said, was, that it might be understood universal­ly, as if its sense were, That there are Com­mandments of God which are impossible to all the just according to the greatest strength which they can have during the whole course of this life. And we said, that thus understood it was false, heretical, and condemn'd by the Council of Trent in Luther and Calvin. Ʋniversalis haec est: Aliqua praecepta omnibus justis volentibus & co­nantibus secundum praesentes quas habent vires, hoc est, secundum quaslibet vires praesentis vitae, sunt impossibilia. Et ita detorta falsa & haere­esset, & à Luthero Calvino & Concilio Tridentino damnata

‘We said in the second place that there might be a bad sense in these words, volentibus & conanti­bus; because if they were explicated of a will and endeavor as great as they ought to be, then it would be false also (though understood in particular of some just men) and contrary to the second Council of Orange which defines in Canon 25. that after having receiv'd grace in Baptism, all the baptiz'd may and ought by the help and operation of Jesus Christ, perform all things necessary to salvation, if they will labour faithfully therein.’

‘In the third place, we said, that if these words, secundum praesentes quas habent vires, were un­derstood by comparison of the strength of this life with that of the life to come, the Proposition contain'd the heresie of Calvin, who saith, that Gods Commandments are not possible even with grace during this life, but their performance is a thing reserv'd to the future life.’

‘Fourthly, We said, that these words, sunt im­possibilia, may be understood of all kind of im­possibility, de omni omnino impossibilitate; and that this was heretical too, because 'tis certain, that Gods Commandments are alwayes possible to the just in many manners; cum semper omni­bus justis praecepia multis modis sint possibi­lia.

‘Lastly, We said, that these words (deest quoque illis gratia qua possibilia fiant) might be un­derstood, so as to extend to the whole duration of this life, in which case and sense the Proposition was heretical. And we declar'd, that if it were advanc'd or held in any one of these senses, we were so far from defending it or hindring its con­demnation, that on the contrary, we should be the first to condemn it as freely as we condemn'd all their Errors. Wherefore to take away all ambiguity and equivocation, we reduc'd and pro­pounded it in these clear terms in which alone we maintain'd it.’

Aliqua Dei praecepta aliquibus justis volentibus & conantibus invalidè & imperfecte secundum prae­sentes quas habent vires, parvas scilicet & infirmas, seu auxilio Dei efficaci ad plenè volendum & ope­randum necessariò destitutis, impossibilia sunt pro­ximè & completè, seu ab iis adimpleri proximò non possunt. Deest quoque gratia actualis efficax, qua praecepta illis proximè possibilia fiant: seu deest spe­ciale illud auxilium, sine quo justificatus, ut ait Concilium Tridentinum, in accepta justitia; id est in observatione mandatorum Dei perseverare non potest.

‘This declar'd and presuppos'd, we prov'd this Proposition in the second Chapter by several pas­sages of the Gospel, by the prayers of the Church, and those of the just for themselves; a­mongst others, by these words of that which our Lord taught them, And lead us not into tempta­tion, and by that passage of the Apostle, 1 Cor. 10. Fidelis est Deus qui non patietur vos tentari supra id quod potestis, &c. by the suffrages of the Popes S. Innocent I. S. Celestine & S. Zozi­mus; by the Councils of Carthage, of Milevis, of Africa, of two hundred Bishops; by the se­cond of Orange and that of Trent, and by many places of S. Augustin.

‘In the third Chapter we prov'd the same Pro­position by the authority of S. Thomas, and shew'd by all his principles that he never thought of admitting an actual sufficient Grace given u­niversally to all the World.’

In the fourth Chapter we prov'd the same Pro­position by the doctrine of Effectual Grace neces­sary to every pious action, and shew'd, that this grace gives us the next and compleat power for the action for which it is given, and that without this Grace it might be said, That we cannot (or have not power) according to the Language of the Fathers. ‘This we made appear as well by the Scripture, as by infinite passages of S. Au­gustin, by the Popes, S. Innocent I. S. Celestine, S. Leo, S. Gregory; by the Councils of Africa, by that of Orange, and that of Trent; by S. Prosper, S. Fulgentius, S. Isidore, S. Prudentius, S. Remi­nigius, by the Church of Lyons, by S. Thomas, by the Faculties of Doway and Lovain, and by our Adversaries themselves. Whence we con­cluded this Chapter, That as 'twas evident that we had no other design then to defend the Catholick and Augustinian doctrine concerning this Grace, by which (according to S. Augustin) we are able, and without whieh we are not; but 'twas no lesse certain that our Adversaries, in demanding the condemnation of this Propositi­on, aim'd at nothing else but to ruin this doctrine, how carefully soever they might dissemble: be­cause agreeing with us in this true Principle; That when a man hath not, or is not master of a thing which is necessary to action, then he cannot act; if they could get the H. See to declare that the just can act without this Grace, then they [Page 352] would conclude and easily prove that the same is not necessary to enable us to act.’

‘The whole Fifth Chapter was only a Collection of the Objections, which may be made against the doctrine prov'd in the preceding, and of the clear and convincing answers which may be made to those Objections.’

‘In the sixth Chapter we treated of the Grace of Prayer; we show'd, that all which we had said of Effectual Grace necessary to all other a­ctions, agreed also to this Grace; that it is no more common to all the just, then that of action. That this Doctrine is one of the principal Foun­dations of Christian piety; and that when it happens that the just being left to themselves be­come luke-warm and negligent in prayer, and trusting too much in their own strength fall into some sin; that God excites them by such falls to acknowledge their weaknesse and the need of his assistance; which is his method to bring them to solid humility, and to have his fear constantly be­fore their eyes. In the end of this Chapter, we propounded all the Objections which we thought could be made against this holy and wholsome doctrine, and produc'd the answers thereunto out of S. Augustin.

‘The fifth and last of these Writings was intitled, To the B. F. Pope Innocent X. For the Doctors subscrib'd Defendors of S. Augustin, Against MM. Hallier, Joysel and Lagault Doctors of Pa­ris, acting in the affair of the five Propositions, whether in the name of the Jesuites, their own, or any other: A fourth Information upon Right, in which are explicated about sixty passages of S. Au­gustin produc'd by the said Sieurs Hallier, Joysel, & Lagault in an Anonymous Writing against the first Proposition; and all the said Passages shewn to be cited either impertinently or corruptly.

‘The Title of this Writing speaks its Contents. For to refute these sixty Passages which those Doctors went about to distribute at the houses of the Consultors, as one of the greatest supports of their cause; we apprehended no better way then to recite their Writing intire, and subjoyn to every passage our Answer, taken out of the very same places which they cited; and requiring only the addition of the words which they re­trencht, either from the beginning or the end, and sometimes too from the middle of their pas­sages, or but the mentioning briefly what sub­ject S. Augustin treated of of there, which was almost alwayes very remote from that for which they alledg'd it.’

‘But I need speak no more of it here, intending to annex it to this Journal, because it fully shows on one side the foul dealing or ignorance of our Adversaries, and on the other what little light the Pope could receive from such informations, whilst he refus'd to aford us the means to discover the falsities thereof by mutual communication of Writings and a publick Conference.’

‘I shall only observe that in the Writing alone we spake in favour of Jansenius, being induced thereunto (contrary to our own resolution and the Pope's order) for that the Writing to which we answer'd being grounded upon an evident falshood,’ whereby M. Hallier and his Collegues accused Jansenius of denying every sufficient Grace, as well that of the Thomists, as that of the Molinists; we thought fit not to let this impo­sture passe without a reply, as well to discover the malice or blindnesse of our Adversaries, as to justify our selves by shewing what sufficient Grace we disapprov'd, and what we admitted as well as Jansenius. But though we spoke some­thing here which might have serv'd to informe the Pope and the Congregation of the true sentiments of Jansenius touching some point of his Do­ctrine; yet neither his Holinesse, the Cardi­nals nor the Consultors were the better inform'd by it, for they examin'd it no more then all the rest.

When I reflect upon these five Writtings, the sincerity which I professe, will not permit me to dissemble one thing, since I write these Memo­ries rather in the sight of God then of men. Not that I am convinc'd of having done amisse in it, but being able neither to justifie nor yet con­demn my self, I shall relate it sincerely and leave the judgement of it to God and intelligent men.

'Tis certain and most true that we alwayes con­sider'd the Propositions ever since their first framing by M. Cornet, as a work of darknesse, and as contriv'd maliciously and purposely to de­cry S. Augustin's Doctrine and the true effectual Grace of Jesus Christ.

'Tis most certain also that we never own'd them to have been written or advanc'd by any Author; and that we alwayes spoke of them in all our Writings at Rome and at Paris, as equivocal, captious and fallacious Propositions in regard of the bad sences whereof they were capa­ble.

Lastly 'tis most certain that in this contest we never maintain'd but the H. and Apostolick Do­ctrine of the Effectuall Grace of Jesus Christ, not necessitating, but necessary to all pious acti­ons, that the defence of this Grace was the onely object of our labours and pains; that we ne­ver thought of that ridiculous and extrava­gant Device of a Necessitating Grace, which wholly destroyes the indifference of the Will. But as we saw on one side that the words of the positions might be reduc'd to the sence of Effectu­all Grace, wherein our whole Doctrine was con­contein'd, and that on the other the Jesuites se­cret design (who set all these springs a work) was to subvert the Doctrine of the same Effectu­al Grace, by getting the Propositions absolutely condemn'd by reason of their other bad sen­ses: we thought it our duty to oppose to the ut­most such an absolute condemnation of them with­out distinction or explication, certainly seeing how the Jesuites would abuse the same.

But we were extreamly at a losse in what manner to speak of them. Some of our friends advised us to maintaine them absolutely, and say that they had not the bad senses charg'd upon them. Their reason was that the natural, pro­per and rigorous sense of the words in a propo­sition is not to be consider'd when no body holds them in that natural, proper and rigorous sense; but that the sense generally understood in these [Page 353] words, is although the lesse proper of it selfe, yet the literal, legitimate and true sense of them; as in infinite figurative expressions of Scripture, we are not to take the proper sense of the words for the true and legitimate, but onely that which is meant and signified by the H. Spirit. Now in the matter of these Propositions attributed to S. Augustin's Disciples, 'tis visible that they hold them onely in the lesse proper sense of the words consider'd nakedly and in themselves, and that no person maintaines them in the peoper natu­ral and rigorous sense of the same words; and consequently that the improper sense is the true and legitimate sense of these Propositions.

That thus it might truly be said that they are good, because under these terms we maintain'd but a most excellent and holy doctrine, namely, that of Effectual Grace; and none maintain'd a bad under them. That therefore this ought to be free­ly declar'd at Rome, in order to hinder their con­demnation; there being no greater motive to condemn them, then that we did not assert them peremptorily, but partly condemn'd them as well as their persecutors.

On the contrary, others conceiv'd that the Pro­positions being bad according to the words, and the natural proper sense included therein, although this sense were not held by any, yet the Jesuites might have credit enough with the Pope and Car­dinals, to perswade them that they were held in France in those bad senses, and so get them con­demn'd; that if they should be absolutely main­tain'd under pretext of the sense of Effectual Grace, to which they were reducible, the Jesuites might reflect the Censure upon this Catholick sense, and pretend that that Grace is condemn'd by the Censure of these Propositions, or at least would not faile to take occasion from thence to decry the defenders of this grace, as persons condemn'd by the H. See. Wherefore it seem'd the safest way to reject them absolutely, yet main­taining at the same time the true Doctrine of S. Augustin.

M. de Sainte Beauve and most other of the Doctors our friends were of this last opinion; and one very pious, wise and sagacious Doctor with whom I had contracted great intimacie in the Assemblies of the Faculty, together with ma­ny very intelligent persons at Rome, were of the former.

My Collegues and I were divided in the busi­nesse. They inclin'd more to the latter course, that is, not to speak of the Propositions but as absolutely condemnable. And I on the contrary strengthned with the advice of this Doctor and o­ther my knowing friends of Rome, was troubled to hear those discourses; not that I held any thing in the Propositions but the Doctrine of Ef­fectual Grace, and condemn'd all that my Col­legues condemn'd in them; but I fear'd this ti­merous proceeding would occasion a Censure, which would cause great mischief by the abuse the Jesuites would make of it: and the knowledge I had of the Court of Rome made me judge nothing more likely to prevent it then our firme and confi­dent speaking.

Wherefore I alwayes urg'd that the Propositi­ons might not be absolutely disclaim'd, nor their bad sense acknowledg'd to be the true and legi­timate. And I was the cause that in the Writing concerning the Distinction of senses, in repre­senting the bad sense of the Propositions, instead of saying onely sensus hereticus Propositionis, or sensus qui Propositioni affingi posset (as my Colle­gues would have it) was put, qui malignè af­fingi posset, quem tamen legitimè sumpta non ha­bet.

It seemes the Event was more favourable to them then to me; for this word grave the Jesuites occasion to calumniate us, as if we had maintain­ed at Rome the proper natural condemned sense of the Propositions consider'd nakedly in them­selves, which is very false; and it would have been more advantageous to have avoided in this place and some others all expressions which might afford ground to this calumnie; neverthe­lesse I hope equitable persons perpending the condition wherein we were then at Rome, will easily pardon this proceeding, and consider that having in my mind the horrid mischiefs which an absolute condemnation of the Propositions with­out distinction of senses might produce in the Church without any good, I was led to say all that I thought likely to hinder the same, provi­ded it did not hurt the truth.

I hope also few will be found so little intelli­gent, as not to acknowledge that though we af­firm'd that the Propositions legitimately constru­ed had no bad sense; yet we would not say that they were not bad in the natural, literal and ri­gorous sense of the words, in which they have been since condemn'd, but that we only preten­ded that not being held by any person in those bad senses, they ought to be legitimately explicated in the sense whereunto we reduced them, which was that of Effectual Grace, and that thus this sense of Effectual Grace was their legitimate, though in it self lesse proper sense, considering precise­ly the proper and natural signification of the words whereof they consisted. And this sole rea­son caused that these holy truths which we under­took to defend sometimes, were more apparent to us through the vaile of the equivocal words, obscurities and errors wherewith they were cover­ed, then the very errors which the words taken li­terally included, because we knew these errors were no more held by any body in France then at Rome, and that onely those truths were aim'd at. However if I committed a fault in engaging my Collegues to speak too advantageously of the Pro­positions taken absolutely, yet I shall ever have this comfort with them, that in the same Writing wherein we spoke some advantegeous words con­cerning them as relating to the Doctrine which we maintain'd, we most clearly & Catholickly explain'd the same as well by declaring expressely that we acknowledg'd no other Authors of them but those very persons who prosecuted their condemnati­on, as by purging them from all their errors and equivocations, and making other new ones of them, whose senses were clear, Catholick and in­capable of being render'd suspected of any error by the most malicious interpretation, or receiving any impeachment by the most violent attempts of Envy it self. For the sense and doctrine maitain'd by us, and included in the Propositions of the se­cond [Page 354] colume (a little below) is that which ought onely to be consider'd; and not whether or no we believe that the condemn'd Propositions were either legitimately or else properly and natural­ly capable of that sense, the Question not being, whether we too favourably interpreted those cap­tious and equivocal Propositions, but whether we maintain'd any sense bad in it self, or any erro­neous & censurable doctrine. Wherfore if the Pro­positions of the second colume, to which we re­duc'd all that we held in this matter, contain one­ly an Orthodox Doctrine, which the Pope hath not touch'd (as must needs be granted) & since 'tis no other then the pure Doctrine of Grace Effectu­al by it self (as 'tis taught by S. Thomas and all his School) it must also be acknowledg'd that how favourably soever we spoke of the condem­ned Propositions, we cannot be charg'd with having maintain'd any error in them. And thus though we used all our endeavors that the above­said Propositions which the Pope hath condemn'd, might not be absolutely condemn'd, in regard of the reasons we had against it and the deplorable consequences which we foresaw would ensue from it; yet restraining our selves as we did, to the sole defence of Catholick truths no lesse oppo­site to the sentiments of the Jesuites and their fol­lowers, then to the errors, heresies, impieties, and blasphemies which the Pope has condemn'd in those Propositions taken rigorously and in the bad signification of their termes (of which we never were idolaters) we condemn'd as well as he, nay before he did, the same errors, heresies, im­pieties and blasphemies which he condemn'd. All that we have done since the constitution, which we did not before, hath been to acquiesce freely in their absolute condemnation assoon as it was once pronounc'd, without attributing to them any good sense, or maintaining them in any man­ner under any pretext whatsoever, and to cease solliciting his Holinesse to do right in a solemn Congregation upon the complaintt which we had made already and had further to make against the Jesuites. But to proceed to the remainder of this Journal.

During the four dayes which we employ'd in reviewing our Writings I was in great perplexity whether or no I should accquaint my Collegues with the new assurance I had that the Pope's Bull or Constitution was drawn against the five Propo­sitions. For one one side the person from whom I receiv'd this intelligence had oblig'd me to se­crecy: bur on the other, being I had understood the same as certainly from other hands, to let our affair go on as if we knew nothing thereof, and to plead against a prepared decree, without ad­vertising my Collegues of so considerable circum­stances, seem'd a thing very hazardous and daring. They had heard the report of this Constitution e­ver since the fifth of May; but because it was quasht of a suddain upon the above mention'd Conference of another Cardinal with Cardinal Ghiggi, they counted it wholly false, or else groun­ded upon some imaginary Bull contriv'd by the subtilty of the Jesuites. Now this fear being passed, and they preparing themselves to appear before the Pope which joy, tranquillity and hope to make impression upon his mind by the things which we should speak, I fear'd to cool their cou­rage and the ardor of the speakers, by telling them such dejecting tidings. Wherefore to do nothing unadvisedly, I acquainted M. Manassier with it on Sunday May 18 (having as much con­fidence in his secrecy as my own) without letting him know from what hand I had it: and he was of the same opinion with me, namely to let it passe as if we knew nothing of it, and leave M. de Valecroissant and F. Des-mares intire liberty of spirit and action against the next day, when we were to appear before the Pope. The Passages of which are in the following Chapter.

CHAP. XII.

Of the grand Audience which the Pope give us May 19. being the first and last which we had of all that had been promis'd us.

THis morning we got our Writings ready and sign'd them. And according to the order given us by the Ambassador, we went out of our Lodging to Monte Cavallo about three a clock. Where when we came we found some of the Con­sultors in the two outer Chambers, and amongst others, M. Hallier's servant, who was lately made Priest, who came thither openly and without fear of our perceiving that he came to spye what he could discover. But we were advertis'd, that one of M. Hallier's Collegues hid himself in some place under the staires or came thither a little af­ter us; to assure himself whether we would be there; which he no soonner understood, but went down immediately out of Monte Cavallo leaping alone and clapping his hands and lifting them up to Heaven, for joy that we should be heard be­fore the Pope. A religious Augustin who saw him go down the staires in that transport, conceiv'd that some disgrace had befallen us, and went home sad, that he might not be witnesse of the disaster: but when he afterwards heard the great successe wherewith our audience was follow'd, he knew not whereunto to impute that joy. An length he understood the cause of it, when he saw the Con­stitution came forth some dayes after this audi­ence, judging that our Adversaries must needs have then known that it was resolv'd upon and determin'd, and that they conceiv'd our appearing before the Pope would give them ground to re­port that we were condemn'd after we had been heard.

We stay'd in the first antichamber where the Consultors were, and doubted at first whether we should enter into the second with them; but presently considering that they were not to be ac­counted as our Judges, we enter'd into the se­cond Antichamber with them, and sate down by them. Here we stay'd near half an houre ex­pecting the comming of the Cardinals, and in the mean time doubting whether at our intro­duction to the Pope we should go to kisse his feet [Page 355] (because we knew not in what posture we might find him) I proposed doubt to a Chambelain of honor, who could not absolutely resolve it, but intimated that if we had done it when we sa­luted the Pope first, he did not judge it necessary in this case; neverthelesse so further satisfaction he refer'd me to the Maistre de Chambre, and he to M. Albizzi. But having no mind to consult the latter about any thing, we resolv'd to do as we should see expedient.

A little while after the coming of the Cardinals, the Consultors were call'd, and enter'd one after another according to their Seniority. Soon after we were call'd, and advertis'd to leave our Hats behind us. We found the Assembly in this order; being in the secret Antichamber, which is but a narrow place. The Pope sat in a Chair like that in which he usually gives audience, but so plac'd towards the door, that at our entrance, his Holi­ness's face was directly upon us at the distance of about ten paces. One pace distant from his Ho­liness's Chair were on each side two Benches with backs of carved and painted, wood capable of three persons. In the midst, a Turquy Carpet was spread upon the floor; and at a little distance from thence was a Table at which M. Albizzi (who otherwise stood) kneel'd down to write when he pleas'd. The four Cardinals sat upon the Benches with their Caps on. Cardinal Spada sat first on the Pope's right hand, Cardinal Ginetti next to him on the same side, Cardinal Ghiggi on the other side right over Cardinal Spada, and Cardinal Pamphilio opposite to Cardinal Ginetti. But their order was as in a Circle, beginning from the Pope's right hand, Cardinal Spada being, the first, Cardinal Ginetti the second, Cardinal Pamphilio the third, and Cardinal Ghiggi the fourth. The same order was observ'd among the Consultors. They stood all successively according to their degrees, beginning from the Pope's right hand round to his left, and F. Tartaglia who was the last in degree stood nearest his Holinesse's left hand. The square made by the benches and persons thus di­spos'd, was open on the side of the door right a­gainst the Pope, and was just large enough to re­ceive my Collegues and me all five in a row. The Abbot of Valcroissant stood in the middle of us in a direct line to the Pope, F. Des-mares on his right hand, I on his left, M. Manessier on the right hand of F. Des-mares, and M. Angran on my left.

Being thus rank'd at the edge of the Foot-Car­pet, we all made a Genuflexion, and at the same instant the Pope made a signe with his hand to us to rise up, and spoke this word to us, Proponele, say what ye have to say.

The Abbot of Valcroissant having taken breath, when he began his Oration, made another genu­flexion as he pronounc'd Beatissime Pater, and we all with him. We rose up immediately, and he continu'd his Oration gravely and deliberately, and animated it in a very sprightly and agreeable manner. I subjoin here a most faithful and exact translation of it.

An Oration pronounc'd before the Pope by the Abbot of Valcroissant.

MOST HOLY FATHER,

THere is nothing more reasonable and just (as Possessor an African Bishop sometimes said to Pope Hormisdas) then to have recourse to the Head when the members are sick, to the end to draw from it the strength which they need in their lan­guishment. For who can have more care of the soules which are subjected to him, or from whom can greater support be expected to confirm the tot­tering Faith then from his successor, who having first sat upon the Apostolical Thrones, heard Jesus Christ himself say to him with his own mouth, Thou art Peter, and upon this Rock I will build my Church!

We are oblig'd M. H. F. to represent to Your Holinesse, by how many Artifices and secret Am­bushes some persons employ certain obscure, e­quivocal, and maliciously contriv'd Propositions to undermine the Church at this day, by assault­ing and endangering the doctrine of S. Augustin touching the Grace of Jesus Christ so often ap­prov'd by the H. See, and authoris'd without dis­continuance by the universal consent of the whole Church.

Upon which we shall speak M. H. F. with the now assurance and confidence, for that we speak before the H. Apostolick See and before the Ro­man Church, which being founded upon the immobility of a Rock, preserves with invincible constancy, and intire purity the unshaken firm­nesse of its Faith and Doctrine, without ever suffering that to be violated which it hath once confirm'd by its approbation, and whereof it hath declar'd it self protectresse.

We have then the advantage of speaking be­fore the Roman Church concerning the doctrine and authority of him who hath always had the supream Pontifs for approvers, admirers and de­fenders, and alwayes found so powerful prote­tection from them as often as complaint hath been made to them of such as impugned, wound­ed oor despis'd his authority and doctrine.

Now haply is never came to passe, that the au­thority and sentiments of that H. Father were more dangerously invaded then at this day, but certainly never more maliciously or with more artifice. Yet we praise God, M. H. F. for that the danger is pass'd, since those ambushes are discover'd. For to have given the Romane Church knowledge of them, is to have dissipated them: and it being advertis'd of the danger wherein S. Augustine's doctrine is, there re­maines no doubt but the same will be secur'd and authoris'd as much as ever.

But this our confidence in the H. Apostolick See is further augmented, because besides the autho­rity of S. Augustin so powerfully establisht, the doctrine in question carries a priviledge with it which is wholly peculiar to it self. For though there be none of the Truths of the Catholick [Page 356] Faith whereof this first See of the World is not the illustrious Depository; neverthelesse it at­tributes to it self by proper right the care of pre­serving the Grace of Jesus Christ; inasmuch (as according to what S. Augustin observes in his sixth Letter to Sixtus) 'tis principally to this Church that the great Apostle S. Paul spoke and taught the mysteries of the Grace of God, which is given us by Jesus Christ our Lord. And the same S. Augustin in another Book, shewing at the same time both that the Grace of Jesus Christ ought to be preacht throughout all the earth, and that this Church is the head of all others, with these words, This great Apostle hath shown the power of Grace, principally in his Epistle to the Romanes, to the end that the preaching of the heavenly Do­ctrine, might passe from this prime City of the World into all places of the Earth. Which mani­fests, that the Faith concerning the grace of Chri­stians may be said by a special priviledge to be the Faith of the Roman Church. 'Tis also for this reason that S. Augustin, its greatest Doctor and Defender next the Apostle, never was op­pos'd concerning this matter, but the Roman Church ardently undertook his defence, and at­tributed his doctrine to it self as its own, and as its peculiar inheritance according as a S. Clement VIII. speaks.

And certainly, 'tis not without ground that the Apostle gave this first Church of the World such sublime instructions of the mysteries of the Grace of Jesus Christ, since it is the fruit of his blood, the bond of God with men, the spirit of Jesus Christ and Christian Religion, and that which truly establishes the new Law and the Gospel. This Grace is not that which is taught by those who retain only its name, to avoid the indigna­tion and scandal of the faithful, should they deny it absolutely; but 'tis that which was in question between S. Augustin on one side, fighting in the name of the Church, and Pelagius and his fol­lowers on the other: that, as S. Augustin saith, writing to Pope Innocent the first. b which the Christian faith teaches and publishes to be pro­per and peculiar to Christians; that c which the Catholick Bishops were wont to read in the books of God and to preach to God's people: that d which Pelagius ought to acknowledge, if he would not only be call'd a Christian, but be truly one: and lastly, that (as he saith in a­nother place) upon which are supported the principal fundamentals of Faith and Christian Pie­ty, which will subsist as long as it stands, and be in danger to be overthrown when it is shaken.

Wherefore when in these last times, some have attempted to overthrow the true Grace of Jesus Christ, they conceiv'd nothing more expedient to advance their design, then to dilacerate, as e S. Prosper speaks, in dilacerating S. Augustin with outragious words, the most learned of all the Fa­thers in the Doctrine of the Church, and the most powerful Defender of the grace of Jesus Christ; then to weaken the authority of his Writings which impugn the error of the Pelagians, and to despoil him of the belief which he hath in the minds of the faithful: they who form'd so un­hapdy a design, not doubting (as the same S. Prosper saith again) to be able at length to over­throw all the authorities Which uphold the purity of the doctrine of Grace, if they could once beat down with all their Engines of Pelagianism this strong and potent Tower which serves for defence to the truths of Faith.

This enterprise against the Grace of Jesus Christ hath proceeded so far, that in regard of the close union of S. Augustin with S. Paul in what con­cerns this matter, we see that at this day the En­terprizers fear not to attaque them both together, by daring to accuse them of having pass'd even into Excesses.

For at the same time that the five Propositions in question were contriving for the overthrow of S. Augustin's doctrine, F. Adam a Jesuite printed a Book, in which he flyes out with no less fury against S. Paul himself then against S. Au­gustin; having the boldnesse to maintain therein, that either of them leaving themselves to the blind impetuosity of their temper, have gone beyond the bounds of the Truth and Faith. Is it then to be wonder'd that this Jesuite who treats Apostles and Prophets in this manner, has had the boldnesse to declare S. Augustin's doctrine impious and heretical? But who can without hor­ror see pronounc'd against this great Saint with­out any palliation the most outragious Censure that can be imagin'd? This Book so injurious to S. Paul, and to other Canonical Writers, and chiefly to S. Augustin, hath been printed & publisht with the approbation of their Provincial of Paris and three other Divines of their Society, and receiv'd with a publick joy of all the Jesuites in France.

What then ought not to be fear'd M. H. F. from the enterprises of this Society? For if to discredit S. Augustin they dare assail S. Paul, be­cause 'tis from that Apostle that S. Augustin de­riv'd what he writ; what remaines but that they rise up against Jesus Christ himself, since 'tis from him that S. Paul learnt what he teaches us of the mystery of Grace? Behold, M. H. F. where­unto tends their design, who in reference to the belief which ought to be had in Christian Reli­gion touching Grace, follow not the traces which are show'd us by the Church, but measuring these mysteries by their own sense, judge of them ra­ther by conjectures and seeming reasons, then by the perpetual and most certain authority of the tradition of the Church. 'Tis not M. H. F. by vain Imaginations, but by invincible proofs that we shall manifest to Your H. this publick Con­spiracy of the Jesuites form'd against S. Augustin. Behold in my hands above a hundred Propositi­ons against that Saint drawn out of several books made since 50 yeares by the Jesuites, which shew, that the boldnesse wherewith they assault him encreases daily, in such sort that they inces­santly charge him with new & greater outrages.

We know, M. H. F. that though our Ad­versaries have and do still testifie to manifest an aversion against S. Augustin, yet they make semblance of reverencing his authority, and dare commend him even in presence of your H. and boast themselves to be his defenders and di­sciples. But this is onely to put a colour of feigned respect upon their real disdain, and car­rie it more free from blame. 'Tis onely to a­void the punishment of the insolence wherewith they outrage him. 'Tis onely to hide their a­version of his Doctrine under the Commendati­on of his person. 'Tis only to dimish the care which in these contests ought to be taken for ex­amining which are the true sentiments of that H. Father, and to make it believ'd that the same are not concern'd in the Propositions which have been presented to your H. because they who op­pose them make profession of following the Do­ctrine and revering the authority of that Fa­ther; that so avoiding the condemnation of their temerity by such feigned and fallacious elogiums of S. Augustin, and the obligation of subscri­bing any thing in this matter by your Holinesses order, they and their partisans may reject his authority with more boldnesse then ever, con­demn his Doctrin, and continue to banish it out of their Schools as Calvinistical and dangerous; especially if it happen that your H. be led un­der any pretext to condemn these Propositions; because they will not fail afterwards to reflect the censure of them upon S. Augustin, as a Je­suite hath plainely declar'd in a late published work, wherein he hath been so bold as to write, Have a little patience, dear Reader, Rome will shortly tell you, what S. Augustin's sentiments are or ought to have been in this matter. O most pre­sumptuous word, yet fallen from this pen by a wonderful judgement of God, who overrules by his Providence even the darknesse and disor­ders of men; since the Jesuites M. H. F. give you clearly to understand thereby, that the Doctrine of S. Augustin is included in these five Propositions, and that they expect not the con­demnation of them from your H. but that they may afterwards condemn S. Augustin, which Chri­stian eares cannot hear without horror.

But though our Adversaries speak honourably too sometimes of S. Augustin, yet in their Wri­tings they cannot forbear to declare themselves his enemies, by insinuating that his Doctrine is contrary to the sentiments of the H. Apostolick See. We are not ignorant, M. H. F. with what boldnesse they dare affirme that what S. Augustin teaches * constantly to be the princi­pal Doctrine of the Grace of Jesus Christ, and a certain, indubitable, Propheticall, Apostoli­cal, and Catholick faith, is onely a dubious and uncertain opinion, and may consequently, say they, be rejected without fear. For this end they strive to perswade that S. Augustin do's not agree with himself, that he contradicts himself, that there are some things in his Writings which favour our sentiments, others on the contrary which favour theirs.

In which M. H. F. 'tis not so much S. Augu­stin whom they so insolently outrage, as the H. Apostolick See, and the Universal Church, since they would thereby cause men to believe that being the H. See approves and ownes contra­dictory sentiments, it is not regulated and go­vern'd by the H. Ghost who is the spirit of u­nity and truth, but hath chosen a blind guide to encounter the enemies of Grace, and propo­ses him for a director to the Divines and the Faithfull, though contradicting himself he cannot make us know what we are oblig'd to believe and follow.

The true Disciples of S. Augustin and the sin­cere venerators of the H. Apostolick See are ve­ry farre, M. H. F. from having a thought so rash and unworthy of the respect which ought to be borne to that great Doctor of the Church. Let our Adversaries choose either to take him wholly, or leave him to us wholly. He is all theirs, or all ours; if he be not all ours, we do not envy them with him, being so far from desiring to do him and the H. See so much wrong as to wish him divided in pieces, that we might have a part.

Your H. sees that the present difference be­tween our Adversaries and us hath great resem­blance with that of the two mothers, upon which Solomon pronounc'd so wise a judgement that it hath been ever since and shall be to all a­ges in admiration. Our contest concernes S. Augustin who is our Father and Master; either part pretends him on their side, and our Adver­saries perceiving they cannot challenge him wholly to themselves, (being forc't to confesse that many of his sentiments are contrary to them, and favour us) they say he must he di­vided, in halfe, and either of us have a part. But we who are the true children and disciples of that Father, cannot suffer this partition. We main­tain that he must either be all theirs, or all ours, inasmuch as to divide him were to destroy him, because his authority would fall to the ground if he were found contrary to himself; or rather, the H. See would be torn and pull'd in pieces by this division of S. Augustin, since it should have ap­prov'd and own'd sentiments perfectly opposite between themselves.

Wherefore we conjure Your H. with all the power and tendernesse of affection which chil­dren can have for their Father, not to suffer that S. Augustin be divided. And, if it be law­full for me to use the words of the Scripture in this occasion, rather give him wholly to them and alive, then stay him by dividing him be­tween us. Can any other judgement be expect­ed from your Holinesse in this contest then that of Solomon? Can you repute those S. Augustin's true disciples who would have him divided, and not rather those who would sooner be depriv'd of him altogether then that he were divded? your H. will undoubtedly pronounce this sentence in our favour; Give S. Augustin alive without dividing and slaying him to these latter, for they are his true disciples. By this meanes, M. H. F. the whole Church will know that the wisedom of God directs Innocent 10. to render justice.

And indeed, M. H. F. 'tis so certain that S. Augustin is not in any place on our Adversaries side; that they cannot produce one sole passage which is favourable to their sentiments, unlesse they cut it in the middle, maime and mulilate it, ta­king it out of its proper place, and putting ano­ther sense upon it then it hath of it self. Your H. will find it so, M. H. F. by the confuta­tion of the Writing which they presented to you, wherein having cited sixty passages of S. Au­gustin against the first Proposition, we have related them all in the answer which we have to present to your H. upon those passages, where­in we shew that scare one of them is truely and fairly alledg'd.

But our Adversaries would have not onely S. Augustin, but also the Grace of Jesus Christ divided, though neither the one nor the other can admit division or partition; because a S. Pro­sper saith, they reject Grace wholly, who do not wholly confesse it. And elsewhere he useth these words, b We will not suffer that any member of the body of that so justly condemn'd Doctrine rise up in the Church, because 'tis certain the disguisements and artifices of that falsehood are so subtle that if under pretext of a feign'd recantation it may preserve the least root of opinions that favours it, that root will like a quick-set cause it all to spring up againe. For when there is nothing else in the whole then in each part, 'tis not a sign of piety to reject almost the whole; but to retaine never so little por­tion thereof is an argument of insincerity.

Hence it is M. H. F. that our Adversaries so vehemently wish that your H. would pluck up some small part of True Grace, that is to say, of the Effectual Grace of Jesus Christ, by giv­ing them leave not to retain it all intire; in as much by this meanes it will be easie for them to ruine it all, to abolish all S. Augustin, and to revive the whole Pelagian Heresie by one of its parts.

You may judge hereby M. H. F. how im­portant this affair is, in which S. Augustin's Doctrine, and authority, & even the true Grace of Jesus Christ is concern'd; in which nothing can be decided in favour of one party but it will have the whole advantage; and in which 'tis ne­cessary that all things be first exactly examin'd and discussed before any certainty can be pro­nounc'd or establisht. Wherefore we cannot sufficiently admire, that in the midst of so many occupations wherewith your H. is in a manner overwhelm'd under the weight of the Churches affaires, God through a singular providence has inspir'd you with a purpose to examine this im­portant question with so much care and diligence that you may decide it fully, after having weigh­ed, searcht and consider'd all things; and we cannot too much thank his divine goodnesse that he hath pleas'd to increase the strength and con­firme the health of your H. and together with this vigor of body and mind in so venerable an old age to inflame you with the same zeale, wherewith through his most celestal favour, for the deciding of this very cause he fill'd the In­nocents, Zozimes, the Bonifaces, the Celestines and other great Popes your Predecessors.

We confesse, M. H. F. and your H. knows sufficiently that this matter is spinose, and de­serves a long and most attentive discussion. Na­ture which flatters us, never ceases to oppose in us the mystery of the grace of Jesus Christ. Our Reason seekes meanes on all sides to free it self from that absolute submission which we are ob­lig'd to have for God; it forgets nothing to in­duce ever our faith to embrace these opinions; it insinuates every thing that favours this conna­tural pride in us. S. Augustin himself confesses that without thinking of it he remain'd a long while in the error of the Semipelagians, and got not perfectly out of it till after a deep meditation of the H. Scriptures, particularly of S. Paul, & an exact reading of the H. Fathers which preceeded him, which hapned but a little after his being call'd to the Episcopacy. And there­fore 'tis no wonder that in all times there have been found so many difficulties and repugnances to cure the minds of the faithfull of the error of Pelagianisme.

Besides all which, M. H. F. there is a deter­minate resolution for Molina's defence of the whole Society of Jesuites, who by their Sermons, printed books, publick Lectures and many other wayes have mightily endeavour'd to embroile, obscure, alter and ruine the heavenly Doctrine of S. Augustin touching the grace of Jesus Christ; & have perverted the minds of so great a number of persons; and amongst so many clouds and obscurities 'tis difficult to discern the truth and to get clear of the Jesuites Principles and Do­ctrines, which many, even Divines too, have embrac'd and through custome remain insensi­bly therein, either loth to take the pains which is necessary for their undeceiving, or affraid of the shame of changing their judgement, or through some other secret and hidden inclinati­on. But this difficulty is further increased by the malicious artifice wherewith the Propositions have been contriv'd, only for the secret ruining of the true Grace of Jesus Christ by their equivocal expressions.

The Pelagians; as Innocent 1. relates, made use of the same artifice when they began to sow their heresie, as that H. Pope calls it, which was the first that condemn'd it, and approv'd S. Augustin's Doctrine. Behold in what manner he speaks of them. c Their words being full of dangerous subtleties, they took, for pretext of their dispute, the defence of the Catholick faith, to the end to poyson their mindes whose sentiments were Orthodox, by causing them to embrace the bad side; and thus they endeavor'd to subvert the Catholick belief of the true Doctrine of Grace. This is what the Event will show, and your H. will further find that the Bishops who sent us were induced by consideration of the H. See, and the defence of S. Augustin's authority and of the grace of Jesus Christ, to demand, as they do, of your H. a Congregation in which the parties may he heard viva voce and by writing in pre­sence one of the other; and wherein, after [Page 359] reciprocal communication of all their Writings, all the points of this controversie may be fully and plainly clear'd by resuming things from their original and examining them a new one after a­ther.

But, M. H. F. though Nature and Reason are very unapt to comprehend what is the grace of Jesus Christ; and though this Doctrine be inve­lop'd as with so many clouds by the various new inventions of new Divines, and by the equi­vocations and ambiguities of the Propositions in question; neverthelesse we dare boldly affirm that albeit this mystery is very profound, yet it is not so difficult to understand, provided the meanes be used and the rules followed which the Church hath establisht for clearing and deciding the Doctrines of our faith; and if (according to the Custome of the Church and the H. See, practised and confirmed lately in the Council of Trent) the H. Scriptures, the supream Pon­tifs, the Councils, and Fathers, particularly S. Augustin as the principal minister and defender of the grace of Jesus Christ be consulted. If your H. uses this course, we hope you will clearly know that the Doctrine of Grace maintain'd by us is so certain and well grounded, that no doubt can remain concerning it. For we shall shew your H. so many passages and such clear testimonies drawn out of these sources of Divine Wisdome, that we believe our Adversaries can­not solidly refute so much as one of them; where­as on the contrary we undertake by Gods assi­stance that among those which they shall pro­duce against our opinion and the sense where­in we defend these Propositions, there shall scarce be one which we will not fully destroy. And we here again maintain without fear in presence of your H. and this whole assembly, (what we have subscrib'd with our own hands in the con­clusion of the two writings in forme of Memori­als which we have presented to your H.) that our Adversaries with all their endeavours can­not forme any objection against the Propositi­ons as we understand them, nor propose a­ny argument drawn from the H. Scripture or Reason, which we cannot manifest to have been us'd by the Pelagians or Semipelagians against S. Augustin, either expressely or in words wholly equivalent, and which he hath not refuted by his answers, as we hope to destroy theirs by the most powerfull and solid reasons of that H. Do­ctor.

Whereunto we shall adde, M. H. F. that of all the arguments which we shall produce against them, there shall not be one, where to it may be said that S. Augustin hath answer'd in any wise; so consistent he is alwayes with himself, so manifest it is that he favours us, so wholly he is on our side, and so true and evident it is that the controversie renew'd at this day, is, not onely the same which was agitated under Cle­ment VIII. between the Dominicans and the Je­suites, but likewise the very same which was be­tween S. Augustin and Pelagius under your Pre­decessor Innocent 1. And your H. shall find, not without wonder, that 'tis renew'd in such man­ner, that our adversaries, both in their manner of proceeding and writing, imploy the same a­tifices and the same deceits of those ancient ene­mies of Grace, of which S. Augustin and S. Pro­sper incessantly complain.

The Writing alone which they presented to your H. consisting of sixty passages of S. Augu­stin, fully proves with how great reason and ju­stice we frame so important an accusation against them, and your H. will become fully perswad­ed hereof if you permit us to refute in your pre­sence what they have advanc'd in that Writing. Your H. shall see that they suppose therin what no body hath taught; that they refute what no body hath disputed; that the passages alledg'd out of S. Augustin are maim'd or perverted; that they maliciously suppresse those which clearly explain his meaning; that they attribute to him a sense wholly contrary to his own, as the same passages manifestly show. And lastly your H. shall see that they are all either falsely, or ma­liciously or impertinently alledg'd; that they act without shame or faith before you in this mat­ter of faith, that they approach your Apostoli­cal Throne without any reverence, and that no other reason leads them under colour of a false respect to reject and decline the Conference which we desired to have with them, but because they well know that they cannot avoid being pub­lickly convinc'd of foul dealing and ignorance. And consequently we are assured that as much as your H. loves sincerity, candor and justice, so much will you be mov'd with most just indigna­tion against them.

But this assurance, M. H. F. wherewith the truth, which we conceive we maintain, causes us to speak before your H. diminishes nothing of the full and intire submission which we shall alwaies have to the judgement which you shall passe: as the boldnesse and confidence where­with they, who before us encounter'd the er­rors sprung up or reviv'd in the Church before the same were condemn'd, attaqu'd their ad­versaries, did not hinder but that they were perfectly submissive to the decisions of the H. See and Councils. Now being we have no other aime in this affair but to seek the Truth, which alone causes us to speak, and since we are deputed to your Holinesse by some Bishops one­ly out of a design to serve the Truth and the H. See, as much as we shall be able our desire shall be accomplisht if your H. judge that the honor of Truth and the H. See obliges you to correct or even condemne somethihg of what we maintain; and we not onely submit our selves to your judgement, but being glad of being cor­rected, we shall publish the same everywhere with joy.

But if on the contrary your Holinesse findes that we defend the faith of the Catholick, Apo­stolick and Romane Church; and that the Je­suites and Doctors who contrived these Propo­sitions, designe by the obscurity of their equi­vocal words, to subvert the true grace of Jesus Christ defended by S. Augustin in the name of the whole Church, and to banish it out of the minds of all the Faithful, and that they are en­gaged in pernicious errors; we expect from [Page 360] Your Holiness's justice, and with as much humility as urgency desire, that you condemn their errors, and establish the Catholick Faith. Neither they nor we ought to be spar'd. Truth ought to be strongly upheld against us, if it appear that 'tis we who injure it: it ought to be establisht a­gainst us in its whole strength. This is that which we avoid not, but desire.

Now if our Adversaries have the same purpose of seeking truth and peace, they will have no o­ther wishes, nor make other demands, and Your Holiness will hear the same words from their mouthes as from ours. Let neither we, nor those engag'd in the same party with us be consider'd; but let regard be had only to the Truth, the ho­nour of the Church, and the dignity of the H. A­postolick See.

Thus M. H. F. after having implor'd the assi­stance of the Holy and Indivisible Trinity, we are prepar'd to maintain in Your Holiness's presence this so important point of the Catholick Faith, and trusting to that same Grace of Jesus Christ our Saviour, to the defence and glory whereof we consecrate all our words and Writings; we implore his divine illumination, that we may be able rightly to understand and explicate the mat­ter in question. And it will be great consola­tion to us, that in speaking before him who is the Oracle of Truth, what we shall not be able to comprehend in such difficult questions, will not (as S. Augustin speaks) be imputed to the truth which profitably exercises pious soules even when it is hid from them, but to our little light which hinder'd us from being able rightly to comprehend them, or well explicate what we comprehended. And lastly M. H. F. We here make the protestation which S. Augustin saith is the token of a truly Catholick spirit; that if it should be so that the sentiments hitherto held by us be not conformable to the Truth, we are rea­dy to renounce the same as soon as it shall be dis­cover'd to us, and to submit our selves to your judgement, as being that of the Vicar of Jesus Christ, and of S. Peter's successor.

a
In a Discourse which this Pope made in the first Congre­gation de Auxiliis, held before him in the Vatican, March 20. 1602.
b
Epist. 95.
c
De gratia Christi cap. 10.
d
Q. q. contra Jul. cap. 40.
e
Contra collatere, & in Epist. ad Rssinum.
*
De Corr. & Grat. c. 1.
a
Epist. ad Demetriadem.
b
Cant. Collat. cap. 44.
c
In the Epistle to the Bishops of Carthage which is the 91. amongst those of S. Augustin.

Whilst this Harangue was pronouncing, the Pope and whole Assembly heard it with great si­lence and attention; the Pope advancing himself a little out of his Seat which was the ordinary manner of his greater attentivenesse. Whenever the Jesuites were mention'd by their names, he instantly turn'd his head and cast his eyes upon F. Palavicini's, and held them fixt upon him, as often as any thing a little more vehemently was spoken against them; as if he meant to observe that Je­suites countenance, or ask him what he had to answer to the charge. The Abbot of Valcrois­sant had his Oration in his hand, as the custome is at Rome, to fix his memory the better, and though he lookt upon his paper sometimes to follow it, yet he pronounc'd it all without need of recur­ring to it.

At the end of the Oration we all made a genu­flexion together. M. Manessier and Angran brought some books with them which they laid upon the end of the Benches whereon the Cardi­nals sat; and I had with me the Writings which we had prepar'd to present to the Pope. That which contain'd the hundred and six Propositions extract­ed out of the books of the Jesuites against S. Au­gustin's authority, I deliver'd into the hands of M. de Valcroissant; he also gave me his Oration. Assoon as ever it was begun, M. Albizzi fell to writing, and did the like at several passages, espe­cially, by what I could observe, at such as mention'd submission, respect and affection to the H. See. No doubt, he conceiv'd this Oration would not be seen, and fear'd lest those words of grandeur and esteeme for the H. See should escape him.

After M. de Valcroissant had made a little pause, he began a Discourse, not prepar'd like his Oration, but only a sequel and proof of it. For he further remonstrated that the design of this whole Affair, was nothing else but to subvert S. Augustin's autho­rity & doctrine. To which purpose he made a short recapitulation of our Writings de Gestis; and laid open to the Pope's eyes the chief projects of our Adversaries mention'd therein. Neverthelesse that it might not be said, that he declin'd the main matter by standing too long upon one thing (which yet was very important to be known to his Holinesse) and so reserving himself to speak more largely both of his Writing, and that con­cerning the authority of S. Augustin's doctrine, in another Consideration wherein this matter should be further consider'd, he began to give the Pope a General Idea of the five Writings a­bove-mention'd, which we were to present to his Holinesse at this time.

Then returning in particular to the first of those Writings which is the first part of the second Information touching Fact, containing a hundred and six Propositions extracted out of the Jesuites Books against S. Augustin, he read a great num­ber of them, and amongst the rest those out of F. Adam's book, in which S. Augustin's doctrine is term'd heretical and Calvinistical, and S. Paul and other Canonical Writers accus'd together with S. Augustin, of being transported in their Writings bryond the bounds of Truth. During this read­ing, M Angran and I observ'd how at every Proposition that was read F. Palavicini hearkned attentively, and shak't his head, either as appro­ving it, or intimating that it was not worth speak­ing of. When M. de Valcroissant had done read­ing, he represented the circumstances of the time at which this book of F. Adam was printed, namely, at the breaking open of M. Cornet's en­terprise, of whom he also related with what con­fidence he had blotted out this Proposition out of a Thesis whilst he was Syndic, That S. Augustin's doctrine in the matter of Grace may safely be fol­low'd. But for that I observ'd that this book of F. Adam made great impression upon the minds of some in the Assembly; and that M. de Valcrois­sant for compendiousnesse sake, considering the multitude of things which he had to say, did not, to my conceit, sufficiently set forth the circum­stances of that book's coming forth; I first offer'd to suggest something to him which he had not ob­serv'd; which not taking effect, because he could not mind it and speak to, I desir'd him to permit me to speak whilst he took a little breath. Ha­ving made a genuflexion to the Pope, I said, that I conceiv'd his Holinesse would not be displeas'd to hear me tell him that this book of F. Adam's, [Page 361] whence all those horrible Propositions were ex­tracted, was printed in the vulgar tongue, and very common to be had; that its Author preacht the same Maximes in one of the most eminent Pa­rishes of Paris near the profess'd House of the Jesuites before a numerous Congregation, the whole Society knowing and approving it. I also beseecht his Holinesse to remember the prodigi­ous boldnesse of their Father Labbe, (mention'd by M. de Valcroissant) who dar'd to write, that Rome would suddenly pronounce of what opinion S. Augustin was, and ought to have been; not dissembling that their design was to get him con­demn'd by the Constitution which they aim'd to extort from his Holinesse, and holding themselves as sure not to misse of it, as if they were the ma­sters of his Pen and Tongue, or had the supream disposal of those whose ministry they knew his Holinesse us'd in his deliberations and decisions. This I press'd with such indignation as the know­ledge of the prepar'd Bull animated me to, and a sudden design to give the Pope some diffidence of those who were about him, and counsel'd him to so sad a resolution. All was heard as the rest, neither the Pope or any else replying ought thereun­to. I made a second genuflexion and M. de Valcroissant resum'd his discourse: In which he further urg'd to the Pope, how great reason we had to summon our Adversaries to acknowledge S. Augustin's authority solemnly, by signing the six Propositions at the end of our Writings de Ge­stis, to which he summon'd them again, and be­seecht the Pope to oblige them to declare them­selves thereupon.

But, To enter further into the main of the mat­ter in question, M. de Valcroissant left this Wri­ting, and pass'd to that of the Distinction of the senses of the Propositions. He spoke largely up­on the substance of the Preface, in which we with all the Bishops of France beseecht his Holinesse to pronounce upon the Controversie between the Molinists and us. We read the words of the Let­ters of either side to show the Pope, that the que­stion was not about any Calvinistical or Lutheran opinions which we condemn'd, and had alwayes condemn'd, nor against these Propositions as they were couch'd under ambiguous terms which ren­der'd them capable of different senses, (since we were not the authors of them, and knew no other authors of them but our Adversaries them­selves, who contriv'd them thus to involve the Catholick Faith with Error in one condemnation, and to put all things in the Church by this means into a general confusion) but onely about the Propositions reduc'd to the Catholick senses which we defended, and which were those alone that our Adversaries impugned. Hereupon M. de Valcroissant read the explication of those senses and the declaration of our sentiments upon each of them, as they follow a little below in three co­lumes. Which when he had done, and declar'd at every Proposition, that it was that alone to whose defence we adher'd, he made an evident reducti­on of them to the point of Grace Effectual by it self, showing as clear as the day that nothing but the connexion which these Propositions rightly understood, and purg'd from their bad senses, had with that capital point of the Churches faith and S. Augustin's doctrine in this matter, induc'd us to endeavor to prevent an absolute and confus'd condemnation of them, in regard of the conse­quences. When he was at the conclusion, he spoke something concerning our declaration and protestation to the Pope alwayes to maintain the Propositions reduc'd to the Catholick senses which we defended, or rather those senses and Catholick Truths which lay hid under the terms of these Pro­positions, whilst it appear'd not to us that these truths had been expresly condemn'd by a positive and solemn judgement, whatever condemnation might otherwise befall the Propositions consider'd in themselves as M. Cornet propos'd them to the Faculty, and as they were presented the Pope by the Bishops of France who first writ to him.

Being this distinction of Senses was read throughout and word for word before the Pope, it will be expedient to insert the same here, though it was printed since apart as it follows, as well in respect of the Titles, as Contents and Subscripti­ons.

Beatissimo Patri Innocentio Papae X. brevissi­ma quinque propositionum in varios sensus distinctio, apertaque de iis tum Calvinistarum ac Lutheranorum, tum Pelagianorum ac Mo­linistarum, tum S. Augustini ejusque discipu­lorum sententia.

BEATISSIME PATER,

EPiscopi Galliarum quorum votis atque expe­ctationi Vestra Sanctitas satisfacere se velle te­statur, circa quinque propositiones controversas judicium ab ipsa postulant, quod & veritatem di­lucidare ac confirmare & controversias compo­nere, & pacem Ecclesiae restituere idoneum sit. Petunt ergo ut de iis quae in controversiam inter nos & adversarios vocata sunt, expressam sententiam ferat, non de iis de quibus nulla contentio, nulla quaestio, nulla difficultas exorta est. Hoc ex va­riis omnium Episcoporum qui ad Vestram Sancti­tatem scripserunt, litteris manifestum est. Qua­propter primum officii nostri est Sanctitatis Ve­strae oculis id aperte exponere de quo hinc & inde contendimus, ut de re quae inter nos & ad­versarios in controversiam vertitur, ipsi constet. De propositionibus autem non in sensu alieno ad quem trahi possent, quique a nobis respuitur, sed in sensu legitimo qui à nobis defenditur, atque adeo de fide Catholica in iis contenta controversia est; DEQUE IIS SIC SUMPTIS distinctum ac perspicuum judicium expectatur.

Ne igitur in toto hoc negotio ullus pateat ae­quivocationi, calumniae, malignitati, dubitationi locus, veros & germanos propositionum sensus quos sustinemus, quosque impugnant adversarii, si aliquid agunt, ante omnia vestrae Sanctitati quam brevissime ac dilucidissime fieri potest, ex­ponimus, atque ex una parte errores illis con­trarios, quos adversarii tuentur, & ex alia hae­reses illis similiter contrarias, quas impugnare se jactitant cum propositiones impugnant, subji­cimus: Ut Sanctitati vestrae innotescat nos neque [Page 362] d dexteram neque ad sinistram declinare, sed doctrinae Ecclesiae unice adhaerere, & inde Calvi­nistarum eorumque sequacium, hinc Pelagiano­rum eorumque reliquiarum haereses ac errores ex aequo detestari.

De utrorumque sententia circa has quinque pro­positiones, & de nostra quae inter hanc & illam est media, aperte & sincere id quod profitemur Sanctitati vestrae aperimus, praetermissis atque in suum tempus ac ordinem dilatis eorum omnium quae asserimus, invictis, ut putamus, probationi­bus, nunc nihil aliud intendentes quam ut primo aspectu ac veluti in compendio exihibeamus, tum id de quo judicium fieri postulent expectentque universi Galliae, Episcopi, tum etiam quam Catho­lice sentiamus.

PRIMA PROPOSITIO, à loco suo dolosè avulsa & exhibita.
Aliqua Dei praecepta hominibus justis volentibus & conantibus secundum praesentes quas habent vires sunt impossibilia; Deest quoque iis gratia qua possibilia fiant.

Sensus haereticus. Qui primae propositioni malignè affingi posset, quem tamen legitimè sumpta non habet.

Justis omnibus quan­tumlibet volentibus & conantibus secundum praesentes quantascun­que vires quae a gratia magna & efficace ha­bentur, mandata Dei sunt impossibilia. Deest quoque illis semper & quamdiu vivunt gratia qua possint vel unum ex mandatis Dei sine peccato adimplere.

Haec propositio est hae­retica, Calviniana aut Lutherana, & à Conci­lio Tridentino damnata.

PRIMA PROPOSITIO, ut à nobis intelligitur ac defen­ditur.

Aliqua Dei praecepta aliquibus justis volentibus & conantibus invalide & im­perfecte secundum praesentes quas ha­bent vires, parvas scilicet, & infirmas, seu auxilio efficaci ad plene volendum & operandum necessario destitutis impos­sibilia sunt proxime & complete, seu ab iis adimpleri proxime non possunt. De­est quoque illis gratia efficax qua prae­cepta illis proxime possibilia fiant, seu deest illis speciale illud auxilium sine quo justificatus, ut ait Concilium Tridenti­num, in accepta justitia, id est, in obser­vatione mandatorum Dei, perseverare non potest.

Sustinemus ac demonstrare parati sumus hanc propositionem ad fidem Ecclesiae perti­ne re & in Sancti Augustini doctrina indu­bitatam esse, atque à Concilio Tridentino de­finitam.

PROPOSITIO primae contraria ut ab adversariis defenditur.

Omnia Dei praecepta justis volentibus & conantibus se­cundum praesentes quas ha­bent vires, sunt semper possibi­lia per gratiam eorum libero arbitrio subjectam. Nec un­quam ipsis deest gratia ad ope­randum vel saltem ad oran­dum proxime necessaria, qua possibilia fiant.

Sustinemus ac demostrare pa­rati sumus hanc propositionem, quae est Molinae & adversario­rum, esse Pelagianam vel Semi­pelagianam, quia gratiae ex se efficacis ad singulos actus neces­sitatem destruit. Atque ita de­claratum est in Congregatione Romana de Auxiliis sub Cle­mente Octavo & Paulo Quinto.

SECUNDA PROPOSITIO, fabricata & exhibita.
Interiori gratiae in statu naturae lapsae nunquam resistitur.

SENSUS HAERETICUS. Qui primae propositioni malignè affingi posset, quem tamen legitimè sumpta non habet.

Interiori gratiae efficaci in statu naturae lap­sae eatenus nunquam resistitur, quatenus vo­luntas hominis respectu gratiae efficacis mere passive se habet, & velut inanime quoddam nihil omnino agit, nec cooperatur nec libere assentitur.

Haec propositio est haeretica, Calviniana, Lu­therana, & à Concilio Tridentino damnata.

Alius sensus erroneous.

Interiori gratiae sumptae pro simplici qua­dam illuminatione intellectus & suasione vo­luntatis in statu naturae lapsae nunquam resi­stitur.

Haec propositio est falsa & erronea, quia ta­lis gratia non est vera gratia Christi, ut docet S. August. in libro de gratia Christi.

Alius sensus erroneus.

Interiori gratiae Christi, cum adhuc parva est, & dat tantum voluntatem inchoatam, in statu naturae lapsae nunquam resistitur, quan­tum ad effectum interiorem ad quem disponit.

Haec propositio est falsa & erronea.

Secunda PROPOSITIO, ut à nobis intelli­gitur, ac defen­ditur.

Gratiae Christi ad singulos pie­tatis actus pro­xime necessariae nunquam resisti­tur, hoc est, nunquam illa fru­stratur eo effe­ctu ad quem a Deo proxime datur.

Sustinemus ac demonstrare para­ti sumus hanc pro­positionem ad fi­dem Ecclesiae per­tinere & in San­cti Augustini do­ctrina indubitatam esse.

PROPOSITIO secunda contraria, ut ab adversariis defendi­tur.

Gratiae Christi ad singu­los pietatis actus, seu ope­randi seu saltem orandi, ne­cessariae, in statu naturae lap­sae aliquando resistitur, hoc est, illa aliquando frustratur eo effectu ad quem a Deo proxime datur.

Sustinemus ac demonstrare parati sumus hanc propositio­nem, quae est Molinae & ad­versariorum, esse Pelagianam vel Semipelagianam, quia gratia Christi ad singulos a­ctus necessariae vim & effica­ciam destruit. Atque ita de­claratum est in Congregatione Romana de Auxiliis.

TERTIA PROPOSITIO, fabricata & exhibita.
Ad merendum & demerendum in statu naturae lapsae non requiritur in ho­mine libertas à necessitate sed sufficit libertas à coactione.

Sensus haereticus. Qui tertiae propositioni malignè affingi pos­set, quem tamen legitimè sumpta non habet.

Ad merendum & demerendum in statu naturae lapsae non re­quiritur in homine libertas a necessitate naturali, qualis eti­am reperitur in mo­tibus indeliberatis, sed sufficit mera li­bertas a coactione.

Haec propositio hae­retica est, Calviniana aut Lutherana.

TERTIA PROPOSITIO, ut à nobis intelligitur ac de­fenditur.

Ad merendum & demeren­dum in statu naturae lapsae non re­quiritur in homine libertas a ne­cessitate infallibilitatis, sed sufficit libertas a coactione cum judicio rationis, si consideretur praecise es­sentia libertatis & meriti, quam­quam ex ratione status semper re­periatur indifferentia potentiae qua voluntas etiam sub gratia proxime necessaria & ex se efficace potest non velle, non tamen ut nunquam simul cum eadem gratia non ve­lit.

Sustinemus ac demonstrare parati sumus hanc propositionem esse Catho­licam & Augustinianam.

PROPOSITIO TERTIAE contraria, ut ab adversariis defenditur.

Ad merendum & demerendum in statu naturae lapsae requiritur in homi­ne libertas a necessitate infallibilitatis, seu necessaria est indifferentia proxi­ma agendi & non agendi, qua voluntas instructa omnibus ad agendum Praerequisitis pro suo nutu modo se flectit in unam partem, modo in op­positam.

Sustinemus ac demonstrare parati sumus hanc proposisionem, quae est Mo­linae adversariorum, Pelagianam esse, quia gratia ex se efficacis ad singulos pietatis actus necessaria possibilitatem destruit. Atque ita declaratum est in Congregatione Romana de Auxiliis.

QUARTA PROPOSITIO, fabricata & exhibita.
Semipelagiani admittebant praevenientis gratiae interioris necessitatem ad singulos actus, etiam ad initium fidei. Et in hoc erant haeretici quod vellent eam gratiam talem esse cui posset humana voluntas resistere vel obtemperare.

Sensus haereticus. Qui quartae proposi­tioni malignè affin­gi posset, quem ta­men legitimè sump­ta non habet.

Gratia Christi praeveniens talis est ut liberum arbitri­um hominis ab ea motum & excita­tum non possit dis­sentire si velit. Ali­ter dicere, Semipe­lagianum est.

Haec propositio est haeretica, Calvinia­na, aut Lutherana, & à Concilio Tri­dentino damnata.

QƲARTA PROPOSITIO, ut à nobis intelligitur ac defenditur.

Semipelagiani admittebant prae­venientis gratiae interioris neces­sitatem ad singulos actus imper­fectos, etiam ad initium fidei; & in hoc haereticè sentiebant, quod vellent eam gratiam talem esse ut voluntas illi pro nutu suo ob­temperaret vel eam respueret, seu ut ex se efficax non esset.

Sustinemus ac demonstrare pa­rati sumus hanc propositionem quo­ad primam partem quae spectat qua­stionem facti, esse veram: quoad se­cundam vero ad fidem Ecclesiae pertinere, & in Sancti Augustini doctrina indubitatam esse.

PROPOSITIO QƲARTAE contraria, ut ab adversariis defenditur.

Semipelagiani non admittebant prae­venientis gratiae interioris necessita­tem ad singulos actus imperfectos nec ad initium fidei; nec in hoc errabant quod vellent eam gratiam talem esse, ut ex se efficax non esset.

Sustinemus ac demonstrare parati sumus hanc propositionem, quae est Molinae & adversariorum, Pelagianam aut Semi­pelagianam esse, quia gratiae efficacis ad singulos actus necessariae Catholicam fi­dem & simul omnem Sancti Augustini auctoritatem destruit. Atque ita decla­ratum est in Congregatione Romana de Auxiliis.

QVINTA PROPOSITIO, fabricata & exhibita.
Semipelagianum est dicere, Christum pro omnibus omnino homini­bus mortuum esse aut sanguinem fudisse.

Sensus haereticus. Qui quintae proposi­tioni malignè af­fingi posset, quem tamen legitimè sumpta non ha­bet.

Christus mortu­us est tantummo­do pro praedesti­natis, ita ut ii soli per meritum mor­tis Christi veram fi­dem ac justitiam ac­cipiant.

Haec propositio est haeretica, Calvinia­na, aut Lutherana, & à Concilio Tri­ [...]entino damnata.

QƲINTA PROPOSITIO, ut à nobis intelligitur ac de­fenditur.

Semipelagianum est dicere, Christum pro omnibus omnino hominibus, seu nemine ex­cepto, mortuum esse, eo sensu ut omnibus nemine ex­cepto, per mortem ejus oblata sit gratia ad salutem necessaria, quam consequi in nutu arbitrii sit positum sine gratiae ex se effi­cacis adjutorio.

Sustinemus ac demonstrare parati sumus hanc propositionem ad fidem Ecclesiae pertinere & in S. Augustini doctrina indubita­tam esse.

PROPOSITIO QƲINTAE contraria, ut ab advesariis defenditur.

Non est Semipelagianum, sed Catholicum, dicere Christum morte sua omnibus omnino hominibus seu nemine excepto communi­casse gratiam proximè necessariam ad oper­andum, aut saltem ad incipiendum & ad oran­dum.

Sustinemus ac demonstrare parati sumus hanc Propositionem, quae est Molinae & ad­versariorum, continere doctrinam Concilio Tri­dentino contrariam, atque etiam esse Pelagi­anam aut Semipelagianam, quia gratiae Christi ex se efficacis ad singulos actus necessitatem destruit. Atque ita declara­tum est in Congregatione Romana de Aux­iliis.

Haec sunt Beatissime Pater, ad quorum omnium plenam explanationem, probationem, confirma­tionem a Vestra Sanctitate & verbo & scripto au­diri postulavimus, & ad quorum discussionem pergere parati sumus quam brevissime feret rei gravitas & amplitudo, & quam diligentissime patientur Sanctitatis Vestrae curae & occupationes. Interea jam videt ex supra positis nullam de Calvinianis Lutheranisve haeresibus inter nos at­que adversarios esse aut fuisse quaestionem. Si illas ipsi anathematizant, ex animo eas pariter ipsi anathematizamus semperque anathematiza­vimus, neque cum de his hodie quaestio non sit, eorum impugnationem contra nos suscipere pos­sunt nisi ut nos calumnientur, atque sub illorum pretextu & involucris sensum Catholicum quem sustinemus, condemnationis periculo exponant, suumque nostro contrarium, Pelagianum scilicet aut Semipelagianum, & cum eo sexaginta & am­plius nefandos errores ex illo ut ostendemus ne­cessario consequentes, pro fide Catholica obtru­dant. Iterum atque iterum, Beatissime Pater, Sanctitati Vestrae cum omnibus Gall [...]ae Episcopis, humillime supplicamus ut de re proposita & con­troversa claram firmamque proferat sententiam; profitemurque coram ipsa, nos & universos Sancti Augustini discipulos ac defensoros (qui, ut olim aiebat Sanctus Prosper ad Ruffinum cap. 2. nunc etiam in ipsis his locis, in quibus adversus eum querimonia concitatur, propitio Deo ad perceptionem Evangelicae Apostolicaeque doctrinae saluberrimis ejus disputationibus imbuuntur; & quotidie in membris corporis Christi in quantum ea ipse multi­plicat dilatantur) pro indubitata tanti Doctoris atque adeo Ecclesiae doctrina praedictas proposi­tiones ut a nobis superius expositae sunt, perpetuo defensuros, quandiu de illis expresse ut supra expositae sunt, intellectis prolatum non erit (quod a Sanctitate Vestra postulamus) solenne definiti­vumque judicium, quo nobis aperte constet eas in sensu quem asserimus Catholicum, esse dam­natas.

Quod quidem nunquam fore Deo adjuvante confidimus; ut vel ex eo conjicere licet, quod jam pridem omnium sermonibus percrebuerit, Vestram Sanctitatem ita sibi proposuisse de prae­dictis propositionibus agere ut ante omnia statu­erit suo loco stare & illibatam servari debere Sancti Augustini auctoritatem, cujus doctrinae potissima pars & quasi summa est gratia ex se efficax, cum qua praedictae propositiones invio­labili insolubilique nexu conjunctae sunt. Quem­admodum videre, est in ipso limine scripti se­quentis, in quo ejusdem gratiae ex se efficacis ad singulos actus necessitas solidissimis apertissimis (que) demonstrationibus comprobatur.

Quae omnia Sanctitatis Vestrae correctioni ac judicio subjicimus.
Sic subscriptum.
  • Natalis de la Lane Doctor Facultatis Parisiensis, Abbas B. M. de Valle Crescente.
  • Tussanus Desmares Presbyter Congrega­tionis Oratorii Domini Jesu.
  • Ludovicus de Saint-Amour, in sacra Fa­cultate Parisiensi Doctor ac Socius Sorbonicus.
  • Nicolaus Manessier, in sacra Facultare Parisiensi Doctor ac Socius Sorboni­cus.
  • Ludovicus Angran, ejusdem sacrae Facul­tatis Parisiensis Licentiatus ac insignis Ecclesiae Trecensis Canonicus.

A COMPENDIOUS DISTIN­CTION of the Five Propositions touching Grace; Presented to the Pope by the Pari­sian Doctors defenders of S. Augustin, and clearly shewing in three Columes the several senses whereof the said Propositions are ca­pable, and the Sentiments of the Calvinists and Lutherans, of the Pelagians and Moli­nists, of S. Augustin and his Disciples; MDCLIII.

To our most H. F. Pope Innocent. X

MOST HOLY FATHER,

THe Bishops of France, whose wishes and expectation Your Holinesse professes an intent to satisfie, beseech you to passe a judge­ment upon the Five controverted Propositions, which may suffice both to clear and confirm the Truth, extinguish differences, and restore peace in the Church. These Prelates supplicate Your Holinesse therefore to make an expresse decision only upon the things in contest between our Adversaries and us, and not upon such whereof there is no dispute, question or difficulty. The same desire is manifestly set forth in sundry Let­ters written by all the abovesaid Bishops to Your Holinesse. Wherefore 'tis the chief duty of our Commission to lay before your eyes what things are disputed on either side, to the end you may have perfect cognisance of the present Con­troversie. It is certain that the Contest at this day in the Church touching the Five Propositi­ons, is not in regard of a remote and evil sense which may be put upon them, and is rejected by us, but in regard of a legitimate sense, & which we defend, and of the Catholick Faith, which is found contain'd therein. 'Tis of the Propositions taken thus in the legitimate and Catholick sense, that we expect a clear and decisive Judgement.

To the end therefore that in all this important Affair there may be no place for equivocation, or calumny, or the artifices of evil minds, or any doubts; We first lay open to Your Holinesse as briefly and clearly as may be, the true and le­gitimate senses of those Propositions which we maintain, and which must be impugned by our Adversaries, if they will act against us. On one side we represent the errors contrary to the Or­thodox senses of the Propositions, which are defended by our Adversaries; and on the other side, the Heresies in like manner contrary to those Catholick interpretations, which our Adversaries boast that they impugne, whilst they impugne [Page 366] the Propositions without distinction. Whence Your Holinesse may behold, that we decline neither to the right hand nor to the left, but solely adhere to the doctrine of the Church, and by consequence equally detest on one side the Heresies and Errors of the Calvinists and their followers; and on the other the Heresies and Errors of the Pelagians, and those who have succeeded them.

We openly and sincerely declare to Your Ho­linesse our judgement touching the opinions of those two Sects in reference to the Five Propo­sitions, and nakedly represent our own belief which is plac'd in the middle between the said Erroneous opinions, Reserving to their due time and order the proofs of what we assert, which shall be, as we believe invincible; we pretend nothing further at present, then to give a clear and compendious draught of the things upon which all the Bishops of France expect and de­mand the H. See's judgement, and to show how Catholick our sentiments are.

THE FIRST PROPOSITION, maliciously pull'd out of its place and expos'd to Censure.
Some of God's Commandments are impossible to just men, even when they are willing and endeavour (to perform the same) according to the present strength which they have. And the Grace which should render the same possible to them, is wanting to them.

The Heretical sense, which may be maliciously fastned upon this Proposi­tion; which yet it hath not, when taken as it ought to be.

Gods Commandments are impossible to all the just, whatever will they have, and whatever en­deavors they use, even although they are induc'd with all the strength that the greatest and most effe­ctual Grace affords. Also they alwayes during their lives want such Grace whereby they might ac­complish without sinning, so much as one of God's Commandments.

This proposition is he­retical, Calvinistical, and Lutheran; and hath been condemn'd by the Council of Trent.

THE FIRST PROPSITION, in the sense wherein we understand and defend it.

Some Commandments of God are impos­sible to some just persons, who will and en­deavor weakly and imperfectly according to the extent of strength that they have in themselves, which is small and weak. That is to say, being destitute of the effectual ayd which is necessary to the full willing and acting, these Commandments are impossible to them according to this next and compleat possibility, the privation whereof puts them in a state of not being able effectively to perform these Commandments. And they want the Effectual Grace, which is needful that those Commandments may become pro­ximately and totally possible to them. Or, they are unprovided of that special assistance, without which a justify'd man, as the Coun­cil of Trent saith, cannot persevere in the righteousnesse which he hath receiv'd, that is, in the observation of God's Command­ments.

We maintain, and are ready to demonstrate, that this Proposition is consonant to the Faith of the Church, indubitable in S. Augustin's do­ctrine, and defin'd by the Council of Trent.

THE PROPOSITION contrary to the first, as it is defended by our Adversaries.

All Gods Command­ments are always possible to the just through Grace which is subject to their Free Will, when they are willing and endeavour according to their present strength. And Grace pro­ximately necessary to render the Command­ments possible, is never wanting to them to act, or at least to pray.

We maintain, and are ready to demonstrate, that this Proposition which be­longs to Molina and our Adversaries, is Pelagian or Semipelagian, because it destroyes the necessity of Grace effectual by it self to all good works. And so it was declar'd in the Con­gregation de Auxiliis held at Rome under Clement VIII. & Paulo V.

THE SECOND PROPOSITION, fram'd and expos'd to Censure.
In the state of corrupted Nature, Internal Grace is never resisted.

THE HERETICAL SENSE, which may be maliciously put upon this second Proposition; which neverthelesse it' hath not, when taken as it ought to be.

In the state of corrupted nature, Internal and Effectual Grace is never resisted, because Man's Will is purely passive in respect of such Effectual Grace, and being as a thing inanimate acts nothing at all, it neither cooperates nor consents freely.

This Proposition is Heretical, Calvinistical Lu­theran, and condemn'd by the Council of Trent.

Another Erroneous sense, which the Pro­position may receive.

In the state of corrupted Nature, Internal Grace taken for a meer illumination of the Understand­ing, and a perswasion of the Will, is never resisted.

This proposition is false and erroneous, because such Grace is not the true Grace of Jesus Christ, as S. Augustin teaches in his Book de Gratia Christi.

Another Erroneous sense, which may be imputed to the same proposition.

In the state of corrupted Nature, the internal Grace of Jesus Christ, whilst it is yet weak, and gives only—is never resisted as to the effect whereunto it disposeth.

This proposition is false and erroneous.

THE SECOND PROPOSITION, as it is understood & defended by us.

The Grace of Jesus Christ pro­ximately neces­sary to every act of piety, is never resisted. That is to say, it is never frustrated of the effect, for which it is effectually given by God.

We maintain and are ready to demonstrate, that this proposition pertains to the Faith of the Church, and is indubitable in S. Augustin's Do­ctrine.

THE PROPOSITION. contrary to the second, defend­ded by our Adversaries.

The Grace of Jesus Christ which is necessary to every act of piety, whether of ope­rating, or at least of pray­ing, is sometimes resisted in the state of corrupted Na­ture. That is to say, This grace is sometimes frustrated of the effect for which it was directly given by God.

We maintain and are rea­dy to demonstrate, that this proposition, which is own'd by Molina and our Adversa­ries, is Pelagian or Semipe­lagian, because it evacuates the power and efficacy of the Grace of Jesus Christ, which is necessary to every good acti­on. And so it was declar'd in the Congregation de Auxiliis held at Rome.

THE THIRD PROPOSITION, fram'd and expos'd to Censure.
To merit and demerit in the state of laps'd Nature, 'tis not requisite that there be in Man a freedom from Necessity, but a freedom from constraint (or coaction) is sufficient.

The Heretical sense, which may maliciously be attributed to this third Proposition, which neverthelesse taken in a right man­ner it hath not.

To merit and de­merit in the state of corrupted Nature, there is not required in man a freedome from Necessity natu­ral, such as is found even in indeliberate motions; but 'tis suf­ficient that be be only free from coa­ction.

This proposition is Heretical, Calvini­stical, and Lutheran.

THE THIRD PROPOSITION, as understood and defended by us.

To merit and demerit in the state of corrupted Nature, there is not requir'd in man a freedom from the Necessity of Infallibility; but 'tis sufficient that he have a liberty from coaction accompani'd with the judgement and exercise of Rea­son, if the essence of liberty and merit be precisely consider'd. Although in regard of the state wherein we are in this life, our soul hath alwayes such an indiffe­rence, whereby the will can, even when it is guided and govern'd by Grace proxi­mately necessary, and effectual by it self, not will, yet 'tis in such sort that it never willeth not when it is actually assisted by such Grace.

We maintain and are ready to demonstrate, that this proposition is Catholick and taught be S. Augustin.

THE PROPOSITION, contrary to the third, and de­fended by our Adversaries.

To merit and demerit in the state of corrupted Nature, there is requir'd in Man a freedome from the necessity of infallibili­ty, or 'tis necessary that he have a proximate indifference to act or not act, where be the Will be­ing furnisht with all things pre­requisity to act or not act, in­clines sometimes to one side, sometimes to the other as it pleases.

We maintain and are ready to demonstrate that this proposition which is taught by Molina & our Adversaries, is Pelagian, because it destroys the power of that Grace effectual by it self, which is neces­sary to every act of piety. It hath also been declar'd in the Con­gregation de Auxiliis.

THE FOƲRTH PROPOSITION, fram'd and expos'd to Censure.
The semipelagians admitted the necessity of internal preventing Grace to all good works, even to the beginning of Faith. And they were Hereticks in this, that they held that Grace to be such as the Will of man might either resist, or obey.

The heretical sense; which may maliciously be put upon the fourth proposition, although taken in a right manner it admits not the same.

The preventing grace of Jesus Christ is such, that Mans Free Will, being mov'd and ex­cited by it, cannot resist the same if it would do so. To affirm other­wise, is Semipelagian.

This proposition is he­retical, Calvinistical or Lutheran, and hath been condemn'd by the Coun­cil of Trent.

THE FOURTH PROPOSITION, as by us understood and defended.

The Semipelgians admitted the neces­sity of preventing and internal grace to begin all actions, even to the be­ginning of Faith; and their sentiments were heretical in this respect, that they held that Grace to be such as the Will might obey or reject at pleasure, that is to say, that the said Grace is not Effectual.

We maintain and are ready to de­monstrate, that this proposition is true as to the former part, which concerns matter of Fact; and that as to the lat­ter, it pertains to the faith of the Church, and is indubitable in the doctrine of Saint Augustine.

THE PROPOSITION contrary to the fourth, and defended by our Adversaries.

The Semipelagians did not admit the necessity of internal preventing Grace to begin every action, nor yer to the beginning of Faith; and they did not err in holding that Grace to be such, as that it was not Effectual by it self.

We maintain and are ready to de­monstrate, that this proposition which it held by Molina and our Adversa­ries, is Pelagian or Semipelagian, be­cause it destroyes the Catholick belief of Effectual Grace necessary to every good work, and likewise all S. Au­gustin's authority. And so it hath been declar'd in the Congregations de Auxiliis held at Rome.

THE FIFTH PROPOSITION, fram'd and expos'd to Censure.
'Tis a Semipelagian Error to affirm, that Jesus Christ dy'd, or shed his blood for all men, without exception of any one.

The heretical sense, which may be malici­ously put upon this fifth proposition, which yet it hath not, if it be taken as it ought to be.

Jesus Christ dy'd on­ly for the predestinate, so that they alone re­ceive true Faith and Righteousnesse by the merit of Christ's death.

This proposition is Heretical, Calvinisti­cal or Lutheran, and hath been condemn'd by the Council of Trent.

THE FIFTH PROPO­SITION, as understood and defended by us.

'Tis a Semipelagian error, to say, that Christ dy'd for all men in particular, none ex­cepted, so that by his death saving Grace is offer'd to all, none excepted; and that it depends on the motion and power of the Will to obtaine salvation by such a general Grace without the help of any other grace effectual by it self.

We maintain and are ready to demonstrate, that this proposition pertains to the faith of the Church, and is indubitable in the doctrine of S. Augustin.

THE PROPOSITION contrary to the fifth, and defended by our Adversaries.

'Tis not an error of the Semipelagians, but a Catholick Proposition, to say, that Jesus Christ hath by his death communi­cated to all men in particular, none ex­cepted, the Grace proximately and pre­cisely necessary to work, or at least to begin salvation and to pray.

We maintain and are ready to demonstrate, that this proposition which is taught by Mo­lina and our Adversaries, contains a doctrine contrary to the Council of Trent, and likewise is Pelagian or Semipelagian, because it de­stroyes the necessity of Grace effectual by it­self to every good work. And it hath been declared thus in the Roman Congregations de Auxiliis.

These, M. H. F. are the Propositions, for the full explication, proof and confirmation whereof we have demanded of Your Holinesse to be heard both viva voce and by Writing. These are the points of Doctrine, for the discussion of which we are ready to labour, and plead with as much bre­vity as the importance and amplitude of the mat­ter, and with as much diligence as the cares and affaires of Your Holinesse will permit. In the mean time Your Holinesse by what we have here set forth, that there neither is, nor ever was any Contest between us and our Adversaries touching the heresies of Calvin and Luther. If they ana­thematize them, we do, and have alwayes done the same; and the question not being now about those heresies, they cannot undertake to impugne the same by acting against us, unlesse it be to ca­lumniate us; to expose the Catholick sense main­tain'd by us to the danger of condemnation under pretext and colour of these Errors; to substitute in place of the Catholick Faith their Pelagian or Semipelagian sentiments which are contrary to ours; and lastly, to make current above sixty de­testable Errors which we shall show follow by necessary consequence from the doctrine which they would establish.

M. H. F. We still earnestly reiterate to Your Holinesse the most humble request formerly made bv us with all the Bishops of France, that you will passe a clear and decisive sentence upon the matter now in controversie. And we protest before your Holinesse that we, and all the disciples and defen­ders of S. Augustin (who, as S. Prosper some­times writ to Ruffinus, In the several Countries where complaints and accusations are rais'd against that H. Father, receive by Gods assistance the Evan­gelical and Apostolical doctrine, being fill'd with his holy and wholsome instructions, and grow and spread every day, according as it pleases our Lord Jesus Christ to multiply them and increase the members of his body) we all protest, that remaining firm to the undoubted Doctrine of that great Doctor, which is own'd by the Church, we shall alwayes defend the controverted Propositions in the sense wherein we have explain'd them, if in the solemn & definitive judgment (which we demand of Your Holinesse) there be nothing expresly pronounc'd concernig them in that sense, whereby it may be openly declar'd to us, that they are condemn'd in the sense which we maintain to be Catholick.

Which we trust, with Gods help shall never come to passe, and we have ground to hope so, since 'tis already diffus'd through the whole world, that Your Holinesse hath resolv'd so to act in re­ference to these Propositions, that you have in the first place establisht as indubitable, that S. Augu­stin's authority ought alwayes to have the same esteem it ever had, and to be preserv'd in its inte­grity; and also that the principal part of his do­ctrine and the sum and substance of what that Father hath taught, consists in the proposition of Grace effectual by it self, with which the abovesaid Propositions are conjoyn'd and united by an in­violable and indissoluble bond, as plainly appears by the following Writing, in which the necessity of such Grace effectual by it self to every good work is prov'd by very solid and clear demonstra­tions.

We submit all these things to Your Holinesse's Correction and Judgement.
  • Noel de la Lane Doctor of the Faculty of Paris, &c.
  • Toussaint Des-mares Priest of the Congre­gation of the Oratory our Lord Jesus Christ.
  • Louis de Saint Amour Doctor of the Fa­culty of Paris, &c.
  • Nicolas Manessier Doctor of the same Faculty. &c.
  • Louis Angran Licenciate of the same Fa­culty, &c.

As M. de Valcroissant read this Writing, assoon as he had ended one of the Propositions, he went to the third of our Writings, which demonstrated the indissoluble connexion of each of them un­derstood our way with Grace Effectual by it self, and he extended himself more or lesse in this de­monstration according as the matter requir'd, and it seem'd requisite for convincing the hearers thereof. Although the said demonstration might reasonably have been included in the foregoing Writing as it was in reading; yet we thought more fit to make it an Introduction to the Writing of Effectual Grace, that so we might avoid the blame laid upon us of entring into the examination of that matter contrary to the Pope's will, and therein justifie our selves for so doing; considering the necessity there was for it, and to show that it was not possible to judge well of these Propositions till that point were decided.

Now being all that preface was read to the Pope, and the connexion of the Propositions demon­strated in his presence, it seems fitting to insert a faithful translation thereof in this place.

AN INFORMATION touching Grace Effectual by it self, or pre­determinating Grace, which is necessary to every action.

THE PREFACE. In which the necessity of handling this Doctrine is set forth, and the connexion of the Five Pro­positions, as understood by us, with the same briefly manifested.

THere are two principal foundations which comprize the whole Controversie and Do­ctrine of Grace; whereof the first is S. Augu­stin's authority and doctrine touching the matter of Grace; and the second whereunto all his do­ctrine is reduc'd, is the necessity of Grace Effectual by it self, and predeterminating to every good action. We have already made good the first of [Page 370] these foundations in the Writing which we have presented touching S. Augustin's authority, which is prov'd by the Tradition of the whole Church. The second is now to be establisht, to proceed or­derly in this Dispute concerning the contested Propositions. But lest it should be objected, that we come not to the point in question, we have thought fit to make some remarks first, to show most clearly how necessary it is to examine that doctrine before all things.

1. 'Tis impossible to terminate the great Con­test rais'd among Catholicks touching the matter of Grace, without examining the Opinion which is the capital principle and original of all difference. Now this Principle consists, in that there are some who call in doubt and impugne the doctrine of Grace effectual by it self necessary to every acti­on. All the difference between our Adversaries and us, as to doctrine, hath no other source but this; here it begins, here it ends; and all the com­bustions and stirs rais'd about this matter come on­ly from this diversity.

We agree in many things; and the first ground of division is, that our Adversaries ascribe the u­sing of Christs grace to Free Will, whereas we at­tribute it to the efficacy and vertue of the Grace it self. Upon this depend all the other questions in dispute; and there is now no other considerable controversie among Divines, saving that some hold Grace effectual by it self necessary to every acti­on, and others deny it. Wherefore this Point ought first to be handled, since after it is once judg'd, there will be no more ground of dispute; and till it be, none can be remov'd.

2. Our Adversaries had no other aim in forg­ing these equivocal Propositions, but covertly to overthrow the doctrine of Grace effectual by it self necessary to every action, as it is held by S. Augustin; and for a full discovery of their design, it suffices to consider that there is not any of the Propositions expos'd to Censure, but hath a most manifest connexion with Effectual Grace, accord­ing as we explicate and defend them. That of all the arguments which they produce, there is not one whose force consists not in destroying Effectual grace (if there be such as have really any force): and lastly, that of all the works which have been pub­lisht in defence of the Propositions as we under­stand them, there is not any whose principal scope is not the defence of the same Effectual Grace.

3. Moreover, There is so visible and necessary a connexion of that Grace with the Propositions thus understood, that so long as that shall subsist, they will subsist also, as its destruction woud be their ruine: so that we defend not any of them, but so far forth as it hath a necessary connexion with Effectual, nor do our Adversaries impugne any of them but to destroy the same Grace, as for proof we are now going compendiously to demonstrate.

The Connexion of the Five Propositions (as the same are defended by us) with Grace effectual by it self, succinctly demonstrated.

THE FIRST PROPOSITION, as it is maliciously taken out of its true place, and presented to Censure
Some of Gods Commandments are impossible to just men, even when they will, and endeavor according to their present strength; and the Grace which should render the same possible is wanting to them.

THE FIRST PROPOSITION, in the sence wherein we hold and defend it.

Some of Gods Commandments are impossible to some just men who will and endeavor weakly and imperfectly according to what strength they have, which is small and weak; That is to say, being destitute of the effectual aid which is necessary to will fully and to do; these Commandments are impossible to them according to that next and compleat possibility, the pri­vation whereof puts them in a state of inability to perform those Commandments effectively. And they want the Grace whereby it is needful that those Commandments become proximately and perfectly possible to them: or, they are unprovided of that special assistance, without which, as the Council of Trent saith, A justifyed man cannot persevere in the Righteousnesse which he hath receiv'd, that is, in the observation of Gods Command­ments.

We maintain and are ready to demonstrate, that this proposition pertains to the faith of the Church, is indubitable in S. Augustin's doctrine, and hath been defin'd by the Council of Trent.

THE PROPOSITION contrary to the first, and defended by our Adversaries.

All Gods Commandments are al­ways possible to the just by the grace which is subject to Free Will, when they will & labour according to their present strength. And the Grace which is proximately necessary to render the Commandments effectively pos­sible, is never wanting to them to act, or at least to pray.

We maintain and are ready to demon­strate, that this proposition taught by Molina & our Adversaries is Pelagian or Semipelagian, because it destroyes the necessity of Grace effectual by it self to all good works. And thus it hath been declar'd in the Congregation de Auxili­is held at Rome under Clement VIII. & Paul V.

The Connexion of our Proposition with Effectual Grace.

THe Grace of Jesus Christ effectual by it self is necessary to every action of piety. There­fore the first Proposition is true in the sense where­in we present and maintain it; because if Grace effectual by it self is necessary to an action of pie­ty, as a principle requisite before the same be per­form'd, then when it is present to us, we do the thing for which it is given; and when we do it not, it is not present to us, otherwise it would not be effectual by it self; and not only we act with it, but also without it we cannot act proximately and with all accomplishment necessary to action. For whoever hath not all that which is previously ne­cessary to another thing as a principle, cannot do that thing proximately and with the utmost ac­complishment necessary to do it. And hence the first Proposition which we have presented and defended, necessarily follows. For it happens sometimes that some just men being press'd with a great temptation, make weak and imperfect at­tempts to perform some Commandment, and yet perform it not. Therefore in these cases they have not that great and effectual Grace which is necessary to the performance of it: or as S. Augustin faith, They have not a Grace so great as to be sufficient for performing that Command­ment; they have not the strength most effectual for overcoming the temptation, otherwise they would surmount the temptation and perform the Commandment; and consequently, according to their present strength they have not that next power, to which nothing is wanting for perform­ing that Commandment; and they want that great and effectual Grace by which the Commandment may become possible to them with a next and com­pleat power, to which nothing is deficient to pro­ceed to action: or, they want that special help, without which, as the Council of Trent saith, He who is justifi'd cannot persevere in Righteousness, i. e. in the observance of Gods Commandments.

'Tis in this sense only that we defend the first Proposition.

On the contrary our Adversaries have an here­tical sense in impugning this Proposition, because they destroy the necessity of Grace effectual by it self to every action of piety. For they hold, that every just man is alwayes able to perform any Commandment whatsoever, because he hath al­wayes grace to perform it according as it pleases his Will. Now since he doth not alwayes perform it, it followes, that they believe that the Grace which is necessary for performing it, is not effe­ctual by it self. Which opinion is heretical and contrary to the true grace of Jesus Christ. There­fore our Adversaries hold an heretical sense in opposing the first Proposition, that is, they de­fend in an heretical sense the Proposition which is contrary to it.

THE SECOND PROPOSITION fram'd and presented to Censure.
In the state of corrupted Nature, Internal Grace is never resisted.

THE SECOND PRO­POSITION. as we understand and defend it.

The Grace of Jesus Christ proxi­mately necessary to every act of pie­ty, is never resisted, i. e. is never frustrated of the effect for which it is effectually given by God.

We maintain and are ready to de­monstrate, that this proposition pertains to the faith of the Church, and is indu­bitable in the doctrine of S. Augustin.

THE PROPOSITION contrary to the second, and defended by our Adversaries.

The Grace of Jesus Christ which is necessary to every act of piety, whether of operating, or at least of praying, is some­times resisted in the state of corrupted Nature, i. e. This Grace is sometimes frustrated of the Effect for which it is proximately given by God.

We maintain and are ready to demonstrate, that this proposition whish is held by Molina and our Adversaries, is Pelagian or Semi­pelagian, because it destroyes the power and efficacy of the grace of Jesus Christ which is necessary to every good action. And thus it was declar'd in the Roman Congregation de Auxiliis.

The Connexion of our Proposition with Effectual Grace.

THe Grace which is necessary to every pious action is effectual by it self. Therefore in the state of corrupted Nature the Grace which is necessary to every pious action is never resisted; that is, it never fails to do the effect whereunto it is given by God proximately, either for a weak and imperfect action of the Will, and it produces the same effectively by it self; or it is given for a great and perfect action, and pro­duces the same likewise by it self, otherwise it would not be effectual. For though small graces are resisted, as to the utmost and perfect action whereunto they dispose, yet they are never re­sisted or rejected as to the imperfect action for which they are given, and ought to operate pro­ximately.

'Tis in this sense alone that we defend the se­cond Proposition.

On the contrary our Adversaries hold an here­tical sense whilst they impugne this Proposition, because they destroy the power and efficacy of the Grace of Jesus Christ necessary to every pious action. For they maintain that in the state of corrupted Nature, the internal Grace proximately necessary to every action of piety is sometimes resisted, i. e. 'tis rejected and depriv'd of the effect for which God gives it proximately, because they say, it is not effectual by it self, but is subject to Free-Will, which rejects or submits thereunto as it lists.

THE THIRD PROPOSITION, fram'd and expos'd to Censure.
To merit and demerit in the state of laps'd Nature, 'tis not requisite that there be in Man a freedom from Necessity of willing or acting, but a freedom from con­straint (or coaction) is sufficient.

THE THIRD PROPOSITION as we understand and defend it.

To merit and demerit in the state of laps'd Nature, there is not requisite in Man a freedom from the Necessity of Infallibility and necessary certainty; but 'tis sufficient that he have a free­dome from coaction accompany'd with the judgement and ex­ercise of Reason, if the essence of liberty and merit be precisely consider'd. Although by reason of the state wherein we are in this life, our soul hath alwayes such an Indifference, whereby the Will can, even when it is guided and govern'd by Grace, proximately necessary and effectual by it self, not will; yet 'tis in such sort that it never willeth not, when it is actually assisted by such Grace.

THE PROPOSITION contrary to the third, and defended by our Adversaries.

To merit and demerit in the state of corrupted Nature there is requir'd in Man a freedom from the necessity of Infallibility and necessary certain­ty. Or 'tis necessary that he have a proximate indifference of acting or not acting, whereby the Will being furnisht with all things necessary to act, inclines it self sometimes to one side, sometimes to the other as it listeth.

The Connexion of our Proposition with Effectual Grace.

IF Grace necessary to every action be effectual by it self, it by its own strength predetermines the Will after an indeclinable, insuperable, infal­lible and perfectly victorious manner, to do an action of piety. Therefore in all free and meri­torious actions there is found a necessity of infalli­bility, which comes from the promotion of Grace, and is a consequence of Grace effectual by it self; and if this kind of Necessity destroy'd Liberty and Merit, it would follow, that Grace which is given to perform all free and meritorious actions were not effectual by it self. As for those words: 'Tis sufficient that he have a freedom from coaction, they do not signifie that there is not an indifference of power in the merit and demerit of this state; for this would be heretical, and was never held by any Catholick: and therefore this opinion cannot be attributed to us without imposture and calumny; but 'tis to be understood by these words, that this kind of indifference of power in the state of fallen Nature, is not that which precisely, essentially and formally makes the act which tends to a good end, free and meritorious; although this kind of indif­ference be alwayes found; —as the power to sin in the state of fallen Nature is not the essence of liberty nor part of it; and neverthelesse by reason of the state of this life, it is alwayes found therein as a sequel of liberty.

'Tis in this sense only that we defend the third Proposition.

On the contrary our Adversaries hold an Here­tical sense in opposing it, because they destroy Grace effectual by it self. For they say, it is ne­cessary to liberty and merit to have this proximate indifference of acting, whereby the Will having [Page 373] all pre-requisite strength to act, turns it self as it pleaseth, sometimes one way, and sometimes ano­ther: and consequently they pretend at liberty from the necessity of Infallibility; which ariseth from the vertue of Effectual Grace infallibly pre­determinating the Will by its own strength, is re­quisite in this state to act freely: whence it fol­lows, that they destroy the necessity of Grace effectual by it self to every action of piety; and thus they hold an Heretical opinion whilst they oppose the third Proposition.

THE FOURTH PROPOSITION, fram'd and expos'd to Censure.
The Semipelagians admitted the necessity of internal preventing Grace to all good works, even to the beginning of Faith. And they were Hereticks in that they held that Grace to be such as the humane Will of man might either resist, or obey.

THE FOURTH PROPOSITION, as we understand and defended it.

The Semipelgians admitted the necessity of pre­venting and internal Grace to begin all actions, even for the beginning of Faith; and their opinion was heretical, in that they held that Grace to be such as the Will obeys or rejects as it listeth, i. e. that it is not Effectual Grace.

We maintain and are ready to demonstrate, that this proposition as to the first part which concerns mat­ter of Fact, is true; and that as to the second it per­tains to the faith of the Church, and is indubitable in S. Augustin's doctrine.

THE PROPOSITION contrary to the fourth, and defended by our Adversaries.

The Semipelagians admitted not the necessity of internal preventing Grace to begin every action, nor yer to the beginning of Faith; nor did they err in holding that Grace to be such as is not Ef­fectual by it self.

We maintain and are ready to demonstrate, that this proposition, held by Molina and our Adversa­ries, is Pelagian or Semipelagian, because it destroys the belief of Effectual Grace necessary to every good work, and likewise all S. Augustin's authority. And thus it hath been declar'd in the Congregations de Auxiliis held at Rome.

The Connexion of this Proposition with Effectual Grace.

GRace Effectual by it self necessary to every pious action, is the true medicinal Grace of Jesus Christ, which is proper to fallen and weak men, to the end they may will and operate all that belongs to piety. This faith is without doubt the true Prophetical, Apostolical and Catholick faith, as S. Augustin saith in Chap. 2. de Cor. & Grat. Therefore the Error or Heresie of the Semipela­gians consisted, in their denying Grace Effectual by it self to be necessary to the beginning of faith, and to other imperfect acts of piety.

'Tis to be observ'd that by these words, And they were Hereticks in holding that Grace to be such as Humane will may either resist or obey; nothing else is meant (as 'tis express'd in the Proposition which we maintain) saving that the Semipelagians err'd, in holding the Grace necessary to the begin­ning of faith and other acts of inchoated piety, to be such, as is not effectual by it self, or which the Will sometimes resists, sometimes obeys at plea­sure.

There is in the fourth Proposition a question of Fact, namely, whether the Semipelagians admit­ted an internal Grace subject to Free-will for the beginning of Faith. We shall show that it is so; but if once it be evident that they err'd, in denying Grace Effectual by it self for the beginning of Faith, that question of Fact will be of little im­portance.

'Tis in this sense only that we defend the fourth Proposition.

On the contrary, our Adversaries hold an He­retical sense whilst they impugne this Proposition, because they deny, that the true Grace of Jesus Christ consists in Grace Effectual by it self neces­sary to every action. They deny this to be the Catholick Faith; They pretend that the Semipela­gians never err'd in this point; but on the contra­ry held the Catholick Faith, although they deny'd the necessity of Grace Effectual by it self to the beginning of faith and other imperfect actions of piety. Which is impossible to admit without o­verthrowing the belief of the true Grace of Jesus Christ, and destroying S. Augustin's whole Au­thority and Doctrine.

THE FIFTH PROPOSITION, offer'd to Censure.
'Tis a Semipelagian Error to say, that Christ dy'd, or shed his blood for all men, none excepted.

THE FIFTH PROPOSITION, as we understand and defend it.

'Tis a Semipelagian error to say, that Christ dy'd for all men in particular, none excepted, so that Grace necessary to salvation is offer'd to all, none excepted, by his death; and that it depends upon the motion and power of the will to obtaine salvation by that general grace, without help of other grace effectual by it self.

We maintain and are ready to demonstrate, that this proposition pertains to the faith of the Church, and is indubitable in S. Augustin's doctrine.

THE PROPOSITION contrary to the fifth, and defended by our Adversaries.

'Tis not an error of the Semipelagians, but a Catho­lick Proposition, to say, that Christ by his death com­municated to all men in particular, none excepted, the Grace proximately & precisely necessary to operate, or at least to begin salvation and to pray.

We maintain and are ready to demonstrate, that this proposition, held by Molina and our Adversaries, contains a doctrine contrary to the Council of Trent, and that it is Pelagian or Semipelagian, because it destroyes the necessity of the Grace of Jesus Christ effectual by it self to every good work. And it hath been so declar'd in the Con­gregations de Auxiliis.

The Connexion of our Proposition with Effectual Grace.

GRace Effectual by it self necessary to every action, is the true Grace of Jesus Christ, and the Catholick Faith. Therefore 'tis a Semipe­lagian error to say, that Christ dy'd for all men generally, none excepted, in such sense that grace necessary for Salvation is offer'd, by the merit of his death to all, none excepted; and that 'tis at the disposal of Free-will to receive it without the help of Grace effectual by it self. Now this, we affirm, cannot be held without incurring Semipe­lagianism, because it manifestly infers, that Grace effectual by it self is not necessary to every pious action.

'Tis in this sense alone that we defend the fifth Proposition.

On the contrary our Adversaries hold an Here­tical sense whilst they impugne this Proposition, because they say, that Jesus Christ dy'd for all men generally; in this sense, that he hath communicated to them all, none excepted, the means necessary for their salvation, either giving them all the Gra­ces subject to Free-will, as well to begin and to pray, as to act (which is Pelagian, since this opi­nion excludes the necessity of Grace Effectual by it self for all actions of of piety) or at least giving them all the graces subject to Free-will for the be­ginning of faith and for prayer, so that every man who makes use of these graces, obtains when he pleases, and as often as he lists. Graces effe­ctual for acting, ‘which is Semipelagian, because it excludes the necessity of Grace Effectual by it self for the beginning of faith, and other im­perfect actions of piety. Moreover, it is con­trary to the Council of Trent, Sess. 6. Cap. 3. where we read these very words, Although he dy'd for all, yet all receive not the benefit of his death, but only they to whom the merit of his passion is communicated. Which shows, that the true grace of Jesus Christ, which is the fruit or bene­fit of his death, is not communicated to all by the merit of his passion.’

Whilst M. de Valcroissant was speaking all that I have related, which took up about two hours and a half, he twice or thrice took occasion to tell the Pope, that his Holinesse should be much otherwise convinc'd and enlightned in the things which we al­ledg'd, when they came to be treated more lei­surely and throughly before him in the presence of our Adversaries, and that when he saw them oblig'd to answer plainly and directly to the things which we should say against them, then his Holi­nesse would know more evidently then by all our present Remonstrances, how necessary it was to hear both the one and the other contradictorily. M. de Valcroissant spoke this according to agree­ment between us, to intimate that we had still much more to say; that the presence of our Ad­versaries was requisite, and that we yielded to this Audience, only that we might obtain such a one as we demanded.

He added further, That the Connexion which he had most clearly demonstrated of the Propositi­ons reduc'd to our sense with the point of Grace Effectual by it self, evidently shew'd the necessity of beginning the discussion of this Affair, by the Examen and proof of the Efficacy of Grace by it self, both because all the rest depended upon it, and the proof of it serv'd for a general proof of [Page 375] the Propositions, till we alledg'd the particular proofs of each of them.

When the Abbot of Valcroissant had done, F. Des-mares began, and continu'd the series of his Discourse, (as we had agreed together) and un­dertook the proof of the Efficacy of Grace. His first argument was taken from the prayers of the Church, and lasted three quarters of an hour. But his vivacity and eloquence so rous'd the Hearers; particularly Cardinal Pamphilio, that they shew'd by their countenances what delight they took in hearing such excellent things so well urg'd and de­liver'd. I cannot forbear to say, that I never heard F. Des-mares preach better at Paris then he spoke at this time. Which is as much as can be said to such as have been happy enough to hear some of his Sermons. When he cited any passages, as, e. g. of Innocent X. he read the same out of our Writing of Effectual Grace, and then drew so clear and strong arguments from them in a Schola­stick way, that nothing could be imagin'd more convincing. The day began to fail him at the end of this Argument, and fearing he should want light to read his Quotation, he doubted whether he should proceed to the second; but the Pope and Assembly remaining in great silence, we whisper'd to F. Des-mares to proceed, partly out of respect to his Holinesse, and partly to take from our Ad­versaries the pretext of alledging that we held our peace because we had no more to say. This second Argument being begun so late, the Father was oblig'd to leave his place once or twice, and go to the window to read some passages out of S. Au­gustin's book de gratia Christi, and then return'd to his station, and drew his consequences and in­ductions from the same. But at length it became so dark that the Father could read no longer at the window, and therefore intimated his want thereof, that they might cause a light to be brought if they would have him to continue. In stead of which, M. Albizzi said, it was sufficient, and the Father stopt.

His whole Discourse as he pronounc'd it before the Pope in pure Latin, I have thought fit to insert in a faithful Translation.

A Discourse pronounc'd before the Pope by F. Des-mares.

MOST HOLY FATHER,

I Could wish that the worthy Doctor who hath spoken before me in Your Holiness's presence, had made an end of handling the point of Christ's Effectual and victorious Grace, with the same strength of judgement and eloquence as he be­gan to explicate it. But since it would have been too laborious to him, I shall continue where he ended (having first most humbly askt Your Holinesse's permission) and endeavor to acquit my self of the Obligation incumbent upon me, to prove that 'tis a Catholick and invincible Truth, that Grace Effectual by it self is absolutely neces­sary to all actions of piety. For what hath been newly represented to Your Holinesse, shewing clearly that the Necessity of that Grace and our sense of the Propositions are so perfectly united, that the one cannot be granted or deni'd, without granting or denying the other; Where should I begin, M. H. F. and whereunto ought all my endeavors to tend, but to prove by invincible arguments the necessity of such Effectual Grace for all actions of piety; since this Necessity be­ing once granted and establisht; the whole Con­troversie which agitates and troubles the Church touching the Five Propositions; will forthwith perfectly cease? and Your Holinesse will clear­ly see, that the whole question being reduc'd to that single point; If the Effectual Grace which we hold be necessary, we shall become victori­ous; and if it be not, we shall be over­come.

The probation of this Necessity is reduc'd chiefly to four Heads:

The first contains sixteen proofs or arguments of S. Augustin, which Fathers authority I prin­cipally use, because he is the first who by many excellent works prov'd against the Pelagians with no lesse strength then successe, the Necessity of Effectual Grace.

The second Head contains all the Decrees of Popes upon this matter, the definitions of Coun­cils, and the opinions of all Fathers and Divines who have been in greatest reputation from S. Augustin's dayes to the present. Of all which; to avoid being tedious to Your Holinesse, I shall treat succinctly.

The third Head contains the Doctrine which ought to be held, to avoid falling into the errors of the Pelagians and Semipelagians, according to the judgements which were alwayes pass'd there­upon in the Congregation de Auxiliis held at Rome.

And the fourth contains sixty signal Errors or Heresies, drawn by necessary consequence from the doctrine contrary to that of S. Augustin, and from the grace held by the Molinists; which to­tally subvert the principal foundations of Christi­an Faith.

But to eschew all equivocations and ambigui­ties, I conceive it necessary to represent briefly to Your Holinesse what is to be understood by the words, Grace Effectual by it self, and by the sufficient Grace of the Molinists.

By Grace Effectual by it self, we understand a Grace which by its internal strength and vertue, and (to use the Apostles words) by its Ener­gy, not only makes a man able if he will, but makes him most certainly and invincibly to will. Now this strength and vertue of Grace is no­thing else, (according as S. Augustin showes and teaches in many places against the Pelagi­ans) but a certain celestial sweetnesse and dele­ctation of love, or an infusion of charity into our hearts by the Holy Ghost, causing us to perform with a holy love the good, which we know.

For as our own experience teaches us as well as S. Augustin, that which hinders us from doing an action of piety, is either our not knowing good, or not being affected with and delighted in it, at least not so much as we ought. So that to accomplish a pious action, it is requisite that [Page 376] what is hid from us be discover'd to us, and what doth not please us be made agreeable to us.

The first is effected by the Law and instructi­ons, which dispel the darknesse of our igno­rance; a and the second by Grace which cures our weaknesse, or, to speak better, both the one and the other are given by Grace, which for this reason S. Augustin terms an Aid added to Nature, and to instruction by the inspiration of a most pure and fervent Charity.

Thus, when Ged will have us love and do some good work, what doth he in us? He inspires in­to our heart (saith S. Augustin) an ardor of love and charity, the pleasure whereof surpasses the delight of sin, and its Celestial sweetnesse causes that what he commands us, pleases us more then what withdrawes us from obeying him. And it is call'd Effectual Grace, inasmuch as the de­light and spiritual allurement wherewith it is ac­company'd surpassing the pleasures of the flesh and the World, infallibly and invincibly causes us to will, because, b saith S. Augustin, 'Tis impossible for us not to act according to that which pleases us most.

Your Holiness may judge by what I have newly said, how excellent, clear and true this way of S. Augustin's reasoning is, since among all the ad­vantages which make truth esteem'd, the principal is, that it is no sooner explicated then acknow­ledg'd, and needs no other proof but a plain and naked Exposition.

On the contrary, They who maintain the In­different and Molinistical Grace, say, 'Tis a cer­tain illumination of the Understanding, and a pious motion in the Will, indeliberate and not free, by meanes whereof a man may will and do some good; but Effectual willing depends upon his Free-will, which according as it lists sometimes willeth, and sometimes willeth not, turning now one way and anon anothet. Thus according to their sentiments, this kind of Grace never pro­duces Effectually by it self the free consent of the Will, but is term'd Effectual or ineffectual by a certain external denomination, according as it pleases Man's Will to use, or not use it. Whence it sufficiently appears that the Question between us, is, Whether Grace rules over the will, or the will over Grace: whether Grace subdue Free-will to it self, or Free-will Grace. Now we af­firm, that Grace is victorious over Free-will, and is necessary to every pious action; to prove which, we draw our first Argument from the prayers of the Church, as S. Augustin alwayes did. And truly M. H. F. it cannot be but an admirable Providence of God, that the first day of Rogations, in which the Church offers pub­lick prayers to God for obtaining his Grace, is the day whereon we begin to prove the necessity of the same Grace by those very prayers which the Church uses to obtain it, they being not on­ly a powerful meanes for obtaining, but also a most clear proof for evincing the same. Now the Argument is this.

The Grace which the Church begs of God for all actions of piety, is simply and absolutely ne­cessary for performing the same. But Grace Ef­fectual by it self, is that which the Church begs of God for every action of piety. Therefore Grace Effectual by it self, is simply and absolute­ly necessary to the doing of them.

The Major of this Argument cannot be deny'd without wounding the Faith. For one of these three things must be said: Either, that the Grace which the Church begs for all actions of Piety, is no wayes necessary towards the doing of them; or, that it is only necessary for their more easie and certain performance; or lastly, that it is ab­solutely necessary, so that no man can do good without it. He that should affirm the first, mocks God, as S. Augustin saith, By asking of him what he hath no need of. For what is more ridiculous, then to pray for that to be granted to us which is in our own power? He that maintains the se­cond, falls into Pelagianism, For no other reason made Pelagius passe for an heretick in the present Question, but that he affirm'd, That Men pray for the grace of God through Jesus Christ, and God gives it to them only that they may the more easily do that by Grace which they are able to do by their own Free-will. Whereupon S. Augustin tells Pelagius, Blot out the Word, more easily, and your sense will be Catholick. It remains therefore that the third be granted, which is, That the grace which the Church de­sires of God for all sort of pious actions, is ab­solutely necessary towards the performance of the same.

Now to prove the Minor (in which lyes all the difficulty and all the strength of my Argu­ment) namely, But Grace Effectual by it self is that which the Church begs for all pious actions: I prove it thus. We do not only pray for a Grace which gives the power to do well, but for a Grace which besides giving that power, causes also by its effectual vertue that the action is ac­complish'd, and that in every pious action; Or, to speak better, we pray to God to give us the very will and the very action; as for example, To give us faith it self, repentance, continence, perseverance and other Gifts belonging to piety and salvation. For see how S. Augustin speaks to Vitalis, who deny'd that God works all these things in us; Turn all your disputes against the prayers of the Church; and when you hear the Priest at the Altar exhort the people of God to pray for unbelievers that he would convert them to the faith; for the Catechumeni, that he would inspire into them the desire of regeneration; and for the faithful, that they may persevere as they have be­gun: then scoffe at so holy an exhortation, and say, that for your part, you do not do that whereunto he exhorts you, that you do not pray God to make the Infidels believers, because you conceive the cover­sion of Infidels is not a benefit of God's mercy, but an effect of man's will.

Now what is this Perseverance which we ask of God (that I may not insist upon the other graces which we receive from him, or rather that we may judge of them by this) See how S. Augustin explicates it in the book De Cor. & Grat. cap. 12. The Saints who are predestinated to the kingdom of God by Grace, do not only receive that help of perseverance (such as that which was given to Adam) but that [Page 377] which they receive is such, that perseverance it self is given to them, so that they not only could not perse­vere without that help, but with that help they can­not but persevere.

Now what S. Augustin speaks of Perseve­rance, 'tis manifest that he everywhere speaks the same of Faith, Repentance and Continence: Whence this Argument may be form'd, In the same manner that the Church prayes to God for Perseverance, it prayes also for Faith, Repen­tance, &c. But when the Church prayes for Perseverance, it prayes for the assistance of Ef­fectual Grace, without which we cannot perse­vere, and with which we cannot but persevere. Therefore, when it prayes for Faith, Repen­tance, &c. it prays for the assistance of Effectual Grace, without which we can neither be Belie­vers, nor Penitent, &c, and with which we can­not but be so.

Pope Celestine in his Letter to the French Bi­shops, confirms the same thing so clearly, that the whole eleventh Chapter, shews by the pray­ers mention'd in it, what is the faith of the whole Church touching the true and Effectual Grace of God. His words are these: Besides the invio­lable Decrees of the most Holy Apostolick See, by which those most Holy Fathers rejected this dete­stable Innovation, (whose source is Pride) have taught us, that we ought to refer to the grace of Jesus Christ, both the beginning of a right will in Man, and his increasing in holy life, and his per­severance to the end: Let us consider also the so­lemn prayers made by the Priests, which having been left us by Apostolical Tradition, are uniformly ce­lebrated in the whole Catholick Church throughout the World, to the end that the form of our prayers may be the rule of our faith. For Bishops acting as Ambassadors to God in the name of the faithful committed to their charge, plead the cause of man­kind in his divine presence, and all the Church ac­companying their words with sighs and tears prays to God with them to give faith to Infidels; to de­liver Idolaters from the impiety of their Errors; to make known his Truth to the Jewes by removing the vail which is upon their hearts; to enlighten the minds of Hereticks, by causing them to embrace the Catholick faith; to diffuse a spirit of charity into the breasts of Schismaticks; to grant repentance to such as are fallen, & to open to the Catechumeni the door of the mercy of Heaven in the holy regeneration of the Sacrament of Baptism. And the effects shew that 'tis not in vain, and only for form that we beg all these things of God, since he vouchsafes by his goodnesse to draw many persons out of all kind of errors and wandrings, to deliver them out of the power of darknesse, and bring them into the king­dom of his beloved Son; and thus to change those into vessels of mercy who were at first vessels of his wrath. Which the Church in such sort acknow­ledges to be wholly God's work, that it doth not fail to give him thanks for it, and offer to him a song of praises, confessing him the author thereof, and that 'tis he that enlightned the Infidels, and convert­ed the sinners.

But M. H. F. This will appear more clearly, by considering the very expressions of the pray­ers which the Church offers to God throughout all the World by perpetual custome, in which it prayes not only for the power to act, but also for the will and action it self. In this manner it speaks on the sixth Sunday after Pentecost; God of all power and might, who art the only author of all true good, graffe in our hearts the love of thy H. Name, cause us to grow more and more in religious piety, to the end that thy self cherishing the seeds of vertue which thou hast planted in us, the same may be preserved by the pious and faithful care which thou shalt cause us to have thereof. And on the eighth Sunday; Grant, Lord, by thy mercy, that thy Spirit may inspire holy thoughts into us, and cause us to produce holy actions, that we who cannot live without thee, may by thee be able to live accord­ing to thy Will. And on the twelfth Sunday; Al­mighty and merciful God, through whose grace a­lone it cometh that thy faithful people do unto thee true and laudable service, be pleas'd so to uphold ue, that without falling through our weaknesse we may constantly run towards those good things which thou hast promis'd. And on the sixteenth Sun­day; Lord, we pray thee, that thy grace may al­wayes prevent and follow us; and mako us conti­nually to be given to all good works. And on the Eve of Pentecost; Grant, Lord, that we may be able to subdue our depraved will, and accomplish in all things the Righteousnesse of thy holy Command­ments. And in the secret Orison of the Masse on the fourteenth Sunday; Lord, convert and draw unto thee our rebellious wills.

Nothing can more clearly evince, that the Grace which moves our rebellious will to return unto God is not subject to Free-will, or of such a nature as that it sometimes fails of its effect through the resistance of the will. But what mo­tion is that whereby the Church prayes that it may be turn'd to God? Certainly, 'tis not such an inconsiderate and blind motion, as that where­with an insensible Instrument is mov'd, but 'tis that motion of divine Love, and that bond of most sweet and heavenly charity, by which God pulls and draws to himself him whom he pleases to render vertuous. In which respect there is no fear of our liberty being violated by that at­traction and motion how victorious soever it may be. For being nothing is done in us more freely then that which is done by Love (accord­ing to that saying of S. Augustin, He who doth any thing willingly, alwayes doth it freely;) How can it ever happen that Liberty should be de­stroy'd by the cause which produces it in its whole plenitude? But I return to the prayers of the Church.

Now the Church speaks thus in the secret Ori­son which it makes to God for the gift of tears; Cause us to shed tears of compunction for the hard­nesse of our hearts, to the end we may bewail our sins. And in the Post-Communion, Lord, through thy goodnesse infuse into our hearts the grace of thy Holy Spirit, which may enable us to blot out the stains of our sins by sighs and tears.

Moreover, The Church implores the gift of Charity; O God which canst cause things to work together for the good of those that love thee, stir up in our hearts an ardent sense of thy love, that no temptation may be able to alter the holy desires which thou hast inspir'd into ut by thy goodnesse. And on H. Friday; Let us pray also [Page 378] for the Catechumeni, that the Lord our God may open the eares of their hearts. And a Little after, Let us pray also for the perfidious Jewes, that the Lord our God may remove the vail which lyes upon their hearts. And in the Orison following; Hear the prayers which we offer unto thee, to take away the blindnesse of that people, that knowing Jesus Christ the light of thy Truth, they may come out of their darkness. And in the next; Let us pray also for the Heathen, that the Almighty God may root out the iniquity which is in their hearts. And on Holy Saturday after the first Prophecy, Grant that our hearts and minds may remaine stedfast a­gainst the allurements of sin. And after the tenth Prophecy; Give us both to be willing, and to be able to perform that which thou commandest us. And in the Orison which is said at the Altar, ta­ken out of S. Basil's Liturgy, of which almost the whole Eastern Church makes use, as Petrus Dia­conus witnesseth in the eighth Chapter of his Trea­tise De Incarnatione & Gratia; Lord, give us ver­tue, and enable us to keep it. Cause that the wicked may become good, and continue the good in their goodness. For thou art able to do all things, and none can withstand thee. Thou savest when it pleas­eth thee, and no man resisteth thy Will.

This made S. Augustin say in cap. 7. De Prae­dest. Sanctorum; Let not the Church expect long Disputes from us, but consider the prayers which she offers daily to God; she prayes to him that the incredulous may believe; therefore 'tis God that converts them to the Faith, She prayes that they who believe may persevere, and consequent­ly 'tis God that gives them perseverance to the end of their lives. And he concludes in these words: What man having a sound and vigilant Faith, can listen to humane Reasonings against what is taught him by this loud Trumpet of Truth?

Many other like prayers there are made by Saints, and dispers'd everywhere in the Holy Scriptures; such as this; Create a new heart in me, O God. And this; God open your heart to under­stand his holy Law, and make you walk according to his Commandments. And this other; God give you all such hearts that you may serve him, and perform his will with affection and zeal. And this other of S. Paul; God incline you to every good thing, by working in you that which is well-pleas­ing to himself. And we beseech him, not only that you may not do evil, but that you may do good.

From all which passages this Argument may be form'd; He who prayes to God for all the things above-mention'd, namely, to graffe his love in our hearts, to reduce our rebellious will to himself by his goodnesse, to give us the will and the power to perform what he commandeth, to create a new heart in us, to make us walk in the way of his Commandments, to take out of us the heart of stone which hinders us from per­forming thereof, and to give us a heart of flesh which may cause us to perform the same, to cause that no temptations may be able to alter the holy desires which he inspires into us, & not only that we may not do evil, but do good; He, I say, who prayes for all these things, doth not pray for a sufficient Grace whereby we may be able if we will, which leaves it at the disposal of our Free-will, to will or not will: but he asks an effectu­al and victorious grace, which causes us to will invincibly, and as far as is needful to perform that which we will. But the Church asks all these things of God in its ordinary prayers. There­fore, &c.

On the contrary it cannot be said, that the Church ever thought of praying to God for such Grace as the Molinists fancy. For supposing that God has given a just man the Grace to per­severe, but such a Grace as doth not make him persevere, though he might persevere; can any one be so senslesse as to say, that such Grace is the Grace of perseverance which the Church asks of God in its prayers, and whereof the Apostle saith, We pray God that you do not evil, but that on the contrary you may do good?

Hence therefore we may argue against them in this manner; The Grace which the Church never asks of God, is not the true grace of Jesus Christ necessary and sufficient to every action of piety, Now the sufficient Grace of the Molinists, by which most frequently we neither will nor do good, can neither be that Grace which the Church implores of God. Therefore this kind of grace is not the true Grace of Jesus Christ necessary and sufficient to every action of piety; but a false, fictitious, and illegitimate grace.

Wherefore, M. H. F. If this Grace be ever acknowledg'd to be the true Grace of Jesus Christ, all the prayers of the Church must be chang'd; those holy prayers which ha­ving been left to it by the Apostle, are repeat­ed every day in the same manner upon Altars consecrated to God over all the World. For God, according to the opinion of Molina and his Di­sciples, giving us by his grace to be able if we will, or rather ability to will, and leaving it to our own Free-will to will, it is evident that we should have nothing to ask further of God, and that no other Grace is to be expected from him.

Whence every Christian will for the future be oblig'd to speak to God in this manner; Lord, give me a Grace whereby I may will that which thou commandest me. For as for to will and to do it, that I ask not of thee, because it depends upon my self. Leave that to my Free-will; let not the power and efficacy of thy celestial Grace extend further; for then the liberty of my will would be violated. I desire a grace which may give me a possibility and the progresse of that possibility, which may invite me, call me, and sollicite me to good; but I desire not such a grace as should give me the affection of the will and the effect of cooperation. I desire not such grace as should determine me to will, apply me to action, lead me to act by its invincible force, and operate in me both to will and to do. On the contrary, I would have a grace which I may apply, or not ap­ply according as I please.

Good God' Can any Christian endure to hear such language as this? What is more unworthy of the School of Jesus Christ, more remote from all sort of piety, and more insupportable to the eares of the faithful, then this manner of pray­ing; since sinners would never be converted to [Page 379] God, if they waited till they had the will to be converted, and if by the omnipotence of his grace he did not work in their hearts that good will and that conversion? Moreover, the Church doth not beg for them a grace whereby they may be converted if they will, but a Grace which may make them willing, which may soften their hardnesse, and take away their heart of stone to give them one of flesh. We pray, saith S. Au­gustin, not only for those wbo are unwilling, hut al­so for those who resist and oppose. What do we ask then, but that they may be so chang'd as to will that which they were unwilling to, to approve that which they disapprov'd, and to love that which they with­stood? Because, as the Eastern Church speaks, He saves when it pleases him, and none resists his will. Because, as S. Augustin saith, Lib. de Cor. & Grat. cap. 14. He hath an omnipotent power to lead the hearts of men whether he pleaseth; and be­cause as he saith in another place, Who is he that can resist God to hinder him from doing what pleas­eth him?

After so many proofs, M. H. F. who sees not that this manner of praying (consecrated by the universal consent of the Church, and confirm'd by the authentick testimony of S. Augustin) can in no wise consist with the doctrine of Molina and his indifferent Grace? Whatever his Partisans can say or do, and whatever subtilties thy may have recourse to, they will never avoid the just reproach of having endeavor'd to overthrow all the prayers of the Church. Whereof the rea­son is evident; The Church asks nothing of God but what he doth effect. Now by their principles, God operates nothing in us but the possibility of willng and acting, and the encreasing of that pos­sibility. But according to the same principles of theirs, God operates not in us the very being willing, the very determination and application of the will to will, faith it self, repentance and the effect of love towards God, inasmuch as all these are other things then power. For accord­ding to them God works not willingnesse in us, but so far as he gives the power, and sollicites this power in such sort that we perform all these things by using, as seems good to us, the grace which is once given us. Whence it clearly fol­lowes that they wholly destroy the Churches prayers, whereby she asks of God not only the Faculty, and the power of willing and doing good; but besides this, she precisely asks of him the will to do it, and the action it self which is the effect thereof.

Will the Molinists say, that besides this grace of possibility we have need of some supernatural concourse, by which God acting with us, ope­rates all actions of piety; and that 'tis this singu­lar grace which the Church prayes for, when she demands power and willingnesse to accomplish what God commands us? But being that accord­ing to their opinion this concourse, how superna­tural soever it may be, is wholly in our own power by meanes of that sufficient grace above­mention'd, just as natural concourse is in our own power in using our natural strength, which hath all that is necessary to it to render us capable of doing good; What can be more extravagant, as S. Augustin speaks, that to pray that we may be caus'd to do that which we have already pawer to do, and to ask for that to be given us which we possesse already. This concourse therefore is not the grace which the Apostle so highly esteems, & which the Church so importunately implores in its pray­ers. Which may be invincibly prov'd by this one Argument: That grace, which by the meanes of sufficient grace, is intirely in our own power, so that we may, as we list, use or not use it, and and which can never be withheld from us by God; is not the Grace which the Church implores, when she prayes God to take away this heart of stone and give us one of flesh in its stead; and to cause that we may will that which we will not, consent to what we reject, and love what we formerly oppos'd. But this concourse of the Molinists, how supernatural soever it may be, is such as may be made use of or not, at pleasure. There­fore it cannot be taken for the Grace so ardently pray'd for by the Church.

Perhaps our Adversaries will say, That that which the Church asks of God in her prayers is not the ability to do good, or that supernatural concourse which is in our power by meanes thereof, but that she prayes him to grant her that ability in times, places, temper of the body and other circumstances of second causes, by means of which he foresees that we will freely consent to his Grace. And 'tis in this temper that they ordinarily place the efficacy of that grace which they hold.

But if by this manner of speaking they meant nothing else but that the efficacy of Gods grace consists in a certain degree of love towards God, that is to say, in a charity greater then cupidity, by meanes of which God begins to appear to us desirable, and good works for his sake, so that we take more pleasure in doing what he com­mands us, then in not doing what he forbids us; they would agree with us, and there would be no longer dispute between us touching this matter. For what else is the effectual and medicinal grace of Jesus Christ according to S. Augustin, but a victorious pleasure, a sweetnesse and ravishment of divine love which surmounts all the allure­ments of the flesh; and an ardor of charity over-mastering and subduing cupidity? But because our Adversaries place not the efficacy of Gods grace in the victory of charity over cupidity, but in a cer­tain temperament accompany'd with the circum­stances above-mention'd, whence it follows, that such efficacy is still subject to Free-will, and that 'tis necessary for God first to sound the heart of his creature that he may see what it will do in such circumstances before he ordain any thing of its conversion; This is that which we reject and con­demn as profane, and maintain it to be in no wise that Grace which the Church prayes for. For she prayes God to shed into our hearts such charity, the delectation whereof surmounts the delectati-of sin; she prayes him to fortifie our souls by his H. Spirit, and to ground and root us in charity; she begs of him such medicinal grace as may heal our infirmities and give us inward strength; she prays him to co convert us to him in whatever e­state we be, either of prosperity or adversity, joy or sadnesse; she desires of him to give us the strength never to consent to sin by leaving our [Page 380] selves to be overcome by afflictions, allurements or threatnings; and lastly, she prayes to be ena­led with great charity and patience, to surmount bll the difficulties and accidents which occur in the acourse of our lives. What relation M. H. F. have all these things to the Temper or Constitu­tion whereof we speak? Do's he who prayes to God in the manner I have set forth, believe that his omnipotent vertue and charity cannot operate conversion in mans heart, unlesse by causing those circumstances of times and places to meet with the will of man? Let them who are of this mind hear what S. Augustin saith, Who is so void of sense and so impious as to say, that God cannot change the per­verse wills of men, and convert those to good which he pleases, when he pleases and where he pleases? Because, as he saith elswhere, God hath the will's of men more in his power then they have themselves. Let them hear S. Prosper in his Poem of Grace, chap. 16. where he hath this sense; But the Grace of Christ, being through Christ all-powerful, heals a languishing soul after another manner; 'tis the spirit and hand of God himself, both beginning and accomplish­ing his divine work. Let a man, be young or old, rich or poor, yet when that exerts its activity, any time is favorable; Nothing withstands its power­ful assistance; hardnesse of heart do's not stop its course. And all the vain power of the second cause yields to his high designes purposed before the foundations of the world. Whence this Argument may be fram'd. The grace of God, which is of such a nature that it can change the most opposite wills of men, and convert to good those whom he pleases, when he pleases, and where he pleases, (he having alwayes in his power the means of doing that which pleases him, without ever being lyable to any retardment from the contrary manners or inclinations of men by any cause or obstacle what­soever) is perfectly free and independent, as to its efficacy, or any natural disposition whatsoever. But the Grace by which God converts the wills of men, and which the Church asks of him in her prayers, is such, according to S. Augustin and S. Prosper, and the contrary opinion cannot be held without folly or impiety. Therefore the Grace by which God turns the wills of men, and which the Church desires in her prayers, is perfectly free, and independent upon any natural disposition whatsoever; and the contrary opinion is impi­ous.

But moreover we see that the Churches prayers are grounded not only upon God's prescience but upon his vertue and energy which acts upon our will as it pleases him. For as is above shewn, the Church prayes thus in the Collect of the Holy Al­tar, us'd almost throughout the whole East; Lord, give us vertue and the meanes to preserve it, cause the wicked to become good, and uphold the good in their goodnesse. For thou art able to do all things, and none can withstand thee. Thou savest when thou pleasest, and no person resists thy pleasure. Whereas on the contrary by this Answer of the Molinists, the prayers of the Church should not be ground­ed upon the power but the prescience of God; and 'twould not be needful to pray for a Grace whereby he may turn our will to himself and fill us with his love, but only for a Grace whereby he may know by his prescience that we will turn our selves to him, not by the power of a determining and applying grace, but by the motion of our own Free-will. Whence it would follow, that God gives only a grace of Possibility, whereof he foresees our will will make good use in such and such circumstances, and not the grace to will and to do, that is, which operates both the will and the action, which is the most impious opinion that can be imagin'd.

Again, 'tis indubitable that God by his presci­ence knows all the good works which we are to perform. But the ground of his knowing them beforehand, is, that 'tis himself who will do them; he sees them before they are done, be­cause he ha's prepar'd and predestinated the good works in which he will have us walk. See how S. Augustin speaks touching this matter in the book De Praedest. Sanctorum, cap. 10. That which the Apostle saith, speaking of good works: That God hath prepar'd them to cause us to walk therein, denotes Predestination, which cannot be with­out Prescience, as Prescience may be without Pre­destination. For God by his predestination hath foreseen the things which himself is to do: Whence it it is said by the Scripture, That God doth the things which are not yet come to passe; but he can also know these by his Prescience which himself effecteth not, as all sins. After which he proves, that the good works which we perform are not those which God hath barely foreseen, but which he hath pro­mis'd, and consequently works in us. For he pro­miseth, saith he, what he is to effect himself, and not what men are to effect; because though men per­form holy actions pertaining to the Worship of God, yet 'tis God himself who causeth them to perform what he hath commanded them; and 'tis not they who cause God to accomplish what he hath promis'd; otherwise it would follow, that the accomplishment of Gods promises depended upon men, and not upon God himself, and that 'twas they who acquitted God towards Abraham of what he had promis'd to Abra­ham. Now that H. Patriarch had no such beleef, but giving glory to God, he stedfastly believ'd that God was able to do what he had promis'd. The Scripture saith not, that God could foretell or fore­see it. For he can foretell and foresee what o­thers will do and not himself; but it saith, that he could do it; denoting thereby that what he promis'd, was not what others were to do, but what he would do himself.

From which words of S. Augustin, I shall with Your favor M. H. F. form this Argument. The prayers which the Church makes to God, have no other foundation but Gods very promi­ses. But Gods promises are founded only upon his power and not upon his prescience. There­fore the Churches prayers are likewise founded only upon God's power. This Argument may be propounded after another manner and more convincingly. God acts in the hearts of men to work out their salvation in such manner as he ha's promis'd to act therein. But God promis'd A­braham the faith and conversion of Idolatrous Nations, not because he foresaw that they would believe, but because he had power to cause them to believe. Therefote he daily acts after the same manner in the heart of man in reference to faith and conversion, not because he foresees that man [Page 381] will turne by his grace, but because he is able and hath resolv'd to work such consent in his heart.

But I will concede to our Adversaries that the Church prays to God for no other grace in order to all actions of piety, then that which they call Congruous in the sense before explicated, and to which he foresees that man will freely consent if he give him the same. Yet this very thing is more then sufficient to refute their doctrine and con­vince their errors. For, as 'tis evident by what I have already said, the Church asks no other grace of God for a pious action, then that which it believes wholly and absolutely necessary to the doing thereof. But the Church for every pious action desires that grace which they term Congru­ous. And consequently believes absolutely and wholly necessary to every pious action. Thus they who have not this Grace for a certain action of piety, suppose Repentance, have not all the grace which is necessary to repent. But all whom the Church prays God to turn to himself by repentance, have not this congruous grace of re­pentance; for if they had, they would be effective­ly turn'd, and 'twere superfluous to desire God to give it them. Therefore all those for whose conversion to God by repentance the Church prays, have not all the grace which is neces­sary to repent. How then can it be said that they have a grace perfectly sufficient there­unto?

Is it not therefore, M. H. F. more clear then the day, the points of the Molinists doctrine are whol­ly opposite either to the Catholick faith, or to themselves? For they must necessarily grant one of these two things, either that the Grace which the Church implores for the conversion of sinners is not absolutely necessary for their conver­sion, which is undoubtedly impious and hereti­cal; or that sinners have not all the grace which is sufficient for repenting, since they have not that which is necessary thereunto.

In the second place another argument may be drawn from the Churches prayers, to show that she implores of God no other grace then that which by its invincible power works in the hearts of men, the motion, the consent, and an actual conversion, and which she believes absolutely necessary for producing so saving an effect. For when Infidels or sinners withstand God's word, she prays for them that they may not resist but consent. She prays, as S. Augustin saith, in the place before alledg'd, that they may be so chang'd as to will that which they will'd not, to approve that which they disapprov'd, to love that which they oppos'd. Thence she belives that when they consent not but resist, they have not from God the grace which is necessary to consenting: which showes that she believes that the necessary Grace is that which surmounts re­sistance and produces consent: which is no other thing then to say that Grace effectual by it self is absolutely necessary.

Let any Molinist now come to maintain, (what he cannot deny, unlesse he will disclaim all his own principles) that an unbeliever and opposer of the Gospel, suppose some Jew of this City, hath all the grace necessary to believing; never­thelesse he must acknowledge that the Church prays for him to the end he may believe. What doth she implore for him? What grace doth she pray God to grant to, this Infidel? It cannot be that which is necessary to believing, since if it were, he should not have all the grace necessary to be­lieving; which is contrary to the Hypothesis, there being a manifest contradiction between these two contradictories, namely that this man hath all the grace necessary to believing, and that he wants some grace necessary thereunto. Thus it followes from the principles of the Molinists that the Grace which the Church implores for this man is not necessary for him, unlesse perhaps to lead him more easily and surely to believe­ing.

Whence this argument may be form'd. If an Unbeliever who resists the Gospel, hath all the Grace which is necessary for him to believe; it fol­lowes that when the Church prays for him to the end he may be converted to the faith, she asks not of God to grant him a Grace which is absolutely necessary for his believing. But according to the Molinists, an unbeliever who resists the Gos­pel, hath all Grace necessary to his believing. Therefore when the Church prays for him that he may be converted to the faith, she asks not a grace which is absolutely necessary to his believing.

You see, M. H. F. how the prayers of the Church are destroyed by this means. For these two things are perfectly opposite, namely, that an Infidel who resists the Gospel hath all the grace from God which is necessary for his believing; and that neverthelesse the Church desires some grace for him which is necessary thereunto. Whence it followes that if an Infidel who resists the Gospel, hath all necessary Grace, 'tis in vain that the Church prays for him; or if 'tis not in vain, then he hath not all the grace necessary to his believing. Whereby Y. H. clearly sees that what Molina holds herein is contradictorily op­posite to the prayers of the Church, and that we have right to say with S. Augustin; 'Tis then in vain and most unprofitably rather then truly that we addresse prayers to God for them, to the end that by believing they may assent to the doctrine which they op­pose, if 'tis not the proper effect of his grace to con­vert to the faith of his Gospel the wills of men who oppose the same faith. But because the Church prays not vainly and unprofitably, it followes that the Infidel who resists the Gospel, hath not all the Grace which is necessary for him to believe, because he hath not the effectual Grace which might cause him to believe. Wherefore Grace ef­fectual by it self is that which the Church asks of God, and which she believes and maintains to be absolutely necessary to every pious action.

In the third place, M. H. F. this invincible argument may be drawn from the Churches per­severance in prayer. When the Church prayes for the conversion of an Infidel to the faith, or of a sinner to repentance; what ever grace of pos­sibility he may have receiv'd whereby he is able to turn himself, but doth not; yet the Church ne­ver ceases to continue praying to God to convert him and make him embrace repentance, and free him from the bonds of the devil till he be conver­ted [Page 382] to God by faith and repentance. Therefore what ever Grace of possibility can be fancied, yet there is another grace besides which subdues free will to it self, & which the Church implores of God, which gives possibility with effect so as to work consent, and which as S. Austin speaks, constraines the unbeliever to embrace the faith. But 'tis this grace which is effectual by it self, which who so hath, is undoubtedly converted, and who so wants is not converted. Therefore the grace of faith of repentance which the Church prays for, is effectual by it self. And because, as I have often said alrea­dy, the Church asks no grace of God but what she confesses to be necessary; it followes that the Grace which she asks is necessary and effectual by it self. This appears clearly by S. Augustin's words in the end of the 107th letter. Do you not go about to hinder the Church from praying for Ʋn­believers to the end they may become believers? from praying for such as will not believe to the end they may be willing to believe? from praying for those who contradict her law and doctrine, that the may consent to the same, and that God would give them as he hath promis'd by the Prophet a heart to know God and ears to hear, the receiving of which is denoted by our Savior when he saith, He that hath an ear to hear let him hear? And when the Lord's Priest being at the Altar, you hear him exhort the people to pray to God, or pray aloud himself that he would so constrain the Infidels as to make them embrace his H. faith, will you not answer, So be it?

This being suppos'd, M. H. F. I demand whe­ther or no an Infidel who resists the Gospel hath a heart to know God? whether or no he hath eares to hear? whether or no he hath grace which compels him to the faith? If he hath all these things, to what purpose doth the Church pray for him that he may receive what he already pos­sesses? If he hath not, then he hath not all the grace which is necessary to him for believing, since (besides what I have frequently evinc'd, that the Church implores no grace of God which is not necessary) 'tis certain that none can know God unlesse he have receiv'd a heart to know him, nor hear his word unless he have receiv'd ears to hear. Moreover, this Grace being effectual by self, since as 'tis impossible for a man to know God unless he have receiv'd a heart to know him, so neither if he have receiv'd such a heart, can he but know him; having receiv'd a heart to repent, he cannot but repent; having receiv'd eares to hear, he cannot but hear; being impell'd by that motion which causeth to embrace the faith, he cannot but embrace the same: It followes clearly, that the grace which the Church implores of God as necessary every action of piety, is effectual by it self.

In the fourth place the same truth is invincibly manifested by the refutation of the Molinistical grace, even in S. Austin's own words, speaking in this manner to Vitalis a Semipelagian; You say, that God as much as lyes in him, causes us to Will, since he gives us the knowledge of his pleasure, but if we will not obey the same, 'tis we who are the cause that God's operation is fruitlesse to us. Which if you affirme, you contradict the prayers of the Church.

Which reasoning of S. Augustin utterly refutes any grace what ever that is subject (in its usse) to Free Will, as being utterly contrary to the prayers of the faithfull. This Argument will evince it. Whosoever establishes a doctrine, from which it follows that he is of an opinion contrary to the prayers of the Church (as S. Augustin here judges that of Vitalis) he is in an error and alienated from the orthodox belief of the Catholick faith. But he who maintains a suf­ficient Grace subject to Freewill establishes a do­ctrine from which it followes that he holds an opinion contrary to the prayers of the Church. Which is prov'd by S. Augustin in this manner; Whosoever saith that we through our resistance and unwillingnesse to obey, cause God's operati­on upon us to become unprofitable, manifestly contradicts the Churches prayers. But he who maintaines a sufficient Grace subject to Freewill, saith that we by resisting such sufficient Grace and by not willing to submit thereunto, cause God's operation to become unprofitable. Therefore he is in an opinion contrary to that of the Churches prayers, and consequently erres, and is not in the belief of the Catholick faith.

Moreover all the thanks rendered to God by the Church prove the same thing; or as S. Au­gustin speaks in his 107. Epistle to Vitalis, This truth appears no lesse clearly in thanks-giving then in prayer. It appears in the prayer which we put up to God for such as are still unbelievers; and it appears in the thanks which we render to him in behalf of those who are become believers. For as we ought to pray to him to the end he may accomplish that for which we pray, so we ought to render him thanks when he hath accomplisht the same. Wherefore from the duty of thanksgiving I draw the 3. following arguments.

First, We render thanks to God, not only for what we have been able to do, but for what we have been willing to do with piety, and accor­dingly perform'd. Thus S. Augustin teaches us in his Epistle to Vitalis, where he saith, Whence it is that the Apostle requires the same thing of the E­phesians, when he saith, Moreover having under­stood what your faith is towards our Lord Jesus Christ, and your love to all the Saints, I continually give thanks in your behalf: but we speak now onely of the first beginning of faith, when men who were remote and even averse from God, are converted to God, and begin to will that which they willed not, and to have the faith which they had not; for the ef­fecting of which alteration in them, it is, that we pray for them, although themselves pray not, because they cannot call upon him in whom they do not believe. And when God hath wrought that in them for which we pray'd (i. e. when he hath turn'd their hearts) we give him thanks in their behalf, and themselves do the same. But as for the prayers which they make when they are already believers both for themselves and for the other faithfull, that God would cause them to proceed in his way; and as for the thanks which they render to him, when they do accordingly proceed therein, I conceive there needs no dispute con­cerning the same.

From which words of S. Augustin, I most hum­bly beseech Y. H. to give me leave to forme this argument against the Molinists. We give thanks to God for what he hath already wrought in us: But there is no pious motion of our will nor any pious action, for which we do not give him [Page 383] thanks. Therefore there is no pious motion in our will nor any pious action which God doth not work in us. And consequently the grace of God necessary to every action of piety is effectu­al by it self of every pious motion of the will and of every pious action.

'Tis therefore unprofitably, saith S. Augustin in the same Epistle to Vitalis, and meerely for fa­shion, rather then really, that we render thanks to God with joy when any unbelievers are converted, if it be not he who worketh that in them for which we thank him. Let us not deceive men, I beseech you, for as for God we know that we cannot deceive him.

The second Argument is this. The Church doth not give thanks to God for the conversion of any one to faith or repentance, unlesse when the is perswaded that he really believes or repents in his heart for his offences, The Church there­fore doth not believe, that God hath wrought the conversion of the sinner, and afforded all ne­cessary assistance thereunto when he hath onely granted the grace which gives onely the power, as the Molinists hold; but then only when he hath inspired the grace by vertue whereof the first conversion undoubtedly follow'd, as I said when I spoke concerning prayer. This is prov'd evidently by that passage of S. Augustin, The Apostle having said that the Law is the strength of sin, subjoynes immediately, But we give thanks to God who hath caus'd its to overcome through our Lord Jesus Christ. And thus the victory whereby we surmount sin, is nothing else but a gift of God, who in this combate assists our Freewill. Up­on which account Christ himself saith, Watch and pray, that ye fall not into temptation; and thus all who stirre against their concupiscence-ought to pray that they enter not into temptation, that is, that it may not captivate and prevail over them. But we fall not into temptation, when by a right will we surmount an evil lust. These last words of S. Augu­stin are very much to be observ'd, as whereby he clearly teaches that he who doth not overcome temptation, but on the contrary is overcome by it, hath not had that grace which the faithfull im­plore of God, when they pray him not to suffer them to enter into temptation, Whence it evi­dently followes, that the grace necessary for overcomming all kind of temptations, which the faithfull beg of God in their prayers, and for which they thank him when they have receiv'd it, is not onely a grace of possibility dependant up­on Free-will, but a grace of possibilty, of will and of action, and consequently effectual by it self.

The third Argument is this, If God's grace affords onely a possibility and worketh not the very consent, that is a right or good will, by its own strength, then we ought to thank God for giving us the faculty to will aright or do well, but not for what we have done well and co-operated with his grace. According to Molina's princi­ples, we ought to thank him for giving us a grace which he foresaw we would use well and co-operate therewith. But to speak according to truth; we could not thank him for that we had us'd that grace well and co-operated there­with, since this use and co-operation would not be given us by God, but left to our Free-will: which cannot be so much as thought of without impiety.

I conceive, M. H. F. that Y. H. clearly sees how strong and invincible this Argument drawn from the prayers and thanksgiving of the Church, is, to prove that Grace effectual by it self is ne­cessary to all actions of piety. Which caus'd S. Augustin to say with so great reason in the se­venth chapter de Dono Perseverantie; Had we no other instructions but this, the Lord Prayer were more then sufficient to uphold the cause of Grace which we defend. And in the 23d. Chapter; As the Church was from its first rise instructed in those Prayers, so she hath been instructed and educated in this faith, and is every day more and more con­firm'd therein. And in the 95. Epistle to Pope Innocent I. Prayer it self is a most clear proof of Grace. And Pope Celestine in the 10. Chap. of his Epistle to the Bishops of France, The manner ac­cording to which we ought to pray, teaches us also what we ought to believe. Wherefore 'tis no wonder if S. Augustin in all his Works and all the H. Fathers, who together with him so stoutly maintain'd the true grace of Jesus Christ against the Pelagians, have shewn the tradition and constant and perpetual doctrine of this grace effectual by it self in the prayers which the Church hath offer'd to God from the beginning of her establishment, and which she will con­tinue to offer to him till the end of the world. For the Church hath alwayes dayly implor'd of God the actual believing and conversion of the hearts of all Infidels, whose wills are remote from, and contrary to him; and in behalf of the faithfull, who believe in him with the heart and confesse him with the mouth, perseve­rance and victory in temptations: and for all there gifts the incessantly renders thanks to him.

Having therefore most clearly prov'd, M. H. F. that there two principles are of the Catho­lick faith; first, that the Grace which the Church asks of God in her prayers, is necessary; and secondly, that it is effectuall by it self, and that we cannot imagine that the Church prays for any other. Wherefore it irrefragably fol­lowes from those prayers of the Church, that Grace effectual by it self is necessary to all acti­ons of piety, and that consequently whoso de­nies, manifestly subverts all the Churches prayers.

Your Holinesse, M. H. F. may hence very easily judge what opinion you ought to have of this new doctrine, of a Grace subject to our Free-will; and I dare boldly affirme in your pre­sence, for a conclusion of this first point of our dispute, that this doctrine of Molina is no lesse pernicious and sacrilegious then the very doctrine of Pelagius. For the Fathers of the Council of Carthage in their Epistle to Pope Innocent, (which is the 90th amongst those of S. Augustin) declare that the opinions of the Pelagians are sacrilegious and pernicious, to as­much as it necessarily follows from their doctrin, that we ought not to pray to God not to leave us to fall into temptation; and that it seems a vain thing that the Church implores of him in be­half of his people what the prays for, to the end they may please him by living in his love & fear.

Now he who maintains an opinion from whence such things follow, however his words be different from those of Pelagius, and what­ever [Page 384] other grace he admit, yet he also embraces a pernicious, deadly and sacrilegious doctrine; and what he adds concerning the necessity of a sufficient Grace subject to Free-will, hinders nor but that he is in an error; because they who hold this Grace, can as little as the Pelagians, avoid contradicting the prayers & thanksgivings of the Church (as I have prov'd) and declaring them­selves enemies of that Grace of God, which the prayers of the Saints prove so evidently, that is to say, Grace effectual by it self.

All this Doctrine of the Fathers of the Cartha­ginian Council, confirm'd also by that of Mile­vis, was approv'd by Pope Innocent I. in the E­pistle he writ to them (which is the 91. amongst those of S. Augustin) We see not (saith he) any thing to be added to what you have done, because we see not that you have omitted or forgotten any thing fur the perfect refutation of those Errors, and the convincing of such as maintain them.

It appears also by the whole Epistle that the principal cause why that great Pope detested the Pelagian Error, was, for that it takes away the necessity of Prayer. Pelagius (saith he) and Celestius are so presumptuous as to endeavour to perswade us that we ought to implore God's aid, and have no need of it, although all the Saints affirm that without it we can do nothing. And afterwards; there being nothing whereunto our profession more obliges us, and all our daily prayers tending only to implore Gods mercy, how can we endure them who teach these Errors? But see the thundring words wherwith that most H. Pope strikes the Pelagians; Being arm'd, saith he, in their discourses with false subtilties, they cover themselves with the vail of the Catholick and Orthodox faith, and exhaling a mortal poyson to infect the hearts of those who hold the sound doctrine and cause them to embrace error, they endeavor to overthrow the whole belief of the true faith. Wherefore the course of so dangerous a poyson requires to be checkt, to the end it may spread no further; 'tis requisite to apply the Iron and the Fire to this sore. For what can be more wicked and heathenish, more remote from our holy Re­ligion, and more opposite to the first of Christianity? Is there any thing more deadly to souls, more apt to thrust them into a precipice, and more likely to ex­pose them to all kind of dangers? They thereby high­ly declare themselves themselves enemies of the Ca­tholick faith; they publish their ingratitude for the benefits which they have receiv'd from God, and care not to be worthy of our Communion, since they have polluted it by publishing such errors. They have absolutely abandon'd our Religion. For there is nothing whereunto our profession more obliges us, and all our daily prayers to God tending only to im­plore his mercy, how can we endure them who teach such errors? What strange error is that which blinds them? Do not they deserve to be plung'd as they are in such grosse darknesses? 'Tis fit to root them out of the midst of us; they are to be driven far from the Church, that the evil may be kept from taking more root in our bowels, and by spread­ing further become incurable. What this Gangrene hath corrupted, is to be cut off from what remains sound in the body of the Church, to the end the strength of so dangerous a poyson reach not to the parts which are not yet sick, and that the flock may remain sound by the separation of the sheep in­fected with this cruel pestilence.

Now wherefore, M. H. F. doth this great Pope speak with so much heat against those He­reticks, unlesse because they dared to affirm, that men have no need of Effectual Grace for the performing of Righteousnesse, overcoming of sin, and observing of Gods Commandments? For he accuses them throughout the said Letter of denying that assistance of God which we pray for; and consequently of taking away the ne­cessity of prayer. But the succour which we ask and obtain by prayer, is effectual by it self and cannot be understood after any other manner, as I have most clearly prov'd. Consequently, the cause of his condemning them as Hereticks, and declar'd enemies of the faith and Christian piety, is, because they affirm'd, that we have no need of the grace of God effectual by it self for the accomplishing the Commandments & surmount­ing temptations. Now this is the very same which the Molinists teach and maintain at this day, whilst they hold their sufficient Grace sub­ject to Free-will; and I shall further presse them with this Argument, which shall be the conclusion of all that I have hitherto spoken.

The cause why S. Augustin, the Fathers of the Council of Carthage, Pope Innocent I. and the whole Church condemn'd the doctrine of the Pe­lagians, as impious, heretical & sacrilegious, is, for that it follows from thence, that the Grace which the Church begs of God by her prayers, is not ne­cessary in order to doing good. Whence it ap­pears, that every Doctrine from whence the same consequence may be drawn, is likewise he­retical, sacrilegious, and worthy to be strucken with Anathema. But it follows from the Moli­nistical doctrine of sufficient Grace subject to Free-will as to its use, that the grace which the Church asks of God by her prayers is not neces­sary in order to doing good, since, as I have shewn by invincible proofs, the Grace implor'd by the Churches prayers, is effectual by it self, and it followes from the doctrine of sufficient Grace subject to Free-will is not necessary to do­ing good. Therefore it follows from the doctrine of Molinistical grace, that the Grace implor'd by the Churches prayers is, not necessary to doing good; and thus by manifest consequence the do­ctrine of Molinistical grace subject to Free-will ought according to the judgement of S. Augu­stin, all the other Bishops of Africk, Pope In­nocent I. and the universal Church, to be account­ed heretical, sacrilegious, and worthy to be struck with Anathema.

I purposed M. H. F. here to end this so long Dispute at this time, for fear of being tedious to Your Holinesse, but judging by the gentle­nesse and extream goodnesse wherewith You do me the honour to hear me, that You give me full liberty of speaking, and will not be displeas'd that I employ what remains of this day in bring­ing new proofs; I shall endeavor to show by a second testimony of S. Augustin the truth of the same Proposition which I have undertaken to prove, and which is the subject of all the pre­sent Contest; namely, that Grace effectual by it self is necessary to all actions of piety. 'Tis the [Page 385] subject which that great Saint handles in the book De Gratia Christi, wherein he represents so clearly and with such lively colours what is the true Grace of Jesus Christ, to the end that the same may be distinguisht from that false Grace, which Pelagius endeavor'd to establish by his dis­guisements and artifices. But that the testimony of this great Light of the Church may have as much weight and authority upon Your Holiness's mind as it deserves; I conceive requisite to give Your Holinesse a brief account of the occasion of S. Augustin's writing that Book. 'Tis therefore to be observ'd, as Ecclesiastical History and that Book it self teach us, that Albinus, Pinianus and Melanius, so Illustrious among the Romans for their birth, quality and piety, that none surpass'd them in Nobility, Dignity and Riches, going out of devotion into Palestine, and there finding Pe­lagius, exhorted him to condemn in writing the evil opinions whereof he was accus'd; where­unto he scrupled not to condescend, in hope that by pronouncing a false Anathema upon them, and making a disguis'd and artificial profession of faith, he might attract to himself persons of so great authority, and cause all the world to judge him innocent, not only of the crime, but likewise of the suspition of Heresie. See the words which he writ; I anathematise those who affirm or believe, that the grace whereby Jesus Christ came into the World to save sinners is not necessary, not only in all places of the earth, but also in every moment and in all our actions: And I acknowledge, that all they who endeavor to abolish or oppose it, fall into eternal condemnation.

Assoon as Albinus and Pinianus had this con­fession of Pelagius's faith in their hands, they sent it to S. Augustin, and desir'd him to send them his judgement upon it. He answer'd them, that Pelagius spoke like a Catholick, and yet was much to be distrusted, because he hid his poison under the ambiguity of the word Grace, thereby the more easily to deceive such as took not the more heed thereunto. And upon this occasion he expresly writ a whole Book concerning the grace of Jesus Christ, and sent the same to them; where­in he descries all Pelagius's artifices, unfolds all the ambiguities of his words, teaches what is to be understood by the words [Jesus Christs Grace] and what Grace that is which Pelagius ought to confesse necessary to every pious acti­on, if he would not be barely a nominal, but also a real Christian.

Now before I engage further in this discourse, I humbly beseech Your Holiness to give me leave to observe two things by the way: First, That the understanding of the true Grace of Jesus Christ and its efficacy upon the will of men, doth not concern only Doctors, Bishops, Priests and Monasticks, but also the Laicks of what sex and condition soever; for S. Augustin hath address'd his principal works against the Pelagians to Lay-persons, to the end they might not be drawn into their Error by their subtilties and vain Philoso­phy. For we see that he hath written a Book in­titl'd De Spiritu & Litera to Marcellinus, and that De meritis & remissione peccatorum to the same; that De natura & Gratia to Jacobus & Fi­masus; that De Gratia Jesu Christi, (of which I make use for the framing of this Argument) to Albinus, Pinianus & Melanius; that De gra­tia & libero arbitrio to the Monks of Adrumetum, (for in those dayes Monks were reputed amongst the Laicks) and afterwards to the same that De-Correctione & Gratia. Wherefore 'tis no wonder if the same S. Augustin in his 120 Epistle reckons those in the number of the foolish virgins that are excluded from the Kingdom of heaven; who bear not in thir hearts the understanding and love of Grace; and who are ignorant, as he saith, in chap. 37. that none can be continent unlesse God give him continence.

The second thing which I draw and observe from thence, is, that this single book is more then sufficient to decide all the controversies that can arise touching the grace of Jesus Christ. For Pelagius, ever after the Council of Diospolis, where he was constrain'd to renounce his error, constantly acknowledg'd with the Catholicks, that the grace of God by Jesus Christ is necessary to every action of piety. But the difficulty was, what is to be understood by the terme Grace. Which was the cause that S. Augustin continually repeates the sense thereof in his book. When Pelagius saith, that Free-will hath always need to be aided by the grace and assistance of God, the question is what grace and assistance he means: wherefore 'tis not sufficient to denominate a man a Catholick, that he acknowledges a Grace of God necessary to every act of piety, since here­ticks themselves believe, or make semblance of believing as much, but we must moreover agree upon the true Grace of Jesus Christ, without con­triving another in stead of it. Now being S. Au­gustin compos'd that book of the Grace of Jesus Christ, to take away all ambiguity which might be found in the word Grace, we have nothing else to do but to weigh and consider with great care what he understood by the word Grace when he disputed against Pelagius in the name of the whole Church, and what that Grace is which he would oblige that heretick to confesse neces­sary to every act of piety, that he might be held a Catholick. In which we cannot be mistaken, being S. Augustin hath unfolded the meaning of it in a great multitude of definitions, whereof I shall briefly recite some of the principal to Y. H.

  • 'Tis that, saith he, whereby God inspires a holy delectation, to the end to cause us to do all that which we know we ought to do. chap. 3.
  • 'Tis that, whereby God operates in us not only the power but the will and the action, chap. 3.
  • 'Tis that, whereby God inspires the ardour of love into the will. chap. 6.
  • 'Tis that, whereby every good thing is not only en­joyn'd but perswaded to us. chap. 10.
  • 'Tis that, which is not common to all because, all have not faith, and swasion is not alwayes accom­pany'd with perswasion. Ibid.
  • 'Tis that, which is intimated in those words; No man can come unto me unlesse he be drawn by my Father who sent me. Ibid.
  • 'Tis that, which we ought to believe God diffu­ses from above into the soul with ineffable sweet­nesse, not only by causing it to know the truth, but [Page 386] by inspiring charity into it. chap. 13.
  • 'Tis that, whereby God together gives to such whom he calls according to his purpose, both to know what they ought to do, and to do what they know their duty. Ibid.
  • 'Tis that, whereby God's commandments seem not terrible but easy. Ibid.
  • 'Tis that, whereby all who are drawn and taught by the Father come to the Son: according to those words of the Gospel, whosoever hath heard and lear­ned of my Father, commeth to me, chap. 14.
  • 'Tis that, whereby God teacheth men inwardly, insuch a manner, that not only their mind knows what they have learnt of him, but their will de­sires it and their actions perform it. Ibid.
  • 'Tis that, whereby not only the natural possibility of willing and operating is assisted, but also the will and operation it self. Ibid.
  • 'Tis that, which together gives the advancement of the possibility, and the affection of the will and the effect of the action. Ibid.
  • 'Tis that, whereby God with an internal, hidden, admirable and ineffable power works in the hearts of men not only a true knowledg but also a right will. chap. 24.
  • 'Tis that, which the Apostle pray'd for in these words; we pray God not only that you may not com­mit evil, but that you may do good. chap. 25.
  • 'Tis that, whereby the love of God is shed abroad in our hearts by the H. Spirit which is given us, so that without it we cannot do any good relating to piety and true righteousnesse. chap. 26.
  • 'Tis that, whereby God gives us, not the spirit of fear, but that of vertue, charity and continence. chap. 33.
  • 'Tis that, whose assistance giveth the will and the action by the infusion of the H. Spirit. chap. 34.
  • And lastly, 'tis that which by the inspiration of a most ardent and pure love is a help and furtherance to do well, added to nature and instruction. chap. 35.

These are the conditions and properties of the true grace of Jesus Christ, by which it distin­guishes it from whatever other grace can be feig­ned or imagined, and which 'tis evident cannot quadrate but to grace effectual by it self. From whence I draw this argument,

The Grace whereunto S. Augustin attributes all these Properties is the true Grace of Jesus Christ necessary to every action of piety. But Grace Effectual by it self is that whereunto S. Au­gustin attributes all these Properties. Therefore Grace effectual by it self is necessary to every action of piety.

The same Argument which establishes the Ef­fectual Grace of Jesus Christ, overthrowes the Molinistical Grace subject to Free-will, as I am going to make good by four several proofs. First, the Grace necessary to every act of piety, is, ac­cording to S. Augustin, a help to doing well, ad­ded to nature and instruction by the inspiration of a most ardent and pure love. But Molinistical Grace is not such. And by consequence, &c, The Minor I prove thus. The Will cannot re­ceive the inspiration of a most ardent and pure love, without it begin to be good. But Moli­nistical grace may subsist without, the will's being good in any sort: but the same may alwayes re­main bad; because this Grace leaves it still in a state to be good or bad. Therefore Molinistical grace is not by an inspiration of a most ardent and pure love. Hence being S. Augustin affirms in the 31. Chap. de Grat. Christi, that he never found Pelagius acknowledge in any of his Writings such help added to Nature and Instru­ction by the inspiration of a most ardent and pure love; And being Molina acknowledges the same no more then he did; it followes that he agrees with Pelagius to overthrow the true Grace of Jesus Christ.

Secondly, The Grace of Jesus Christ is an heavenly teaching, whereby God so instructs the heart of man with such inexpressible sweetnesse, that he who receives that instruction, hath not the knowledge only of what he sees, but also the will wherewith he desires it, and the action whereby he performs it, Chap. 14. But the Grace whose use is left to Free-will, is not such: Therefore, &c.

Thirdly, We cannot say of the Grace of Jesus Christ, that by it man learns of God what he ought to do, but that he will not do what it teaches him. Now this may be affirm'd of the Molinistical grace; Therefore the Molinistical grace is not the Grace of Jesus Christ, Chap. 14.

My fourth proof is this; Whosoever receives from God the Grace of Jesus Christ, comes to the Son of God; & whosoever comes not to him, hath not that Grace. Ibid. chap. 14. But many have the Molinistical grace who come not to the Son of God: Therefore the Molinistical grace is not the Grace of Jesus Christ; and consequently is not that Grace which S. Augustin saith was neces­sary to be acknowledg'd by Pelagius, if he would be a real and not a nominal Catholick.

Now let any one of the upholders of such Mo­linistical grace appear in presence of Your Holi­nesse; let him vaunt as much as he pleases that he holds not the opinions of Pelagius; let him say, I am not a Pelagian, because Pelagius ac­knowledg'd no other grace, but an external aid of the Law and Doctrine, or Instruction; But I moreover confesse an internal and supernatural Grace, whereby God enlightens the Understand­ing and moves the Will, but whose use is left to Free-will. Certes, I should answer him, 'Tis ve­ry brave; I am extreamly glad you are not alto­gether a Pelagian. But what are you the better, if you depart from Pelagius, but cloze not with the sentiments of the Church? And what advan­tage is it to you, to reject the Pelagian grace, if you do not admit the Christian? For how remote soever you are from Pelagius, whatever Grace you admit, whatever colours you paint it withal, and whatever Title you give it of internal and su­pernatural, if this Grace be not the same which S. Augustin saith Pelagius must confesse, to the end he may be not only in name, but in Truth a Catholick; the Confession which you make of such other grace, may perhaps keep you from being wholly a Pelagian, but it can never make you passe for a Christian. For I grant it true as you say, (and this is no place to dispute it) that Pelagius deny'd, that there is any internal and su­pernatural [Page 387] Grace contrary to what S. Augustin maintain'd, viz. That there is an internal and su­pernatural Grace; But S. Augustin moreover maintain'd, That this Grace is Effectual and sub­dues the Free-will to it self. While you hold a­gainst Pelagius that there is an internal & super­natural Grace, you hold at the same time against S. Augustin, that the same Grace is subject to Free-will. So that by your acknowledging an internal and supernatural Grace, perhaps you are not a Pelagian therein; but inasmuch as you acknow­ledge not that the same is Effectual, you are not yet a Catholick. You are as yet neither Pelagian nor Catholick; or rather, you are not at all a Catholick, but you are a Pelagian, in that you agree with Pelagius to oppose that Effectual Grace, which you will not acknowledge to be the true Grace of Jesus Christ.

Whereunto I add, That your sentiment in the confession of this internal & supernatural Grace is not far from that of Pelagius, which I prove by Chap. 13. of the same Book of S. Augustin. He who knows what he ought to do, and doth it not, is not yet instructed of God by Grace, but only by the Law; he hath not been taught by the Spirit, but only by the Letter. And in Chap. 14. Jesus Christ speaking of this manner of teach­ing, saith, Whosoever hath heard the words of my Father, and hath been taught by him, cometh to me. And it cannot with truth be said of him that comes not to Christ, He hath known and learnt that he ought to come, but he will not do what he hath learnt he ought to do. No certainly, this cannot be said of that manner of instruction according to which God teaches us by his Grace. Now he who hath onely the Molinistical grace, hath not been taught of God by grace and by the Spirit, but onely by the Law and by the Letter; and consequently, the Molinistical grace is no o­ther then the Pelagian, which consists only in the Law and Instruction. Whereby it appears, that the terms of internal and supernatural Grace, are only simple words made use of by the Moli­nists to cover and hide their Pelagian grace, to the end to avoid the indignation which the same would excite against them, and by this difference of words to obscure the Truth, and to keep themselves from being so easily convinc'd of their Error.

After this Argument, I shall proceed to S. Au­gustin's third proof taken out of the same book, de Grat. Christi; where he throughly treats of the assistance of the possibility of the will and of the action; which he maintains to be the true Grace of the Redeemer, and which was the sub­ject of the whole Dispute between him and Pela­gius. For see how that great Saint speaks of this Heretick. Pelagius establishing three several things, whereby he saith Gods Commandments may be fulfilled, viz. Possibility, Will and Acti­on. Possibility, whereby a man is able to be­come Righteous; Will, whereby he is willing to become Righteous; and Action, whereby he is actually Righteous. He confesses that the first, viz. Possibility, is given by the Creator of our Nature, and depends not upon our selves, since we cannot but have it whether we will or no. But as for the two others, namely, Will and Action, He holds that they are in our power, and that we have so much the dominion of them that they depend only upon our selves. Whence Pelagius concluded, that a man deserves to be commended for his good will and his good actions; or ra­ther that God and man deserves to be commend­ed for the same, because God gives him the possibility of that good will, and of that good work, and alwayes assists that possibility by the succour of his Grace. And a little after, That we can do, speak and think any kind of good, it is from God who gives us that power. But that we act, speak, or think well, this is from our selves, because we can turn into evil the power which we have to do all such things.

Now, said Pelagius, Can he who speaks in this manner be taken to deny Grace? And truly, M. H. F. who would not have taken the con­fession of that Heretick to be wholly Catholick? For to judge thereof by our natural Spirit, what else can the Grace of Jesus Christ be imagin'd to be, but that succour whereby our natural possi­bility is assisted. Yet if Your Holinesse pleases we will see what S. Augustin answers to this. After a long and exact Dispute which tends to shew that the Grace of Jesus Christ, gives us to­gether both the advancement of possibility, and the affection of the will, and the effect of opera­tion, he ends the 47 Chapter with these words: If Pelagius agreed with us, that God assists us, not only by giving us the possibility which may be in man, though he neither will nor do good, but by giving us the very will and action it self; that is, by causing that we both will and do the good, which is not in man except when he willeth good and doth it, and if he further confesses that suc­cour to be such, as without which we neither will nor do any good; and that 'tis the Grace given us by Jesus Christ our Lord, according to which he makes us Righteous with his Righteousnesse, and not by our own; so that true Righteousnesse is that which is deriv'd to us from him; I think there would be no more ground of Dispute between us touching the help of Gods grace.

In which words of S. Augustin, there are ma­ny things carefully to be observ'd.

  • 1. That the assistance of Possibility, and that of that of the possibility of the Will and of Acti­on join'd together, are two different assistances.
  • 2. That a man have the assistance of possibi­lity, although he will not do good, and do it not.
  • 3. That the assistance of Possibility, of the Will and of Action, is never found in a man, but it causes him to will and to do good.
  • 4. That this last sort of assistance is so neces­sary, that we never either will or do any good without it.
  • 5. That this assistance is the true Grace of God, which is given us by Jesus Christ our Lord.
  • 6. That it follows from this assistance that the Righteousnesse of good works, by which we are Righteous, is not a Righteousnesse which proceeds from the Law and from Free-will, but a Righteousnesse which comes from God.

These things being premis'd, I argue thus in favor of Effectual Grace. The Grace of God by Jesus Christ our Lord is absolutely necessary to all sort of pious Actions. But the Grace of God by Jesus Christ our Lord is nothing else but the assistance of Possibility, of Will and of Acti­on, as S. Augustin teacheth when he explaineth the faith of the Church against Pelagius. There­fore the assistance of Possibility, of Will and of Action, is absolutely necessary to every pious a­ction. Now this Assistance is Grace Effectual by it self, since 'tis by this assistance that man willeth and alwayes doth good. And consequently, Grace Effectual by it self is necessary to all acti­ons of piety.

Which Argument against the Molinists I thus manage. Whatsoever name be given to Grace, and although it be styl'd internal and supernatu­ral, yet if it be such as is found in a man some­times who neither willeth nor doth good, it may be said to be alwayes included within the bounds of the assistance of Possibility, or rather (to speak more clearly) 'tis onely an assistance of possibility, not the true Grace of Jesus Christ. Whosoever therefore saith, that this Grace is that which is necessary to all actions of piety, with­out need of a Grace Effectual by it self, he doth, (as Pelagius) acknowledge only a grace of pos­sibility, and deny the true grace of Jesus Christ, which is the assistance of Will and Action.

Now I demand of a Molinist, whether or no he believes that the grace of Will and Action is necessary to all acts of piety; if he doth not, he cannot, according to S. Augustin be accounted a Christian; if he doth, and yet hold that such a Grace is not Effectual by it self, he cannot deny but it follows from thence that a man may have it, and yet neither will nor do good. Which being suppos'd, I answer thus.

According to S. Augustin, The Grace of Pos­sibility is that which is found in a man, although he neither willeth nor doth good. And the grace of Will and Action is that which is never in a man but when he wills and do's good. Now Molinistical grace is in a man, although he neither wills nor do's good. Therefore this grace is on­ly a grace of possibility, and not a grace of will and action. Whence it appears clearer then the day, that although the Molinists acknowledge that there is a grace of will and action, yet they affirm it onely with the mouth, for avoiding the Odium and Indignation which the deny­ing thereof would draw upon them; but in rea­lity they deny and oppose it in the sense wherein S. Augustin maintain'd it against Pelagius.

But M. H. F. There follows one thing fur­ther, which is more detestable, and no doubt will more move Your Holinesse. When S. Augustin disputing against Pelagius, ask'd him, whether a right will and a good action proceeds from man or from God? This Heretick answer'd him, that the same proceeds from both; from man be­cause he wills and acts; and from God (although he durst not expresse it so clearly) because he gives (said he) that power to man, and assists him alwayes with the help of his Grace. Whence S. Augustin argu'd against him, that according to this opinion a bad action proceeds from God, since he gives man power to do it. See his words in Chap. 17.

a
Lib. de Grat. Christi.
b
In Ep. ad Gal.

Here F. Des-mares was going to read the said passage, but the light fail'd him, so that he was constrain'd to leave this Argument before he had finish'd it, and to do as is above related.

When F. Des-mares had done speaking, we all five advanc'd into the middle of the void square, the Assembly remaining as at the first. And ap­proaching near the Pope, we kneel'd down and presented to him the five new Writings which we had prepar'd for that purpose, with a Memorial in which mention was briefly made of them, and by which we requested the Pope, that both these and the former might be presented to our Adversaries. The Abbot of Valcroissant askt him, when it pleas'd his Holinesse to have us appear again in order to proceed. The Pope answer'd, that he had not yet thought of it, but he would consider upon it. The Abbot reply'd, that it should be when his Holi­ness pleas'd, but we conceiv'd it our duty to testify to him that we should be always ready to appear as often as it pleas'd his Holinesse to summon us. As I presented our Writings to the Pope, which contain'd between five and six quires of paper, he offer'd to take them with his own hand, and Car­dinal Spada arose from his seat, and came to ease the Pope of that trouble; but at the same time I laid them upon a little seat on the Pope's right hand, and Cardinal Spada onely helpt me to place them better: yet by this advance he got a more commodious situation for hearing what we said to the Pope; for being very near him, we spoke sufficiently low. In giving him these Wri­tings, I told his Holinesse, it would be needful to let them be seen by my Lords the Cardinals, the Divines then present and such other as his Holi­nesse pleas'd; that several Copies of them were requisite, which it was impossible to supply by the help of Scribes, who committed a thousand faults, that to prevent all these inconveniences, we had presented a Memorial to the Master of the sacred Palace, to desire his permission for their printing only ad hunc effectum, that our Request seem'd to him equitable enough; but that it being an Af­fair wherein his Holinesse himself was employ'd; the Master of the sacred Palace thought not fit to do any thing in it, unlesse his Holinesse were first consulted, and that it were done by his privity and order; that the Master of the sacred Palace was there present; that if it pleas'd his Holinesse to signifie his allowance thereof, and tell him that it might be done with the conditions propos'd by us which we conceiv'd just, we should be much bound to his Holinesse for the favor: The Pope answer'd us that he would think upon it, and let us know what he should judge expedient. We reply'd that we should attend his orders, and be ready to obey him in this and all other things. We kiss'd his feet, he gave us his benediction, and we withdrew.

The Copy of this last Memorial which we pre­sented to the Pope with our five new Writings here follows, together with that which we presented to the Master of the sacred Palace.

To our H. Father Pope Innocent X.

A Catalogue of all the Writings which were hitherto presented here in the Affair of the five Propositi­ons by the Doctors defenders of S. Augustin.

MOST HOLY FATHER,

TIs some moneths ago that we presented to Your Holinesse two Writings with their Abridge­ment. The first of which is the first Infor­mation in reference to fact against M. Hallier and his Collegues; and it concerns what pass'd touch­ing the businesse of the Five Propositions, from Ju­ly 1. 1649. to July 11. 1652. where we discover a great multitude of the foul dealings and ambushes of our Adversaries.

The second Writing is the first Information touch­ing matter of Right against the same Adversaries; and it concerns the authority of S. Augustin, which we prove by the whole Tradition of the Church.

At this day M. H. F. we present five other Writings to Your Holinesse.

The first is the first part of the second Informa­tion as to matter of fact against the Jesuites, and it contains above a hundred Propositions against the au­thority of S. Augustin, drawn out of their books.

The second comprizes in few words the distinction of the several senses whereof the Five Propositions are capable, and the clear and true sentiment of our Adversaries, of the Calvinists and Lutherans, and also our own touching the same matter.

The third contains the second Information as to matter of Right, namely, that which concerns Grace Effectual by it self, which is the point whereunto this whole Controversie is reduc'd; and we shew that Ca­tholicks can in no wise question this grace, principal­ly upon this sole consideration, that 'tis impossible to deny it without establishing at the same time that which is contradictorily opposite to it, to wit, the Molinistical Grace subject to Free-will, and with­out approving by consequence sixty either Errors or Heresies which necessarily follow from it.

The fourth contains the third Information, as to matter of Right, and concerns the first Proposition now in contest; which we shew is firmly establisht upon the holy Scripture, the Councils and Fathers, and particularly upon S. Augustin and S. Tho­mas.

The fifth contains the fourth Information, as to matter of Right, and the explication of about sixty testimonies of S. Augustin, which we found to have been employ'd in a namelesse Writing by M. Hallier and his Collegues against the first Proposition. And in the refutation of the said Writing we convince them of having advanc'd nothing at all that makes a­gainst us, but many things unfaithfully and without ground.

We heartily submit all these Writings, M. H. F. to the correction of the H. Roman Catholick and A­postolick Church, and to the iudgement of Your Ho­linesse; and we most humbly beseech Your Holinesse that they may be communicated to our Adversaries when you shall think fit; namely to the Society of Jesuites, and to MM. Hallier, Lagault and Joysel, as also to the most learned Divines, when Your Holi­ness hath already heard us speak touching the five Pro­positions, and to all others to whom Your Holiness shall think good to shew them; to the end that if the one or the other conceive that there is in our words or wri­tings any thing either worthy of correction, or false, or obscure, or dubious, it may be shew'd to us in pre­sence of your Holiness; and that it may be permit­ted us either to explicate the same, or prove it by competent reasons, or else amend it according as Your Holiness shall think fit, that so Your Holiness may be fully assured of the truth or falshood of the thing and of its importance. We most heartily wish to Your Holiness all kind of prosperitie, and that God may prolong the course of your yeares, by giving you even some of ours.

Signed,
  • Noel de la Lane Doctor of Paris, &c. and Abbot of Valcroissant.
  • Toussaint Des-mares, Priest of the Con­gregation of the Oratory.
  • Louis de S. Amour, Doctor of Sorbon.
  • Nicolas Manessier, Doctor of Sorbon.
  • Louis Angran, Licentiate of the same sa­cred Faculty of Paris, &c.

The Memorial presented by us to the Master of the sacred Palace for obtaining permission to print our Writings, speaks thus in the Transla­tion.

THe most R. F. Master of the sacred Palace is most humbly petition'd by the French Doctors defenders of S. Augustin, to consider that the prohi­bitions of printing any thing touching the matter de Auxiliis concern books and other works intended to be expos'd to sale, and publish'd indifferently to all the world, but they extend not to Writings which are to be presented in private to the Pope, Cardinals, and other Divines to whom his Holiness shall think fit to have them communicated for their instruction, in an Affair which is to be examined before his presence, which be­ing consider'd, and regard had to the great number of faults inevitable in Manuscript Copies by the ill shaping of Letters, omission of words, and false pla­cing of Distinctions, to the great trouble of the Rea­ders, by perverting the sense and interrupting at­tention; as also that it is impossible to have that great variety of Characters in Manuscripts, which may be had in printing, and serve so well for the Empha­tical denoting of things, especially in a matter so em­broyl'd, as that of the Five Propositions. Moreover considering the great number of persons who will be oblig'd to peruse the Informations made upon the said Propositions, the excessive paines and great time o­therwise requir'd to get them copied out, revis'd and corrected, which alone, whatever diligence were us'd, would swallow up the whole time of the Petitioners, [Page 390] and besides not satisfy them or any body else; and supposing it objected that there needs not so great a number of Copies, because the same Writings may be seen by many persons, by being transmitted from hand to hand, yet they cannot be so leasurely and ex­actly examin'd that way, as if every one have a Copy of his own.

For these Reasons the said R. F. Master of the sacred Palace it most humbly petitition'd to grant Li­cence to print the informations above-mention'd which are to be presented to the Pope touching the Five Pro­positions, and this upon the condition following: First, That only a limited number of each sheet be wrought off; as two or three quire of paper. Secondly, That it be declar'd upon the first page that the Licence of printing is granted only for the conveniency of exa­mination, and not any wise in approbation of what is contain'd in the said Informations. Thirdly, That the Doctors who make this request, give no Copy thereof to any person but what shall be subscrib'd with their own hands, as if it were a Manuscript. For so, &c.

CHAP. XXIII.

The Letter which we writ May 26. to the Bishops who sent us, touching the grand Audience given by the Pope upon the 19th.

WEE departed from this Audience full of satisfaction, and went to give the Am­bassador the first relation of it, to the end that if he pleas'd he might write into France about it the same day which was the Post-day. Our return home was so late that we had little time left to write into France before the going of the Post more then two words, and were forc't to defer sending the particularities of our Audience till that day sevennight. The Letter which I am going to insert here, will not be a bare repetition of the foregoing account, for the Letter was drawn be­fore I made that relation, in which my design was to insert such particularities as were omitted in the Letter and not necessary to be mention'd in it at that time, in regard we stood in expectation to send more considerable matters every day. But indeed it seems to me expedient not to omit any thing which may contribute to give the publick and posterity as full and perfect a view as possible, of all that came to my knowledge in reference to this Affair.

MY LORDS,

BY the last Post you receiv'd the first newes of the publick Audience given us by his Holi­nesse eight dayes ago; we shall now give you the particular account of it. And since we act by your authority, we doubt not but you will be glad to hear a relation of all that pass'd in this occasion by the special assistance which God afforded us there­in, for the maintaining of the true Grace of his Son before the soveraign Pontiff, and the visible Head of the Church.

By the Letter which F. Des-mares and M. Ma­nessier did themselves the honour to write to you, you understood our purpose to speak before the Pope when it should please his Holinesse to call us. We mention not here the reasons which ob­lig'd us thereunto, since they were represented to you by that last Letter. After the said resolution was agreed upon amongst us, we thought fit to go and testifie the same to his Holinesse, according as F. Des-mares and M. Manessier had promis'd him. There having been no Audience during the whole week, we hop'd to have had it on Sunday the 11th, of this moneth. In the mean time the Ambassa­dor came from Tivoli to his Audience on Friday. We went and gave him an account of the Audi­ence which F. Des-mares and M. Manessier had had, and signify'd to him that being his Holinesse desir'd to hear us apart from our Adversaries, we were ready to do all that he pleas'd, and intended to declare so much to the Pope on Sunday next. The Ambassador much approv'd our resolution, and told us, that it was the fittest meanes to ob­tain a contradictory Conference afterwards, in case the Pope were convinc'd of the necessity thereof by what reasons we alledg'd. After his Friday's Audience, he sent for us to come to him on Saturday morning. We understood that he had likewise sent for M. Hallier and his Collegues. We all five repair'd accordingly to him. He told us, that the Pope having spoken to him concerning us, he had signify'd to his Holinesse that we were de­termin'd to appear before him in what manner he should desire. Whereupon the Pope said it should be very speedily, and that he would hear us one after another, perhaps within a week. He also told us, that he would wait upon Cardinal Pam­philio to know the Pope's day, to whom therefore it was not necessery for us to addresse, since he un­derstood our resolution. After our expression of thanks to the Ambassador for his care and our as­surance that we would be ready against the time, we desir'd him to procure us two or three dayes notice beforehand, which he promis'd us to do. He told us, that M. Hallier and his Collegues were to come to him presently, and he should advertise them also to prepare themselves to speak before the Pope at the first convenient day after our au­dience. That afterwards possibly we should obtain a conference with M. Hallier, because we might desire of his Holinesse, that some person might an­swer to what we should say concerning the Pro­positions, and convince us of what was reprehen­sible in our Writings; and then either M. Hallier must be the man, or his Holiness must depute some other Divine; but M. Hallier being here con­cerning this Affair, and having presented Writings against us, 'twas more likely that he would be ap­pointed to answer us then any other. We answer'd the Ambassador that this was what we hop'd, and that we had such important and convincing things to speak upon the points in question, that his Ho­liness would see that necessity alone had induc'd us to demand a Conference with so great instance, MM. Hallier and Lagault came to the Ambassador's house just as we were taking leave of him.

F. Des-mares and M. Manessier, having not yet had leisure since their arrival to go to salute the Cardinals nominated for the Congregation, we ac­company'd them to that purpose in the dayes fol­lowing. We declar'd to their Eminences our pur­pose to appear before the Pope, and that the Pope had given us order by the Ambassador to be in rea­dinesse by the first dayes of the week ensuing. Tuesday evening the Ambassador passing by our lodging, advertis'd us that the Monday next was the day appointed, and that we must be at the Pope's Palace by 20 a clock, that is, about three after noon.

Accordingly we repair'd on Monday to the Pope's Palace in Mont Quirinal, and were call'd for a little after three a clock, and introduc'd into the Pope's presence. On each side of his Holi­nesse's Chair were two Benches upon which the Cardinals sat, Spada and Ginetti on the right hand, and Pamphilio and Ghiggi on the other. The thir­teen Divines of several Orders, whose names M. de S. Amour signify'd to you by his Letter January 27. stood bare-headed on each side behind the Benches. M. Albizzi Assessor of the H. Office was there also to perform the Office of Secretary. Besides these, no other persons were present at this Assembly. At our entrance we made our accusto­med genuflexions to his Holinesse, who gave us his benediction, and made a sign to us to rise and begin. We stood in the space between the two Benches, right against the Pope, it being just ca­pable of us all five afront. The Abbot of Val­croissant began, and show'd in general the impor­tance of this Affair in a speech of about three quar­ters of an hour. We speak nothing of what it contain'd, because we send you, My Lords, a Co­py of it as it was pronounc'd. After his speech was ended, he spoke of the two first Writings which we had presented the last year, the former whereof is concerning what hath been acted about the affair of the Five Propositions, and the other is touching S. Augustin authority. He spoke suc­cinctly some principal things of the former Wri­ting, to let his Holinesse understand the foul deal­ings, frauds, and the conspiracy of our Adversa­ries against S. Augustin, by contriving and pre­senting to our Faculty those captious and equivo­cal Propositions. But conceiving it more material to say something concerning the main businesse of doctrine in this first Audience, he did not think fit to be particular in laying matters of fact open to his Holinesse, and therefore proceeded to the Writing concerning S. Augustin's authority; where­in we shewd, that nothing is so much establisht in the Church as this Authority, since we justifie it by above two hundred Testimonies of twenty Popes, fifteen Councils, threescore and ten Fa­thers of the Church, or illustrious Divines of all Ages, and the reception of the whole Church with unanimous and universal consent. He laid forth the reasons which oblig'd us to deliver this Wri­ting first, in imitation of S. Prosper and Hilary of France, when they came to Rome against the Priests of Marseille, and to tread in the steps which we saw markt out in the first judgement which was made touching S. Augustin under Pope Celestine the first, and in the last examen which was made under Clement VIII. He added, that we did not insist upon proving more largely this authority of S. Augustin, being perswaded that his Holinesse was willing that the doctrine of this Saint should serve for a Rule in this whole Dispute of Grace according to the Ordinances of his Predeces­sors.

Reserving therefore to speak more at length of what had been done in France upon occasion of the Five Propositions when it should be expedient in the progresse of things, and supposing the autho­rity. of S. Augustin receiv'd and establisht, as we had agreed together, M. de Valcroissant proceeded to the Writings then to be presented, and told his Holinesse, that to let him see that we complain'd not unnecessarily of the Jesuites outrages against S, Augustin's authority, we had one Writing to present to him, into which we had collected above a hundred Propositions against S. Augustin, drawn out of the books of Jesuitical Writers since Moli­na; that above fifty of them were publish'd with­in these last four yeares; and that 'twas a great evidence of a conspiracy against S. Augustin in the contrivance of the five Pelagious Propositi­ons; that F. Adam a Jesuite at the same time was preparing a bloody work against S. Augustin, which came forth on the first of January 1650. with the permission of the Provincial of Paris, and with the approbation of three Jesuites Divines. M. de Valcroissant read to his Holinesse those Propositi­ons of F. Adam, wherein the express doctrine of S. Augustin is plainly handled as Heretical and Calvinistical, and S. Paul and other Canonical Writers accus'd of having been exorbitant in their Writings, and gone beyond the bounds of Truth through humane weaknesse, from which, as that Jesuite saith, They were nor free. You may judge, My Lords, with what astonishment his Holinesse and their Eminences heard these hor­rible injuries of that Jesuite against S. Augustin, which carried to reprehend S. Paul himself and the Prophets. He also read this Proposition which is in a book printed at Paris three moneths ago; Expecta tantisper, Lector; brevi loquetur Roma quid senserit Augustinus aut quid sentire de­buerit. Which, as you see, My Lords, implyes that the Jesuites expect shortly at Rome the condem­nation of S. Augustin's Doctrine.

In the next place, M. de Valcroissant explicated the Distinction of Senses and caus'd his Holinesse to observe with how much sincerity the proceeded in this Affair, by declaring plainly what we re­jected, and what we held touching all the Propositi­ons. He remonstrated first that they were fram'd by the Molinists in equivocal terms capable of he­retical senses, thereby to expose them to Censure, and afterwards reflect the same Censure up­on Grace Effectual by it self, and upon S. Augu­stin's Doctrine, to which the Propositions are re­ducible by being explicated in the particular sen­ses which they may admit, as we had done; that we were not the authors of those ambiguous Pro­positions; That they could not be shewn in any book in the direct terms wherein they are con­ceiv'd, excepting the first which is mutilated and maliciously separated from the words that precede and follow it, which being added to the Proposi­tion. as it is found in the Author from whom it is taken, is not only not capable of any evil sense, [Page 392] but is the Catholick and Apostolick doctrine of S. Augustin and the Church. That it cannot be found in any works, Latin or French, publisht in France within these four yeares, that they have been de­fended purely as they are express'd; but that on the contrary it hath alwayes been declar'd that in the generality of their terms, they are susceptible of heretical senses, and may according to those senses be condemn'd generally as heretical; and that never any other sense but the Catholick a­lone which they admit hath been maintain'd; that is to say, none ever absolutely maintain'd these five general Propositions, but the particular Pro­positions expressing the Catholick sense of them, which we presented and maintain'd in our Wri­ting. Whence he concluded that the Controversie was not about the five Propositions as they ap­pear'd; That we do not defend them in their uni­versality and ambiguity (which he repeated twice or thrice at several times) That therefore to fol­low the steps which S. Augustin's disciples had al­wayes troden since this Dispute, according to the first Memorial presented by us to his Holinesse at our first coming to Rome, and the demands which we had made eight moneths ago in our first In­formation de facto, we presented to his Holi­nesse a Writing, wherein were contain'd on one side in clear terms the Catholick senses, or par­ticular Propositions which we and all S. Augustin's Disciples maintain'd and had alwayes maintain'd; and on the other side the sentiments, both of the Calvinists and Molinists touching the matter of these Propositions. That we desir'd of his Holi­nesse an examination and judgement of these sentiments. That Calvin's opinion was not the thing in controversie between us, that we held him for a Heretick as well as our Adversaries do. That the two others were those alone in contest. That we were ready to demonstrate viva voce and by writing in presence of our Adversaries that our sentiment is most Catholick, most agreeable to S. Augustin, and altogether indubitable in the faith. That on the contrary that of the Molinists is Pe­lagian or Semipelagian, as it hath been already judg'd contradictorily in the Congregation de Auxiliis held by the Popes Clement VIII. & Paul V. of holy and glorious memory. He added, That to judge of the Propositions as they are contested between Catholicks, 'tis necessary to distinguish the senses and make an expresse and particular judgement thereof. This he justify'd by the words of the Letter of the Prelates by whom M. Hallier pretends himself commission'd, because those Prelates demand a clear and expresse judge­ment upon the Propositions, such as may clear the Truth, regulate the present contests amongst Ca­tholicks touching this matter, and produce peace in the Church. And therefore that although by occasion of these Propositions there is a dispute between Catholicks, yet seeing the controversie is not about the ambiguous Propositions as they are fram'd by the Molinists; but about the diffe­rent senses which we presented and are alone in question, the Truth cannot be clear'd, nor the Con­troversie terminated, but by an expresse judgement upon these several particular senses, or rather up­on the Propositions exempted from all equivoca­tion, as we presented them, and upon the contra­dictories of them, which needed to be solemnly and fully examin'd in order to a judgement there­of by a solemn and express Decree, as was done by the two Popes Clement VIII. & Paul V. in their Congregation touching the same matter. He said, that whereas M. Hallier and his Collegues give out that they are sent by Prelates to sollicite a Cen­sure of the Sentiments or Propositions maintain'd by us, they abuse their Letter and intention. That those Prelates are as much for us as for M. Hallier, since by occasion of the Propositions we demand­ed in your name, as well as they, a clear and ex­press judgement, such as may regulate our Con­tests, and produce a full and lasting peace in the Church. It was not hard to justifie, My Lords, that you demanded likewise an express judgement upon the distinction of senses, and upon the par­ticular Propositions; for it appears sufficiently by your Letters and by our first Memorial. Then he shew'd the justice of this demand, inasmuch as the matter in controversie could neither be judg'd of, nor the differences touching these points of Doctrine terminated any other way. Secondly, Because it is necessary to judge of the sense ac­cording to which our Adversaries impugne these Propositions, since 'tis that of Molina's sufficient Grace which is a source of impieties, errors and heresies, as 'tis easie to make good by the sixty three Errors or Heresies which we deduc'd from it by necessary consequence, and plac'd at the end of our Writing of Effectual Grace.

He demonstrated that the controverted sense of the Propositions, is that of Grace Effectual by it self necessary to every good action, since all the impugners of the Propositions, either by Writing or Teaching impugne them in the sense of Effe­ctual Grace, as on the contrary all the disciples of S. Augustin, who have writ or taught before or since the contrivance of these Propositions, maintain only the pure sense of Effectual Grace; nor can other doctrine then that, touching the said Propositions be found in any book. Here he read the different senses of the Propositions which you have seen in the Writing which we sent to you the last week; and pronounc'd word for word all that is contain'd in the three Columes, both the different Propositions, and our qualifications or judgements of them. After the reading of each Proposition which we defended, he succinctly shew'd the connexion of it with Grace effectual by it self; as it is in the Preface of our Writing of Effectual Grace, which we likewise send you.

He concluded with our most humble instances to his Holinesse, that he would please to judge of those controverted senses, and said, (as 'tis con­tain'd in the end of our Writing or Declaration) that being perswaded that the senses or particular Propositions which we presented and defended, contain'd the principal grounds of the Christian faith and piety, we should alwayes believe and maintain that sense or those Propositions to be Catholick, till his Holinesse by a solemn judgment condemn'd that particular sense, i. e. those parti­cular propositions which were fram'd and defended by us; which we conceiv'd he would never do. He spoke a full hour upon the writing of the di­stinction of senses; and about an hour and half up­on all the rest.

When he had done, F. Desmares, according as we had agreed together, began to speak, and after a short Exordium he said, that having clearly re­duc'd the Propositions, as we defended them, to the sense of Effectual Grace necessary to every good action; that having show'd that the Propo­sitions contrary according to the sense of our Ad­versaries contain'd the sufficient Grace of Moli­na; and that having affirm'd that our senses are Catholick and indubitable in the doctrine of S. Augustin, and on the contrary those of our Ad­versaries Pelagian or Semipelagian; 'twas neces­sary in the first place to justifie to his Holiness, that Grace Effectual by it self is the true Grace of Jesus Christ and the certain belief of the Church. This he began to prove; and first succinctly set forth the order and senses of writing of Effectual Grace, together with the contents of the four Articles. In the first whereof, he said, we demonstrated by sixteen principal arguments drawn out of S. Augustin's works, against the enemies of the grace of Jesus Christ, that Grace effectual by it self, ne­cessary to every good action, is, according to that H. Father, the certain belief of the Church oppos'd to the heresy of the Pelagians, and Semi­pelagians; That in the second we summarily layd open the tradition of the whole Church, or the sentiment of all the Councils, H. Fathers and principal Divines since S. Augustin to the present age for confirmation of the same truth: That in the third were contain'd the Decisions pass'd contradi­ctorily by the Congregation de Auxiliis in presence of the Popes Clement VIII. and Paul V. by whom Molina's doctrine of sufficient Grace was declar'd heretical and Pelagian, and the contrary senti­ment of Grace effectual by it self judg'd the con­stant doctrine of S. Augustin and the certain faith of the whole Church. That we were ready to make good this truth by the acts of the Congre­gation, whereof we had seen the Originals, and extracted from them what we alledg'd: Lastly, that in the fourth Article were contain'd sixty and three heresies or impieties deduc'd by necessary consequence from Molina's sufficient Grace, whereby it appear'd that this new novel opinion overthrows the principal grounds of faith and Christian piety, the authority of the H. See and the Council of Trent, the validity of Tradition; and the perpetual subsistence of one and the same faith in the Church, and is fit onely to supply ad­vantages to hereticks to oppose the Romane Church. After this, the Father explicated what we understand by Grace effectual by it self, and by sufficient Grace subject to Free-will. Then he be­gan the first argument drawn from the prayers of Church, and told his Holinesse it was a great Pro­vidence of God which had caus'd him to choose the day of Rogations, a day consecrated by the Church particularly to prayer, for our justifying before him the faith of effectual Grace or the truth of Je­sus Christ, by the prayers of the Church. He handled this argument with as great plainnesse and force as could be wish'd, and concluded with a ne­cessary consequence drawn from what he had pro­ved, that according to the expresse words of the Council of Carthage and Pope Innocent I. the dog­ma of Molina's suffcient grace is sacrilegious, im­pious, pestiferous, execrable and worthy of all kinds of anathema, Sacrilegum, impium, pestife­rum, exitiale, & omni anathemate dignum; as you will see, my Lords, by reading that argument in the Writing of Effectual Grace.

Moreover he more forceably encounter'd the common opinion of the Jesuites. For after the reciting of those terrible words of Innocent I. a­gainst the Pelagians out of his Epistle to the Coun­cil of Carthage, he apply'd them by a necessary consequence, which he had before demonstrated by several invincible arguments, to the defenders of Molina's sufficient Grace. And 'tis a thing, my Lords, very worthy of remark, that, be­fore his Holiness, in a publick Congregation, and a Jesuite being present, the doctrine of that socie­ty was so vigorously and resolutely impeach'd, and so plainly accus'd of so many heresies, and that after this was done vivâ voce we left the same with his Holinesse in writing, persisting to require that those Fathers might be oblig'd to appear and an­swer; and that yet after all this they remain'd without reply, and silent. We doubt not, my Lords, but these Fathers would immediatly have sought to purge themselves to the Pope of so capi­tal an accusation, and pursued against us the repa­ration of this extreme injury, were they not con­scious to themselves of holding a new doctrine which they cannot justifie if they should be obliged to acknowledge S. Augustin for their Judge, as they cannot refuse him before the H. See; and were they not perswaded that all which we spoke against them is very true and easy to be made good, they ought for the sake of injur'd truth, and their Societie's reputation, of which they are so jealous, to have made some defence, were it not that they fear'd to be publickly convinc'd, and to draw upon themselves a new condemnation of their errors after that of the Congregation de Auxiliis. But however, so long as they appear not to defend themselves, it will be a great blame upon their Molinistical opinions, and an ignominy which they will never wipe off before intelligent and equitable persons.

From this argument drawn from the prayers of the Church, the Fathers proceeded to the second taken out of S. Augustin's book De Gratia Christi, and especially from these words in chap. 10. Hanc debet Pelagius gratiam confiteri, si vult non solum vo­cari, verum etiam esse Christianus. He shew'd by sundry passages of that book, that by this Grace no other can be understood, besides that which is effectual by it self. Whence he concluded that Molina and our Adversaries impugne that Grace which is necessary according to S. Augustin, to be confess'd by him that would be truely a Christi­an. Night came, and constrain'd him to break off. He spoke about an hour and half; so that this audience lasted about four houres. His Holi­nesse was so extremely attentive all the while, that certainly God encreased his strength in so great an age and enabled him to preserve so great a presence of mind for so long together. And in­deed we were much encourag'd thereby to re­present to him what we had to say. Their Emi­nences were likewise very attentive. The Di­vines seem'd all to take carefull notice of every thing. All the while we were speaking, his Ho­linesse said not a word to us, but suffer'd us to [Page 394] proceed without asking any question, or any wise gainsaying what we alledg'd.

Having ended, we went to kisse the Pope's feet, and present our five Writings to him. The first contain'd a hundred Propositions of the Je­suites against S. Augustin. The second is that of the Distinction of senses. The third is that of Ef­fectual Grace. The fourth is touching the first Proposition. The fifth is an answer to sixty Te­stimonies of S. Augustin, which M. Hallier and his Collegues presented in reference to the first Pro­position. By this answer we convinc'd them of having alledg'd all those Testimonies, either falsly and unfaithfully, or impertinently and perversly; and we draw all our answers from the same places whence the Testimonies themselves are taken. We send you, My Lords, a Copy of all these Wri­tings. In the last place we desir'd his Holiness's permission for printing a limited number of them here only for the conveniency of examination. His Holinesse answer'd us that he would consider of this Request, and see whether it were expedient. After which we askt his Holinesse, when it pleas'd him that we should appear again to continue the handling of what we had enter'd upon in this first Audience. He answer'd us that he had not yet thought of it, but he would consider upon it. We reply'd, that however we beseecht his Holinesse to remember the assurance we gave him, that we were ready to continue what we had begun, and to do any thing that he should appoint in order there­unto; and after receiving his benediction, we withdrew half an hour within night.

You see, My Lords, how we have manag'd the matter in this first Audience, and with what since­rity we have acted in beginning with the Distin­ction of the senses of the five general Propositions, and presenting to the Pope in words clear and free from all danger of evil sense the five particular Propositions which we maintain, and which are set down in the second colume of our Writing, and the contrary ones of our Adversaries which we oppose, and upon which we desir'd of his Holiness an expresse judgement. We conceiv'd it neces­sary to leave the whole Writing upon the first Proposition with his Holinesse, to the end he might see that we decline not to enter upon the discussi­on of the Propositions, and that all the Writings which we have presented, are in order to establish the necessary foundations according to the order which hath been alwayes observ'd by the H. See in the controversies of Grace, and not to avoid the matter in question, or giving Informations up­on the Propositions, as our Adversaries accus'd us when we presented our first Writings, touching what hath been acted in relation to the Propositi­ons, and concerning S. Augustin's authority. We shall hereafter present Writings upon the other four Propositions according as we come to treat of them. We have prov'd the first (not in its gene­ral terms, but reduc'd to the sense which we main­tain) by so many authorities of the Scriptures, Councils, Popes, H. Fathers of the Church, and particularly of S. Augustin and S. Thomas; and we have so fully and exactly satisfy'd every con­trary objection, that 'tis impossible, as we con­ceive, but they which read the said Writing will be perfectly convinc'd therewith.

We have prepar'd a considerable Writing touch­ing Sufficient Grace held by some Thomists of la­ter times, for the clearer explication of what we and all other Disciples of S. Augustin held con­cerning that kind of Grace, and in what sense we admit or reject the Sufficient; and for answer to a Writing intitled Jansenius à Thomistis damnatus, publish'd at Paris under F. Annat's name, and here presented by M. Hallier and his Collegues to the Cardinals and Consultors. But because we have sufficiently clear'd this matter so far as it con­cerns the Propositions in our writing upon the First, and have justify'd in a peculiar Chapter by above a hundred express passages of S. Augustin, S. Thomas, and all the Popes and H. Fathers, who writ concerning Grace, and of the Councils who have determin'd it against hereticks, and by the very confession of all the Jesuites and other Mo­linists of these latter Times, That Grace Effectual by it self necessary to an action, gives the next Power to perform it, and that without the same we cannot proximately perform it, which is the sole Point wherein the whole difficulty consists; we have reserv'd this particular Writing of Suf­ficient Grace to present to his Holiness, after that upon the first Proposition ha's been examin'd; in case there should yet remain any difficulty about such Sufficient Grace, to which the new Thomists have had recourse for the satisfying of Pelagian objections, which may be more loudly refuted by the constant and indubitable Doctrine of S. Au­gustin and S. Thomas, without supposing a Grace and terming it Sufficient, which sufficeth not to produce the Effect in question, and which for that cause we account not Sufficient in the sense con­troverted between us and our Adversaries; al­though otherwise we acknowledge it in its sub­stance, and rejected it nor after S. Augustin and S. Thomas, but in certain manners which are con­troverted amongst the Thomist's themselves, as we demonstrate in the said Writing.

After this publick action we went to thank their Eminences for the favorable hearing they had gi­ven us; and they testify'd to us very great sa­tisfaction. We see by the blessing of God the Af­fair in a very good condition, and we hope in the following Congregations so fully to justifie all that we have alledg'd, that his Holinesse shall more and more find, even before he hear us in presence of our Adversaries, that we have no other doctrine then that of S. Augustin and the whole Church; that on the contrary our Adversaries impugne the same, and all their design hath been to destroy it by the artifice of these captious Propositions, that so Molina may triumph over that H. Doctor of Grace and all Antiquity. We conceive, My Lords, they are at present sufficiently fallen from that hope, and will be the further from it accord­ing as things shall proceed forward and be more nearly examin'd; since after our declaring to the Pope that we are not the Authors of these captious and ambiguous Propositions, contriv'd by the Mo­linists and presented at their sollicitation, that we never defended them absolutely as they are; that no Catholick holds, or ever held other sense or o­ther Propositions then those which we presented to him our selves, which are of a middle nature between the two extremes of Calvin's heresie and [Page 395] Molina's new opinion; that we shall alwayes hold the same for most Catholick till they be expresly and particularly condemn'd by a solemn judge­ment (which by Gods help will never be) 'Tis cer­tain, that so long as the H. Father shall not ex­presly judge of our Propositions in their proper terms and their contraries, the Molinists will not have any advantage; and that if he judge of them, as we hope, no doubt he will approve ours which are wholly Augustinian, and condemn those of our Adversaries, conformably to the decisions of the famous Congregation de Auxiliis.

Having thus began to state the Question, and to lay down our sentiments and the matter in con­troversie plainly by the Distinction of senses in this first Audience, we shall labour more and more by Gods assistance to clear the whole Controversie with all the care and diligence unto which we con­ceive our selves oblig'd in an Affair so sacred and important.

We are, My Lords,
Your most humble and obedient Servants,
  • De la Lane, Abbot of Valcroissant.
  • Des-mares, Priest of the Oratory.
  • De Saint Amour.
  • Manessier.
  • Angran.

CHAP. XXIV.

Sollicitations for permission to print our Writings. Visites to the Cardinals of the Congregation to present them our Writing of the Distinction of senses, and thank them for being present at our grand Audience. Congratulations receiv'd thereupon from their Emi­nences and others. Calumnies made by M. Hallier and his Collegues against our Doctrine, and signify'd to us by Cardinal Rapaccioli.

WEE made no Journal when we writ the foregoing Letter, and therefore onely mention'd in general our principal Visits from the day of our audience to that of our writing it; but now to continue the same order to the end which I have hitherto held in this Narration, I must give a more particular account of those Visits and the principal things which pass'd therein.

Tuesday May 20. being the next day after our audience, we went in the morning to Cardinal Spada. We tender'd to him our thank and our ex­cuses for the time which the favorable hearing he gave us the day before had cost him. He answer'd us very civilly that that time was well employ'd, and that 'twas not possible to be weary of hearing people speak so well as we did. The Abbot of Valcroissant made him a brief Account of all the Writings which we had presented to the Pope, and told his Eminence, that were the connexion of all these Propositions with Effectual Grace to be de­monstrated of each in particular as copiously and clearly as we could do it, had we but one to handle at a time, it would be far more conspicuous and appear with greater lustre and evidence then it could the day preceding, when we were oblig'd to speak of all at the same time in haste & few words, and only to give a general Idea of all our thoughts and pretensious in this Affair. The Cardinal askt whether we had presented all our Writings? We answer'd him that we had presented all as far as the first Proposition inclusively, and should pre­sent others according as we should be heard, and could proceed in the explication which we were to make viva voce of those already presented, and in the discussion of the whole Affair. We told him also, that we wisht we could have had Copies ready of all those which we had presented to the Pope, to present to their Eminences; that we had endeavor'd it as much as possible; but the most we could do, was to provide Transcripts of the Distinction of senses, as that which was to be pre­suppos'd to all the rest, and fit to give the first Mo­del of our thoughts upon all the Propositions (and at the same time we presented one to Cardinal Spada) till we could bring the rest to his Emi­nence, as we hop'd to do shortly, and in a manner much more commodious to him and every one else then Manuscript Copies, if we could obtain permission to print them upon the conditions men­tion'd in our memorial to the Master of the sacred Palace, which we related to his Eminence. The Cardinal answer'd, that 'twas not the custome to print Writings touching affairs which passe in the H. Office. But presently recalling what he bad said of the H. Office; 'Tis true, said he, this cause is nor there, but it comes near the matters which are transacted there. We insisted upon the necessity of this Impression, and the better to inform him of the conditions whereunto we re­strain'd our selves in this demand, I read to him our Memorial to the Master of the sacred Palace. After he had heard it, we took leave of his Emi­nence, who spoke nothing further about our Im­pression, although he accompany'd us with a countenance more free and pleasant then ordi­nary.

The Ambassador had desir'd us the foregoing E­vening to dine with him this day, that we might discourse more at leisure of the passages of our Audience. We went accordingly, and in the af­ternoon had a very conference. I read to him the last Memorial presented to the Pope, and the o­ther to the Master of the sacred Palace. He offer'd to take the latter, and speak to the Pope about it on Friday. We thankt him for his obliging Pro­posal, and being I had only a foul draught of it, I told him I would bring him a Copy on Thurs­day.

When we were return'd home, we understood that the General of the Augustines had been there to see us, and that he was accompany'd with three or four principal Fathers of his Order, to congra­tulate us for the great successe we had had in our Audience, whereof he had been a witness; to thank us for all that we had spoken in defence of S. Augustin and his Doctrine; and to testifie to us how greatly he and his whole Order accounted themselves beholden to us for it. But though he found us not at home, yet the extream satisfaction which he receiv'd from our Audience, and his im­patience to express the same to us, caus'd him to come again accompany'd with the same Fathers on Wednesday the 21. in the morning. I was gone abroad, but my Collegues were still in their lodg­ing and receiv'd this obliging and agreeable Visit. I doubt not that many remarkable things were spoken in it; but being I was not there, and writ down nothing which they then told me, I cannot remember any particular besides the great satisfaction they all four had in having seen this General and his Fathers so well pleas'd with us, and animated for our cause.

I was gone in the mean time to Cardinal Bar­berin, to tell him something of our Audience upon the way to la Minerve whether I design'd to ac­company him. At la Minerve I found nothing but congratulations for the good success of our Audience. F. Reginald among others told me, that having enquir'd news thereof of the Master of the sacred Palace, this good Father told him that we had spoken audacter, modestè, doctè, piè, Confidently, modestly, learnedly, and piously. My Collegues, as we had agreed, met me at S. Louis whether we went to visit Cardinal S. Clement together, partly to ac­quaint him with what had pass'd before the Pope, and partly to give him a Copy of the Di­stinction of senses, whereby he might see how conformable our Sentiments were as well to those of his Order, as to those of the Church. We did so, and this Cardinal lookt upon us, (as he told us expresly) as the sole persons who had the means and liberty to defend the Catholick faith at this time, so unworthily distress'd by such a multitude of people who ought to interesse themselves in its behalf as well as we. When we left him we went to Montecavallo, from whence M. Manessier being indispos'd, was forc't to repair home. Ne­verthelesse we visited Cardinal Pamphilio without him, & gave his Eminence thanks for the favorable hearing he had given us, and for his attention to what we spoke. He answer'd us, That 'twas a very delightful thing to hear people who spoke so well as we did. We presented him a Copy of the Distinction of senses; and as we were going to tell him of the other Writings which we had presented to his Holinesse, he told us that he had seen them all (Perhaps 'twas at the moment of their delivery to the Pope) We signify'd to him our design to print them, what reasons oblig'd us thereunto, and upon what conditions we had re­quested permission for it from the Master of the sacred Palace. He answer'd us, he would speak to the Pope about it in the Evening; whereupon I told him, I would bring him a Copy of our Me­morial touching that matter, to the end himself and his Holinesse also might therein more distinctly see the reasons and conditions of our demands. At the end of Vespers I carry'd him a Copy, which he receiv'd with great courtesy, and assur'd me again that he would not fail to speak of it to his Holinesse in the Evening.

But before we went to Vespers, we had time to visit F. Luca Vadingo, who made us a compendious recital of all that we had spoken before the Pope. He profess'd great approbation of it, and told us, he believ'd we had chang'd his Holiness's thoughts, cogitationes sanctitatis suae. He said, The report of the great successe of our audience was already spread throughout Rome; That in the morning he had seen two or three Cardinals, amongst others Pimentel, who told him that the business was rela­ted to them very much to our advantage; That this last said he should have been glad to have heard us; That it was affirm'd to him by some, speaking of us, that egregiè se gesserunt, and that he an­swer'd his Eminence, that it might be said, maximè egregiè. That he wisht he were acquainted with the Ambassador, that he might go to congratulate with him for the glory of this action, because in­deed we had done honor to France.

From F. Vadingo we went to accompany the Ambassador to the Vespers of the Ascention. As we were going before him into the Chappel, F. Celestin was coming forth, and told me, as he pass'd by and saluted me with a pleasant counte­nance, Monsù De la Lane mi diede la l' altro giorno, mi rapi il cuore, Monsieur de la Lane put life into me the other day, he ravisht my heart. Ha­ving heard Vespers, I carry'd Cardinal Pamphilio a Copy of our Memorial to the Master of the sacred Palace, as I said above. And afterwards, M. de Valcroissant, F. Des-mares and my self went to vi­sit Cardinal Barberin, with whom we spent about half an hour.

Upon Ascension day, after Masse, I went to Cardinal Pamphilio, to know whether the Pope allow'd of our Impression, to the end we might set about it the next day. The Cardinal was already retir'd; ann I desir'd his Maistre de Chambre to tell him the business of my coming to him. He went and spoke to his Eminence, and came back and told me, che nero haveva altra riposta. I en­quir'd the meaning of this word: He told me, that either his Eminence had not yet spoken to the Pope, or the Pope had resolv'd upon nothing. Coming from Montecavallo, I met Monsignor d' Ornano, who took me up into his Coach and car­ry'd me to my Lodging. By the way, he told me, that un tal signor mineti told him, that the Pope was marvailously satisfy'd with our Audience, e­specially with the Abbot of Valcroissant's Speech.

In the Evening I carry'd the Ambassador a Copy of our Memorial to the Master of the sacred Pa­lace, as I had promis'd him, and I told him what Cardinal Pamphilio had undertaken to do for us in this Affair, and therefore desir'd him to speak to him about it the next day when he saw him. As for the Pope, I left it to the Ambassador to speak what he thought fit to his Holiness, since Cardinal Pamphilio had promis'd to speak to him about it himself. But I desir'd the Ambassador, that what­ever he pleas'd to do, he would procure us Licence for our Impression by the next day, that we might set the Printer to work forthwith; and also that [Page 397] he would assure the Pope, that in the ensuing Con­gregations we would abridge all things as much as possible, and be as little tedious to his Holinesse, the Cardinals and Consultors as could be, as we had done in some measure in our first audience, of the length of which no body complain'd; but on the contrary, every one testify'd extraordinary satisfaction. The Ambassador seem'd well pleas'd with this great successe, and askt me, whether it was not good counsel which he gave us to appear and be heard; because, had we persisted in refu­sing to be heard except in presence of our Adver­saries, this had never hapned: whereas appearing as we had done, they who heard us knew what we said to them, and moreover saw what necessity there was of hearing us contradictorily. I told the Ambassador that we expected this from Gods mercy and the Pope's justice; and that when it came to passe, the things which we had to say would become more apparent; and that if our Adversa­ries had been present at those which we had al­ready spoken, they would have been more evident then they were; because had we spoken any one thing untrue, our Adversaries might have accepted against it; and withal been oblig'd to assent to such as they could not contradict. That in like manner were we present at their audience, designed to be within few dayes, they would be oblig'd to abstain from many calumnies and falsities which otherwise they would take the liberty to utter; or in case they ventur'd to speak the same in our presence, we should be able to make them and the whole Assem­bly sensible of their injuriousnesse in speaking so. The Ambassador told me, he would take occasion to tell the Pope all this, and that if his Holinesse thought good, he might cause both sides to appear in this manner

M. Manessier's indisposition continu'd still, and we continu'd our Visits without him. After we had accompany'd the Ambassador to his ordinary audience on Friday May 23. we went to Cardinal Ginggi's appartment. We thankt him for the time and patience which he had afforded to our audi­ence, and after an obliging and affable answer, he fell to speak of F. Adam's book, whose exorbi­tances he could not sufficiently comprehend. He askt us, whether the Ordinaries of places did not provide against such disorders? That their duty oblig'd them to remedy the same. We answer'd him that it hapned so sometimes; as when F. Bri­sacier's book against the purity of the Doctrine and Manners of the Abbey of Port-Royal was con­demn'd, and when the scandalous Chronicle of the Fueillant was suppress'd; but we also mention'd the difficulties and obstacles which sometimes obstru­cted this course of justice. We spoke concerning the Impression of our Writings; the Cardinal un­derstood the thing as if we desir'd the same liberty wherewith other books are ordinarily printed; but to undeceive him in that conceit, I read to him the conditions of our Request mention'd in our Me­morial to the Master of the sacred Palace.

From thence I return'd to the Pope's Presence-Chamber; the Ambassador stay'd with his Holi­nesse till half an hour after twelve. I accompa­ny'd him to Cardinal Pamphilio; and as I return'd with him in his Coach, he told me that the Pope said, we had spoken to his Holinesse about our Im­pressi [...], but the word Impression sounded some­what [...]h; that it was a thing of consequence; that h [...] [...]ould consult with the Cardinals about it; that t [...] Festivals must first be over, and then it should [...] taken into consideration. As for Car­dinal [...]mphilio, the Ambassador told me, that his Emine [...] [...]e would readily have consented to it, had it depe [...] [...]ed on himself.

Car [...]al Cechini, one of the five deputed for our Co [...]regation, could not be present at that which [...] held before the Pope; by reason of his misund [...]tanding with his Holinesse, which still continu [...] We visited him this day in the after­noon, [...]ounted to him all that had pass'd, and gave hi [...] copy of the Distinction of Senses, as we had [...]e to the rest. I shall mention here by the way, [...]hat to the end these Copies might be as authenti [...]as so many Originals, we subscrib'd them all and ratify'd them with our accustomed Seals. C [...]dinal Cechini told us, he was sorry that he could [...] be present at our audience; and in reference the Propositions which had been ad­vanc'd ag [...]ist S. Augustin, concerning which we spoke to [...]m, he told us, that that was it which touch'd hi [...] and gave him the greatest trouble; Est id, sa [...]he, quod me auget & me urget maxi­mè. We [...]nswer'd him, that we hop'd shortly to present hi [...] all our Writings, having demanded I permission [...] print them; but as for M, de Velcro­issant's spe [...]h, being it was not to be printed with our Writi [...] is, we presented him a copy of it; which he r [...]eiv'd with many expressions of satis­faction.

From this Visit we went to Cardinal Rapaccioli, to whom we [...]elated the passages of our audience; he thankt us and told us that his being at Rome was only acc [...]ental, that he had studied there mat­ters only so [...] as to satisfie his curiosity, and not to judge of th [...]m; and nevertheless to tell us what he thought of [...]he Propositions, he said, he ac­counted them he those pictures which represented on one side an [...]ngel, & on the other a Devil; which are lovely if b [...]eld one way, and affrighting if consider'd anot [...]er. That the same might be said of these Propo [...]ions, by reason of their good and bad senses; Th [...]t we had the unhappinesse, that although we h [...]d not their bad senses, yet people that held them [...]ere join'd with us; and in case those people pr [...]v'd the cause that the Propositi­ons were condemn'd by reason of such bad senses, yet we, who dis [...]en'd the holding of them, should not be condemn'd I diverted this Cardinal as much as I could from th [...]s belief, and assur'd him that what he newly spoke was a mere calumny & an ar­tifice imploy'd by our adversaries for the more ea­sy obtaining of the condemnation of the Proposi­tions, to the end they might make what use thereof they pleas'd; that in truth no Catholick in France held the Propositions otherwise then we did. He told us our Adversaries having been lately with him, complain'd to him, that Women began to alledge in confession that they had not power to resist a temptation. We answer'd him that this was another calumny contriv'd to render a holy doctrine odious and ridiculous; that yet were this abuse of it as true as it was false, never­thelesse the doctrine and the truth ought not and could not receive any prejudice from it. Whence [Page 398] we took occasion to tell him that all these [...]ings evinc'd the necessity of establishing such Con­gregation as we demanded, wherein the a [...] [...]gati­ons of either party against the other in pre [...]ce of them both might be carefully examined, a [...] nei­ther of them venture to speak things in [...]e air, which could turn onely to their own co [...]sion, when the other had full liberty to defer [...] them­selves according to the ordinary way of [...]stice; and nothing might be admitted upon wil and ca­lumnious suggestions, but onely what s [...]uld be justifi'd by good proofs. The Cardinal [...] [...]d, such a Congregation was a thing much to be v [...]t, but he fell still upon his first conceit, namely the bad senses of the Propositions procur'd their [...]ondem­nation, the same would in no wise hu [...]us who maintain'd them not. Whereupon we [...]ere fain to reiterate to him three or four several [...]nes, that there was no ground to speak of a con [...]mnation in this affair by reason of the bad senses [...]not one­ly because the Propositions were advan [...] by the Prosecutors of their condemnation pu [...]osely to make advantage thereof against the t [...]th, and for that these bad senses were not held I [...] any Ca­tholick; but also because it was requisit [...] to consi­der the truths whereof they were ca [...]ble, and which were hidden, obscur'd and im [...]gned un­der them. He also mention'd a proje [...] for the H. See to find out a medium in which [...]e parties might agree. Whereunto we answe [...]d that in­deed 'twas a good thing to bring parts to a just temper and to reduce them thereunto [...]om vicious extremes; but when but one of them [...] in such vi­cious extreme, and the other is alread [...] in the mid­dle, the latter must be left in its pl [...]e, and only the other reduc'd. For example, if [...]here be two men, the one covetous and the ot [...]er prodigal; they ought both of them to be redu [...] to the mo­deration and middle management o [...] the Liberal; but when one is liberal and the ot [...]er covetous, we must not talk of reclaiming both of them to a medium, but leave the liberal in his station, since he is already in the middle, and r [...]uce the cove­tous to it who is remote from it. That thus since by God's mercy we have been so [...]ppy as to hold the middle, wherein the Catholici [...] faith is found, which we defend against declar'd h [...]reticks as well as against the Jesuites, 'tis a goo [...] work to com­pare the one with the one with the other, and en­devor to reduce each of them to t [...]e middle where­in we are; but if we be compa [...]d with either of them, a medium between us cannot in justice be propounded. Upon which occasion we did not for­get that excellent passage of S. Augustin in his se­cond book ad Bonifacium, cap. 2. touching the re­proaches which the Pelagians o [...] [...]st upon the Catho­licks of being Manichees, which we apply'd to the Jesuites and the Calvinists by changing the names: Desinant ita (que) Pelagiani Catholicis objectare, good non sunt, nec ideo si velint h [...]beri amabiles, quia odioso Manichaeorum alversantur errori, sed merito se agnoscant odibiles, quia suum non aversantur er­errorem. Possunt enim duo errores inter se esse contra­rii, sed ambo sunt detestandi quia sunt ambo contrarii veritati. Nam si propterea sunt diligendi Pelagi­ani, quia oderunt Manichaeos, diligendi sunt & Manichaei, quia oderunt Pelagianos. Sed absit ut Catholica mater Ecclesia propter alterorum odium, alteros eligat amare, cum monente at que adjuvante Domino debeat utrosque vitare, & cupiat utrosque sanare.

In the course of the Visites which we made since our audience, we had been twice or thrice to wait upon Card. Ginetti without effect. On Sunday May 25. we went again, and found him with Card. Colo­nia. He was to go abroad as soon as he had recon­ducted this Cardinal; and therefore when he de­parted, we presented our selves below to Cardinal Ginetti to give him our thanks. But he would not speak with us till we were gone up and sealed in the ordinary way. We had no sooner begun our thanks, but he told us it was his part to thank us; That he should be glad to hear us a hundred times; that we spoke with vivacity, ingenuity, clearnesse and freedome. Li sentirci volentieri cento volte; hanno parlato con vivacità con spirito, con chiarezza, con franchezza. Whereto he added some other obliging termes which I did not remember. We presented him a Copy of the Writing of Distincti­on of senses, and told him we hop'd to present him all the rest printed.

Leaving him, we went to the General of the Do­minicans, and gave him likewise a Copy of the above said Writing; by which we told him he should see, that if after that explication we were in any danger of being condemn'd, the doctrine of S. Thomas, which was that of his Order, would run the same fortune, as well as that of S. Au­gustin. He said, he had done his utmost to in­tervene in our affair, but the Pope had absolute­ly hinder'd him, because he would not meddle with the controversy which Clement VIII. had left undecided; that he omitted nothing that lay in his power to further our cause, but having been in­terdicted to intervene in it, they could not appear in it, and durst not speak. He told us Cardinal de Medicis spoke to him for a Copy of our Wri­tings to send to the Duke of Florence. To which we answer'd that when they were printed, we would give him one both for that use and for any other he pleas'd. He said it was a strange thing how extraordinarily well pleas'd the Pope was with the Congregations held before him; and that when Prince Justinian acquainted him with what the Pope Paid at Signora Olympia's Palace upon the day of the Annuntiation, he said his Holinesse us'd these words; Non potete credere il gusto ch' hal­biamo in questo Congregationi. Le faremmo durare tre ò quattro altre hore, se non, &c. You cannot believe, (said the Pope) what pleasure we take in these Congregations. We would have them last three, or four houres longer, were it not for the sake of the good old men who are standing all the while.

CHAP. XXV.

New rumors of the Bull against the Propositions. A considerable word of Cardinal Ghiggi in our favor con­cerning the same. Cardinal Pimen­tel's publick entrance into Rome; he takes this occasion to divert the Pope from the design of his Bull, but in vain. M. Hallier and his Collegues are not heard be­fore the Pope, and the reason. My last conference with Cardinal Ghig­gi. F. Modeste's pretension to the Generalship of his Order frustra­ted.

THere was a Consistory on Monday May 26. in which two things pass'd worthy of remark: One, that a man unknown to M. de Vertamont, a Counsellor of the Parliament, who was then at Rome, addres'd himself to him, and askt him, whether, when I spoke to him on Friday before in the Pope's Presence-chamber, I did not say to him, that after his Holines's judgment, it would be re­quisite to have that of a general Council. Where­unto M. de Vertamont said, that I never spoke any such thing to him or like it. The other, that the same Cardinal who discours'd so largely with Cardinal Ghiggi in the Consistory of the fifth of this moneth touching the Bull, of which a report was spread and afterwards smother'd, discours'd with him again upon the reviving of the same, as a most certain and resolved thing. Cardinal Ghiggi fairly acknowledg'd it; but to justifie it, he added that the Propositions had no relation to S. Augustin or S. Thomas. The other Cardi­nal finding it in vain to oppose it further, began to speak of it as a thing concluded, and askt Car­dinal Ghiggi with what solemnities the Bull was to be publisht; particularly whether we should be requir'd to subscribe to the condemnation of the Propositions, Cardinal Ghiggi wonder'd at this question, and told him none were requir'd to subscribe to the condemnation of any doctrine whatsoever, but such as maintain'd it; and there­fore there was no thought of causing us to sub­scribe to that of the Propositions, since we never maintain'd them.

Tuesday the 27 M. de Valcroissant, M. Angran and I went in the morning to see the General of the Augustines, and thank him for his curteous and obliging visite the week before: He receiv'd ours with extreme kindnesse, and shew'd us the Ori­ginal VVriting of of Clement VIII's. hand wherein was written half in Italian and half Latin, the fa­mous speech which he made at the opening of the Congregation de Auxiliis held under his Pontifi­cate, in which that Pope most solidly, establishes the authority of S. Augustin's doctrine; and as far as I could observe by what this General read of it to us, the expressions of that great Pope were more emphatical and vehement for the said doctrine then what I have seen thereof in several books wherein it is mention'd. He shew'd us also divers other original pieces upon the same matter, and gave us hope of copies of them in time, but durst not give us any yet. We knew not that that which was found among Cardinal Roma's Papers had been given to him; but he show'd us the Informations upon the three first Propositions which were made for that Cardinal by the excellent Divines above spoken of, and askt us whether we knew how he might recover what was written by the same hand upon the two others. Assoon as I saw them, I intimated to him, that I knew whence he had them, and I told him, that it was in vain to seek after what the same Divine had written upon the two last Propositions, because he writ onely upon the three first, having been oblig'd to depart from Rome assoon as he had done with them, to a considerable employment gi­ven him by the Pope.

As we were returning home, we met an Ab­bot a friend of ours, who told us that he came from the Pope's Presence-chamber, and that we had hindred him from having audience that day, by reason of a Congregation which his Holinesse held about our affair with the four Cardinals who were present at our grand audience. I askt him whether none were there but they. He answer'd me that M. Albizzi was there too, but as for Consultors, he had not seen any. He added that a friend of M. Hallier's told him the day before, that this Doctor said this Congregation was to be held, but it would be the last that should be held about our affair. Assoon as this Abbot spoke of this Congregation, I no longer doubted but it was the last, and that our businesse was abso­lutely at an end, as I testifi'd to him and my Col­legues immediatly.

Neverthelesse we went in the afternoon to carry Cardinal Cechini M. de Valcroissants Oration as we had promis'd him; but not finding him at home, we made some other visites, in the course having seen M. Hallier and his Collegues going, as we concei­ved, to M. Albizzi to understand the newes of the Congregation held in the morning. I caus'd one to follow them, and accordingly found that we were not mistaken in our Conjecture, be­cause they went first to the Penitentiary Je­suites of S. Peter, and from thence to M. Al­dizzi.

VVednesday the 28th. we went again to carry Cardinal Cechini the Oration. VVhen he had re­ceiv'd it and thankt us for it, he told us that after our departure, the last time we visited him, he fell to read our writing of the distinction of senses, and lik't it vety well, because we explain'd our sentiments very sincerely and clearly. He said al­so that he was very well pleased with two particu­larities which he took notice of in the last enter­tainment. One, that we had shew'd him that the Bishops who subscrib'd the letter of M. de Vabres, desir'd onely a Decision upon the Propositions, and not a declaration against them. VVhat he spoke upon this matter oblig'd us to answer him, and the discourse fell insensibly to other reflexi­ons, so that he mention'd not the other particu­larity [Page 400] wherewith he said he was well pleas'd. Af­ter we left this Cardinal, I went to see F. Ʋbaldi­no, and told him how inclin'd we heard the Pope was to publish a condemnation, notwithstanding his contrary judgment of his Holines's intentions; but none of these rumors startled this person who well understood his Holines's temper, and con­ceiv'd him so very circumspect and prudent, that he could not believe it possible for him ever to be brought to it, because, said he, the least difficul­ty is enough to stop him, Ogni picciola cost a basta per fermare il Papa.

Cardinal Pimentel, who arriv'd at Rome a while before, remain'd there hitherto incognito. On Thursday the 29. he made his entrance and caval­cade. And having been exactly inform'd of what pass'd in our affair, since his arrival, he resolv'd not to let the opportunity of this ceremony passe, without speaking to the Pope of it, and beseech­ing his Holinesse not to precipitate any thing, but to give him time to represent what important things he had to acquaint him with concerning it, in regard of the dangerous consequences which were to be fear'd from it. Accordingly he spoke to the Pope of it privately upon occasion of this ceremony, and particularly askt him what a thing it would be if the doctrine of S. Augustin and S. Thomas came to receive any impeachment by this condemnation? The Pope answer'd him that the matter had been carefully examin'd in his own presence, that he had caus'd prayers to be pur­posely made for it, that the question was found to be neither concerning S. Augustin, nor S. Thomas, nor their doctrine; and it was necessary to do some­thing against Jansenius's book.

The same morning in the course of this ceremo­ny I met a person very well inform'd of things, who told me that the Pope would give no more audience, but had given order to prepare the Bull. I askt him, since when? He answer'd me, since the last Congregation which was held on the Tues­day preceding. I learn't afterward that M. Al­bizzi comming to Cardinal Pamphilio in the Con­sistory, presented his Eminence a paper folded up, upon which these words were written, Ex­pediatur pro festo Pentecostes. I apprehended that it was the order which himself had given for it since the Congregation of Tuesday, and the Expedition of it render'd to him, which he deliver'd to this Cardinal. But I knew several dayes before, when the Votes of the Consultors were writ down in the house of the Inquisition that it was fully re­solv'd upon to expedite this affair in the feast of Pentecost, no doubt to make the more show in the solemnity of the descent of the H. Ghost upon the Faithfull, and to insult the more highly over such as glory'd in the intention which Clement VIII. had, the year of his death (which hapned in March) to publish his Bull against the Jesuites after the Vespers of this day in presence of the sacred Col­ledge, and to create F. Lemos a Cardinal; as also to give those Fathers more ground to be quit with such as should upbraid them with it, and glori­ously to abolish the memory of it by a contrary most favorable successe upon the same day. See the Copy of a short letter sent to me by an emi­nent Dominican, whilst those Votes were tran­scribing in the H. Office, wherein he gave me notice of M. Albizzi's urgency for haste's which mov'd him angerly to tell the Father of that Order who were imploy'd therein, but made not speed enough according to his fancy, That they were as stubborn as Mules, and would be the cause that the businesse could not be ready against Pentecost.

Si scrivono (said he) li voti al Saint' Offi­cio, & non sono in ordine ancora. Albici in colera proruppe & disse, Questi frati di San Dominico sono ostinati come muli: sono causa che non si spedirà questa facenda ne anco alla pen­tecost.

I was the more amaz'd to see these preparati­ons, for that I certainly knew M. Hallier and his Collegues had not been once heard yet before the Pope, and I had not forgot that the Ambassador said they should be heard after us. They should indeed, though it were but for ceremony; and it was so design'd when we were heard; but they who manag'd their interests, re­membring what those Doctors had done in the Congregation held at Cardinal Spada's palace January 27. wherewith neverthelesse they were it that time satisfi'd, and whereby they per­ceiv'd of what they were capable, foreseeing the great disproportion there would be between what they could do before the Pope, and what we had done; and it would be such as would perhaps render them ridiculous and despicable to the Pope and a great part of the Congre­gation; conceiv'd it the safest way for those Doctors and for the accomplishment of their design of extorting a condemnation from the Pope, not to stand upon this formality, but to dispense with them from appearing before the Pope. Wherefore reflecting afterwards up­on what F. Guerin had told me in a Visit up­on Thursday in the afternoon, I did not won­der so much as I had done at the first notice of such shamefull unworthinesse, namely, their beginning to publish at Rome whereever they came, that they did not desire to speak before the Pope, nor account it necessary; that should they appear, they had nothing else to say but what they had said before the Congrega­tion at Cardinal Spada's house January 27. and that his Holinesse was sufficiently inform'd there­of by the relations of such as heard them. Neverthelesse, for the better colouring of this tergiversation, they added that should the Pope desire to hear them and send for them, then they would appear; but whilest they spoke this, they knew they should never be summon'd.

In the evening I acquainted my Collegues with what I had learn't concerning the prepa­ratious of the Bull which was talkt of, to the end I might consult with them whether any thing could be done by us to stop the blow; but we all con­sented that after what we had done, there was no more to be done on our part, saving to redouble our prayers and sighs before God.

Yet, to omit nothing of what we ought to do be­fore men, but to continue acting to the last accord­ing as we were oblig'd, I went to Card Ghiggi on [Page 401] Friday the 30th. in the afternoon, I carry'd to him the several Title pages & beginnings of F. Annat's book entitled Jansenius à Thomistis damnatus, &c. according to my promise the last time we visited his Eminence altogether. I told him this Jesuites deceitful way of writing, so full of impostures and disguises, that the same were not to be unridled and discover'd, but by one that was throughly in­form'd of the matter. I did not dissemble the pu­rity and clearness of his style; but withal I present­ed his Eminence the Preface of that work, in which I assur'd him, he would of himself discover many lyes touching things which his Eminence under­stood, and this Writer advanc'd with as much con­fidence and boldness as if they had been most cer­tain truths. The Cardinal neglected what I said to him concerning this subject, and did not deign to read the Preface, though it was but of two little pages. I told him also, that the body of this book was full of the like falsities, and yet it was one of the Writings of M. Hallier, and his Collegues, pre­sented to the Congregation. How? (said the Cardinal) have they presented it to the Cardinals? I answer'd, that I did not affirm so much of my own knowledge; though I could not doubt but they did, being I knew that they gave it to a Con­sultor, who lent it to a friend of mine, from whom I had it; and (for fear of never seeing it again) copied it out. The Cardinal reply'd hereunto with a careless accent, as telling me, 'twas a thing suf­ficiently superfluous to present Writings to the Consultors, because the Pope never intended to admit of a contestation between the Parties in this Affair; nevertheless, (as 'twere) correcting what he had said, he added, that yet 'twas good that they saw what both the one and the other had to say; which I interpreting, as if he meant that we had presented two Writings to the Consultors, I answer'd, that for our part we had not given to any (pas mesme un seul morceau de papier) not so much as one scrap of Paper; Nor any thing upon the Propositions to any one but the Pope at the end of our grand Audience. The Cardinal said, we presented some at the beginning. I answer'd him, that we gave none then but that de Gestis, and another concerning S. Augustin's authority; nor these to any but the Cardinals, and that upon a cer­tain presumption, that the same would forthwith be communicated to our Adversaries. The Card. said, that Cardinal Spada had shew'd them to the Con­sultors. I answer'd nothing to this, but told him, that we had not yet presented to Cardinal Pam­philio the copy which we got ready for him, be­cause 'twas a long time ere we knew of his being of the Congregation; and when we knew it, some time was requisite for preparing a copy; and since it was ready, we had gone several times to present it to him, but could not find him at con­veniency to receive it, till the time of doing it was insensibly pass'd; that it remain'd still in our hands, and we kept it to present to him in case a fitting time return'd. Whereupon I took occa­sion to ask this Cardinal, whether he knew that any thing was appointed concerning the permissi­on to print our Writings which we requested. He answer'd, that he accounted it a difficult thing. I told him what Offices the Ambassador and Car­dinal Pamphilio had done for us to the Pope about it, and that his Holinesse answer'd, He would con­sult with their Eminences concerning it during the Festivals. I reminded him of the conditions and re­strictions of our Request, and beseecht him to be favourable to us therein; whereof he gave me some hopes. Then I shew'd him F. Brisacier's Book, the Archbishop of Paris his censure upon it, and the Letter which the Jesuites publisht a­gainst this censure. I told him that these Fathers said of those of the Faculty of Paris, Non tran­seant Sequanam; of those of Rome, Quid Roma­nae Censurae cum Gallia? That they term'd Rome a forraign Power, even in matters of Doctrine, as I shew'd him that M. Hallier had complain'd in the Defence of this Doctrine which he publisht a­gainst them Anno 1644. in which work also this Doctor complain'd that the Jesuites decry'd him as a Calumniator, a Heretick and an enemy of Religious life. I likewise shew'd him that pas­sage of F. l' Abbè, Brevi loquetur Roma quid senserit Augustinus aut quid sentire debuerit. Where­unto the Cardinal answer'd that the Jesuites might say, that by Augustinus they meant Jansenius, in regard of his Book intitled Jansenii Augustinus. I shew'd him clearly by the reading of some words both at the end and beginning, that this was spo­ken of the true S. Augustin of Hippo, that great Doctor of Grace. He read over F. l' Abbe's Advertisement to the Reader, and persisted in his ingenuous subtilty and put-off, that the Jesuites might say, it was meant of the Augustin of Ipre; after which I gave his Eminence the good night.

When I was return'd to our Lodging, M. An­gran told me, that F. Reginald had sent to acquaint him, that he understood by two or three hands that the Bull was printing, and would come forth the next day.

Saturday May 31. I learnt in a Visit, that the report of the Bull was renew'd on Thursday morn­ing, and come to the eares of the Procurator Ge­neral of the Dominicans, by whom his General was advertis'd thereof, who seeing Cardinal Pi­mentel already engag'd in the ceremony of his en­trance, yet forbore not to go to Monte Cavallo, to acquaint him therewith in two words at the end of the Ceremony, to the end he might speak to the Pope about it. That this General having af­terwards sent F. de Terrasanta to his Eminence to know the successe, the Cardinal gave him the account above related, namely, that he had re­monstrated to the Pope the danger of this Affair, and the sad consequences to be apprehended from it; and that the Pope answer'd him, that every thing had been carefully examin'd in Congregati­ons before himself; That 'twas certain the Pro­positions had no relation to S. Augustin and S. Thomas, their Doctrine, or the matter de Auxi­liis; That the Cardinal offer'd to reiterate and presse his Remonstrances; but found the Pope so fix'd in this mind and resolution, that he saw not how to proceed; and that his Holinesse was absolutely perswaded that it was requisite to do something against Jansenius. The same Friend told me further, tdat he had newly sent to the A­postolical Printing-house, to discover whether the Bull was at the Presse, but the doors were all shut, and he believ'd it was a printing; That therefore [Page 402] he had some suspition that it would be publisht after Vespers or in the Chamber of Presence. I went to Vespers in the afternoon, and to the Pre­sence-Chamber both before and after Vespers, to be a witnesse of all that pass'd there, in case any thing were done about publishing the Bull; but I saw nothing there more then usual, saying that all the Conventual Cordeliers who had chosen their General in the morning came with him in great number to salute the Pope and kisse his Ho­linesse's feet.

F. Modeste was of this Order and pretended to this Generalship. There was a Statute of the Order which render'd him uncapable of being no­minated. For the removing of which obstacle he obtained an expresse Brief of the Pope. Car­dinal Pamphilio was Protector of this Order (that is, in plain terms according as things are transact­ed, the Master and Soveraign of it) and on Fri­day he went in person purposely to sollicite the suffrages of the Fryers in favor of F. Modeste. Now this Cardinal having conferr'd with the said Fathers about the matter, held himself so assur'd of this Election, that on Friday he told the Pope, who concern'd himself therein, that the businesse was as good as done. On Saturday very early he return'd to speak to those Fathers again that he might keep them in the same mind: but several of the Fathers looking upon this proceeding as having some shew of violence, there arose a loud cry amongst the multitude, Libertà, Libertà, Li­berte, Liberte, which cry was begun by certain French. Hereupon Cardinal Pamphilio, who be­fore accounted the thing most certain, withdraw­ing himself, that he might avoid giving occasion to those complaints, and leave them to make their E­lection in peace, the Fryers chose an other then F. Modeste: which being reported to Cardinal Pamphilio, he conceiv'd himself oblig'd to give the Pope notice thereof forthwith. The Pope seeing this so sudden change of the state wherein this Cardinal told him things were the day before, said these words to him, perhaps partly in jest and partly otherwise, Veramente nuscirete bene in un Conclave, 'Tis likely you would speed well in a Conclave.

CHAP. XXVI.

Of the Letters writ to me from Paris during the month of May and June concerning my relation of what pass'd at Rome during May.

SCarce any thing considerable was writ to me by the two first Posts that return'd in May, but what was at least reiterated and spoken more ex­presly by those Letters of the three last. Where­fore; to abridge and retrench unnecessary repe­titions, I shall here give an account only of those of the 16th. 23d. and 30th. of this month.

Those of the 16th. spoke of a ridiculous Libel which the Molinists caus'd to be cry'd up and down the streets, whereof they were afterwards asham'd. See what M. de S. Beuve writ to me about it; Since the prank which those of this City had the bold­nesse to play last week, they have publish'd nothing; they blush when they are reproacht with the insolence of causing a ridiculous piece to be cry'd about in­titled, A CATALOGƲE INSTRƲCTION SENT BY OƲR H. F. THE POPE A­GAINST THE JANSENISTS. They turn the fault from themselves upon the Hawkers and Pamphlet-venters.

And neverthelesse 'tis certain, that M. le Moine was the Approbator of it, as I found by a Letter wrii to me by M. Taignier, May 9. touching the same. The Libel, saith he, whereof I spoke to M. Valcroissant, is publisht under the Licence of M. le Moine, who hath written with his own hand at the bottom of the Frontispiece; THERE IS NO­THING IN THIS WRITING WHICH MAY HINDER IT FROM BEING PRINTED. LE MOINE. I have this Writing with le Moine's Original Signature.

The Molinists absolutely affirm, that the Condem­nation of the Propositions is most assured, and will un­doubtedly be receiv'd at the end of this month.

You will receive F. Annat's book de Ecclesia prae­sentis temporis, by the Messenger who sets forth on Tuesday.

In his Letter of the 23d. M. de S. Beuve speaks thus: Sir, I understand by your last Letter that nothing has been done since Easter, but the reasons thereof are unknown to me; only people spend their judgements much concerning this delay. I leave po­licy to the Italians, and tell you, that you must still act vigorously and pursue the destruction of Moli­nism. It makes me somewhat impatient that the Do­minicans have not yet presented their Memorial. I know all arts are practis'd to make them desist. M. de Marguerie, a known disciple of the Jesuites, though an antient Counsellor of State, proclaims the General of the Dominicans Pragmatical and igno­rant, and takes this liberty even in speaking to Do­minicans, from whom I heard it. Judge whence such language hath its original. M. le Moine lately dis­coursing in our Court with the Abbot de Bourzeys and my self, and blaming the Abbot for imposing upon him in his last book, by accusing him of deny­ing Scientia Media, after some pleasant discourse, amongst the rest, the Abbot telling, that he did not declare himself for Scientia Media openly till after the printing, or (at least) writing of this book, ha­ving till the last year avoided the Question, but that he saw how he drew near Molina every day, inas­much as he affirm'd, that the Grace of Action can­not be explicated but by Scientia Media; at length the Discourse fell upon the Declaration of the Domi­nicans for S. Augustin's Doctrine, and M. le Moine let slip this word, that only two or three poul­try Jacobin's declar'd themselves at Rome. I could not suffer this language, but took him up, and told him that he was mistaken; that the whole Order was of that mind; that I knew it most perfectly; to all which he was silent. M. Annat said lately, that he conceiv'd M. Hallier would return speedily. I know not whether it be, because he is to be at the Council of Tours appointed on the first of July; but I know certainly that Pass-ports have been sent for him and his Collegues. Perhaps they will substitute F. Mu­lard [Page 402] in their place as a most worthy Deputy, an ex­emplary Monastick, and a man of great probity. I wish I may be mistaken concerning M. N. but I fear I am not. The new-chang'd Propositions are in my opinion a testimony of the weaknesse of our Adversa­ries. Good use must be made of this opportunity, and two things inculcated to every one. First, That they endeavor to put the change upon us; and secondly, That they have no order from the Bishops to demand the Examen of these Propositions. After which they must be urg'd to alledge the Authors of them, and his Holiness convinc'd that they abuse the H. See, by going about to delude it with their malicious and en­venomn'd imaginations. For my part, I confesse, I know not with what conscience M. Cornet contriv'd the first Propositions, or our Adversaries there sub­stituted the second. Fail not to demand the condem­nation of the Propositions injurious to S. Augustin's authority at their first Audience. 'Tis left to your prudence to propound other Propositions, according as you shall judge expedient.

I think no day in the course of these two years afforded me more Letters worthy of inserting in this Journal then this thirtieth of May; I have half a dozen in my hands, whereof the first was from my Lord the Bishop of Chaalons Sur Marne, and follows in these terms,

Sir,

YOur last gave us some trouble, whereof the Im­pression would be more grievous, did not confi­dence uphold us. I have us'd all means possible to get these discoveries from the Nuntio which you de­sire, and 'tis very credible he hath not receiv'd those orders from Rome which you apprehend. Every thing shall be particularly signify'd to you. But I see nothing to fear, upon two grounds; first, in that there can be nothing disadvantageous to the truth, provided Effectual Grace be expresly secur'd, and that sense of the five Propositions justify'd; and seeondly, in that, being a thing most just and reaso­nable, it seems not possible to be deny'd you, inas­much as 'tis the only undoubted meanes to quiet men's minds, and maintain the honor of the H. See. Many considerable persons intend to write to this effect to Rome, and the Dominicans are as much concern'd to do it, as any. If they do not, they lose their antient advantages, and the new Doctrine will prevail by in­trigues against that of S. Augustin and S. Thomas. It is purposed to write largely hereupon to the Fa­thers Nolano and Reginald; I doubt not but toge­ther within it they will employ all possible care and zeal therein, and am for ever,

Sir,
Your most humble and affectionate servant, F. Bishop, and C. de Chaalons.

The second is from the Abbot de Villars, then Agent General of the Clergy of France to M. de Valcroissant;, and contain'd these terms.

Sir,

I Received your Letter of the 18th. of the last month. I was surpriz'd at the newes you have pleas'd to tell me, that some Doctors of Sorbonne have presented a Memorial to his Holinesse in the name of the Clergy of France, and take upon themselves the quality of its Deputies. I believe you so in­telligent of the manner of proceeding us'd by the Cler­gy of France, as not to be ignorant that such Com­missions are never given but in Assemblies which we convoke our selves. I can assure you that within these two yeares that I have been in office, no power hath been granted to treat of these kind of matters with his Holinesse; it was never propounded; There goes forth no act of these Assemblies but what I sign, and therefore it will not be difficult for you to unde­ceive those that have credited this pretence; I wish, Sir, I could render you some other service, which might further assure you that I am,

Sir,
Your most humble and obedient servant, De Villars, Agent General of the Clergy of France.

The third is from M. de Brousse, to this ef­fect.

Sir,

THis week hath been sufficiently peaceable among us, at least so far as things are come to my knowledge. All that I have learnt, is, that the o­ther day M. Amiot's Vicar told a friend of mine, that M. Hallier had rent word to his Master, that the contests of the Jansenists were ended at Rome, and that the Bull for their condemnation was ready to be publisht. Moreover, I ha [...] seen your last piece presented to the Pope, touching [...] two false sug­gestions of the Jesuites, viz. that our contests have no affinity with those which were handled in the Congre­gation de Auxiliis, and a Perpetual Silence hath been impos'd upon both parties. I truly say, I never saw any thing more solid, clear and generous; so that I make no difficulty to believe that 'tis the H. Ghost, the bestower of the Victorious grace of Jesus Christ, who guided your Hand and your Pen for its defence. M. Taignier sent it to me the other day, to translate into French by order from the Bishop of Chaalons. I have return'd it to him this day, and am only sorry that my French hath not the life and gracefulnesse of your Italian. I doubt not but he will be ravisht with it as well as he hath been with your other Memorials, of which I have writ to them formerly, and shall tell your further tydings by the next Post.

The fourth is from M. Taignier, as followeth.

THe denyal to grant F. Des-mares and M. Ma­nessier to be heard contradictorily with M. Hal­lier and the Jesuites, is a certain signe of what the Pope intends to do without hearing Parties. I con­ceive his Holinesse has some particular design to pass a judgement; but I am perswaded 'twill rather be a judgement intricate and full of equivocations then a certain judgement, and such as might be receiv'd without any contradiction of the parties.

My LL. the Bishops of Chaalon, Grasse and Valence, have spoken to the Nuntio in such manner as we desir'd, but could not discover that he had heard any thing like that you conjectur'd; nevertheless he has alwayes appear'd to have a prodigious aversion to S. Augustin's Disciples.

Your Memorial was put into French yesterday. My L. of Chaalons show'd it to my other Lords, who accounted it admirable.

The Molinists have confirm'd to us this week, that the Pope has given command for the preparation of the Bull. They hold for certain that it is in hand, and will speedily come forth. For my part I cannot believe that it is so, both in regard of what the Pope said to F. Des-mares, and what you have written to me hitherto; nor shall I ever believe it till I see it here.

The fifth is from M. de Sainte-Beuve, and con­tains what follows.

YOu signifie to us, that F. Des-mares and M. Manessier have had a favorable Audience from his Holinesse, who hath promis'd them to hear you voce & scripto, and only made a difficulty to grant you a contradictory Conference. This newes does not perfectly satisfie us, since 'tis of moment that the Pope understand the deceits of our Adversaries and that truth which we defend, which cannot be unlesse he hear you in presence. But the newes publisht here by the Molinists is much more surprizing. They say, that the Pope is going to pronounce, that the thing is resolv'd upon, that the Bull is almost made, &c.

This allarmes many persons here, some of whom are of opinion; that you must be very cautious of ap­pearing, becau [...] the Audience granted you will be made use of only the more to oppresse Truth and its de­fenders, for it will infallibly be mention'd in the Bull, that in it the parties were heard. Others conceive it requisite that you appear only to request the Pope to cause our Adversaries to declare who are the Au­thors of these Propositions; and to declare that they are not ours; and that we defend them not saving in the sense of the necessity of Effectual Grace. I can­not deny, Sir, that there is great reason for either o­pinion; and I certainly know, that if that whereof the Molinists boast be true, it will be a most disad­vantageous thing to the H. See, and much abate the respect and submission which most men have alwayes kept for Rome, and make many encline to the senti­ments of the Richerists. But for my part, whate­ver others say, I am of advice, that you appear and speak resolutely; Lay open the fraudulent practises of our Adversaries, prove them the Authors of the Propositions which they have obtruded upon us, re­quire an act thereof; declare, that although they be not ours, yet we conceive that they way have a very Catho­lick sense, in which we undertake to defend them. Demand, that judgment be pass'd upon this sense. Ac­cuse our Adversaries of Impostures and delusions, ac­cusing them of troubling the Churches peace, by pro­secuting tho condemnation of the Propositions in the sense of Effectual Grace; and add, that if it plea­ses the Pope to receive them as accusers, it may be per­mitted you to impeach their doctrine as pernicious and erroneous. This is requisite, Sir, if you expect to have justice done you. Men may speak high when they demand nothing beyond the Rules of sincerity and Truth, &c.

However, Sir, Supposing the Pope resolv'd to pass such a Bull as the Molinists speak off, yet if you be heard, he cannot but grant you two things: whereof one concerns our Persons, and the other the Doctrine. As to our Persons, We are oblig'd to let the whole Church and posterity know, that we are not the Authors of the Propositions, but they were malici­ously forg'd by our Adversaries to make us odious by being charg'd with them. Your first Memorial pre­sented to his Holiness is to this effect. And concern­ing the Doctrine; That the sense, of the Necessity of Grace effectual by it self, is a Catholick sense, free from all Censure, and that alone wherein we defend the Propositions. If these two conditions be added, I shall be contented, and the Church will have peace. Ʋpon any others, we shall be so far from enjoying a calm, that on the contrary, we shall fall into a higher storm of dissention then before. We shall be oblig'd to make known the sincerity of our intentions, we shall complain of the wrong done us, and Posterity shall be inform'd of the truth of things. Be pleas'd to consider upon all this; and remember that I have long ago told you, that upnn this decision will depend the reviving of Richerism in France, whereof I am great­ly afraid, &c.

An other Doctor of Sorbon, a very able and moderate person (to whom I had often writ du­ring the time that we desir'd our Lords to send us two or three persons more to help us in the manag­ing of the matters, especially in the conferences which we expected to have before the Pope & the Congregations, to desire him to be one of the num­ber, because I judg'd him very fit for it) return'd the following answer to my invitation, May 31.

Sir,

I Have receiv'd three Letters from you almost al­together, though they be of very distant dates. One is of the 30th. of September. The supply you have receiv'd by the arrival of the persons who are gone to joine with you, may serve for answer to a good part of what you writ to me, and expect from me. If I perform not to you, or rather to Truth, the same service which they are going to do, 'tis neither through want of zeal or affection, or else I understand not my self. Proportionably to my knowledge of Truth in­creases the honour and esteem I have of it, and I learn to know my self in it; which renders me alwayes more backward to speak or treat of it, for fear of hurting it whilst I think to defend it, especially when [Page 405] I see not my self plainly engag'd therein. Although to defend it, that is to withstand the violences and stratagems of those who go about to oppress it, shewing openly their unfaithful dealing, their calumnies, and the injustice of their proceeding, seems to me more easie and lesse hazardous; because this consists more in matters of fact then in Questions and Controver­sies. But to pretend to examine it, to clear it, to commit it to the dispute and censure of its enemies, and to submit it to the judgement and determination of persons whom you hold suspected, and who in their best construction, never had the light and knowledge which is necessary for the comprehension of the mat­ters in question, which are very difficult, and for the most part very remote from humane sense and reason, as the same is corrupted by sin; and to distinguish them from the apparences of Truth, under which Er­rors are oft-times hid; all which is necessary in order to pronounce upon, and fully determine the questions at this day in controversie, so that there remain no seed of future combustion: This is that which I find most difficult, dangerous, and much above my abili­ties. 'Tis neither expedient nor necessary to define these questions in the Church; they are already suffi­ciently defin'd for such as seek the Truth without passion and interest; And others will not stand to what shall be now determin'd, in case it be conform­able to Tradition, and contrary to their new opinions. Believe me, Sir, if you please, 'tis neither timorous­ness nor indifference that detains me; 'tis rather the respect and love which I have for the Truth. Had I less knowledge and experience of the state of the present affaires, perhaps I should be more bold, and I know not whether I should do better. However, should I fail in something, I hope God will not im­pute it, or else easily pardon it, whilst I keep to keep to his Lawes, the guidance of the Church, and the common rules of prudence humane and divine; Ado­ring always with all submission his extraordinary wayes, by which he absolutely effecteth whatever he pleaseth, and how he pleaseth, sometimes even by means and ways wholly contrary to those which he hath establisht. If it be a kind of little miracle, as you say, that he on whom the judgement of your af­faires depends, hath at present an inclination to be inform'd thereof, whereas formerly he was troubled to hear the same mention'd; no doubt you will con­fess, that there needs another much greater miracle, whereby he may in a little time have the understand­ing and conduct which is necessary for pronouncing certainly, and conformably to the Truth and Tradi­tion upon Questions so difficult and embroyl'd by the mixture of humane reasonings, as those are whereof you seem to demand the decision. I have formerly told you my mind upon this Point, and the occasion leads me to tell it you again here, I could not sollicite and demand the definition of the affaires which you manage, and of the Propositions whereunto your con­ference is reduc'd. If God hath thought fit to make use of you to hinder the truths of Grace and S. Au­gustin's Authority from receiving any prejudice or disparagement, I account you very happy, and cannot but honour your zeal and fidelity in upholding them a­gainst the attempts and artifices of their enemies; but I believe, 'twere the best you could do for the present, if you could stop affaires at that point; not to be overcome, is to triumph in these occasions, and the confusion which your enemies would have in see­ing themselves fallen from their pretensions & all their cabals without effect, add their calumnies and foul dealing discover'd and known, without having been able to lay any blemish upon the truths which they aim'd to get condemn'd with so great temerity and presumption, as that they proclaim'd beforehand and affirm'd publickly in many places that they were con­demn'd, would be a signal victory for you, or ra­ther for the Truth; and such as, in my judgement, may be wisht for in the present disposition of minds and affaires. If any thing is to be desir'd further, 'twould be to get it declar'd, that S. Augustin's doctrine touching the matters of Grace and Predesti­nation is the doctrine of the Church; and to obtain a prohibition, or rather to renew the Churches antient prohibitions of condemning any dogmatical points of that doctrine taught by that H. Doctor. I might add further, to demand the approbation of the same Doctrine in the book of M. d' Ipre, who doth no more but rehearse it as it is in that of S. Augustin; but I think this last will be more contested and more diffi­cult to obtain then the former, which is very easie, if the H. See hath any good will for that great Saint, and for the doctrine of Grace; and whereof there is no fear of missing, the same having been done alrea­dy many times by several Popes. 'Tis a question of fact, about which there needs no great instruction. The decision thereof will be glorious to the Pope, and no person of whatever party can be offended with it, without making himself odious to all the world by de­claring himself an enemy to S. Augustin, who is approved by the whole Church. To conclude, assure your self of me as a person wholly yours, and be­lieve that I do not forget you before God, but daily represent to him your necessities and affaires as my own.

Now follow those of the month of June.

The first is from M Taignier, written June 5.

Some Molinists with whom I have had confe­rence the second of this month, told me, that I had bad intelligence, since I did not agree with them that the Pope had ordain'd the passing of a Censure; they assur'd me that it was perfectly ready, and that the Pope would undoubtedly publish it at the feast of Pentecost. I askt them whether the Propositions were censur'd? They answer'd, that some of them were condemn'd as heretical; that others had the more gentle modifi­cations, though such as blemish'd and overthrew them. I told them, I wonder'd that after what they had said, that it was almost impossilbe to learn the particular circumstances of things transacted in any Congregation at Rome; yet themselves seem'd so well inform'd of things relating to the Examen and discussion of the Five Propositions, that they must undoubtedly hold correspondence with those who penned the Bull. They made no Reply, &c.

You cannot imagine what good effect the Let­ters by this Post have produced; yet the most advised of our friends are in great anxiety for that the Pope will not grant you a Conference, because they conceive that the cause now under debate at Rome, is one of the most important causes that ever were treated in the Church. [Page 406] Were there no parties in it, as his Holiness admits none, yet he ought to take the Doctors there of different opinions, and hear them upon the questions intended to be examin'd and pro­nounc'd upon, since 'tis the course alwayes us'd by the Church in it's decisions. Truth becomes more illustrious when it is discuss'd in this man­ner. Thus were Decisions made in the Council of Trent, after matters had been disputed by the Doctors, as may bee seen in the Acts of that Council, in which there were no parties, they re­fusing to appear.

You must make great complaints about the Bull wherewith you are threatned, and you may vi­gorously represent to his Holinesse, how little respect some have for him, since at the same time that he in goodness promis'd F. Des-mares and M. Manessier, and their Collegues to hear them, a report is spread abroad, that his Holiness caus'd a Bull to be prepar'd against the Propositions, which is a thing of great terror. This circum­stance well exaggerated with great sweetnesse and respect, may make some reasonable impres­sion upon the mind of his Holinesse.

I am, &c.

The second being from M. de Sainte Beuve, dated the same 5th of June, contain'd the follow­ing lines, amongst others.

The newes of the composition of a Bull conti­nues still, to the great delight of the Molinists. They threaten us with it, upon the notice which they have receiv'd of it from our Confreres their good friends. The report of it is much divulg'd, &c. Satisfie me concerning the present state of the Dominicans, and in exchange I shall tell you, that the draught of a Bull hath been made at the Col­ledge of Navarre, and in order to be sent to Rome. See, whether the rumor vented by the Molinists be not founded upon that piece.

The third is from M. Brousse, June 13. Take what of it concerns our common Affair.

Saturday last, I went to see M. Prignon, and carry'd him your last Memorial, as I had promis'd him. After the presentation of your commen­dations to him, and the return of his to you and all your company, we had not much discourse together by reason M. de Launoy superven'd and interrupted us. M. Prignon thank'd him for the Present he had made him a few dayes before of his book intitled, De varia Aristotelis in Academia Parisiensi fortuna; in which he derides all the world. We went out together, and being in the street, he askt me whether I knew that M. Hal­lier was coming back from Rome? I told him, I did not. He reply'd, that he heard so from a Bishop the day before, who said, that he was bringing a great Pancart, by which word he meant the Bull. I answer'd, that this was a thing more unknown to me then the former. Yesterday after Vespers I visited M. Prignon again, who receiv'd me with extraordinary courtesy, and returning your Memorial, told me, he had read it twice with extream pleasure, and admir'd both the solidity of the matter, & the pureness of your Italian style. I told him of the Audience which you had had of the Pope, and shew'd him your Letter concerning it. He was joyful be­yond what I can express, and yet sorry too that his Holinesse appoints not the Conference, being unable to imagine any reasonable ground of pretext to deny it to you, by saying that you have no Parties or Adversaries. He charg'd me to present his commendations to you, and to those Messieurs who (he said) have spoken with so much zeal for defence of the Truth.— A few days ago an honest Father well-affected to S. Augu­stin, went amongst the Jesuites to enquire news from Rome, feigning to be of their Party. F. Ce­lot (to whom he spoke) told him the Jansenists were condemn'd, and the Bull ready, and upon the point to be publisht, when the Sieur Des-ma­res arriving there, by the help of 40000 Crowns, which he gave the Ambassador to procure him Audience, deferr'd the publication of it; but they expected it by the next Post. This hath some cor­respondence with the Pancart, whereof M. de Lua­noy told me, and shews the spirit of those forgers of newes.

As I was ending this Letter, seven or eight per­sons of quality came to see me, among whom was that good Carthusian a great disciple of S. Augustin, and who has suffer'd persecution for being so; he told us, that he was the person that had been with the Jesuites to enquire news from Rome, and receiv'd the above-mention'd answer from a Jesuite, namely, that The coming of P. Des-mares, and 40000 Crowns given to the Am­bassador to procure a hearing, had defer'd the publishing of the Bull of condemnation, and that 'twas a very notable sum for an Ambassador on­ly to obtain so short a respite. You may make what use of this intelligence you please; at least, you may assure your self it is true.

And it was so indeed, this ridiculous and calum­nious discourse having been made by a Jesuite to the abovesaid Carthusian; but the ground there­of, namely that we sought that short respite, or gave 40000 Crowns to the Ambassador to obtain it, was as little true as infinite other stories inven­ted and publish'd by those Fathers every day. We never had the least thought of making any sort of Present, either to the Ambassador or others for the defence of the Truth which we held. We were alwayes, God be praised, too well per­swaded of its perfectly divine and invincible strength, to have recourse to such carnal and shameful Remedies in order to uphold it. And I am very confident, that had we been of such mean, servile spirits to have admitted such un­worthy thoughts, the Ambassador had too much generosity and magnanimity to comply there­with. If he did us some good Offices, as I ac­knowledge he did in the manner above related, he did them upon the account of the justice which he found in what we demanded, whereunto there needed no other motive to oblige him then his ordinary principles of equity and good­nesse.

The fourth of the Letters of this Moneth was from M. de Sainte Beuve, dated June 13. in these words.

We are very glad to understand that the Pope has given you a favourable Audience, but our joy will not be complete till we hear that this Audience has produc'd a Conference. For till then we have great reason to fear that the de­signe in hearing you is onely that it may be said, that we are condemn'd according to form. The Discourses of the Molinists encrease this fear; they say, that this Audience must be judg'd of by its sequels, and they assur'd it will have none to our advantage. Another reason of our fear is, the denying Audience to the General of the Dominicans so long together. Another, that the Letters which we see here, intimate, that the Pope will shortly decide the Affair. And the last, That hitherto all the civilities have been shewn to our Adversaries, but to us all the severities (to say no worse) Albizzi, Palavi­cini, Modeste, Tartaglia, are plain proofs of this. That which I writ, is not mine own only, but the sense of many others. — I cannot but attribute the Voyage of F. Des-mares and M. Manessier to a particular providence of God in behalf of his Truth, since that Father hath spoken so nervously, and defended the cause of Jesus Christs Grace with so great vigor and ma­jesty. The Effects are in Gods hands, the re­solution thereof must be expected from him; but whatever they be, we shall alwayes have this comfort, that the Truth could not be better de­fended then it was. Acquaint him with this our joy, and assure him that M. and M. de Liencour have more then they yet expresse. The little Writing presented to the Pope on the 19th. of the last Moneth was very necessary. The Im­pression shall shortly be taken in hand. I could have wish'd it had been thought sufficient to set this Title over the heretical Senses: Sensus haere­ticus qui malignè affingi potest, without the rest.

The rest he means was, quem tamen legitimè sumpta non habet: and his reason was, because the Propositions were not ours; and inasmuch as in the rigor of their terms taken literally, they were ca­pable of being condemn'd for their bad senses, it seem'd to him that by these words, legitimè sum­pta, &c. taken legitimately, we affirm'd that the Propositions had not these bad senses in their pro­per and natural sense, making no difference be­tween their proper and natural sense, and taken le­gitimately. But this was not our meaning. For as is noted before, we signify'd by the sense which the Propositions have, being taken legitimately, not their proper and natural sense according to the bare terms, but that which they have upon their relation either to Jansenius, to whom we knew our Adversaries attributed them in all their se­cret Writings, or in reference to our selves, who interpos'd to hinder their condemnation, because we conceiv'd Equity requir'd them to be taken af­ter this manner in this Contest.

This was one of the reasons which I represented to my Collegues, to encline them to add the a­bovesaid words in this Writing, but there was a­nother which seem'd to me very important, name­ly, that we might upon occasion give the Pope and Cardinals the most advantageous impression of the Propositions that we could, to the end to put the more obstacles to the inclinations and engage­ments which they might have to condemn them; and also to avoid the ill sequels which such con­demnation might have, and the abuse that might be made of it. And indeed, had they been such as we could have maintain'd absolutely and un­dertaken their defence only and without restri­ction, there is all reason to believe, (so far as I can judge) that the Pope would have never re­solv'd to condemn them, since being even such as they were; I hold for certain that if we had de­fended them in this sort, he would not have un­dertaken to condemn them, and that the thing which gave him the greatest confidence to do it, was, that we our selves who endeavor'd to hin­der their condemnation, by reason of the ill con­sequences we foresaw it woud have, always spoke of them in our Writings and Discourses as of E­quivocal Propositions, fram'd purposely to sur­prize him, and capable of bad senses. But it be­hoov'd us to speak of them as they were really; and besides it, we conceiv'd that all that we spoke ought to have suffic'd for obtaining a thing so just and profitable, as that which we demanded seem'd to us.

The fifth Letter was from M. Taignier, June 13. whereof take one clause.

The Molinists affirm everywhere, that the Cen­sure pass'd, and that nothing else was staid for but their Audience, that so the judgement might be contradictory.

This, Of all the Letters writ to me from Paris during these two Moneths; These are they which I conceiv'd most fit to acquaint the Reader with the true state wherein the matters hitherto rela­ted were at Paris, as well as at Rome. But be­cause the passages of the latter place were diffus'd likewise into other Cities of Italy, I shall here produce one of those which I receiv'd from thence touching the businesse of our so feign'd Audi­ence; after which Cardinal de Este, to whom I had given account of it, hop'd with great reason (which is a reflexion worthy of remark) that the rela­tions of things which pass'd at Rome, would every day become more considerable, and therefore com­manded me to continue my begun intelligence to his Highnesse. I did so, and the satisfaction he testify'd therewith by his Answers was a great en­gagement unto me to do it; See the Copy of his courteous Letter.

Sir,

UNderstanding by your last that I was to ex­pect another, together with a b Book, [Page 408] touching the matters which you negotiate, I de­fer'd my answer thereunto till this present, that I might thank you at the same time for your Pre­sent, of which indeed I make great esteem, as of a thing which upon several accounts and motives ought to be highly valu'd. 'Tis a new proof of your extraordinary courtesies which you cease not to exercise in favouring me as you do, with the continuation of the exquisite knowledge which you give me of your management, and how exceeding well you acquitted your selves in your Discourse at the feet of his Holinesse, which no doubt you accompany'd with your per­fect eloquence and excellent learning, besides the ardor which you have for the issue of an Af­fair of so great importance, and which by all right and reason requires the diligence which we hear is employ'd therein by our H. Father. Hence­forward your Relations will from day to day be more considerable, which I hope you will not cease, still to confirm to me your most particular affection, in consideration whereof I am obliged to be eternally,

Sir,
Your affectionate friend to serve you, Card. d' Este.
b
viz. The little Volume of S. Augustin.

CHAP. XXVII.

Of the things we learn't, and the Vi­sites we made from the first of June to the thirteenth. Of the manner how the Constitution against the Five Proposittons was publisht. With what restriction and circumspection we resolv'd to subscribe to their con­demnation, in case the Pope had re­quir'd it of us.

CArdinal Pimentel having not been at the Chappel of the Papal Masse on the day of Pentecost, and the affaires whereof we were to speak with him, being sufficiently sacred and ur­gent, we went to wait upon him in the forenoon after Masse. When we had given him an ample account of our business, we told him, that the Authors of this black enterprize had still subtilty and credit enough to perswade the Pope, that the matter de Auxiliis was not at all concern'd there­in. 'Tis true, said the Cardinal, the Pope believes it is not; he profess'd as much to me; and there­upon he inform'd us himself of his above-related conference with the Pope. We reply'd, that the whole aim of our Adversaries was to embroyl this Affair as much as possible under the name of Jansenius, which was become extremely odious. The Cardinal said that the Pope was possess'd with this resolution, that it was requisite to destroy and abolish the work of that Prelate. His words were, That according to the Pope's resolution, Jansenius est revocandus, est rejiciendus. We dis­cours'd largely to him concerning the necessity of Effectual Grace to every action of piety; where­unto he assented; and we assur'd his Eminence, that 'twas the only Point which we endeavor'd to defend against the Machinations of all those who sought its subversion. Although we were with him more then an hour in this Conference, yet we did not remember to recōmend [...] one thing to him, which I took care to get signify'd to him the next day by one of his most intimate friends; namely, that although he had found the Pope inflexible by what he had represented to him, and there was no more encouragement for him to speak again to his Holinesse, yet that he would not altogether neglect the Affair; but in the Visites which he should render to the Cardinals Spada, Ginetti, Pamphilio and Ghiggi, remember to tell them, and that with some earnestnesse, that he could not prevail with the Pope by what he had represented to him.

Tuesday the 3d: I went to S. Augustin's Church to say Masse. By the way I met F. Mulard, who told me two things: One was, that M. Hallier and his Collegues began to be very weary of Rome. The other, that he had a contest with them, wherein he maintain'd, That it imported their interest and their honour to speak before the Pope; and that they on the contrary would not demand it, but expect till they should be call'd upon, in which case they said, they would take but a quarter of an hour to prepare themselves. The General of the Augustines said Masse almost at the same time with me, and coming to me afterwards in the Vestry, he exhorted me to continue acting as we had be­gun; and said, he hop'd God would give his bles­sing to our labour. F. Reginald came to see us this day, and inform'd us of three things which the Pope had said to Cardinal Pimentel. First, That it was needful to do something against Jansenius. Secondly, That the Propositions did not concern S. Augustin's Doctrine, which was upheld by un­moveable foundations, and ought to remain in its integrity. Thirdly, That the same Propositi­ons did not relate at all to the matter of Grace, and that all this had been well and duly examin'd.

The same F. Reginald told me when I visited him the next day at la Minerva, that some Per­sons assur'd him that all that had been spoken con­cerning the Bull, was nothing but ayrie discourse, delle forfenterie, &c.

The same day F. Guerin advertis'd me, that M. Gueffier bid him tell me that he heard from divers persons, that I said there needed a General Coun­cil to judge of these Propositions, which was a thing whereof I never spoke the least word.

Thursday the 5th. the Sacristan of the Mi­nimes told me, that M. Hallier and his Collegues had gotten M. de Valcroissant's Oration to the Pope; which indeed we had neither from them nor any other person; no more then any thing else. And another person told me the same day, that M. Al­bizzi had revok'd the Order which he had given to the Apostolical Printing-house for dispatching the printing of the Bull.

After we had accompany'd the Ambassador to his ordinary Audience on Friday the sixth, we went to see the Master of the sacred Palace, who congratulated us for the vigorousnesse and mode­sty wherewith this good Ecclesiastick said we spoke. He discours'd with great devotion and hu­mility, and being perswaded of the holy Truths which we defended, and of the justice of the rest of our demands, he regretted that we could not obtain all that we demanded. Upon all which he said several times, not daring to open himself fur­ther, captivantes intellectum, captivantes intellectum; That it behov'd us to adore the Providence of God, who permitted by his secret judgement and for his hidden ends, that we suffer'd such treat­ment.

After a long entertainment, assoon as we were risen up to depart, he did an action of extraordi­nary endearment towards us. He kneel'd down with both knees to embrace ours, saying, that he acknowledg'd us for his Masters, and fot the true defenders of the Catholick faith. F. Des-mares whom he went to embrace first, fell upon his knees at the same time, and another of our Collegues in like manner. Whereat being surpriz'd, I prostra­ted my self too, both to embrace and to lift up this good Father; and those of my Collegues who had kneel'd down, as he did, rose also at the same time. In fine, after some other words of cordial affection and civility added standing, we departed.

About Evening F. Des-mares and I went to the Ambassador. After the Father had deliver'd him a Letter which he receiv'd for him from M. de Lien­court, I told him that the Festivals were pass'd, in­timating thereby that we had awaited this term, to know what the Pope had ordain'd touching the permission to print our Writings. The Ambassa­dor answer'd that the Festivals were not yet pass'd, but would continue a fortnight longer. That the Pope spoke nothing to him in the morning about our affaires neither good nor bad, though he much expected it; that M. Hallier and M. Lagault had been with him in the morning before his Au­dience, to desire him to ask the Pope, whether his Holinesse pleas'd not to make some Decree for putting an end to this Affair before the hot season; that the heat was drawing very near; that they were desirous to return before its coming: but he answer'd them, that it would be in vain to speak to the Pope this day concerning this Affair, and accordingly he did not speak of it. F. Des-mares remain'd astonish'd at the demand which these Do­ctors had the face and confidence to desire the Ambassador to make to the Pope for them, to end an Affair before the first entrance into its exami­nation were dispatcht; and he very earnestly re­presented to the Ambassador how senslesse and irrational it was. The Ambassador answer'd him, that those Doctors were not oblig'd to do our bu­sinesse, nor to speak according to our designes and desires. I told the Ambassador that indeed they were not; but if they had any that were extrava­gant, perfectly unjust and ridiculous, it was law­ful for us to shew how unsufferable they were, and how unworthy of persons of honour and pro­bity. We discours'd very largely concerning the main Affair, and the falsities and vanities of their Writings; and at length came to speak of the permission we had demanded to print ours. The Ambassador said, he found the Pope so little dis­pos'd to grant us such permission, that he conceiv'd we must resolve to get transcrib'd whatever we meant to present to them. But I answer'd, that if they put us to this, 'twould be another piece of rigor towards us, but to little purpose, because though they should not be printed at Rome, yet they would not fail to be printed in France, in re­gard of our obligation to send them to the Bishops who deputed us, the curiosity of many other per­sons interessed in this cause to see them, and the sufficient easinesse for people there to print what they please. The Ambassador reply'd to all this, that the Pope was very averse from the thing, and had long ago forbidden to print the first decisions of the Rota, because sometimes there came forth such as were contrary one to another, which ren­der'd that Tribunal ridiculous. I answer'd that the reason was good in that case, but of no moment at all to our Affair, because all things differ'd: and besides, that I believ'd no other could be alledg'd to obstruct the allowance of our demand. We fell again upon the falsities in the Writings of our Ad­versaries, and the sincerity of ours. The Ambas­sador said, that we should look upon them toge­ther at Tivoli, where he intended to retain us two or three dayes, after he had receiv'd the news of Cardinal Mazarin, who were preparing to go into France within a few dayes.

The Ambassadors reason why he did not think fit to speak to the Pope about our Affair in his Au­dience, was, because his Holinesse had for above a fortnight together employ'd all his thoughts about a very weighty Affair relating to his own family, to wit, the mariage of Prince Justinian's Daughter with M. the Abbot Barberin. The day before the Ambassador's Audience, Cardinal Barberin stay'd with the Pope after the Congregation of the H. Office, to confer with his Holiness further about it; and 'twas a businesse, which besides the im­portance whereof the Pope alwayes accounted it in it self, as to his own interests, and those of his house, having been long under consideration, the nearer its conclusion approacht, the more it fill'd his mind; so that there was no room for other discourses with his Holinesse, but of congratula­tion for the happy posture of so great an Affair.

I learnt from another person the Articles of this Mariage, which he sent me in a Note, whereof I have inserted the following Transcript.

  • 1. La dobe di cento incla scudi.

    The Lady's portion to be a hundred thousand Crowns.

  • 2. La restitutione delle mulcte 180. M.

    The Fines unto which the Signori Barberini had been condem'd, to be repay'd to them, amounting to one hundred and eighty thousand Crowns.

  • 3. La restitutione de' cazali è frutti decor­si. 200. M.

    Their Lands and the Rents that proceed out of the same to be restor'd, valu'd at two hundred thousand Crowns.

  • 4. La Translatione delle abbadie.

    All the Abbacies possess'd by this Abbot, to be confer'd upon his elder Brother the Prince Pre­fect, [Page 410] who by this meanes yielded to him his right of primogeniture.

  • 5. La Convalidatione delle gratie dubie conces­seli da Ʋrbano & suspeceli.

    The confirmation of all the dubious Graces granted to them by Pope Ʋrban, and from the enjoyment and possession of which Pope Innocent had suspended them.

  • 6. La restitutione della Prefettura.

    The Prefecture of Rome, which the Pope had taken from them, to be restor'd.

  • 7. Il Cardinalato.

    And that with his Abbies he should give his Ab­bot's elder Brother a Cardinals Hat.

On Saturday the 7th. we went in the afternoon to see Cardinal Barberin, partly that M. Manessier might salute him, he having not hitherto seen his Eminence.

On Sunday the 8th. in the morning, the Sub-Bibliothecary of the Vatican desir'd us to lend him a Copy of all our Writings, that he might cause one to be transcrib'd and put into that Library. I went to see F. Ʋbaldino, on purpose to talk with him concerning the various rumours about the Bull, from which he alwayes had believ'd the Pope extreamly averse. He told me that he had heard it spoken of, but believ'd it would all come to no­thing, because ogni piccola cosa bastava per fer­mare il Papa, the least thing was sufficient to re­strain the Pope. I lent him a Copy of M. de Val­croissant's Oration.

I know not well what we did this afternoon and the next morning, but I know that I neglected to set it down, because as we acted but very little this week, and writ but little into France, on Mon­day the 9th after noon, in comparison of what we did by the foregoing Posts; so the publication of the Bull against the Propositions (whereof we learnt the first newes in the evening, after all our Letters were written, and wholly unexpectedly) giving us to understand that this Affair was at an end, made me neglect to set down what was ob­servable from the foregoing day to the noon of this, and in stead of the Letters written that af­ternoon send but one, whereby we signify'd this so surprizing and unforeseen news. I cannot bet­ter represent how the matter was carry'd in respect of us, then by inserting the said Letter here.

My LORDS,

AFter all our Letters were written, about three quarters after seven in the evening, notice was given us that there was a Bull set up where­by the Propositions were condemn'd. We sent a man with all speed to see whether it was so, and soon after went our selves that our own eyes might be witnesses of it. At the end of our street we met an Ecclesiastick a friend of ours, who told us, that he saw this Bull in writing posted upon the Chancery, and that the Propo­sitions were condemn'd in it as impious and he­retical, without any distinction of senses, or men­tion of S. Augustin. We continu'd our way with this friend, that we might be witnesses of what he told us, and by the way we met the Messenger whom we had sent, who confirm'd the relation of this friend, and rehearsed to us the condemnati­ons, qualifications of every Proposition, as they were in the Bull. We caus'd him to return back. to the end that if it were possible, our friend and this man might take a Copy of it to send to your Lordships this night, without our being seen our selves. For which end we carry'd Ink and Paper, and Wax-candle with us. When we came near the Chancery, we sent our friend and the other man thither, and stay'd in the Coach at a place a little distant. They return'd immediately to tell us, that the Writing which they had seen was torn down. We went therefore to S. Peter's, where it was still fixt up. But just as we came there, two men arriv'd there also, who would not suffer it to be read, but betook themselves to pull it down. There was no body near but our friend and our man, and a Laquay who brought the Candle and had newly lighted it in a neighbour­ing shop. Our friend came and told us that the two men who tore down the Writing, were Sbir­ri or Serjeants, because he had seen a Stiletto in the pocket of the one, and the other had a prohibited dark Lanthorn, which things 'tis not permitted to any to carry in this City, but such kind of priviledg'd persons. We askt our La­quay whether he knew them? he told us that one was a Serjeant, and the other a Notary of the H. Office. We askt him, whether he knew their names? He answer'd us, that he knew them only by sight; having seen them several times in the house of the H. Office, as being Officers thereof. In this manner, My Lords, the matter pass'd this night. We thought fit to send you a pun­ctual account of it, that you may consider of it as you shall think good. We know not whether or no this Writing was posted up by the Pope's Order, but we cannot doubt but that it was fixt up by the Officers of the H. Office. The Affair will become more cleer betwixt this and the next Post. In the mean time we remain,

My LORDS,
Your most humble and obedient servants,
  • De Saint Amour.
  • M. Manessier.

All Tuesday we employd in visiting as many friends as we could, to enform our selves of the truth of this Bull, and to find some one that had a Copy of it and could shew us what it was. Many told us that the thing was true, there was no doubt of it; but we met with none that could give us a Copy, nor that had seen it exactly enough to give us a certain account of it. In the evening we judg'd that whatever it were, our Affair was at an end, and we had no other resolution to take in this case, but to depart assoon as possible before the hot weather, and in order thereunto to take leave of such persons as we ow'd this civility unto.

On Wednesday the 11th. we went in the fore­noon to discharge the same to the Cardinals, Bar­berin [Page 411] and Pamphilio; and in the afternoon we went for the same purpose to the Ambassador, and to desire him to tell the Pope at the first Vespers of Corpus Christi day whether we were going to ac­company him, or else at Mass the next day, that we purposed to return speedily into France before the hot weather, and desir'd to receive his Holiness's benediction before our departure. The Ambassa­dor approv'd our Request, and promis'd us that he would not fail to acquaint the Pope with our intention at some opportunity of one of those two Ceremonies.

He did not do it at that of Vespers, but when we went to him the next morning to accompany him to S. Peter's to Masse, he told us he would not re­turn home till he had done our businesse, and I might come to him in the afternoon with assu­rance to know what the Pope should say to him. I did so, and the Ambassador told me with an extra­ordinary chearful ayr, that so soon as he men­tion'd to the Pope our intention to return speedily into France, and to take leave first of his Holiness, the Pope was glad of it, & told him that we should not fail to be in his Presence-Chamber the next day, and whatever other businesse might super­vene, he would cause us to be call'd first, and give us Audience presently after the end of his Masse. I gave the Ambassador most humble thanks for his care of us, and told him we would not fail to obey the Pope's order.

I return'd home to relate the Ambassadors ob­liging answer to my Collegues: but the Pope's ex­cessive demonstration of kindnesse after the con­demnation newly pronounc'd, notwithstanding all our Remonstrances to him to hinder it, gave them suspition and mistrust, that these extraordinary Caresses and Civilities were affected to draw us fairly bfore the Pope, to the end that when we came there, we might be oblig'd to subscribe the said Condemnation.

But for that I remembred what was spoken in the Consistory of the 26th. of May between Car­dinal Ghiggi and that other Cardinal, who askt him, whether we should be requir'd to subscribe the Condemnation? to which Cardinal Ghiggi an­swer'd, that those were never oblig'd thereunto who had not maintain'd the condemned Proposi­tions, and that we had not maintain'd those which were condemn'd by this Bull. I told my Colle­gues that they needed not entertain such a mistrust and apprehension, because I was certain, that no­thing was lesse thought of then what they fear'd. They askt me how I could be certain of it? but the secrecy whereunto I was oblig'd, and which I should not have violated though my life had been concern'd, permitted me not to satisfie this Que­stion, and therefore I only told them that I was certain of it, but being I could not tell them how, I did not hinder them from acting and taking their resolutions the same manner as if I had no know­ledge nor certainty thereof at all.

Besides the reason of secrecy which oblig'd me to speak in this fashion, I consider'd with my self what dissimulations and disguisements men sometimes use in occasions where 'tis thought they speak most plainly, and also what changes happen in the most firm resolutions. Wherefore I was willing that they should debate, and deba­ted together with them, what was fit for us to do, as if I had understood nothing of what had pass'd between those two Cardinals, and making no ac­count at all of it.

Having therefore put the case at the worst, as if subscription to the condemnation of the Proposi­tions would be requir'd of us the next day; VVe resolv'd with as unanimous consent as ever was, to do nothing unworthy of the quality whereof we were by Gods mercy, of S. Augustin's true Disciples, and of the humble sonnes of the Church.

As yet no Copy of the Bull appear'd in Rome, at least that came to our view, and we neither knew the terror of it, whether the equivocal Propositions of M Cornet, or those which we presented to the Pope, to remove their equivocal and bad senses, were condemn'd by it; but supposing M. Cornet's, and not ours to be so, we resolv'd to subscribe to their condemnation, but with the conditions and cautions here subjoined; by which the Reader may judge what we would have done, had they been ours that were condemned.

We resolv'd in the first place, that if we were requir'd to subscribe the condemnation of M. Cor­net's, we would excuse our selves, by pleading that being deputed by Bishops of France, we could do nothing but in conformity to the power where­with they intrusted us, and that they had indeed given us a power to sollicite the establishment of a solemn Congregation for discussion of the Con­troversies between Catholicks touching these mat­ters, and this by all equitable meanes which we should judge most expedient; but they had given us none to make any such subscription. 2. That in case it were answer'd, that were those Bishops themselves at Rome, they should be oblig'd to sub­scribe; and so 'twas fit to oblige us thereunto because we were their Deputies, and represented them: We would answer, That if they were there, they might do as seem'd good to themselves; but we being only their Deputies, could not go be­yond their orders, nor do any thing whereunto they had not given us power. 3. That if it were requir'd of us, not as their Deputies, but upon the account of our particular persons, we would an­swer, that we had no other quality at Rome besides that of Deputies; that the same could not be se­parated or abstracted from our persons, nor con­sequently our persons consider'd otherwise. 4. That if it were positively told us, That the Pope would be obey'd, and could no longer suffer these scruples and distinctions, being violations and infringe­ments of the respect which was due to him: We would answer, That the respect and affection which we confess'd we ow'd him, could not take from us the right of keeping within the bounds of the Commission which had been given us. But in the fifth place, If after all this we saw our most humble Remonstrances ineffectual, and it were ab­solutely determin'd we should subscribe; or in case we refus'd there were any intention to use violence to us, then we would resolve to sub­scribe to the condemnation of M. Cornet's Propo­sitions, with a proviso, expresly excepting and se­curing by our subscription the Grace of Jesus Christ Effectual by it self, necessary to all actions of piety, and the doctrine of S. Augustin, to both which they [Page 412] had frequently assur'd us he would do no preju­dice.

We drew up and sign'd this Resolution on Fry­day June 13. about eight a clock in the morning before we stirr'd abroad to go to the Pope's Pre­sence-chamber: And because we consider'd that possibly our subscription with this clause would not be satisfactory, but a pure and absolute one would be required, we resolv'd rather to suffer the utmost extremities then not to annex that cau­tion, conceiving it not onely just but necessary as well, as becoming the fidelity and Charity which we ow'd to the Head of the Church, in or­der to uphold him, and hinder those to whom he had granted the condemnation of these Proposi­tions from abusing it and saying that he was there­by fallen into error by condemning either the abovesaid Effectual Grace or the doctrine of that H. Father touching the same.

But because we were not certain either that our reasons would be taken according to this fair can­did construction, or that we should return to lye at our lodging in case they were taken otherwise, we added to our writing a Letter whereby we sent word into France, that if we were delay'd by the Pope's Officers, it was only upon this cause. We entrusted this writing and Letter to an Abbot, a friend of ours, whom we entreated to send them both into France upon Monday fol­lowing, if he had no further newes of us by that time.

The Letter is lost, but the Original writing which I brought with me from Rome, is still in my hands, and this is the copy of it.

A writing sign'd by us before we went to take leave of the Pope.

AFter the publication of the Pope's Decree against the Five Propositions, there being no more hope to obtain of his Holinesse (as we now see things) the solemn and regular Congregation which we demanded and solici­ted for the space of two yeares as most necessa­ry in this conjuncture, in order to a full clearing of the matters controverted between S. Augu­stin's Disciples on the one part, and those of Mo­lina on the other, and a formal perspicuous de­cision of the capital points of the controversie be­tween them; we conceiv'd that we had nothing more left us to do but to prepare our selves to re­turn into France: And before all things we thought our selves oblig'd to take leave of the Pope and receive his benediction. But consi­dering that his Holinesse might possibly be lead to require us to subscribe his new Decree, of which we have not understood any thing since the day that it was posted up in writing about seven a clock in the evening, and pluckt down an houre after or thereabouts by the Officers of the H. Office, saving that it condemnes the five equivocal and general Propositions maliciously contriv'd and set a foot by the Molinists purpose­ly to destroy S. Augustin's doctrine touching Grace effectual by it self: We have judg'd in the presence of God that we ought not to sub­scribe the condemnation of those Propositions without excepting the sense of Grace effectual by it self, and S. Augustin's doctrine which the ene­mies of both have designed in obtaining this condemnation to overthrow. Wherefore to take away all ground of saying that these Pro­positions have been judg'd false and erroneous in the particular sense which includes the Ortho­dox sense of that H. Father, according where­unto we explicated and defended them before the Pope, we have resolv'd not to subscribe that con­demnation though the Pope require it of us, but with this clause;

Propositiones ab Innocentio Papâ X. damnatas, nos iterum damnamus, ut semper antea dam­navimus, salva tum gratia Christi per se­ipsam efficace ad singulos pietatis actus neces­saria, tum doctrina Sancti Augustini; qui­bus nolle se praejudicium ullum afferre summus Pontifex multoties testatus est.

We writ and sign'd this Resolution before we stirr'd out of our lodging to go and take leave of the Pope. We hope from the goodness of our Saviour who by his death merited this effectual and victorious grace for us, in defence whereof we are bound to spend our cares, paines and lives, that he will by the same grace give us such strength as is necessary for bearing sincerely the testimony thereunto which we ought to do in this occasion.

signed; Dela-Lane, Ab­bot of Valcroissant; Desmares, Priest of the Oratory; De Saint-Amour, Manassier, An­gran.

With this mind we set forward to the Pope's Presence-chamber; where we found all things otherwise then we fear'd, and my Collegues ac­knowledg'd at length, that what I said to them at first was very true.

I had made an exact relation of the particular passages of the audience which the Pope gave us this day, in which we were extraordinarily well receiv'd by his Holinesse, and satisfi'd with the things which he said to us in great kindnesse and confidence. The principal of them are still fresh in my memory: but till I find my Relation which is mislay'd, I shall onely here set down what we writ concerning it to my LL. our Bishops in two letters; in the former whereof we could not through the shortnesse of time fully lay open the reasons which evinc'd that the Constitution did not at all infringe the doctrine of S. Augustin and of grace effectual by it self, and therefore we de­duc'd the same more largely in another letter which we sent to the same Bishops when we were now gone out of Rome. Which advertisement may serve to satisfy such as have seen those two letters, which were in effect but one. The latter is this which followes.

My LORDS,

WE writ to you on Monday last what we had learnt concerning the publication of a De­cree upon the five Propositions. We understood on Tuesday that the same was posted up by the Popes order; and thereupon perceiving no like­lyhood, that his Holinesse would after this passe any solemn judgment upon the contested senses of the Propositions, we resolv'd to return into France without delay, to the end to prevent the immoderate heat of the Summer. On Wednes­day we took leave of the Cardinals Barberin and Pamphilio. On Fryday we went to the Popes audience to receive his benediction. His Holinesse caus'd us to be call'd first immediately after Masse. We told him that having understood that there was a Decree publisht upon the Propo­sitions concerning which we were sent hither, we came to receive his benediction before our departure.

His Holinesse answer'd us, that having caus'd the Propositions to be examin'd by the Divines whom he had assembled, and us'd other diligences therein, he judg'd it expedient to decide them in the manner as he had done: That as to the rest, he was very well pleas'd with our deportment and manner of proceeding; That he had had great sa­tisfaction in hearing us at the publick audience which he gave us; and honour'd us with this par­ticular approbation, that we spoke with vigour, modesty, prudence and learning, these were the Popes own words, ho haruto gran sodisfattione del vigore, della modestia, prudenza è dottrina colla quale havete parlato.

His Holiness then spoke of the sentiments he had for France, of his Esteem of that Kingdom, and particularly of the Clergy; of the sorrow he resented for the warres and troubles which had agitated it these late years, and he profes­sed great desire to see all pacifi'd both within and without the state.

This discourse having lasted a good while, his Holinesse spoke again concerning the examina­tion of the Five Propositions, and told us, That he had caus'd sundry Congregations to be held in his own presence, wherein he had us'd great attention without being wearied by the length of time that they lasted: That, as for ours, he had not let one word of it fall to the ground, but been so atten­tive, that he could repeat to us from point to point, what we had represented to him: In brief that we had spoken very learnedly and elegantly, and urg'd what we said with good reasons. His Holines's words were, Direi cosa per cosa tutto cio che have­te proposito, voi (directing his speech to M. de Val­croissant) cosi dottamente, & voi (add [...]essing to F. Desmares) cosi elegantemente, è non si buona ra­gione persuaso.

We took occasion to tell his Holinesse that we conceiv'd he did not intend by the Decree which came forth to do any prejudice to Grace effectual by it self necessary to every action of piety, nor to S. Augustin's doctrine. His Holinesse, my Lords, was so farre from such intention, that he answer'd us with astonishment, that there was no doubt of this; his words were, O questo è certo: That the doctrine of S. Augustin had been too well approv'd in the Church to be capable of im­peachment: That as to the matter of Grace which was agitated for the space of ten years under Cle­ment VIII. and Paul V. he had determin'd not to examin or discusse it in this cause. After which his Holiness askt us whether we had seen the De­cree upon the Five Propositions. We answer'd him that we had not. Whereupon he told us the substance of what it contain'd, and remarkt to us that he had not put at the end these usual words, De plenitudine potestatis; And indignationem Bea­torum Apostolorum Petri & Pauli se noverit incur­surum, and other like words wherewith Bulls are wont to be concluded. He added also that he had sent a Copy of it to the King and to the Bi­shops of France. We askt his Holinesse for In­dulgences, which he gave us with extraordinary bounty, — telling us among other reasons, That being we were come to Rome about a sacred and important affair, he willingly granted us all the Indulgences which we desired of him. And thus we retir'd, wishing to our H. Father all kind of prosperity; and we declar'd to him that we would by the grace of God live always most firm­ly addicted to the H. See and the doctrine of S. Augustin, as being that of the H. See, and which should ever be as dear to us as the apple of our eyes. These were the termes wherewith we took leave of his Holinesse, who honor'd us with his approbation and testimonies of his good will.

You have, my Lords, a compendious account of what his Holinesse said to us in this audience which lasted an hour and half, and in which his Holinesse left us not upon our knees, but caus'd us to rise up immediately after we had begun to speak to him, and treated us in all the rest with a particular goodnesse. This his Holines's declara­tion seem'd to us so important, and so contrary to the design of our adversaries, that to use precau­tion against the attempts which we fear'd they might haply employ one day to call it in doubt, we took care to make exact report thereof to all persons of whom we took leave afterward, that so the thing might become publick before our departure, and our adversaries likewise might be convinc'd of the truth of all that we af­firm'd to have pass'd in this audience, since we would not have been so rash or impudent as to publish here in the sight of his Holinesse so con­siderable a declaration if it had not been most certain. And indeed, my Lords, there is no person in this city who hath heard of our affair, but knows at present this declaration of his Ho­linesse, it hath been as notorious as the Decree, and given as much joy to all S. Augustin's disci­ples, who are here in great number, as our Ad­versaries testifi'd for the passing of the Constituti­on. When we took leave of the Ambassador yesterday, he told us that he knew already all that had pass'd in our Audience, and related the particulars which we here send you: adding, That his Holinesse upon all occasions wherein he had spoken to him about this Affair, alwayes declar'd to him, that he would not meddle with the matter of Effectual Grace, nor do any prejudice to the Do­ctrine of S. Augustin or S. Thomas, and he [Page 414] had written to this purpose to the Court by this Post.

You see, My Lords, by the things which the Pope said to us in this Audience, and by the Relation which we sent you of what we spoke to him when we were heard publickly, that the Five Proposi­tions are not condemn'd but by reason of their had senses wherein we our selves alwayes con­demn'd them; and that the sense in which we said we understood and defended them, or rather that the particular Propositions which we presented to his Holiness and maintain'd before him as most Catholick, not only receive no prejudice, but also ought to be accounted as approv'd by his Holinesse, as appears by the following Rea­sons.

The first Reason is, My Lords, because we de­clar'd to his Holiness publickly, both by Speech and Writing, That we and all the other disciples and defenders of S. Augustin would alwayes defend the Catholick sense of the Propositions which we presented to him, as containing the indubitable Doctrine of that great Doctor of Grace, (being also that of the Church) till his Holiness should pronounce an expresse and de­finitive judgement upon the particular sense which we held to be Catholick, by which it might evidently appear and be indisputable that they were condemn'd in this sense. These are the expresse words of our Declaration which we sent you al­most a month ago; Prositemur coram ipsa nos & universos Sancti Augustini discipulos ac defen­sores pro indubitata tanti Doctoris atque adeo Ec­clesiae doctrina, praedictas propositiones ut à nobis superius expositae sunt, perpetuò defensuros, quam­diu de illis expressè ut supra expositae sunt intelle­ctis probatum non erit (quod à Sanctitate vestra p stulamus) solenne definitivumque judicium, quo nobis apertè constet eas in sensu quem asserimus Ca­tholicum, esse damnatas.

Having therefore explicated to his Holinesse how we understood and defended these Proposi­tions, having made this declaration to him by speech in the publick Audience which it pleas'd him to give us, and by the Writing which we pre­sented to him at that Audience; and his Holiness having not given his judgement but upon these Propositions in general, which are recited in the Constitution only in the general terms wherein they were fram'd in France by our Adversaries; and having neither express'd nor noted in any manner whatsoever, the particular and sole sense to which alone we reduc'd and defended them; namely, that of Grace Effectual by it self, which we declar'd to him at taking our leave, should be ever as dear to us as the apple of our eyes: 'Tis a certain proof that he hath approved that we al­wayes maintain'd that sense, or rather the Pro­positions which we reduc'd to that sense, as con­taining the formal and expresse Doctrine of S. Augustin.

The second reason, My Lords, is, because when we mention'd and explicated these Propositions to the Pope in the terms and senses which we held, his Holinesse not only reprehended nothing therein when we had the honour to speak to him in the publick Audience which he gave us be­fore the Decree, and in the last since the Decree, but also gave extraordinary approbations to eve­ry thing which we had spoken. 'Tis therefore a positive signe, that his Holinesse intended not to do any prejudice to these Propositions taken as we explain'd them; or to speak better, to those which we presented clear from all equivocation and danger of bad sense; but on the contrary, judges the same most Catholick.

The third reason, My Lords, which, as we con­ceive, takes away all doubt, is, that his Holiness expresly declar'd to us, that he intended not by this Decree to do any prejudice to Grace effe­ctual by it self necessary to every action of piety, nor to the doctrine of S. Augustin receiv'd and ap­prov'd in that whole Church. Now the Propositi­ons, as we explicated them, contain purely the sense of Effectual Grace necessary to every action of piety, and the indubitable doctrine of S. Au­gustin. Therefore his Holinesse hath not done any prejudice, nor laid any blemish by his Con­stitution upon the Propositions reduc'd to this sense.

The fourth reason, My Lords, is, That the Pope hath been so perswaded, as his Holinesse vouch­saf'd to testifie to us, that we maintain'd before him only Grace Effectual by it self, and the pure doctrine of S. Augustin, as we justify'd to him in the discourse which we made in his presence, that he hath not since caus'd his Consultors to examine, whether what we maintain'd and ex­plicated in our discourse, and declar'd by our Writing to be formally the doctrine of S. Au­gustin, were true or no: as he would not fail to have done, if he had doubted of it, since 'twas the particular point of the Contest which we ma­nag'd against Molina's disciples. For in the same Audience, we granted, as it hath been al­wayes declar'd in all the French Writings publisht and printed at Paris upon this subject before the Affair was brought to Rome, that if the Propo­sitions were consider'd only in general and with­out applying any distinction to them, they were susceptible of heretical senses, and might accor­dingly be condemn'd of heresie in this universa­lity as they were censur'd by all S. Augustin's disciples who writ upon them. And being his Holinesse gave us this Audience that he might un­derstand the truth of our Sentiments from our own mouths, and by the writing of Distinction of Senses which we presented to him afterwards, he found that they were so different from the he­retical senses which the Propositions generally taken might receive, and that they were so re­duc'd to Grace Effectual by it self, which is the Catholick truth maintain'd invincibly by S. Au­gustin in the name of the whole Church, that he thought not fit to assemble the Consultors again, because he intended to pronounce only upon the Propositions as taken generally, and not upon this particular point of Grace Effectual by it self, in which all the Catholick explications of the Propositions meet as in their Centre, and which would need a long Examen, and many Assemblies and Conferences like those which were held under the two great Popes Clement VIII. & Paul V. who undertook to discuss them throughly, and for this purpose caus'd them all to be particularly examin'd in the publick dispu­tations of both parties, and in their own presence, [Page 415] after having declar'd That S. Augustin's doctrine was the Rule by which they would decide this Con­troversie and regulate their judgements. And there­fore, since the Pope hath declar'd his Constituti­on that he hath caus'd these Five Propositions to be examin'd by the Consultors, the Censure falls only upon the Propositions in general, which the Consultors examin'd in general, and which we acknowledg'd in our first and only Audience to be susceptible of heretical senses, and cannot fall upon the particular explications which we propos'd and establisht in presence of his Holi­nesse by our Discourse and our Writing, since his Holinesse hath judg'd them so Catholick that he made no scruple at all about them, nor as­sembl'd the Consultors so much as once to have their advice concerning the same as an obscure and dubious thing (as he did in reference to the Propositions in general) but found by his own judgement that they were free from all Censure, which he also testify'd to us in the last Audi­ence which it pleas'd him to give us since his Decree, inasmuch as he not only reprehended nothing of all that we said and maintain'd in his presence, but also declar'd to us, as we have al­ready related, that he had present in memory all that we had argu'd, and approv'd the same in as advantageous and honourable terms as we could hope for. And which is yet more, he made to us this so favorable declaration, not before his De­cree, when it might be said that his Holiness was not yet fully inform'd and convinc'd of every thing, and was not to discover the secret of his Sentiments and intentions (which all Judges u­sually suppress before their sentences) but even after his Judgement and his Decree, which was the time wherein he was perfectly free, and con­ceiv'd himself oblig'd to declare the same to us with all the sincerity of a successor of S. Peter, and of a Vicar of Jesus Christ who is Truth it self.

You see, My Lords, by all these eonsiderations that his Holinesse's Censure falls not upon the Five Propositions, but inasmuch as they are con­sider'd according to the bad sense which may be put upon them, according to which S. Augustin's disciples rejected them three or four years ago as vehemently as we did in the writing which we presented to the Pope, and distributed in this Ci­ty the next day after our Audience, to divers Car­dinals and other persons of Note.

It remains now to observe to you, My Lords, whence it came to passe that these Five Propositi­ons were consider'd according to the heretical sense, that so they might be condemn'd in gene­ral; which we take one of the most important points, and a kind of secret of the Affair. 'Twas because the Consultors and Cardinals were made to believe that we spoke otherwise at Rome then they did in France, where there were persons who held the Propositions in their bad sense, and therein publisht a new Heresie condemn'd by the Council of Trent, with the errors of Luther and Calvin. Cardinal Rapaccioli, whom we visited after our publick Audience, and carry'd him the Distinction of Senses presented to his Holiness, told us among other things concerning this mat­ter; That our thoughts and intentions were good and commendable, but we had this unhappinesse that ma­ny of those who were united with us, held the Propo­sitions in the bad senses wherein we profess'd to con­demn them; that instead of receiving help from those persons, they did us great [...]hurt, and would be the cause of the condemnation of the Propositions; but should have this advantage, that that condemnation would fall only upon those persons, and not up­on us

We knew, My Lords, that the Doctors who came hither against us, had visited this Cardinal one or two days before, and so we had cause to believe that they had infus'd this falsity into him as a most certain truth. Wherefore we answer'd him, that it was a most malicious fiction and de­vice of our Adversaries the better to obtain their designed Censure; and that we could assure him there was no Catholick in France who held the Propositions in any other sense then we do. But this conceit was so far imprinted upon his mind, as if it had been a certain truth, that we cannot think that we have remov'd it; although in our Conference we twice or thrice made him the a­bovesaid answer. Whereupon we had propos'd to our selves to undeceive this illustrious Cardi­nal, and with him many other persons according as occasion should have been presented, if this Af­fair had had a longer course, as we and almost all Rome besides believ'd it would. We hop'd also, My Lords, to evidence clearly to the Pope the falshood of this conceit in the following Audi­ences which we expected, not being longer solli­citous to disswade him from it in reference to our selves after our first publick Audience, at the end of which, we have understood since, that his Ho­linesse said, These Doctors are not Heretecks as I was inform'd. But our Adversaries, who fear'd nothing more then these Audiences, and durst not appear in our presence to declare their Senti­ments plainly, as we did ours with the greatest sincerity and clearnesse, and to maintain in pub­lick before the Pope the falshoods and fictions which they dispers'd in secret, set all their En­gines on work and redouble their pursuits after that first audience, to deprive us of time and pow­er to dispell all those shadows by the Light of Truth.

This is the particular reason, My Lords, which caus'd them to urge the speedy publishing of the Decree; and they were not contented to alledge this reason in their visits to the Consultors and Cardinals, but they mention'd it also in their Writings, which by good hap came to our hands, though communication of them could never be obtain'd. They endeavor in these Writings to insinuate this wicked & false conceit to all such as shall read them, they impute such opinions to S. Augustine's disciples, as are held neither by us nor any Catholick in the Church, and they labour to confute what no body ever controverted. Thus, My Lords, having suggested this false con­ceit, both in their Writings and secret Sollicita­tions, they easily prevail'd, that to prevent the holding of the Propositions in the Heretical and Calvinistical senses, in which they said many held them in France, and to extinguish this new pre­tended heresie, which was nothing but a vain fantasm of which they rais'd a fear in the Court [Page 416] of Rome, it was necessary for the good of the Church to condemn them.

But you know, My Lords, that no Catholick Doctor or Divine of S. Augustin's disciples in France ever accounted these Propositions other then ambiguous, equivocal and captious, fram'd about four years ago by one of Molina's subtilest Partisans; as also that the two first of them were censur'd by S. Augustin's disciples in the Tract intitled Considerations, and in the Book Of Victo­rious Grace, as admitting three senses, all three heretical; and each of the other, one heretical sense. You know, My Lords, that we never held the condemn'd Propositions in the formal terms whereof they consist; That in the first Me­morial which we presented to the Pope when he gave us Audience upon our coming to this City, we demanded of his Holinesse that the senses which were in controversie might be distinguisht, and that the examination and judgement which was sollicited to be made upon the Propositions, might be made upon the said senses: That in our first Information in facto representing to his Holinesse and their Eminences the state of the Controversie, we declar'd that the Dispute was not at all concerning the Propositions as they were presented: And lastly, that in the pub­lick Audience we had before the Decree was made, we renew'd the same Declarations to his Holinesse, and profess'd sudry times, that with­out insisting upon the Propositions which our Ad­versarries had maliciously contriv'd, we defen­ded only the Catholick senses, or the particu­lar Propositions fram'd by our selves in perspi­cuous terms, and reduc'd to the pure doctrine of Grace Effectual by it self, as S. Augustin hath defended the same in all his works against the Pelagians and Semipelagians. Whereby you see, My Lords, most evidently, that not only the Pope's Constitution which pronounces upon the Propositions in their general ambiguity purpose­ly affected to make them obnoxious to Censure, and his Holinesse's formal Declarations that he had no intention to prejudice S. Augustin's do­ctrine, which is no wise different from the par­ticular and most Catholick sense which they ad­mit, and we defended alone in France and at Rome; but also the Writings of our Adversaries who have imputed to S. Augustin's Disciples er­rors and heresies which they never held, justifie that those Censures cannot fall but upon those heresies and errors, and that the Catholick sense explicated by us to the Pope in such express and formal terms, remains without impeachment and as Catholick as ever it was.

For 'tis beyond all doubt that this sense of Grace Effectual by it self is that of S. Augustin; which if there were ground to question, our Adversaries needed only to desire a publick Au­dience of the Pope, to demonstrate to his Holi­ness in our presence, either that this sense in which we maintain the Propositions is not that of S. Augustin, or else that S. Augustin's doctrine is not that of the Church: but the light and evi­dence of so many express passages of this great Doctor, and the secret force of Truth which is terrible to all its opposers, hath made them fear to enter into Conference with us touching thts subject in presence of his Holinesse or the Cardi­nals. They were contented, My Lords, as we have before observ'd, to tell them in their secret sollicitations, as we discover'd they did at first in their secret Writings, that we who were de­puted to Rome by Catholick Archbishops and Bi­shops, defended S. Augustin at Rome, but others defended Calvin in France; which you know they publisht formerly in France by many Libels and false reports against all S. Augustin's Di­sciples in general. And therefore this calumni­ous Accusation which they fram'd at Rome before the Decree, is at this day our justification after the Decree, and his Holiness's formal Declara­tion.

It remains then, My Lords, That they can be no other then the publick Enemies of S. Augu­stin and the H. See, who dare pretend that the Propositions are condemn'd of heresie in the pro­per and particular sense defended by us before his Holinesse, and explicated in our Writings; since the Pope by the Oracle of his Speech, vivae vocis oraculo, as they speak in this Court, vouch­saf'd to declare to our selves, That he intend­ed not to prejudice S. Augustin, whose Doctrine having been approv'd by so many Popes, cannot be condemn'd of heresie without overthrowing the Authority of the H. See, Ecclesiastical Tra­dition, and the perpetual succession of one and the same doctrine in the Church, nor without violating the Respect which is due to his Holi­nesse, who would hereby be accus'd of contra­dicting himself, since he hath declar'd in sundry occasions, and particularly to us since the publi­cation of this Decree, That he meant not to touch Grace Effectual by it self, nor the Doctrine of that great Saint; and we have already noted, that his Holinesse made the same expresse De­claration to the Ambassador sundry times, who, as we have before said, writ this very day to the Court, to inform their Majesties thereof.

All these considerations, My Lords, have caus'd us to blesse God since this Decree, That his Holy Providence brought us into this City, to the end that by the Distinction we made, in presence of the Head of the Church, of Truth from Error, when we had the honour to speak publickly to him before the Constitution, and by so true and important a Declaration as he was pleas'd to make to us since the same in our last Audience, the Censure of Error might be hinder'd from falling upon the Truth, and it might not be at­tributed to Innocent X. contrary to his express intention that he design'd to condemn by his Decree, or at least by his silence, the Catholick Apostolick and Roman Doctrine of the grand Master of Grace, which his Predecessors for twelve hundred years together have admitted, approved, commended and Canoniz'd by their formal words and most solemn Decrees; and that he rejected as impious and heretical the most Catholick and Augustinian sense included in the first of those Five Propositions, which you know, My Lords, was so fully and clearly defin'd by the Council of Trent, Can. 22. Sess. 6. where it saith, That the Righteous eannot persevere in the Righteousnesse which he hath receiv'd without spe­cial assistance; And before by Innocent I. [Page 417] when writing to the Council of Carthage, he pronounces these excellent words recited in the Letter of S. Celestin, to the Bishops of France a As we are victorious in temptations when God succours us, so we must necessarily be overcome when he ceases to help us. Necesse est ut quo auxiliante vincimus, eo iterum non adju­vante vincimur. For were it thus, My Lords, should we not have cause to cry out with Saint Prosper, who defended the same Doctrine of S. Augustin, which we defend at this day; Then Innocent the first who so worthily fill'd Saint Peter's Chair, is fallen into Error, ERRAVIT ergo Innocentius Petri sede dignissimus!

But we hold our selves more happy, My Lords, in that it hath pleased God to make us instrumental to hinder the victorious Grace of his Son and the invincible Doctrine of his Church from being overthrown by the attempts of humane presumption; and we acknowledge, that if our weak interposition hath contributed any thing towards the diverting so great an evil, this effect is due only to the generosity of your zeal, the Authority of your Orders, and the uprightnesse of your Directions.

Not but that we believe, My Lords, that Mo­lina's Disciples (who by above a hundred Pro­positions, which we extracted out of their Books and presented to the Pope, declar'd, e­ven before the Constitution, open VVar against S. Augustin, although they disclaim this bold­nesse in Companies where they are reproacht with it at Paris and in this City) will publish their false Victory everywhere, and put a false construction upon the words of the Decree, which speaks not of S. Augustin and upon the expresse intention of the Pope, who hath so of­ten declared the esteem he hath of the admirable and divine Doctrine of that great Saint.

'Tis fit, My Lords, That as this whole Affair hath had no other original on their part, but an unworthy Artifice, in prosecution whereof they have for these four years thought in the Censure of certain several and equivocal Propositions a suppott of their new Doctrine of Molina, first hatcht in the Church but about seventy yeares ago; so it should be terminated with impostures and delusions unworthy of Divines and Catho­licks, and with imaginary triumphs. But we hope, My Lords, that all intelligent persons and well-affected to the divine interests of Jesus Christ's Effectual Grace, and to the true honour of the H. See and the Church, which ought to be precious to us, will easily discern the gene­ral and equivocal sense from the certain and par­ticular; that which we have rejected as hereti­cal from that which we maintain'd as Catholick; that which is express'd in the Constitution from that which is not express'd in it; and last­ly, the false and most unjust pretensions of pas­sionate men, from the true and most commend­able intention of his Holinesse.

It remains, My Lords, That we prepare our selves to depart from hence to morrow morn­ing, and we beseech you in the mean time to continue to us the honour of your good will, and to believe, that as the sole love of Truth and the defence of S. Augustin's sacred Doctrine, which our adversaries have endeavor'd to involve amongst errors, that they might also involve it in a Censure, caus'd us to undertake this long voyage, so it will render us more and more submissive to your Orders and Authority which we shall al­wayes respect most heartily, and as much as they ought, who are,

My Lords,
Your most humble and obedient Servants,
  • De la Lane, Abbot of Valcroissant.
  • Des-mares, Priest of the Oratory.
  • De Saint Amour.
  • Manessier.
  • Angran.
a
Caelestinus Epist. ad Episcop. Galliae, cap. 6.

CHAP. XXVIII.

M. Hallier and his Collegues desire an audience of the Pope to complaine of the publick joy we testifi'd in Rome for the Declaration made to us by the Pope at our taking leave of him, which his Holinesse again confirmes to them. The General of the Augustines gives us Letters of Association to his Order. The Am­bassador in a letter to the Count de Brienne Secretary of State gives the same account of the manner wherein we spoke of the Proposi­tions and the Pope condemn'd them, that is declar'd in this whole Rela­tion.

IT would be hard for me to expresse what comfort we receiv'd from the so advantageous declaration in favour of S. Augustin's doctrine and effectual Grace, which the Pope made to us in this audience.

The joy which appear'd in our countenances testifi'd the same to all that saw us go abroad; and 'twas a remarkable accident that M. Hallier, who was in the Pope's Presence-chamber when we came forth from his Holinesse, receiv'd at that very moment the first mortification by it. But he receiv'd more by the noise which this de­claration of the Pope made immediately in Rome, [Page 418] as well through our care to publish it, as through the satisfaction with which those who lov'd our cause and persons, (the number of whom was very great) communicated so agreeable newes one to another. Being there remain'd very few dayes before our departure which we determi­ned to be on Monday or Tuesday following, we took occasion to tell it to all those friends and persons of greatest respect, of whom we were ob­lig'd to take leave before our going away; and we did it as particularly as the scantnesse of time permitted, to the end we might have them as witnesses in case of need to certify that they heard us publickly and openly proclaime it before our departure, and that when the abovemention'd letter which we intended to write to the Bishops should be seen in France, our ordinary calum­niators might not alledge that it was a feigned thing invented at pleasure to delude the world and secure us in some measure from the condemnation of our opinions which they boasted to have obtai­ned. We related it not only to those whom we went to visite, but to many others of our acquain­tance, who occasionally meeting us congratulated us for what they had heard others speak advanta­geously of it, and desir'd us to confirm to them our selves, and particularly relate to them what had been told them but in grosse.

The report of the applauses which we received and the publick joy which we testified hereupon to all the world, so vehemently confounded M. Hallier and his Collegues, that they thought themselves oblig'd to go and complain thereof to the Pope on Monday following, to the end it might please his Holinesse before our departure, by some mortification to quash the advantages which we took from the said Declaration already, and might afterwards take (they said) to the pre­judice of the Bull. I beleive they did not speak thus moderately; but being I could not know this passage otherwise then confusedly, and by the re­port of those to whom they open'd themselves and spoke nothing of it but what they pleas'd, I choose rather to speak the lesse of it. The summe of all was this, that all that they could say to the Pope made no impression upon him, but he an­swer'd them that being he had told us his mind and what he really thought, he could not dis­like our relating it upon all occasions we pleas­ed.

Besides the Ambassador whom we acquainted with it, we told it also amongst other Frenchmen, to M. Du-Noiset and M. Gueffier, as well in regard of the civilities for which we were oblig'd to them, as because they were two publick and unexcepti­onable persons, and might witnesse it to such of their friends in France as should have the curiosity to write to them about it.

Moreover we went to tell it to the Generals of the Dominicans and the Augustines, and by the same means to all such Fathers as we knew, of those two Order in the Covent of S Augustin and in that of la Minerve. It so augmented the kind­nesse and esteem which the General of the Augu­stines had conceiv'd for us ever since our grand Audience on Rogation Monday, that seeing us up­on the point of our departure, he was pleas'd to give every one of us a pledge of his good will and esteem of our persons. It was Letters of fili­ation and Association to his Order, which he sent to our lodging by two of his Fathers, as I re­member, on the Sunday before our departure; They were all dated on Saturday the 14th of June; the copy of that which was for me, is here subjoy­ned, whereunto those for my Collegues were per­fectly like.

Mag. Fr. Philippus Vicecomes Mediolanen. Or­dinis Eremit. S. Augustini Prior Genera­lis licet indignus: Admodum illustri D. D. Ludovico de Saint-Amour in sac. Facultate Parisiensi Doctori ac socio Sorbonico.

EOs qui de nostra sodalitate bene meriti sunt, vel in eam ipsam sunt optimè animati, sive piâ devotione propensi, facere non possumus, quin juxta nostram facultatem pietate prosequamur, eosdem (que) in optima erga familiam nostram voluntate, quan­tum maximè cum Domino possumus, confirmatos reddamus. Quare nos multiformis gratiae Dei bonos dispensatores imitantes, harum serie ac vi litterarum & nostri officii authoritate, Te & Consanguineos tu­os in primo gradu in benefactores nostri Ordinis assu­mimus, & inter spiritualia nostrae Religionis castra annumeramus. Vobis (que) omnium Orationum, Mis­sarum, Officiorum, Praedicatiorum, Contemplatio­num, Jejuniorum, Vigiliarum, Disciplinarum, Obedientiarum, Peregrinationum, Caeterorum (que) la­borum ac bonorum omnium quae per Fratres & Soro­res nostri Ordinis universo Orbe Christiano constitu­tos, divina ope fiunt, tam in vitâ quàm in morte, participationem ex Apostolicae sedis indulto concedi­mus & impartimur. In nomine Patris †, & Filii †, & Spiritus Sancti †, Amen. Addentes insuper de nostra gratia speciali, ut cum obitus vester in nostris Comitiis generalibus, per Provincialem aut per alios fuerit nuntiatus, ea pro vobis fiant suffra­gia, quae pro nostris defunctis Fratribus ac Sororibus facienda nostri Ordinis Constitutiones decernunt. In cujus rei fidem ac testimonium hasce litteras manu no­stra subscripsimus, & sigillo nostri Officii muniendas curavimus.

Signed, F. PHIL. VICECOMES GEN. IND.
and sealed with the seal of the Order, which is a Crucifix, at the foot whereof S. Augustin is upon his knees, with these words round about; Au­gustinus lux Doctorum, malleus Haereticorum; Au­gustin the light of Doctors and the maul of Here­ticks.

On Sunday the 15th we went to take leave of the Ambassador, and give him our humble thanks for the many testimonies of good will which he had given us in sundry occasions during our re­sidence at Rome. We intended to give him an ac­count of what pass'd in our last audience of the Pope, but he prevented us and told us the particu­larities thereof, as they are mention'd in the fore­going letter. There were some of greater impor­tance concerning a particular matter, which we durst neither tell him openly nor wholly be silent of, and which might not be set down in the [Page 419] Narrative letter, as neither, may they in this Journal. And therefore we onely intimated some thing of them in general to the Ambassador, who dispens't with us from further explication by telling us that he understood the same suffici­ently.

But what ever good offices we could receive from his courtesie, he never more oblig'd us and the Church with us, even when he expos'd his life so often for its service against the Infidels, or when he groan'd under their tyranny in a long captivity, then by writing a letter to the Count de Brienne Secretary of State upon the same 16th. of June that we writ to the Bishops; by which letter, (without thinking at all, as I believe, that it would ever come to our sight, or should be ser­viceable to ours and the Pope's justification in reference to what aimes his Holinesse had in ma­king his Constitution) he so clearly and briefly layes open the Pope's intentions, what we main­tain'd in the Propositions, and what the Pope pretended to condemn in them; That I can­ [...]ot better conclude this sixth Part then by adjoyn­ [...]g the subsequent copy of that letter.

A Copy of a Letter written June 16. 1653. by Monsieur le Bailly de Valency the King's Ambas­sador at Rome to Monsieur the Count de Bri­enne Secretary of State.

ON Thursday last I told the Pope that the Do­ctors who bear the title of S. Augustin's de­fenders were desirous to kisse his feet before their de­parture, being ready to return into France. His Holinesse answer'd me that whatever businesse he might have, he would admit them to audience on Fryday morning; which he did and caress'd the Doctors extremely, and told them that he had not condemn'd the doctrine of S. Augustin or of S. Tho­mas, or the point of Grace effectual by it self, lea­ving this point and this controversy in the same posture as Clement VIII. and Paul V. left it; but that, being themselves had declar'd that the Five Propositions have three senses, one Calvinistical, one Pelagian, and one true and Catholik, they ought to be pronounc'd erroneous and temerarious, inas­much as in a certain manner and intent they were heretical; and that indeed no Proposition which may have poison hidden under it ought to be pro­pounded to the people, (as pastures where veno­mous plants grow, ought not to be tender'd to sheep although the same contain abundance of wholsome herbs) for fear lest the poison be swallow'd una­wares, the sheep not being able many times to discerne the good from the bad. Then the H. Father commended them and thanked them, &c.

CHAP. XXIX.

A Relation of what pass'd in the As­sembly of the Cureés of Paris on Monday June 9. 1653. and be­fore the King on the Wednesday following by occasion of that Assem­bly.

TWas a Coincidence sufficiently pleasant that the same afternoon on which the Pope's Constitution was fix'd up and publisht at Rome in the manner abovemention'd, the Cureés of Paris in their monethly Assembly complain'd of another Bull which the Jesuites had obtain'd by surprise; dated Febr. 5. 1649. and had kept conceal'd for four yeares; by which Bull the Cureés cry'd out that the Hierarchical Order was perverted, the Parochial Churches and Masses deserted, and the Parishioners drawn away from their lawfull pastors. Moreover they concluded that they would write to Rome, to beseech the Pope to revoke it, and that in case no remedy were granted by his Holinesse, then they would appeal to the Parliament, and preach publickly against the abuses and pernicious consequences which they foresaw from it. But because they incidentally spoke concerning the confinement of Cardinal de Rets, occasion was thence taken to spread heinous falshoods at the Court a­gainst them, and to accuse them to the King of things, by which themselves confess'd in his pre­sence they should have been guilty of high Trea­son, had they been true; but they clear'd themselves thereof at the same time with perfect candour and generosity.

The Curé of S. Roch their ancient Syndic, who was more active in all the circumstances of this affair then any other, penn'd a Relation of it, which an ancient doctor, his intimate friend and mine, copied from his manuscript, and sent to Rome to me, thinking it would find me there still, with design not onely that I should understand what had pass'd at Paris touching that matter, but also that I should in name of the Cureés make all the complaints and solicitations which they should find necessary in processe of time in order to the vacating of this Bull. But we were gone from Rome before the said Relation got thither, and I receiv'd hereafter. Neverthelesse I shall in­sert the Relation here, that Posterity and after Ages may see to what enormity Calumny procee­ded in ours, since even in things so publick and whose truth was so easy to be clear'd and known, it did not spare a Company compos'd of so many eminent and venerable persons in Paris both for their hierarchical functions, and for their piety and learning.

A Relation of what pass'd in the Assembly of the Cureés of Paris on Monday June 9. 1653. and at the King's Council on Wednesday following concer­ning the same.

THe Curées of the City and suburbs of Paris, both by Custome and the Statutes of their Company assemble by permission of the Archbi­shop at the house of the Senior the first Mon­day of every moneth which is not taken up by any Festival, to consult first about the dischar­ging of their functions which relate to the sal­vation of the souls committed to them, and after­wards of civil and temporal affairs if there be any that concern their Company.

According to this custom an Assembly was held on Monday the 9th. of June 1653. in which af­ter sundry spiritual affaires, two things were treated of in reference to the present Relation. The first was touching a certain Bull of Febr. 5. 1649. obtain'd without doubt by surprize, and kept conceal'd for four years; being granted to the Churches of the Jesuites and all other Chur­ches whom they pleas'd, concerning a certain Communion which they call General, to be ce­lebrated in their and other Churches by them ap­pointed, and not elswhere on the third Sunday of every month, in which the Communicants should gain a plenary Indulgence, and apply the same to souls in Purgatory. By which Bull, usage, clauses and consequences thereof the Hierarchical Order is perverted, and especially the Parochial Churches and Masses are deserted, and the Pa­rishioners drawn away from their own lawful Pastors, contrary to the Holy Decrees and Sy­nodal Constitutions of the Archbishop of Pa­ris.

Against which Bull it was concluded that the Cureés should write to Rome, as many others have done, and that our H. Father the Pope should be supplicated to revoke the same; as also the Nun­tio desir'd to assist their complaint with his Holi­nesse. And to this effect four Cureés were de­puted to speak to the Nuntio. And it was added, that in case his Holinesse granted no redresse in the businesse, an Appeal should be put into the Parliament against the execution of the said Bull, and the Cureés be enjoyn'd to preach publickly against the abuses and consequences of it. And that in order hereunto the Syndics of the Com­pany should examine it, and take counsel of Ad­vocates concerning what inconveniencies and a­buses might be found therein.

The second thing taken into deliberation was touching the Collects and Prayers appointed by the Archbishop, and publisht more solemnly at the last Jubilee for the liberty of Cardinal de Rets, his Nephew and Coadjutor; which some of the Company complain'd to have been left off in ma­ny Parishes.

Whereupon it was concluded that the said Prayers should be renew'd, and the Collects in­serted in all the Missals of the Vestries of Pa­rishes, and added by the Priests in all convenient Masses publick and private. And that amongst the ordinary recommendations after service the people should be exhorted to make prayers like­wise to God for the consolations of the said Lords, the Archbishop and Cardinal, in their present affliction.

And forasmuch as it was reported in the Com­pany that the Nuntio had said not long ago that he had solicited the King in his Holines's name for the deliverance of the said Cardinal de Rets, and that as often as he had order he would do it with all his heart; and that although affairs were not dispos'd for the same at present, yet he hop'd the King would shortly restore him to his Holiness. The Company thought fit that the persons de­puted to go to the Nuntio concerning the Bull, should take the occasion to thank the said Nun­tio in the name of the Cureés of Paris for his ne­gotiation, and beseech him to continue it upon all opportunities, and testifie to him the great joy and consolation which the Company receiv'd from the hope which he gave that the King would shortly restore the said Lord Cardinal to his Ho­linesse.

In pursuance of which conclusions, the next day, Tuesday the 10th. the deputed persons visited the Nuncio, and did according to the order prescribed to them by the Com­pany.

Whereupon they conceiv'd their intentions being pure, and their conclusion consisting in termes and wayes wholly spiritual, Calumny it self could find nothing to gain say therein. Neverthelesse some ill-willer to their Company or some flatterer having reported these things to the King and Queen otherwise then they were transacted, to the great prejudice and injury of the Company, the next day, Wednesday the 11th. all the Curées of Paris were summond from the King by M. Saintot to meet at the house of the Cureé of S. Germain de l' Auxerrois, where they should receive the King's or­ders.

To the appointed place they obediently repai­re'd to the number of thirty, from whence they were conducted to the Louvre by the said Sieur Saintot. Where being carried into the Queen's Presence-chamber M. le Tellier came to them and askt who were the Syndics, and the Sieur de Saint Roch senior Syndic stepping forth, M. le Tellier told him, both now and at several go­ings to and from the King and his Counsil, that the King was not well-pleas'd with the Assembly of Cureés of Munday last, that his Majesty com­plain'd of their treating and deliberating therein concerning some affair of State, and of their con­cluding yea and executing their conclusion to have recourse to the Nuntio. That it was a crime to treat of such an affair and to give a visite to forreign Ambassadors without the King's leave: That the Cureés and others might in­deed recurre to the Nuncio in reference to the spiritual part of his charge and the Court of Rome, but in affairs temporal and of State he was no other then the Ambassador of a forreign Prince. That therefore the Cureés had incurr'd a great fault in deputing persons to him, and were askt what reason they would give for it to the King.

For answer whereunto the said Sieur de Saint Roch, having first made a Narration of what pass'd in the Assembly, and follow'd thereupon in reference to the Nuntio, said, That in regard of the complaint and opposition they intended to make against the Bull, 'twas a thing purely spiri­tual and belonging to their charges and functi­ons, for which they believ'd his Majesty would not be offended, since it was lawful to address to the Nuntio about a spiritual Affair, and such as concerns the Ecclesiastical Court of Rome.

As for the confinement and enlargement of the Card. de Rets, That the Cureés having spoken only concerning the publick and private Prayers in the form, and according to the appointment of the Archbishop, well known to the Kings Court and everywhere else without any offence taken thereat before, they conceiv'd hitherto that their Conclusion for renewing and recommending the said Prayers to the people, was a piece of admi­nistration purely spiritual, and that to exercise the same was not to treat or meddle with affaires of State.

That as to the having given charge to their De­puties, after they should have spoken to the Bull, to congratulate the Nuntio occasionally, and thank him for his Negotiation for the liberty of Cardinal de Rets, and testifie to him the joy they receiv'd from the hope he gave, that his Majesty would shortly restore the said Cardinal to his Holinesse, they conceiv'd this Congratula­tion & Consolation not to concern affairs of State, or cause any prejudice to his Majesties services.

As for M. le Tellier's question, what reason they would give for it to the King, the said Sieur De S. Roch told him, That if after the foregoing relation according to the Truth and for justifica­tion of their Innocence, his Majesty desir'd any other reason, they should return their Answer with all respect when they understood what he desir'd; which Answer the said Sieur le Tel­lier accounted reasonable. After he had un­derstood from the King in his Council what was desir'd of the Cureés, he came back; He told them, that the King requir'd them to ask pardon of him for their Assembly, and depute some per­sons to tell the Nuntio, that it was not their in­tention to have recourse to him, nor by him to his Holinesse for the enlargement of Cardinal de Rets. Whereunto the said M. de S. Roch an­swer'd, That forasmuch as his Office of Syndic empower'd him only to propound things in their Company, to whom it pertain'd to conclude what answer was fit to be return'd to his Maje­sty, they most humbly beseecht him to give them time to consider about it. Which Reply being again found reasonable, M. le Tellier went to know the Kings pleasure concerning it, and re­turning to the said Curees, told them, That his Majesty requir'd their answer presently, and that in order to consult thereof among themselves, they might retire either to S. Germani de l' Au­xerrois, or into the Chamber of Marshal de Vil­leroy near the Queens Presence-Chamber. Ac­cording to which order for time and place, the said Cureés withdrew into M. de Ville­roy's Chamber. M. le Tellier came thither to tell them worse news, to wit, that his Majesty was just then inform'd that the Cureés had signi­nify'd to the Nuntio, that they would write to the Pope for the liberty of Cardinal de Rets, and complain to his Holinesse for not sending forth Excommunications by reason of the confinement of the said Cardinal, as some Popes his Predeces­sors had done in like case. That they desir'd the Nuntio to further their complaint with his Holi­nesse; but the Nuntio much dislik'd these Pro­positions; and said, That more gentle courses were to be taken; That instead of taking this counsel the Cureés answer'd, That if the Pope would not do them reason upon their complaint of the Car­dinals confinement, they would addresse to the Parliament and preach vehemently and loudly a­gainst it. Whereupon the Nuntio thrust the Deputies out of his Chamber by head and shoul­ders. To all this it was answer'd by the Curé of S. Bartholmew, who was the Spokesman to the Nuntio, that these Reports were nothing but ab­solute calumny, as they could make good to his Majesty. The Sieur de Tellier said, he would go and give this account to the King.

In the mean time it being taken into considera­tion what answer to return to his Majesty, espe­cially concerning the last Relation, as also who should be the Speaker; it was agreed that an Ac­count should be given to the King, as well of the Assembly of Monday last, as of the Deputation to the Nuntio, and M. de S. Roch was pitcht upon for Speaker.

At length M. le Tellier return'd to the Cham­ber, and understanding the conclusion of the Company to go to the King, and that the said Sieur de S. Roch was deputed to be Speaker, He askt the Sieur de S. Roch what he had to say to the King. Whereunto being answer'd; That the Company would give his Majesty content­ment, they were introduc'd by M. Saintat into the Queens Chamber where either of their Ma­jesties were seated in Chaires, the Dukes of Anjou, Guise, the Chancellor, the Keeper of the Seales, M. de l' Hospital, and le Tellier and some others of the Privy-Council standing by. The Cureés made a low Reverence to them, and the Chancellor told them, that the King was not well pleas'd with their Assembly of Monday last. Whereupon the said Sieur de S. Roch, after a reverence to their Majesties, spoke as follows, or very near; (for his Speech being not premeditat­ed nor written beforehand it, would be hard to make a relation of it word for word.) Sir, The Cu­reés of your good City of Paris, your Majesties most faithful Subjects, most humble and obedient Servants & perpetual Orators, conceiv'd that their past services and obediences even during the late commotions, had secur'd their fidelity as to what concerns your Majesties service from the reach of calumny. But since 'tis their unhappinesse to have their Assembly of Monday last traduc'd to your Majesty, and your Majestie commands to give an Account of it, I shall report the whole transactions thereof to Y. M. with all truth and simlpicity.

Sir,

OF Ancient custom with the permission of the Archbishop of Paris our Superior, and according to the Statutes of our Company, we hold our Assemblies the first Monday of every Moneth, and therein treat and conferre toge­ther of spiritual things which concern our Char­ges, and the salvation of souls committed to us. According to this Custom we held our As­sembly of Monday last, in the place, time and manner accustomed, where two things especially were spoken of, and of those your Majesty de­mands an Account.

The first was touching a certain Bull of Febru­ary 5. 1649. obtain'd of the Pope by sur­prize, and destructive to the Hierarchical State, especially of Parishes. Against which it was con­cluded to write to Rome to get the same revok'd, and also to beseech the Nuntio to assist our Complaint by his recommendation; Moreo­ver, in case his Holinesse would grant no re­dresse therein, it was resolv'd to provide a­gainst it by legal ways permitted in your King­dom, and to appeal against its being put in exe­cution; Which is an Act purely spiritual, con­cerning the charge of souls, and touches not af­fairs of State in any wise.

The second thing spoken of, was touching the publick Prayers for Cardinal de Rets, up­on which it was concluded that they should be [...]new'd. And whereas the Nuntio had told one of the Company, that in his Negotiation in the Pope's Name with your Majesty for the liberty of Cardinal de Rets, your Majesty had given hopes that you would shortly restore him to his Holinesse; the persons deputed to the Nuntio about the Bull were enjoyned upon this occasion to give the said Nuntio thanks in the name of the Cureés of Paris for his Negotiation, and to desire him to conti­nue the same upon all opportunities, and to testifie to him the joy which the Company re­ceiv'd from the hope which he had given of the speedy enlargement of their afflicted Pre­late. VVherein likewise, Sir, the Cureés of Paris conceive they have not medled with Affaires of State, nor treated with a for­raign Ambassador, nor done any thing against the service of your Majesty.

As for the last Relation made to us by M. le Tellier, That it was newly reported to your Majesty, how we had said to the Nun­tio, that we would write to the Pope for Car­dinal de Rets's liberty, and complain to his Holinesse, and that he did not send forth an Excommunication as some of his Predecessors have done in case of like detentions; and that he desir'd the Nuntio to assist our complaint herein to the Pope, with protestation that if he did us not reason, we would have recourse to the Parliament, and preach openly against the Cardinals restraint; and that the Nuntio be­ing offended with the violence of the Deputies, thrust them out by the shoulders.

VVe confesse, Sir, That if we had us'd those expressions, or propounded those means of Cardinal de Rets's deliverance, not only to a forraign Ambassador, but even to any one else, in the Pulpit, in publick, in private, or otherwise, we should be guilty of high Trea­son. But since we are very innocent there­of, Your Majesty will permit us to say, that 'tis a meer Calumny, and to humbly beseech you that we may know who are the Authors of it, to the end we may justifie our selves face to face, and demand your Majesties ju­stice for this false Accusation. However to justifie our selves to our power, we shall rea­dily depute some Persons to the Nuntio, to beseech him to give testimony to your Ma­jesty of our innocence, and that we us'd those expressions and wayes onely against the Bull, and not in what concerns the detention of the Cardinal, and that he receiv'd and reconducted the Deputies of our Company with honour, so far he was from thrusting them out of his Chamber by the shoulders. By which testi­mony of the Nuntio, the Cureés hope Sir, that your Majesty will see the occasion and artifice of our Calumniators, who have endea­vor'd to attribute to the detention of the Car­dinal, what was spoken against the surreptitious and abusive Bull.

As to the main, Sir, As we never expect­ed Cardinal de Rets's liberty but from God and your Majestie's goodnesse; from God, by our Prayers; and from your Majesty, by our most humble Remonstrances and supplications; so we protest that we never intended to make use of any other way then this to obtain the same. And as for the prayers to God, we have made the same hitherto, and resolv'd to renew and continue them with perseverance, not only upon the injunction and command of the Archbishop, our Superiors, but also upon our Obligation to the service of our afflicted Prelate, and by reason of the sorrow which we resent from his con­finement. As for our most humble supplica­tions to your Majesty for that end we have frequently desir'd Audience of your Majesty that we might remonstrate the same, but could not obtain it. But since an unhappy calumny laid upon us hath prov'd the occasion of this Audience which your Majesty with great good­ness affords us, we most humbly beseech your Majesty to grant liberty to Cardinal de Rets.

After which account given to the King, the Chancellor told the Cureés briefly, that the King knew well enough that they assembled every Moneth by permission of the Arch-bi­shop of Paris; and although the Cureés of the City were not a Body, yet his Majesty was pleas'd with their assembling so, provided that in their Assemblies they medled onely with the spiritual or civil matters of their Charges, if any were. But they had committed a fault on Monday last, by taking into deliberation the Affair of Cardinal de Rets's detention, being an Affair of State, and by deputing persons to the Nuntio about it: That assoon as the Kings Affaires permitted the setting at liberty of Car­dinal [Page 423] de Rets, his Majesty would do it; but it did not belong to Cureés to meddle therewith nor with affairs of State; that for the future they must abstain from the same, otherwise the King would be constrain'd to use the Authority which God hath put into his hand. That nevertheless his Majesty was satisfi'd with the account [...] which they gave him of their assemblies and of their good intentions; but withall enjoin'd them to depute some persons to the Nuncio, to tell him that they had no intention to make use of other meanes then the King's goodnesse for Cardinal de Ret's liberty.

An Addition to this Relation.

TO satisfie the Reader what became of the af­fair of the Communion for the Dead every third Sunday, after the complaints which the Cureés of Paris had resolv'd to make of it, I shall adde here by the way, that the Jesuites have put the Bull in execution, and cause it to be practis'd by their Priests not onely in Cities where they bear sway and do it with the grea­test show and ceremony, but also in Paris, though with lesse magnificence and concourse; as I observ'd both at Paris and in some other Cities where I hapned to be upon occasion du­ring this present year. 1662.

THE SEVENTH PART.

Containing what passed at our departure from Rome, and afterwards till our arrival at Paris; and what particu­larities I have observed since our return till the Conclusion of this Journal.

CHAP. I.

Containing the Popes Constitution a­gainst the Five Propositions; Our departure from Rome; our Arri­val at Florence; a Letter which we writ from thence to our Bishops; some Reflection upon our departure from Rome; our departure from Florence; our arrival at Venice and stay there.

I Cannot precisely affirme when the Popes Consti­tution was expos'd to sale in Rome, nor when we saw the first copy of it; but I know that neither the one nor the other was sooner then the Eve be­fore, or the very day of our departure. Wherefore I think I cannot in­sert it in a more proper and natural place then this, after which I have nothing more observable con­cerning it to mention, saving what concernes the point of our departure or what I understood by the letters which I receiv'd afterwards. The Con­stitution followes.

Sanctissimi in Christo Patris ac D. N. D. INNOCENTII Divina Providentia Papae X. Constitutio, qua declarantur & definiuntur quin­que Propositiones in materia fidei. Romae ex Typographia Rever. Came­rae Apost. 1653.

INNOCENTIƲS Episcopus ser­vus servorum Dei; Universis CHRISTI Fidelibus sa­lutem & Benedictionem Apostolicam.

CƲm occasione impressionis libri, cui ti­tulus, Augustinus Cornelii Jansenii Episcopi Iprensis, inter alias ejus opiniones orta fuerit, praesertim in Galliis, controversia super quinque ex illis, complures Galliarum Epis­copi apud nos institerunt, ut easdem Propositi­ones nobis oblatas expenderemus, ac de unaqua­que earum certam ac perspicuam ferremus senten­tiam.

Tenor verò praefatarum Propositionum est prout sequitur.

Prima. Aliqua Dei praecept [...] hominibus [Page 426] justis volentibus & conantibus, secundum prae­sentes quas habent vires, sunt impossibilia; de­est quoque illis gratia, qua possibilia fiant.

Secunda. Interiori gratiae in statu naturae lap­sae nunquam resistitur.

Tertia. Ad merendum & demerendum in statu naturae lapsae non requiritur in homine liber­tas a Necessitate, sed sufficit libertas a Coacti­one.

Quarta. Semipelagiani admittebant praeveni­entis gratiae interioris necessitatem ad singulos actus, etiam ad initium fidei; & in hoc erant Haeretici, quod vellent eam gratiam talem esse, cui posset humana voluntas resistere vel obtempe­rare.

Quinta. Semipelagianum est dicere, Chri­stum pro omnibus omnino hominibus mortuum esse aut sanguinem fudisse.

Nos, quibus inter multiplices Curas, quae animum nostrum assidue pulsant, illa in primis cordi est, ut Ecclesia Dei nobis ex alto commissa, purgatis pravarum opini­onum erroribus, tuto militare, & tan­quam navis in tranquillo mari, sedatis omnium tempestatum fluctibus ac procellis, secure navigare, & ad optatum salutis portum pervenire possit;

Pro rei gravitate, coram aliquibus S. R. E. Cardinalibus ad id specialiter sae­pius congregatis, à pluribus in sacra Theo­logia Magistris, easdem quinque Propo­sitiones ut supra nobis oblatas, fecimus singillatim diligenter examinari, eorum­que suffragia, tum voce, tum scripto rela­ta mature consideravimus, eosdemque Ma­gistros variis coram Nobis actis Congre­gationibus, prolixe super eisdem ac super earum qualibet disserentes audivimus.

Cum autem abinitio hujuscemodi discussi­onis ad Divinum implorandum Auxilium multorum Christi fidelium preces tum pri­vatim tum publice indixissemus, postmo­dum iteratis eisdem ferventius, ac per nos implorata Sancti Spiritus assistentia, tan­dem Divino Numine favente, ad infra­scriptam devenimus declarationem & defi­nitionem.

Primam Praedictarum Propositionum; Ali­qua Dei praecepta hominibus justis volentibus & conantibus, secundum praesentes quas habent vi­res, sunt impossibilia; deest quoque illis gratia, qua possibilia fiant; Temerariam, Impiam, Blas­phemam, Anathemate damnatam & Haereticam, declaramus, & uti talem damnamus.

Secundam. Interiori Gratiae in statu Naturae lapsae nunquam resistitur; Haereticam declara­mus, & uti talem damnamus.

Tertiam. Ad merendum & demerendum in statu Naturae lapsae non requiritur in Homine li­bertas a Necessitate, sed sufficit libertas a Co­actione; Haereticam declaramus & uti talem dam­namus.

Quartam. Semipelagiani admittebant prae­venientis Gratiae Interioris necessitatem ad sin­gulos actus, etiam ad initium Fidei, & in hoc erant haeretici, quod vellent eam Gratiam talem esse, cui posset humana voluntas resistere vel ob­temperare; Falsam & Haereticam declaramus, & uti talem damnamus.

Quintam. Semipelagianum est dicere, Chri­stum pro omnibus omnino hominibus mortuum esse aut sanguinem fudisse; Falsam, Temerariam, Scandalosam; & Intellectam eo sensu, ut Chri­stus pro salute duntaxat Praedestinatorum mortuus sit, Impiam, Blasphemam, Contumeliosam, Di­vinae Pietati Derogantem & Haereticam decla­ramus & uti talem damnamus.

Mandamus igitur omnibus Christi fide­libus utriusque sexus, ne de dictis Propo­sitionibus sentire, docere, praedicare ali­ter praesumant, quam in hac praesenti nostra Declaratione & Definitione contine­tur, sub Censuris & poenis contra Haere­ticorum & eorum fautores in jure expres­sis.

Praecipimus pariter omnibus Patriarchis, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, aliisque loco­rum Ordinariis, nec non Haereticae pravi­tatis Inquisitoribus, ut Contradictores & Rebelles quoscunque per censuras & poenas praedictas, caeteraque juris & facti reme­dia opportuna, invocato etiam ad hoc (si opus fuerit) Auxilio Brachii Saecularis, omnino coerceant & compescant.

Non intendentes tamen per hanc Decla­rationem & Definitionem super praedictis Quinque Propositionibus factam, approbare ullatenus alias opiniones, quae continentur in praedicto libro Cornelii Jansenii. Da­tum Romae apud sanctam Mariam Majorem, Anno Incarnationis Dominicae millesimo sexcentesimo quinquagesimo tertio, pridie Kal. Junii, Pontificatus Nostri Anno Nono.

  • Hi. Datarius.
  • G. Gualterius.
  • P. Ciampinus.
[Page 427] Anno à Nativitate D. N. Jesu Christi Millesimo Sexcentesimo Quinquagesimo tertio, Indictione sexta, Pontificatus Sanctissimi in Christo Patris & D. N. D. JNNOCENTII Divina Providentiae Papae X. Anno ejus Nono, die vero nona mensis Junii, supradicta Constitu­tio affixa & publicata fuit in Ecclesia Lateran. ac Basilicae Principis Apostolorum de Ʋrbe, nec non Cancellariae Apostolicae valvis, ac in acie Carupi Florae per me Hieronymum Mascellam Sanctissimi D. N. Papae Cursorem.
Pro D. Mag. Cursorum P. Paulus Desiderius Cursor.

VVhen we had bidden Adieu to as many of our Friends as we could in the short time ap­pointed for our departure, which was to be on Tuesday June 17. divers of them came to us that morning to wish us a good journey. And in the afternoon by the hour that we were to set forth, there met so many who would accompany us to Ponte-mele, where our Horses expected us, that they fill'd six Coaches. So that when we went out of Rome about the hour that the Promenade begins, through the street which goes from the Colledge de propaganda fide to the Gate del Po­polo, our Equipage seem'd something Trium­phant, and if I mistake not, the Count de Roch­fort was one of those that saw us passe by in this manner, out of their windows. I mention these particularities because our departure being sud­den, in regard of the approaching hot weather, some persons took occasion thence to vent this falshood, that we were constrain'd to flye and make our escape assoon as the Pope's Constituti­on was publish'd. I know not, as I said before, whether we saw it on the day before or the very day of our departure, because it was not sooner printed and expos'd to sale at the Apostolical Printing-house, and none of our friends had a Copy of it before. But after we knew of it, both by the publick voice and in the following Audience which the Pope gave us, we resolv'd to depart, whether we saw it first or not.

We took Horse at Ponte-mole, and there parted with our friends who accompany'd us thither. That night we lay at Monte-rose, from whence we went to Siena. We travelled according to the usual stages, and had a very favourable time to be­gin our Voyage, considering the season and the Countrey. For the intermixture of Rain and a cool Wind, made this time resemble an Autumn of France, rather then a Summer of Italy. Ne­verthelesse, F. Des-mares found some indisposi­tion upon himself at Siene, which oblig'd us to stay one day there in attending him. And yet he could not continue the Journey with us to Florence but in a Litter, which we hir'd at Siena for that pur­pose. M. Manessier also was indispos'd when he came to Florence, in which place while we staid there three or four dayes in expectation of his a­mendment, the reflexions we made upon the Popes Constitutions, which decided nothing of the mat­ters, whose decision we had so importunately de­manded of his Holinesse, gave us a little scruple that we had departed from Rome without first re­ceiving order from the Bishops who sent us thi­ther, and induc'd us to write the ensuing Letter to them.

My LORDS,

WEE departed from Rome the 17th. of this Month, as we signify'd to you by our Let­ter of the 16th. that we purposed to do. We in­tended to return with what speed we could, being very desirous to inform your Lordships perso­nally of many things which cannot be so exactly written, and that those of us who are Doctors of the Faculty of Paris might be present at its Assembly, when the registring of the Decree pass'd upon the Five Propositions should be pro­pounded, to the end we might at the same time acquaint the Faculty with the Popes intentions, as we signify'd the same to you. So that our Re­port being likewise enter'd into the Register, no person might presume, either now or here­after, that S. Augustin's doctrine and Grace Ef­fectual by it self were prejudic'd by that De­cree.

VVe design'd, My Lords, according to the computation we made of our Journeys, to have been in this City on Saturday. But we were not strong enough to undergo such speedy tra­vel, and could not reach hither before Munday; besides, that the indisposition of some of our Company has constrain'd us to repose here at the present, and will oblige us to make but short Journeys during the rest of our Voyage. This slowness, My Lords, has induc'd us to write to the Faculty for the purposes above-mention'd; and the exact account we owe to you of all that we do in this Affair, obliges us also to acquaint you with it and send you a copy of it. We hope, My Lords, you will approve our procedure and intentions, which aim at nothing but the peace of our body, the honour of the H. See, and the defence of Truth; and we conceive that when you shall have join'd his reason to the others, which oblig'd us to depart from Rome without your express orders, you will not dislike our presu­ming that herein we did nothing but what you would approve. For although during all our stay we could not obtain of the H. Father what we demanded of him by your order, to wit the establishment of a solemn Congregation, where­in the matters which are the sole Contests in the Church, might be throughly examin'd, and with the conditions you appointed us to insist upon: Nevertheless, we conceiv'd there was no reason to continue our sollicitations for the same, after what is come to pass; since if the Pope had been dispos'd to enter into the Examen and discussion of these matters, there was no more justice, rea­son and apparence to do it before pronouncing any thing upon the Five Propositions, then after such a Judgement as that which is publisht. In­deed, My Lords, when the Pope declar'd to us that he meant not to meddle with the matter of Effectual Grace, or do any prejudice to S. Au­gustin's doctrine, and consequently, that he had [Page 428] not pass'd his judgement upon the Propositions which we presented to him in explication of those which were fram'd by our Adversaries, (since those propositions are necessarily linked with Effectual Grace, and expresse the doctrine of it without any equivocation according to the indubitable sense of S. Augustin;) it may seem that we might reasonably have represented to the H. Father, that his Decision did not clear what was in dispute, nor establish peace; and therefore we might still have demanded his Ho­liness's judgement upon the controverted sen­ses. We might have beseecht him with all sort of respect, that (the Five Propositions remain­ing condemn'd by his Decree, so far as they are consider'd according to the evil, impious and he­retical senses which may be given them, and ac­cording to which we our selves condemn'd them first in his presence,) at least he would please to consider the controverted senses, to examine in a solemn Congregation the clear Propositions which we had presented to him, and their con­traries which our Adversaries maintain'd against us; to hear us fully upon those senses in pre­sence of such as impugned them, to peruse the Writings which we had presented concerning this cause, and to make such a distinct Decision of those Propositions as might appease the troubles of the Church. And we had the more occasion to renew so equitable a suit to his Ho­linesse, inasmuch as he treated us with singular courtesie and esteem; But at the same time he seem'd so averse from condescending to this Mo­tion; we found during the whole course of this Affair, that he had so great a repugnance to it, partly through his own dispositions, and partly through the false suggestions of persons about him, and in whom he hath confidence; and we perceiv'd so many reasons which your Lord­ships know of, and so many others which we have still to tell you, that we had no hope left of any effect (notwithstanding all the advan­tages and urgent reasons we had to make it) and consequently none of us judg'd it expedient. However, My Lords, since his Holinesse hath declin'd neither to examine or define what is in contest between the Catholicks, which was ne­cessary to be done for the glory of Truth, the peace of the Faithful, and the honour of the Church, we cannot but tell you, that if you think it fit to renew your instances upon this matter, we are still ready to go & represent them to the Pope again. For the strengthning of of which, if the Body of the Clergy, or the King himself, or both together, would interpose their Authority for obtaining a solemn and regular Congregation, in which all things might be done according to formes accustomed in the Church, We are prepar'd to maintaain again before the H. See against any opposer whatever the in­dubitable truth of the Five Propositions, con­ceiv'd in the terms into which we reduc'd them and defended them, which are free from all equi­vocation and obscurity, assoon as such a Congre­gation shall be establish'd with the conditions we demanded at first, so just and necessary in the whole course of the Affair. But so far as we are able to judge of things, we perceive not that it is easie to obtain such a congregation of the Pope without new and earnest instances from the King and the Clergy: Neverthelesse, My Lords, be­ing unwilling to omit any thing in our power which may contribute to the good of peace be­tween Catholicks, and to the clearing of Truth, we resolve, My Lords, not to stir out of Ita­ly before we receive your Orders in this business, that so in case you finde any likelyhood in the proposal we make to you, we may be in readi­ness to put the same in execution, and may fur­ther testifie to you our obedience and zeal. We hope, My Lords, to hear from you within five weeks according to the directions we send to him who delivers you this Letter. We shall punctually obey you in whatever you shall pre­scribe to us. In the mean time, we shall conti­nue our Voyage by little and little towards France in expectation of your Orders; which, whether you will permit us to re-enter there, or command us back to Rome, we beseech you to send us as speedily as may be, (especially if you recall us into France) and to continue to us the honour of being esteem'd,

My Lords,
Your most humble and obedient Servants,
  • De la Lane, Abbot of Valcroissant.
  • Des-mares, Priest of the Oratory.
  • De Saint Amour.
  • Manessier.
  • Angran.

F: Guerin did us the favour at Rome to take up­on him the care of selling our moveables, (of which we could not have acquitted our selves in so short a time) and to agree with the Owner of the House on what conditions he should take it again. Therefore after the above-mentioned Let­ter, I writ to F. Guerin, to desire him to defer both those good Offices till he heard further from us.

VVe came to Florence on the 22d. of June, and the same day being S. John's day, saw the great ceremony of that Festival: VVe departed from thence on the 27th. to Bologne, whether we reach'd the next day. VNe intended to have staid and rested a little there, but the excessive heat which we found there on the 29th. caus'd us to go from thence towards evening, and we took boat at Francolin upon the Poe, to go down to Ve­nice the next day: but the rain and the contrary winds forc'd us to lye one night in our boat upon the Channels which are between the Poe and the Marshes of Venice; and having staid a day or two at Chiosa till the fair weather return'd again, we set forth for Venice, and arriv'd there on Friday the fourth of July.

On Sunday the 6th. we went to pay our re­spects [Page 429] to M. d' Argenson, who was the Ambassa­dor for the King to this Republick. He did us the honour to send to invite us to dinner with him on Tuesday following; as also to visite us himself on Thursday; and during all our stay at Venice, he gave us upon all occasion testimonies of singular goodnesse and courtesie. He saw also in several free Converses which we had the honour to have with him, how frankly we acquiesc'd in the con­demnation made of the Propositions by the Popes Constitution, and in what manner we were per­swaded that this Constitution did not prejudice the opinions which we maintain'd, and had main­tain'd before the H. See. So that he told us once that he had written as much to M. Coqueret, and assur'd him, that we did in no wise take our selves to be condemned by it, nor yet the Doctrine which we hid defended.

The day before he came to see us, we were vi­sited by one M. Du Puy a Frenchman of good age, who had dwelt at Venice almost all his life, after he had quitted the employments he had had in the Affaires of France, a man of learning and parts, but he had the unhappy engagement to make pro­fession of the pretendedly Reform'd Religion. In this Visit we had much Discourse with him con­cerning the unity of the Church, and the obliga­tion never to break the same, what cause and pre­text soever a man may think he hath to do it. F. Des-mares spoke so vigorously of this matter, though with all the familiarity of a private Visit, that the honest man was touch'd therewith, inso­much that tears were sundry times seen in his eyes. Nevertheless he plausibly & stoutly defended him­self from the charitable reproach which we made to those of his Religion, agreeing with us as to the strict Obligation to preserve that sacred Unity, but maintaining that 'twas not themselves that broke it, but those who would not receive them into their Communion upon conditions essential and sufficient thereunto, but exacted others which were not requisite. To which F. Des-mares re­ply'd, that although there might be abuses in the Church, yet most of the things which the pretended Reformers of the Church had taken for causes of their separation, were not abuses, but the ancient practise of the Church, as Invocation of Saints, veneration of their Reliques, and other like things. And moreover, that without entring into these contests, it suffic'd to tell them generally, that all the pretexts that could be alledg'd for breaking the unity of the Church, were not justifyable be­fore God, since there is no just one for it, accord­ing to the Fathers, Praescindendae Ʋnitatis nulla est necessitas; as the Prophets never attempted to make a Body of Religion separate from that of the Synagogue, how deprav'd soever it were, but were contented with preaching against those Cor­ruptions, even so far as to expose themselves to death for their condemning the same from God; That the like ought to have been done by those who pretended to reform the Church; If they found themselves call'd of God for so great a work, they ought to have undertaken the same in the Church it self, whatever should have befallen them; but if they knew themselves too weak to venture martyrdom, they ought to have been contented with reforming and correcting them­selves, but not have medled with the abuses which they could not amend in others.

Upon occasion we told the Ambassador what was spoken concerning this matter on either side between M. Du Puy and our selves. He was sor­ry that he was not present at the Conference, and desir'd us to give him notice, in case we could fore­see a like occasion for another: But for that we staid at Venice only till the great Heat was pass'd, and had receiv'd an answer to the Letter which we writ from Florence to our Bishops, and were not certain of seeing this M. Du Puy again before our departure (for he would not tell us his Lodg­ing, although we askt him to the intent to repay his Visit) we told the Ambassador, that it would be great contentment to us to procure what we de­sir'd, but we saw no great probability of it. Nor indeed had we any opportunity to do it during all our stay at Venice, which lasted till about the mid­dle of August.

In all which time nothing memorable occur'd, but the Letters which I receiv'd, both from Paris and from Rome touching the Popes new Constitu­tion, which I shall insert here, in regard of the further light which they give of the manner how it was pass'd, of the Popes intentions in passing it, and of the sincerity and humility wherewith we submitted thereunto. I shall begin with those of Rome, because they were the first which were written to me, and appear to me the most consi­derable.

CHAP. II.

Containing the Letters which I receiv'd from Rome during our residence at Venice, touching the Popes new Con­stitution.

THe first of the 30th of June, written by a per­son of one of the most considerable Orders in the Church, and one of our most intimate friends, whom I had encharged at our departure to make our excuses to some of those of whom we had not time to take leave, or did not meet withal. ‘He told me in his Letter, That the next day after our departure he began to acquit himself of what he had promis'd us: That he had seen the F. Li­brary-keeper of the Augustines, who accounted himself much oblig'd for some books which we promis'd to send to him for the service of the publick in that Library: That he had seen F. Lez­zana, who was solliciting for the Permission for­merly promis'd him to print a book which he had made concerning Effectual Grace, and that upon telling him what the Pope said to us in our last Audience, he answer'd him that Cardinal Pimen­tel told him as much before, as having understood it from the Pope himself.’ Il giorno dopo che V. S. si parti con gli altri suoi signori compagni e miei padroni, comminciai ad esseguire i suoi ordini. Par­lai co'l Bibliotecario Di S. Agostino il quale restò appagatissimo del suo buon desiderio di compiacerlo di [Page 430] qualche cosa per la sua libraria, perche può servire per util publico e far vedere qual cosa di buono e bello a chi vi va à studiare, mastime contra inimicos gratiae Christi, &c.

Ho perlate co'l Padre Lezzana, e l' ho riscal­dato a procurar la licenza di stampare la sua pri­ma secundae colla materiè della Gratia efficace, e gl' ho suggerito molti motivi per disponere, &c. Gl' ha appresi e già hà duo to un memoriale a Ghiggi & a nostro Signore. Lo riscaldero, &c. Li rigratia della memoria, &c. Havendoli raccontato quel ch' è suc­cesso col Papa e Coro Signori, mi hà replicato ch' al­tre tanto gl' hà detto il Card. Pimentelli, che gl' hà detto nostro Signore.

The same friend sent me word also by the same Letter; ‘that they could not conceive at Rome that the Constitution could have good sequels; That one of the Consultors, whom he nam'd to me (but I conceal) told him, that the Jesuites com­plain'd of F. Palavicini, conceiving that he had not succeeded in this Affair as they expected; and that he gave thanks to God, that he had had no hand in making this Constitution, though he had been invited to it. That M. N. M. writ to him, that at his return he would tell him his thoughts of it, and that he was very joyful to see that it did not at all touch the doctrine which we defended. That Cardinal Pimentel told F. Nolano, that he would desire the Pope to declare for which senses he had condemn'd the Proposi­tions; That F. Luca Vadingo said to F. Reginald, that he could not conceive how so rigorous a Censure came to be pass'd upon the Propositions, since not any of the Consultors censur'd them so vigorously in the Congregations, not even F. Palavicini himself. He told me also that the same day he writ to me, the Nephew of Barberini was made Cardinal. And lastly, he saluted us all heartily, and made an humble reverence to the Bishops, the undaunted lovers of the perfect Grace of Jesus Christ.’ Qua à nissun piace la Costitutione per più capi; ne si sà capire che posse apportar buon essito. Il P. D. N. N. mi diste che li Padri della Compagnia si lamentano assai del P. Pa­lavicinii parendoli che non sia riuscito in questo ne­gotio come pretendeano. Rigratia Dio di non esser stato à parte in stabilir la'Costitutione, come gl' era stato significato. Il signor M. N. mi scrive che nel ritorno mi manifestarè i suei sentimenti intorno la Costitutione, il era tutto allegro perche li per che non tocchi, &c. Il Card. Pimentelli hà detto hieri al Pa­dre Nolano che vuol far instawza à nostro signore che dictriari il senso delle Propositioni. Il Padre Va­dringhi hà detto al Padre Reginaldi che si sia fatta la Censura con tanto rigore, perche nelle Congregationi niuno l' hà censurate con tanto rigore, ne meno il P. Palavicini, &c. Questa matricas' è fatto Cardi­nale il nepote de' Barberini. Riverisco è salato tut­ti ex toto corde è fo humilissima riverenza à i Ve­scovi intrepidis perfectae gratiae amatoribus.

The second is of the same date, written by F. Petit Priest of the Oratory, who likewise assur'd me ‘that divers of the Consultors affirm'd, that in their suffrages none of them, not even F. Pala­vicini himself, qualify'd the Propositions with those rigorous terms which are in the Cen­sure.’

The third was dated June 28. and written by F. Guerin, who amongst a thousand other good Of­fices which his inexhaustible charity and singular affection to Monseigneur d' Angers and to us, in­duc'd him to do for us, both during our residence at Rome and after our departure, acquainted me with some, which I shall here relate in his own words.

‘I have presented your books (to wit, our little tomes of S. Augustin) to the Cardinals Franciot­ti, Trivultio and Omodei, who receiv'd them with great joy and expressions of acknowledgement, especially the first and the last. But the two first, particularly Trivultio profess'd, that they were much surpriz'd when he saw the Popes Cen­sure, forasmuch as there was great likelyhood and reason that you should be heard. Trivultio said, he did not think that it would any wise con­duce to the establishment of peace, but rather the contrary, because though his Holiness seems in appearance not to have touch'd S. Augustin, yet he hath done it indirectly, and will cause much trouble. The two others earnestly prest the Oration and the Dictinction of the senses of the Propositions, which all three judg'd should have been in the Censure. Franciotti hath made them already, and I shall carry them to Omodei after­wards.’

He had put off our House to Monsignor Caffa­retti, and sold our furniture presently after our departure; and therefore understanding our offer to the Bishops to return to Rome if they pleas'd, he offer'd us his own in that case till another could be provided, in this obliging manner; If you return to Rome, be sure you alight nowhere else but at my house, if you will have me your friend.

The fourth is of the same date, June 28. written by F. Petit Priest of the Oratory, and superior of these which are at Rome in Saint Lewis's Co­vent.

Sir,

I Have received yours of the 21. of June with the inclosed which I have distributed. I have seen as many of your friends as I could, and pre­sented your recommendations to them; they are all glad to hear of your health, and pray our Lord Jesus Christ to continue strength and health to you till you come to the end of your Voyage, where I doubt not but you will have great En­counters to undergo for the cause of Truth. Now F. Dinet is grown so potent at Court by his gui­dance of the Kings conscience, he will not fail to make use of that Authority for persecuting the Truth and those who defend it.

As for newes here, none is spoken of, saving that your Adversaries walk with something more stateliness, and carry their heads higher then they did formerly. The Jesuites proclaim openly, that you are condemn'd together with S. Augustin and the whole School of the Thomists; and a Di­vine of the Romane Colledg hath begun to argue from the Censure of the third Proposition, that Jesus Christ had indifference in reference to his actions: to prove which, when he alledg'd the Censure of the third Proposition, they say, a Student answer'd him, Sed illa propositio est de na­tura [Page 431] lapsa, in qua non erat Christus: which put him to a nonplus. Nevertheless, the intelligent sort of people have no great respect for this Cen­sure, they see so much partiality and passion, and so little justice in it. 'Tis affirm'd to me, that F. Aversa & some other Consultors never saw your Writings, and was not call'd after your Audi­ence, and that this Censure is certainly the same which was made towards the beginning of Lent. The same person assures me too, that the first be­ginning of the Congregation, 'twas a fixt and determinate resolution to censure the Propositi­ons at what rate soever. And therefore 'tis no wonder that the Jesuites spoke of it so confident­ly from the first. He tells me likewise, that none of the Consultors, at least the Molinists, care not much for S. Augustine's Authority; but I hope that God and his Church will uphold the same a­bove all those who go about to diminish it. At Rome this whole week hath been spent in Bonfires and publick rejoycings, both for solemnity of the Mariage, and alliance of the Pamphilian Family with that of Cardinal Barberin, and for the Pro­motion made on Monday of the Prince Prefect, who took the Hat on Thursday last, but with the publick Panegyricks of the Pope and Cardinals. Tis believ'd that Cardinal Barberin shall resume the Helm of Government. Cardinal Antonio is certainly reported to be at Sea, and is expected every day. M. Hallier and his Collegues make no shew of departing yet. 'Tis said, they stay here to see how the Censure will be receiv'd at Paris and in your University, that so they may sollicite his Holinesse for such course and means as shall be necessary to enforce its reception.

The fifth was written to me on June 29. by that person, without whose counsel I have said in one place of this Relation, that I did very few things. Both the Original and the Translation are here subjoin'd.

Il pensiero di non uscire d' Italia fin che habbiano riposta di Francia, à me & all' amico piace somman­nente.

E la parterera Di Roma come fu' necessarea così non può essere ripresa; ne il fermarsi poteva pasto­rire niuno buon effetto, è nella presente congiuntura si è cavato della bacca ai Papa, quel piùs che si può sperare; è sarà sempre imprudenza tentare la cogni­tione d' una causa presso un giudice che non intende li termini.

Si che non bisogna riguardare quello che ponno dire gli auversarie circa la partenzi ma li sogna con pru­denza ponderare li nostri disvantaggi & li loro van­taggi altro che l' Aliero in tutti li circoli; dove si trova, predica che ei tiene la gratia efficace de se, è la dottrina di sant' Agostino, è che la decisione del Papa non effende ne l' una ne l' altra; è che li Mo­linisti sono in errore, come ancora quei della prede­terminatione physica; & si riscalda in modo sopra di ciò che più non si può dire, è chi l' hà sentito più volte à me lo riferisse & è persona à Giesuiti affectio­nata.

Che il Decreto sia per fape rumore in Francia non si crede, perche il Rè adopreà la forza & autorità, perche sia ricevuto con race, che così hà promisso; è lo so io.

Che il campo sia aperto in Roma è meglio; perche sino che qui si stava, la Corte perretrava tutto l' in­temo di vosignoria, è sprezzava Memoriali, come sè berrissimo; ma estendo absenti, se sentiranno ru­mori, potranno forzi comparire magiori è più consi­derabili, è mi credache bisogna preoccupare qualche favore ulla corte di Parigi, che questo paventarà più che altro, perche il brazzo regio è stato quello che hà triato il Papa à quella risolutione à che non saria mai venuto.

In fatti l' amico conclude, che il partire sia stato prudente, il ritorno infrutuoso, è senza un giudice ch' intenda la materia, ogni causa sarà sempre pie­nadi disorenie.

Which sounds thus translated:

Your intention not to leave Italy till you re­ceive an answer out of France, is extreamly ap­prov'd by me and also by our friend. Nor can your departure from Rome be reprehended, be­cause it was necessary. To have stay'd longer here, could have been to no advantage; and in the present conjuncture, you have drawn the ut­most from the Popes mouth that could be hop'd for. 'Twill ever be imprudence to bring a cause to be examin'd before a Judge who understands not the terms of the matter in question.

So that it need not be regarded what the Adver­saries may say of your departure, but our disad­vantages and their advantages must be weigh'd with prudence. Besides, M. Hallier in all Com­panies where he comes, preaches to all the world, that he holds Grace Effectual by it self and S. Au­gustin's Doctrine, and that the Popes Decision hurts neither the one nor the other; and that the Molinists are in the error, as also those who hold Physical Predetermination. A person who hath heard him several times, and who is well affected to the Jesuites, assures me of this.

As for the Constitution, 'tis not likely that it will cause any stir in France, because the King will make use of force and authority to cause it to be receiv'd; for so he hath promis'd, I am certain of it.

Whereas your Adversaries at Rome are absolute masters of the Field, 'tis the better; for all the while you stay'd here, the Court penetrated in­to your secret thoughts, and made mock of your Memorials, as you know full well. But now you are absent, if any stir be heard from any place, it will appear to them greater and more conside­rable. Have this perswasion, that you must en­deavor to find some favour and support in the Court of France, and this will frighten them more then any thing else, because 'tis meerly the Kings authority which drew the Pope to this De­cision; otherwise he would never have made it.

In a word, our friend concludes, that your de­parture was prudent, that your return will be unprofitable, and so long as there wants a Judge that understands the matter in contest, all will be in disorder.

The sixth is of the 4th. of July, written by the same person who writ the first. The sum of this was ‘That the Jesuites made no great exultati­ons of the Constitution at Rome, either because no body applauded them upon it, or because ma­ny, and particularly the more intelligent persons, said openly that it was not any wise advantageous [Page 432] to them. Quà i Giesuiti non si vedono troppo tri­pudiare, o perche non si applaudisce â loro per la Costitutione uscita, o perche si dica che non è a lor favore per niun conto, e cosí dicono i dotti.

The seventh is of the fifth of July, written by F. Petit. Amongst other things which he signify'd to me, he told me these.

‘Your differences are scarce any more spoken of here, so little care there is of Truth and what con­cerns it. M. N. M. who salutes you, told me yesterday, that the Jesuites are not very much pleas'd with this Decision, and that one of the hottest of them in this contest before the Deci­sion, with whom M. Hallier had many conferen­ces, having been with him two or three days ago, he found him very cold and little pleas'd with this Decision, as conceiving that no great advantage could be made of it in reference to the Contro­versies concerning which you were here, nor a­gainst Effectual Grace. F. Annat's book De li­bertate incoacta, is sold publickly. The Master of the sacred Palace made some scruple to give him his Publicetur, but he was constrain'd to do it by his Holinesse's Order. Cardinal Barberin grows every day to be of great power and consideration with the Pope. The Marquis del Buffalo is fallen out of his Holiness's favour, who 'tis believ'd in­tends to give his place of Captain of his Guard to the Commander Colonna, because the Mar­quis follow'd the motions and inclinations of the Cardinal of Florence, who would not make any rejoycing and Bonfires at the promotion of the Cardinal Prefect Barberin, wherewith his Holi­ness was extreamly offended.’

‘I fail not to receive every day new intelligence of threatnings by the Jesuites and their adhe­rents to send me to the H. Office. F. Richeosme related a pleasant story the other day to some of his friends, which was, That in the House of S. Louis a wench was found in mans cloaths; and that upon examination of the authors of this prank, they had no other excuse but to say, That they had not the grace of chastity. And hereup­on he said, You see what what an ill effect this is of the Jansenian Doctrine in the Fathers of the Oratory; 'tis fit they were expell'd, least they infect others. One that was present and heard this abominable fiction and calumny, came in kind­ness and charity to advertise me of it. Now, af­ter such a loud untruth, judge what they may not attempt; since neither the Majesty of the place, nor the presence of the H. Sacrament, and the bodies of the Apostles S. Peter and S. Paul, and the Tribunal of Truth where he was sitting on the part of Jesus Christ to condemn sinners and lyars, hinder'd him from relating such a falshood. But I neither fear him nor all his adherents, God be thanked. I hope God and Truth will be strong­er then their lyes and impostures. Nevertheless, I shall endeavor to make my complaints hereof to the Cardinals Barberin and Ghiggi, and to the Commissary of the H. Office, in order to prevent their malice.’

The 8th hath no date, but I believe it was about the same time with the former. It was from a very able and prudent Dominican, who testify'd much satisfaction in hearing of our welfare: and touch­ing the Affair writ the following words; Quanto al negocio, nel Collegio Romano si lege de merito Chri­sti, & subito si stabilisse la necessità della indifferen­za con la terza propositione. Quindi si deduce che niuno atto di Christo era meritorio se non per quella circonstanze rispetto alle quali era indifferente. S' è fatto penetrare al Papa, e questo hà mandato ordine al Generale Giesuita che scriva per tutta la Compa­nia e faccia osservare nelli studii che niuno si vaglia della Bolla sua per stabilire niuno punto Controverso fra le suole. Ma quest' ordine essendo privato, non sodisfa. Noi habbiamo scritto per tutte l' Ʋniver­sità che siano raccolte tutte le consequenze de Gie­suti o d' altro, & siano mandata à Roma, perche in­tendiamo movera la controversia se havremo in mano cosa che dia motivo, come credo che havromo, & è impossibile che il Giesuita si tratenga fra termini della modestia, essendo Pedante pervicace. Così il fatto farà conoscere a nostro signore quello che non ha voluto credere per le nostre istanze. Del resto, la Corte passa con discorsi di marritaggi e con dissegni che non passano i confini della famiglia Panfilia, de quali non voglio inbrattare il folio; e li faccio ri­verenza con compagni.

That is in our language: ‘As to the affair, in the Roman Colledge (which belongs to the Jesuites) there are readings concerning the merit of Christ; and presently after the Cen­sure of the third Proposition, they took occasi­on thence to establish the necessity of Indiffe­rence, in order to merit; Concluding that no action of Jesus Christ was meritorious, ex­cept upon account of the circumstances in refe­rence to which it was indifferent. The Pope was inform'd of it, and he sent order to the General of the Jesuites to write to all the Socie­ty and forbid all persons to make use of his Bull to the establishing of any point controverted in the Scholes; and to enjoyn observation hereof in all his Colledges. But this order being par­ticular and secret, do's not satisfy. For our parts, we have written to all Universities to get a collection made of all the consequences which the Jesuites or others can draw from this Bull, and to have it sent to us at Rome; because our de­sign is to renew the Controversy, in case we can get any thing material, as no doubt we shall, it not being possible for the Jesuites to keep them­selves in the bounds of modesty, considering what insolent Pedants they are. The result where­of will be to cause the Pope to know that, which he would never believe upon our remonstran­ces. Nothing is talkt of at the Court, but ma­niages and designes pertaining to the Pamphi­lian family, wherewith I will not fill my paper. I kisse your hands and those of your Col­legues.’

The Nineth is of the 12th. of July, written by F. Guerin, and amongst other things containes these. ‘The last Week M. Hallier came to seek me as himself said, several times; and F. de Ver­tamont, one. But neither of them finding me, they went severally to F. Placide to whom they made heavy complaints against me, for all that I have done and continue to do for you, which is to uphold so bad a cause, &c. But in particu­lar for that I visited Cardinal Trivultio, and told him, as they most falsely alledg'd, that the Bishops would never receive the Bull, &c. Af­terwards [Page 433] I met F. de Vertamont, and told him the occasion of my visiting the said Cardinal, which was, to present S. Augustin's book to him; and that I had spoken nothing else of what was imputed to me; With which he professed himself satisfi'd But seeing M. Hallier shortly after, he added that I had confessed to this Fa­ther that I had said to Cardinal Trivultio that there ought to be a Council for deciding these questions; which is as far from truth as the other calumny. These two persons, viz. Vertamont and Hallier, told F. Placide that I might perhaps receive a personal affront, unlesse I took heed to my self. You see what this tends to. They say, I ought not to have presented your books to the Cardinals. I have so much to tell you concerning this businesse that the paper and the day would fail me, should I go about to tell you all, and therefore I shall be silent.’

The Tenth is also of the 12th of July, written by F. Petit; in which I find these termes. ‘The grace of Jesus Christ our Lord be with you for ever. I have distributed all those which were in the pacquet, and particularly that of P. A. to whom I deliver'd the same with my own hand. He brought me his answer to it this morning, and I send it here inclos'd. He bid me tell you something which he purposely omitted in his letter, to wit, that his Cardinal was yesterday inform'd by the Cardinal of Florence or Trivultio that he was assur'd by letters out of Flanders that the Bishops of that Country would not receive his Holinesses declaration upon the Five Propositi­ons, saying, that they acknowledg'd nothing for a Decision of Faith but what the Pope deter­min'd cum suo Clero, and not what he determin'd with three or four Cardinals, and in such a Con­gregation as that which made this Declaration. Were our Bishops of France and your Doctors thus magnanimous, the Molinists would not have whereof to glory. This would render this Court more circumspect in the making of such de­cisions.’

‘F. Reginald salutes you and your Collegues, and desires me to tell you that in a visite which he made this week to Cardinal Barberin, they dis­cours'd concerning his Holinesses declaration and the certainty that the Jesuites would make use of it against Effectual Grace; but the Cardinal told him they would not, and that he had signifi'd his Holinesses order to the General of the Je­suites, enjoyning him to write to all their Fa­thers, Houses and Colledges that the Pope for­bad them to make advantage of this Censure a­gainst the doctrine of S. Augustin and S. Thomas, or against Grace effectual by it self. The same Cardinal told me neer the same thing yesterday in a conference of half an hour which I had with him, upon occasion of my going to him to de­sire his protection against the menaces of the Pe­nitentiaries of S. Peter to put into the H. Office, as a person disobedient to this Censure. I assu­red him that I receiv'd the same as a Condemna­tion of the heretical senses of the Propositions, but not as a condemnation of S. Augustin's do­ctrine touching Grace effectual by it self neces­sary to every good work of Christian piety, be­cause his Holiness had solemnely assur'd you that he designed not to prejudice this doctrine in any wise, &c. He acknow edg'd that this was most true; but added, that we ought to keep as far as may be from the manner of speaking us'd by hereticks, and that although the thing express'd by such manners of speech be true, yet because Hereticks use the same manners of speech in ill part, therefore we ought to abstain from them. The conclusion of all his discourse was, that this Censure is rather a condemnation of termes and words, then any thing else. That, as for the doctrine of our Congregation, so farre as we stuck to S. Augustin, S. Thomas, and the man­ner of speech of the ancient Scholiastick Thomists, as Bannes, Alvarez, Lemos, &c. nothing could be said against it or me; that therefore I need not be afraid of any rumors or menaces, and of this I I might assure our General. Upon my mention­ing the abuse which the Jesuites made of this De­claration, he told me their General had written to their Fathers to forbear doing so. That him­self had written to F. Annat to that purpose: whose printing of his book at Paris Jansenius à Thomistis damnatus he did not approve, nor that which he printed de incoacta libertate with the de­cree and approbation of the H. Office, that had no esteem at all of these books; but that one of his, intitled Augustinus à Baianis vindicatus was a book of great learning (whence you may judge how requisite it is to have an answer made to it and seen here.) The day before, I was with Car­dinal Ghiggi, to complain to him of the threat­nings of the Jesuites, and assure him that our Congregation would be alwayes obedient to fol­low the doctrine of the Church and the H. Coun­cils. And having also told him that because our Congregation adher'd to the doctrine of S. Au­gustin and Thomas, this gave occasion to the Je­suites to calumniate our doctrine; He answer'd me that he had heard nothing of it; that indeed he had heard a talk of some union of F. Bourgo­ing our General with the Jesuites touching do­ctrine, but of nothing besides. To which I re­ply'd that this union was only an union of charity and not of doctrine; that we adher'd in Divinity and doctrine to S. Augustin and S. Thomas, and should not recede from them, in regard his Ho­linesse had plainly declar'd to have a great respect for this doctrine, and that he intended to do no­thing against it. But the Cardinal answer'd me with sufficient coldnesse, that his Holinesse in­tended not to do any thing against it, and that so long as we follow'd the Scholiastick au­thors approved by the H. Church, we should never be blam'd. By his discourse I judg'd that he was one of those who had done most hurt to the truth, and contributed most to this decision. I am inform'd that amongst many other praises which F. Tartaglia gave this Cardinal in a certain company, for his wit, learning, and piety, one was that he was the penman of this admirable Constitution, in which he said nothing could be added, or whereof every word was as so many oracles of the H. Ghost, &c. I must confesse to you, I have been much mistaken in this Cardinal, and the credit, respect, and esteem which I for­merly had for him is much abated. I forgot to tell you that I found M. Hallier with this Cardinal be­fore [Page 434] me, to whom himself and some others of his family made great caresses; whereby I per­ceived that the Molinists were more wellcome there then the Augustinians. His Holinesse gave M, Hallier this week a Priory of 800. Crownes motu proprio; that is to say, this Priory, which is in Bretegne and known by the name of the Pri­ory de Rieux; having been desired of his Holiness by some persons potent in credit, of which some were Cardinals; the Pope askt what it was worth, and being answer'd that it was worth 800. or 1000. Crownes, his Holinesse said he would have it for M. Hallier, and accordingly comman­ded the Datary to expedite the same for him. This will encrease the number of his Benefices but not of his merit. 'Tis said, He looks for a Mitre as the reward of his glorious labours for defence of the Church. They lodge still at the three Kings in a hir'd chamber, &c.’

‘F. Reginald is talkt of, to be Divine and Precep­tor to the young Cardinal Barberin. If his Gene­ral stirre in it, he may have this employment; otherwise the Jesuites will obstruct him. I wish it him for the benefit which would thereby arise here to Truth.’

‘I shall adde one reflexion here which I hear was made upon the Censure by a person of capacity; viz. he saith he found in a Canonist that when ever his Holinesse us'd the word declaramus in his Bulls and Decrees, 'twas an infallible token that his Holinesse by such Bull or Decree non con­stituebat novum jus & censuram, sed tantum con­firmabat & stabiliebat jam factum & stabilitum, licet adderentur ista verba, definimus, quae semper considerantur ut habentia ordinem ad declaramus. And consequently in the Censure of the Five Pro­positions, this word declaramus being repeated at every Censure of every one of the said Propositi­ons, 'tis an infallible sign that by it his Holiness hath not made a new Censure of these Propositi­ons, but onely declar'd or renew'd those which were formerly made against them in the Coun­cil of Trent, onely in the sense of the Calvi­nists and Lutherans, and no-wise in the sense of S. Augustin, S. Thomas, or of him whom you follow.’

The Eleventh was of July 18. and contain'd no other newes, saving ‘that the Pope was much dis­pleas'd with the Spaniards, and amongst other causes thereof, complain'd that the Bishops of Flanders refus'd to obey him and contemn'd his authority; which he threatned to revenge, and made great complaints of it to Cardinal Trivultio in the last audience which his Holinesse gave him. Non ho cosa particolare di nuovo, salvo che il Pa­pa si da per disgustatissimo da spagnoli è frà l' alhe occasioni del suo disgusto si duole che li Vescovi di Fi­andra non obediscano è s' avanxano al dispreggio del­la sua autorità, onde minaccia sissentimenti, è nell' ultima audienza data a Trivulsio fece longa doli­anza.

The twelfth is of the 19th of July written by F. Petit, wherein, after some private affair he tells me thus; ‘As for the Menaces of Jesuites, I care little for them; by God's help I shall dissipate them, without their doing me any mischief. Neverthelesse I shall follow your counsel, and endevor not to fall out with any person about these matters; although I shall have much ado to forbear from quarrelling with those who take advantage of this Censure, to say that the do­ctrine of S. Augustin and Thomas touching grace effectual by it self is censur'd, and that you are condemn'd, considering that ever since your first arrival, and since the Decision, the Pope plainly protested the contrary, and that you never held these Propositions but with reference to Effectual Grace: three days ago I had a brush about it with F. Marinari, who asking me news of you, fell to tell me that you were condemn'd; I could not suffer it, but answer'd him, that you never held these Propositions otherwise then in the sense of S. Augustin and of S. Thomas, and of Grace effectual by it self, which his Holinesse profess'd he meant not to prejudice by this deci­sion; but I could get no more reply from him, saving that they were condemn'd absolutely and without exception of Effectual Grace. And when I press'd him to tell me whether S. Augustin, S. Thomas, and Effectual Grace were condemn'd, he answer'd me plainly, that they are absolute­ly condemn'd. Yes, said I, in the bad and here­tical sense which they contain, but not in the Ca­tholick. You see hereby what evil consequence the enemies of the Grace of Jesus Christ draw from this Censure — Cardinal Antonio hath been receiv'd here with the publick acclama­tions of Vivat le Card. Antonio. His Holinesse receiv'd him with open armes— All your friends salute you, and desire me again to put you in mind that 'tis necessary that you make a brief Narrative or History of all which hath pass'd and you have negotiated in your affair, of the In­stances, Memorials and writings which you pre­sented to his Holinesse, the audience which you had, and all the rest of the transactions in the de­cision of the Consultors and Cardinals, &c. al­so what your Adversaries both spoke and acted; and this plainly, yet respectfully speaking of the H. See and this Court, though without omission of any thing of the truth, and of the repulses which were given you. The History may be con­cluded with the Decision and what the Pope said to you at your taking leave of him; and as for the Decision it self, you must allow it in the sense and meaning which his Holinesse put upon it, which is against the sense of Luther and Calvin, wherewith your adversaries and the malice of the Jesuites have alwayes falsely charged you.’

The Thirteenth of the same date, in which F. Guerin tells me of ‘some calumnious extravagant discourses which M. Hallier and his Collegues made concerning us. The Molinists, (saith he) still lodge at the three Kings, a place of suffici­ently ill note, but the good men know not so much, as I believe, although in the little time that I was there, I was but ill pleas'd with it. They have many untoward discourses of what (they say) the Pope said to them concerning your behaviour in Rome and theirs, your ex­pence and theirs, their poverty and your riches, by help whereof you have spent in Rome thirty seven thousand Crownes, &c. That you en­devor'd to corrupt by presents one of his Offi­cers of the Palace, that you brib'd one of the [Page 435] Consultors; That his Holinesse knew whom you frequented, and who came to you; That you were call'd the rich Doctors, and they the poor Doctors, with a thousand other fopperies. I cor­dially salute your Collegues, and am, &c.’

‘All that I learnt considerable out of the Four­teenth, which is of the 26th. of July, is, that the face of Cardinal Antonio's affairs was already a little chang'd, and that the kindred of the new bride fell very short in performance of the con­ditions promis'd in reference to her marriage; That some persons, being incensed at the excesses of F. Adam's book and that of F. Annat against S. Augustin, indevor'd to get them Censur'd; and that the number of the Disciples of this great Doctor of the Church encreas'd every day in that first City of Christendome. Non so che me der altro per fine, ch' i Discipoli di sant Agostino non minuiscono ma crescona qua.

CHAP. III.

Containing the Letters which were writ­ten to me from Paris, assoon as the certain intelligence of the Pope's Constitution arriv'd there; and the Answer of F. Morin Priest of the Oratory to one of his Confreres who consulted him concerning the said Constitution.

I Have four Letters dated the fourth of July. Neither my Lords, nor our friends understood any thing concerning the Constitution at first but by the rejoycings of the Molinists, which good people being wont to tell wonders of their Affairs, the rumours which were spread abroad thereof were not believ'd, because it did not appear how the same agreed with the state of ours and what we had written; but assoon as the newes became cer­tain, I receiv'd these four Letters.

The first of which was written by the order and command of my Lords, who conceiv'd us still at Rome, whereby they sent us word to return the most speedily we could, and to testifie their sub­mission to the Bull in very general terms, al­though they made no difficulty upon the condem­nation of the Propositions, because they sent us not to maintain them as they are condemned in the Bull, but only to hinder least by occasion of the five equivocal and maliciously contriv'd Pro­positions, the doctrine of S. Augustin and S. Thomas might be condemned chiefly in what con­cernes the necessity of Effectual Grace.

The second was from the most ancient and considerable Doctor of our Faculty; and is here sub­join'd.

Sir my dear Friend,

AT length the thunder is fallen and has dis­charged its bolt. The allarmes former­ly given us have been follow'd with their effect, and the success shews that our Adversa­ries have had more interest then you in the secret Counsel, and made the better part of it, if at least they did not wholly model it by their manage­ment and subtilty. VVe wait impatiently for Monday, to understand from you the order and series of the whole Affair, whilst in the mean time we hear in the streets, houses & Companies, no other noise but that of Molinistical triumphs; and for my part I believe, artificial Fire-works will be made thereupon in the Colledges of Sor­bon and Navarre, as well as at S. Louis, not to mention S. Germain, de l' Auxenois and S. Sul­pitius. The Pamphleters have not yet cry'd up and down the streets, but I look to hear them to day or to morrow. You see I have been a Pro­phet, and that when I told you this back-blow-would be given upon pretence that you were not parties, because you were not accus'd by any bo­dy, and 'twas only about the Propositions in ge­neral that his Holinesse was consulted, who might answer by himself; it seems the H. Ghost spoke by my mouth. Well, Sit nomen Domini benedi­ctum. I know not in what estate Rome is, but I desire to understand from you. I assure you that in this Countrey, the news doth not dismay us; on the contrary, 'tis an Antiperistasis which redoubles strength in the true Defenders of E­vangelical Truths, to defend and maintain the same more vigorously then ever, both by speech and writing, in spight of the intrigues of their enemies, and the persecutions wherewith they threaten us from the temporal Powers. The Pro­vidence of God seems not to have deserted us in this occasion. For before this news, we printed the Distinction of the senses of the Propositions which you presented to the Pope in a full Con­gregation; which made almost all the world judge of the effect of this Bull before they saw it; and, as I am told, even M. the Penitentiary and A­miot have been heard to say, that it was in such a manner as it did no hurt, saving among the vul­gar and ignorant. But, this is enough for them; and if they triumpht upon a Decree of the Inqui­sition, no doubt they will make Bonefires with invented squibs, when the Pope, as they think, hath spoken so well in their favour. All this moves not me, and I can truly tell you, that since our contestations I never found my mind more calm, nor offer'd the H. Sacrifice with more quiet and peace of spirit, then I have done since the Monday that that news came hither. I believe the like of you and our friends, whom I salute and embrace with all my heart, &c.

The third was from M. de Sainte Beuve, as fol­lowes.

Sir,

We have had a copy of the Bull by the help of the Bankers. And upon good consideration of it, we finde that it contains nothing which is not agreeable to our judgements. We shall receive it with all submission. It cannot be express'd how greatly the Molinists rejoyce; but I think their joy would be greater then it is, if we were lesse submissive to the Popes Orders. That which troubles them amidst their joy is, that we do not make lamentations for the condemnation; that we say, his Holinesse hath done nothing but what we did long ago; and that we protest to hold for true henceforth what the Pope hath declar'd such, not only because it is so in it self, and we account­ed it so before, but particularly because he hath declar'd it, In brief, our joy is, that we have so perfectly explain'd our minds, that none but the blackest malice can accuse us of holding the condemned sense. I shall say nothing to you of the Jacobins and the Augustines, saving, that 'tis time that they get the Pope to declare, whe­ther he had any intent to lay any blemish upon Effectual Grace, S. Thomas, and S. Augustin. M. Gueffier writes to the Count de Brienne, that the Jansenists said they would a appeal to a Coun­cil. 'Twas fit this kindness should be done us, to make up the other calumnies. Others have said, we intended to have recourse to the Parlia­ment; which is as false as the former. If we meant to recur any whither, it should be to the Pope, to conjure him to define the Controversie, since hitherto he has onely pronounced upon a thing which was out of all contest. But his not having done it, is a sign that he was unwilling to do it, and that it would be in vain for you to sol­licite him to it. I see nothing therefore that you have to do but to return with the most speed you can, and to rest confident that our Lord will al­wayes preserve his Truth. In whom I am with all my heart, &c.

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This is a calumny, of which M. Gueffier was not the Author, but having heard it spoken, advertis'd me of it by a com­mon friend.

The fourth was from a Doctor of our Society who alwayes writ to me in Latin, and contain'd these words.

De Bulla, cujus hic exempla quaedam vidimus, ni­hil habeo quod dicam donec a vobis aliquid certi acce­perim. Si vera est, optarem vos in Gallia esse. Ti­meo versipelle & ferox adversariorum vestrorum in­genium; nihil est moderatum apud ipsos; forte et Christianum nihil apud multos. SS. Oraculum ve­neramur; atque ideò apertiùs doceri petebamus. Nec unquam dubitavimus, quia Propositiones damnari deberent tam malitiosè contextae, ut eum qui pessimus est, sensum per se ferant. Itaque interpretatione egere ultrò concessum est. Plura dicere necesse non est. Vi­deant Dominicani quo modo se tueantur; videant E­piscopi quâ ratione compescant in posterum tumentes Jesuitas. Videant Christiani universi quomodo a corruptissima morum doctrina caveant, quam certè Jesuitae eidem cum Molinismo currui triumphali im­positum populis ostentabunt. Hoc fulmen Romanum adversus eos ipsos intentatum jam est, & torquebi­tur deinceps, qui etiam odio habentes Jansenium, cor­ruptelam morum & usurarium aut simoniacum pal­pum execrabuntur. Accepi M. Nuncium Bullam Regi obtulisse hesterna die,&c.

After our sending word of our last Audience, and purpose to return as speedily as we could, few Letters were written to us. Yet the same Doctor who usually writ to me in Latin, by the next Post writ to me in French, which he con­ceiv'd would meet me at Lyons, and it here fol­lows.

The Bull is publish'd here by the Kings Order with much eagernesse. The difficulty which long hinder'd the Bull of the Jubilee, did not obstruct this: and although the Brief bears only Franco­rum Regi and not Francorum & Navarrae, yet it was not consider'd for this time, that this omissi­on was prejudicial to the Kings Rights; but on the contrary it was said, That there was nothing in it contrary to the Liberties, and I extreamly desire your return, &c.

By the next Post the same friend told me, That the Jesuites there made great triumph, and their insolencies were so excessive that their own friends blam'd them. That their Affiches (or Notes con­taining the Questions to be discuss'd) were con­demn'd by Councils and by Popes. It seems their joy put them out of their wits, &c.

Assoon as the person who writ to us in the name of My Lords the Bishops had receiv'd the Letter which we writ to them from Florence, and shewn it to them, he return'd an answer upon the 14th. of this Month, continuing his instances to hasten our return.

Vpon the receit of his Letter at Venice we re­solv'd to depart from thence; but the fear of him who writ it, least it should miscarry by the way, caus'd him to write others to us every week, by which he continually press'd us to return. I shall insert one here to conclude this Chapter:

You are desir'd to put your selves upon the way towards France, assoon as you receive the pre­sent. Our friends are so impatient to see you that they suffer very much during your absence. We have heard no newes of you these five weeks, as for this fortnight I have been in great anxiety, but God be thanked, your Letters of the 12th. have given us ease. Have a great care of F. Des­mares, and tell him, his good friends wait to em­brace him, and testifie to him the resentments they have of the good services he hath done to Truth. Be not melancholly during your Voyage. The Constitution has rather made more disciples of S. Augustin then diminisht their number; all our enemies are extreamly crank, and will make the most they can of the Popes Declaration. You did well in speaking to his Holiness as you did in the last Audience; and 'tis a blessing of God that his Holiness explain'd his mind so, Had you been here, the Prelates who deputed you, would be­fore this time have written a Letter to the Pope, to thank him for his Declaration; which advan­tage your delay makes us look upon as afar off. [Page 437] Hasten, therefore, because 'tis almost the only consolation which we expect in our present con­dition; although this condition has not chang'd us, and we are undaunted as ever. I salute all our friends, and embrace them a thousand times, &c.

Now what conceit the ablest persons even a­mong those, who were not suspected to favour Jansenius, had of the Constitution, may be seen by this Letter of F. Morin Priest of the Oratory, and one of the most learned men that have been of that Congregation. 'Tis inserted in the Letter of another Father of the Oratory, who having con­sulted with F. Morin, communicated his answer to one of his friends, by which means it became very publick and fell into my hands since my return. Take it at length.

The Letter of F. Souvigny to his Friend, July 24. 1653.

I am well satisfy'd with your perfect submission to the Decrees of the H. See. I acquiesce there­in with the same resignation. But having taken time to examine Tradition concerning Grace, and seriously study'd the Popes Constitution, I have at length perceiv'd that S. Augustin's Di­sciples are rather humbled before the ignorant, then condemn'n before capable and dis-interessed persons.

Many reasons incline me to this belief, especial­ly the Churches interest to preserve to her self the Authority of S. Augustin, of his Disciples, S. Prosper, &c. and not to abandon it to the Hu­guenots, and embrace the protection of the upstart Contriver of Scientia Media. The Molinists, by what I alwayes perceiv'd, make not so great ac­count of verity as victory; but the Holy Church neither loves nor deserves conquest but in re­gard of Truth. Yet I would not make an Idol of my own conceit, nor espouse it rashly without consulting more knowing persons then my self, for fear of mistaking in an Affair of such impor­tance, which consists in taking the true judgement of his Holiness, and the right sense of the Propo­sitions. Wherefore I writ to F. Morin, and de­sir'd him to clear my doubt, either by approving or disabusing my apprehension. I never preacht concerning these knotty matters, and F. Morin hath lately publisht something against some Ma­ximes of the Jansenists; in which regards we are less to be suspected, he of engagement, and I of temerity; and I believe his testimony ought to be more authentick, and my belief less culpable. Be­hold therefore his answer to my question, and the copy of his Letter.

F. Morin's Letter.

Assoon as I had read the Popes Bull upon this famous Question, and having understood eight dayes before how the Jansenists argu'd four hours together before his Holiness, deliver'd Writings to him, and publickly & juridically signify'd, that the Five Propositions contriv'd by their enemies were ambiguous, and admitting divers heretical senses; and one Catholick; that the heretical sen­ses were those of the Calvinists, the Semipelagi­ans and the Molinists [for F. Morin understood hereby the senses of the Semipelagians and the Molinists in the Propositions] and that the Ca­tholick sense was that of S. Augustin and their own; and that not contented to have said and declar'd this, they also distinguish'd and laid o­pen those several senses to the Pope in Writing. After, I say, I had consider'd all this, I conclu­ded forthwith and told all those who shew'd me the Bull, that the opinion of the Jansenists was not condemn'd by it, but there was a strong pre­sumption in it against the opinion of the Jesuites, and one as great for approbation of that of the Jansenists. For the Pope in condemning the Five Propositions of heresie, hath done no more but confirm'd the Censure before made of them by the Jansenists who are at Rome. They condemn'd the opinion of the Molinists of heresie in pre­sence of the Pope and the Consultors; and the Pope who heard it in a judicial way, spoke not a word to the contrary. 'Tis therefore to be pre­sum'd, that he approves the sentence which the Jansenists pronounc'd against the Five Propositi­ons to the prejudice of Molina. Moreover, they told the Pope juridically, that the interpretation which they gave according to their own senti­ments is Catholick and S. Augustin's Doctrine; the Pope speaks not a word hereupon, and dero­gates not expresly by his Constitution from their interpretation: therefore he approves it; for in such case he is oblig'd to speak concerning the same, and not leave us to mistake. Therefore his silence is to be taken at least for a presumptive ap­probation. Add hereunto, that after the pub­lishing of the Bull at Rome, the Jansenists went to take leave of the Pope, by whom they were well receiv'd and commended, and he assur'd them that he had in no wise intended to condemn S. Augustin; that, Ʋbi est Augustinus, ibi est Ec­clesia, and that he had as little design'd to preju­dice Grace Effectual by it self; and after a long Discourse he gave them his Benediction and ma­ny Indulgences. All which hath been written not only by themselves, but also by the Ambassa­dor, who testify'd the same in Letters to his Emi­nence Cardinal Mazarin, and the Count of Brienne Secretary of State. This is my judge­ment of this Bull, and I have declar'd it several times to such as have spoken to me about it. Some alledge that the Pope saith, the Propositi­ons are taken out of Jansenius's book, but the words in the beginning of the Bull shew, that he only repeats things as they were presented to him. Now such relations made by Princes are not conclusive according to either Law, as we are taught by the Title of Concordat in the Pragma­tick Sanction de sublatione Clementinae. C. litteris. On the contrary it falls out many times, that a violent presumption is equivalent to a definitive sentence; Extra de Praesumptione, cap. Offerte mi­hi. Therefore this Bull being consider'd by any person vers'd in the Law, will in my judgement appear more disadvantageous to the Jesuites then to the Jansenists.

Hactenus. R. P. I. M.

You see here's a strange a Cooling-Card for the Molinists, who triumph under the shroud [Page 438] of popular ignorance, and dare not present them­selves to the Popes face to justifie against the five Doctors that they wrongfully accus'd them of heresie before the Throne of S. Peter; which they ought to do if they were as well skill'd in the knowledge of the Saints, as in the policy of the world, &c.

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F. du Louvigny's Conclusion.

CHAP. IV.

Of our Voyage from Venice to Paris; and our passage through Suizzer­land.

BEing the feast of the Assumption was near when we receiv'd the first Letter at Venice, which oblig'd us to return into France, we resolv'd to passe this Festival at Padua, and depart from thence in the afternoon. We prepar'd all our Affairs ac­cordingly. We thankt the Ambassador for his ci­vilities; we bid adieu to our other friends; and the above-mention.d M. du Pui coming to see us a­gain, desir'd me to take a Letter with me for Mr. Ʋbric, from whom I had brought him one above three years before.

We departed from Venice two or three dayes before that of the Assumption, and from Padua on that day at four a clock in the afternoon. We continu'd our Voyage to Zuric without any inter­ruption, and during the day of Rest which the Venetian Messengers use to take there, I went to visit M. Ʋbric, as well upon the account of former civilities which I had receiv'd from him, as of M. Du-Puy's Letter. I could not prevail with my Collegues to accompany me, and therefore I went alone. M. Ʋbric made me new offers of his ser­vice, both to my Collegues and my self, and askt me, if they would not come at some hour of the day to see the Library? I answer'd him, that I believ'd they would take a turn about the Town to see the curiosities of it. He reply'd, that when they came to the Library, he would give order that there should be some persons there to receive them and to serve them. I thankt him for his cour­tesie, and returning to our Lodging, I acquainted my Collegues herewith.

I know not whether they went abroad in the forenoon or no, but in the afternoon we all went to see the Library, where we found some of their Professors ready to receive us. M. Ʋbric also came to us, and we discour'd for some time with him of things purely civil and indifferent.

When we offer'd to take leave of them; M. Ʋ ­bric accompany'd us into the street and went up a­gain to the Library, but the rest accompany'd us to shew us the Arsenal; after which they con­ducted us to their new Fortifications. We thankt them for all their civilities, and took leave of them to return to our Inne: but it was impossible for us to oblige them to suffer us to go thither alone; and whatever resistance we made (which yet was not suitable to the civility of the Country, but they excus'd it in strangers) we could not hinder them from going along with us. They enter,d into our Inne with us, and continu'd to entertain us till Sup­per, which being brought, they sat down at the Table with us, intending, according to the custom in such cases, to pay their shot as well as we. 'Twas an honour they would needs do us, and we could not hinder it, no more then that which they did us during Supper, of sending wine to us from the Seigneurie.

Amongst the indifferent things we talkt of du­ring the time they were with us, something was interpos'd concerning the Controversies between their Religion and ours, whereof every one spoke with civility according to their principles and ca­pacities. We disputed against them in an honest freedom and sincere charity about Justification, the Popes Primacy and some other matters. F. Des­mares spoke the most on our side, and can remem­ber the things which we said on either side better then I. That which I remember best concerns the subject of this Relation; they triumpht upon the Popes Constitution against the Five Propositions; and we answer'd as much as was possible in defence of it. The Declaration which his Holinesse made to us of his intentions in our last Audience, which we open'd at length, was the best Argument we could use to this purpose; but because nothing was set down in writing concerning it in his Con­stitution, wherein the Propositions were con­demn'd in writing, this Argument did not seem to them available to justifie the Popes proceed­ing.

We intended to enter France by Dijon, and so go to Paris the shortest way, according to the coun­sel given us by M. du Plessis Presanzon at Venice; but we turn'd half a dayes Journey out of the way to see the goodly and great City of Basil; and being the Cantons were then assembled by their Deputies at Baden, which was upon the Road, M. Ʋbric gave me Letters of recommendation to both these places.

I have forgot to whom he recommended me at Baden, but I remember his recommendation was much accounted of there, and was the cause that we were invited to Supper with the Deputies of the Cantons (who did us great respect) and lodg'd as friends for that night, which otherwise we had been but very inconveniently, in regard all the Innes were full of people.

He gave me a Letter to Basil, directed to M. Buxtorf, that famous Author and Professor in the Hebrew tongue. My Collegues went to see the Town and visit the Booksellers shops; but I would not lose the occasion of seeing a man so learned in that Language. In a quarter of an hours time that I was with him at the most, he made such ra­tional reproaches to me of the vogue given in the Roman Church to the novel opinions of Molina a­gainst Effectual Grace necessary to all actions of piety, that I cannot but bear testimony thereof. He said, (and I still wonder at it) that were the Doctrine of Grace solidly establisht, and gene­rally assented to by all the Faithful, it would alone be sufficient to compose all differences, because then every one would contribute to recall their brethren to the center of the Faith and of the Church, and employ all their time therein, and sacrifice all their interests to that end. I answer'd [Page 439] that I agreed with him, that this Capital Doctrine being one of the most fruitful sources of Christian piety, humility and charity, it was certainly ca­pable to cause men to watch and pray one for another; and such as are already in the true faith, to sigh sincerely for the return of their Brethren, without imposing upon them the necessity of ac­knowledging any thing essential to the Faith, which is not so indeed; but I still saw a great Chaos between them and us which kept us asunder, and hath no reference to this matter of Grace; to wit the mysterie of the Eucharist, and the reality of our Lords Body in the Holy Sacrament of the Al­tar. He reply'd that was true, this appear'd still a great cause of separation and division; but yet if this Doctrine of Grace were well establisht eve­rywhere and unanimously acknowleg'd, means might be found to regulate and overcome the diffi­culty which I mention'd. And me thought he spoke with an accent, which shew'd in him a sincere and cordial desire of so great a good.

He enquir'd of me concerning some of my Con­freres of Sorbonne the Kings Hebrew Professors, (who were not taken for Jansenists) and having some commerce with them by Letters, desir'd me to deliver his to them: Which I readily promis'd, as well that I might perform this office to so emi­nent a man and to my Confreres, as be above the ridiculous difficulties and impertinent calumnies of certain people in this Age, who take upon them to blame the best and most sincere Catholicks for the least duties of civil Society towards those who are not of our communion, as if the same were hainous conspiracies against the Faith and the Church.

We came from Basil by Franche-Compté to Di­jon, where we left the Horses which we had ta­ken at Padua. At Dijon we took a Coach which brought us to Auxerre, where we desir'd to see M. Percheron and M. Venier, and to go by water the rest of our Voyage to Paris. M. Percheron told us newes of what pass'd at Paris according to a Letter of the 9th of August written to him by M. Brousse, which he read to us, and I desir'd him to give me. It was directed to M. M. Percheron Doctor in Theology of the Faculty of Paris, Arch-Deacon and Grand Vicar of Auxerre. And within it contain'd the following words.

Sir,

I Have receiv'd great consolation by the Letter you pleas'd to write to me of the 3d current, for which I thank you with all my heart. Touching our Messieurs who are at Rome, I have had no newes of them since their departure from thence, but I believe by this time they are in France. I know not whether M. de la Lane will go to his Abbey of Valcroissant before he come to Paris: for he hath business there, and he had so resolv'd when we pass'd that way. As for the rest, I believe you have heard how neither the Jesuites nor M. Hallier would enter into dispute; that their in­trigues having obtain'd this Bull (which sayes no­thing but what we said ever since these goodly Pro­positions were first contriv'd, as you will see in the book Of Victorious Grace) the Pope, before their departure from Rome when they went to take leave of him, assur'd them that he had no intention to touch S. Augustin's Doctrine, which is inviolable in the Church, nor Grace Effectual by it self, which is the center of all the difficulties; Whereupon our Friends answer'd, that they would all their lives defend the same Doctrine, even to the shedding of their blood; and one of them added, that it should be dearer to them then the apple of their eyes. The Pope made the same Declaration to M. Hallier with a sensible te­stimony of the learning, modesty and zeal of our Friends; insomuch that he said, he knew they had liv'd at Rome like Saints. He made the same De­claration to the Generals of the Augustins and the Ja­cobins, and also to the Ambassador who certify'd the King of it; & likewise writ word of it to the Nuntio, and we saw the Original of the Letter. So that we receive the Bull with joy, because the sense of Saint Augustin not being condemn'd (as indeed it could not be) 'tis an evidence of its confirmation, after all the intrigues of its enemies; and that which kept the Pope from pronouncing upon the Distinction of senses, was, that he could not do it without condemning Molina, which the faction of his Partisans hinder'd. For these reasons, S. Augustin is more zealously adher'd to then ever; the Bull hath only healed mens minds to defend him, and gain'd him many disciples who before were indifferent. Many Philosophical Acts in the Ʋni­versity contain no other Doctrine touching Liberty, Predestination, the state of pure Nature, the vertues of the Pagans; and nothing is heard but Elogies of Saint Thomas and Saint Augustin his Master. The Chancellor of the Arts goes every Sunday to give the Cap of Master in Arts to the Respondents, and makes admirable Elogies of those two Angels of Di­vinity, Saint Augustin and Saint Thomas. The Je­suites misse of their Markets there, and lately when in an Act of Philosophy at their Colledge, the Regent sayd Transeat to an authority of Saint Augustin, he was hiss'd by the Company; whereupon some Bishops who were present, told him he was an impertinent per­son, and rising up immediately, went out and made great complaint hereof to their Rector. You see in what condition we are; and we thank God this Bull hath yet made no Molinists, nor is it likely to make any. I believe you have seen the Distinction of the senses of the Propositions which our Friends presented to the Pope. However I send you two copies of it in French for your self and M. Verrier, because I have it not in Latin, but I will endeavor to get one for you upon thr first occasion. 'Tis a piece which deserves to be kept, and which stops the mouthes of the most obstinate Pelagians. I hope our modesty and restraint will obtain in time what our zeal could not.

I am, &c.

The shallownesse of the water in the River which goes from Auxerre to Paris, and the con­trariety of the wind kept us long from arriving at Paris; but we got thither at length, thanks be to God, in good health towards the middle of Sep­tember. So many things have pass'd concerning the Constitution since our return, that if I should undertake a Relation of them, I should engage my self upon a new Work, or at least add a new Part to this, which would be larger then any of the rest. Therefore I shall adjoin none of those [Page 440] things which are come to publick light, the Memo­ry whereof may be preserv'd to Posterity by the paines of other persons as fit or fitter to transmit the same then my self. I should not have taken upon me to collect those which I have related in this Journal, had I known any one so well in­form'd of them and able to do it so exactly. I at­tempted it because it seem'd a Work reserv'd for me alone, and I thought my self accountable for it to God and the Publick. I shall keep the same mind in those few things which I shall add of what pass'd since our return to Paris, and setting aside all those which are already known to the world, and of which it cannot be but some hand or other will one day give a Collection to the Publick. I shall speak only of such as are particular to me, and whose remembrance might be lost, if I should not here briefly set down what I know thereof.

CHAP. V.

Of the particular things which came to my knowledge after our return to Pa­ris. A Calumny spread at Rome that we had printed a book at Venice against the Popes Constitution. The Pope gives notice to the Consistory of his Constitution, and of the submission wherewith it was receiv'd. The im­prisonment of F. Nolano, falsly at­tributed to the Doctrine of Effectual Grace.

ONe of the first things that I learnt after our return to Paris was, that our Adversaries, ac­cording to their old practice of calumniating, gave out at Rome after our departure from Venice, that we staid there so long only to print a Work, to which they gave this Title, Augustinus à Pelagia­nis condemnatus; in which they feign'd, that we term'd the Pope and his Congregation Pelagians, because he had condemn'd S. Augustin by his Con­stitution; whereas we took no other care in all places where we found occasion to write or speak of it, but to manifest the respect, which the Pope had alwayes testify'd for S. Augustin, and for his Doctrine of Grace Effectual by it self; and that the Pope had real and positive intentions not to prejudice the same in any thing that he did. However, the same of this Chimerical work was spread at Rome; it came even to the Popes eares, who was greatly offended with it (as indeed he had reason, had it been true, after the satisfaction which he told us he had receiv'd by all that we de­fended in his presence, and after his so expresse and obliging Declarations to us of his right inten­tions) but he was much offended, that he gave or­der to one to collect the Titles of all Books lately writ­ten by those Messieurs (whom they call Jansenists) saying, he would answer them all. This word, a Father of the Oratory, who heard it from Rome, writ to me from Lions, September 12. in which Let­ter he likewise tells me, that a Bookseller of Lions told him that a certain person assur'd him, that he had seen some leaves of this fantastical Book, which never was (not even in Idea) saving in the head of those who invented this Calumny.

A few dayes after, viz. October. 4. the Pope held a Consistory, in which we acquainted the whole sacred Colledge with this new Constitution, and the submission and reverence wherewith he heard it was receiv'd in all parts (excepting Flan­ders) and particularly in France: and his Holiness testifi'd great satisfaction thereupon. All the Car­dinals, excepting foure or five who spoke not a word, congratulated the Pope for the content­ment which he took therein, and gave great ap­plauses to his Holinesse.

A little while after, viz. Octob. 17. I heard some newes from Rome which I shall insert by the by. The Agent of the Bishop of Angelopolis desir'd me to get the Brief which he had obtain'd against the Jesuites, printed in some work wherein it might be inserted for publick view, because these Fa­thers had bought most of the Copies at the Apo­stolical Printing-house, purposely to abolish the memory of it. Moreover this Agent hapned one day to walk in the vineyard of the Augustines, where all those Fathers wisht all sort of benedicti­ons upon all the defenders of S. Augustin's do­ctrine. And lastly, F. Campanella seeing divers of the Consultors, who had been of the Congregati­on for the Five Propositions, rewarded with pre­ferments for their pains, (as F. Celestin who was lately gone to his Bishoprick of Boiano, which the Pope had given him in the Kingdome of Na­ples) presented a Memorial to his Holinesse that he might have one likewise in the same King­dome.

F. Nolano, an able and ancient Dominican, was treated after another sort, Nov. 8. no doubt by the procurement of some persons who charg'd some great crime upon him. M. Albizzi went to la Minerve about 8. a clock at night with other Offi­cers of the H. Office; and enter'd into this Father's Chamber, to seise upon him and his Papers. There being a Writing upon his Table in the Por­tuguese language, which some body intended to print, and this Father was perusing at the request of the Master of the sacred Palace, M. Albizzi askt him whether that were the Book which he had made against the Pope's authority? F. Nolano an­swer'd him that he had been prisoner three several times amongst hereticks for defence of that autho­rity, and he believ'd this would be the fourth: M. Albizzi took away all his papers with those which he had of F. Lemos, and carri'd him to the prison del Borgo. Whence some dayes after he was re­mov'd to the prison of the Inquisition; and the good Priest who sent me this newes by a letter of Nov. 24. added that no body could imagine what might be the cause of this imprisonment; that it could be attributed to nothing but an absolute per­secution of the enemies of Christ's Grace, who had cunningly suggested to the Pope by the inter­vention of some Cardinals, that this Father talkt and writ against his authority; which not being [Page 441] found true, 'twas believ'd this falshood would be blown away, and the contrary manifested, since this Father in all his discourses and writings testifi'd greater respect then any other person to the H. See and to the person who fills it: Which caus'd a Car­dinal to tell F. Fani that their Eminences already perceiv'd that they had committed a great error; which neverthelesse would perhaps be continu'd upon reason of State; but it was hop'd God would protect the innocent, and make the au­thors of this surprisal sensible of their fault.

Our common Adversaries fail'd not to impute this imprisonmen to the zeal of this good Father in defence of our common doctrine of S. Augustin and S. Thomas touching the necessity of Grace effectu­al by it self to every act of Christian piety (M. Hal­lier alledged that it was for that he had distributed some Copies of our writing of the Distinction of senses) to discredit this heavenly doctrine and all its defenders by terrifying simple spirits with what treatment they saw we receiv'd at Rome. But besides the grounds that there are to hope that the sequel will destroy the foundations of all these artificial calumnies, and manifest that these were the sole causes of his consinement; Two or three occurren­ces at Rome about the same time evidence, that it was not this doctrin which drew this disgrace upon this Father; for the same person who writ this newes to me, tells me in the same letter of a Sermon which himself preacht the day before, viz. on Sonday the 23d. a fortnight after F. Nolano's imprisonment, in which he spoke in defence of this Grace and against the opposite error as openly and with as much vi­gour as 'tis possible to imagine.

His Letter run's thus, translated. ‘Yesterday (saith he immediately after the foregoing newes of F. Nolano) I preacht at the Oratory, and up­on that place of the Gospel, Cum videritis Abomi­nationem, &c. When you shall see the Abomination of desolution in the midst of the holy place, &c. I shew'd that this abomination is the pernicious and proud doctrine of Pelagius the forerunner of Antichrist; for as when he shall sit in the temple of God, he will have himself acknowledg­ed as if he were God himself; so the Pelagian Dogma would have it self acknowledg'd as if it were God, since it makes our Free-will not one­ly God of it self, but also God of God himself, in that it will have his Divine Majesty and power subordinate to and dependant upon its pleasure; and that to sow this error there are already come Antichrists and false Prophets, who by the pro­digious and surprising things which they do, in­deavor to lead even the Elect into error; for in­stead of teaching litle children the Catechisme, they infuse into them the grounds of the Pelagi­an heresie, as they have lately done at Spoleto. This Discourse (saith he) pleas'd the auditory; I know not whether it will be acceptable to the Molinists, and I fear least they contrive and raise some greater persecution against me then that of F. Nolano; but let his Divine Majesty dis­pose how he pleases of my person for his honour and glory.’

Now to satisfy the Reader what this Preacher meant by those false Prophets, who instead of teaching Children the Catechisme, infuse into them the grounds of the Pelagian heresie, as they had done lately at Spolelo, I must advertise him that it being the humour of the Jesuites to make ostentation to the people of every thing they were not contented to give to children whō they taught the Catechisme, the titles of the Emperor, but to do it with great pomp and fantastical formality in this little City of Italie, at their giving this charge to a Gentleman of this City nam'd il Signor Paolo Bartiletti, they bethought themselves to­wards the end of last Summer to turn the contents of the Catechisme into a kind of theses which were to be defended at the new election of this Emperor, of the Catechisme by one nam'd Viginisio Campana a native also of Spoleto, in which amongst the Maximes which these Fathers taught these chil­dren for Christian, were found these two.

The first at the third article of these Theses, and the second at the fifth.

Benche sia necessario l' esser Catholico per salvarsi dopo la sufficiente promulgatio ne dell' Evangelio, è però assai probabile che alcuni Eretici si salva­no.

‘Although since the promulgation of the Gos­pel it be necessary to be a Catholick, in order to salvation; Yet 'tis very probable that some Hereticks are sav'd.’

Dopo la sufficiente promulgatione dell' Evangelio, quantunque sia assai probabile che sia necessario neces­sitate medii il credere di più il misterio della Trinita, Incarnatione, Morte, Risurrettione di Christo, &c. Nondimeno e credibele che ancore tal uno si possa sal­vare credendo simplicemente solo, quòd Deus sit & remunerator sit.

‘How probable soever it may be that since the sufficient publication of the Gospel it is necessary necessitate medii to believe moreover the mystery of the Trinity, the Incarnation, death and Re­surrection of Jesus Christ, &c. Neverthelesse 'tis credible too that some may be sav'd onely by believing simply that there is a God, and he gives recompences.’

These Theses of the Jesuites were censur'd by the Inquisitor of Spoleto the 31. of October last, accor­ding to the Pope's order for that purpose trans­mitted to him by Cardinal Barberin. I know not whether this Preacher knew of this Censure when he made his Sermon; but the Theses were come to his knowledge; and 'twas these horrible Max­imes contrary to the first elements of Christiani­ty, that he complained the Antichrists and false Prophets taught children as their Cate­chisme.

The second of these things which I said were done at Rome in favour of the doctrine of S. Au­gustin and S. Thomas touching effectual Grace, is contain'd in a letter which the General of the Do­minicans writ to one of his Fathers, Prior of the Covent of Caën, who sent the copy thereof to M. de Sainte Beuve in a letter of his own, Nov. 24. Both which are here subjoin'd.

SIR,

I Salute you most humbly in our Lord. Some dayes before my departure from Paris I writ to our most R. F. General, beseeching him to let me know whether it were true, that the Pope had declared that he intended not by his Constitu­tion to touch the doctrine of S. Augustin and S. Thomas, or of our Schole in the matter of Grace. I received his answer dated Octob. 6. and accor­ding to my promise send you a copy of it. I must not publish it here, for fear I be taken for a Jansenist; For the Molinists building upon that Maxime, Qui non est mecum, contra me est, have declar'd and stigmatis'd all such for Jansenists in this City who do not follow their opinions touching Grace and Predestination. I beseech you, Sir, to command me if I can do any thing in this country for your service; and to experiment how much I hold it an honour to be

SIR,
Your most humble and obedient Servant in Jesus Christ. N. N. Prior of the F. F. Preachers.

Extractum ex Epistola Reverendissimi Patris Ma­gistri Generalis Ordinis Fratrum Praedica­torum.

QƲòd sparsos in Ordinem nostrum rumores male­volos occasione Constitutionis summi Pontificis supra quinque vulgatis Propositionibus attinet, non est quòd ex iis Fratres nostri turbentur ceu arundines omnem ad ventum agitatae, sed ceu columnae fidci im­mobiles fundatae supra firmam petram Orthodoxae & sanae Doctrinae Sancti Augustini & D. Thomae Eccle­siae Doctorum, fluctus illos proprio motu frangendos constanter sustineant, maximè cum tanti Doctores de haeresi aut errore nunquam suspecti fuerint, secùs verò qui eos impugnavere; & ipse summus Pontifex saepe & coram personis omni exceptione majoribus, vi­vae vocis Oraculo declaraverit, praefatarum Proposi­tionum examine aut Censura nusquam doctrinam D. Augustini aut D. Thomae, & nostram de gratiâ ef­ficaci in dubium revocari, vel minimum attingi vel­le aut debere. Quare non est quòd moveantur, sed si quid in praejudicium doctrinae Sancti Augustini aut nostrae Scholae in lucem spargitur, si impressum est, ad nos erit mittendum ut jacebit; si non impressum, au­thenticè collatum, ut hic obstruantur ora loquentium iniqua. Sed de his satis.

Lastly, the third of those things was, that the Pope recommended to another Father of the same Order, viz. F. Reginald in presence of the French Ambassador who introduc'd him at his usual audi­ence, before he went from Rome to Guyenne, (of which his General had made him Provincial) the Pope, I say, recommended to him to maintain and defend the doctrine of S. Augustin and S. Tho­mas, as I was inform'd by a letter of Octob. 23. written to me by a person who confirm'd to me how the Pope immediatly after his Constitution gave order to Cardinal Barberin to tell the Gene­ral of the Jesuites in the name of his Holinesse, that he requir'd all the Fathes of his society to be­ware of taking any advantage of his Constitution against S. Augustin or against Effectual Grace; o­therwise they would constrain his Holinesse to make some Resolution against them.

CHAP. VI.

The return of M. Hallier and his Collegues. Calumnies which they spread against me. Newes from Rome towards the end of the Year, 1653.

HAving thus exactly related the particularities of our departure from Rome and of our voy­age till our arrival at Paris, as well as the remark­able newes which I understood there after our re­turn; it remaines that I set down what came to my knowledge concerning the departure of M. Hallier and his Collegues from Rome, and their voyage to Paris; it being no lesse my purpose in this Journal to write what relates to them then to our selves in this affair.

One of the most eminent Bankers of Rome and my intimate friend, sent me word by a letter of the 25th of August, that these Doctors kiss'd the Popes feet on the Tuesday before in order to taking their leave; but his Holinesse told them he would see them again before their going; that they intended to have departed on the Sunday following, but he believ'd they would scarce set forth within a fort­night.

I understood by a letter from Lyons dated Octob. 3. that the letters from Rome of September 8. said, that they went from thence two days before; that their Complices reported that they were high­ly caress'd by the Pope, for their service to the Church, in purging it by their care from the new doctrines introduc'd into it; That M. Hallier had gotten a good Benefice, and his Holinesses no­mination for the Bishoprick of Toul; and that his Collegues were enter'd in the Dataries grand Book for Benefices vacant within six Moneths.

There was a talk also of some Medals which his Holinsse presented to them as a testimony of his good will towards them. Concerning which I shall acknowledge it certain that the Pope's Medaller, in favour and upon occasion of the new Constituti­on, made a new stampe in which the pourtrait of the Pope was on one side, and on the other a H. Spirit with this Devise about, Replevit or­bem terrarum. But whether they receiv'd these [Page 443] Medals from his Holiness's hand, or bought them of the Medaller, is a thing very uncertain, nor do the Letters written to me concerning the same, clear the doubt.

However, were it so or no, they set forth for France and travelled by the Country of the Gri­sons. M. Hallier and M. Lagault came both sick to Coire, which is the chief City, in the beginning of October, and M. Lagault dy'd there in a very short time, for whom a service was perform'd as solemn as the place permitted; the City being wholly possess'd and govern'd by those of the P. Reformed Religion; only the Church and the Bi­shops Palace and some few Houses which stand like a Cloister, wherein dwell all the Catholicks of ei­ther sex, are built upon a Hill higher then the rest of the Town. There are Capucines there who perfume the services of the Church. One of them made a Funeral Oration in the ser­vice of M. Lagault. He took those words of the Prophet Zachary for his Text, Ʋbi suut Patres Ve­stri? From which he said, he would take occasion to treat of the state of souls separated from the body, not in general, but particularly of that of this Doctor, who truly deserv'd the name of Fa­ther, because he had beee a Father to the poor by the Almes which he gave them, a Father to mise­rable persons condemn'd to death by his charitable assistance of them in their sad extremity, and a Father of the Church too, as he had testify'd du­ring his life, both by his learning, writing and o­ther Talents, but especially in his last Legation to his Holiness, before whom he had defended the cause of the Church with such zeal, that he tri­umpht over his enemies the Jansenists. He said, it was to be enquir'd in what place this Father might be; That there were but three into which Souls depart, Hell, Paradise, and Purgatory; that the soul of this Father was not to be sought in the first of these places, because he had not done the works which lead thither; that then it should be sought in Paradise, to which his good works had caus'd him to take the way. But considering that it was improbable, but that during his life he had committed some small venial sins, he must be concluded to be in Purgatory where he was a pu­rifying, and from whence he exhorted every one to help to deliver him by their prayers.

His Hearse was cover'd with black cloth, round about which were Death's-heads painted in paper and fastned thereto, and on the top there was the figure of a heart painted red in paper likewise. He was interr'd in the Episcopal Church amongst the Canons, where he expects the Resurrection, which I pray God may be as happy to him, as I wish it through his mercy to my self.

M. Hallier's indisposition detain'd him some dayes longer at Coire; but M. Joysel continu'd his Journey towards Paris, with the rest of the Com­pany that came with them to Coire.

They all pass'd by Geneva and came to Lions; and when M. Hallier was there, I was inform'd by a Letter, that he publisht such horrid calumnies there against me and my Collegues, but especially against me, that he who advertis'd me thereof, not daring to mention the same in his Letter to my self, refer'd me to another friend to whom he had written them. 'Twere to no purpose to extract them out of the Letters, for I have hitherto slight­ed them, and am contented to have suffer'd as no­torious calumnies from his own mouth in Decem­ber last when he and I hapned to meet at the house of M. de Souvre Knight of the Kings Orders, and first Gentleman of his Chamber, to whom the next day I writ the following Letter.

Sir,

HAd M. Hallier been contented yesterday in the Discourse we had together in your presence, onely to have given me the injurious and offensive words which you heard he did, I should have already forgotten them, and had no displeasure left for his having been so unmind­ful of the respect which is due to a person of your quality, and so much exceeding the bounds of the moderation requir'd in all the Actions and words of a man of his age and profession. Had he added to his injuries onely the several falshoods which he asserted with prodigious con­fidence and affectation, I should have accounted him sufficiently punish'd by being convinc'd, as I convinc'd him of part of those falshoods, & by being urg'd, as I urg'd him divers times (though he would not hear it) to choose any of those facts about which we disagreed, to be discuss'd and prov'd before you, to the end that by what should be found true of that single one, it might appear what judgement was to be made of the rest, and which of us spoke with truth and good grounds. But the horridness of the calumny, which alone I resented as soon as he utter'd it, & told him I could not but challenge him either to prove or retract, or else to pass for a bold and insolent calumnia­tour, seems to me so important and touches me so to the quick, that I cannot forbear to re­new my resentments and complaints thereof to you by writing. It constrains me, Sir, to be­seech you again most earnestly, to suffer me to press M. Hallier by the wayes of honour, either to come and justifie before you so black an accu­sation as he had the boldness to charge upon me to my face, or else to disown it as spoken in heat and without good information; otherwise, in case he declines to satisfie this my just demand, he must remain in the opinion of your self and all persons who shall hear of this Affair, a per­son convicted of calumny. Could it be suffer'd as the rest in silence, without prejudice to the e­stimation of my inviolable fidelity to the Kings service, I should constrain my patience to the ut­most, to bury it in oblivion. But since M. Hal­lier hath reproacht me in your presence to my face of having disperst Libels at Rome against the King, he would take my silence for guiltinesse, if I should not resent this hainous accusation and urge him either to retract it or make it good. I have lately perceiv'd by most certain reports of what he hath spoken of me upon several occasi­ons, that he is so incens'd against me, that I have reason to fear that he seeks to decry and mischief me by all wayes that he can. Nor can I doubt but that in a hundred places where I am not pre­sent to defend my self, he makes the same dis­courses which he dar'd to make before me in your [Page 444] hearing, Sir, who might soon know by the long experience you have had of my deportment and ancient engagements to the Kings service, how little probability there is in this accusation. God grant the distrust I have of M. Hallier's evil de­signes against me be as ill-grounded, and that his charity towards me, of which he gave you so ample a testimony at the beginning of our dis­course, be true and solid; but the speeches which he hath utter'd concerning me since his ar­rival at Paris, the leaven which remains in his heart ever since I went about, as he saith, to make him guilty of high Treason, by accusing him of having approv'd Sanctaret's book, and a design which perhaps he suspected I had at Rome, tending not so much to his advantage, have given me great grounds to conceive this distrust. Where­fore, I hope, Sir, you will approve my pro­ceeding in this case, and add this new favour to the many former for which I am oblig'd to you, that this business between M. Hallier and me may be clear'd before you, not so much in reference to my justification in your opinion (for I con­ceive you are already perswaded of my integrity) as to prevent him from venting the like calum­nies in other places against me: and I believe you will be ready to afford me the meanes to prove before all the world hereafter (if M. Hallier gives me occasion for it by continuing the like speeches) by the discussion of this fact, I am not only clear from all fault in this kind, but that he hath not the least ground to charge me with any.

But least such as may see this Letter hereafter, should imagine that there is some exaggeration in what I have spoken above in general of the other falshoods which M. Hallier vented before you, and I clearly refuted upon the place, because they see none particularis'd; give me leave to re­mind you of half a dozen of the principal, of which this good Doctor was convicted. 1. He af­firm'd as a certain thing, that we have had great intelligence, familiarity and conference with the Ministers of Geneva, and that he was inform'd hereof by the Deputy Syndic of the City; but I cut him short, by telling him, that we came not within three dayes Journey of the place, which I was ready to prove by the Messenger who con­ducted us, and by the testimony of all the Innes at which we lodg'd upon the Road that we came. 2. He call'd me a seditious person; and to prove it, said, That I had rais'd sedition upon sedition, viz. by moving sedition in our Faculty, when I saw Paris in combustion with the Barricadoes. But to refute this, I alledg'd, that the day when I made my opposition to the violation of the Sta­tutes of our Faculty (the pretended sedition wherewith he reproacht me) was the second of May 1648. and that the Barricadoes were not made till four Moneths after, to wit, the 26th of August following. 3. He contended most ob­stinately, that the Faculties Censure of the first of April 1626 against Sanctarel, was revok'd by the Faculty: And I told him, I would put it to the trial, and undertake that he could not shew me any valid act of this Chimerical revocation, but on my part, I would produce this Censure in­to the day newly extracted out of our Regi­sters 4. To lessen the shame which he receiv'd by the opposition which was made to his Syndic­ship, because he had given his approbation the same year to that pernicious Doctrine, which he also solemny approv'd again in your presence, Sir, declaring, that though he believ'd it false, he woule rather depart the Kingdom then sub­scribe to the Censure which the Faculty had made of it, because it condemn'd the said doctrine of heresie, which he said had been suppos'd, fol­low'd and practis'd by five general Councils: He affirm'd, that he had the whole Faculty for him, excepting seven young Doctors who oppos'd his Election. But I askt him, whether he accounted the Curé de S. Roch and M. Brousse young Do­ctors; and I told him that the five others who oppos'd him, were as old as himself, that is to say, of the ancientest of the Faculty. 5. He said, he had right to send F. Mulard to Rome as De­puty of the Faculty (though he added, that he did not send him) because, the Faculty had given him and three other Doctors power to prosecute the Affair before all sort of Tribunals. And I askt him whether the word quomodolibet, which they had slipt into the Faculties Conclusion, pur­posely to countenance this pretended power af­terwards, signify'd all sorts of Tribunals? And I averr'd, that in the Faculties deliberation, the question was never other then about joining in the appeal of the Irish to the Parliament, and that the Faculty had not the least thought of all sorts of Tribunals, much lesse of giving him power to send Deputies to Rome. 6. Lastly, Sir, Assoon as you were gone out of the Room, he complain'd in presence of M. de Sablonniere, and another per­son who I believe was one of your Officers, that I sent you word in the Letters which I writ to you from Rome, that the Pope had repuls'd him, and that you told the King so; both which things as you know, are equally contrary to the Truth. All the other injuries and Discourse I pass over in silence, (though I penn'd an ample Relation thereof last night, to make use of when need shall be) both because the rest may be judg'd of by those which things I have here mention'd, & because I consider that I ought not to abuse the honour of the Audience which you give me, e­specially since this Letter is only in order to my justification against the most considerable of the calumnies whereof I complain, in order to the clearing of which, I once more renew my humble Requests to you with as much instance as the dearnesse of my Reputation and my innocence require, with sentiments as full of sorrow and compassion for M. Hallier as his were violent a­gainst me; and with as much respect to your person as my obligation is to be,

Sir,
Your most humble and obedient servant, De Saint-Amour.

I sent this Letter to M. de Souvré the same day; but he not being at home, I sent it again the next, and the next after went my self to reiterate my [Page 445] Request to him, that he would oblige M. Hallier to this Conference. He advis'd me to consider the Genius of the person with whom we had to deal, saying, that he was a heady man, with whom there was no pleasure to contend because there was no moderation in him. That therefore it was best to slight what he had said, and the rather for that all who heard it observ'd that he spoke crosly and perversly without reason or discretion.

M. de Mets came to see M. de Souvré whilst I was in this discourse with him, and as soon as he was enter'd, M. de Souvré said to him, I wish, Sir, you had been here two or three dayes ago instead of to day; You should have seen M. de Saint Amour at a contest with M. Hallier, who assaulted him with a hundred frivolous accusati­ons; 'Twas a comfort and some sort of justifi­cation to me, that all M. Hallier's unworthy dis­courses had made no other impression then this. Yet I was troubled to hear this hainous Calum­ny, which concern'd my respect and fidelity to the King; and therefore I renew'd my complaint of it to M. de Mets. But he had the goodnesse also to comfort me, and tell me that I was well enough known at Court from my infancy, and that none there would entertain the least suspici­on against me for any of M. Hallier's reproaches. So that having the testimony of this Prince and of my own conscience in my favour, besides that of M. de Souvré, and the company who were with him at his House when I met M. Hallier there, I could not in reason but conform to their senti­ments.

But M. Hallier was not the onely man from whom we suffer'd in this kind. There were o­thers who strove to equal him, accusing us par­ticularly of intelligence, and conformity of opi­nions and designes with the Calvinist Ministers whom we had seen upon the way: Which Ca­lumny became so common in sundry places of France, that two Doctors, my Friends, residing farre from Paris, writ to me upon the same day to clear my self of it; I answer'd their Letters with a sincere Account how things pass'd. And one of them was so satisfy'd therewith that he sent me this following.

Sir,

YOur Letters afford me as great contentment by the justification of your procedure with the Calvinists whom you met in your Voyage, as the calumny and imposture of your, or rather S. Augustin's Adversaries, had caus'd trouble and displeasure. They who have seen your Letter, are extreamly satisfy'd with it, not only for the plain narration of the Truth which is enough to stop the mouth of Calumny, but for the delight it affords in the description of your Voyage, and the several entertainments you had with the Hereticks. I am most pleas'd with the Christian moderation wherewith you treat your Calumniators. I pray God give them the like spirit of Charity, and preserve the same in you. 'Tis, in my opinion, the most effectual way to win them, and the best course to defend Truth against those who fight against it with more heat then knowledge.

I am, Sir,
Your most humble and obedient servant Percheron.

But to end this Work, I shall add no more but the newes which I receiv'd from Rome by the two last Posts in December, 1653. by Letters of the 22th. signify'd to me.

  • 1. That F. Nolano was still in prison, though lately in a larger place, which gave more hope of him.
  • 2. That M. Albizzi publisht, that the Pope would not so soon have made his Constitution, nor in the manner he did, if we had not insisted so much for a Contradictory Audience.
  • 3. That 'twas held for certain, he would be made Cardinal at the first Promotion, and also F. Tartaglia, or he of Saint Laurence in Lucina.

The same person writ me these words by ano­ther of the 29th.

‘F. Laurence the Augustin tells me, he heard one of the Consultors for the Five Propositions say; That neither he nor his Companions ever saw the Writings which you presented to his Holi­linesse; that he knew not what they were. You see how this matter has been examin'd, though it be the most difficult and important in our Re­ligion. Be not weary of defending the Truth; and though the men of the earth persecute you, yet the Kingdom of Heaven will not fail you.’

THE CONCLUSION.

THis is an Account of all that I understood to have pass'd at Rome in the Affair of the Five Propositions: In which I know not any thing which is not most true and exact: I do not mean as to the words (for 'tis impossible to retain them so exactly, though I us'd the best care therein I could;) but as to the substance of the things re­lated. If I knew there were any one in it which trespass'd upon Truth never so little, I would expunge it; being not ignorant, that if God judges for the least unprofitable words, he will judge me more vigorously for the false which I knowingly mingle in so weighty a matter. And truly I were very wretched, if having no other design in this VVork then to honour the God of Truth, I should think to acquit my self of this duty by lying. I see not what interest could in­duce me to it, having by Gods Grace very few pretensions in the world. But whatever those in­terests may be, I am well perswaded none upon earth deserves to be much priz'd, because there is not any but must end and consequently cannot last long, as I have learnt from S. Augustin; Non est diù quod habet extremum. And according to the solidity of this sublime and certain Maxim, I should much deceive my self if I should be so unhappy as to speak the least falshood in this Work for any temporal advantages that I pro­pos'd to my self as the recompence of my Ly­ing; since, should these advantages last to the end of the world, I most clearly perceive that they should passe away with incredible swiftness, and that consequently, that being nothing can re­main for me before God of this whole VVork, but the falshoods which I may have utter'd in it, or the Testimonies which I believe I have render'd to the Truth, nothing but either of these can be of any importance to me. And through Gods mercy this is all that I have aim'd at; I consider nothing else, but look upon all the rest as already pass'd.

And in witnesse of all the contents of this Journal, which I once again acknowledge before God for true, I have sign'd and subscrib'd the same as such,
L. DE SAINT AMOUR.

AN ADDITION Made to this Journal on S. Peter's Day, 1661.

Containing, 1. An Answer of Cardinal Barberin to two Letters of mine. 2. Sundry places of F. Annat's Book intitled Cavilli, which justifie many points of this Journal 3. A Decree of the Inquisition of Rome, touching the Popes Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in the Temporalties of Kings. 4. An Advertise­ment touching several Acts of the Congregation de Auxiliis, which we caus'd to be transcrib'd and compar'd at Rome.

WHen I made this Journal, I had no purpose to add any thing beyond the year 1651. but when I re­view'd it for the Presse, I found among my Papers Cardinal Barberin's Letter of the twentieth of April, 1654. which contains an Answer to two of mine; in which, after a most sincere Declaration, that I condemn'd the Five Propositions condemn'd by Pope Innocent X. and that all our Friends did the same, I declar'd to him no lesse clearly that I was perswaded Jansenius was not the Author or Assertor of them, and that the reading of a little Tract made against F. Au­nat's Cavilli Jansenianorum had fully convinc'd me thereof. I sent him two of those Books, and desir'd him to communicate them to Cardinal Spada and Cardinal Ghiggi (now Pope Alexander VII.)

Cardinal Barberin's Answer was this.

Sir,

LAst week your letter of the 6. of March was de­liver'd to me; and this week I have receiv'd ano­ther of the 20th. Both of them are so full of goodness and civility towards me, and so lively expresse your remembrance and affection to me, that I owe you a thousand thanks for them. As for the particulari­ties in the former, I cannot but much commend your pious sentiments touching our H. F. and the resolutions which you take; highly esteeming the con­fidence which you professe to have in truths delibera­ted with mature consideration. And I am glad to understand by the other letter the issue of the last Assembly, remaining in expectation to know the passages of the next. In the mean time I shall willingly read one of the two copies which you pleas­ed to send me, and shew them to the persons you de­sire. Moreover, I hope that as you are liberal to me of your favours, you will be so likewise of your commands, which I entreat you to be, assuring you that they will be most acceptable to me, since I par­ticularly desire to let you know how much I am,

Sir,
Yours most affectionate, Cardinal Barberin.

The mention of F. Annat's book intitled Ca­villi Jansenianorum puts me in mind of the wit­nesse which he renders to the truth of two or three considerable passages in my Journal.

For he acknowledges, (1) That the Constitu­tion was already drawn, when we had our grand audience of the Pope, jam concepta definitione, p. 37. (2.) That after that Audience no Congre­gation was held to examin either what we had spoken, or the Writings which we had presented; nulla deinceps habita est Congregatio, p. 37. (3.) That we only huddled over the matter, not speaking directly to the Propositions, but altoge­ther concerning Effectual Grace. Nam cum dictu­ri essent de quinque Propositionibus, coeperunt dicere de Jesuitis. Satyram illam excepit effusa in commenda­tionem S. Augustini & gratiae per seipsam efficacis oratio, de quibus nulla erat controversia, & post longa quatuor circiter horarum fastidia compertum est nondum coepisse dicere de tribus capellis, p. 35.

Wherefore these important mattes of fact can no longer be question'd even by the most injust adversaries, after so publick an attestation by him who had the best meanes to be informed of them, and the most interest not to acknow­ledge them.

I had here ended this Addition, but that as I was closing up my papers, I cast my eyes upon a Decree of the Inquisition of Rome touching the Pope's Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in the temporal [Page 448] territory of Kings and other Soveraignes. And finding that it was made about the same time of the preceding letter, and seem'd worthy of the publick curiosity, and view, I thought fit to insert the following translation of it.

A DECREE Of the sacred Congregation of the Su­preme and universal Inquisition, spe­cially deputed by the H. See against Heresie in the whole Christian Com­monwealth.

IN this City and perhaps in other places a Manuscript in Spanish hath been publisht be­ginning with these words, His Excellence hath receiv'd a letter by the hand of the Nuncio; and ends with this; which is most agreable to the ser­vice of God, the good of soules, and upright ju­stice. The Author of which according to publick fame is BENOIST DE TREGLIES collateral of the Counsel, or Regent of the Chan­cery of Naples. And amongst other temerarious and scandalous Propositions it contains the follow­ing. The Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction belonging to his Holinesse, as Pope, out of his own temporal territo­ry, concernes Causes and Persons, and is restrain'd to Determinate Causes and Persons in whom alone it may be exercis'd. Wherefore the Territory belongs onely to the King; and as he who exercises juris­diction in a strangers territory is to demand the good leave of the Lord of the Jurisdiction of that Territo­ry; So when the Pope, having no Jurisdiction in a Territory, intends to exercise any in that of the King o­ver causes and Persons in what concerns him, he ought to let his Writs be examin'd by the Temporal Prince, that so it may be known whether the Causes and per­sons contained therein be of his Jurisdiction.

Which Proposition having been examin'd and weigh'd by the Qualificators of the supreme and universal Inquisition according to the expresse command of our H. F. Pope Innocent X. the said Qualificators with unanimous consent adjudge the same Heretical and Schismatical.

Wherefore least the Faithfull should be infected and corrupted with pernicious opinions and here­sies by the reading of the abovesaid Manuscript; The Congregation of the supreme and Universal Inquisition absolutely forbids and condemnes the said Manuscript, whether it be disperst in the Spa­nish or any other language whatsoever, under the penalties and Censures contain'd in the Table of prohibited books.

And let the Author know that he shall be pun­isht with Censures and other Ecclesiastick paines, unlesse he purge himself speedily.

John Ant. Thomasi Notary of the H. and Uni­versal Inquisition of Rome.

One thing I forgot to mention in my Journal, which is, that during our residence at Rome, one of my Collegues got sundry original pieces of the Congregation de Auxiliis (which are kept in the Library of the Augustines) carefully transcrib'd and compar'd. He also recover'd the Original writings of F. Lemos touching the disputes of that Congregation, in which volume the same wri­tings are sign'd by the hands of Clement VIII. and Paul V.

A SECOND ADDITION Made to this Journal on S. Martins day, 1662.

THe Relation given to the Assembly of the Clergy anno 1655. by the Bishop of Lo­deve, (now of Montpellier) of what Pope Innocent X. told him was done at Rome, in the affair of the five Propositions, deduces things with so little clearnesse and exactnesse, as to order and time, that when it came to my view first about a year ago, I thought it might serve in some sort to prove the substance of what is related in my Journal, and in requital my Journal might make it better understood. And this Relation having been so well approv'd by the Assembly that they desir'd the said Bishop to give it them in writing to the end it might be inserted in the Verbal Processe which they caus'd to be printed, I presume all those who have read that alone, will be more satisfi'd with it by reading it after this Jour­nal.

An Extract of the said Verbal Processe: Fryday 14. March 1656. The Archbishop of Narbonne being President.

THe ancient Agents continu'd their report, and speaking of spiritual affaires, related all that had pass'd in the reception of the Constitution of our H. F. Pope Innocent X. touching the five Propositions condemn'd by his Holinesse; as also what order they had receiv'd from my L. L. the Prelates extraordinarily assembled to this purpose, to write to the Bishop of Lodeve (then at Rome) concerning it.

Whereupon the said M. de Lodeve said, That whilst he was at Rome, he was commanded by the Assembly of Prelates held at Paris to present to the deceased Pope Innocent X. the letters which they writ to his Holinesse about the publication of his Bull; which oblig'd him to represent to the As­sembly what pass'd at Rome concerning this mat­ter during his being there; and that if the Assem­bly thought good, he would begin with the things which preceded the sending of that letter. The Assembly having approv'd this proposal, the said M. de Lodeve proceeded and reported, That in the first audience which he had of Pope Innocent X. of happy memory, 2. Jan. 1654. his Holinesse did him the honour to tell him, that he was oblig'd to the Bishops of France, and had them written in his heart, for having been the first in acknowledging the authority of the H. See in the affair of the Jansenists; That these were his Holinesses very words; and that what he was about to speak fur­ther, was very near the same language which he us'd to him, he having put it into writing at the end of his audience.

That his Holinesse further told him, That the Question of the five Propositions being presented to the Bishops of France, they refus'd to take cog­nisance of it, and said to the Presenters, Go to the Pope, to whom it belongs to decide causes of Faith. That many Bishops had written to him; That Doctors of either side came to Rome; That his Ho­linesse having ask'd Doctor Hallier whether he had any thing to say? he answer'd that he came to Rome only to understand his Holinesses sentiments, and to know the truth from his own mouth, touching the Five Propositions; and he would re­spectfully and submissively receive what he should decide, as an Oracle of Faith. That the other Doctors demanded a Hearing and liberty to an­swer to what the adverse party would alledge. At which word party, his Holinesse told them there was no party in this affair, and that the inquiry was onely to finde the truth. That then one of these Doctors made a discourse full of Invectives against the Jesuites, which his Holinesse heard with pati­ence and charity, though it was nothing to the mat­ter in question. That after this speech, another made a long Predication, which he could not fi­nish, because night superven'd, and he read in a Paper; but he said that all which they had to of­fer was contain'd in eight quires of paper which he presented to his Holinesse, and desir'd permission to print; to the end their adversaries might answer thereunto in print, and themselves aftewards re­ply. That his Holinesse receiv'd these papers, and put them with all other Acts relating to this af­fair into the hands of some Cardinals, of whom he nam'd Pamphilio and Chisi. In the mean time his Holinesse made prayers to God to be illumina­ted with his H. Spirit, and appointed prayers to be made in the City of Rome especially, by such per­sons as he knew to be of great piety. And having afterwards Assembled a Congregation of divers Cardinals, Prelates, Doctors and learned Priests, he heard them many several times discourse and give their opinions upon the matter. That God gave him the will and strength to be present at all the sittings with great patience, without weariness or trouble. That himself, who before being Pope, had addicted himself to the Law, to the judgement of Processes, and to the management of publick affaires, yet affirm'd in truth and sin­cerity, [Page 450] that he receiv'd from God so great an open­ing of mind, that aperuit sensum scripturarum, that he understood all the subtleties and difficul­ties even to the most intricate Schoole-termes; and he receiv'd so great pleasure in these Congregati­ons, that when night approacht he was sorry he could not attend them longer. The Cardinals of­tentimes told him that he took too much paines, and that this over great assiduity would do his Ho­linesse hurt; and he answer'd that it was no trouble to him, but he pitied the good old Doctors who were standing all the time.

That in fine, having throughly examin'd and recommended this affair divers times to God, he one day call'd Cardinal Chisi (then secretary to his Holinesse, and now Alexander VII. happily sit­ting in S. Peter's chaire) and having bidden him take paper and write, he dictated his Constitution to him in the same words wherein it was publish'd. That the matters were so present and clear in his mind, that it was no trouble to him to dictate it, and that he could repeat it word for word, (as accordingly his Holinesse did part of it) His Holi­nesse also assur'd him that the matter was transacted in this manner, and that he had added nothing since to his Constitution but the last Clause, which saith that his Holinesse intends not by this condemnati­on to approve the other opinions contained in the book of Jansenius. That the Pope had publish'd this Constitution, and caus'd all that had been done in this affair to be compil'd into one Volume, in the front whereof are plac'd The Letters of the Bishops of France, to serve for a testimony to Po­sterity of their respect towards the H. See. That he had caus'd this Volume to be deposited in the Ar­chives of S. Peter, after he had made an Act of Declaration in a Consistory held for that purpose. That he had sent his Bull to the King of France, and to other Princes and Bishops. That those of France had receiv'd it with honour, as also those of other Kingdomes by their example. That even the Bishops of Malines and Grant, who shew'd some tergiversation at the beginning, having understood its reception by the French Bishops, receiv'd and subscrib'd it. That this was an obliga­tion which his Holinesse had to the Bishops of France, and should preserve as long as he liv'd. That he charg'd him, the Relator, to acquaint them therewith at his return. Which injunction he, the Relator, now discharges, by most punctually relating to this illustrious Assembly the discourse which his Holinesse held to him in this first Audi­ence — The Assembly gave the Bishop of Lodeve thanks, and was so satisfied with his Rela­tion that they desir'd him to put it into writing, to the end it might be inserted in the present Verbal Processe. Which was done accordingly, as is above mention'd.

FINIS.

A CATALOGUE Of the Pieces contain'd in the Collection, according to the same order wherein they are mention'd in the Journal.

  • THe Conditions presented to the Faculty of Divinity at Paris for examining the Doctrine of Grace, (mention'd Part 1. Chap. 14.) are to be found in the Collection at Page 3.
  • The Letters of some of the Bishops of France to the Pope concerning that of M. de Vabres a­bout the Five Propositions translated into French, Part 3. chap. 1. is in Latin in the Collection at p. 5.
  • The Decree of the Inquisition of Rome (men­tion'd Part. 3. chap. 6.) importing the sup­pression of all books written on either side, up­on occasion of the Contest between the Bishop of Chalcedon and the Jesuites of England; and some other Pieces touching the same mat­ter, Coll. p. 27.
  • A Writing made and publisht at Paris and Rome in July 1651. almost two yeares before the Constitution of Innocent X. in form of a Ma­nifesto, in behalf of the Divines disciples of Saint Augustin; (mention'd Part 3. chap. 7. and elsewhere in the Journal) is to be found, Coll. p. 35.
  • A Writing of F. Morel, one of the Order of the Augustines, and Doctor of the Faculty of Divinity at Paris, full of impostures and ca­lumnies against Saint Augustin's disciples; (mention'd Part 3. chap. 8.) Coll. p. 139
  • Apologetical Memoires, in behalf of the pro­ceedings of the Ʋniversity of Paris against the certain enterprize of the Irish, (mention'd Part 3. chap. 9.) Coll. p. 126.
  • A Manuscript containing divers Resolutions of the Consultors in the Congregation de Auxi­liis, wherein the main difficulties concerning Grace are determin'd against Molina, and according to the Sentiments of Saint Augu­stin's disciples, (mention'd Part 3. chap. 10.) Coll. p 31.
  • The Letter of M. de Godeau Bishop of Vence to the Pope, (mention'd Part 3. chap. 12.) Coll. p. 6.
  • The Letter of M. de Menchal Archbishop of Tholouse (mention'd ibid.) Coll. p. 7.
  • The Letter of M. de Palafax Bishop of Ange­lopolis, (mention'd Part 3. chap. 13.) Coll. p. 11.
  • A Manuscript containing sundry Pieces about a great Contest touching absolute Predestina­tion determin'd by the Council of Trent, in the Affair of M. Grimani Patriarch of A­quileia, (mention'd Part 4. chap. 9.) Coll. p. 237.
  • Three VVritings made by a learned Dominican for Cardinal Roma, (mention'd Part 5. chap. 9.) Coll. p. 62.
  • The Letter of two of the Bishops who sent us to Rome, injoyning us not to depart from their order of solliciting the establishment of a so­lemn Congregation, in which the Parties might be heard viva voce & scripto, (men­tion'd Part 5. chap. 17.) Coll. p. 8.
  • An Act pass'd before a Notary, by M. Sinnigh Doctor of Lovaine February 22. 1647. concerning what hath been spoken of Janse­nius's book in some Audiences, which he had of the Popes Urban VIII. and Innocent X. and some Cardinals, (mention'd Part 6. chap. 1.) Coll. p. 236.
  • [Page]The VVriting made by the Dominicans to be pre­sented to Pope Innocent X. with their Me­morial to intervene in this Affair, (mention'd Part 6. chap. 9.] Coll. p. 44.
  • The new Letter written to Pope Innocent X. to­wards the beginning of March 1653. by two of our Bishops (then at Paris) to presse his Holinesse for a solemn Congregation, (men­tion'd Part 6. chap. 11.) Coll. p. 9.
  • Our Answer to the LX. passages of Saint Au­gustin cited by M. Hallier, Lagault and Joysel; wherein we shew how all of them are either impertinently, or perversly cited, (mention'd Part 6. chap. 21.) Coll. p. 89.
Pieces added to this Collection.
  • THe Speech of F. Mulard to the Pope, wherein this Vagabond Cordelier professes himself deputed to his Holinesse from the King and the Sorbonne, &c. Coll. p. 199.
  • The Votes or Suffrages of the Consultors of the Congregation of Innocent X. touching the Five Propositions, with short Notes of a Di­vine Saint Thomas's disciple, Coll. p. 144.
  • The six Disquisitions of Paulus Irenaeus, Coll. p. 157.

A COLLECTION OF SUNDRY TRACTS, LETTERS, &c. Thought fit to be subjoyn'd to the JOURNAL.

Reasons of my selection of these particular Pieces.

MY purpose not having been to annex to this JOURNAL all such Pieces as may have re­ference thereunto (for they alone would form too great a Volume) I therefore here offer the Reasons upon which I have made choyce of the following, and omitted some others which might seem to have right to a place here like­wise.

  • I. I have not doubted of the fitness of adjoy­ning such rare and curious Pieces as have not otherwise been publick, and are hard to be procur'd; as the Manuscript about the Dispute touching Gratuitous Predesti­nation determined in the Councill of Trent; Some Decisions made by the Con­gregation de Auxiliis, and other Pieces of like nature.
  • II. I have also annexed the Writings of the Dominicans mentioned Part. 6. Chap. 9. and elsewhere, because they shew not only the zeal which that Order had for the Cause we maintain'd; but also the clearnesse wherewith those Divines comprehended all the Artifices of the Molinists, and the perfect correspondency of their Sentiments with what we argu'd both before and after the Constitution, having held the Propositi­ons in the same sense with us (viz. that of Effectual Grace) and justifi'd Jansenius much more openly than we, by the same Proofs and Principles that have since been made use of for that purpose.
  • III. I have not thought fit to augment this Volume with the Writings of our Adversa­ries that have fallen into my hands, because I conceiv'd they might produce the same themselves if they judg'd it meet, and that the Abridgements which I have made of them, seem'd to me sufficient to acquaint the Reader what they were. I have been content to set down one of them at length, Part. 5. Chap. 8. which shews what sense they put upon the Propositions; their other Writings proceeding upon the same Prin­ciples.
  • [Page 2]IV. But for that their chief Weapons were Impostures and Calumnies, it hath ap­pear'd to me necessary to insert at length into this Collection the Writings of F. Morel, whereof I have spoke Part. 3. Chap. 8. because it sets forth in what manner they decry'd us at Rome, and what Impo­stures they made use of to render us odious to the Pope and Cardinals, as those that were Enemies to the H. See.
  • V. For the same reason I have added the Harangue of F. Mulard to the Pope, where­of no mention is made in the JOUR­NAL, because I had no knowledge of it whilst I was at Rome; but when I found that it was printed in the Juridical Narration of M. Fileau, I conceiv'd it requisite to be annex'd to the other Pieces as that which confirms all that I have spoken concerning the impudence of that Cordelier, who falsly styling himself Deputy from the King of the Sorbon, correspondently made a Speech to the Pope full of Lyes and Falsi­ties.
  • VI. For that the Suffrages of the Consultors have more essential connexion with the af­fair deduc'd in the Journal, than any of the other Pieces; I have also thought meet to adde to the same, though I have scarce spoken thereof before, not having been able to discover any thing of them during my residence at Rome. Yet finding them since become very common and authentick in Copies dispers'd abroad, perfectly a­greeing with that publish'd by the Bishop of Montpellier, I conceiv'd it requisite that they accompany'd the Journal.
  • VII. I have not thought fit to insert all the Writings made by us at Rome, because they would have too much swell'd the Volume, they being many, and divers of them very prolix.
  • VIII. Neverthelesse I have inserted the An­swer to the Sixty passages of S. Augustin produc'd by M. Hallier in reference to the First Proposition; because the said Answer may serve to shew what would have been the success of a Conference wherein those Passages might have been clear'd, and what reasons we had to desire it, and our Adversaries to decline it.
  • IX. Where Latine or Italian Pieces are found at length in the Journal translated into French, as sundry Memorials are, and the Speeches of M. De la Lane and F. Desmares in the audience which we had of the Pope, I have not thought needfull to repeat them in the Collection in their Original Lan­guage, partly for the sake of Compendi­ousness, and partly because I consider'd that the Journal might one day come to be translated into Latin, and then the said Latin pieces might be set in their due Place and Language.
  • X. Yet I have inserted the Letters of my LL. the Bishops, having conceiv'd my self oblig'd by respect to them not to be conten­ted with the Versions thereof, though most faithfully made and plac'd in the Journal; but to represent the same in their own words and form.
  • XI. Mention having frequently been made in the Journal of a Latine Explication of the Propositions made and publish'd at Paris al­most two yeares before the Constitution, and styled by me (as often as I had occasi­on to name it) our Latin Manifesto; I have thought the placing of it here expedi­ent for its Preservation to Posterity: because it admirably sets forth that the same doctrin was held by us both before the Constituti­on and since, namely, that Of Effectual Grace; and that the Propositions were never otherwise accounted than as things maliciously contriv'd by the Adversaries of S. Augustin's doctrine.
  • XII. The same reason hath induc'd me to annex the Conditions which were present­ed to the Faculty in Order to examination both of the Propositions produc'd by M. Cornet, and of others extracted out of Molina's Book; And because this Writing is the first of all those that are mentioned in the Journal, therefore it is likewise plac'd first in the Collection. It follows with a short Preface, wherewith it was printed soon after M. Coppin had present­ed it to the Faculty, as I have related, Part. 1. Chap. 14.

CONDITIONES Ad examen Doctrinae de Gratia oblatae Facultati Theologiae Parisiensi, apud Sorbonam Kal. Decembris congrega­tae Anno 1649.

QUi Magistri Nicolai Cornet consiliis, & rogati­oni ab ipso latae prima Julii restitere; eo du­cti animo, ne quid veritas aut B. Augustini doctrina detrimenti pateretur, ut palam esset quam non ab­horrerent a legitimo de doctrina judicio, saepius quaestionem aequis conditionibus de illa constitui postularunt. Sed postquam adeo justam petitionem nullus recipiebat, visum ipsis est e re sua fore si po­stulationis formulam conscriberent, quam defer­rent ad Facultatem, si forte de examine mentio fie­ret.

Igitur cum M. Jacobus Pereyret Kalendis Decem­bris frequentissima Facultate sententiam dicens de pace inter Doctores revocanda, censuisset discuti­endas esse propositiones illas quae totius dissensio­nis caput ac origo essent; atque ut ne quis minus mature tanta de causa statutum quereretur, totis mensibus tribus quatuorve rem expendendam; tum denique Doctores in suffragium mittendos; M. Pe­trus Coppin ne haec opinio valeret apud plurimos illius assectatores, atque etiam ne de illa ante comi­tia convenissent, ejus orationem excipiens ita lo­cutus est. Si de propositionibus illis videretur con­stituendum judicium, legem quamdam ferendam esse, ex qua tota haberetur quaestio & controver­sia finiretur; illius se non solum auctorem, sed a­lios etiam sapientissimos Doctores plurimos, quo­rum nomine loqueretur. Cum vero tabulas edux­isset e sinu in quibus descripta erant rogationis ca­pita, & jam legere inciperet, ut omnes intellige­rent in quas examinis conditiones decretum fieri vellet, repente per vim a quodam e Doctoribus e­reptae sunt. Statim de illa vi conquesti sunt M. Pe­trus Coppin, aliique plures, eviceruntque tandem sibi reddi has tabulas, quas cum M. Petrus Coppin a se per tumultum hunc legi non posse animadver­teret, ad Scribam detulit, ut eas ille publicis Com­mentariis consignaret.

Conditiones vero postulatae sunt quae nulli ini­quae videri possint. Judicium enim non defugiunt B. Augustini defensores, sed liberum postulant, grave, prensationibus non obnoxium, cujusmodi videlicet ad causam adeo difficilem & arduam diju­dicandam requiritur.

POstquam ex scriptis quae circa Magistri Nicolaï Cornet consilium edita sunt, omnibus innotuit quàm periculosè propositiones quasdam de Gratia am­biguas, aequivocas, à nullo auctore in sensu quem prae se ferre videntur assertas, vocaverit in medium, & examinandas Facultati exhibuerit; postquam satis etiam Senatûs judicio comprobatum est, quàm sapien­ter & justè omnibus hac in re actis, jam septuaginta Doctores Seculares intercesserimus & ad Senatum provocaverimus, & quantùm Ecclesiae ac Faculta­tis paci ab omni hoc examine abstinere conduceret; to­tum hoc negotium alto silentio comprimendum, ab in­ceptis cessandum, pacem reddendam spes fuerat. Ne­que verò his sic obstitimus, ut examen aequum decli­naremus, sed ut paci, & Ecclesiae, & B. Augustini auctoritati & doctrinae, quas impeti nemo non vide­bat, consultum esset. Verùm cùm quidam, quod se­mel aggressi sunt perficere omni conatu laborent, atque iterum propositionum examen à Facultate postulent; et si hoc consilium toti Ecclesiae ac summis Pontifici­bus, maximè verò Clementi Octavo ac Paulo Quin­to injuriosum putemus, ne quis tamen nos doctrinae examen ac judicium effugere putet, examen & judi­cium, si facto opus esse videbitur, non respuimus, modò cum omni aequitate fiant, atque his conditionibus à nobis propositis, sicut tanti in Ecclesia & Fide momenti res exigit.

Cùm M. Nicolaus Cornet propositiones de Gratia quas libuit & non nominato auctore primâ Julii Fa­cultati obtulerit examinandas, atque tunc querenti­bus nonnullis plura alia esse nou minùs examine dig­na, responsum fuerit, licere cuilibet alias etiam exa­minandas Facultati propositiones exhibere. Cùm, si examen aggredi placet, Christianae paci, quae non pa­rum hâc dissensione violatur, maximè conducat, ut omnis hac in re controversia quantùm fieri potest finem accipiat. Cùm querelis omnibus virorum eruditorum hinc & hinc componendis, inquiri ac dijudicari necesse sit, quis in Ecclesiam novitatem induxerit, quis ab antiqua Fidei doctrina recesserit. Cùm doceantur multa, in quibus veterum fortè errorum reliquiae la­tent: his de causis adeò justis, si exhibitas à M. Ni­colao Cornet propositiones examinari placet, postula­mus etiam ut hae inter multas alias propositiones exa­mini subjiciantur.

Propositiones ad examinandum oblatae.

I.

Molina in Concor­dia quaest. 14. art. 13. disput. 10. HOminibus qui ad filîorum Dei dignitatem nondum pervenerunt, eatenus facta est po­testas, ut filii Dei fiant, quatenus, si quantum in se est, conentur, praesto illis aderit Deus ut fidem & gratiam consequantur, neque desiderio suo fraudentur, &c. Quod si conantibus ex suis natura­libus, facientibusque quod in se est, vel ut fidem amplectantur vel ut de peccatis doleant, Deus non est semper praesto per auxilia & gratiam suam prae­venientem, ut actu sint quales ad salutem oportet, quanam ratione verum erit Deum velle omnes ho­mines salvos fieri, eaque ratione acceptum coram eo esse, ut obsecrationes, orationes, postulationes & gratiarum actiones pro omnibus hominibus fi­ant, ut eo loco Paulus docet?— Ibid. disp. sequen­ti seu 11. Cum itaque Deus sua scientia praevideat quinam ex his qui au­dituri sunt Evangelium, conaturi sint ex suis naturalibus ad assensum esiciendum ut tenentur, & qui non; sane ut a peccato non ex­cusentur, qui assensum fidei supernaturalem non elicuerunt, satis est Deum suo auxilio & gratia praesto esse ad praeveniendum in eodem instanti, quoscunque viderit ex suis naturalibus ad assensum conaturos.

II.

Idem Molina in Concordia quaest. 14. art. 13. disp. 40. Sect. Antequam. Divisio auxilii sufficientis in efficax & inefficax sumitur ab ef­fectu, qui simul ab arbitrii liber­tate pendet.— Auxilia praeve­nientis atque adjuvantis gratiae, quae lege ordinaria viatoribus conferuntur, quod efficacia aut inef­ficacia ad conversionem seu justificationem sint, pendent a libero consensu & cooperatione arbitrii nostri cum illis; a [...]que adeo in libera potestate no­stra est vel illa efficacia reddere consentiendo, & cooperando cum illis ad actus, quibus ad justifica­tionem disponimur, vel inefficacia illa reddere con­tinendo consensum & cooperationem nostram, aut etiam e [...]ciendo contrarium dis­sensum.— Idem quaest. — art. 4. & 5. disp. 1. memb. 6. Sect. Non­nulli hanc doctr. asse­runt. Dicere autem auxilium ex modo motionis Di­vinae & ex Deo ipso habere quod sit efficax, ut quoties per illud Deus movet liberum arbitrium, consentiat & cooperetur ad salutem, quoties per illud auxilium efficax non movet liberum arbitri­um, non consentiat, neque cooperetur ad salu­tem, certe non dubitarem sententiam hanc, erro­rem in fide appellare. Ibid. Sect. Certe. Si arbi­bitrium nostrum ab efficacia Di­vini auxilii habet quod consentiat vel non consentiat Deo vocanti, & cooperetur aut non cooperetur ad salutem, perseveret aut non perseveret in gratia; certe non ab innata & pro­pria libertate pendet, sed a qualitate auxilii & motionis divinae; non est quod homini cedat in laudem & meritum, quin potius periit omnino liber­tas arbitrii ad salutem.

III.

Idem quaest. 23. art. 4 & 5. disp. 1. memb. 6. Sect. Octava [...]. Sumpta in particulari prae­destinatione cujusque adulti, quae reipsa jam ex aeternitate fuit in Deo, ratio seu conditio sine qua in Deo non fuisset praedicta praescientia, est quod adultus ipse pro sua libertate ita cooperaturus est per suum arbitrium, ut ad vitam aeternam perveni­at, sic etiam ab hoc ipso simili modo fuit dependens, quod reliquum quod eadem praedestinatio includit, vel sortiretur rationem praedestinationis, vel reti­neret solum rationem providentiae circa illum in beatitudinem.

IV.

Idem quaest. 14. art. 13. disp. 19. memb. 6. Sect. Sexta ratio. Auxilia in se non superna­turalia (per quae in quocunque eventu insurgenteque quacun­que difficili passione aut tentati­one, in potestate arbitrii humani esset non succum­bere, legemque per id temporis implere) conferen­da fuissent generi h [...]mano instatu naturae lapsae, eti­amsi per Christum non foret [...]edimendum.

V.

Assertio 17. Cen­sum Lovanientis. Quod applicatio talis reme­dii (baptismi videlicet) his vel illis ob aliqua impedimenta oc­currentia fiat impossibilis, non est Deo imputan­dum, quia non ordinat ut non possit applicari, vel ut talia impedimenta occurrant, sed tantum per­mittit secundum communem cursum rerum, sicut permittit peccata.

VI.

Quaest. 14. art. 13. disp. 53. memb. 4. Sect. Ut ad argum. Ratio viatoris simul & com­prehensoris in Christo, a puncto conceptionis ipsius in utero Virginis usque ad animae exal­tationem in Cruce in eo fuit posita, quod animae gloria ita contineretur, ut voluntas Christi perin­de esset libera ad praecepta implenda vel non im­plenda, ac si eam gloriam non haberet, sed esset purus viator.— Ibidem. Nihil im­pedientibus capitibus aliis quae commemorata sunt, libertatem reipsa habebat ad non faciendum ea quae facere ex praecepto tenebatur.

VII. Molinae de seipso & de B. Augustino judicium.

Molina in Concor­dia quaest. 23. art. 4 & 5. disp. 1. memb. ult. Sect. Nos pro nostra. Si quae nos pro nostra te­nuitate ad conciliandam liberta­tem arbitrii cum Divina gratia, praescientia & praedestinatione tradidimus, data explanataque semper fuissent, forte neque Pelagiana haeresis fuisset exorta, neque Lutherani tam impudenter arbitrii nostri libertatem fuissent ausi negare, ob­tendentes cum Divina gratia, praescientia, & prae­destinatione cohaerere non posse, neque ex Augu­stini opinione, concertationibusque cum Pelagia­nis, tot fideles fuissent turbati, ad Pelagianosque defecissent; facileque Reliquiae illae Pelagianorum in Gallia, quarum in Epistolis Prosperi & Hilarii fit mentio, fuissent extinctae, ut patet ex iis, in qui­bus homines illos cum Catholicis convenisse & ab eis dissensisse eaedem Epistolae testantur. Concerta­tiones denique inter Catholicos facile fuissent compositae.— Idem quaest. 23. art. 4 & 5. disp. 1. memb. 6. Sect. Quo­ad Angustinum. Interim vero dum sub ea quasi caligine D. Augustinus ad hoc non attendit, scilicet fuisse prae­destinationem & reprobationem non sine praesci­entia qualitatis usus liberi arbi­trii.— Idem quaest. 23. art. 4 & 5. disp. 1. memb. ult. Sect. Lon­gior. Longior fui in hac disputatione, quam optaram, &c. Quia tamen res est magni momenti ac valde lubrica, & haec nostra ratio conciliandi libertatem arbitrii cum Divina praedestinatione a nemine quem viderim huc usque tradita:

VIII.

Ex scriptis Profes­soris Theologi Parisien­sis. Opiniones Sancti Augusti­ni in Baio damnatae a Pio V & Gregorio XIII, & opiniones Molinae declaratae a Clemente VIII contrariae do­ctrinae Sancti Augustini. Ab iisdem Pio V & Gre­gorio XIII Propositiones contrariae doctrinae Mo­linae damnatae judicio Pontificio, & a Clemente VIII & Paulo V opiniones Molinae tantum decla­ratae sunt contrariae doctrinae Sancti Augustini, nec nisi judicio doctrinali, sed nusquam damnatae. Molinae opiniones examinatae sunt juxta loca quae­dam Augustini, quibus visae sunt esse contrariae; si vero expensae fuissent juxta alia loca Sancti Augu­stini, non ita causa cecidissent Molinae propugna­tores. Quomodo potuisset velle Clemens VIII damnare eas opiniones contrarias doctrinae Sancti [Page 5] Augustini in materia de Auxiliis, qui probe norat in Bulla Pii V contineri multas propositiones ex operibus Sancti Augustini, quae quamquam aliquo pacto sustineri possent, tamen in vero sensu dam­natae fuerant.

Ex una parte S. S, M. M. N. N. Chastellain & de Saintebeuve quatuor Doctores ex qua placebit domo & familia seligant, ex altera parte S. S. M. M. N. N. Pereyret & le Moyne, vel si placet alii, se­ligant pariter quatuor, ut selectihi duodecim proposi­tiones omnes examinent; liceat verò duobus seligenti­bus, vel sui, vel cujusvis è sua parte absentis loco alium sufficere.

Illustrissimus D. Coadjutor Parisiensis Doctor Sor­bonicus, etiam atque etiam rogetur adesse ac praesse his collationibus, qui praesentia ac auctoritate suâ in his ordinem, concordiam, disputationum leges ser­vari procuret. Duo & Domino Coadjutori Praesules Facultatis Doctores adjungantur, sicut & nuper in collatione facta cum Ludovico Cellotio observatum fuit, qui vel mutuo utriusque partis consensu seli­gantur, vel suum utraque pars seligat.

Nulla his in collationibus, sententiis quae B. Au­gustini esse, vel cum illius Doctrina necessariò connexae demonstrabuntur, erroris, falsitatis, temeritatis aut quaevis alia nota affigi possit, nec ulla testimonia nisi apertis libris laudari.

Eorum quae ex utraque parte dicta fuerint, proces­sus verbales fiant per Scribam Facultatis, qui in fine singularum collationum recognoscentur ac subscriben­tur ab utraque parte, atque etiam ab Illustrissimo D. Praeside, ac typis mandabuntur, & singulis Doctori­bus Facultatis exemplar concedetur,

His omnibus collationibus peractis à Doctoribus ex utraque parte selectis, referatur ad Facultatem prae­sentibus Illustrissimis D. D. Praesulibus quid in iis actum fuerit: postea legantur coram Facultate uni­versa processus verbales collationum; tum de proposi­tionibus examini subjectis judicium fiat. Nulli verò Doctori liceat de his propositionibus deliberare ac de­cernere; nisi antè affirmet se processus omnes verbales collationum attentè & privatim extra comitiorum aulam legisse atque maturè ponderasse. Atque cùm in nonnullis Facultatis negotiis ad suffragiorum non pluralitatem, sed duas tertias partes, concludi cau­tum usitatumque sit, sicut & nuper in dispensatio­num causa renovatum est. Cùm nulla antiqua Fa­cultatis Censura proferri possit, quae plurimis Do­ctoribus reclamantibus decreta fuerit, at semper u­nanimi vel quasi unanimi consensu. Cùm haec materia quae ad judicium vocatur, tam magni momenti sit ad difficillimas & gravissimas de gratia, libero arbitrio, ac praedestinatione Sanctorum quaestiones spectans, ad inscrutabilia Dei judicia inquirenda revocans, Theo­logiam universam pervadens. Cùm tot in Ecclesia e­ruditissimi Theologi quaestiones has magnâ hinc & inde animorum contentione exagitent. Cùm tot Facultatis Doctores in partes divisi sint. Cùm tale judicium ferri necesse sit, quod omnes non difficulter admittant. Cùm aequum minimè videatur alicujus doctrinae de­fensores, seu propositionem aliquam erroris vel haere­seos notâ perstringi, si vel unius vel paucorum suf­fragio inter plurima damnatio superet, quando à mul­tis Doctoribus vel Theologis Orthodoxis maximè Fi­dei rectae consentanea judicatur ac acerrimè defendi­tur. Cùm periculum sit ne in hac Fidei causa à tot seculis agitata, etiam coram ipsis Summis Pontifici­bus, qui perpetuo doctrinam B. Augustini compro­bârunt ac sanxerunt, oppositaque illi adversariorum sensa damnaverunt, alicujus sententiae defensores damnati damnantibus non cedant, si se unius vel paucorum suffragio victos vident, ubi fortè ducenti judices stare debent, unde maximae & perniciosae in Facultate & Ecclesia dissensionis periculum creare­tur. Atque etiam ut magis factioni, partium studio, artibus humanis non parum hac in causa (fidei licet) metuendis locus eripiatur, proponimus ac postulamus, ut nulla vel hinc, vel inde Propositio damnari possit, aut quâvis censoriâ notâ affici, nisi damnatio duabus tertiis suffragiorum partibus excedat. Si quid exa­minari placet, has conditiones proponimus & admit­ti postulamus. Si quid secus fiat, deliberetur, exa­minetur, judicetur, intercedimus. Ʋt factione & par­tium studio, non veritatem sincerè inquirendi causâ sicut Christianos Doctores decet, sed opinionem suam praefracte ac pertinaciter (ut de fide) statuendi, a­nimo factum asserimus. Ʋt nullum, irritum, abusi­vum protestamur. Atque si aliquas propositiones exa­minari placet, ac tam necessarias & legitimas leges non admitti, provocamus ad Senatum, qui de illa­rum conditionum à nobis propositarum aequitate & ne­cessitate judicet ac decernat.

The Letters of my LL. the Bishops of France, the version whereof is insert­ed in such places of the Journal, where they fall in by course.

A Letter of the Bishops to the Pope, which occurs translated into English, Part. 3. Chap. 1.
Beatissimo in Christo Pa­tri Innocentio Papae X. Romam.

It was thus di­rected;

The Contents follow:

Beatissime Pater,

COllegae quidam ac Fratres nostri Reverendis­simi dederunt ad Te literas de re gravissima difficillimaque, uti nobis compertum est. Orant videlicet Sanctitatem Tuam, ut perspicuam & apertam sententiam ferat de iis maxime positioni­bus, quae superiori anno Parisiensem Scholam in­genti contentione, nullo fructu commoverunt. Nec vero secus evenire potuit, cum & ad libi­tum fictae, & ex ambiguis vocibus concinnatae, aliud per se nihil quam animorum jurgia, & pug­nantium, ut fit in aequivocis, interpretationum dissidia natae sint procreare. Porro quod spectat ad Fratrum nostrorum Reverendissimorum hac in parte consilium, minime id quidem (si dicen­dum est ipsorum cum bona venia) probari nobis potuit. Praeterquam quod enim Divinae gratiae praedestinationisque tractatio ardua est admodum, [Page 6] vehementique ingeniorum aestu agitari solet, tum aliis quoque praecipuis de causis non satis tutum pro tempore censuimus tantam litem definiri ni so­lemni sorte (quae Collegarum nostrorum mens esse non videtur) & ad Majorum norman instituto judicio, hoc est vocatis & auditis ambabus parti­bus, ut non pridem sub oculis piae memoriae Cle­mentis VIII. & Pauli V. factitatum est, rem totam placeat a fontibus & ex integro ventilare. Etenim aliter si agatur, utrivis demum damnati sint, inau­ditos se & calumniam passos invidiose clamitabunt; quin & forsitan causae cognitionē nullo praeeunte concessu Synodali delatam ad Te succensebunt; & aequitatem querimoniae suae antiqui moris praejudi­cio exemplo (que) defendentes, Alexandrinam Syno­dum adversus Arium, Constantinopolitanam ad­versus Eutichem, Carthaginensem & Milevitanam adversus Pelagium, & in hoc argumento Valen­tinam Lingonensemque nostras, & alias pariter adversus alios memorabunt. Et revera, Beatissi­me pater, si propositiones istas ad examen et ju­dicium vocari expediret, judiciorum ordo legiti­mus Ecclesiae totius, tum maxime Gallicanae nostrae consuetudo postulat, ut primum a nobis majores ac difficiles, quae apud nos ortae sunt, questiones dispiciantur. Aequum esset hic perpen­dere an istae, de quibus ad Sanctitatem Tuam que­rimonia delata est, Propositiones pro libito fictae fuerint ad excitandam invidiam, ciendosque tu­multus; quibus in libris, quibus auctoribus, quo sensu assertae, audire hinc et inde contenden­tes; inspice opera varia circa easdem propositio­nes apud nos edita; sensus veros, falsos, am­biguos discernere; quaecunque de his nostris in partibus gesta sunt, ex quo de istis assertionibus controversum est, dignoscere; tum vero quae de hac fidei causa a nobis acta & decreta essent, ad Sedis Tuae notitiam referre, ut tota hujus auctori­tate justa quae fuerit pronuntiatio firmaretur. At apud Sedem Tuam nullo nostro praeeunte hac in causa examine ac judicio, quot potest artibus ve­ritas opprimi? quot calumniis Praesulum ac Do­ctorum existimatio pulsari? quibus insidiis Sanctitas Tua in hoc maximo fidei negotio circum­veniri? Ab iis quidem in quorum gratiam Fratres nostri Reverendissimi ad Sanctitatem Tuam scrip­serunt, firmiter pertinaciter (que) dicitur sibi plures ex recentioribus Scholasticis favere, suam (que) doctrinam maximae esse Divinae bonitati & naturalis rationis aequitati consentaneam. Ab iis vero qui se totos Augustino tradunt, non obscure sed propalam jactitari notum est, rem de qua agitur non in me­dio positam, finitam causam aiunt, confectum pridem negotium; veterem esse Synodorum, Ro­manorumque Pontificum certissimum calculum; decretta obvia & aperta Tridentinae maxime, quam totam asserunt pene ut Arausicanam, ex Augustini conflatam vocibus ac sententiis; ut no­strum scilicet Tuumque judicium non metuen­dum sed exoptandum sibi dicant, plane sperantes sanctitatem Tuam ductu & afflatu Divini Spiri­tus, qui te & regere consulentem & orantem ex­audire dignatur, a Patrum placitis nec latum unguem discessuram, ne Apostolicae, quod absit, & Romanae Sedis existimatio apud Haereticos di­ctis ejus & factis insidiantes in contemptum abeat. Id porro nunquam fore tum praecipue confidimus si videbitur Sanctitati Tuae Praecessorum Tuorum vestigiis insistenti, re tota penitus inspecta, & auditis ut solet contendentibus partibus, omnem deinceps altercandi segetem amovere. Age igi­tur, Beatissime Pater, gravissimam litem quae a multis jam saeculis Catholicae unitatis nullo dispen­dio hucusque perduravit, vel paulisper etiamnum patere ac sustine; vel causam hanc totam ex so­lemni judiciorum more expende. Ac ne quid detrimenti capiat, quae Tibi credita est Christiana Respublica, etiam atque etiam vide. Deus Te felicem & incolumen servet in annos plurimos Sanctissime in Christo Pater.

Sanctitatis Vestrae
Humillimi atque obsequentissimi Servi ac Filii. Sic subscriptum in variis exemplaribus.
  • In primo,
    • Ludovicus Henricus de Gondrin A. Seno­nensis.
    • B. Delbene Ep. Aginnensis.
    • Gilbertus Ep. Convenarum.
    • Le Beron Ep. Valentiensis & Diensis.
    • A. Delbene Ep. Aurelianensis.
    • Bernardus Episcopus Sancti Papuli.
    • I. Henr. de Saltette Ep. Lescariensis in Bearnia.
    • Felix Ep. & C. Catalaunensis.
  • In altero.
    • Franciscus Ep. Ambianensis.
  • In tertio.
    • Henricus Ep. Andegavensis.
  • In quarto.
    • Nicolais Episcopus & C. Bellovacensis.

A Letter of my L. the Bishop of Grasse, now of Vence to the Pope, which is found trans­lated into English, Part. 3. Chap. 12.
Sanctissimo Patri Inno­centio Papae X. Roman.

The Address was thus:

The Letter it self contain'd these words.

Beatissime Pater,

NOn sine magno dolore nostro audivimus scriptum nuper ad Sanctitatem Vestram de quibusdam Propositionibus, sollicitatumque judicium Vestrum de exortis inde controversiis. Non quia doleamus adiri supremum tribunal, sed quia id ita factum est priva­tim, & ab uno tantum è nostris Fratribus carissimis, qui alios ad subscribendum impulit, non communica­to invicem consilio, nec collatis suffragiis, aut indi­cta Synodo, nedum re proposita in Comitiis Cleri Galli­cani, quae opportune per id temporis haberi contigerat. Optamus certe, Beatissime Pater, & quidem ex me­dullis animae, extingui istarum controversiarum flam­mas omnes, sed neque id dissimulare possumus Sancti­tati Vestrae, vereri nos non mediocriter ne minùs frigi­da quàm oleum quaeratur huic incendio, revocandaeque pacis obtentu acriùs etiam sententiarum bella ferveant. Quid enim nunc agitur? proponuntur Sanctitati Ve­strae propositiones quinque, eaedem prorsus [...], quae ante annos duos propositae sunt Facultati Theologiae Parisi­ensi. Et à quarum judicio eadem Facultas abstinuit & pacis causâ, & quòd animadverteret eas ut sunt sin­gulae sensus ambigui & ancipitis, nullo ex certo aucto­re [Page 7] illis ipsis quibus conceptae sunt verbis excerptas fuis­se; ita ut de industia ab adversae sententiae asseclis, ideò confictae viderentur, ut in perversum aliquem sensum faciliùs torqueri possent. [...]is de causis facile praevidit Facultas rerum prudentissima, nihil nisi periculosè admodum statui posse de Propositionibus hujusmodi, ne scilicet in earum censuram non Cornelii Jansenii, cu­jus nomen verbo tenus praetendi existimabat, sed quod calamito sius est, ipsius Divi Augustini atque adeò to­tius Ecclesiae, quae Augustini judicio in causa Gratiae constanter adhaesit, doctrina incurrisse videretur. Id ve­rò quanto malo fieret, & quàm parum reverenter id postuletur à Sanctitate Vestra, apud quam tantus est Augustinus, solus is nescit, qui Ecclesiae & Christi gratiae hostes nescit uno victore Augustino triumphatos. Ne quid igitur mali, harum propositionum ancipitibus verbis conceptarum obtentu, tanto Doctori creetur, id efflagitamus summopere uti placeat Sanctitati Ve­strae facere dicendi potestatem utriusque sententiae pa­tronis ac vindicibus, quemadmodum & potestas eadem facta est in re eadem a Clemente VIII. & Paulo V. beatissimae memoriae Pontificibus, ne quis in hac causa, qua non alia gravior, damnatus esse putetur inaudi­tus, latoque judicio omnium animi facilius & luben­tius acquiescant. Hoc à Te, Beatissime Pater, nos Sanctitatis vestrae observantissimi, per eam charitatem qua Pater es, per eam aequitatem qua judex es, per eam eruditionem qua Doctores, per Ecclesiae denique conjuncta cum tanto Doctore pericula, atque in iis maxime controversiis communem utriusque semper causam (ut docti omnes intelligunt) humillimi postu­lamus. Perge interim quod pergis, Beatissime Pater, atque in eo rerum fastigio, ad quod Vestram Sancti­tatem evectam gaudemus boni omnes, pro Ecclesiae fideliumque omnium salute semper & diu salvus ex­ [...]uba.

Sanctissime Pater,
Obsequentissimus & devotissimus filius & servus Antonius Ep. Gras­sensis & Venciensis.

A Letter of Monsigneur de Monchal Archbishop of Tholouse to the Pope, whereof the Original remains in my hands, and mention is made Part 3. Chap. 12.
Innocentio Papae X. summo Pontifici Roman.

The Direction was thus,

And the Contents thus,

Beatissime Pater,

CUm excitatae olim de Divina gratia contenti­ones nuper renatae, in Scholis nostris, maxi­meque Parisiensibus cum magno ingeniorum aestu incaluerint, atque in dies magis magisque exar­descant, partis alterius antesignani capitula quin­que concinnarunt, quae, si unum dempseris, nus­quam extare pars altera affirmat, quae tamen si Sanctitas Tua Censura notarit, non modo grande momentum suae causae accessurum, sed etiam pra­va animorum certamina sisti posse arbitrantur Quod ut facilius exequantur, literas nomine E­piscoporum Galliae composuerunt, quibus Te, Sanctissime Pater, ut de re omn [...]um gravissima pronuncies etiam atque etiam rogant. Id si obti­nuerint, rem a se strenue gestam, confectumque negotium sibi persuadent. Caeterum illius episto­lae subscriptionem a multis Reverendissimis Epi­scopis impetrarunt illi; vel etiam per amicorum aut Procerum gratiam expresserunt, ne dato quidem plurimis otio ad quaestiones tanti momen­ti & ram reconditae eruditionis expendendas. In­usitatum atque hactenus in Ecclesia inauditum id mihi v [...]sum, ut privatim singuli tanquam habito consilio suffragia mitterent, cum maxime Ordinis nostri concessus Parisus haberetur. Itaque rogatus recusavi nomen meum huic Epistolae addere, non quidem me praestare caeteris ratus, verum exem­plum sequutus plurimorum Praesulum qui pietate & doctrina celebrantur, qui post fusas ad Deum preces, & imploratum in negotio tanti momenti Divinum auxilium rem maturius perpendendam, neque a Sanctitate Tua flagitandum existimarunt, ut in praesentiarum de ea controversia apertam sententiam ferat, quam Praedecessores tui, sapi­entissimi Pontifices in medio reliquerunt. Nem­pe intellexerunt disputationum jurgia neglecta vanescere, coercitione exasperari, quemadmo­dum quibusdam morbis contingit qui sponte solve­rentur, & adhibita curatione graviores fiunt. Ego vero, Sanctissime Pater, mei esse muneris censui in re tam ardua, & quae ambitiosa omnium studia excitavit, mentem meam, & quid e re Christiana existimem, in medio partium constitu­tus, & utrinque rogatus aperire. De abditis quaestionibus & multa difficultate implicatis inter pios, doctos, Catholicos (que) homines quid vetat quae­ri, salva Ecclesiae pace? Aut cum eo loco posita sit Respublica Christiana, quis opportunum remedi­um ponat ad sedanda animorum incendia in gravi censura & proscriptione ingeniorum? Pleraeque omnes Facultates Theologiae sic affectae sunt, ut quam semel hausere sententiam, mordicus re­tineant ac tueantur, aliis veteres, aliis recen­tes, aliis simul omnes sive Romanos Pontifi­ces, sive Synodos obtendentibus, suasque in partes acerrime trahentibus, ut non immerito formidandum sit, ne si quid Sedes Apostolica de­creverit, id qui damnati fuerint, vel damnari visi, non ea qua par est animi reverentia suscipiant. Quid? quod assertorem suae sententiae laudant omnes Augustinum? cujus summa est in hoc ar­gumento auctoritas, quam illi cum tot encomiis Scholarum consensus, decreta Summorum Ponti­ficum, Concilia & Ecclesia universa tribuerunt. Ut si vel minimum imminuta fuerit, verisimile sit defensores non ei defuturos, cum tot Ordines Religiosi sub vexillis ejus militent, tot Scholae in ejus verba jurarint, quae in illius placitis per­severabunt, & levibus distinctiunculis sententiae invidiam eludent. Quod si forte contingeret, Religionis Romanae hostes, quasi de erepto no­bis, sibique parto tanti Doctoris suffragio, immane quantum gloriarentur. Verendum etiam est ne antiquae Ecclesiae auctoritas novae decretis adversa (quod Deus avertat) videatur. Addam denique [Page 8] minime monitam Sanctitatem Tuam quemadmo­dum, vel quam in partem propugnari velint theses de quibus judicium Apostolicum postulatur, illi qui eas asserere existimantur. Quod tamen ni diserte notatum fuerit, quidquid illa edixerit, neminem feriet peculiariter, & quo loco contro­versia est, ut prius suspensa atque indecisa perpe­tuo remanebit. Nihil mihi igitur tutius videtur in hac controversia, Beatissime Pater, quam si Sanctitas Tua Decessorum Tuorum vestigiis inhae­reat, eorum prudentiam & aequitatem aemuletur, concitata dissidia vel penitus indecisa relinquat, vel si placet, in tempus opportunius differat, quo postquam ingenia deferbuerint, vocatis & auditis partibus, ut a Clemente VIII. & Paulo V. sapien­tissimis Pontificibus nuper est factum, tanti pon­deris controversiam excutere liceat ac definire, profundo interim utrique parti indicto silentio. Meum hunc animi sensum aperio, unam habens (ut quidem aestimo) prae oculis Divini Numinis gloriam, Ecclesiae pacem, & Apostolici Throni auctoritatem, cujus Te honori Deus ad an­nos plurimos servet incolumem.

Sanctissime in Christo Pater,
Tuus humillimus & obsequentis­simus Servus, Carolus Archiepiscopus Tolosanus.

A Letter which my LL. the Bishops writ to us Nov. 28. 1652. and which is seen translated into English, Part. 5. Chap. 17.
Doctissimis Clarissi­misque viris DD. de Lalane, de Saint A­mour & Angram, Sacrae Facultatis Parisien­sis Doctoribus, nostris ad Summum Ponti­ficem Innocentium X. Deputatis Romam.

The Direction of it was,

The Contents follow.

ETsi novis quotidie testimoniis experimur [...] (Viri Claririssimi) eos esse vos quorum fidei, doctri­nae, constantiae summa gravissimarum rerum mo­menta tuto committi queant, neque vos aut nostro de vobis judicio aut publica fama inferiores de­monstretis, ipsa tamen totius Ecclesiae causa faci­le persuadet, ut quos literis nostris instructos, commendatione munitos, auctoritate fretos ad Apostolicam Sedem deputavimus, eosdem crebris adhortatibus incitemus. Accepimus equidem, primisque vestris in hac controversia laboribus exploratum habemus, quam vobis curae fuerit totam hanc pro communi fidelium pace institutam concertationem a Sancti Augustini defensione au­spicari, eamque auctoritatem propugnare quam Romani Pontifices magno semper in loco posue­runt, nonnulli homines incredibila audacia scan­dalique & publicae offensionis plena per totam Galliam conculcare non verentur. Si enim Apo­stolica vigilantia prospexit Coelestinus ne Sanctae recordationis Praesul inter Magistros optimos eti­am a suis Praecessoribus habitus in Massiliensium Presbytetorum contemptum incideret, nunquid aequum est graviori discrimini idem adhiberi reme­dium, dumque non pauci vel in Sacerdotali gradu vel sub religiosa veste adversus S. Augustinum auda­cius debacchantur, quā in illum olim insurrexerint Semipelagiani, nonne ab eadem Sede merito illi accersendum est patrocinium, a qua praecipuum pondus auctoritatemque desumpsit? ut ergo id a vobis & prudentissime susceptum, & eruditissimis scriptis assertum gratulamur; sic fore confidimus ut non solum quod in mandatis habere recordami­ni, sed etiam illo ipso ordine quem omnino neces­sarium sumus arbitrati, observare studeatis. Ne (que) vero esset quod vos in Officio constantes iterum moneremus, nisi publice apud nos gloriarentur quotquot Molinae causam agunt, eo se disputatio­nis cursum torquere, ut suam quisque sententiam Romae seorsim tueatur: nulla fiat inter utramque partem coram nominatis consultoribus collatio, imo ne ulla quidem scriptorum ultro citroque communicatio. Quod quidem licet nullis certis disseminetur auctoribus, tanto tamen ardore per Lutetiam alias (que) Galliarum civitates ab illis spargi­tur, ut neglexisse prorsus Religionis causam vide­remur, nisi vos ad illud idem praestandum adhorta­remur, a vobis prudentia summa pari (que) studio geri non dubitamus. Et vero cum Memoriale Sanctissi­mo Domino a vobis exhibitum accepimus, vidimus confestim constitutum vobis esse a demandata provincia ne latum quidem unguem discedere, atque illud ipsum exequi, quod fidei vestrae solertiaeque credideramus. Cum autem Beatissi­mus Pater, nostram simul ac vestram petitionem vobis annuit, spem nobis immisit certissimam, eam se sopiendi viam inire velle, quae Deo glo­riam, Ecclesiae tranquillitatem, fidelibus quie­tem esset facile paritura. Quid enim diversa sen­tientibus & Apostolicae Sedis judicium imploran­tibus optatius debeat utrimque contingere, quam si amica disputatione veritas extundatur, jamque vagis rumoribus & humanis artibus nullus locus supersit, omnia ad veritatis lucem & in ipso Ro­mani culminis splendore explorentur? Quid vero persuadendis illis opportunius excogitari queat, qui nullis partibus addicti vacuam ab omni praeju­dicio mentem servant, & illam ipsam sententiam sese amplexuros profitentur, quam post solenne judicium Summus Christi Vicarius Catholicam declarabit, quis afflictae innocentiae perfugium obstruat, neque sinat Catholicos Praesules, Pres­byteros, Religiosos homines mille indignissimis calumniis exagitatos fidem suam coram ipsis accu­satoribus defendere, falsa quae tueri finguntur dogmata diro anathemate detestari, ipsosque contradicentium dolos retegere? At satis ipsa per se pocurabit Apostolica Sedes ut veritas ab omni­bus technis & ambagibus extricata elucescat? Quis id non speret? Scimus profecto hanc hactenus fuisse Romanae Cathedrae vigilantiam, neque mi­norem in posterum fore confidimus. Satis de­monstravit Sanctissimus Pater Innocentius X. nihil se vanis delatoribus tribuere, contra vero omnia ad maturi judicii trutinam expendere velle. Sed amicam utriusque partis collationem & voce & scripto coram fieri ut tutissimam eruendae veri­tattis [Page 9] viam & Ecclesiasticae praxi conformem credi­dimus semper; sic quo longius in hoc negotio progredimur, eo firmius in praeconcepta senten­tia constamus. Cum enim hinc certa sit & con­spicua mutuae hujus concertationis utilitas, inde vero nullum ab ea instituenda deterrere debere videatur periculum, in id imprimis incumbendum apparet, quod Pontisiciae, dignitatis splendori, aedificandae Ecclesiae, publicae paci stabiliendae & arctissimo nexu strigendae cessurum est. Quamquam enim ea sit Romanae Sedis praecellentia ut in feren­do de gravissimis dogmatibus judicio ejusmodi con­sultatione absolute non indigeat, speramus tamen Sanctissimum Dominum maximam habiturum esse praesentium circumstantiarum rationem, nec tam de summo suo jure quam de totius Ecclesiae com­modo sedandisque in perpetuum procellis cogita­turum. Omnia mihi licent, aiebat Paulus, sed non omnia expediunt. Sic quo tempore Clemens VIII. Sanctissimae memoriae Pontifex Congrega­tionem de Auxiliis instituit, nihil de auctoritate sua, cujus assertor vixit fortissimus, decedere arbitratus est, si Dominicanos Jesuitasque inter sese disceptantes non modo publice audiri patere­tur, sed etiam latam a Consultoribus sententiam recognosci aliquando juberet, ne Molinae fautores laedi se vel minimum ac pene inauditos damnari, quod peperam clamabant, quererentur. Agnosce­bat scilicet Beatissimus Papa auctoritatem illam primariam quae Romanae Cathadrae affixa est, non non laedi mutuis Theologorum collationibus, ut nulla ex parte Oecumenicorum Concili­orum vis ac facultas imminuitur, neque il­lum quem praesentissimum habent, S. Spiri­tus afflatus vocatur in dubium, cum canoni­bus condendis publica Doctorum altercatio praemittitur. Jam vero cum omnis Gallicanae Ec­clesiae Praesules id unum in votis habeant, ut nulli vel nutare in posterum liceat, vel de rebus gra­vissimis ubi judicatae denuo fuerint contendere; neque alio quam parturiendae pacis studio ad Ro­manum apicem per literas confugerint; non du­bitamus viam illam ac rationem omnibus accep­tam fore qua publica tranquillitas apertissime continetur. Quod si nonnulli homines qui Romae jam agunt, privatis affectibus sic indulgent, ut propositionum mala fide confictarum qualemcum­que censuram ambiant, omne refugiant examen, quo pretiosum a vili, veritas ab errore, fides a perfidia secernatur; si humanis artibus procu­rant ne scripta ultro citroque partibus communi­cata ventilentur, si ad ipsum publicae disputationis nomen expavescunt, eamque omnibus modis ar­cere satagunt: Quis ex illa tergiversatione non videat quam parum sincere ad veritatis illustrandae propositum accesserint, neque concludat causae suae aequitati merito illos diffidere quam coram ad­versariis tueri refugiunt? Quis non sibi persua­deat arcano illos metu percelli, ne in ipsa Congre­gationis luce patefaciant quantum abhorrent a S. Augustini sententia, cum eorum congressum reformident qui non domestico solum studio & privata solertia, sed longa ettam multorum anno­rum experientia captiosas omnes Neotericorum fallacias didicerunt, parati eas extemporanea con­futatione retegere? Hoc ipsum est tamen quod Jesuitae ac Jesuitarum fautores Parisiis jactitant, atque in eo sunt toti ut ore rotundo pronuncient, nullam se Romae admissuros esse vel disputatio­nem publicam vel scriptorum communic [...]tionem. Quod quidem solo contemptu judicaremus dig­num, nisi res esset cum iis hominibus qui nullum non movent lapidem, nullas non agitant machi­nas, ut votis potiantur. Hinc [...] (Viri Clarissimi) quod nos Lutetiae forte agentes hanc Epistolam quasi novum fidei vestrae ac virtutis incitamentum conscripsimus, a pluribus Eeclesiae Gallicanae An­tistitibus consignandam si res moram pateretur, sineretque Fratres nostros per varias Regni Pro­vincias dispersos admoneri. Facite illud ipsum er­go quod facitis, eam quam Vobis praescripsimus viam insistite, opprimendis scilicet fraudibus pa­cique comparandae opportunam. Eam Congrega­tionem instantissimis precibus efflagitate; quae voce & scripto peragatur, non seorsim sed mutua inter se collatione. Sic vos mandatorum nostro­rum memores ac sponsae suae causam agentes indu­at Dominus virtute ex alto.

I do not here place the Subscriptions of the Bi­shops who writ this Letter to us, though the O­riginal which hath them remains in my hands, be­cause they are the same who writ the following Letter to the Pope, and for that I think it not ex­pedient to expose them without necessity to the censures of such as may possibly be unsatisfi'd therewith.

A Letter of my LL. the Bishops of France to the Pope, which was not deliver'd to him, but the translation of it is to be seen, Part. 6. Chap. 11.
Beatissimo Patri In­nocentio Papae X. Romam.

It was thus inscribed;

The Contents follow.

Beatissime Pater,

AD Episcopos & de tuenda veritate solicitos & Ecclesiasticae pacis amantissimos, nullus poterat jucundior nuncius pervenire, quàm qui paternum Sanctitatis Vestrae studium, & Apostolicam in ordi­nanda quam toties optaveramus Congregatione provi­dentiam certissimis auctoribus aestate superiori refere­bat. Atque ubi primum id rescivimus ex Doctoribus Theologis qui nostro nomine tam grave negotium Romae procurant, gavisi sumus ita feliciter imp [...]nsam ab illis operam, ut restituendae publicae tranquillitatis viam propemodum unicam Summa Sedes probare sese amplectique demonstraret. Hinc spes nobis affulgere coepit non minima post discussas calumniarum nebu­las, post dissipatam humanarum artium caliginem, fore ut oppressa veritas & atrocissimis adversariorum convitiis impetita, tot patronos tandem aliquando nancisceretur quot judices: atque ubi constitutum esset de gravissimis quaestionibus Ecclesiasticum judi­cium, & quale de rebus ad fidem ac doctrinam perti­nentibus haberi jam olim consuevit, in tranquilla hujus Congregationis expectatione nobis acquiescen­dum [Page 10] esse duxmus. Cùm enim famosas illas quinque propositiones, structurâ ancipites, sensu aequivocas & subdolas, per homines sibi addictos ideò tantùm ad libitum suum procudissent Jesuitae, ut S. Augustini auctoritas funditùs convelleretur, neoterica Ludo­vici Molinae opinio de Romanae Congregationis senten­tiis, de tot retro seculorum consensu, de Orthodoxa veterum Theologiae Familiarum doctrina triumpha­ret, Sancti Divinae gratiae Doctoris existimatio in tuto jam esse videbatur; postquam ad illud Tribunal devoluta erat, ex cujus gloriosa commendatione pub­licam obtinet toto orbe celebritatem. Verùm (Beatis­sime Pater) quanta fuerat hactenus ad hujus Con­gregationis rumorem exultatio nostra, tanta nos re­pentinae mutationis admiratio percellit, ex quo illi ipsi Doctores Theologi quibus ad Sanctitatem Vestram Deputatis utimur, postremis literis significarunt aliâ longè viâ tantum negotium procedere coepisse, non ha­beri promissam Congregationem, in qua partes oppo­sitae mutuò congrederentur, vivâ voce coram inter se contenderent, & scriptis ultro citroque communicatis omnem fraudis suspicionem amolirentur; sed aliud jam penitus institui, quam quòd annuente Sanctitate Vestrâ sese consequutos rescripserant. Quod quidem ut à speratae pacis ratione alienum videtur, sic à nobis sine intimo moeroris sensu disci non potuit, cùm at­tendimus quanta inde publicis S. Augustini adversa­riis accederet audacia, quae malorum seges excresce­ret, quàm opportuna inquietis hominibus praeberetur occasio novos longè lateque tumultus excitandi, quan­ta denique Romanae Sedi adeoque ipsi Ecclesiae labes aspergeretur, si quod Molinae fautores tot callidis m [...]litionibus ambiunt, de propositionibus quo sensu praecipuè contrevertuntur, aperta & expressa senten­tia non ferretur, ac de iis sine sensuum distinctione ad capitalem controversiam accommodata judicium fieret, quo deinde S. Augustini hostes non modo in il­lum ejusque discipulos, sed in ipsius etiam Apostolicae Cathedrae auctoritatem ac famam audacius abuti pos­sent imposterum.

Patiatur Sanctitas Vestra (Beatissime Pater) non noc pietatis minùs ac reverentiae quàm doloris ac ge­mituum plenam expostulationem. Exiguae scintillae latum jam undique sparserunt incendium, mali vis improba non uno loco grassatur, litigant filii, gemit Mater, in Patris providentia totius remedii summa posita est. Magno aestu res geritur, sed quem Ponti­ficia restinguat auctoritas, s [...] de sensibus in quibus omnis contentio posita est, judicium disertis & perspi­cuis verbis expressum proferatur, ut eorum qui con­trarias hactenus sententias tanto ardore propugnarunt, dissensiones finiat ac comprimat. Quod quidem ut fiat neque ulli super sit exceptionis aut tergiversationis lo­cus, quaedam imprimis quo in statu res positas agnos­cimus, necessaria videntur. Primùm ut nostris ad Sanctitatem Vestram Delegatis facultas fiat liberè coram adversariis qui praesentes sunt, aperiendi quod sentiunt, & omnes illorum technas retegendi. Deinde ut quae ultrò citroque ad sententiae defensionem prolata erunt, manu nemini suspectâ in publicos commentari­os referantur, rerum in commentarios relatarum apo­grapha concedantur disceptantibus, ipsique inter sese mutuò ac bonâ fide communicent, quae vel ad suam stabiliendam sententiam vel ad impugnandam opposi­tam exhibuerint. Praeterea ut Jesuitae, quibus tan­quam Molinianae novitatis assertoribus & apertis Augustinianae doctrinae hostibus praecipua contentionis ineundae moles incumbit, in judicium tanquam prima­riae partes accedant, praesertim cùm scripta jam Con­gregationi oblata fuerint, quae Franciscus Annatus ex hac Societate suo nomine Parisiis palam edere ausus est. Demum ut D. Albizius à Congregatione abstineat ob eas recusationis causas quarum aequitas ipsa per sese satis superque elucescit. Denique ut Frater Mo­destus qui Francisci Annati Librum à praelo recentem approbare veritus non est, ab eodem judicio semoveatur, nec inter Consultores ferendae sententiae jus obtineat, qui tam evidenti praejudicio mentem Molinae patronis & in Sancti etiam Augustini auctoritatem declaravit.

Haec sunt (Beatissime Pater) non declinandi judi­cii consilia, sed subsidia stabilienda pacis. Speramus Sanctitati Vestrae acceptas fore preces istas in hoc re­rum cardine necessarias, justitiâ commendabiles, pi­etatis ac venerationis plenissimas, neque aliud spiran­tes quàm creditarum nobis animarum salutem & Ca­thedrae Vestrae judiciique auctoritatem. Novimus E­piscopalis Sarcinae partem esse non minimam providere diligentissime, ut subditorum conscientiae Christianâ pace ac tranquillitate sine offendiculo perfruantur, ne­que impune nobis futurum, si dum superseminantur zizania, segniter dormiamus. Igitur ad Sanctitatem Vestram iterum iterumque supplices accedimus, & post humillima pedum oscula postulamus, ut non im­par malo remedium adhibeat, eoque judicio lis tanta dirimatur, quod praecipuum controversiae caput defi­niat, errorem radicitus extirpet, pacemque certam & firmam stabiliat: Atque illud profectò futurum est, si qualem Congregationem Clemens VIII. & Paulus V. instituerant, talem Sanctitas Vestra nobis annuat, disceptaturis apertam & liberam, omni carentem in­vidiâ, celebritate solennem. Ita Sanctitatem Vestram gratiae auctor Christus publico Christiani orbis bono florentem semper & incolumem praestet.

Beatissime Pater,
Sanctitatis Vestrae Humillimi & obsequeutissimi filii N. & N.

I have still the Original of this Letter signed with the proper hands of two Prelates, who were then at Paris, and who added these words after their Subscriptions; De absentia Fratrum nostro­rum.

The Letter of M. de la Palafox Bishop of Angelopolis to Pope Innocent X. whereof mention is made, Part. 3. Chap. 13.
Natalibus, doctrina, virtute verè Christiana cla­rissimi & illustrissimi Viri Domini Ioannis de Palafox & Mendoza Hispani & in Ame­rica Episcopi Angelorum Populi, ac Consilii Iudiarum Decani, Epistola Sanctissima, Gra­vissima.
Ad Summum Pontificem Innocentium X. de Jesuitarum Societate extinguenda, vel stricte reformanda ob venerabilis Ecclesiae bonum.

An Advertisement touching the Printing of the said Letter in this Collection.

THis Letter was sufficiently secret when I fi­nish'd my Journal, and assign'd it to this Col­lection; but it hath since become very publick, being translated into French, and publisht in the year 1658. which Translation the Curees of Pa­ris very solidly defended in their IX. Writing a­gainst the vain and pittiful cavils of F. Annat. However, I conceive the insertion of the Original Latin, not formerly printed, will not be unaccepta­ble; besides, that it may be preserv'd in this Col­lection to serve for a testimony to Posterity of the patience and zeal of a holy Bishop of our time, as M. de Palafox was by the consent of all Spain. I have already related in Part. 3. Chap. 13. how it fell into my hands, and how the following title came to be indors'd upon it.

Beatissime Pater,

I. SAcris Tuae Sanctitatis pedibus provolutus, Pater Beatissime, infinitas Deo & Apostolicae Sedi gratias ago, quod tanta benignitate & hu­manitate Doctorem Silverium de Pineda Procura­torem meum foveris, ut quam brevissimo tempore ad te missū, ad me remissum utroque mari Oceano & Mediterraneo, Italia, Hispania, Americaque pe­ragratis conspexerim, & ab eo literas Apostolicas super dubia Oraculo sapientiae Tuae proposita, nostros intellectus illuminantes, errores corri­gentes, discordias sedantes non sine lachrymis prae hilaritate gratiarumque actione acceperim.

II. Cui enim non erit laetitiae stuporique viden­ti viginti & sex quaestiones controversiasque Ec­clesiasticas, auditis etiam prolixe partibus utrisque, & visis actis per sacram Congregationem a Te particulariter assignatam etiam ab occupatissimis Cardinalibus sapientia & virtutibus eminentissi­mis & Romanae Curiae Praelatis, intra quatuor menses dissipatas, collatas, conclusas, decisas & tandem expeditas fuisse? Ut jam deinde jure op­timo, non sine magna animi infirmitate si aliter fecerimus, sacras illas voces debeamus non tan­tum attendere & audire, sed obedire Praelatis quibus Apostolica Sedes inclamat, invitar, & sua­det patribus animarum dicens, Venite filii, audite me, timorem Domini docebo vos: Et iterum, Omnes sitientes venite ad me & ego reficiam vos, Ego enim sum via, veritas & vita. Cujus causa, Pater Beatissime, exteris hujus Americae nunci­avi Pastoribus cum muliere quae convocavit ami­cas in Evangelio exclamans, Congratulamini mihi quia inveni drachmam quam perdideram: Ut omnibus pateat quanta brevitate, benignitate & humanitate Apostolica Sedes & Tua Pastoralis vigilantia, & summa solicitudo & sapientia dubi­tantibus respondeat, errantes dirigat, & moerentes consoletur.

III. Sed heu! Pater Beatissime, nunquam in hac mortali conditione & miseria hilaritas sine moestitia, nunquam sine novo discrimine tran­quillitas, docente Divino Spiritu, Extrema gau­dii luctum occupare. Ea est enim humanae mentis & naturae fragilitas, ut semper magis ac magis medicina indigeat, & nondum vulneribus primis oleo charitatis sapientiaeque Tuae subsanatis, jam secunda succedunt.

IV. Sacerdotes, Beatissime Pater, ad Te missi, & ad sacra Apostolorum limina visitanda, me ab assertis Conservatoribus, Regularibus & Religio­sis Jesuitis praetextu suorum privilegiorum assig­natis (non aliam ob causam quam quod in anima­rum salutem & propugnationem Ecclesiasticae Ju­risdictionis, & decretorum sacri Concilii Triden­tini incumberem, ut Congregationi sacrae super hoc negotio a Tua Sanctitate assignatae patuit) de facto excommunicatum & aliis innumeris in­juriis impetitum fuisse.— retulerunt, & ad alia scandala devenisse nunciarunt.

V. Verum post eorum discessum Religiosi Je­suitae majores turbas contra me & dignitatem me­am excitarunt, acriores seditiones commoverunt, & in juriis atrocioribus dehonestarunt, & Clerum meum ac gregem credulissime vexantes, (liceat mihi ita enarrare cum ita eis fecisse libuerit) in majores angustias redegerunt.

VI. Caeco enim quodam quasi furore perciti, Pater Beatissime, Religiosi isti quos in Domino semper amavi ut amicos, & nunc ardentius ut inimicos diligo, videntes meos subditos Conser­vatorum suorum invalidis excommunicationibus non assentiri, sed suo amabili Pastori, vocem ejus in suis edictis agnoscentes, inhaerere, se existiman­tes contemptos in maximam iracundiam exarse­runt, & nisi eorum libidini & arbitrio meam dig­nitatem & baculum Pastoralem submitterem, de incarcerando Episcopo cogitarunt.

VII. Cum autem hoc non ea qua desiderabant facilitate consequi posse viderent, quia horror ip­se facinoris ad defensionem sui proprii Pastoris populos excitabat, non tantum alios Regulares tanquam pro communi eorum causa contra me convocarunt, sed quod gravius est, prophanum & secularem gladium (Comitis scilicet de Salvatierra Viceregis qui mihi totius Regni visitatori generali in protectionem miserabilium Indorum incum­benti, quos sui ministri maxime exagitabant, in­fensissimus erat) etiam ingenti pecunia emptum, [Page 12] temeritate maxima exemptum, digladiantes, dig­nitatem meam, personam, gregem armis, incar­cerationibus Ecclesiasticorum & Secularium, & aliis quamplurimis injuriis vexarunt; etiam ho­minibus flagitiosissimis armatis, dieque destinato (is autem fuit festum Corporis Christi, eodem e­nim die conveniens erat ut traderetur Episcopus quo captus fuerat Episcoporum Episcopus) ut meam personam caperent, dignitate expoliarent, gregem diriperent. Interim jurisdictione Inqui­sitorum ad id per ipsos conducta praetextu quod excommunicationes nullas Conservatorum mei subditi parvifacerent, incarcerante Clericos & Laicos, & atrociora, nisi Conservatoribus obedi­rent, minitante.

VIII. Dum haec omnia a Religiosis Iesuitis, & Conservatoribus, & Tribunalibus ad id convoca­tis geruntur, ego quantum adjuvante Domino potui pro grege, pro fide, pro Iurisdictione, pro Concilio, pro Apostolicis constitutionibus & re­gulis, quamvis solus laborare non destiti, non tantum Regulares censuris severissimis terrendo, & Seculares eisdem fulminibus, & ed [...]ctis, & epi­stolis, & voce, & sermone intra ordinem & obe­dientiam continendo, sed etiam, cum parum hoc proficeret, contemnebant enim Iesuitae censuras Ecclesiasticas, & vinculis earum innodati, su­spensi & irregulares publice celebrabant, sacra­menta ministrabant, invito Episcopo etiam in non suis Ecclesiis praedicabant populo, Secularium confessiones audiebant, Viceregem & auditores Regios exhortatus sum, ut aliqua congruenti mo­deratione & remedio, missis ad id aliquibus de meo Capitulo Commissariis, differentiae istae & discor­diae sedarentur, salva tamen tuae Sanctitatis irre­fragabili decisione; & interim Respublica quieta, fidelium Ecclesia pacifica, & omnium suspensi animi sententiam Apostolicam expectarent.

IX. Sed Religiofi Iesuitae, Pater Sanctissime, gladio seculari armati & Archiepiscopo Mexicano Joanne de Munnozca non tantum fautore sed au­ctore duceque freti, & omnibus pene Regni tribunalibus variis artibus in suam potestatem re­dactis, nullam compositionem aut concordiam admittere vol [...]ntes, Commissariis Ecclesiasticis ignominiose dimissis, imo expulsis, non pacem, non inducias, sed bellum cruentissimum indicen­tes; nisi me meamque jurisdictionem & baculum Pastoralem, arbitrio ipsorum & suorum Conser­vatorum, quos ego tanquam auctores hujus mi­serabilis schismatis paulo ante anathemate petcus­seram, submisissem, caedes, carceres, exilia, pro­scriptiones, si aliter facerem, comminantur.

X. Ruptis ab eis honestae concordiae articulis, a me ut tanta scandala vitarentur propositis, acrius Religiosi Jesuitae bellum contra meam dignitatem gregemque repetunt & instaurant, plures Cleri­cos scilicet incarcerando, & hos honestiores, ele­ctum Episcopum de Honduras Vicarium meum Generalem, Virum doctissimum & honestissi­mum, manu seculari dirissime recludendo, & tandem meum gregem crudelissime omnibus mo­dis vexando, & iterum ardentiori affectu meam incarcerationem, aut extra Provinciam relegatio­nem, diversis machinationibus disponendo.

XI. Ad hos sacrilegos conatus, Pater Sanctissi­me, iterum excitati populi, Episcopum prope ante Vicegerem & Gubernatorem amantissimum, jam tot petitum insidiis injuriisque exagitatum intu­endo ad sui Pastoris & Ministrii Regii propugnati­onem convolant, & mortem subire parati, & sua etiam vita Pastoris vitam defendere contendunt. Et ita diviso Regno & in partes distracto, brachio seculari, & Jesuitis, & Conservatoribus contra Episcopum & Ecclesiasticam Iurisdictionem, popu­lis autem et Clero pro Jurisdictione & Episco­po contendentibus, in summum periculum re­dacta Respublica est.

XII. Has inter angustias fluctuabat mens mea, aestuabat animus & concilium haerebat, exposcens a Deo etiam profusis lachrymis, ut viam mihi dig­naretur aperire, qua salva fieret pax publica, Iuris­dictio oppugnata et vita petita. Deserere enim Ec­clesiam, Jurisdictionem, & baculum Pastoralem Re­ligiosis Iesuitis ignaviter tradere, vilissimum: armis autem & sanguine filiorum spiritualium causam de­fendere, durissimum & dirissimum: nihil autem a­gere, sed Conservatorum irae me mea (que) committe­re, nocentissimum & imprudentissimum esse vi­debatur.

XIII. Quis enim, Pater Sanctissime, baculum Pastoralem, id est gladium Dei sine crimine tur­pissime tradet? Aut quis suas oves ardentissime diligens, & pro quibus seipsum impenderet, & mortem etiam subiret, prae dolore conspicere posset sociali bello inter se digladiantes & se ad invicem occidentes? Pugnam cruentissimam & tristissimam intuens pater utrorumque amantissi­mus, in qua vinci infelicitas, vincere credulitas erit! aut quis tandem vel propugnatione pacem, vel ignavia vitam disperderet?

XIV. Ideo utrinque angustias, utrinque peri­cula contuens, tanquam si in auribus persona­rent voces illae Salvatoris suos Apostolos & Di­scipulos in simili casu docentis, fuga Ecclesiastica victoriam, non bello mortem, aut populorum jacturam praetendendam esse: dicebat enim, Cum persecuti vos fuerint in una civitate, fugite in aliam: statui honestissima suga, non autem gladio crudeli & filiorum sanguine defoedato vitam & dig­nitatem meam propugnare.

XV. Videbam enim adversariorum mentes in id maxime tendere, ut meam caperent personam, aut in ipsa expugnatione perimerent, qua capta aut perempta, & de mitra captiva triumphum, & de grege spolia, et de causa victoriam reporta­rent; percusso enim Pastore quam facillime di­sperguntur et oves; posteaque falsis probati­onibus et calumniis et criminationibus adver­sariorum, veritas Pastoris indefensa et fa­ma acquisita cum ipso corpore occiso consepultae jacerent.

XVI. Considerabam itidem, Regulares Jesui­tas ardenti furore agitatos in hos actus adeo ir­regulares prosilire, & in praeceps dari non rati­one sed affectu, & quo major impetus, eo bre­vior, conatus enim irae cito cadunt, & si primi illudant, secundi corruunt; nam etsi iracundia ab insania non nisi tempore distet, brevisque sit fu­ror; tamen quamvis mala, quia furor, tolerabi­lis tamen quia brevis, ideoque furorem istum per­secutionis quam citissime transitum existimavi more quidem fulminis quod uno eodemque mo­mento venit, percussit, abscessit.

XVII. Fuga ergo Rempublicam salvam fa­cere statuens, & meis poenis adversariorum cul­pas, [Page 13] imo & iras aut eludere aut delinire consti­tuens, ne populus innocens nostris omnium er­roribus plecteretur, commendato prius grege ae­terno Pastori, relictis etiam tribus Vicariis Ge­neralibus, ut si forte absentes, vel legitime impe­diti fuissent, unus pro alio Ecclesiasticam Juris­dictionem defenderet; scripta etiam epistola Ca­pitulo in qua causas meae ad tempus discessionis narravi, & ad defensionem Ecclesiasticae Juris­dictionis excitavi, duobus famulis tantum, Se­cretario scilicet, & eo qui mihi erat a confessio­nibus, comitantibus; exteros familiares per di­versas vias mittens, ut confusione ipsa inimici mei distracti, ubi ego delitescerem ignorarent; in montibus quaesivi refugium, & inter serpen­tes, scorpionesque & animalia pestifera, quorum haec regio feracissima est; securitatem & societa­tem quam in hac Religiosorum implacabili so­cietate invenire non potui.

XVIII. Ubi postquam per viginti dies non sine magno vitae periculo & alimentorum penu­ria (aliquando enim solo pane tribulationis & aqua lachrymarum pascebamur) tandem in quo­dam parvo tuguriolo per quatuor menses deli­tui, exquisitissimis interim modis a Religiosis Jesuitis quaesitus, & pecunia maxima expensa, ut inventus aut baculum Pastoralem traderem, aut me vita exuerent & occiderent.

XIX. Hoc modo hisque periculis & angusti­is salva Respublica fuit, & si non pax spiritua­lis, saltem temporalis & publica reddita est Reg­no. Nam spiritualis tranquillitas, Pater Bea­tissime, ubi cum Jesuitis res agitur, solum a Jesu Christo, & a Tua Sanctitate ejus Vicario reddi stabilirique potest; adeo enim terribilis est si non reformetur eorum in Ecclesia universali potentia, adeo amplissimae facultates, honores, divitiae, ut omnibus dignitatibus, legibus, Con­ciliis & Apostolicis constitutionibus potentiores existant; ita ut necesse Episcopis sit (saltem in his partibus) aut in concertatione mori, & pro causa cadere & succumbere, aut suis nutibus ob­secundare, aut ad minus summo discrimine, pe­riculis, expensis, incommoditatibus, falsisque eorum criminationibus illaqueatis dubium exi­tum de sanctissima & justissima causa expectare.

XX. Cum ergo viri Jesuitae frustra Episco­pum carceri quaesivissent, gregem ipsius vexare & miserabiliter persequi & affligere statuerunt, ad hosque sequentes actus non sine maximo po­pulorum scandalo processere.

XXI. Primo enim suos assertos Conservato­res Religiosos Dominicanos e Mexico in civita­tem Angelorum, ubi mea Cathedralis sedes prae­eminet, maxima Fratrum suorum & Jesuita­rum comitante manu, incredibili pompa, pluri­mis curribus ad eorum adventum congregatis adducunt, ignorantem etiam plebem Religiosis Jesuitis monentibus, & per compita & plateas equitando clamantibus, ut genua flecterent duo­bus illis Fratribus Dominicanis assertis Conser­vatoribus (a me paulo ante excommunicationis fulmine & anathemate ut praedixi perculsis) ip­sos asserentibus esse Papas & Pontifices Summos, & ut plus haec suaderent, postquam ipsos cum cruce processionaliter extra claustra Fratres sui Ordinis suscipiunt, non tam suadent quam ju­bent Jesuitae, qui eos conduxerant, erigere tri­bunal, creare Fiscales, & apparitores ac Notarios nominare.

XXII. Deinde per platens galeris sericis & violaceo colore exornatis incredibili fastu cir­cumducunt, & etiam prope Episcopale palatium, ut majori contemptu de dignitate Episcopali tri­umpharent, maxima comitante Regularium ca­terva, cum suis apparitoribus & ministris, cur­ribus pluribus vecti circumambulant, et tandem omnia quae sanctum Concilium Tridentinum e­tiam legitimis Conservatoribus prohibet, Conser­servatores isti intrusi patraverunt.

XXIII. Deinde tribunali erecto, et his om­nibus summa jactantia gestis, omnes Ecclesiasti­cos et miseros seculares variis modis et molesti­is vexant, alios excommunicationibus, alios bo­norum suorum distractionibus, alios seculari ma­nu, exilio, vinculis, et injuriis, alios aliis artibus dirissime persequuntur.

XXIV. Doctorem enim D. Manuelem Bravo de Sobremonte Cathedralis Ecclesiae Thesaura­rium, Doctorem D. Ludovicum de Vongora antiquiorem Canonicum, Doctorem D. Nico­laum de Asperilla Portionarium, Sacerdotes ho­nestos et doctos per manum prophanam ab Ec­clesia et Dioecesi relegant, Archidiaconum Ec­clesiae Cathedralis, Doctorem D. Ildefonsum de Cuevas et Avalos, Licentiatum D. Petrum de Angulo, Doctorem D. Andream de Luci, Bac­calaureum Franciscum de Requesia, Capitulares et Sacerdotes, itidem viros eruditos et corda­tos, fuga salutem petere cogunt; alios etiam Sa­cerdotes et seculares partim incarcerant; partim relegant, partim in angulis latere compellunt, et populum omnem suis deferre fidem invali­dis censuris et edictis, minis suppliciisque in­tentant.

XXV. His actis ad causae sententiam illi Fra­tres Conservatores in hac causa procedunt, de­clarantes et publico edicto pronunciantes, Epis­copum, et suum Provisorem Vicarium Genera­lem in juriis affecisse Religiosos Jesuitas in ex­poscendo ab eis licentias praedicandi et audiendi secularium confessiones, et in prohibendo ut usquequo eas exhiberent, a confessionibus absti­nerent. Quamvis mihi certissime constaret eos neque meas, neque meorum Antecessorum habe­re licentias.

XXVI. Sententia ita lata, et in publicis Ec­clesiarum suggestis publicata, ad alia atrociora procedunt, minis, praemiis et aliis artibus sua­dendo Capitularibus, imo et aliquos compellen­do, ut Sedem vacantem publicarent, brachio seculari ad id implorato, et hoc praesentibusimo et intra Dioecesim existentibus Episcopo proprio, Provisore, Vicario Generali non tantum uno sed tribus, et his non obstantibus declarat Capi­tulum populo Sedem vacantem esse.

XXVII. Jam hoc consecuti Jesuitae qui haec omnia machinati fuerant, Iurisdictionem Eccle­siasticam invadunt, usurpant, dilacerant, adulte­rium spirituale committunt, nefarium altare con­tra legitimum altare erigunt, alios Ecclesiasticos Officiales, Provisorem, Vicarium Generalem, etiam Vicarium Monialium nominant, et ab E­piscopo nominatos amovent; Et huic Capitulo Sede-vacante-Iesuitico praedicti Iesuitae licentias quasdam confitendi et praedicandi ab alienis E­piscopis [Page 14] obtentas (ex quibus quatuor tantum erant meorum Antecessorum) et certa privile­gia quae ad terras infidelium (quales hae non sunt) et haec temporalia et suspensa et finita dicto Capi­tulo exhibent. Et tandem documenta haec talia qualia, quae noluerunt legitimo Episcopo et suo Vicario Generali exhibere, Capitulo per eos compacto et coadunato nulliter imo et sacrilige, Dioecesim vivente Episcopo gubernante, exhibu­erunt.

XXVIII. Hisce privilegiis, et aliarum Dioecesi­um Episcoporum licentiis visis a Capitulo Pseudo­sede-vacante, edictum ab eo conficitur, secreto ta­men ab ipsis Iesuitis compositum, et per omnia Ecclesiarum suggesta divulgatum, in quo omni­bus fidelibus numatur, Iesuitas Religiosos non egere licentiis Episcoporum propriae Diocoesis ad confessiones secularium audiendas, propter sua privilegia, et si egerent, eas habere, & Capitulo exhibitas esse, et si non haberent, et sufficientes non essent, eas Capitulum generaliter etiam sine examine concedere libentissime, declarando adeo esse doctos Religiosos Iesuitas, ut nunquam fu­isset credendum, eos sine legitimo titulo confes­siones secularium audivisse. Alia etiam in hoc edicto subinferendo, Iurisdictioni Episcopali, & auctoritati Ecclesiae & Tridentini Concilii & ani­marum saluti nocentissima.

XXIX. Deinde censuras Ecclesiasticas [...]a Vicario Generali Episcopi contra Conservatores & Iesui­tas qui cenfessiones secularium sine licentia pro­prii Pastoris audiebant, latas delent, auferunt, publice dilacerant; eas autem quae contra Episco­pum proprium ejusque Vicarium Generalem nulliter & indebite, ut a Tua Sanctitate declaratum est, latae fuerant ab intrusis Conservatoribus, pa­rietibus fixas relinquunt, videntibus et gementi­bus non tantum omnibus Ecclesiasticae disciplinae amatoribus, sed populis etiam clamantibus & re­clamantibus qui tot injurias Episcopo suo amantis­simo inferri conspiciebant.

XXX. Deinde Capitulum hoc Pseudo-sede-va­cante, contra Episcopum erectum, & a Iesuitis tanquam si essent ipsi de corpore Capituli dire­ctum, omnia edicta quae circa mores & Ecclesia­sticorum & secularium reformationem fuerant sta­bilita, in Episcopi odium abrogant.

XXXI. In Ecclesiis a quibus ego prophanos cibos & commessationes prohibueram, iterum ipsi edere et sic eas polluere permittunt, Clericos, Regula­resque quos ego ab audiendis secularium confes­sionibus arcueram, ipsi approbant; honestos Sa­cerdotes, modestos, spirituales, quos ego praemio affeceram, ipsi supplicio afficiunt; Seminaristas, Collegiorumque meorum cultores, quos ego tanquam Dei Ecclesiae maxime necessarios pa­terno educabam & instruebam affectu, ipsi molestant; et etiam de ipsis extinguendis confe­runt.

XXXII. Claustralibus Virginibus quae meis mo­nitis, edictis et exhortationibus intra suae professi­onis septa libentissime continebantur, non tantum permissione, quod nefarium est, sed publicis ex­hortationibus, quod nefandissimum, ut ad suspe­ctas collucutiones Secularium & Regularium et Clericorum iterum redeant, suadent. Et tandem licentias innumerabiles Religiosis adoloscenti­bus ad audiendas mulierum confessiones con­cedunt, et ut de alieno thesauro, de mea Ecclesia­stica Iurisdictione profusissime prodigunt et im­pendunt.

XXXIII. Haec omnia me P. B. non late­bant, imo ex tuguriolo meo in quo prostratus coram Christo crucifixo Domino jacebam, et pro populo gregeque miserabiliter afflicto profusis la­chrymis efflagitabam, tanquam a specula oves crudelissime diripi, sponsam meam amantissi­mam Ecclesiam dilacerari et impiissime vexari con­spiciens, fractum Postoralem baculum, mitram conculcatam oculis dolentissimis intuens, suspiria, gemitus, lamentationes mearum ovium irrepara­biliter non minoribus gemitibus et suspiriis exau­diens, etiam sine armis, etiam sine viribus, etiam prostratus, etiam solus, Divino tantum auxilio fretus, meum gregem curare non destiti.

XXXIV. Illic enim tanquam ex carcere, si non eodem spiritu, saltem primitivorum praesulum ex­emplo, literis, nunciis, manuscriptis Pastoralibus Episcopis jurare, suadere, consulere, consolari studui, ut in fide et charitate permanentes, forti­tudine aerumnas, constantia tribulationes, pati­entia persecutiones superarent, et a confessioni­bus et praedicationibus eorum, qui Dioecesani Prae­lati licentias non habebant, abstinerent et fugerent, quod pietate divina, non meae humilitatis et fra­gilitatis viribus maxima ex parte obtinui, ita ut paucissimi fuerint in hisce innumerabilis multitudi­nis populis, qui etiam tot incarcerationibus et re­legationibus comminati, Relegiosis Iesuitis et assertis Conservatoribus fidem detulerint, et ad­haeserint.

XXXV. Sed Religiosi isti, alias admodum docti et perfecti, potentia potentiam defendentes et ex abysso ad abyssum praecipiti cursu prolapsi, tanto plus ira excandescentes, quanto populos a suo pastore divellere non posse, imo ipsis Iesuitis offensissimos esse conspiciebant, Iudices Secula­res expensa maxima pecuniarum quantitate con­ducunt, qui sub praetextu seditionis (antiquum enim est, P. B. Ecclesiarum Praelatos qui in anima­rum salutem incumbunt, et Ecclesiasticam Iuris­dictionem propugnant, seditiosos vocare, et com­movisse turbas eis imputare, incipientes a Galilaea usque ad Hierusalem, et aliis ejusdem farinae ca­lumniis exemplo Salvatoris impetere) crimina­lissimum processum contra me scribunt, testes vio­lentissime cogunt, alios pecunia corrumpunt, ali­os aliis artibus compellunt, alios attrahunt et alliciunt, ut deponant et etiam jure jurando affir­ment, me contra Reip. salutem, quae mihi charior semper vita extitit, machinatum esse; et uno eo­demque tempore a septem Iudicibus (tanta est, P. B. Iesuitarum potentia) in mea ipsa Dioecesi, imo et Episcopali civitate simul cum grege aman­tissimo syndicatus fui, a tribus scilicet seculari­bus a Vicerege missis, a duobus Regularibus, vi­delicet Conservatoribus, et ab aliis duobus Eccle­siasticis Sacerdotibus, et ab ipsa Societate expulsis, Inquisitionis Commissariis, et his septem judicibus, S. P. talibus moribus defaedatis, quos modestia tacet, et zelus dolet.

XXXVI. Sed Deo infinitas gratias ago qui ut superbis resistit, humiles et propter suam causam persecutionem patientes protegit et defendit; tot enim judicibus, tot testibus inter se convenienti­bus & conspirantibus, imo et ipsas depositiones et [Page 15] acta propalantibus inter se & ad eundem finem di­rigentibus, dignitate aliquid mea indignum E­piscopali, etiam nulliter & violenter probare mi­nime potuerunt; sed declarationes vagas vilium hominum coacevarunt, in quibus generaliter asserebatur, me maximam seditionem excitasse & terribilibus in juriis Jesuitas affecisse, quod vi­delicet confessiones audire sine licentia Episcopi prohibuissem, & ad ordinem Concilii Tridentini & Gregorii XV. constitutionis decreta ipsos per le­gitimos tramites redegissem.

XXXVII. Elusa ergo processalis formae persecu­tione, P. B. quia Iesuitae nihil probabant neque [...]is sacinoribus obtinebant, imo populi magis ac ma­gis ab eis aversi, ipsisque infensi pro Pastore suo certabant, & ejus consiliis & exhortationibus in­haerebant, jam ruptis verecundiae & religiosae modestiae vinculis; ad aliam atrociorem formam, me meamque famam, dignitatem, personam per­sequendi processere.

XXXVIII. Convocatis enim Scholasticis suis (quos alia certe doctrina imbuere debuissent) praetextu solemnitatis S. P. Ignatii sui Fundatoris (cujus animam sanctissimam maxime haec omnia abhorrere & abominari compertissimum est) cho­reas scelestissimas (mascaras Hispani vocant) con­stituerunt, in quibus in contemptum meae perso­nae, dignitatisque & omnium Sacerdotum qui inter caeteros vita arctiori & honestiori fulgebant, & inter hos Procuratorem meum Sylverium de Pineda, qui tunc Romae aderat, & Tua sanctissi­ma praesentia fruebatur, horribilibus larvis ac ge­sticulationibus & nefariis aliis modis, Episcopum, Sacerdotes, sanctas & venerabiles Moniales, dig­nitatem Episcopalem, imo & Catholicam Religio­nem infamarunt, irriserunt, illuserunt.

XXXIX. Larvati enim & has personas sacras in­fami habitu tanquam in statuis per civitatem to­tam medio diei tempore circumgestantes, oratio­nem sanctissimam & devotissimam Dominicam simulque Angelicam aliis profanis verbis immix­tis turpissime decantantes, has infandas choreas per civitatem praedictam Iesuitici scholares circum­ducentes, & a suis propriis domibus educentes, in solo Christiano et Catholicissimo, gentilicia & haeretica theatralia facinora contra Dei Ecclesi­am, suosque Episcopos & Sacerdotes audacissime perpetrarunt.

XL. Aliqui enim eorum, P. B. infames cantile­lenas supradictae orationi Dominicae immiscentes, pro Libera nos a malo, quod in fine dicitur, de­cantabant, Sed libera nos a Palafox, nempe quia ego a malo (quod est intra limites suae professio­nis non contineri) Iesuitas liberare, et in ordi­nem redigere conatus sum. Eodem pene mo­do salutationem Angelicam corrumpentes, male­dictis in eundem finem tendentibus deturpa­bant.

XLI. Quidam de ipsis, impuris bovis armis sig­nando seipsum (quod Ethnicos contra Christia­anos fecisse non traditur) cunctis videntibus cla­mando pronunciabat: Haec sunt arma perfecti et veri Christiani, cornua tauri pro cruce sanctissima demonstrando.

XLII. Alius autem in altera manu dulcissimi pu­eri Iesu imaginem, in alia impudicissimum instru­mentum portabat, piissimi nominis et infantiae Iesu devotioni illudendo.

XLIII. Alius equi cauda pendentem baculum Pa­storalem portabat & in ipsis stapedis depicta mi­tra Episcopali equitabat, ut conculcatam pedibus exprobraret.

XLIV. Deinde insolentissima carmina, & in­credibiliter sacrilega et satyrica contra Clerum et Episcopum in populo spargebant, gloriantes se­ipsos Iesuitas Episcopum vicisse et de eo trium­phasse, ipsi quidem victi, superati et triumphati a sua ipsamet impotentissima potentia; Plurima etiam epigrammata Hispano sermone spectatori­bus tradiderunt famae Pastoris et Cleri existimatio­ni detrahentia, et inter alia sequens, quod quia maxime explicat quanto errore teneantur Religio­si Iesuitae, qui repagula suarum constitutionum rumpentes intra sua septa contineri non va­lent, hic inseri, P. B. non impertinens judi­cavi.

Oy con gallardo denuedo
Se opone la Compannia
A la formal heregia.

XLV. Hucusque, P. B. potuit spiritualis ista ob­caecatio mentis procedere; cum enim ego defende­rim S. Concilium Tridentinum, Constitutiones Apostolicas, decreta Pontificia, salutem anima­rum, haec omnia, quia eos ligant et arctant, haeretica esse populis Iesuitae suadent et suggerunt. Expugnare autem Constitutiones Apostolicas, de­creta Oecumenici Concilii Tridentini contemnere, Pontificias decisiones evertere, Dioecesim inva­dere, Episcopum a sua Sede manu seculari detru­dere, non folum injuriis sed etiam armis impete­re, irridendoque et illudendo non tantum Epi­scopum sed etiam Clerum et Religionem Christia­nam maledictis infamare, hoc Catholicum, san­ctum, juridicum docent.

XLVI. Conservatores interim non aliis artibus, aut decentiori forma Pontificiam dignitatem, qua se jactabant exornatos, deturpabant: cum enim honestis moribus, cordatis verbis, incessu in omni­bus religioso eam aliquo modo repraesentare de­berent, comoediis et publicis commessationibus, alearum ludis, mulierum impudicarum choreis, et musicis interessendo et aliis luxuriae inhonestis oblectamentis, qui se in edictis Apostolicam per­sonam repraesentare et Apostolica dignitate fulge­re jactabant, non sanctissimorum Pontificum vir­tutes, vitaeque candorem imitantes, sed perdito­rum hominum vitiis personatam et fictam Pontifi­cis Summi dignitatem et imaginem defoedarunt, hanc etiam non contemnendam notam et injuriam Sedi Apostolicae subinferentes, ita ut de ea talia possint existimari; dignitas enim sacra et Aposto­lica non solum vere sed etiam ficte aut invalide aut nulliter repraesentata, cum decore et auctori­tate, et virtutibus, oculis fidelium, praecipue Neophytorum, in his partibus remotissimis pro­ponenda est.

XLVII. Transactis jam fere quatuor mensibus, quibus haec omnia Iesuitae Religiosi non admodum religiose supra dorsum meum fabricavere: ecce in portu Classis Regia ab Hispania adventaverat, et in ea mandata, quibus continebatur ut Comes de Salvatierra Prorex (qui Religiosos Iesuitas caeco nutu fovebat, ab eisque Regni Gubernator etiam in propria Iesuitarum causa gubernabatur) [Page 16] in Americam Meridionalem transiret, Episcopo Lucatanensi a Rege Catholico assignato successo­re, & hoc interim dum mittitur Iudex, qui de primis ad Tuam Sanctitatem delatis facinoribus contra meam dignitatem cognosceret: haec e­nim posteriora nondum Regi & suo Regali In­diarum Consilio propter temporis angustias inno­tuerant.

XLVIII. Hoc nuncio allato, aliquo modo persecu­tionis hujus rabies temperata est, & cum jam intra Regnum Episcopus Lucatanensis existeret: quam­vis certis de causis ei a Comite Prorege Regni gu­bernacula minime traderentur, mihi tamen jam tempus adesse in meam amantissimam Ecclesiam iterum redeundi, & quos filios absens Epistolis secretis consolabar, praesens exhilarandos existi­mavi.

XLIX. Quod cum statuissem, scribens prius Pro­regi & Auditoribus Regiis, qui duabus diaetis a mea Diocoesi distant, & populum in me ingenti laetitia affectum spectare cognoscens, & non ig­norans ad versariorum meorum dilationes & artes, quibus etiam sancta et perfecta sinistre admodum interpretantur, ne laetitiam istam & hilaritatem populi honestissimam, tanquam seditionem incu­sarent & in scandalum publicum verterent, in me­dio noctis silentio Episcopale meum palatium in­travi. Quod sentientes populi, qui suum con­spicere Pastorem tot lachrymis quaesitum et expe­ctatum ardentissime desiderabant, ad me summo mane convolant; fractis etiam portarum repagu­lis, Episcopum suum amplexantur, lachrymis profusis proclamant, salutant, plaudunt, exoscu­lantur, & per quatuor dies continuos copiam mei faciens, plusquam sex millia hominum, mulierum, infantium, qui ad me palatiumque meum concur­rere, consolatus sum.

L. Patres vero Iesuitae, qui tam praecipl [...] cursu ad me adventare populum maximo animi dolore conspiciunt, videntes nihil proficere, quia totus mundus vadit post eum, iterum atque iterum aliis et atrocioribus criminationibus in me meamque dignitatem insurgunt.

LI. Iterum enim Viceregem Comitem adeunt, suadent, clamant, incendunt, affirmantes hunc concursum populorum seditionem esse, Regnum omne mihi pacis publicae inimico adhaerere, meo adventu exultare, & quid superest nisi solum Regnum? Ideoque Cathedralem meam Sedem, Iurisdictionemque Ecclesiasticam, qua me prae­sumpti Conservatores expoliaverunt, mihi tra­dere & restituere, Regi Regnoque nocentissi­mum esse futurum.

LII. Hisce artibus & calumniis Epistolas a Co­mite Vicerege obtinent, quibus intimatur Capi­tulo pseudo-sede-vacante a Iesuitis machinato, ut proprio Pastori Iurisdictionem usurpatam minime concederent, nec restituerent. Quo non ob­stante major & sanior Capitularium pars, quae jam ab exilio redierat, obedientiam mihi debitam praebuit; alia minori, quae Iesuitis inhaerebat, pro­prio Episcopo resistente.

LIII. Iterum ergo, P. B. angustiae, iterum schis­ma, iterum aquae tribulationum intraverunt usque ad animam meam; populus enim pro Episcopo, Prorex Comes pro Iesuitis stabat. Cum ergo viri isti religiosi semper instarent ne me Dioeccsim me­am gubernare Prorex permitteret, nisi porrecta manu de nihil innovando in causa Iesuitarum; considerans ego et mecum perpendens, imo viros doctos & cordatos consulens, aliquando necessa­rium esse membrum putridum pro toto corpore offerre, & aliqua etiam alias non tolerabilia per­mitti, & tolerari debere ut non scandalizemus, sicut Dominus Petro, cum tributum ab eo posce­retur, dixit, disciplinam etiam Ecclesiasticam dissi­patam intuens, Monialium conventus quos ego reformatos reliqueram, relaxatos, Clerum quem ego tranquillissimum & virtutibus admodum prae­ditum, jam censura & jurisdictione Ecclesiastica laxata, non eo quo decebat ordine et honore florere, & tandem tali schismate gubernatam Dioecesim, ut neque legitime Sacramenta mini­strarentur, neque sententiae Ecclesiasticae rite fer­rentur, neque quidquam per suos tramites dire­ctum esse videretur, tandem pro publica pace (cer­tis factis prius juridice protestationibus super praemissa & a Conservatoribus perpetrata) quousque a Tua Sanditate materia haec dirimenre­tur, de non innovando promisi.

LIV. Quo facto intra paucos menses iterum alia navis ab Hispania pervenit, in qua literae regiae sunt delatae super hac causa, quibus expresse Comiti Viceregi jubebatur, ut officium deponeret & provincia excederet, Episcopus Lucatanensis gubernaret, gravissima etiam increpatione super­addita Proregi, quod Iesuitis contra ipsas etiam leges Regias adeo impotenter & sine delectu & judicio in causa injustissima pro eorum arbitrio au­xiliatus fuisset, mihique Ministro Regio, Consilii Indiarum Decano & Episcopo, & paulo ante Pro­regi in salutem animarum incumbenti tot & tanta incommoda tribulationesque intulisset. Eodem modo & majori severitate Rex Catholicissimus & clementissimus meus Conservatores praesumptos & Provinciales Dominicanorum & Iesuitarum, qui haec omnia fuerant machinati, increpavit, & nullitatem omnium quae a Comite Prorege in favorem Iesuitarum facta sunt, declaravit, & hoc nondum ei patentibus posterioribus eorum facinoribus.

LV. Sed Iesuitae, qui non pro fide aut veritate, sed pro sua in populis existimatione decertabant, neque his decretis Regiis schedulisque assenserunt, imo neque eas accepisse fateri voluerunt, sed contrarium divulgantes toto eo tempore, quo Prorex Comes Regni gubernacula retinebat, haec omnia occultarunt, populis suadentes, fictis etiam Epistolis evulgatis, sevicisse, s [...]per [...]s [...], tri­amphasse, & ita quos ipsi dece [...]nt, in suis erroribus conservabant.

LVI. Verum postquam Episcopus Lucatanensis Regni gubernationem suscepit, jam aliquo modo clarior veritas (etsi aliquantulum a Iesuitis sup­pressa,) fulgentior justitia, efficaciora mandata Regis omnibus extitere, & ego mea jurisdictio­ne Ecclesiastica jam in aliqualem libertatem vindi­cata, fragmenta laceratae tunicae Petri, jurisdicti­onem disciplinamque relaxatam, fractum Pastora­lem baculum, mitram conculcatam, sponsalem annulum a digito evulsum, non sine lacrymis & ingenti dolore talia videns conspiciensque, re­cuperavi, recollegi, consolidavi, erexi, & vul­neratae dignitatis plagas quomodo licuit, cu­ravi.

LVII. Plurimos enim subditos meos tam Ecclesi­asticos [Page 17] quam Seculates, qui constanter passi sunt, laudavi, imo & aliquos praemio affeci; qui autem animi potius fragilitate quam malignitate delique­rant, in ipsis quidem mihi omnibus fragiliori par­cendo, eos absolvi, alios vero qui cupiditate ve­hementi, aut ambitione inordinata, aut Pastoris odio, aut in secularem potestatem adulatione & propensione agitati contra mittam conspiraverant, correctos, sed non sine Ecclesiastica moderatione, emendatos dimisi.

LVIII. Quosdam vero, qui pecunia Iesuitica corrupti contumacissime suos errores defendebant, & nocentissima hujus Ecclesiasticae seditionis & schismatis capita, etiam se de hoc scelere glori­ando, extitere, & neque ipsum vocati, imo ro­gati a proprio Pastore ut in viam veritatis redirent, recognoscere voluerunt, sed ex domibus Iesuita­rum, quo refugerant, plutima maledicta in in me & in meam dignitatem jaciebant (facto prius juridice per absentiam processu & legitime concluso) canonicis constitutionibus & sacris A­postolicis decretis, & eorum decisione subnixus, per meum Provisorem Episcopum electum de Honduras eos paenis censurisque subjeci.

LIX. Deinde voce, epistolis, edictis, concioni­bus, quantum mea fragilitas valuit, pristinos status animabus restituti procuravi, & hoc quantum at­tinet ad subditos meos tam Ecclesiasticos quam se­culares.

LX. Verum quoad Regulares exemptos, Con­servatores scilicet & Iesuitas, & qui eis adhaese­rant nihil profui, imo & post Tuae Sanctitatis Breve 16. Maii anno isto 1648. expeditum, mihi per Doctorem Silverium de Pineda delatum, ipsis intimatum, post ipsas etiam Regales declarationes, quae in classi Regia per mensem Septembris in por­tum appulere, notitificatas, semper, ut inserius dicam, in suo errore Iesuitae versantur, & vinculis excommunicationis innodati, irregulares, & sus­pensi publice celebrant.

LXI. His enim Pontificiis Regalibusque decretis respondent Religiosi Iesuitae, Breve videlicet Sanctitatis Tuae hac super causa expeditum Romae 16 die Maii, anno 1648. viribus esse evacua­tum. Primo quod ab Indiarum Consilio minime approbatum sit, & haec allegant quamvis decretis schedulisque Regiis contrarium statutum est. Bre­via enim quae cum citatione partium, & in con­tradictorio judicio in Romana Curia obtinentur, patefieri Indiarum Consilio minime jubentur, sed tantum ea quae ad Patronatum pertinent, ut si quid subreptitie contra concessa a Tua Pontificum­que Antecessorum Tuorum benignitate, benefi­centissime Catholicae Hispaniae Coronae fuerit im­petratum, Catholicissimi & piissimi Regis & Ec­clesiae Romanae primogeniti precibus exauditis a Tua benevolentia reformetur.

LXII. Ideoque a Religiosis Iesuitis praesens inter­rogavi & interpellaviutrum verba illa, Pasce oves meas, a Domino in Tiberiadis littore Petro pro­nunciata, a Senatu Regio fuerint approbata? an oratio Dominica? an Angelica salutatio? an fidei articuli? an Apostolorum symbolum? an ipsa fides Catholica & Romana talibus decretis in quocunque articulo indigeat?

LXIII. Ego enim qui per viginti annos Catholi­cissimo Domino meo in suis Regiis Consiliis inser­vivi, ejus mentem religiosissimam callens, & mi­ram in Sedem Apostolicam observantiam, imo usque ad sanguinis effufionem contra Infideles, Haereticos & Schismaticos pro Petri Cathedra defendenda constantiam expertus, omnia ea quae ad fidem pertinent, & quae Religionem Catholi­cam augent, atquae animos ad aeterna dirigunt, & quae Sacramenta statuunt, & quae optimum admi­nistrandi ordinem introducunt; ac tuentur, & denique quae mala vitant, aut bona juvant, a Re­ge piissimo & religiosissimo, & ab Indiarum Sena­toribus doctissimis & integerrimis non tantum ap­probari, sed etiam voce, legibus, pecuniis, viri­busque omnibus juvari & commendari compertis­simum habeo.

LXIV. Secundo contra idem Breve Tuae San­ctitatis affirmant Iesuitae sua privilegia concessa esse a Sede Apostolica propter merita, & in contra­ctus transisse, & ideo pacta vocari potius quam privilegia, cujus causa a Tua Beatitudine revocari non posse.

LXV. Tertio quod huic proximum est, quia clausulam habent ut quamvis de verbo ad ver­bum de ogentur, non possint revocari, & ideo neque a Tua Sanctitate, ut Paulus V. in suo privi­legio statuit, quod incipit, Quantum Religio.

LXVI. Quarto tandem, quia Tuae Sanctitatis Apostolicae literae super hac causa expeditae & San­ctissimorum Pontificum Gregorii XV. & Urbani VIII. constitutiones, de quibus in eis mentio fit, non sunt ab Ecclesia admissae neque consuetudini traditae, & leges quae non admittuntur, pro legi­bus non computari. Et haec Iesuitae contra Tuas literas, S. P. proferunt, & totis viribus defendere nituntur.

LXVII. Verum iste quidem constitutionum A­postolicarum & privilegiorum interpretandi Iesui­tarum modus non tantum negotio ipso ingratus & molestus est, sed etiam doctrinae fidei & Apo­stolicae Sedis auctoritati & dignitati molestissimus & nocentissimus. Nam hac interpretatione au­ctoritas & potestas Pontificum infringitur, Eccle­siae gubernatio turbatur, & omne sacrae Iurisdicti­onis robur & dignitas debilitatur, & quod nefa­rium est, omnes pene a Sede Apostolica constituti­ones quae quotidie magno Reipublicae Christianae commodo statuuntur & divulgantur, ad manem & quandam vanam & umbratilem legum formam reducuntur.

LXVIII. Pontificia siquidem potestas non tan­tum coarctatur, sed minuitur, si Urbano VIII. minor sit auctoritas ad revocandum quod ipsi vi­debitur universalis Ecclesiae commodo & Religio­nis augmento utile revocari, ea potestate quae Paulo V. fuit ad statuendum.

LXIX. Nam si Pontificibus posterioribus non licet reformare, quae ab Antecessoribus sanctissime constituta tractu temporis propter varias humana­rum rerum vicissitudines et causas reformatione vel mutatione indigeant, & quae ipsi si viverent refor­marent, posterior quidem Pontifex erit minor dignitate, auctoritate et potestate anteriori, et orbata videbitur Ecclesia circa ea quae remediis indigent, capite universali, et judice controver­siarum supremo: et non tam Pontifices fummi, fi­dei directores et judices quam Antecessorum le­gum constitutionumque vocabuntur executores: quod asserere nefandissimum est.

LXX. Leges enim condere, revocare, edere, [Page 18] temperare, et ad suam observantiam populos et Ecclesiasticos Ordines compellere, cuicunque Vi­cario Christi Domini Romano Pontifici aequaliter competit sine limitatione aliqua (salva solum na­turall lege et Divina) quod nemo Catholicus hucusque negavit. Et praecipue hoc esse certissi­mum inconveniens constat, cum omnium fere sive Cleri, sive Cathedrahum, sive prorum locorum, sive Regularium privilegia clausulis eisdem Iesuitarum privilegiorum fulciantur, & propter propria meri­ta concedantur, et ita in nullo eorum Pontifices quid immutare posse dicendum esse.

LXXI. Quod quidem absurdissimum est; nam semper in omnibus Apostolicis mandatis, consti­tutionibus et privilegis clausula haec tacita, secreta et nunquam moritura viget, quae omnibus ahis for­tius influere neminem etiam modice eruditum, la­et, videlicet, Salva semper in omnibussuprema A­postolicae Sedis auctoritate, et majori Ecclesiae uni­versalis utilitate, quae in statuendis, erigendis, de­rogandis privilegiis et constitutionibus praeeminet.

LXXII. In ultimo autem Iesuitarum fundamento asserere acceptatas non esse ab Ecclesia, id est ab eis, (ita ego intelligo) has Apostolicas consti­tutiones, nempe quia ipsorum adversantur pri­vilegiis (si enim non adversarentur, absque dubio acceptarentur ab eis) audaciorem esse istam inpre­candi methodum quam a Tua Apostolica auctorita­te tolerari possit, Innocenti Sanctissime, existimo.

LXXIII. Quamvis enim verum sit leges univer­sales aliquorum populorum assensu ut obligent indigere, praecipue quando superiorum praecepta non urgent, u [...]que eorum secundis jussionibus re­pugnant, vel desidia corrigitur subditorum, tamen hac juris regula omnes & singulas, & eas quae in contradictorio judicio latae sunt, Apostolicas con­stitutiones, vel quae circa Sacramenta vel fidem a Pontificibus Romanis statuuntur, vel quae circa ad­ministrationem Sacramentorum afferunt jurisdicti­onem vel auferunt, interpretari, & a subditorum voluntate, aut ab eorum arbitrio Ecclesiasticarum legum firmitatem pendere, & si nolint eas accep­tare, minime obligare, asserere, Ecclesiae univer­sali perniciosissimum esse quis non videt?

LXXIV. Si enim a voluntate pendet subdito­rum, constitutionum robur & validitas, vana est & nulla superiorum quidem potestas. Et si Iesuitae nobis necessarii sunt, ut sua privi­legia ab Apostolica Sede concessa vel decla­rentur, vel moderentur, vel revocentur, & sine eis Apostolica auctoritas non tenet, certe nunquam, Beatissime Pater, quietem habebimus, sed in his dissensionum fluctibus jactabimur.

LXXV. Ideo haec Iesuitarum opinio, P. B. istaque inspiratio vel illuminatio, & interpre­tandi Apostolicas constitutiones methodus, quia Apostolica quidem non est, Apostolica indiget virga censoria; nihil enim Apostolicae Sedis ob­servantiae, obedientiae & reverentiae sapit, & hoc cum pluries dixerint mihi Iesuitae in confe­rentiis super hac causa mecum habitis, pluries etiam, ut debui, facie ad faciem restiti; ipsi ta­men in eadem sententia opinionibusque ver­santur, & quamvis scriptis & typis edere non audent, tamen eis Iesuitae opinionibus vivunt, & sua privilegia jam emortua, etiam in ipsis fu­neribus rediviva esse contendunt, & iis jam finitis & revocatis, cum maxima animarum pernicie, in foro interiori utuntur.

LXXVI. Ergo Patres Iesuitae jam rejectis San­ctitatis Tuae decretis, non reverentius Regias declarationes susceperunt; nam cum in eis re­ligiosissimus Rex, suusque amplissimus Senatus idem quod Tua Sanctitas nobis Episcopis, & Regularibus, audientiae Mexicanae declarasset, scilicet Conservatores in hoc casu creari non de­bere, neque praetextu injuriarum Episcopum ejusque Provisorem, Cleros & Populos mole­stari potuisse, neque audientia Regali recusata a Iesuitis Religiosis Proregi adeo impotenter et caeco nutu eis auxiliari licuisse; intimatis schedulis responderunt Iesuitae, nihil hoc Regale decretum causae suae obesse; laici enim cum sint tam Senatus quam Catholicus Rex, de causis spiritualibus cognoscere non potuisse.

LXXVII. Itaque quando Prorex Comes de Sal­vatierra pro ipsis declaravit in spiritualibus Con­servatores Iesuiticos legitime procedere et valide Ecclesiasticam Iurisdictionem invadere & oppri­mere, & Iesuitas ad exhibendas licentias confiten­di et praedicandi non teneri, & injuriis a Provisore affectos, quia ab audiendis confessionibus abstinere eis jusserat: Tunc licet laico Iudici Proregi tan­quam si esset Pontifex, vel tanquam Legatus Apostolicae Sedis, de Spiritualibus judicare, & E­piscopos incarcerare, & Sacerdotes relegare, & alia quae supra dicta sunt perpetrare. Quan­do autem Rex Senatusque ejus ab ipsis Re­ligiosis invocatus, contrarium declarat, & perpe­ram fecisse Ministros Seculares in auxiliando Conservatoribus pronunciat, Laicus est Senatus, Laicus est Rex, Controversia est Spiritualis.

LXXVIII. Cum certissimum sit, Pater Beatis­sime, quod quamvis de spiritualibus non liceat Laicis etiam supremis Consiliis secularibus judi­care, imo si ipsi sibi deferrat jus potestatemque de­clarandi Ecclesiasticas & spirituales controversias tanquam judices earum legitimi & supremi, ne­fandissimum sit; tamen declarare & interpretari Apostolicas constitutiones, id est, jubere & im­perare suis Ministris & Audientiis Regalibus ut constitutiones Apostolicas protegant & defen­dant, auxilientur & coadjuvent, & secundum ipsas judicent, & contra Ecclesiastica decreta Regulares agere non permittant, & Episcopos adjuvent, non tantum Ecclesiae non nocens, imo Ecclesiae utilissimum & necessarium esse, nemo est qui ignoret. Quis enim negabit brachio sinistro seculari spirituale dexterum adjuvandum esse, & utroque connexo et in unum tendente, Dei or­dinationem, id est, Ecclesiasticam Iurisdictionem Pontificiam & Episcopalem protegendam esse?

LXXIX. Soluti ergo jam in suo ipso judicio a Pontificia Iurisdictione & Regia potestate Iesuitae, & omni sive spirituali sive temporali jurisdictio­ne superiores, nescio quo fine libellum mihi por­rigunt, in quo protestantur, se neque per Pon­tificia decreta, neque per Regia mandata, sed pro mea tantum ordinaria Iurisdictione licentias confitendi, per duos pene annos a me expostula­tas, ab ipsis denegatas exhibere velle, et si istae non essent sufficientes, a me expostulaturos confitendi facultatem, semper tamen insisten­tes, etiam intimato Brevi Tuae Sanctitatis, quo contrarium cavetur, licere sibi confessiones se­cularium audire sine licentia proprii Episcopi [Page 19] in vim suorum privilegiorum.

LXXX. Libellum porrectum accepi non sine magna admiratione, Iesuitas Iurisdictioni majo­ri, id est, Pontificiae meam Iurisdictionem, quae illius rivulus quidam est, anteferre: & post tot pericula, controversias, difficultates, scandala, ad Tuam Sanctitatem recursus nunc tandem facere, quod prima die ab ipsis faciendum fuerat: & ad­huc intimato Brevi Sanctitatis Tuae, non Tuae su­premae Iurisdictioni sed meae submitti velle.

LXXXI. Verum cum mihi pateret, eos sine li­centia praedicare & confessiones secularium au­dire, enixe considerans, ut aliquo modo hoc Ec­clesiasticum schisma tolleretur, licentias accepi, et quas a meis Antecessoribus concessas inveni, quae paucissimae erant, approbavi, & religiosis senioribus & doctioribus facultatem audiendi con­fessiones secularium sine examine praebui, ju­venes autem & mihi non cognitos, ut a Synodali­bus examinarentur, remisi.

LXXXII. Hoc facto, P. S. iterum aliam litem Religiosi Iesui [...]ae instaurant, affirmantes grav [...]s­simum & durissimum esse, Religiosos suos qui­cunque sint, sive juvenes, sive senes hi fuerint, sive a me cogniti sive non cognici, sive docti sive indocti, examini Synodalium exponi, ideoque nolle ipsorum censurae subjici, et in hoc hodie haeremus, imo et in isto inquieto discordiarum pelago fluctuamus.

LXXXIII. Ita ergo jam prolixa admodum nar­ratione Tuae Sanctitati patebit, Pater Beatissime, impunita esse maxima Christianae Reipublicae scandala, tot facinora contra Tuam Sanctitatem, Apostolicam dignitatem, et Ecclesiasticam Iuris­dictionem, et contra sacras censuras, leges, de­creta, et alia ab his Regularibus perpetrata, con­fitendo et praedicando per annum integrum non solum invito sed contradicente Episcopo, suspensi et irregulares sacrum celebrando, Episcopos duos, Dioecesanum scilicet et ejus Vicarium, nulliter et indebite excommunicando, Sacerdotes, et Capi­tulares et Episcopum electum de Honduras carce­ri mandando, Angelopolitanum a propria Sede praedictis sceleribus detrudendo, et omnem po­testatem, etiam Pontificiam, in hoc casu negando, caeteraque quae supra scripta sunt suaviori quidem et leniori stylo quam ipsamet.

LXXXIV. Sed quo mea haec oratio tendit, In­nocenti Sanctissime, Jesu Christi Filii Dei Vicari universalis, Pastor supreme, controversiarum Ecclesiae Iudex integerrime, communis omnium dulcissime Pater, num justitiam contra Jesuitas exposcam? Absit, ut quod Ananiae & Saphirae, qui Pontificali spiritu Petri & verbis tanquam gla­dio ancipiti percussi cecidere, Jesuitis expos­cam: fratres sunt, Religiosi sunt, viri de Eccle­sia bene meriti sunt; si plurimi eorum peccave­runt, non pauci eorum peccata plorabant, alio­rumque gesta abhorrebant.

LXXXV. Num exposcam mihi aut de tri­bulatione laudem, aut de offensis satisfactionem, aut de criminationibus calumniisque vindictam? absit, P. B. ut temporalibus spiritualia com­pensari desiderem, & de eo quod pro Domino Salvatore nostro Jesu Christo ejusque amore & pro animabus quas redemit, & pro Iurisdictione Ecclesiastica quam proprio sanguine stabilivit, & pro meis etiam sceleribus libentissime passus sum, aliquid humani commodi, aut honoris, aut laudis aucupari velim.

LXXXVI. Utinam, P. B. pro tali causa E­piscopali rocchetto proprio sanguine purpurato contigisset occumbere, & non sudore sed cruore causam justissimam ejus defendissem, qui meam totiusque generis humani defendit proprio cru­ore! Quis enim vulnera illata non libentissime pro eo suscipiet, qui illius sanctissima vulnera videt qui pro nobis in cruce pependit? Et si vita necessario amittenda est, pro qua glorio­siori causa impendenda quam pro salute com­mendatarum sibi animarum? quam pro consti­tutionibus Apostolicis, pro Ecclesiae offibus, Sa­cramentis defendendis, eorum legitima admini­stratione?

LXXXVII, Num ergo aliquorum qui mihi infensissimi fuerunt, & tot opprobria, delationes, injurias, publicos libellos sparserunt & divulga­runt, imo etiam vitam, honorem, famam me­am pedibus conculcarunt, peto supplicium? mi­nime, S. P. imo illis libentissime parco; ma­jora meis culpis debentur; si flagellum fuit meis sceleribus illatum, a Divina justitia clementis­sime illatum fuisse cognosco; si probatio aut tentatio fidei, aut Episcopalis constantiae & in­tegritatis, in cruce Domini mei glorior, hanc amplector, hanc in ipsis meis tribulationibus adoro; ipsa quae mihi crux, ipsa mihi praemi­um est.

LXXXVIII. Solum ergo, B. P. digni­tati, baculo, mitraeque condignam satisfactio­nem, quae Tibi videbitur aequa & ipsis Religio­sis Jesuitis, eorum sanctissimae Societati sanctis­simam, certe qua indigent, reformationem ab integritate sapientiaque tua, Innocenti Beatis­sime, exposco.

LXXXIX. Utinam plura essem passus, dum­modo eorum occasione & baculo Pastorali inte­gritas & auctoritas, & sanctissimae huic Religioni primitivus caritatis ardor restitueretur. Ideo haec atrocissima in viris professione spiritualibus permisisse Dominum pie credere debemus: ne­que enim, ut ait Augustinus, omnipotens & mi­sericors Deus, cum summe bonus sit, ullo modo sineret mali esse aliquid in operibus suis, nisi usque adeo esset bonus, ut bene faceret etiam de malo.

XC. Oportet ut scandala veniant, P. B. dixit Dominus Jesus, ut scandalis ad optimas leges Ec­clesiasticas evulgandas, & optime jam editas pro­movendas, fulciendas, defendendas, animus tu­us zelo divino agitatus, Innocenti Sanctissime, excitetur, & Ecclesia clarioribus Tuae doctrinae radiis illustrata resplendeat: aliquando etiam ex horrido ore leonis favus elicitur dulcissimus re­formationis, & excommunicationes & pontifi­calia flagella a Sede Apostolica jaculata & inflicta, quando alios feriunt, alios illuminant, sicut calor solis illuminando urit & urendo splendet.

XCI. Quis enim, P. B. ea integritate qua decet & perfecta honestaque disciplina proprias oves & Dioecesim moderari audebit, si etiam ju­stissima & sanctissima a Jesuitis in dubium revo­centur, & si cum eis lis fuerit exorta, aut vita fundenda, aut baculus Episcopalis dimittendus est?

XCII. Quis, P. B. dignitate mitraque con­culcata [Page 20] virtutes erigere promovereque potest? quis baculo fracto vitia compescere, lupos ar­cere, oves defendere, pascere, servare, ad aeter­na dirigere? illuditur enim praeceptum juben­tis, si evacuata sit viribus jurisdictio dominan­tis, & ab ovibus spernitur Pastor; si baculus Pastoralis coram ipsis ovibus audacter confrin­gitur, neque qualis debeatur Pastori pas [...]orum honor & obedientia constabit, si pastores ipsos ir­risos, illusos, spretos grex ipse conspexerit. I­mo contemptis membris & caput despicitur, & tota corporis mystici militantis Ecclesiae discipli­na dissolvitur.

XCIII. Ideo necesse est, B. P. ut alter duo­rum Fratrum Conservatorum (alter enim sine Sacramentis, sine absolutione, sine luce, sine duce, sine cruce, ut accidit Schismaticis, sine vita in lecto ipso excommunicatus & irregularis fuit intra an­num misere inventus) & alii aliqui Religiosi qui dignitatem Ecclesiasticam & Ecclesiae censu­ras admodum contempsere, publice a proprio Episcopo ubicunque is fuerit absolvantur, idque omnibus pateat.

XCIV. Et de caetero, S. P. a Tua summa prudentia & sapientia statuatur, ut minime li­ceat Regularibus seipsos contra Episcopum Con­servatores eligere, & in propria aut communi causa sibi ipsis judicium agere & sententiam pro­ferre, praesertim cum in istis Indiis Occidentali­bus tot sint dignitates Ecclesiasticae seculares, quae ubi non sunt Synodales Iudices, hoc munus pote­runt exercere.

XCV. Neque liceat Conservatoribus, qui­cunque hi fuerint, etiam legitime assignatis E­piscopos excommunicare neque incarcerare, & plebes populosque Christianos orphanos acepha­losque relinquere. Nunquam enim in tot se­culorum curriculis qui ab Apostolorum tempo­ribus processere, Episcopi incarcerati sunt, nisi vel a Tua Sanctissima dignitate, quam venera­mur superiorem Iudicem & matrem, vel a manu thaeretica, vel gentilicia, vel schismatica Ecclesi­am ipsam in ipsis Ecclesiae ducibus & Episcopis tanquam membris suis persequente. Si enim Episcopi a Religiosis Conservatoribus excom­municari & incarcerari possunt, de tota Eccle­siastica disciplina, P. S. actum esse non dubito.

XCVI. Acriora aut duriora, P. S. contra ip­sos minime exposco, imo pro eis pedibus Tuae Sanctitatis provolutus quam humillime & instan­tissime deprecor.

XCVII. Quoad secundam autem postulatio­nem, S. P. quam necessitate propriaeque stimu­lo conscientiae compulsus Tuae Beatitudini propo­no, videlicet ut aliqua moderatione non levi So­cietas Jesu mihi amantissima Religio intra termi­nos contineatur.

XCVIII. Testor & protestor Sanctissimae & individuae Trinitati, Patri, & Filio, et Spiritui Sancto, tribus in singularitate personis, uni in sub­stantia Deo, et Deiparae semper Virgini Mariae, & Beatissimo Petro Apostolorum Principi et Coa­postolo ejus Paulo, et omnibus Ecclesiae trium­phantis beatissimis Spiritibus, et Angelorum Or­dinibus, et Tibi verae Jesu Christi Domini nostri imagini, supremo Christi Vicario, Petri Succes­sori, optime et Sanctissime Innocenti, quicquid in hac epistola vel supplici libello hinc inde us­que ad finem ipsius a mea humilitate dictum fue­rit et prolatum, non alio fine vel intentione pro­ferre velle, nisi propter majus Christianae Reli­gionis augmentum, pu [...]orem fidei propagatio­nem, Infidelium securiorem et efficaciorem con­versionem, Religiosorum Jesuitarum majorem profectum et utilitatem, et ut quam plurima ma­la quae hodie in Ecclesia pullulant et deinde im­minent, a Tua Sanctitate et prudentia vitentur, aut praecaveantur. Et itidem protestor, quod totis meis visceribus Dominum meum Jesum Christum deprecatus sum et iterum deprecor, ut si haec epistola in his omnibus quae supra dicta sunt et infra dicentur, ad gloriam Dei non tendat neque dirigatur, ad Tuas Beatissimas manus non perveniat, et si pervenerit, parvifacias. Verum si haec omnia quae in his literis continentur, Tuae sapientiae remedio indigere et maximum Reipub­licae Christianae non moderata nocumentum in­ferre posse fuerit visum, Spiritus Sanctus, cujus organum es, Innocenti Beatissime, illuminet, di­rigat, & suggerat Tibi quod Ecclesiasticae unitati, Religionis propagationi, Christianae Reipublicae utilitati, & Jesuiticae Societatis spirituali incre­mento; sibi cordium scrutatori, mentium illu­minatori, fidei propagatori videbitur efficaci­us.

XCIX. Ista, B. P. protestatione Christiana praemissa, ea ingenuitate & sinceritate qua decet & licet filio qui Patrem, viro Christiano qui Chri­sti Vicarium universalem alloquitur, profiteor Religionem istam alias sanctissimam, si intra cancellos justae & honestae reformationis a Tua integritate & sapientia non arceatur, jam non tam utilem quam animarum regimini, quod no­bis Episcopis competit, nunc certe jam ex­tare & magis tractu temporis noxiam esse fu­turam.

C. Jesuitas Religiosos, P. B., per triginta an­nos satis intime tractavi, clarissimis & doctissi­mis eorum amicitia conjunctissimus fui, & modo equidem sum Antonio Velasquez qui de optimo Principe & ad Philipenses: Paulo Sherloquio qui de Kanticis Cant. Joanni Eusebio Nierem­berg. qui plurima spiritualia scripsit: Francisco Pimentel Viro clarissimo & honestissimo, & Au­gustino de Castro, Regiis Praedicatoribus & ali­is. Qualem ipsi de me existimationem habue­rint, dicant eorum mihi dicati libri, & quos e­go in lucem edidi, ab eis approbati & laudati: nunquam enim ipsis Iesuitis malus fui, nisi quando Ecclesiae meae bonus ab omnibus existi­mabar.

CI. Humanae conditionis est, P. B. ubi ad maximum devenitur, declinare; Religio ista sua potentia laborat; sua magnitudine jactatur; sua existimatione maxima ne minima omnibus aliis sit, a Tua admirabili sapientia & dexteritate qua polles in gubernaculis Ecclesiae moderandis & dirigendis cavendum erit.

CII. Ego quidem fateor libentissime Societa­tem Jesu meritis & scriptis, voce & exemplo Dei Ecclesiam illustrasse & plurimum profuisse, sed aliis etiam incommodis, ne dicam imperfectio­nibus gravissimis Ecclesiae Dei nunc obesse & postea plus verendum obfuturam, affirmare co­actus sum, qnae utrum illis ista majora sint vel minora, Tua ineffabili trutina & Apostolico [Page 21] calculo pensandum & judicandum erit.

CIII. Nam sicut Praebenda vel beneficium quod plus pensionis & oneris quam lucri & com­modi possessori fructificat, ingrata cuicunque existimabitur, ita etiam si Religio aliqua aut Or­do Regularis plus Reipublicae Christianae incom­modi quam utilitatis pariat, ingrata potius quam necessaria videbitur, praecipue cum plurimi sint Ecclesiastici Ordines & Religiones quae sine tanta Reipub. Christianae jactura non minorem Ec­clesiae afferant utilitatem.

CIV. Quid enim interest, P. S. suppona­mus quod pro Ecclesia Societas Jesuitica laboret, & ejus onere, pondere, & praesumpta auctoritate magnitudineque Ecclesia Dei universalis labo­rat & gemit; quid interest, quod Episcopos in ministerio adjuvet, si Episcopos non suis nutibus obsecundantes deprimit & exagitat? quid interest quod populos doceat, si po­pulos commovet & perturbat? quid interest quod filios erudite patribus instruat, si filiis dul­cissimis patres orbat, & receptos i [...]erum & no­tatos a Societate pro levissimis projicit & ex­pellit?

CV. Quid interest quod Ministris aliquando Regiis Dynastisque & Principum aulis cum utilita­te se inserat, si plures non necessaria imo Repub­licae noxia introductione & praesumptione, quae spiritualis ministerii existimationi detrahit pluri­mum, & offensam secularibus reddit, manu di­rectioneque interiori de spiritualibus ad politica, de politicis ad prophana, de prophanis ad nocen­tissima subintrando, & magno secularium scan­dalo & incommodo interiora domorum seculari­um dirigendo & gubernando?

CVI. Quid interest quod inter Religiones flo­reat, si Religiones ipsas calamo, potentia, livore, doctrina, apologiis etiam editis opibusque de­primit & obscurat? quid interest quod tot scrip­tis Ecclesiam illustret, si tot opinionibus Ecclesi­am vexat, sapientiam divexat & scindit, verita­tem tandem reddit ambiguam? Nonne & scien­tia quis laborabit si plus sapiat quam oportet sa­pere? nam ad sobrietatem sapere docendum & e­discendum est.

CVII. Quae alia Religio, Innocenti Sanctissime, Ecclesiae universali tanto fuit impedimento, & discordiis adeo totum orbem Christianum imple­vit? Nec mirum certe, B. P. liceat haec profer­re; Religio enim ista singularitate sua laborat potius quam lucet; neque enim Clerum in to­tum sapit, neque regularitatem omnimodo am­plectitur, sed utrorumque privilegiis gaudens, imo excellere & excedere praerogativis ab Apo­stolica Sede irrevocabiliter concessis existimans, utrosque contemnit, seseque supra omnes Eccle­siasticos Ordines extollit.

CVIII. Quae alia Religio occultas proprias constitutiones habet, privilegia reclusa, institu­tiones velatas, & omnia quae ad eorum pertinent directionem tanquam mysterio aliquo obvoluta abscondit? Fateor quidem quicquid incognitum est pro magnifico haberi, verum etiam pro su­specto, praecipue in Ecclesiasticis Ordinibus, cer­tissimum & evidentissimum existimo.

CIX. Omnibus omnia caeterorum Ordinum instituta patent, etiam Pontificum, Cardinalium, Episcoporum, & totius Ecclesiastici Cleri docu­cumenta & conciliares regulae; non odit lucem Ecclesia, imo tenebras odit, tanquam ab eo pe­renni lucis fonte illuminata qui dixit, Ego sum lux mundi. Etiam caeterarum Religionum pri­vilegia, instructiones, directiones, statuta con­spiciuntur, & in publicis populorum Bibliothe­cis communiter dispenduntur; uno intuitu No­vitius Franciscanus videt quod, Generalis si ipse esset futurus, faciendum esset sibi.

CX. In Jesuitica autem Societate plures sunt etiam professi qui ignorant constitutiones pro­prias, privilegia, & institutiones, quibus nomen adscribunt, quam quibus constat, ut Tuae Beati­tudini poterit constare. Neque manifestis Chri­stianae Ecclesiae regulis, sed certa quadam ipsis Superioribus solum patenti, interiori directione & aliquibus delationibus arcanis admodum peri­culosis, & quae plurimos imo etiam innumeros expulsos pariunt aut abortant, & tandem magis moribus quam legibus gubernant, quod humanae naturae incongruum et contrarium esse quis non videt?

CXI. Quae alia Religio tantas aliis Religioni­bus, Clero, Episcopis & secularibus potestatibus, & his Christianis & Catholicis turbas commovit, aemulationes peperit, querelas concitavit, con­troversiis litibusque implicavit? Aliqua aliquas, tantas nulla; de poenitentia & mortificatione cum Discalceatis & Observantibus: de choro cum Monachalibus & Mendicantibus: de clausura cum Coenobitis: de doctrina cum Dominicanis: de jurisdictione cum Episcopis: de decimis cum Cathedralibus & Parochis: de Regnorum statu & tranquillitate cum Principibus & Rebus publi­cis: de opibus & contractibus, & commerciis, etiam non admodum justis, cum secularibus: tandem cum tota universali Ecclesia contendit; etiam Tuam Apostolicam Sedem supra petram quae Christus est, fundatam, si non verbis, factis tamen negant, ut in praesenti negotio clarissime comprobatur.

CXII. Quae alia Religio doctrinam Sanctorum tanta libertate impugnavit? & illis verae fidei an­tesignanis, Ecclesiae columnis, Theologiae mican­tissimis & dignissimis praeceptoribus minus detulit reverentiae? fallitur D. Thom, Bonavent. deci­pitur; non tantum dicit & scribit, sed etiam ty­pis mandat quicunque Iesuitarum modernus prae­ceptor.

CXIII. In suggestis sacris jam reticet Augusti­nus, Ambrosius; obmutescunt Gregor. Hieron. Chrysost. Cyrillus et caeteri Ecclesiae non quomo­docunque lumina, sed luminaria fulgentissima; quidam enim tantummodo neoterici Iesuitae a suis discipulis laudati exaudiuntur, et eorum auctori­tate, dictis, scriptisque doctrinam Christianam fulcire nituntur. Quod non solum dignitati ver­bi Dei maxime indecens, sed neque animarum saluti securum existimo. Si enim cuicunque Do­ctori eadem quae Sanctis conceditur auctoritas, maxime vexare potest Ecclesiam opinionum di­versitas, et labefactari fidei puritas, et morum in­tegritas, quae ex auctoritate Patrum et Sanctorum veneratione dependet.

CXIV. Quae Religio etiam in suis incunabulis et primitivo fervore, et non a sua fundatione 50. annis transactis a Pontifice aliquo Romano fuit gravissime monita, et ut humilius procederet, [Page 22] circa tria superbiae capita animadversa, sicut Re­ligio sancta Iesuitarum a Clem. VIII. Pont. summo in sua Congreg. anni 1592. proprio o­ris oraculo, sapientissima oratione, & severa monitione correpta? nondum pene natam, jam relaxatam prudentiss. & perspicaciss. Clem. VIII. oculis conspicientibus. Aliamne Relig. hac cen­sura in primitivo institutionis fervore ab Apost. Sede notatam aut tali sigillo vidimus obsigna­tam?

CXV. Quae alia Religio adeo integros & an­tiquos mores Ecclesiae laxavit postquam a primi­tivo suo fervore discessit (scriptis intelligo et exemplo aliquorum sui Ordinis professorum) circa usuras, circa praecepta Ecclesiastica & De­calogi, circa omnem Christianum vivendi teno­rem, praecipue quantum attinet ad doctrinam? ita ut arbitraria pene videatur et probabilis om­nis in Ecclesia moralis Theologia. Cognovi quos­dam Iesuitas praeceptores in hac mea Dioecesi Angelopolitana satis adolescentes, siquidem aeta­tatis 30 annorum metam nondum attigerant, sa­nos, fortes, robustos, qui etiam in vigiliis Dei­parae et Sanctorum, et in quadragesima sacra (ut mihi nunciatum est) neque lacticiniis, neque ovis abstinebant neque jejunabant.

CXVI. Quia nimirum in puerorum instru­ctione et verbi Dei praedicatione, in quibus non minus Clerus et caeterae jejunantes laborant Re­ligiones, plurimum Iesuitae et intolerabiliter in­sudant. Quibus legibus, aut opinionibus, do­ctrina aut exemplo instructi discipuli juvenes, non solum inermes et effeminati, et spiritum sugientes, et carnis illecebris et voluptatibus pro­cliviores et indulgentiores educantur, sed quae­cunque in Ecclesia aspera et quae ad poenitenti­am inducunt, et quae crucis mortificationem promovent, verendum est ne metuant, respu­aut, perhorrescant: et cum Regnum caelorum vim patiatur, et violenti rapiant illud, mirum non eris si rapere ipsi non adeo faciliter que­ant.

CXVII. Hoc autem caeteros Ordines Reli­giones (que) sanctissimas, jejuniis, flagellis, noctur­nis excubationibus, choro, et clausurae arctiori assuetos, neque scriptis, neque voce, neque exemplo docere hucusque vidimus? imo poe­nitentiam praedicant quia agunt, paupertatem sua­dent quia colunt, cruem Domini defendunt quia portant.

CXVIII. Et cum leniori et suaviori vita Religiosi Iesuitae, quamvis honesta et sancta non nego & professione inter caeteras fulgeat Reli­giones, prae omnibus aliis perfectiorem esse su­am Societatem, Apologiis editis contendunt, ar­ctamque viam quae ducit ad vitam, id est, aeter­nam, ut ait Dominus, ampliori v [...]ae & corporis illecebris suaviori postponunt: Non recta cer­te, meo quidem fragili judicio, imo et peri­culosa et plurimum nocente Christianae reip. doctrina; vivant enim ut velint, doceant ut debent.

CXIX. Durum enim est, imo & durissimum, lene rigido, suave aspero, dulce amaro in spi­rituali & religiosa vita praeponere, & suam vi­vendi methodum & tranquillum & communem professionis tenorem caeteris preferre, etiam quibus d [...]rior lectus, quibus frequentior chorus, quibus perpetua oratio, quibus aeterna clausura, quibus amica poenitentia, quibus efficacior & non rarior, saltem in his partibus, verbi Dei praedi­catio, & quibus cum activa vita ferventior con­templativa,, quibus majora erga Ecclesiam Dei merita, securiores gressus, et antiquiores et fe­liciores progressus.

CXX. Quae alia Religio, P. B. a primis Mo­nachalium seu Mendicantium, sive quarumcun (que) Religionum initiis in Ecclesia Dei telonium ex­ercuit, pecuniis foeneravit, et in suis proprus domibus macella et alias impurissimas officinas in propatulo habuit? quae alia Religio foro bonis­que cessit? et prophanis commerciis et contra­ctibus maris terraeque totum fere orbem maximo secularium scandalo et admiratione complevit? Certe haec omnia, et ista ad secularia commer­cia propensio non ab eo videtur inspirata qui dixit, Nemo potest Deo servire et Mam­monae.

CXXI. Luget, S. P. Hispalensis populocis­sima civitas, complorant viduae Baeaticae, pupilli, orphani, desertae virgines, honesti Sacerdotes & seculares a Religiosis Iesuitis deceptos esse incla­mando, qui plus quam quatuor centum millibus ducatorum miserabilium istarum personarum dilapidatis et expensis in proprios usus bonis fo­roque cessere. Et totius Hispaniae gravissimo scandalo de hac fraude Religiosis Iesuitis con­ventis & convictis (quod in quocunque non Religioso esset capitale) ipsis exemptione Eccle­siasticos gaudere Ecclesiae contendentibus, et Conservatores assignantibus, tandem cum ad Regium Castellae Senatum causa fuisset delata, decisum fuit, in ea Iesuitas tanquam laicos coram Iudicibus laicis esse conveniendos, quia videlicet laicalia exercent commercia & negotiationes. Et hodie grex ille pauperum suas pecunias, alimenta, dotes, peculia, per secularia tribunalia contra Iesuitas exposcentes eosdem fraude dolentissime incusant & infamant.

CXXII. Quid dicent Batavi Haeretici, P. B. in illa Provincia & littoribus Gaditanis ubi hoc accidit frequentissime? Quid Britanni & Ger­mani novatores qui bonam fidem in contracti­bus servare, & integra & candida fronte mutuo inter se contrahere praesumunt? Profecto Ca­tholicam & Romanam fidem, Ecclesiasticam di­sciplinam, Sacerdotalem Ordinem, Regulares, sanctissimas professiones mordebunt, irridebunt, & contumaciores & duriores in suis erroribus permanebunt.

CXXIII. Et nonne pudet, P. B. viros pro­fessione perfectos, sanctos, Sacerdotes, Predi­catores, communes, ut ipsi aiunt, Ecclesiae ma­gistros de talibus excessibus coram laicis incu­sari? & Ecclesiasticam immunitatem & institutum suum etiam contractibus secularibus maculare disperdere, & prophanare; & tandem exemp­tione, jure Divino Sacerdotibus concessa, sicut bonis etiam foro cedere? Haec omnia laicalia & illicita quae alia Religio egit? quis Ordo Ec­clesiasticus exercuit? quae in Ecclesia Dei Sacer­dotum societas (praeter hanc sanctissimam Ie­suiticam Societatem) Deo & temporalium re­rum contemptui dicata, patravit?

CXXIV. Et haec adeo omnibus patent, ut allegationes, accusationes, declamationes hujus [Page 23] causae per omnium manus non tantum in Hispania sed et in aliis orbis Christiani partibus et provin­ciis, ubi fama sive potius insamia, scandali hujus pervenit, circumferantur, ut per Illustrissimum Hispaniarum Nuncium Apostolicum poterit suae Sanctitati evidentissime constare.

CXXV. Quae alia Religio proprios filios tali facilitate expulsos et notatos a seipsa projicit et etiam pro levissimis? quos caeterae Religiones uti matres tolerant, fovent, et conniventia Chri­stiana et sancta patientia ad vitae spiritualis con­stantiam et perseverantiam suadent, erigunt et incendunt. Haec sancta Religio materno quo­dammodo affectu deserta & oblita, statim expel­lit, & sine titulo, sine Capellaneis, sine beneficio, sine congrua, sine alimentis, jam Sacerdotes, Di­acanos, & Subdiaconos innumeris periculis, aerumnis & miseriis exponit, Clerum non neces­sariis & pauperrimis Sacerdotibus gravat, saecu­lum notatis & ignominiose expulsis Clericis re­plet, Regularem professionem, quae tot imper­fectos creare existimatur, aliquo modo offendit, & tandem tot expulsis filiis per Dioeceses Episco­porum vagant [...]bus seipsam Societas Iesuitica no­tat. Nam si boni existimantur, ingrata; si ma­li, suspecta videtur. Quomodo enim tot ma­los genuit doctrina perfecta & educatio sancta?

CXXVI. Videmus hodie jam conjungatum, quem heri vidimus, nostro judicio, observantissi­mum Iesuitam; hodie expulsum & notatum, quem heri Iesuitam omnibus virtutibus condecoratum venerabamur, imo & ab ipsis Iesuitas commenda­datum. Et cum ipsa subita mutatione crescat exi­stimatio in omnibus majoris facinoris & atrocioris culpae, a videntibus supplicium & ignoran­tibus delictum non tantum ipsis expulsis, sed etiam expellentibus non minimum detrahitur.

CXXVII. Cognovi Provincialem in his par­tibus qui infra triennium triginta & octo a sua Religione Sacerdotes & Religiosos expulit, cum tota Provincia etiam latissima paulo plus quam trecentis Religiosis constet. Alius fuit etiam Alphonsus de Castro qui plures expulit in eadem Provincia, scilicet octoginta: quod quidem cum in aliis Religionibus rarissimum sit, in hac adeo faciliter fieri, aut tantis delictis abundare, ut fieri necesse sit suspectissimum quidem videtur, ita ut dici aliquo modo possit, P. B. neque de his quos dimittit Societas diffidendum, neque de his quos retinet confidendum ut plurimum esse: nam dimissos & expulsos communiter approbat in suis literis dimissoriis, & retentos & approbatos quam frequenter expellit. Quod certe inter caeteros Ecclesiasticos Ordines admodum singu­lare est.

CXXVIII. Tot igitur singularia, P. B. in uno & singulari Ecclesiae Ordine & membro (& singularia quidem, quae non tam a caeteris sacris Ordinibus differunt aut distant, quam eis ad­versantur aut contrariantur) nonne suspectissi­ma sunt? sunt certe. Suspecto ergo tenore vi­vendi, praecipue inter ipsos Religiosos Ordines, ad quid indiget Ecclesia? quae crystallo ipsa & solari radio puriori doctrina moribusque fulget.

CXXIX. Vidi librum Compluti typis manda­tum anno Domini 1605. qui inter Jesuitas se­cretissime circumfertur, qui communiter vo­catur El Porque, id est, Quare, Iesuitae choro non exerceantur? quare poenitentia tantum vo­luntaria teneantur? quare aliquando etiam post triginta annos professionem non emittant? qua­re expelli post eorum curricula possint? Vidi & perlegi, inquam, librum istum satis eruditum, R. Petro Ribadeneira Iesuita viro docto & spiri­tuali auctore, qui in hoc tractatu suae Societatis singularitates, & cum aliis Religionibus antino­mias totis viribus & eruditione Hispano sermone defendit.

CXXX. Et ex ipsamet causa defensa (hoc profero secundum meam fragilitatem pusillumque ingenii acumen) & ex ipsismet singularitatibus confessis & professis quicunque modice eruditus & Christi­anae simplicitatis amator fuerit, contra ipsam cau­sam concludet.

CXXXI. Et maxime observandum est, P. B. quod vir ille doctus S. Ignatii socius fuit insepara­bilis, & suae Religionis singularitates defende­bat, quando Primitivi fervoris florebat virtutibus, quod si modo defenderet, disciplina Iesuitica col­labente, & pullulantibus tot in ea imperfectioni­bus, de quibus totus pene orbis conqueritur, multo minus quidem obtineret, & fortasse non defenderet neque propugnaret viriste per­fectus.

CXXXII, Ac tandem, B. P. quid interest quod Iesuitae Ethnicas nationes radiis fidei illustrare vi­deantur, si Echnicorum quamplurimos non recta sacrae legis indictione catechizant? neque recte ab aliis Religionibus catechizari sinunt? imo a Provinciis Gentilium religant & expellunt ope­rarios sanctissimos & doctissimos, manu etiam Gentilica & Ethnica arcent, recludunt, incar­cerant, flagellant. Quis Ordo Ecclesiasticus cum alio Ordine Ecclesiastico hoc egit? A seculo non est auditum, tali aemulatione et imperfectissima zelotypia Christianos propagatores, magistros e­tiam Christianos cum animarum pernicie et jactu­ra a vinea Domini inculta operarios relegare, ac ignominiose projicere et expellere.

CXXXIII. Tota Ecclesia Chinica congemiscit, P. S. et se non tam edoctam quam deceptam ab ipsis Iesuitis in fidei purissimae documentis et rudi­mentis inclamat, et toto jure Ecclesiastico orbata, crucem Domini reclusam, Gentilicos ritus permis­sos, et vere Christianos non tam introductos quam foedatos dolet, Christianizantes Idololatras, Idololatrizantes Christianos in una eademque mensa, templo, aris, sacrificiis, Deum et Beli­lial; et sub larva Christiana Idola venerata, vel potius sub Gentilica larva fidem sanctissimam de­foedatam dolentissime conspicit.

CXXXIV. Nobis B. P. Episcopis qui ab illis mi­nus distamus provinciis, et ab earum Evangelieis ministris literas acccpimns, et qui etiam Apolo­geticarum eorum controversiarum certiores su­mus, et eas in nostris Bibliothecis habemus, et qui cum simus Episcopi vocati regere Ecclesiam Dei, cavendum est nobis ne in tremendo Dei judicio canes muti fuisse videamur, et labiis nefario si­lentio pollutis de omissione gravissime ju­dicemur. Nobis, inquam, Pastoribus anima­marum competit latrare, et clamare, et haec Tibi Pastorum maximo propalare et profer­re, et quanta scandala ab ista Iesuitarum do­ctrina in propaganda fide suboriri possint, denun­ciare.

[Page 24] CXXXV. Nam si Episcopi publicam causam Ec­clesiae non defendimus, caeteri tacent, timent, & Iesuitarum potentiam perhorrescunt, & secretis tantummodo suspiriis & lachrymis quae ad Tuae Sanctitatis aures & oculos pervenire nequeunt, poterunt adjuvare.

CXXXVI. Volumen habeo integrum, P. S. Apo­logiis Iesuitarum refertum, in quibus pene omnia a Religiosis Dominicanis & Franciscanis Aposto­licae Sedi delata de erroribus quibus Neophyti Chinarum magistrorum Iesuitarum incuria vel in­juria tenentur; non tantum fatentur ingenue Iesuitae, tenoremque illum pernitiosum catechi­zandi Neophytos ab ipsis introductum esse faten­tur; sed pene omnia quae a Tua Beatitudine in Congregatione de propaganda fide postea per decem & septem decreta sanctissime declarata & condemnata sunt anno Domini 1645. die 12. Sept. Didacus de Morales Societ. Iesu Rector Collegii sub invocatione S. Joseph in civitate Manilae quae Metropolis est Philippinarum, per trecenta folia tenacissime impugnat et validissimis argumentis, imo cavillationibus sanctissimam do­ctrinam nititur expugnare, cujus tractatus copiam dedi ego Reverendo magistro Ioanni Baptistae de Morales Dominicano viro docto et sollicito Chi­nicae fidei propagationis, et qui etiam pro ea dirissime vapulavit, & primitivorum Martyrum exemplo plurima est passus, ut circa factum praecipue veridice responderet: quod fecit satis succincte et erudite, et utrumque apud me ha­beo.

CXXXVII. Quae Religio iterum dico, P. B. quis Ordo Ecclesiasticus a veris Catholicae fidei rudi­mentis tantum aberravit, ut nationem numero­sissimam, & satis callentem & politicam, ideo­que plus fidei radiis illuminari & foecundari expo­sitam, non ad fidei regulas magistri Neophytos, sed Neophyti ad Idololatriae▪ partes & nefari­os ritus & cultum magistros alliciant, attra­hant & deducant, ita ut non a piscatore piscis sed a pisce piscator capi videatur, Revolvantur, Beatissime Pater, Ecclesiastici annales, conspici­antur prima Christianae fidei monumenta, ptopa­gationis tenor, Religionis Catholicae progressus, & quibus auctionibus & incrementis in omnem terram sonus Apostolorum fuerit exauditus, ex­aminetur.

CXXXVIII. Episcopi-ne et Clerus qui per to­tum orbem proprio etiam sanguine in primiti­va Ecclesia catechizarunt, forma ista Jesuiti­ca Neophytos instruxerunt? Benedictini & suae ipsis subjectae Congregationes, Dominicani, Franciscani, Carmelitani, Augustiniani, caete­raeque Angelorum Ecclesiae militantis cohortes, Religiones sanctissimae Gentiles-ne ista catechesi docuerunt?

CXXXIX. Christumne crucifixum ne una qui­dem die, hora, momentove temporis prudentia humana subnixi occultarunt? Absit. Quinque-ne Ecclesiae praeceptis, mortificatione, jejunio, poe­nitentia, & per singulos annos Eucharistia sacra recipienda, & Sacramenti poenitentiae, & auricu­laris confessionis praecepto Neophytos aut priva­runt aut absolverunt? Minime.

CXL. Sacrificiis Idolorum nefariis templisque adesse, & in ipsis non solum Neophytos conve­nire, sed pollui & consacrificare permiserunt? Nequaquam. Nonne hoc est claudicare in duas partes? nonne est Deo inservire & Belial? nonne videtur Deo inservire & Mammonae? & neque ca­lidum neque frigidum esse, sicut sacra pagina te­statur.

CXLI. Nonne hoc est persecutionis metu, huma­nae prndentiae ductu, quae Divinae adversatur, haec omnia nefandissima tolerare; Ecclesiamque illam decipere, & animas innumerabiles in aeternum barathrum deducere?

CXLII. Maline Christiani, an vere Idolola­trae condemnentur Chinae quid interest, Pa­ter Beatissime? fidem autem nostram, quae tota pulchra est & formosa, falsis doctrinis non pollui, neque maculari, plurimum Ecclesiae universalis in­terest.

CXLIII. Ideo ego quidem, Innocenti sanctissi­me, cum de Chinicae Christianitatis statu tan­quam aliis Europae Americaeque vicinior Episco­pus pluries mecum perpenderem tranquillitatem illam Ecclesiae primitivae politicumque illum pro­rogandi tenorem, et illam interiorem pacem in­ter Gentiles et Christianos ipsis jucundissi­mam, mihi tristissima et suspectissima semper apparuit.

CXLIV. Et ut post sexaginta annorum curri­cula Dominicanos et Franciscanos fidei optimos propagatores ab ipsis Chinis flagellatos, incarce­ratos, et relegatos, literis etiam ab eis ad me mis­sis audivi et perlegi, maxime laetatus sum, et bonum illi Ecclesiae auspicatus. Quae enim pax Religionis verae cum falsa? Christi Domini cum Belial? spiritus cum carne? Religionis Chri­stianae cum Idololatria? crucis Domini cum vo­luptate? Quae Ecclesia in toto terrarum orbe sine sanguine foecundata? sine tormentis angularium lapidum, id est, Martyrum aedificata, aut sine cru­ce Domini culta fuit?

CXLV. Romana quidem civitas caput urbium et orbis, pro omnibus exemplo sufficiat, quae non solum destinatione Divina sed sanguine Princi­pum Apostolorum et innumerabilium Martyrum necibus et cruciatibus, tanquam sacris monilibus decorata, et triginta pene ac trium primorum summorum Pontificum sacro cruore irrigata, foe­cundata, laureata, totius Religionis et Catholicae fidei matrem Ecclesiam et Spiritus Sancti Cathe­dram et Apostolicam Sedem et dignitatem Pontifi­ciam prae omnibus meruit possidere.

CXLVI. Eodem sanguine, id est, fidei propa­gatoribus gaudet Hispania martyrum praeliis sacrata victoriis (que) illustrata, Italia, Gallia, Germa­nia, tota denique Africa, Asia, ac Iaponia, et tandem ubicunque gladius temporalis propagato­res fidei non protexit et ab Idololatrarum furore non defendit (ut accedit in America, dextera Ca­tholicorum nostrorum Regum nostros defendente fidei seminatores) nunquam sine sanguine Reli­gio Christiana fructificavit.

CXLVII. Verum ubi sunt Chinici Martyres? praecipue in primitivis fidei gressibus et progressi­bus, in quibus semper gladius persecutionis atrocius acuitur et ferocius saevit? ubi mor­tes? ubi verbera? ubi persecutiones? ubi incarcerationes? ubi exilia? pauca aut nulla; ne­que vidimus, ncque audivimus, neque legimus, sed tantum communes vitae labores et aerumnas, quarum et pax est frequentissima et humana vita faecunda.

[Page 25] CXLVIII. Hoc, P. S. funestissimum & inauspi­catissimum illi Ecclesiae (quamvis non infallibile) signum existimo. Vereor enim ne quia ignoratur aut non divulgatur satis crux Redemptoris, ideo igno­retur crux persecutionis; & ea de causa Ecclesia illa Chinica martyres non peperit, quia de vero verbi Dei semine Redemptorisque nostri sanguine non­dum fuerit gravidata; & diabolus tolerat, quia non­dum Dominus superat; & Belial rericet, quia suos filios videt potius deceptos quam captos, illusos quam illustratos, & magis perversos quam conver­sos. Silet diabolus, quia nondum Dominus loqui­tur; & gladio persecutionis suos non defendit, quia gladius propagationis eos nondum offendit; & adversarium se Satan non manifestat, quia adver­sarios fidei propagatores non sentit.

CXLIX. Imo & ipse Satan laetabitu [...], nisi sallor, cum in suis templis, aris, sacrificiis non tantum an­tiquos discipulos, sed etiam baptizatos, Neophytos, & aliquando fidei propagatores sacrificia offerre, genuflexiones, protestationes, perfumationes, quae Idololatrae agunt, agere, & cum eis, saltem exter­nis actibus, convenire conspexerit, & Arcam foe­deris, id est, crucem Domini cum Dagon in uno eodemque templo cohabitare laetabundus respexe­rit. Quod nunquam ab Apostolicis temporibus to­leratum in Ecclesia Catholica fuit, neque actus interiores dirigendo cruci secretae, publico Idolo & cacodaemoni offerre exteriores.

CL. Ubi enim fuerit interius, ibi erit exterius; ubi fuerit anima, ibi & corpus; neque anima coe­lo fruitur, cujus corpus in inferno cruciabitur; & sicut corpus & animam, & utrasque substantias Christo Filio debemus ut Redemptori, Patri ut Creatori, Spiritui Sancto ut fidei nostrae Propaga­tori, ita etiam non tantum actus interni ab Idolo­rum cultu, templis, aris, sacrificiis, prostratio­nibus, genuflexionibus, tanquam ab ipso infernali barathro arcendi & cavendi sunt inter verae fidei Christianos.

CLI. Et si gladius persecutionis ideo saeviat, fi­dei propagatio foecundabitur; si propagatores per­sequitur Idololatria, persecutores vincet Religio Christiana; Et quot Martyres coelo mittet saevi­tia, tot & plures Christianos Ecclesiae concedet Di­vina clementia; Et sicut in cruce Dominus mor­te sacratissima sua vitam Ecclesiae praebuit, ita ejus­dem meritis in propagatione suae Ecclesiae, quam morte redemit & creavit, tot vitas creat & foe­cundat occisorum Martyrum sanguis Religioni Catholicae (etiam Gentilium & persecutorum) quot guttis sacrat terram sanguis propagato­rum, sicut ex grano emortuo in terram projecto procedit spica granorum referta.

CLII. Nam si vexillum crucis, P. S. non ante­cedit, quomodo Christiana Religio vincet, & A­postolica doctrina triumphabit? aut quomodo vi­ctoria contra Idololatras auspicabitur, si labarum crucis absconditur? & si vulnera Christi reticent, quomodo Christianorum & Neophytorum vulnera curabunt? Et si passionis Domini thesaurus reclu­ditur, quomodo animarum egestas saturabitur? & si fontes Redemptoris & vulnera claudimus Salva­toris, quomodo sitientes bibemus peccatores? & si Neophyti & parvuli non de hoc lacte nutriuntur, quomodo jam facti majores incrementa Religionis suscipient?

CLIII. Imo si modo eos Ecclesia vellet iterum docere & veris fidei regulis instruere, se deceptos esse clamabunt Chinae, & repugnabunt; & non jejunantem Religionem, aut fidem poenitentem, plorantem, naturae horridam, carni inimicam, cru­ci, morti, periculis destinatam, non Salvatorem crucifixum ipsis exposuisse magistros Jesuitas (quod Gentibus stulti [...]ia, Judaeis scandalum esse vi­detur) non hominem Deum flagellatum, conspu­tum, contemptum, vulneribus sacris confossum, & in cruce pendentem, & mortuum eos amplexos esse protestabuntur, sed Salvatorem solummodo pulchrum, gloriosum, formosum (sicut ipsum Ie­suitae Chinico habitu depingunt) & legem vitam­que suavem, laetam, lenem, placidam, tranquillam, hisque erroribus ignorantiisque, sp [...]etis mysteriis Passionis, crucis & tribulationis, lumen & victoria contemnitur Resurrectionis, & in dubium vertitur triumphus Ascensionis, & tandem contempta cruce mortificationis, vita recta contemnitur Re­demptionis & Salvationis.

CLIV. Hoc modo, P. B. his erroribus Neo­phytos neque Episcopi, neque Clerus, neque Re­ligiones, neque aliq [...]is Ordo Ecclesiasticus vel secularis vel regularis instruxit: sed proprio cruore Christi Domini cruorem, propria cruce & tribu­latione tribulationes & crucem Domini in cor­dibus Infidelium cum ipsa Christiana Religione inseruere & infixere fidei nostrae primitivi propaga­tores.

CLV. Et a fundamento crucis & Passionis om­nis Ecclesiasticae fidei unitas & compago in altitudi­nem tantam excrevit, & unde Dominus vitam finivit, inde vitam sponsa sua dulcissima accepit: Ut de latere Christi Domini vulnerato Ecclesia tanquam a thalamo sponsi sanguine purpurata pro­cederet, & de ejus spiritu in vulnere biberet & sugeret, quem paulo ante aeternus Filius ae­terno Patri pro illius redemptione tradiderat & emiserat.

CLVI. Ergo, B. P. haec & alia quae Tuae San­ctitati constabunt, & mea humilitas, muneris & o­neris Pastoralis obligatione compulsa, Tuo sanctis­simo zelo retulit moderanda, vel omnino refor­manda, omissis etiam plurimis de hi [...] sanctis Reli­giosis Iesuitis, quae ad Tuas aures minime fortasse pervenerunt: nam ipsi enixe admodum curant (& ita cum meis istic Procuratoribus, quamvis fru­stra, actum est) ut ea Tuae Beatitudini occultentur, & remedium exposcunt, censura indigent, refor­mationem expetunt, Tuoque prudentissimo judi­cio relinquendum erit, quibus mediis remediisque haec omnia si non sanari, saltem moderari vale­ant, quod facillimum Tuae supremae potestati erit, praecipue omnibus fere Ecclesiae Ordinibus in idip­sum conspirantibus.

CLVII. Vel arctioribus legibus & institutis, choro, clausura, & communi unius anni professio­ne vel duorum ad terminos certos praefixa: Vel a­liquibus institutis quae ad mortificationem & poe­nitentiam tendant, sine quibus quam facillime dis­ciplina Regulatis communiter laxatur & solvitur: Vel ad Clerum secularem Religionem Clericalem reducendo & cum eo incorporando, quod ipsis Iesuitis jucundius, (perpaucis sui Ordinis decreto­ribus exceptis) Clero utilius, & negotio ipsi facili­us esse fortasse videbitur.

CLVIII. Nam si Clero seculari accresceret haec sancta Religio, permanente ea semper in praeci­puis [Page 26] suarum institutionum exercitiis, quae Cleri se­cularis professioni minime contrariantur, imo max­ime juvant, secularia ista Collegia ab Episcopis tanquam ab Apostolicae Sedis Delegatis, legibus a Tua Sanctitate assignatis, sine tanto Reip. Christi­anae incommodo gubernarentur. Quam primam quidem eorum vocationem sui S. Fundatoris fu­isse tradunt aliqui.

CLIX. Et hoc medio ipsis Iesuitis medicinam, Clero & Episcopis operarios sine livore, & mini­stros spirituales sine aemulatione, exterisque Reli­gionibus tranquillitatem, sapientia Tua, Innocen­ti sanctissime, Spiritus Sancti radiis illustrata, prae­beret, & Ecclesia tota universalis tot tantisque quaestionibus, controversiis, discordiis, difficultati­bus, & scandalis, & aliis eorum negotiis tanquam procellis implicata & agitata, conquiesceret.

CLX. Omnia haec, Pontifex Beatissime, Tuae infallibili censurae submitto, & si quid non con­gruum, vel indecens, vel quod aliquo modo reve­rentiae, quae Tibi ab ovicula ista debetur, & quod offendiculum praestare possit, scripserim, parcas clementer quaeso, & non meae propriae existimati­oni aut elationi, sed zelo quo ardet animus meus, Pastoralis baculi auctoritatis, sacrarum constituti­onum observantiae, fideique purae, & rectae pro­pagationis, & universalis Ecclesiae felicitatis at­que incolumitatis a Tua benignitate imputandum esse confido.

Deus Opt. Max. gratia & benedictionibus, qui­bus tuas oves imples, Sanctissime Pastor, Te re­pleat, Tuamque Sanctitatem protegat & gubernet.
Episcopus Angelorum Populi.

The Decree of the Inquisition mention'd Part. 3. Chap. 6. importing the sup­pression of all books written on either side, upon occasion of the Contest be­tween M. the Bishop of Chalcedon, and the Jesuites of England; Also some other Pieces touching the same matter.

Decretum Sacrae Congregationis Eminentissimo­rum & Reverendissimorum Dominorum S. R. E. Cardinalium à SS. D. N. Urbano Papa VIII. sanctaque Sede Apostolica ad Indicem librorum, eorundemque permissionem, prohibi­tionem, expurgationem, & impressionem in u­niversa Rep. Christiana specialiter deputato­rum, ubique publicandum.

CUm inter Chalcedonensem & Regulares Angliae proximis hisce annis nonnullae controversiae ortae sint, & harum occasione varii libri evulgati, in quibus qui ut riusque partis opinionem sequuntur, plures contineri propositiones contendunt Catholi­cae doctrinae repugnantes, non sine perturbatione publicae quietis, & scissura fraternae charitatis: Propterea S. Congregatio Indicis ad evellenda radi­citus semina discordiarum, & Christianam pacem inter fideles stabiliendam, literarum Apostolicarum tam quae a felicis recordationis Clemente Papa VIII. sub 9 Octob. 1592. quam quae a S. D. N. Ur­bano Papa VIII. sub 5 Maii 1631. ad hujusmodi contentiones in Anglia incitatas, supprimendas, & libros prohibendos emanarunt, & ad alias nationes nondum pervenerunt, auctoritatem sequuta, decre­vit, omnes ac singulos libros, tractatus, & alia quae­cunqve quovis idiomate & ubicunque impressa, sive manu duntaxat exarata, quae ad praedictas controver­sias spectare, aut quacunque ratione directe vel in­directe trahi possunt, sive praefatas contentiones principaliter & immediate, sive occasionaliter & mediate quomodolibet attingunt, supprimenda, prout praesenti Decreto omnino supprimit: Mandans om­nibus & singulis toto orbe fidelibus cujuscunque sta­tus, conditionis, prae eminentiae & dignitatis sub poe­na excommunicationis ipso facto absque alia decla­ratione incurrenda, a qua non nisi a S. Sede Aposto­lica, praeter quam in mortis articulo absolvi possint, ne ullus in posterum imprimere, manu scribere, aut quovis modo de iis rebus tractare aut disputare, aut quaestiones movere audeat. Ne quis autem ex hoc Decreto alios criminandi vel exprobrandi occasio­nem aliquam arripiat: Eadem S. Congregatio ex­presse declarat, se in praesentia non intendere ali­quid de meritis causae statuere, vel ulli auctori aut o­peri ignominiam aliquam, aut notam malae doctri­nae inferre, sed judicium horum omnium Apostoli­cae Sedi in opportunum tempus reservans, nunc praecipit ne quis adversae partis libros, tractatus, eorumve auctores haeresis, vel malae doctrinae notâ, vel alia quacunque ante Sedis Apostolicae defini­tionem verbo vel scripto deinceps afficiat. In quo­rum omnium & singulorum fidem manu & sigillo Eminentissimi & Reverendissimi D. Cardinalis Pii, S. Congregationis Praefecti, praesens Decretum signatum & munitum fuit.

  • C. Ep. Portuensis. C. Pius. Locus † sigilli.
  • F. Joannes Baptista Morinus Ord. Praedica­torum S. C. Secretarius.
Romae ex Typographia Rev. Cam. Apost. 1633.

The publication of this Decree, Anno 1633. caus'd great amazement in France; for this Gene­ral Suppression decreed by the Roman Inquisition, seem'd to put the books of the English Iesuites a­gainst the Bishop of Chalcedon, though full of Er­rors and Heresie against the Hierarchy and the Sa­crament of Confirmation, in the same rank with the Censures of the Bishops and the Sorbonne, who had condemn'd the said wicked books, and with all that had been written to justifie those Censures a­gainst the infamous and scandalous Libels of the said English Iesuites. This gave occasion at that time for the framing and publishing of a Latin Disquisition upon that Decree, which because it is very scarce to be had, shall be here inserted.

Disquisitio Decreti S. Congregationis Eminentis­sim. & Reverendissim. S. R. E. Cardinali­um, à SS. D. N. Ʋrbano Papa VIII. sanctaque Sede Apostolica ad Indicem librorum, eorun­demque permissionem, prohibitionem, expurga­tionem & impressionem in universa Repub. Christiana spectaliter deputatorum, die 19 Martii 1633.

Ad Eminentissimos & Reverendissimos Car­dinales ipsi sacrae Congregationi Prae­fectos, ac Deputatos.

CUm primum nobis allatum est Decretum die 19 mensis Martii, Eminentiss. Cardinales, coepe­runt de illo varii spargi rumores, aliis subdititium esse contendentibus, aliis ob vestri nominis & au­ctoritatis Apostolicae reverentïam, assensum cohi­bentibus. In hac opinionum diversitate, cum hi indignarentur, illi tacerent; in eo tamen conve­niebant, inquirendum prius, a quibus & unde in Galliam perlatum esset, quam de illo quisquam ita ut affectus erat pronunciaret. Nam si constaret ab ea auctoritate quam vobis Summus Pontifex sum­mam transdidit, esse profectum, rem esse arcani consilii: Sin autem, quod plerique subsenserunt, eo venissent audaciae nonnulli, ut objecto splendore vestri nominis bonis ac simplicibus illuderent, tam insolens facinus dissimulari non oportere. Quae cum ultro citroque jactari & his graviora paulatim addi viderem, nihil me temere sed pro magnitudine rei sapienter & consulto factutum putavi, si vos in rei Christianae eminentissima specula collocatos com­monefacerem; non quid de illo decreto sentiam, cum ei judicium meum nec interponere velim, nec debeam; sed quid de illo Episcopi, quid Theologi nostrates, eruditi denique omnes vulgo jactitent. Qui acute conjiciunt, Decretum istud aiunt ve­strum non esse: aut si vestrum est, Episcopi Chal­cedonensis adversarios a vobis illud, quibus solent modis, abstulisse. Quod enim vox Chalcedonensis initio sola ponitur, suppresso nomine Episcopi, cum est per se indignum, tum certissimum indicium est, decretum illud ex eorum sentina manare, unde tot probra & contumeliae in Episcopos Galliae & Facultatem Theologorum Parisiensium nuperrime proruperunt. Cui enim jus ac potestatem ordina­riam negant, huic Episcopi quoque nomen adimunt. Quid porro causae est, inquiunt, quod cum a die 19 Martii factum sit, nondum tamen in campo Florae fuerit promulgatum? Cur Apostolicae Camerae ty­pis impressum, & in exteras orbis regiones trans­missum, ante quam Romae, in illo Christianarum legum domicilio, visum sit vel auditum? Quae ista rei tanta novitas? aut quid tam arcanum latet, ut vos, qui ordine, momento & judicio cuncta di­sponitis & agitis, ordinem & consuerudinem ve­stram hac in re neglexeritis? Nisi forte experiundi causa factum dicitur, quam non iniquo animo illud accepturi essent homines, Galli praesertim, apud quos decretoriis Episcoporum censuris tota illa causa jugulata est. Nam si aequi boni scitum illud vestrum facerent, tum Decreti tabulas in campo Florae fi­gendas: sin repudiarent, pro nihilo habendas. Iam si edictum ipsum totum ad rationem vestri Se­natus & Ecclesiae disciplinam perpendatur, insolitum reperietur, & in omni memoria inauditum. Quo enim exemplo supprimitis, supprimendaque decer­nitis, quae Episcopi Galliae, quae Parisiensis Archi­episcopus, quae Theologi Parisienses de Anglicanis libris pie & religiose sanxerunt, censuerunt? Ad­dunt, qui non dissimulanter loquuntur, qua aucto­ritate? qui obscurius; quo consilio? Nam retractari quandoque fidei causas a Summo Pontifice ersi ne­mo inficiabitur: supprimi tamen sine cognitione & judicio quis feret? A Congregatione vero, quae ni­hil de meritis causae, nihil de doctrina, mala sit an bona, statuere se profitetur, gravissimum & san­ctissimum Episcoporum judicium in maxima Eccla­siae causa supprimi, res est, inquiunt, inauditi exem­pli, auctoritatis infinitae, consilii periculosi. Nam de privatorum libris qui de controversiis Anglicanis editi sunt, verba tantum fieri, nemo sibi persua­surus est, qui legerit supprimi non tantum libros illos, & tractatus, sed & alia quaecunque quovis idiomate, & ubicunque impressa, sive manu dun­taxat exarata, quae ad praedictas controversias spe­ctare, aut quacunque ratione directè vel indirectè trahi possunt, sive occasionaliter & mediatè quo­modo libet attingunt. Supprimendum est igitur quod nostri nos Episcopi & Doctores docuerunt: Censur propo­sitionum quarua­dam ex Hibernia delatarum per sa­cram Theolog. Fa­cultatem Parisiens. pag. 12. propos. xi. Privilegia Regula­rium à summo Pontifice posse revo­cari. Et Ibid. pag. 11. propos. vii. Superiores Regulari­um non esse digniores Episcopis▪ Aut si quis hanc esse veram & con­stantem Ecclesiae disciplinam scrip­to posthac defenderit, anathematis ei periculum continuo metuendum sit? Si vero iisdem auctorib [...]s ac ducibus asse [...]imus, Censura pro­positionum co [...]le­ctarum ex libro Danielis à Jesu, p. 40. Necessari­um esse in Ecclesia particulari Epis­copatum: Ibid. pag. 42, 43, & 44. Catholicos chrismate un­ctos in Baptismo, licet ab Episcopo non confirmatos, non esse plenè Christianos in sensu Patrum: ad­eoque Anglos Catholicos qui baptizantur ritu Ca­tholico, vel qui recipiunt ceremonias baptismi, confirmati autem non fuerint ab Episcopo, non fu­isse nec esse perfectè Christianos omni modo, nunc diris Pontificii; digni statim habebimur? Censue­runt iidem, Chrismationem baptismalem institutam non fuisse ab Ecclesia ad supplendam significatio­nem Episcopalis chrismatis & ejus effectum: & posteaquam instituta est, nihilominus chrismatio­nem quae fit ab Episcopo in Sacramento Confirma­tionis, tam esse necessariam quàm fuit antea: De­clararunt hanc propositionem, Patet quod confi­dentia in Confirmationis virtute importare possit magnum periculum animabus, absolutè prolatam, falsam esse, piarum aurium offensivam, blasphe­mam, Sacramento & providentiae Christi maxi­mè contumeliosam: Haec si loquimur, si defendi­mus, nos eodem loco ac numero quo qui con­traria scripserunt, habebimur? Dirum fulmen quod tam sacris quam profanis intenditur! Sed, vae mihi si non Evangelizavero, inquit Aposto­lus. Itaque non tam nobis Ecclesiae doctrinam scri­bentibus ac praedicantibus, quam eam tacentibus ac supprimentibus poena metuenda. Haec & alia priva­tim ac publice, domi ac foris, de edicto illo jactantur. [Page 28] Quibus ut prospiciatis etsi nullius egetis admonitu, Cardinales Eminentissimi, animum tamen lauda­bitis, opinor, ejus qui saltem periculum de quo in­audiit, vobis ante denunciat. Nam si adversae partis libros, tractatus, eorumve auctores, haeresis vel malae doctrinae notâ, seu aliâ quâc unque afficere non licet, ejusque decreti sequenda est auctoritas, ut de no­bis triumphaturi sunt Haeretici, cum audient Episco­porum & Theologorum nostrorum nomen conta­minatissimis libellis infamatum, non modo non vin­dicari ab illo dedecore, quae sunt partes Summi Pon­tificis; sed a S. R. E Cardinalibus cautum esse, nequis interim eotum libellorum auctores paulo du­rius appellet, aut illorum doctrinam malam esse pronunciet? Cum in Page 41. Querimonia Ecclesiae Anglicanae Illustriss. Galliae Episcopos Pilato impie comparari, quod ii Anglica­ni libri, ut Pilato Christus Dominus, oblati fuerint, aliaque istiusmodi legent adverius illos immanis pe­tulantiae plenissima: Cum in Spongia Loemelii Theologos nostros audient. Spong. 2. edit. p. 3. & p. 6. Lupos dici ac Lupercos, p. 67. Cerbero similes qui gutture trifauci inanes territat um­bras, p. 69. stupidos, p. 74. ejusdemque cum Calvino palati, p. 99. monstra, p. 185. censores qui errores, scandala, haereses crepant: in Vindiciis Smithaei, Vindic. Smithaei in E­pistola Dedica­toria p. 3. Sycophantas, In praesat. ad lect. p. 2. discordiarum in Ecclesia Dei archi­tectos, Ibid. p. 17 impie & ex malitia erran­tes, Ibid. p. 22 in quorum sinu foveantur schis­mata, & apud quos solos etiamnum vi­geat cathedra pestilentiae, In refuta­tione Censurae p. 45. profanos & carnales homines, p. 53. versipelles so­phistas, p. 56. spermologos, p. 62. homines ad miraculum malevolos, p. 75. nugato­res, & p. 164. falsarios more suo, p. 182. ve­teratores, p. 267. sensum planè haereti­cum habentes: p. 268. tricatores, p. 278. qui pro libito suo Conciliis quidlibet impo­nendi arroganter usurpant potestatem: Cum, inquam, totam hanc male di­ctorum spurcissimam faecem audient, quam tamen per Cardinalitium edi­ctum, donec ea de re Summus Ponti­fex pronunciarit, improbare non li­ceat: quid de nobis existimatuti sunt homines ali­oquin Ecclesiae Romanae jamdudum infensi atque inimici? Quod si in eorum manus pestifera & exe­crabilis illa censura pervenerit, qua Symbolum A­postolorum, sanctissima regula nostrae fidei, in pro­fanos & impios sensus detortum est, qua Episcopi Galliae & Sorbonici Theologi perversi veritatis & avitae pietatis hostes appellantur: constiteritque Ro­mae decretum esse ne quis ante Summi Pontificis de­finitionem inquinatissimum illud Scriptum malae doctrinae nota afficere audeat: an non repente ge­stient, ac tam praeclaram sibi datam esse criminandi nostri occasionem gaudebunt? Multa his acerbiora sibi decreto isto parari sentiunt Ecclesiae nostrae An­tistites, quae vos pro vestra sapientia, ut speramus, amoliemini. Non enim patietur Summus Pontifex hanc tantam Ecclesiae & Episcopatui labem inferri, aut Christi populum incerta opinione confundi, fal­sitatem notabit edicti, subjectoris fraudem ape­riet, suamque veritati lucem restituet. Sin aliud comperietur, efficiet sane, ut summam illam in mo­deranda re Christiana prudentiam magis magisque miremur, & nos ejus potentissimo nutu a maledico­rum hominum petulantia tutos esse gratulemur.

This writing having been publisht at Paris, in the year 1633. the same Jesuite John Floid, who under the name of a Canon of S. Omer call'd Hermannus Loëmelius, had compos'd two horrible books a­gainst the Bishops of France, and the Sorbonne, one intitl'd, Querimonia Ecclesiae Anglicanae, and the o­ther Spongia, and a third against M. the Archbishop of Paris, entitl'd, Appendix ad Illustrissimum Do­minum Episcopum Parisiensem; he added a fourth in defence of this Decree of the Inquisition, en­titl'd Defensio Decreti. But this last book was cen­sur'd at Paris with the three other, on Novemb. 29. 1643. by a numerous Assembly of Bishops, who renew'd their first Censure against the books of England, adding thereunto the true names of the Jesuites who compos'd them, for that F. Ale­gambe had acknowledg'd in his Bibliotheca of the Writers of the Society that F. Edward Knot, the English Iesuite, whose true name was Matthias Wilson, was the Author of that which went under the name of Nicholas Smith; and that F. John Floid, another English Iesuite, was the Author of that which bore the name of Daniel à Jesu, as well as of the four other which had been put forth un­der the name of Loëmelius, in opposition to the Censures pass'd upon them, and which Ale­gambe by strange impudence dares to affirm, were written Contra Novatores. Behold the express words of what was then decreed thereupon by the said Assembly of Prelates, and printed at Paris by M. Vitre in the year 1644.

A Process Verbal of the Assembly of my LL. the Cardinals, Archbishops and Bishops, held at Paris on Sunday the 29th of Novemb. 1643. at two a clock in the afternoon, in the house of my L. Cardinal Mazarin, who was President of the said Assembly, in which were my LL. the Archbishops of Ambrun, Sens, Bourdeaux, Tours, Rheims, my LL. the Bishops of A­miens, Senlis, Valence, Chalon, Aire, Maillezais, Riez, Dol, Usez, Meaux, Nismes, Bazas, Utique Coadjutor of Mon­tauban, Grasse, Lavaur, Toulon, Rennes, S. Brieu, du Puy, Chartres, the nominated Coadjutor of Sens, the nominated Bishop of Boulogne.

IN the year 1632. notice was taken of two books brought out of England in the English Lan­guage against my L. the Bishop of Chalcedon, sent by his Holiness into England, with power to per­form there all the Functions of Ordinaries: The said books being come to the knowledge of our Lords the Prelates, who were then at the Court about the important affairs of their Diocesses, they gave order for the same to be translated into La­tin and French, and afterwards took the pains to examine the same themselves, and caused them to be examin'd by many persons of great intelligence and capacity. And after a very exact and faithful examination, the said books were censur'd; one under the name of Discussio modesta Nicolai Smi­thaei; [Page 29] and the other, Apologia Danielis à Jesu. My L. the Archbishop of Paris could not then as­semble his Provincial Council, for that the Bishop of Meaux was not able to repair thither by reason of his old age, and the Bishop of Orleans was yet but nominated to that Bishoprick; and therefore he summon'd the Bishop of Chartres to his house, and Messieurs le Blanc, and Guyard, his Grand Vicars, Charton his Penitentiary, Du Val, Isam­bert, and Lescot, the Kings Professors of Divinity, Habert his Theologal, Messier Commissary for the examination of the Priests of his Diocess, all Doctors in Divinity of the Faculty of Paris, and censur'd the said books. The Faculty of Paris al­so gave their Doctrinal Sentence upon all the Ar­ticles in particular, which were to be condemned in the said books, with qualification of every Pro­position: The said Censures were sent abroad by order of the said LL. Prelates, together with a cir­cular Letter. This gave occasion to the said En­glish to compose four other books in confirmation of the Doctrine of the former; namely, 1. Her­manni Loemelii Spongia. 2. Querimonia Ecclesiae Anglicanae. 3. Appendix ad Illustrissimum Domi­num Archiepiscopum Parisiensem. 4. Defensio De­creti. All four under the name of Hermannus Loë­melius, whose true name is Floid. There is no injury or contumely which he doth not vomit a­gainst my LL. the Prelates, the Faculty, and the said Censures. Hereupon our said LL. Prelates as­sembled again, to continue their condemnation against the said four books, which they appre­hended as well as the two first, to be composed by Iesuites; whereof when the said Iesuites were ad­vertis'd, they delivered a Disavowry, wherein they declare the said books not to be compos'd by any of their Society, being displeas'd that such que­stions had ever been propounded. The said Disa­vowry was made at Paris the 23 of March, 1633. signed by De la Salle, Superiour of the Profess'd House, Stephen Binet, Rector of the Colledge of Clermont, Julian Haineufve, Rector of the No­vitiate, and Claudius Maillan, the Kings Con­fessor. Now though this Disavowry did not fully satisfie the said Lords, yet for that they were lo­vers of peace, they were contented with it for that time: But they were much astonish'd when they saw in a book entitl'd Bibliotheca Scrip­torum Societatis Jesu, Auctore Philippo Alegambe ex eadem Societate Jesu, printed at Antwerp apud Joannem Meursium, Anno 1643. The Authors of the said Tracts nam'd by their right names, and ac­knowledg'd to be Iesuites; and that in the said Bibliotheca they are nam'd with Elogiums, and that they speak contemptuously of our LL. the Pre­lates, and the rest who censur'd the said two first books, and which is worse, that in the Index of the Contents, they place under the head of books written against Hereticks two of Floid's books; namely, Querimonia and Spongia, though they are compos'd against our LL. the Prelates, Messieurs of the Faculty of Paris, and against their Censures. This gave occasion to our said LL. to assemble a­gain, and after several Conferences, they have thought meet to send again into the Provinces the said Censures, under the names of their right Au­thors, who are Edward Knot (whose true name is Matthias Wilson, who was formerly Censur'd un­der the name of Nicholas Smith) and John Floid, who was likewise Censur'd under the name of Da­niel à Jesu, both Iesuites, if the said Alegambe in his Catalogue be not mistaken in this particular, as 'tis said he is in other things; the Iesuites of France still persisting at the present in the Disavowry which they heretofore deliver'd, that the said Authors are not of their Society, and that they cannot answer for the fact of the said Alegambe, who is the King of Spain's Subject; and also to declare the said four books contumelious, injuri­ous against the Honour and Dignity of my LL. the Prelates in general, and of the Archbishop of Pa­ris in particular, and of the Doctors of the Faculty of Paris; besides that, they contain the same Doctrine formerly Censured in the two other, &c.

It is good to observe touching the above-menti­on'd Disavowry of the Iesuites, that some more in­telligent persons found that they had made use of an Equivocation, according to their custome: For having set down this Title, The Disavowry of the Fathers of the Society of Jesus in France; they said in the sequel, that the said books were not made by any of their Society, meaning [in France] with reference to the Title, because they were made by English Iesuites. Moreover, the Bishops had so lit­tle regard to the said Disavowry, that in the same printed piece wherein they speak of it, they renew their ancient Censure against the books of England, with this Title:

Epistola Archiepiscoporum & Episcoporum Pari­siis nunc agentium, ad Archiepiscopos & Epis­copos Regni Galliae super animadversione duo­rum libellorum quorum tituli sunt; Prioris qui­dem, Modesta & brevis discussio aliqua­rum assertionum Doctoris Kellisoni in tra­ctatu de Ecclesiastica Hierarchia. Auctore Edvardo Knotto Jesuitarum Anglorum Vi­ceprovinciali, sub ementito nomine Nico­lai Smithaei. Posterioris verò, Apologia pro modo procedendi S. Sedis Apostolicae in regendis Angliae Catholicis tempore persecutionis. Auctore Joanne Floido Je­suita Anglo sub falso nomine Danielis à Je­su, Jussu Cleri denuò in lucem edita.

Universis per Galliam constitutis Reverendiss. Pa­tribus Archiepiscopis & Episcopis Dominis & Fratribus nostris Religiosi ssimis, Archiepis­copi & Episcopi Parisiis variis de causis agentes, salutem in D.

LImites habet Jurisdictio Episcoporum, non ha­bet charitas: omnes illud Apostoli usurpare & possumus & debemus: Instantia mea quotidiana so­licitudo omnium Ecclesiarum; quis infirmatur & ego non infirmor? quis scandalizatur & ego non uror? Itaque veteri atque Apostolico instituto, si qua in nostris Paroeciis schismata oriuntur aut haereses, au­ctoritate compescimus; si alibi, medemur amore, qui tum demum Christo dignus est animarum no­strarum Episcopo, cum omnes complectitur, sicut pro omnibus ille mortuus est. Huc accedit quod ubi [Page 30] de errore agitur, qui spectar Ecclesiam, sibi prospi­cit qui aliena curat: serpit enim ut cancer error istiusmodi, & merito cum unum inficit, omnes ter­ret. His de causis factum est, Fratres Reverendissi­mi, ut nostra fuerimus arbitrati quae essent Anglo­rum, nec minus miserandae istius Ecclesiae vulnera sensetimus, quam si nobis ipsis essent inflicta. Cum enim accepissemus allatos ex ea Insula libellos duos quos linguae periti dicerent pestilentis doctrinae esse plenissimos, concurrimus velut ad sedandum do­mesticum incendium, quotquot in hoc orbis theatro versabamur Episcopi, & donatos Latinitate excussi­mus diligentissime ac recensuimus, iisque tandem inussimus stigmatis, quibus facile a scriptis probae ac sanae doctrinae discernerentur. Atque hoc judicium nostrum ad vos mittere visum est, Fratres Reveren­diss. ut quorum una est causa, unus spiritus, una cha­ritas, unus quoque sermo sit ac sententia. Neque enim ullo modo dubitamus, quin ea quae damnanda censuimus, sitis damnaturi, & eandem fidem eadem doctrina totis animis professuri.

Primum autem in iis libellis finis ipse ac scopus summopere displicuit. Id enim agunt potissimum, eoque collimant, ut quam Dominus auctoritatem Episcopis attribuit, elevent quam maxime ac depri­mant. Tum vero per Episcoporum latus, non Di­vinum tantummodo confirmationis Sacramentum, sed & Ecclesiae Hierarchiam, qua nihil sub coelo est augustius, & ipsum Petri Successorem Apostolorum Coryphaei supremumque Christi in terris Vicarium non obscure petunt. Innumeris denique propositi­onibus scatent quae infelici isti scopo aptissime ni­miumque respondeant. Nam in priore quidem li­bro falsae, praesumptuosae, temerariae, antiquissimo Parochorum instituto contrariae, Christianae plebis ac simpliciorum hominum saluti perniciosae legun­tur innumerae. Non paucae autem erroneae, in sa­crum Episcoporum ordinem contumeliosae, & quae in hoc videantur scriptae, ut institutam a Christo Ec­clesiae Hierarchiam aut evertant funditus, aut certe perturbent. Quaedam etiam deprehenduntur quae sacrosancto Dei verbo, & Oecumenicorum Conci­liorum auctoritati sunt contrariae, imo quae haeresim si non aperte exponant legentium oculis, certe in­nuant.

Posterior vero libellus crassiora habet omnia, & blasphemat simplicius. Nam praeterquam quod ea­dem penitus in eo peccantur quae in superiore repre­hendimus, propositiones praeterea ejus longe plu­rimas periculosas, seditiosas, impias, & quae in anar­chiam atque ordinis confusionem maxime propen­deant, vel fautor auctoris atque amicus dixerit, si modo honoris Christi ac Catholicae veritatis fuerit studiosus. Ad haec non paucae leguntur schismaticae, blasphemae, in Sacramentum confirmationis contu­meliosissimae, ac summi ipsius Pontificis supremi se­cundum Christum fidelium Patris auctoritatem con­vellentes. Nonnullas etiam est animadvertere quae verbo Dei abutantur, idque ad impios sensus detor­queant, imo quae aperte (quod non sine gemitu refe­rimus) sint haereticae.

Atque haec hactenus, Fratres Reverendissimi, a nobis fuerint animadversa id cogitantibus quo facti nostri rationem ipse Dei Spiritus videtur reddere, Super muros tuos Jerusalem constitui custodes, totâ die & totâ nocte in perpetuum non tacebunt. Ab iis enim quidem certe custodibus absunt quam longissi­me canes muti non valentes latrare, atque hoste in Dei domum irrumpente dormientes. Jam vero si (quod optandum quidem sit) erronei isti libelli ad vos non pervenerint, quae potissimum damnanda judicavimus in iis, cum videbitur, legetis, quae no­bis jubentibus Ecclesiasticarum nostrarum rerum A­gentes huic junxerunt Epistolae. Incolumes feli­cesque vos Dei misericordia tueatur, Fratres Reli­giosissimi, meritoque honorandi ac suspiciendi Do­mini. Datum Lutetiae decimo Februarii, anno In­carnationis Domini millesimo sexcentesimo trige­simo primo. Ainsi signé, Andreas Antiq. Arch. Bi­turicensis. Claudius Arch. Narbonensis. Octavius Arch. Senonensis. Dominicus Arch. Auxitanensis. Joannes Episc. Vasatensis, & nom. Arch. Arelaten­sis. Philippus Episc. Nannetensis. Alphonsus E­pisc. Albiensis. Iacobus Episc. Sagiensis. Sebastianus Episc. Lingonensis. Guillelmus Episc. Lexoviensis. Ioachimus Episc. Claromontanus. Aegidius Episc. Altissiodorensis. Augustinus Ep. & Comes Bellova­censis. Raphael Episc. Digniensis. Henricus Episc. Tarsensis, Coadj. Abrincensis. Franciscus Episc. Ambianensis. Leonorius Ep. Carnotensis. Renatus Episc. Leonensis. Stephanus Episc. Dardaniensis. Emericus Episc. Lucionensis. Simon Episc. Suessi­onensis. Henricus Episc. Noviomensis. Aegidius Episc. Adurensis. Franciscus Episcopus Lemovicen­sis. Silvester Episc. Mimatensis. Martinus Episc. Madaurensis, Suffr. Metensis. F. Ludovicus Episc. Regiensis. Ioannes Episc. Gracensis. Leonorius nom. Episc. Constantiensis. Nicolaus nom. Episc. Aurelianensis. Nicolaus nom. Episc. Vasatensis. Gaspardus nom. Episc. A gennensis. Dominicus E­pisc. Bononiensis. Iacobus nom. Episc. Xancto­nensis.

De mandato Illustriss. & Reverendiss. DD. Antistitum.
  • De Bertet Juris utriusque Doctor, Protonot. S. Apost. Sedis, Prior Mosteriensis & S. Saturaini.
  • De Sariac Abbas de Paimpon & de Lescal-Dieu.
Agentes in rebus universis Cleri Gallicani.

In the same Collection printed by M. Vitrè, by order of the Clergy, is seen the Extract out of F. Alegambe, which clearly shews, that those wick­ed books of England, and the others publisht in de­fence of them, were made by Iesuites. It is sub­joyn'd here, as it was taken out of the said Colle­ction. Page 65.

An Extract out of a Book entitl'd Bibliotheca Scriptorum Societatis Jesu, Auctore Philippo Alegambe, ex eadem Societate, infolio, An­tuerpiae apud Joannem Meursium, 1643. Ap­proved by the General, and other Divines of the Society.

Page 99.

EDvardus Knottus, vero nomine Matthias Wil­sonus, natione Anglus, patria Northumber, vir eximiae doctrinae & aptissimae ad gubernandum man­suetudinis, diu Romae in Anglorum Collegio ju­ventutem educavit, deinde Anglicanae Provinciae nostrae extra Angliam egit Viceprovincialem, nunc Anglicanae Provinciae praepositus est. Scripsit doctis­simum libellum qui sub nomine Nicolaï Smithaei est editus hac epigraphe;

Modesta & brevis discussio aliquarum assertionum D. Doctoris K [...]llisoni quas in suo de Ecclesiastica Hierarchia tractatu probare conatur. Ex Anglico in Latinum a Georgio Wrigtho conversa; & pluri­mis Doctorum atque adeo Catholicarum Universi­tatum suffragiis approbata. Impressa Antuerpiae in Officina Plantiniana Balthazaris Moreti 1631. in 12.

Ejusdem sunt etiam

Qualificatio charitativa Inquisitionis brevis in Disquisitionem praedictam.

Defensio Nicolai Smithaei adversus Replicam contra eandem discussionem.

Charitas propugnata contra Doctorem Potte­rum. Audomari 1634. in 4.

Christianitas propugnata adversus Replicam Chi­ling Worthii. Audomari 1638. in 4.

Directio praevia ad eundem. Londini 1636. in 8.

In the same book page 242.

Ioannes Floidus, natione Anglus, patria Canta­brigiensis, post studia Romae in Anglorum Colle­gio coepta, Societati se addixit anno salutis 1592. Missus postmodum in Angliam, captus atque in exi­lium pulsus est. Docuit complutes annos Theologi­am in Lovaniensi Anglorum Collegio, jamque Au­domari scribendis libris intendit.

Sub nomine H. L scripsit

Opuscula aliquot quibus Regimen Catholicorum in Anglia a Sancta Sede Apostolica institutum pro­pugnat, & Decretum Sacrae Congregationis ad In­dicem librorum deputatae contra contumaces quos­dam in Gallia defendit.

Et sub nomine Danielis a Iesu.

Apologiam Sanctae Sedis Apostolicae quoad modum procedendi circa Regimen Catholicorum in Anglia, primum Anglice, dein Latine Rhotomagi 1631 in 8.

In the Table of the Contents of the same book, un­der the Head or Title, Theologia Polemica, seu con­troversiae cum Haereticis.

Page 496.

Ioannis Floidi, Synopsis Apostasiae M. Antonii de Dominis.

And after the enumeration of some other Treatises against that Heretick, he adds,

Ecclesiae Anglicanae Querimonia & Spongia pro Regimine Catholicorum in Anglia; in hoc argu­mento alta opuscula contra Crashan: contra Hob­by: contra Novatores.

A Manuscript, whereof the Original is in the Li­brary of the Augustines at Rome, containing sundry Resolutions pass'd by the Consultors of the famous Congregation de Auxiliis, wherein the principal difficulties concerning Grace are determin'd against Molina, and according to the judgement of S. Augustin's Disciples. It is mention'd Part. 3. Chap. 8.

THe Original of this Manuscript contain'd four­teen leafs of paper sow'd together, in each of which was set down one of the fourteen Resolutions following, with the names and Subscriptions of the Consultors who sign'd them, all the rest of each leaf remaining white. Upon the back-side were written these Italian words, Capia d' alcune propositioni giu­dicate erronee dalla Congregatione ordinata da N. S. (i. e.) a Copy of certain Propositions judg'd er­roneous by the Congregation ordained by our H. Father. The Resolutions themselves follow.

I.

DIcere Ex Ludovico Molina in concord. q. 14. a. 13. d. 3. Sect. Textis. d. 16. Sect. Explicandae. d. 19 n. 3. Sect. Tertia. quod in statu naturae lapsae vires naturales liberi ar­bitrii eaedem prorsus seu tales se­cundum se in nobis manserint, qua­les illas essemus habituti si homo fu­isset conditus in statu mere naturali ad finem tantum naturalem, quasi peccatum primi hominis non nisi in supernaturali­bus nocuisset ejus posteris: adver­satur doctrinae in Ecclesia, In epistola Cae­lestini 1. c. 4. & in Conc. Araus. c. 13. & 25. cum olim contra Pelagianos cocumque reliquias definitae ac defensae, tum novissime in Concilio Tridentino Sessione 6. cap. 1. confirmatae, quando agendo de vi naturae expresse tracitur liberum arbitrium viribus esse attenu [...]tum & inclinatum.

Est & hoc conforme antiquis definitionibus, & doctrinae in Ecclesia semper traditae, & creditae, quod in eodem Sess. 6. c. 1. & can. 5. Concilio contra Hae­reticos hujus temporis declaratur atque definitur, liberum arbitrium post Adae peccatum non esse extin­ctum aut amissum. Quod quia similiter intelligitur quoad vires conditionis suae naturalis, ideo huic de­finitioni non repugnat, quod liberum arbitrium spectando vires, quas ex largitione gratiae accepit, dicatur amissum ac perditum: Quomodo non re­pugnat quod retenta libertate naturali libertas gra­tiae dicatur periisse.

  • Ita sentio Petrus Lombardus Archiepiscopus Ard­macanus.
  • Ita est, Archiepiscopus Fr. Io. de Rada Episcopus Pactensis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Iulius Santuccius Episcopus S. Agatha Gothorum.
  • Ita sentio Laelius Landus Episcopus Neritonensis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Hieronymus Pallantus Episcopus Bi­sontinus.
  • Ita sentio D. Anastasius a Brixia Abbas Farsensis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Io. Baptista de Plumbino Ord. S. Aug. Prior Generalis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Gregorius Nunnius Coronel Secretar.
  • Ita censco Fr. Iacobus le Bossu Religiosus S. Dionysii in Francia & Doctor in Facult. Theol. Parisiensi.

II.

DIcere Ex. Mol. q. 23 art. 4. & 5. d. 1. memb. 8. & in e­ditione Antuerpiae m. 9. Sect. His omnibus. quod parvuli, cum post judicii diem resumpserint sua corpora, liberabuntur supernatura­liter ab omnibus molestiis & ae­rumnis quibus in hac mortali vita subjacemus, melioremque in na­turalibus vitam vitio omni mentis & corporis immunem in perpetu­as aeternitates ducent, quam ullus unquam mortalium duxerit, teme­rarium est, nimiumque accedens ad illum ab Ecclesia Dei errorem S. Aug. ep. 106 commemorat hunc errorem inter illos qui damnati fue­runt in Conc. Pa­laest. & de eodem habet lib. de haer. c. 8. & aliàs sae­pe. semper habitum, adeoque in Pe­lagiano & Caelestiano dogmate condemnatum, quo dicebantur parvuli etiamsi non baptizentur, ideoque exclusi maneant a regno caelo­rum, [Page 32] aeternam ac beatam quandam vitam, sed extra caelum habere.

  • Ita sentio Petrus Lombardus Archiepiscopus Ard­macanus.
  • Ita est, Archiepiscopus Fr. Io. de Rada Episcopus Pactensis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Julius Sanctuccius Episcopus S. Aga­thae Gothorum.
  • Ita sentio Laelius Landus Episcopus Neritonensis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Hieronymus Pallantus Episcopus Bi­sontinus.
  • Ita censeo D. Anastasius Abbas S. Mariae Farfensis Ord. S. Bened.
  • Ita censeo Fr. Io. Bapt. de Plumbino Ord. Eremit. S. Aug. Prior Generalis.
  • Ita censeo Gregorius Nunnius Coronel Secretarius.
  • Ita censeo Fr. Iacobus le Bossu Religiosus S. Diony­sit in Francia, & Doctor in Facultate The­ol. Parisiensi.

III.

DIcere Ex M [...]lina q. 14. a 13. d. 5. Sect. Ut ad. & Sect. Verum. quod in statu naturae lapsae homo solo concursu Dei generali absque alio dono vel aux­ilio gratiae possit efficere opus bo­num morale quod fini naturali ho­minis accommodatum atque comparatione illius sit vere bonum, veraeque virtutis opus referendo illud in Deum naturaliter cognitum; id doctrinae illi contradicit, qua contra reliquias Pelagianismi olim definitum, In Conc. A­raus. c. 25. quod post pecca­tum primi hominis nullus operari propter Deum quod bonum est possit, nisi gratia eum & miseri­cordia Divina praevenerit. Ex qua tamen doctrina nequaquam sequitur omne opus quod sine speciali gratia fit ab homine etiam infideli esse peccatum.

  • Ita sentio Petrus Lombardus Archiepiscopus Ard­macanus.
  • Non placet censura seu propositio, nisi intelligatur quoad opera ardua & difficilia. Archiepiscopus Fr. Io. de Rada Episcopus Pactensis & C.
  • Assero hanc propositionem verificari nedum de opere ar­duo, sed etiam de bono ornato omnibus circumstan­tiis. Fr. Iulius Sanctuccius Episcopus S. Agathae Gothorum.
  • Ita sentio ut in censura, Laelius Landus Episcopus Ne­ritonensis.
  • Ita sentio ut in censura, Fr. Hieron. Pallantus Episco­pus Bisontinus.
  • Placet mihi propositio ut jacet in censura, Anastasius Abbas Farfensis.
  • Placet propositio, modò addatur ly arduum cum debi­tis circumstantiis & ab homine posse fieri opera praesentis vitae ex sola facultate naturali. Fr. Io. Bapt. de Plumbino Ord. Etemit. S. Aug. Prior Generalis.
  • Approbo censuram propositionis, Fr. Gregorius Nun­nius Coronel Secretarius.
  • Approbo simpliciter censuram, imo dico esse duplicem malitiam propositionis. Ʋnam quod possit homo sine gratia facere bonum opus; alteram quod possit illud referre in Deum. Ego Fr. Jacobus le Bossu Doctor Sorbonicus.

IV.

QUi dixerit Ex Molina q. 14. a. 13. d. 10. Sect. Illud. d. 4. Sect. Post haec. & Sect. Illud tamen. d. 19. m. 3. Sect. Ad quartum. quod quoties­cunque homo ex viribus natu­ralibus sui arbitrii cum solo concur­su generali Dei facit, seu conatu facere, praestove est ad faciendum seu conandum totum id quod ex sese potest circa ea quae ad justifi­cationem pertinent, Deus ipsi conferat gratiam praevenientem auxiliave quibus id faciat ut oportet ad salutem; errat, & supponendo posse hominem aliquid facere seu conari sine gratia Dei quod ad ju­stificationem consequendam pertinet, & humano o­peri seu conatui ex negotio justificationis gratiam Dei reipsa subjiciendo.

Et qui quamvis verbo addat, quod homo, eo co­natu, seu opere non efficiatur dignus talibus auxiliis, ullaque ratione ea promereatur, attamen dixerit, quod inter leges, quas Christus Dominus cum Patre aeterno constituit de auxiliis & donis, quae nobis pro­meruit, mere gratis conferendis, una eaque rationi maxime consentanea hominibus subveniendi fuerit, ut quoties ex nostris viribus naturalibus conaremut facere quod in nobis est, praesto nobis essent auxilia gratiae, quibus ea ut oportet ad salutem efficeremus, ut ea ratione dum essemus in via, semper in manu li­beri arbitrii nostri posita esset salus nostra; errat.

Item qui dixerit, quod Deus saepe etiam ob Chri­sti merita liberum nostrum arbitrium quasi sopitum & torpens omnino excitat, id ita exponendo, sive intelligendo, tanquam non semper, sive non in om­nibus gratia praeveniat conatum liberi arbitrii, sed in aliquibus liberum arbitrium conatu suo praeveniat gratiam circa ea quae ad justificationem consequen­dam pertinent; gravissime errat contra doctrinam quae ex Scripturis sacris olim definita contra Pelagi­anos eorumque reliquias, & hactenus tradita a pro­batis maxime in Ecclesia Dei Doctoribus. Juxta quam doctrinam firmissime est tenendum et docen­dum, quod omne opus, omnisque conatus liberi ar­bitrii ad justificationem et salutem consequendam pertinens, a gratia Dei per Christi merita ad id mo­vente praevenitur. Quippe quae gratia ut definitum est Ex Conc. A­raus. c. 6. non operantibus seu conan­tibus sine ipsa, sed ut per ipsam o­perentur et conentur homines quae oportet ad salutem, datur. E [...] sic datur sine lege et conditione, q [...]a vel ullis detur Ex S. Prosp. lib. 1 de voc. gent. c. 9. intuitu alicujus operis, seu conatus, cum nihil ex se operari seu conari possint homines quod prosit ad gratiam obtinen­dam, vel qua nullis non detur qui qualecunque sit quod ex se sum­mum possunt, operantur, et co­nantur. S. Aug. lib. de Pecc. merit. & rem. c. 22. Verum Dei gratia et Spiritus, qui ubi vult spirat, ob hoc omne ingenii genus in filiis misericordiae non praeterit. Item omne ingenii genus in gehennae fi­liis praeterit, ut qui 2 Corinth. c. 10. v. 17. gloriatur, in Domino glorie­tur. Ac sicut generaliter omnes declinaverunt simul inutiles facti sunt, Non est qui Ad Rom. 3. v. 12. ex Conc. Araus. c. 8. faciat bo­num, non est usque ad unum: Sic et in omnibus omnino hominibus, qui operantur seu conantur ali­quid pertinens ad salutem, gratia praevenit omne ejusmodi opus et conatum.

[Page 33]

These Resolutions end at the bottom of the Page, and the Subscriptions are folio verso.

  • Ita sentio Petrus Lombardus Archiepiscopus Ard­macanus.
  • Ita sentio Archiepiscopus Fr. Io. de Rada Episco­pus Pactensis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Iulius Sanctuccius Episcopus S. Aga­thae Gothorum.
  • Ita sentio Laelius Landus Episcopus Neritonensis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Hieronymus Pallantus Episcopus Bi­sontinus.
  • Ita sentio Anastasius Abbas S. Mariae Farfensis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Io. Bapt. de Plumbino Ord. Erem. S. Aug. Prior Generalis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Gregorius Nunnius Coronel Secreta­rius.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Jacobus le Bossu Doctor Sorbonicus.

V.

QUi dixerit hominem ex facultate liberi sui ar­bitrii cum solo concursu generali Dei posse iis quae credenda sunt assentiti, tanquam a Deo re­velatis, & quia a Deo revelata sunt, quando pro­ponuntur & explicantur adhibitis argumentis quae afferri solent, ut homines merito sibi persuadeant ea revelata esse a Deo, & jussa credi, & acceden­te externa vocatione ad fidem per concionatores aliosque Ecclesiae ministros, errat.

Qui dixerit similiter posse praeexistente assensu hoc in intellectu elicere actum sperandi a Deo, quae ab eo revelata ac promissa sunt nobis, errat.

Qui dixerit similiter posse elicere actum absolu­tum dilectionis Dei super omnia, placendi Deo in omnibus, & propositum absolutum servandi man­data omnia naturalia obligantia sub peccato letali, errat.

Qui dixerit similiter posse praeexistente maxime lumine fidei, qua Dei beneficia cum naturae tum gratiae, praemia justis & supplicia impiis proposita agnoscimus, elicere ex Dei timore actum attritio­nis cum spe veniae, & ex Dei amore actum contri­tionis de peccatis commissis cum proposito non pec­candi amplius letaliter, errat, etiamsi dicat actus e­jusmodi esse mere naturales.

Qui dixerit hominem postquam edoctus fuerit auxilium gratiae supernaturale sibi esse necessarium ad justificationem & salutem, similiter posse illud optare, desiderare, petere sibi donari, & satagere se disponere ad illud recipiendum, errat contra do­ctrinam qua constat revelatum esse in Scripturis sa­cris actus illos, prout jam descripti sunt, esse do­na Dei per Christi gratiam & merita, idque ab ipsa prima in iis cogitatione, ideoque ab Ecclesia merito definitum esse non posse eos fieri sine speciali Dei adjutorio. Quae & deinde doctrina in Ecclesia Dei tam severe definita, & constanter asserta, ut si quis affirmaret hominem per naturae vigorem sine praeveniente Spiritus Sancti gratia posse aliquem ex iisdem actibus operari seu conari sicut oportet, sive ut expedit, quod est operari seu conari secundum circumstantias omnes debitas ab homine in ejusmo­di actibus adhiberi ad misericordiam seu justificatio­nem consequendam, is & in antiquis definitioni­bus contra Pelagianos eorumque reliquias haeretico falli spiritu pronunciatus fuerit, & novissime in Concilio Tridentino contra calumnias Haereticorum hujus temporis eandem doctrinam confirmando, a­nathemate feriatur.

In qua definitione cum dicitur hominem non posse per—

These nine words are the last legible at the bot­tom of this page, and probably were the begin­ning of some Observation which Petrus Lombardus thought to have added, for they are of his hand and besides these, there are two or three more which cannot be read.

The Subscriptions following are on the back-side of the same page.

  • Ita sentio Petrus Lombardus Archiepiscopus Ard­macanus.
  • Ita sentio Archiepiscopus Fr. Io. de Rada Episco­pus Pactensis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Julius Sanctuccius Episcopus S. Aga­thae Gothorum.
  • Ita sentio Laelius Landus Episcopus Neritonensis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Hieronymus Pallantus Episcopus Bi­sontinus.
  • Ita sentio Anastasius Abbas Farfensis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Io. Bapt. a Plumbino Ord. Erem. S. Aug. Prior Generalis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Gregorius Nunnius Coronel. Secreta­rius.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Jacobus le Bossu Doctor Sorbonicus.

VI.

QUi dixerit in homine post lapsum talem esse libertatem ad quamcunque tentationem seu difficultatem cum solo concursu generali Dei in quocunque temporis momento superandum, quam pro servanda in quolibet ejusmodi instanti lege na­turali necesse sit vincere, etiamsi ea de causa mors sit toleranda, ut si consentiat ideo peccet, quia secluso quocunque alio majori auxilio in potestate ipsius positum est non transgredi tunc legem & non transgrediendo victoriam comparare, er­rat.

Qui dixerit hominem posse, etsi non sine ingen­ti difficultate vincere ex solis viribus naturalibus sin­gulas tentationes, quantumvis graves & molestas, dummodo non longo tempore durent, gratiam vero tantum esse necessariam ad facilius, vel solum ad superandas omnes simul exsurgentes concupis­centias ne decursu temporis vincamur, adversatur Ecclesiasticis definitionibus de imbecillitate natu­rae humanae post lapsum ad tentationes superan­das.

Juxta quas definitiones declaramus 1 tenen­dum ac docendum, quia tunc victa vitia deputan­da sunt cum Dei amore vincuntur, quem nisi Deus ipse non donat, nec aliter nisi per mediatorem Dei & hominum hominem Iesum Christum; id circo in vitiis & illicitis concupiscen [...]iis evincendis, in diaboli infidiis superandis, & tam in resistendo quam in succumbendo quibuscunque tentationibus; 2 li­cet habeat homo libertatem, id est liberum usum propriae voluntatis, tamen ad vincendam seu super­andam quamcumque tentationem, ita nimirum, ut praeceptum circa quod tentatur quispiam ser­vetur propter Deum, id est, ne offendatur Deus, [Page 34] non sufficiunt vires naturales liberi arbitrii, sed ne­cessarium est quotidianum, id est continuo seu con­tra tentationes singulas subministratum adjutorium specialis gratiae Dei, idque non tantum ad facilius & melius comparandam victoriam & servandum praeceptum, sed quoniam ad ejusmodi observatio­nem & victoriam adjutorium istud simpliciter est necessarium, juxta id quod olim a Sede Apostolica 2 responsum est in hac causa, necesse est ut quo auxiliante vincamus, eo iterum non adjuvante vin­camur.

  • Ita sentio Petrus Lombardus Archiepiscopus Ard­macanus.
  • Archiepiscopus Fr. Io. de Rada Episcopus Pactensis.
  • Ita sentio Laelius Landus Episcopus Neritonensis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Hieronymus Pallantus Episcopus Bi­sontinus.

The four following Subscriptions are folio verso.

  • Ita sentio Anastasius Abbas Farfensis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Io. Bapt. de Plumbino, Prior Ord. S. Aug.
  • Ita censeo Fr. Gregorius Nunnius Coronel. Secreta­rius.
  • Ita sentio Ego Fr. Iacobus le Bossu Doctor Sorbo­nicus.

VII.

QUi dixerit gratiam qua Deus operatur in nobis velle & perficere, non sic movere nostram voluntatem, ut ex virtute motionis Dei per eam operantis sit infallibile, quod actu consentiamus & operemur; errat.

  • Ita sentio Petrus Lombardus Archiepiscopus Ard­macanus.
  • Idem sentio Archiepiscopus Fr. Io. de Rada Episco­pus Pactensis.
  • Ita sentio Laelius Landus Episcopus Neritonensis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Hieronymus Pallantus Episcopus Bi­sontinus.
  • Ita sentio Anastasius Abbas Farfensis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Io. Baptista de Plumbino Ord. S. Aug. Prior Generalis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Gregorius Nunnius Coronel. Secreta­rius.
  • Ita censeo Fr. Iacobus le Bossu Doctor Sorbonicus.

VIII.

3 QUi dixerit gratiam istam ad volendum & o­perandum quae pertinent ad salutem, aut non esse ita efficacem ut praeveniendo voluntatem nostram ipsam vera & reali efficientia praemoveat & faciat velle atque operari, aut sine ea posse ali­quem actu velle & operari; errat.

  • Ita sentio Petrus Lombardus Archiepiscopus Ard­macanus.
  • Ita sentio Archiepiscopus Fr. Io. de Rada Episcopus Pactensis, &c.
  • Ita sentio Laelius Landus Episcopus Neritonensis.
  • Fr. Hieronymus Pallantus Episcopus Bisontinus Ita sentio.
  • Ita sentio Anastasius Abbas Farfensis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Io. Bapt. de Plumbino Prior Ord. S. Aug.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Gregorius Nunnius Coronel. Secreta­rius.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Iacobus le Bossu Doctor Sorbonicus.

IX.

4 QUi dixerit gratiam efficacem excitare, al­licere, invitare, & suadere voluntatem, non tantum ita ut Deus efficienter moveat volunta­tem ipsam ad consentiendum, sed ipsa jam consen­tiente & cooperance simul cum ea influat tantum in actum; errat.

  • Ita sentio Petrus Lombardus Archiepiscopus Ard­macanus.
  • Ita sentio Archiepiscopus Fr. Io. de Rada Episcopus Pactensis.
  • Ita sentio Laelius Landus Episcopus Neritonensis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Hieronymus Pallantus Episcopus Bi­sontinus.
  • Ita sentio D. Anastasius Abbas Farfensis Secretarius.
  • Ita est, Fr. Io. Bapt. a Plumbino Prior Ord. S. Aug.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Gregorius Nunnius Coronel. Secre­tarius.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Iacobus le Bossu Doctor Sorbonicus.

X.

5 QUi dixerit Deum per auxilium gratiae suae, & liberum hominis arbitrium tanquam duas causas partiales se habere in negotio nostrae ju­stificationis, ita ut una ab altera non praemovea­tur nec ab ea virtutem agendi recipiat; errat.

Qui dixerit efficaciam gratiae Dei, seu hoc quod est auxilium gratiae, esse efficax, pendere a consen­su & cooperatione liberi arbitrii hominis: aut libe­rum hominis arbitrium suo consensu & cooperatio­ne efficere auxilium gratiae efficax: adversatur do­ctrinae 6 qua ab Ecclesia Dei definitum est, De­um etiam in illis, quos vocat gratis, non expectare eorum voluntates, seu consensum ad ipsos gratia sua adjuvandum, quasi ab ipsorum libero arbitrio sic penderet, quod consentiant vocationi, aut ve­lint id, ad quod sunt vocati, ut Deus hoc in iis non operetur efficaci sua gratia, sed ab iis expectet pro innata ipsis libertate.

  • Ita sentio Petrus Lombardus Archiepiscopus Ard­macanus.
  • Ita sentio Archiepiscopus Fr. Io. de Rada Episcopus Pactensis, &c.
  • Ita sentio Laelius Landus Episcopus Neritonensis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Hieronymus Pallantus Episcopus Bi­sontinus.
  • Ita sentio D. Anastasius Abbas Farfensis Secreta­rius.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Io. Bapt. de Plumbino Ord. S. Aug. Prior.
  • [Page 35]Ita sentio Fr. Gregorius Nunnius Coronel. Secreta­rius.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Iacobus le Bossu Doctor Sorbonicus.

XI.

2 QUi dixerit perseverantiam in bono usque ad finem vitae non esse ex tali singulari Dei do­no quo non solum dat quod quis perseverare possit, si velit, sed etiam quo opetatur efficaciter, ut ex virtute ipsius doni, velit, & perseveret: aut dixe­rit cum hoc dono non cohaerere arbitrii creati liber­tatom; errat.

  • Ita sentio Petrus Lombardus Archiepiscopus Ard­macanus.
  • Ita sentio Archiepiscopus Rada Episcopus Pactensis, &c.
  • Ita sentio Laelius Landus Episcopus Neritonensis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Hieronymus Pallantus Episcopus Bi­sontinus.
  • Ita sentio D. Anastasius Abbas Farfensis Secretarius.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Io. Bapt. de Plumbino Prior Ord. S. Aug.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Gregorius Nunnius Coronel. Secre­tar.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Iacobus le Bossu Doctor Sorbonicus.

XII.

QUi dixerit Deum ab aeterno non ita constitu­isse, proposuisse, praedefinisse, seu praedeter­minasse illos omnes & singulos consensuros, cre­dituros, operaturos, & perseveraturos, quicun­que in tempore Deo vocanti ad salutem consenti­unt, & consentientes credunt, operantur, & per­severant, ut decreto absoluto, id est, quo abso­lute vult quod consentiant, credant, operentur, seu perseverent, praeordinaverit unicuique eorum dare auxilium gratiae, cujus virtutem seu motionem praescit tam esse efficacem ad subjiciendum sibi libe­rum arbitrium ejus cui datur, ut ex ea certum sit, & infallibile, & insuperabile, quod is consentiet, credet, operabitur, seu perseverabit, aut ejus­modi decretum Dei absolutum seu efficacem mo­tionem libertatem arbitrii tollere vel ei adversari; errat.

3 Placet doctrina in propositione hac & sequenti­bus duabus comprehensa; sunt tamen redigendae in breviorem formam, & paulò clariùs exprimendum in quo falsa sit ratio illius praescientiae conditionato­rum, quam ante decretum Dei ponit Molina.

  • Ita sentio Petrus Lombardus Archiepiscopus Ard­macanus.
  • Ita sentio Archiepiscopus Rada Episcopus Pactensis.
  • Ita sentio Laelius Landus Episcopus Neritonensis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Hieronymus Pallantus Episcopus Bi­sontinus.
  • Ita censeo D. Anastasius Abbas Farfensis Secreta­rius.
  • Ita censeo Fr. Io. Bapt. de Plumbino Prior Ord. S. Aug.
  • Ita censeo Fr. Gregorius Nunnius Coronel. Secretar.
  • Ita censeo Fr. Iacobus le Bossu Doctor Sosbonicus.

XIII.

QUi dixerit praescientiam Dei de hominum salute, seu quocunque illorum actu ad salutem perti­nente, fundari non in virtute auxilii, seu motio­nis efficacis ad subdendum sibi arbitrium ejus cui da­tur, sed in praeviso usu humani arbitrii pro sua liber­tate auxilio Dei utentis, vel non utentis, aut hu­jusmodi praescientiam esse necessariam ad concilian­dum inter se auxilium gratiae Dei, & liberum usum humani arbitrii, errat, ponendo in Deo scienti­am, quae nullum prorsus habet, vel habere potest objectum.

XIV.

QUi dixerit praedestinationem electorum sic pen­dere ab ipsorum arbitrio, ut non per efficaci­am, seu virtutem auxiliorum, quae Deus sua prae­destinatione decrevit dare, fiat quod bene iis utan­tur, sed quia Deus in praescientia sua videns quibus auxiliis pro sua libertate bene utentur electi, haec ipsis dare decrevit; errat, in illud incidens, praede­stinationem esse ex metitis hominum: ita nimirum, ut gratia, qua adjuvantur homines ad consequen­dum effectum & finem, ad quem sunt praedestina­ti, ideo iis detur, quia ipsi volunt usu illo sui arbi­trii, quem pro libertate sua adhibent, non autem ideo velint, quia per gratiam adjuvantur.

1.
Ex S. Aug. l. 21. de Civitate Dei c. 16.
2.
Ex S. Aug. ep. 106. Ubi refert decretum hac de re Conc. Palaestini.
2.
Ab Innocentio 19 ep: ad Patres Conc: quae est 91 inter episto­las S: Augustini: Et a Caelest: I in ep: ad Episcopos Galliae pro SS: Prospero & Hilario.
3.
This Article is written by the hand of Coronel.
4.
So also is this.
5.
And this.
6.
Ex Concilio Araus. can. 4 & 5. & S. Aug. ep. 107. ex Petr. Diac. cap. 9. ex Fulg. c. 18, 28, 29, 30. de Incarn. & gratia.
2.
This Article is of Coronel's hand-writing.
3.
These six lines were written by the hand of Petrus Lombardus.

A Writing made and publisht at Paris and Rome, in the year 1651. neer two years before the Popes Constitution came forth; shewing, that the Propositions were never absolutely main­tain'd, but only in their reduction to the sense of Effectual Grace; and that they were always consider'd as Propositions maliciously contriv'd, to the end, that being condemn'd in their bad sense, the Censure of them might be reflected upon S. Augustin's Doctrine.
Quinque propositionum de gratia quas Facultati Theologicae Parisiensi M. Nicolaus Cornet sub­dole exhibuit prima Julii anni 1649. vera & Catholica expositio juxta mentem Discipulorum Sancti Augustini.

THis Writing is spoken of in Part. 3. Chap. 7. and in divers other places of the Iournal, un­der the name of Our Latin Manifesto, and it is here subjoyn'd.

BEati Augustini doctrina adversariorum suorum calumniis semper appetita est, ac sub alienis & fictis ad libitum assertionibus ab iis reprehensa, qui­bus hanc sub Augustini nomine ac veris sententiis aggredi temerarium & inane visum est. Hinc teste B. Prospero a Gallis, inde a quodam Vincentio contexta Capitulorum prodigiosa mendacia, quae S. Augustino ejusque Discipulis inepte affingeren­tur ad invidiam in eos excitandam.

Iansenius Episcopus nuper Iprensis illustrissimus B. Augustini Discipulus, interpres, ac vindex, eandem cum Magistro suo sortem ab adversariis suis exper­tus [Page 36] est, 1 ut quae in ipsius libris damnabilia reperisse non obscurè jactabant Molinae patroni, brevium quinque propositionum indiculis praedicarent, talique commento & detestationem ejus quem impeterent, ob­tinerent, & ab his quae infamassent curam exterriti lectoris averterent.

Facultati primum Parisiensi in Sorbona prima Julii anno 1649. congregatae, quinque hae proposi­tiones sine ullius harum auctoris nomine ad examen adhibitae sunt a M. Nicolao Cornet, nec auditae pri­us, quin statim S. Augustini Discipuli eas prima duntaxat aliquatenus excepta pro libito fictas, nec ab Episcopo sprensi, nec a quovis alio iisdem qui­bus conceptae sunt verbis assertas, atque ex ambiguis & aequivocis vocibus callide concinnatas esse, & con [...]ra morem omnem examini subjici conquesti sint. Non obscurum fuit nec ab ipsis Molinae Patro­nis taceri potuit, non Iansenii modo opus, sed & Augustini doctrinam his perversis & iniquis artibus ad judicium vocari, & paratam in utrumque licet dissimulato nomine censuram, si quod animo mag­na futurorum fiducia conceperant harum proposi­tionum & molitionum architecti ad exitum perdu­cerent. Atque haec tam inique & fraudulenter, tam praeter morem omnem in Facultate Parisiensi agi visa sunt, ut septuaginta Doctores intercesserint, provocaverineque ad Sonatum; ut Senatusconsulto, partibus auditis die 5 Octobris anni 1649. cautum fuerit, ne hae propositiones vocarentur ad examen, dum aliter provisum fuisset. Ne tamen aequum exa­men & judicium effugisse putarentur S. Augustini Discipuli, aequissimas & necessarias ad examen legi­timum propositionum harum doctrinaeque omnis de gratia conditiones positas ad calcem libri de gra­tia Christi victrice, Facultati 1 Decembris ejusdem anni in Sorbona congregarae exhibuerunt. Atque ita mala haec quorundam Consilia avertit Deus, actique cuniculi dissilierunt in auctores suos. Ista in Facultate tempestas sedata est, & causa omnis feli­cissimo tandem exitu communibus votis peracta fi­nitaque est: ipsoque Facultatis decreto unanimi Doctorum omnium suffragio 7 Decembris ejusdem anni conclusum suit, non esse necesse procedere ad examen vel judicium harum propositionum alia­rumve de gratia & auxiliis divinis.

At ab iisdem Molinae patronis non abfuit nova audendi animus; itum est ad alias artes; & Iesuitis praecipue procurantibus emendicatae sunt undique subscriptiones hominum, eorumque maximam par­tem nullius auctoritatis, nullius nominis, nullius do­ctrinae, quibus omnes & in Iansenii velut de haeresi suspecti, & in quinque propositionum ut erronea­rum censuram consensisse viderentur. Sed quod maxime dolendum est, auditur eos penes quos ipsius est doctrinae arbitrium, iniquissimis calumniis com­pulsos esse ut de Episcopi Iprensis opere apud san­ctam Sedem conquerantur, ac ab ea quinque pro­positionum judicium efflagitent, persuasi a Iesuitis, imo & a quibusdam e Doctoribus Parisiensibus prae se ferentibus speciem scientiae & virtutis, quinque has propositiones ab Episcopo Iprensi caeterisque Augustini Discipulis non modo in terminis & ut ja­cent, verum & perverso sensu, & a B. Augustini Conciliique Tridentini doctrina alieno propugnari, profitentibus iisdem eas ita a se & summa fide de­promptas ex ipso volumine Iansenii cujus nomini pepercisse se dicerent. Atque cum hae propositio­nes ambiguis & aequivocis de industria vocibus con­ceptae sententiam habeant ancipitem, atque hinc rectae & sanae, inde perversae & erroneae doctrinae interpretationi subjaceant, persuaderi se facile passi sunt quidam Episcopi Molinae defensorum calumniis & artibus minus assueti, nec de re apud Sorbonam a biennio gesta satis admoniti; & putarunt eum in­esse sensum scriptis Doctoris Catholici, quem viri minus simplices sub his quinque propositionibus fraudulenter exhibebant. Haec sane opinio hos ali­quos Episcopos pacis & veritatis zelo impulit, ut E­pistolae ad summum Pontificem subscriberent, qua harum quinque propositionum judicium a Romana Sede exposcerent, quas ab Episcopo Iprensi assertas, in Ecclesia subinde defensas, idque perverso & Triden­tinis Patribus adverso sensu non obscure praedicarent

Neminem latet syngrapham ab omnibus fere Galliae Episcopis omni arte quaesitam, negatam fa­isse a plurimis. Notum est in Cleri Gallicani Co­mitiis hac in urbe cum Epistolam hanc Molinae de­fensores conscriberent, eidemque Episcopi ali­qui subscriberent, congregatis, nunquam hoc de negotio actum fuisse, cum tamen id apud Cle­rum proponi, ventilati ac decerni causae ipsius ra­tio, ac pondus, & consuetudo perpetua postula­rent. Compertum est etiam a multis magni nomi­nis Archiepiscopis & Episcopis cum in eam rem convenissent, voce apud illustrissimum Sedis Apo­stolicae Nuncium, tum ab iisdem & multis aliis per varias Epistolas apud Apostolicam Sedem expostu­latum, & significatum minus sibi placere subscrip­tionem illam Reverendissimorum suorum Fratrum. Demum obscurum non est ab illis Episcopis nec communi judicio aut examine, nec audito, ut par erat, ullo ex plutimis Doctoribus qui hac in causa adversus Molinae patronos intercesserant, sed pri­vatim a singulis quolibet in numero sint, fuisse sub­scriptum. At quanto religiosior est apud S. Augu­stini Discipulos reverentia universi Cleri Galliarum, tanto certe metuerunt impenhus ne illius auctoritas vehementer iaederetur in hac causa, qua non alia gravior; Catholicorumque Doctorum & Praesulum fama adversis rumoribus apud istos Galliae Antistites afflaretur. Neque enim in unius caput haec faba cu­ditur, fed in Doctores, sed in Ecclesiae Ptincipes omnes, sed in ipsius Augustini proindeque in ipsius Apostolicae Sedis auctoritatem ac doctrinam, sed in ipsam denique veritatem, in ipsam fidem, in ipsam Christi gratiam fraus ista comparatur ab hominibus dolos & artes omnes quibus solis valent in unius Mo­linae praesidium advocantibus. Rem itaque totam hanc Episcopis omnibus, vel illis maxime qui ut iisdem Mosinistarum confiliis manum suam commo­darent, dolis & calumniis abducti sunt, Galliae toti, Romanae Sedi, Ecclesiae universae retegere necessa­rium fuit.

Quam igitur perversa fide, quanta calumniandl libidine tentata sint haec ab harum propositionum & molitionum auctoribus, facile comperient omnes cum duo haec intelligent. Prius est, quinque has pro­positiones quarum judicium & censura tam operose nunc exigitur, nusquam in terminis atque ut jacent, prima duntaxat utcumque excepta, fuisse aut ab E­piscopo Iprensi (cujus hac in parte & quod ad quin­que illas propositiones spectat, tuendi necessitas modo incumbit) aut a quoquam alio S. Augustini Discipulo assertas, sed fictas pro nutu ab ipsis Mo­linae [Page 37] patronis, quales ad censuram facilius compa­randam excitandamque invidiam aptiores humana prudentia excogitavit. Atque has propositiones fic­tas esse ad libitum tandiu constabit, quamdiu ubi & a quo ut jacent assertae sint demonstratum non fue­rit; 2 quod a nemine hactenus, nisi mendaciter prae­stitum est nec praestari potest, quam periculosum autem, quam iniquum, quam inusitatum est in Ec­clesia, propositiones a nullo auctore assertas, a nullo auditas, ad libi um fictas examni subjicere?

Primam propositionem utcunque excipimus quae iisdem quidem verbis in Iprensis Episcopi opere expressa, attamen a praecedentibus & consequenti­bus verbis quae apud Iansenium planum & rectum Illius sensum declarant dolose avulsa, sic exhibita est, ut obscura & ambigua penitus perversaeque in­terpretationi obnoxia videatur, maxime vero Au­gustinianae doctrinae ignatis, proptereaque non si­ne arte & consilio dissimulatus locus est Iprensis E­piscopi, ne scilicet, quo sensu ibi asseritur ac expo­nitur, tota Augustiniana, hoc est, tota Catholica, tota non alio sensu quam qui gratiae per se efficacis ad singulos actus necessitatem exprimit, defensa deprehenderetur, ut non magis ab harum proposi­tionum auctoribus in veris quam in fictis fides desi­deran [...]a fit.

Posterius est quod spectat ad harum propositio­num sensum, scilicet aequivocas esse penitus & ambiguas omnes, proptereaque hinc rectae inde perversae, hinc Catholicae inde erroneae & haereti­cae interpretationi obnoxias: possunt enim ad gra­tiae victricis & per se efficacis ad singulos piae volun­tatis motus necessariae doctrinam singulae revocari: nec alio quam gratiae istius per se efficacis sensu, aut ab Episcopo Iprensi quantum ex ejus operis lectione innotescit, aut a quovis alio B. Augustini Discipu­lo defensae sunt, nusquam ab iis ut jacent assertae, ut in libro de gratia Christi victrice in lucem nuper emisso satis fuse & pespicue demonstratur. Atque ita necesse est ut harum propositionum architecti cum has vocaverunt ad examen, vel de damnanda & proscribenda gratia per se efficace ad singulos act­us necessaria cogitaverint, quod nemo consilium non exhorrescat: quis enim nisi impius ac profanus de damnanda hae doctrina cogitet, quam S. Augu­stinus adversus Pelagianorum & Semipelagianorum errores Ecclesia probante & applaudente universa certissime constituit? Concilia definierunt, Sedes Apostolica confirmavit, quam S. Thomas Scho­lae Dux ac Magister firmissime propugnavit: quam Schola illius universa, totus Dominicanorum Ordo acerrime adversus Molinam defendit, Pelagi­ani erroris aperte eos insimulans, qui necessitati gratiae per se efficacis adversantur: quam Clemens VIII & Paulus V, ille scripto, uterque suffragio suo non semel comprobavit: quam denique Congrega­tio de Auxiliis re totis decem annis in sessionibus amplius ducentis ventilata & expensa, partibus au­ditis; praesentibus saepe Clemente VIII & Paulo V, frequentibus & censuris & responsionibus sic asse­ruit, ut sententiam Molinae Jesuitae, qua gratia Chri­sti libero arbitrio subjicitur, & gratiae ex se efficacis ac praemoventis ad singulos actus necessitas negatur, Semipelagianam & Pelagianam esse saepissime pro­nunciaverit: atque erroris, Apostolico & solenni ju­dicio penitus damnandam esse & abolendam judica­verit, ut colligitur tum exactis Congregationis de Au­xiliis, tum ex historia Francisci de Pegna illustrissimi Rotae Decani, cujus exemplum manu scriptum ex au­tographo quod habetur Romae, certum & indubitatū apud clarissimum & eruditissimum virum Parisiis ex­tat, in libro de gratia Christi victrice aliqua ex parte typis editum: sin vero adversarii ab eo concilio & ea mente abesse purandi sunt (& absunt certe Docto­res omnes Parisienses quotquot sunt, ut ipsi palam & aperte profitentur) necesse est ut perversos sensus ad quos hae propositiones torqueri possunt, nec ab Episcopo Iprensi nec a quovis alio S. Augustini Di­scipulo assertos censurae subjicere voluerint: quem conatum ut inanem & otiosum prorsus quis non spernat? vel demum, quod credibile est, per aequi­vocarum assertionum censuram ancipitem variis in­terpretationibus obnoxiam in animo habuerunt in­vidiam & odium in Episcopum [...]prensem & Sancti Augustini Discipulos concitare; vera falsis invol­vere; Pelagianum errorem cum Catholica simul fide commiscere; perturbare omnia; censuram ip­sam ancipitem, hujus sibi judicium & interpreta­tionem arrogando, in quos libebit sensus inflectere, sibi hujus censurae ancipitis tuendae praetextu quid­vis audendi licentiam facere apud imperitam mul­titudinem cui uni fallendae & deludendae student; to­tum Iprensis Episcopi opus ut de errore vel de haeresi notatum conclamare; proscriptam si Deo placet S. Augustini doctrinam, damnatos omnes illius de­sensores; sententiam vero Molinae gratiam Divinam libero hominis lapsi arbitrio subjicientis, hoc est, evacuantis gratiam & crucem Christi, comproba­tam dicere. Quos in fidei & gratiae Christianae causa dolos quis non detestetur? quae consilia in Ecclesiae totius perturbationem & luctum, in fidei Catholicae perniciem, & in haereticarum virium ac­cessionem vergere quis non intelligat? Ita vero haec in Sorbona res a [...]itur; ut Theologi aliqui Parisi­enses quos praecipous in ista causa adversarios ex­perti sunt S. Augustini Discipuli, & quos ab Apo­stolica Sede harum propositionum censuram etiam flagitare non insertis rumoribus jactatur, proposi­tiones easdem quo sensu ab Episcopo Iprensi & a caeteris Augustini Discipulis defendi possent, ab omni errore vacuas faterentur, si principiis suis consen­tanea pronunciare vellent.

Ut igitur quid de his propositionibus cum Episco­po Iprensi sentiant, semperque senserint Parisienses Theologi, caeterique qui S. Augustini doctrinam profitentur ac tuentur, Episcopis omnibus, Eccle­siae toti, Romanae Sedi innotescat, necessarium fuit apertam hanc brevem & sinceram expositionem subnectere, uti ne si propositiones istas ambigua ali­qua nota ob perversum sensum quem admittere possunt perstringeret, Episcopus Iprensis caeterique S. Augustini Difcipuli istius perversi sensus auctores & defensores insimulentur. Atque ut sciant omnes, certi nihil de his quaestionibus quae in Christi gratiae argumento inter S. Augustini & Molinae Discipulos in Ecclesia agitantur definiri posse, nisi omni ver­borum dolo & ambiguitate semotis ad examen voce­tur haec de gratiae victricis necessitate doctrina, ad quam quinquae istae propositiones recto sensu expo­sitae revocantur.

PRIMA PROPOSITIO.
Aliqua Dei praecepta hominibus justis volentibus & conantibus secundum praesentes quas habent vires sunt impossibilia: deest quoque iis gra­tia qua possibilia fiant.

EXPOSITIO.

CUm aliquis justus gratiam per se efficacem ad orandum, ad tentationem superandam, ad praeceptum aliquod observandum necessariam, a Deo aliquando non accipiat judicio occulto sed justo; etsi habeat aliquam praecepti implendi volun­tatem, sed parvam, invalidam, & imperfectam, & ad praeceptum illud plene & ut oportet observan­dum imparem, tunc & secundum has praesentes, quas habet pro isto momento vires, ad orandum ut oportet, ad tentationem superandam ut oportet, ad praeceptum observandum ut oporter, non est proxime & complete potens. Atque impotentia haec, ea est quae a voluntatis infirmitate seu ab aux­ilii ad agendum proxime necessarii carentia, hoc est a gratiae per se efficacis, quam Deus tunc ilii non donat, absentia oritur. Cum enim gratia haec per se efficax det & velle & posse proximum et com­pletissimum, quicunque gratiam hanc non habet, is non habet velle et posse proximum quod illa largitur. Atque ita aliquando justus aliquis non ha­bet gratiam quae proximam et completissimam prae­cepti ut oportet, observandi potentiam donat.

Hic genuinus et unicus est Episcopi Iprensis circa primam istam propositionem sensus; aliud nihil do­cet et asserit, ubi propositionem hanc non nude profert, sed ex jactis prius fundamentis necessario colligit, ut videre est in capite toto e quo depromp­ta est, scilicet l. 3. de gratia Christi Salvatoris c. 13, vide et cap. 14. et 15, in quibus justos omnes multis modis posse semper praecepta observare asse­rit, nec aliam impotentiam aliquando inesse justo alicui dicit, nisi eam quae a gratiae per se efficacis ab­sentia oritur, quae simul et posse proximum ac com­pletissimum et velle donat.

Nullam ergo aliam doctrinam sic exposita propo­sitio continet, quam doctrinam gratiae ex se efficacis ad singulos piae voluntatis motus et actus necessariae, necessariae justo ut oret, ut tentationem superet, ut praeceptum Dei observet sicut oportet, seu ut haec operari proxime possit; proindeque prima haec propositio ut est a Jansenio asserta, vel potius ex Augustini principiis collecta, damnari non po­test, nisi vel gratiae per se efficacis ad singulos actus necessariae doctrina simul damnetur, vel damnetur Augustiniana haec doctrina, qua asseritur quod gra­tia ex se efficax, ad aliquem actum necessaria, poten­tiam proximam et completissimam ad hunc actum donat.

Quam vero sic exposita propositio conformis sit sacri Concilii Tridentini, S. Augustini et Facultatis Lovaniensis doctrinae, sequentibus testimoniis in­notescit.

Conformitas propositionis expositae cum Consilii Tridentini, S. Augustini, & Theologorum Lovaniensium doctrina.
CONCILIUM TRIDENTINUM.
SI quis dixerit justificatum vel sine speciali auxilio Dei in accpta justitia perseverare POSSE, vel cum eo non posse, Anathema sit. Conc. Trid. sess. 6. can. 22.

Illud autem speciale Dei auxilium singulis justis, quovis momento a Deo non datur, judicio Dei oc­culto sed justo; non datur justis cadentibus, et in accepta justitia non perseverantibus. Quod spe­ciale auxilium cum sit necessarium justis ut perse­verent, fateri profecto compellimur, absque hu­jusmodi auxilio eosdem justos perseverare non poste, unde & Concilium Tridentinum justum ho­minem cui desit tale auxilium, non modo dixit non perseverare, sed nec perseverate quidem posse.

S. AUGUSTINUS.
QƲi ergo vult facere Dei mandatum & non PO­TEST, jam quidem habet voluntatem bonam; sed adhuc parvam & invalidam. POTERIT autem cum magnam habuerit & robustam.... Ipsam charita­tem Apostolus Petrus uondum habuit quando timore Dominum ter negavit.... & tamen quamvis parva & imperfecta non decrat, quando dicebat Domino, Ani­mam meam pro te ponam; putabat enim se POSSE quod se velle sentiebat. St Augustinus libro de gratia & lib. arbit. cap. 16.
Est quippe in nobis per hanc Dei gratiam (scilicet per auxilium quo seu per se efficax, de quo hic ser­mo est) non solum POSSE quod volumus, sed eoiam velle quod possumus, S. Augustin. de corr. & grat. cap. 11.
Qui eis (justis scilicet de quibus sermo hic est) non solum dat sine quo non possunt perseverare si velint, sed in eis etiam operatur & velle, ut quoniam non perseverabunt nisi & possint & velint, perseve­randi eis possibilitas & voluntas Divinae gratiae lar­gitate donetur: tantum quippe Spiritu Sancto accen­ditur voluntas eorum, ut ideo possint quia sic vo­lunt, ideo sic velint quia Deus operatur ut ve­lint, De corr. & gratia cap. 11.
Neque de ipsa voluntate contendo cum s [...]nata & adjuta hominis voluntate possibilitas ipsa simul cum effectu in Sanctis proveniat. De natura & gratia, cap. 42.
DOCTORES LOVANIENSES.
In justificatione censurae adversus Jesuitas Lova­nienses ante sexaginta annos latae.
POtentia credendi vel convertendi se potest aestimari dupliciter; semel ex ipsa liberi arbitrii utram­que in partem flexibili facultate; quomodo est potentia in homine gratia destituto: Semel ex praecedentibus viribus satis efficacibus ad fidem & conversionem, juxta quem modum quidam dicuntur non posse credere aut sequi Dominium, sicut dictum est Petro, Non potes me sequi modo; & aliis, Quomodo vos potestis credere qui gloriam ab invicem accipitis? & iterum, [Page 39] Nou poterant credere, quiae dixit Isaias, Excaeca cor populi hujus. Poterant ergo illi credere per flexibi­lem quidem liberi arbitrii in bonum facultatem; non poterant autem per eas vires seu affectus quos habebant in praesentia; poterant per remotam ut dici consuevit potentiam, non poterant per propinquam. Justificatio censura; cap. 16.
Aliud autem est posse, in quo tam magnae in­sunt vires per sufficientem gratiae praeparationem, ut satis sit ad agendum, per quam quidem gratiam, non jam solum ipsum posse, verum etiam agere adjuva­tur. Ibidem.
Addimus & hoc qualecunque subsidium quod a­liquando subministrari dicitur in aliis qui neque cre­dunt ueque convertuntur ad Dominum, non fuisse sufficiens ad fidem aut conversionem; quippe gratia ad conversionem sufficien ipsa convertit; quae vero non convertit non sufficit. Ibidem.

SECUNDA PROPOSITIO.
Interiori gratiae in statu naturae lapsae nunquam resistitur.

EXPOSITIO.

ESt propria et specialis Christi gratia ad singulos piae voluntatis affectus et motus necessaria, quae est gratia per se efficax, quae semper in cordi­bus nostris effectum ad quem a Deo datur producit; hanc gratiam voluntas nunquam respuit quia sem­per velle donat, semper cordis duritiam aufert pro mensura doni Divini majoris concupiscentia, seu quantum Deus misericorditer vult victricem hanc delectationem et majorem concupiscentia sive ad incipiendam, sive ad confirmandam, sive ad per­ficiendam animae curationem, in cordibus nostris diffundere.

Etsi autem efficiat propria haec Christi gratia ut homo illi non dissentiat nec dissentire velir, sem­per tamen dissentire potest si vult, ut sacro Triden­tino Concilio definitum est.

Atque homo hac Christi gratia quae cordis duriti­am aufert motus, non semper proinde vult aut agit efficaciter et perfecte quod volendum et agen­dum est; saepe enim contingit hominem peecato­rem in solis inefficacibus desideriis quae gratia effor­mavit haerere, nec ea ad operis effectum ob infir­mitatem suam ac vitium proprium perducere; ab­jicere etiam desideria ista, et reluctante ac vincente concupiscentia non resipiscere a peecato, non a­gere poenitentiam ut oportet et quantum oportet ut a peccato resutgat, illiusque veniam a Deo conse­quatur; hoc tamen in homine gratia Christi pro­ximum effectum quem Deus intendit, boni scilicet et inchoati desiderii motum consequitur: quod au­tem istud desiderium caruerit ultimo et perfecto ef­fectu operis ad quod impellebat et excitabat, homi­nis sollus vitium est, non Dei, et, ut ait Augustinus, 1 In homine causa est, non in Deo.

Si tamen Deus vellet tantam gratiam, tam victri­cem delectationem conferre quanta sufficit et quan­ta necessaria est ut homo iste poenitentiam agat ut oportet, a peccato suo resurgat, et ad Dei gratiam justificantem perveniat, homo ille certissime poe­nitentiam ageret ut oportet, a peccato suo resur­geret, et ad Dei gratiam justificantem perveniret. At Deus ut vult, quantum vult, et ubi vult, unius­cuj isque miseretur juxta illud Sancti Augustini de peccatorum meritis et remissione lib 2. cap. 5. Cur autem illum adjuvet, illum nonadjuvet; illum tantum, illum autem non tantum; istum illo, illum isto modo, penes ipsum est & aequitatis tam secretae ratio & ex­cellentia potestatis.

Non alio sensu quam isto propositio haec secunda ab Episcopo Iprensi docetur, aut ab alio S. Augustini Discipulo, nec aliter in ejusdem Praesulis opere defensa legitur, nullibi in terminis et ut jacet ah eo asserta.

Conformitas propositionis expositae cum doctrina S. Augustini ac Theologorum Lovaniensium & Duacensium.
S. AUGUSTINUS.
HAec itaque gratia quae occulte humanis cordibus divina largitate tribui [...]ur, a nullo duro corde RESPUITUR; a Deo quippe tribuitur ut cordis duritia primitus aufer [...]tur. De praedest. SS. c. 8.
Dat incrementum Deus, cui volenti salvum facere nullum hominis RESISTIT arbitrium; sic enim velle & nolle in volentis aut nolenter est potestate ut Divinam voluntatem non impediat, nec superet potestatem. De corr. et gratia cap. 14.
Qui credunt, intus a Patre audiunt atque di­scunt; qui autem non credunt, FORIS audiunt, intus non audiunt neque discunt, hoc est, illis datur ut credant, illis non datur. De praedest. SS. c. 8.
Cum dat incrementum Deus, auditor sine dubio credit & proficit; ecce quod interest inter legem & promissiomem, inter literam & spiritum. Lib. 2. op. imp. n. 157.
Qui novit quid est qu [...]d fierl debeut & n n facit, nondum a Deo didicit secundum gratiam sed secun­dum legem; non secundum spiritum see secundum literam, De gratia Christi cap. 13.
Si Deus miseretur, etiam volumus; ad eandem quippe misericordiam pertinet ut velimus. Lib. 1 ad Simpl. quaest. 2.
Non potest effectus misericordiae Dei esse in hominis potestate, ut frustraille miseratur si homo nolit. I­bidem.
LOVANIENSES.
NOn igitur specialis haec Chrictt est gratia, cui proprium id esse evidentissimis verbis Augu­stinus scribit, ut non sit bonis malisque commu­nis, sed bonos discernat amalis; atque ut alibi ait, à duro nullo corde respuatur, quoniam per eam ipsa cordis durities auferatur, in qua fideleter agnos­cenda quid à Pelagio idem olim postularit, operae pretium fuerit ex ejus hic verbis subjicere. Lovan. in cens. 8 assert.
DUCASESES.
EA enim propriè est gratia Christi & gratia novi Testamenti quae aufert cor lapideum & tribuit cor carneum: quae operatur ipsum velle & perficere, per quam scribitur lex Dei in cordibus nostris, quae facit ut faciamus, non tantum ut pos­simus facere si velimus. Duac. in cens. 8 assert.

TERTIA PROPSITIO.
Ad merendum & demerendum in statu naturae lapsae non requiritur in homine libertas à ne­cessitate sed sufficit libertas à coactione.

EXPGSITIO.

UT doctrina haec de hominis libertate ac indif­ferentia recte exponatur, multiplex prius in­differentia constituenda est, et explananda. Est scilicet indifferenti [...] voluntatis circa rectum finem, et circa media; et est indifferentia ex parte poten­tiae et ex parte actus. Indifferentia voluntatis circa rectum finem ea est qua voluntas vel rectum finem appetere, vel a recto fine aberrare potest, seu qua voluntas peccare potest et non peccare. Indif­ferentia voluntatis circa media, ea est qua voluntas medium hoc vel illud ac finem consequendum elige­re potest vel non eligere. Indifferentia ex parte po­tentiae, ea est qua potentia licet ad hoc recte agendū a Deo determinetur, potest tamen per se etiam sub actuali gratiae motione constituta hoc non agere et contrarium eligere: licet nunquam accidat, ut a Deo praemota hoc recte non agat, et contrarium eligat. Semper autem indifferentia haec quae se habet ex parte potentiae, remanet ad malum, cum subest ratio aliqua boni seu motivi in objecto quod voluntas refugit & aversatur: Illud enim voluntas quavis determinatione ad bonum posita amplecti et eligere potest, quod sub aliqua boni et motivi ratione apparet, et ad quod eligendum homo po­tentiam habet. Denique indifferentia ex parte actus seu indifferentia proxima actionis ea est qualem Molina constituit, qua scilicet voluntas proximam habet agendi vel non agendi, agendi hoc vel illud indifferentiam; qua voluntas sic est in aequilibrio posita, ut pro libito se ad istud vel illud moveat vel non moveat; qua voluntas etiam posita motione Divinae gratiae, parem tamen habet in utrumlibet in­diffetentiam, ita ut bonum aliquando actu eligat, aliquando actu non eligat, aliquando recte agat et gratiae divinae obsequatur, aliquando vero pro libito peccet ac gratiae divinae motionem abjiciat. Atque hanc solum Molinae indifferentiam utpote gratiae per se efficaci contrariam nec ad libertatem nec ad meritum in hoc lapsae naturae statu requiri S. Augustini Discipuli contendunt. Observandum etiam est, libertatem vel sumi secundum se et ge­neratim loquendo, prout Deo, Christo viatori, An­gelis Beatis, hominibus in statu naturae integrae vel lapsae convenit: vel sumi secundum varium statum in quo libertas & merirum occurrunt, puta secun­dum statum hominis ante lapsum vel post lapsum. His praenotatis facilis erit hujus tertiae propositionis per quatuor sequentes propositiones exposito.

Prima propositio de libertate.

Indifferentia essentialis est libertata circa media, seu quoad libertatem electionis quae circa media ver­satur, ubi plura sunt media ad fidem consequendum.

Conformitas propositionibus hujus cum Doctrina S. Thomae.
VOlunras igitur Angeli se habet ad oppos [...]ta quan­tum ad multa facienda vel non facienda; sed quantum ad ipsum Deum quem vident esse ipsam essen­eiam bonitatis, non se habent ad opposita, sed secundum ipsum ad omnia diriguntur quodcunque oppositorum eligant, quod sine peccato est. 1 p. quaest. 68. a. 8. ad 3.
Ʋnde quod liberum arbitrium diversa eligere pos­sit servato ordine finis, hoc pertinet ad perfectionem li­bertatis ejus. Sed quod eligat aliquid divertendo ab ordine finis, quod est ptccare, hoc pertinet ad defe­ctum libertatis. Ʋnde major libertas arbitrii est in Angelis qui peccare non possunt, quam in nobis qui peccare possumus. 1 p. quaest. 62. art. 8. ad 3.
Secunda propositio de libertate.

Indifferentia ex parte potentiae ad bonum & ma­lum non est necessaria ad agendum libere neque ad merendum, fi ratio libertatis & meriti generatim & secundum se considerentur, ut patet ex merito & libertate Christi.

Conformitas propositionis bujus cum Doctrina S. Thamae & S. Augustini.
DIcendum quod etiamsi liberum arbitrium Chri­sti esset determinatum ad unum numero si­cut ad diligendum Deum, quod non facere non potest, tamen ex hoc non amittit libertatem aut rationem laudis sive meriti, quia in illud non co­acte sed sponte tendit, & ita est actus sui Domi­nus. In 3 sent. dist. 18. art. 2. ad 5.
Nec tamen per charitatem Christus meruit in quantum erat charitas comprehensoris, sed in quantum erat viatoris: nam ipse fuit simul vi­ator & comprehensor, ut supra habitum est. Et ideo quia nunc non est viator, non est in statu me­rendi. 3 p. q. 19. a. 3. ad 1.
Pro tanto dicitur quod velle malum nec est li­bertas nec pars libertatis, quamvis sit quoddam li­bertatis signum. Inter quaest. disputatas q. 22. de voluntate art. 6.
Nunquid metuendum fuit ne accedente aetate homo ille libero peccaret arbitrio? an ideo in illo non libera voluntas erat, ac non tanto magis e­rat, quanto magis peccato servire non poterat? S. Aug. de praed. Sanctorum cap. 15.
Postea vero sic erit ut male velle non possit, nec ideo libero carebit arbitrio; multo quippe liberius erit arbitrium, quod omnino non poterit servire peccato. S. Aug. in Enchiridio c. 150.
Tertia propositio de libertate.

Indifferentia proxima actionis qualem Molina sta­tuit, nullo modo necessaria est ad libere agendum, [Page 41] aut ad merendum in hoc naturae corruptae statu, cum eadem indifferentia gratiae vi sua efficacis ac insupe­rabiliter ad bonnm determinantis, & ad singulos pietatis actus necessariae, proprium agendi modum destruat.

Seu, voluntatis ad aliquem pietatis actum per gratiam praevenientem vi sua efficacem determina­tio, nullo modo libertatem quae ad merendum in hoc naturae corruptae statu requiritur, aufert, aut labefactat.

Conformitas propositionis hujus cum doctrina S. Au­gustini & S. Tbomae à Duacensibus relata in censura assertionis decimae.
PRima, inquit S. Augustinus de corr. & grat. c. 11. gratia est, qua fit ut homo habeat justitiam, si velit; secunda vero plus potest, qua etiam fit ut velit. Et infra, nec de ipsa perseverantia boni vo­luit Deus Sanctos suos in viribus suis sed in ipso gloriari, qui iis non solum dat adjutorium quale primo homini dedit, sine quo non possunt perse­verare, si velint, sed in iis operatur & velle, ut quo­niam non perseverabunt, nisi etiam possint, & velint, perseverandi iis possibilitas & voluntas Di­vinae gratiae largitate donetur; Et iterum, subven­tum est igitur infirmitati voluntatis humanae, ut Divina gratia indeclinabiliter & insuperabiliter ageretur, & ideo quamvis infirma, non tamen de­ficeret, neque adversitate aliqua vinceretur. Et mox, Fortissimo quippe dimisit atque permisit fa­cere quod vellet: infirmis seravit, ut, ipso do­nante, invictissime quod bonum est, vellent, & hoc deserere invictissime nollent.

Ex quibus aliisque Augustini locis patet, ita effi­cacem esse gratiam Christi, ut voluntatem hominis infallibiliter, nullam tamen inferendo necessitatem, ad bonum determinet, a qua quidem necessitate ni­mium metuit assertor, quamquam nihil metuerit B. Augustinus, tametsi ei objiciente Pelagio, quod libertatem tolleret. At neque metuit S. Thomas, dum parte prima quaest. 105. art. 4. docet, Deum in nostra voluntate operari; pro fundamento illius doctrinae collocans illud Apostoli, Deus operatur in nobis & velle & perficere.

Quarta propositio de libertate.

In statu naturae lapsae ad merendum & demeren­dum & adest semper & etiam requiritur in puris vi­atoribus indifferentia potentiae, non modo circa me­dia, verum & circarectum finem, non quidem rati­one libertatis aut meriti secundum se, sed ratione status hujus & conditionis; adeo ut licet in justis e­tiam cum per divinam gratiam efficacissimam ad pie agendum moti pie agunt, peccandi seu male agen­di potentia semper perseveret, propter quam dis­sentire possunt Deo moventi, hoc est peccare & a justitia excidere, nunquam tamen stet ut tunc actu dissentiant, hoc est, ut peccent & a justitia excidant, cum Deus eos ut non excidant & ut pie agant effi­caciter praemovet.

Conformitas propositionis hujus cum doctrina S. Au­gustini, S. Prosperi, & S. Thomae.
PLane illa possibilitas utriusque radicis est capax; quia non solum potest homo habere charitatem qua sit arbor bona, sed potest etiam cupiditatem qua sit arbor mala. De gratia Christi cap. 20.
Natura humana quamvis mutabilis quantum ad id pertinet quod condita est, bona est quae non so­lum sine vitio facta est, verum etiam cum per vi­tium mala est, capax est boni quo bona sit: haec vera sententia fallacem Manichaeorum evertit in­saniam. Et infra; Nunc ergo non solum potest peccare homo post baptismum, verum & quia be­ne reluctans concupiscentiae carnis, aliquando ab ea trahitur ad consensionem, & quamvis venia­lia, tamen aliqua peccata committit, habet cur semper hic dicat Dimitre nobis debita nostra, haec qucque Catholica veritas Joviniani redarguit vani­tatem. Lib. 2. op. Imp. numero 10.
In caeteris hominibus, donec caro concupiscit adversus spiritum & spiritus adversus carnem, & donec spiritus quidem promptus est, caro autem infirma, incommutabilis animi fortitudo non potest reperiri; cum non hujus sed alterius vitae sit vera, perfecta & secura felicitas: in praesentis ergo agonis incerto, ubi tota vita tentatio est, & ab insidianti superbia nee ipsa tuta est victoria, mu­tabilitatis periculo non caretur: Et licet innume­ris Sanctis suis donet virtutem perseverandi usque in finem Divina protectio, nullis tamen aufert quod ipsis repugnat ex ipsis. Et infra: Merito igi­tur ab incipientibus non solum, verum etiam a pro­vectissimis Sanctis uniformiter Domino supplica­tur, & dicitur, Ne nos inducas in tentationem, sed libera nos a malo. Univetsis enim qui in fide & dilectione permanent, ab ipso donatur ne in tentatione superentur, ut qui gloriatur, in Domi­no glorietur; ipsamque gloriam iisdem quibus eam impertit ascribit, ut quamvis auxilio Dei ste­terint, tamen quia in se habebant unde caderent, ipsorum sit meritum quod steterunt. Prosp. de voc. Gent. l. 2. c. 28.
Posse eligere malum non est de ratione liberi ar­bitrii, sed consequitur liberum arbitrium, se­cundum quod est in natura creata possibile ad de­fectum. S. Thomas inter quaestiones disputatas quaest. 23. art. 3. ad secundum.

Ex quibus manifeste patet, indifferentiam qua­lemlibet in hoc lapsae naturae statu ab Augustini Dis­cipulis, in his quae ad salutem & ad finem superna­turalem pertinent admitti, praeter Molinisticam quae gratiae ad singulos pios actus necessariae effica­ciam & vim propriam destruit; non tamen ad liber­tatem & meritum secundum se, essentialem dici indifferentiam potentiae circa rectum finem, ne Christus Dominus qui peccare, qui Dei praecep­tis non obsequi, qui opera sua ad Patris sui gloriam non referre non poterat, in actibus obedientiae, & dilectionis Dei vel liber non fuisse vel non meruisse dicatur.

QUARTO PROPOSITIO.
Semipelagiani admittebant praevenientis gratiae interioris necessitatem ad singulos actus, etiam ad initium fidei: & in hoc erant haeretici quod vellent eam gratiam talem esse cui pos­set humana voluntas resistere vel obtempe­rare.

Expositio primae partis propositionis.

SEmipelagiani admittebant gratiae praevenientis interioris qualis fuit in primo homine ante pec­catum, seu auxilii sine quo non fit, necessitatem ad initium fidei.

Semipelagianorum ut à Patribus & à Theolo­gis Lovaniensibus ac Duacensibus refertur sententia.
HIs verbis Sanctitatis tuae ita moventur, ut dicant quandam desperationem hominibus exhiberi. Si enim, aiunt, i [...]a Adam adjutus est ut & stare posset in justitia & a justitia declinare, & nunc ita Sancti juvantur ut declinare non possint (si quidem eam acceperunt volendi perseveranti­am ut aliud velle non possint;) vel sic quidam de­feruntur, ut aut nec accedant, aut si accesserint & recedant, ad illam voluntatem pertinuisse dicunt exhortationis vel comminationis utilitatem quae & persistendi & desistendi obtinebat liberam po­testatem, non ad hanc cui nolle justitiam inevita­bili necessitate conjunctum est. Epist. Hil. ad Aug.

En Massilienses in hominibus lapsis ad initium fi­dei admittunt auxilium sine quo non fit, quale in Adamo innocente S. Augustinus constituit, utpote correctioni & exhortationi non contrarium, & de­sperationem non inducens, quod refugiebant tan­tummodo Semipelagiani. Illudque solum auxilium ad initium fidei, ad desiderium sanitatis tanquam correctioni inimicum respuunt, quo fit ut omne quod bonum est invictissime volumus & hoc desere­re invictissime nolumus, quo fit ut indeclinabiliter non solum operamur, verum & in Deum credi­mus, nec solum in opere, verum & in fide & in o­ratione insuperabiliter perseveramus; quo demum omnia bona hominis merita tam quoad fidem in­choatam, orationem, & initium piae voluntatis, quam quoad charitatem virtutumque omnium ope­ra, Deo nobis vires efficacissimas donante, praeve­niuntur.

Nec quod saepe Massilienses initium fidei ex nobis esse, ex viribus liberi arbitrii, & non ex gratia a­pud S. Augustinum asserant; inde eos auxilii sine quo non fit necessitatem ad initium fidei non admi­sisse ullatenus sequitur, quia juxta S. Augustinum quod agitur cum solo auxilio sine quo non fit, illud libero arbitrio, viribus nostris, & non gratiae tribui­tur, ut patet ex Angelis quos ait de corr. & grat. cap 10. & 11. Stetisse per liberum arbitrium & non per gratiam; ut patet ex Adam, In cujus liberi ar­bitrii viribus fuisse dicit de dono pers. cap. 7. ut staret antequam caderet: cum tamen juxta S. Au­gustinum de corr. & gratia cap. 11. & Angeli & A­dam ante lapsum auxilio sine quo non fit, ad perse­verandum indigerent.

Ut acquiescamus salutiferae inspirationi, nostrae potestatis est, inquit Gennadius Semipelagianus de Eccles. dogm. c. 21.
Haec sententia quae habet sufficere nunc justis ad perseverandum eam gratiam, qualis fuit primis pa­rentibus data, & Massiliensium olim fuit, & di­recte ac ex professo Beati Augustini doctrinae re­pugnat, cap. 12. de corr. & gratia, & Ecclesiae o­rationes evertit. Lovan. in cens. 22. assert.
Idem hoc volebant Massilienses quibus non pla­cuit discrimen illud gratiae quod inter hominem lapsum & integrum posuerat Augustinus in lib. de corr. & gr. c. 12. ut est in ep. Hil. ad Aug. Duac. in cens. 22. assert.
Expositio alterius partis propositionis.

In hoc errabant Semipelagiani, quod vellent gratiam per se efficacem, non esse ad singulos actus etiam fidei inchoatae & orationis necessariam.

In quo Pelagiani & Semipelagiani circa gra­tiam erraverint.
SEd nos eam gratiam volumus iste aliquando fa­teatur, qua futurae gloriae magnitudo non so­lum permirtitur, verum etiam creditur & spera­tur; nec solum revelatur sapientia, verum etiam & amatur; nec suadetur solum omne quod bo­num est, verum & persuadetur. Hanc debet Pela­gius confiteri si vult non solum vocari, verum eti­am esse Christianus. De gratia Christi cap. 10.

Certissimo itaque S. Augustini judicio errat circa Christi gratiam, nec Christianus ille est, qui docet quod gratia Christi non persuadet omne quod bo­num est, hoc est, qui asserit aliquod bonum ad salu­tem conducens fieri sine gratia per se efficace, Pe­lagianusque est qui gratiam ex se efficacem ad nul­lum bonum actum requiri affirmat: Semipelagianus vero qui hanc ad aliquem bonum actum requiri & ad aliquem non requiri contendit.

Lovanienses & Duacenses docent gratiam hanc quae libero arbitrio subjicitur, quam voluntas pro libito vel efficacem obsequendo, vel inefficacem respuendo reddit, seu quae vi sua efficax non est, non esse specialem & propriam Christi gratiam, non esse gratiam novi Testamenti. Ita Lovan. in cens. assert. 8. ‘Non igitur specialis haec Christi est gra­tia cui proprium id esse evidentissimis verbis Au­gustinus scribit, ut a duro nullo co [...]de respuatur, quoniam per eam ipsa cordis durities auferatur. In qua fidelitet agnoscenda quid a Pelagio idem olim postularit, &c. Lovan. in cens. 8. assert.

Ita Duacenses in cens. ejusdem assertionis. Ea e­nim proprie est gratia Christi & gratia novi Testa­menti quae aufert cor lapideum & tribuit cor car­neum, quae operatur ipsum velle & perficere, quae facit ut faciamus, non tantum ut possimus facere si velimus.

S. Augustini, Conciliorum, summorum Pontificum, totiusque Ecclesiae doctrinam in hoc consistere, ut gratia per se efficax ad singulos piae voluntatis motus & actus necessaria agnoscatur: In Pelagianorum vel Semipelagianorum errores incidere, qui ejusdem gratiae vi sua efficacis ad singulos motus & actus ne­cessitatem negant, & qui Molinae hac in parte doctri­nam sequuntur, docent summi Pontifices, Clemens VIII. & Paulus V. ille scripto suo Congregationi de Auxiliis exhibito, uterque suffragio suo ut [Page 43] ex iis Congregationibus in quibus praesentes adfue­runt facile intelligitur, & haec sententia de gratiae per se efficacis ad singulos pios motus necessitate, judicio ejusdem Pauli V. Apostolico publice ac so­lenniter confirmata fuisset nisi Venetorum motus obstitissent. Idem docent totus Dominicanorum Ordo, & Congregatio de Auxiliis, ut patet ex actis ejusdem Congregationis & ex historia Francisci de Pegna illustrissimi Rotae Decani; docent Lovani­enses & Duacenses Doctores passim in suis censuris. Docent demum celeberrimi hac aetate Theologi, Bannes in D. Thomam 1 parte quaest. 23. art. 3. conclus. ultima. Alvarez lib. 1. de Auxiliis disp. 1. pag. 8. Navarreta controversia 21 de praedetermi­natione Physica in quaest. 19. 1. partis D. Thomae de voluntate Dei. Ioannes a S. Thoma in 1. p. quaest. 19. disp. 3. a. 4. Item quaest. 14. disp. 20. art. 3. & 6. Martinez in 1. 2. quaest. 10. art. 4. dub. 1. E­stius in 1 ep. ad Timoth. c. 2. Cumel. in 1 partem quaest. 23. art. 3. quaest. apud auctorem 8. conclus. 5. Felisius dist. 24. cap. 25. in 2 sent. Cabrera 3 p. quaest. 18. art. 4. disp. 6. dubio 9. Aliique celeber­rimi e Schola S. Thomae Theologi, quorum omni­um testimonia in libro de gratia Christi victrice ex­presse continentur.

QUINTA PROPOSITIO.
Semipalagianum est dicere Christum pro omni­bus omnino hominibus mortuum esse aut sanguinem fudisse.

EXPOSITIO.

VEritas est ad finem Christianam pertinens, quod Christus pro omnibus hominibus mortuus fuerit ac sanguinem fuderit.

Attamen certum est Semipelagianos dixisse per­verso & erroneo sensu, quod Christus pro omnibus omnino mortuus fuerit, ut patet ex testimoniis se­quentibus.

Inquiunt Massilienses pro universo humano ge­nere mortuum esse Dominum nostrum Iesum Christum, & neminem prorsus a redemptione sanguinis ejus exceptum, etiamsi omnem hanc vi­tam alienissima ab eo mente pertranseat, quia ad omnes homines pertinet Divinae misericordiae sa­cramentum, quo ideo plurimi non renovantur quia quod nec renovari velle habeant praenoscan­tur. Itaque quantum ad Deum pertinet, paratam omnibus vitam aeternam. Ep. Prosp. ad S. Aug.
Inde est quod illius sententiae expositionem, non eam quae a te est deprompta, suscipiant Massili­enses, id est, ut nonnisi omnes homines salvos fie­ri velit, & non eos tantum qui ad Sanctorum nu­merum pertinebunt, sed omnes omnino ut nullus habeatur exceptus. Epist. Hil. ad August.
Gratia, qua Christi populus sumus, hoc cohi­betur
Limite vobiscum, & formam hanc ascribitis illi,
Ut cunctos vocet illa quidem invitetque, nec ullum
Praeteriens, studeat communem afferre salu­tem
Omnibus, & totum peccato absolvere mun­dum.
Prosp. poem. l. 2. c. 10.

Qui vero dicunt Christi mortem pro omnibus, in hoc consistere, ut morte sua omnibus nemine excepto contulerit auxilia omnia quae ad salutem sufficiunt, ac quae necessaria sunt, gratiae Christi vi sua efficacis ad singulos pietatis actus necessitatem negant & evertunt. Si enim Christus morte sua om­nibus contulit auxilia omnia necessaria ad salutem, certe auxilia ad salutem necessaria non sunt vi sua ef­ficacia, cum omnes non salventur, & auxilia vi sua efficacia ea sint quae effectum suum a Deo intentum certissime consequuntur.

Recte autem Duacenses in censura assert. 14. col­ligunt ex Concilio Tridentino generelem Christi pro omnibus redemptionem in hoc non consistere, ur omnes ex parte Dei habeant quod sufficit ad salutem; ‘Quia si haberent, inquiunt, quomodo e contrario testatur Synodus Tridentina sess. 6. can. 3. quod etsi pro omnibus mortuus est Christus, non omnes tamen mortis ejus beneficium recipiunt, sed ii dun­taxat quibus meritum passionis communicatur?’

Recte & iidem Duacenses ac Lovanienses juxta Patrum doctrinam exponunt in censura assert. 7. in quo consistat generalis Christi pro omnibus redemp­tio. Talis est assertio septima Iesuitatum Lovanien­sium: ‘Deus voluit dare Christum in redemptio­nem pro omnibus, nullo excepto: Ergo omnibus praeparavit sufficientia media per Christum. Pro­batur consequentia; Quia eatenus est Christus omnium Redemptor, quatenus per ipsum donan­tur omnibus sufficientia media quibus resurgant a peccatis. Si enim non darentur sufficientia, verus non esset eorum Redemptor; quia neque quoad sufficientiam, neque quoad efficaciam. Quam as­sertionem sic Duacenses in sua censura refellunt. Huic argumento Massiliensium (quod idem & Fau­sti fuit) responsum est jam olim a Prospero in hunc modum; quoad magnitudinem & potestatem pretii, & quod ad unam pertinet causam generis humani, sanguis Christi redemptio est totius mundi. Sed qui hoc seculum sine fide Christi, & sine regenerationis Sacramento pertranseunt, re­demptionis alieni sunt. Cum itaque propter unam omnium naturam, & unam omnium causam, in veritate a Domino nostro susceptam, recte di­cantur omnes redempti, & tamen non omnes a captivitate sint eruti; Redemptionis proprietas haud dubie penes illos est, de quibus Princeps mundi missus est foras, & jam non vasa diaboli sed membra sunt Christi. Et mox, p [...]culum quippe immortalitatis, quod confectum est de infirmita­te nostra & virtute Divina, habet quidem in se ut omnibus prosit; sed si non bibitur, non medetur. Sic i [...]le. Sufficientia ergo quam postulat generalis redemptio, in pretio sanguinis Christi est, non au­tem in auxilio omnibus collato ut praetendit obje­ctio. Nam alioquin etiam in parvulis quibus per Baptismum succurri non potuit, tale auxilium tri­buendum erit: aut certe dicere oportebit, non pro illis Christum se dedisse in redemptionem, & ita non pro omnibus.’

Non alio quam isto hic expresso gratiae per se effi­cacis ad singulos piae voluntatis motus & actus neces­sariae sensu, propositiones istae quinque aut ab Illustris­simo Iprensi, aut ab ullo quovis S. Augustini Disci­pulo sive in libris editis, sive in lectionibus publicis sive in concionibus, Parisiis defensae sunt, a nemi­ne ut jacent assertae. Non prius in comitiis Facul­tatis [Page 44] Parisiensis auditae sunt, quin professi confestim fuerint S. Augustini Discipuli, eas a se nonnisi juxta hunc sensum propugnari. Has ita Dominus de Sain­cte Beuve Doctor ac Professor Regius in Sorbonicis Scholis hoc anno explanavit, ut ex illius scriptis publicae dictatis manifestum est. Nec aliter expositae sunt in eo libro qui de victrice Christi gratia nuperri­me in eam rem editus est, ut elucidarentur proposi­tiones istae de quibus scriptum est ad summum Pon­tificem; quem qui librum legerit, profecto jam cogatur calumniandi libidinem omnem ponere, at­que id fateri quod ad quinque illas propositiones at­tinet nihil nisi recte sensisse Iprensem Episcopum, & caeteros Augustini Discipulos, nisi perverse sen­tire putet qui gratiam per se efficacem ad singulos pios motus & actus necessariam esse cum S. Augusti­no, cum antiquis Patribus, cum Conciliis, cum summis Pontificibus, cum S. Thoma, cum univer­so Dominicanorum Ordine, cum Theologis primi nominis, cum Congregatione tota de Auxiliis, ip­sisque adeo nuper Clemente VIII. & Paulo V. cre­diderit. Sancti Augustini Discipuli suam sententiam hanc de quinque propositionibus istis subdole con­cinnatis ad fraudem, omnibus Episcopis, Archie­piscopis, Romanae Sedi, universae Ecclesiae palam fa­ciunt, ne quid jam subsit calumniae, triumphatisque malis artibus discat aliquando silere livor, & victri­cis Christi gratiae vindicem Augustinum cum univer­sa Ecclesia colere.

Cette Date est de consequence & à observer. Elle estoit ainsi qu'elle est cy-dessus imprimée au pied de cet Escrit, quand il fut publié & donné à tout le monde dés ce temps-là.

1.
De pecc. mer. & rem. lib. 2 [...] cap. 17.

The Writings of the Dominicans, men­tion'd Part. 6. Chap. 9. and in o­ther places of the Journal.

Advertisement touching these Writings.

I Cannot affirm (as I intimated in the Journal) whether or no I obtain'd all the Writings of the Dominicans, or whether they were all in the same order wherein they are here presented, together with the Memorial intended to be presented to the Pope by the General of that Order, when the Pre­late (mention'd Part. 6. Chap. 10.) told me at la Minerve, where I met him, Febr. 25. 1652. that the said General had newly shewn them to him, and that they were in very good order: But I know well, that if they be not all here, yet here is a good part of them: I know well likewise, that each of them was purposely prepar'd to be presented to the Pope by such of that Order as the said General had appointed to apply themselves to this affair; and lastly, that it was by their favour in giving me a Copy, that I obtain'd them.

The first Writing.
Connexio quinque pro­positionum quae nunc examinantur cum iis quae disputata fuerunt coram felicis recordationis Cle­mente VIII. & Paulo V.
Beatissimo P. Innocentio X. Eminentiss. S.R.E. Cardinalibus, & Doctiss. Theologis Censoribus pro negotio quinque Propositionum ab Apostolica Sede deputatis.

Entitl'd on the out-side,

Voicy les termes qu'il contenoit:

QUia nonnulli dicunt has quinque propositiones nullam habere connexionem cum his quae di­sputata fuerunt sub sanctissimis felicis recordationis Clemente VIII. & Paulo V. & in ipsorum praesen­tia, visum fuit nobis pro ea in qua semper fuimus fi­de & reverentia erga sanctam Sedem, ex ipsis actis disputationum sub praedictis summis Pontificibus ha­bitarum fidelissime extrahere, quae circa has quin­que propositiones tunc agitata fuerunt.

PRIMA PROPOSITIO.

Aliqua Dei praecepta hominibus justis volentibus & conantibus sunt impossibilia secundum prae­sentes quas habent vires: deest quoque eis gratia qua possibilia fiant.

Ex disputatione 41 habita coram sanctissimo felicis recordationis Paulo V. die 9. No­vembris Anno 1605.

ET eodem modo P. Bastida Societatis Jesu, de­fensor P. Molinae ejusdem Societatis, induce­bat aliud ex Concilio Tridentino cap. 2. Quod Dei praecepta homini justo ad observandum impossibilia non sunt: si autem esset necessarium illud auxilium efficax praedeterminans, sine illo (quod non om­nibus datur) essent praecepta homini impossibilia; quia sine illo non poterit homo operari. Et in hoc puncto induxit conclusiones Fr. Thomae de Lemos, in quibus habatur, quod secunda causa sine praevio concursu primae operati non potest: Ergo nec ope­rari poterit voluntas sine auxilio illo physice praede­terminante, & sic reddentur praecepta Divina im­possibilia. Nec hic oportet recurrere, quod Deus neget illa auxilia propter praecedens peccatum, sive actuale, sive originale, quia homo existens in gratia nullum tale habet impedimentum, & tamen habens grariam habitualem, si non adsit illud auxilium physice praedeterminans, non poterit operari: & ex consequenti impossibilia ei reddentur Divina praecepta.

Quod autem sermo esset de homine justo etiam volente imperfecte, & conante, atque habente auxilium sufficiens; patet, quia P. Thomas de Le­mos & P. Alvarez dicebant, 1 omne auxilium sufficiens esse efficax respectu alicujus actus imper­fecti: & ultra hoc dicebant requiri auxilium aliud [Page 45] simpliciter & absolute efficax sine quo homo non potest operari. Ex quo inferebat etiam P. Bastina, auxilium illud, quod P. Lemos & P. Alvarez vo­cabant sufficiens, non esse vere sufficiens, non dare verum posse, atque adeo praecepta esse impossibilia homini justo habenti auxilium sufficiens, & per illlud auxilium sufficiens imperfecte volenti, & co­nanti.

SECUNDA PROPOSITIO.

Interiori gratiae in statu naturae lapsae nunquam resistitur.

Ex eadem disputatione 41.

PAter Bastida objiciebat P. Thomae de Lemos:, quod potest homo cuilibet auxilio gratiae praeve­nientis dissentire, ac resistere, & quod de facto a­liquando dissentit, ac resistit.

TERTIA PROPOSITIO.

Ad merendum & demerendum in statu naturae lapsae non requiritur libertas à necessitate, sed sufficit libertas à coactione.

Ex disputatione 44. coram sanctissimo Paulo V habita die 10. Januarii 1606.

PAter Bastida pro tertia propositione ex his, quas proponebat; dicebat; ex hac gratia phy­sice praedeterminante, actus voluntatis sequitur ne­cessario, non suapte natura, sed ex suppositione de­creti Divini, vel alterius antecedentis causae; Et sic (inferebat) tollitur libertas; & consequenter meritum, ac demeritum.

QUARTA PROPOSITIO.

Semipelagiani admiserunt gratiae interioris ne­ceessitatem ad singulos actus, etiam ad initium fidei: & in hoc fuerunt haeretici, quod dice­rent hanc gratiam talem esse, cui posset huma­na voluntas resistere, vel obtemperare.

Ex disputation 10 coram sanctissimo Cle­mente VIII habita die 19 Novembris. anno 1602.

REverendus P. Generalis Societatis asserebat Pelagianos (quo nomine frequenter intelli­guntur etiam Semipelagiani, & certum est) non fuisse haereticos quia negarent gratiam ex se ipsa ef­ficacem: unde dicebat, Multi Doctores dicunt gra­tiam movere moraliter, qui damnandi non sunt tanquam Pelagiani, Nunquid omnes erunt Pela­giani? Cui Generalis S. Dominici. Omnes qui id tantum dicunt, sunt Pelagiani, & omnes sunt di­scipuli vestri.

QUITA PROPOSITIO.

Semipelagianorum error est dicere, Christum pro omnibus omnino hominibus mortuum esse, aut sanguinem fudisse

Post disputationem octavam.

SAnctissimus Clemens VIII. misit 14. propo­sitiones, ut disputaretur an Molina cum Cas­siano & Semipelagianis conveniret in illis: praecepit­que ut antequam disputaretur de illis, utraque pars scripto responderet. Itaque P. Thomas de Lemos ut ostenderet convenientiam Molinae cum Cassiano & Semipelagianis in 14 propositione, quae erat de praedestinatione, dedit in scriptis haec quae sequun­tur.

Insuper haec de eodem Cassiano & Fausto Semi­pelagianorum ducibus refert S. Prosper, sic dicens: 1 Haec ipsorum definitio ac professio est, omnem quidem hominem Adam peccante peccasse, & ne­minem per opera sua, sed per Dei gratiam regene­ratione salvari: universis tamen hominibus propo­tiationem, quae est in Sacramento sanguinis Christi, sine exceptione esse propositam, &c.

Et ut ostenderet P. Lemos, ipsum Molinam cum Cassiano & Semipelagianis in hoc convenire, cita­vit locum Molinae quaest. 23 art. 4 et 5 disp. 2. memb. 2. quo loco Molina docet, de universis omnino hominibus intelligendum esse, quod D. Paulus ait, Vult omnes homines salvos fieri, et Christus pro omnibus mortuus est.

Denique omnia testimonia et argumenta quae contra has quinque propositiones objiciunt, objece­runt etiam in praefatis disputationibus.

Ex his ergo apparet, quod non est diversa causa quae modo agitur, ab illa quae tunc agitata est, et consequenter, si quid definire sua Sanctitas vo­luerit, necessarium foret revidere acta sub praedictis Pontificibus.

The secend Writing.
Quid intendant qui petunt quinque propositiones damnari?
Qui petunt à Sanctissimo damnari quinque Pro­positiones, tria potissimum intendunt.

PRimum est ut tota doctrina Molinae definiatur. Hoc ipsos intendere ostenditur primo, 2 quia tota doctrina Molinae stabilitur ex damnatione harum quinque propositionum; notum est autem quanto studio tota Societas illam Molinae doctri­nam amplexata ac tutata fuerit sub felicis recorda­tionis Clemente VIII. et Paulo V. ac deinceps. Unde eandem fere totam revocavit liber Pseudo­Suari 3 Lugduni anno superiori impressus. Sa­tagentibus Jesuitis de Auxiliis contra Pontificias sanciones, idemque de novo praestiterunt ex parte P. Adam et P. Annatus Jesuitae.

Quod autem Patres Societatis curent per hos Doctores Sorbonicos peti damnationem harum propositionum, patet ex scedula Gallice scripta a quodam Jesuita ad ipsos, quam exhibebimus, ex continuis colloquiis et conciliis quae habent cum Jesuitis, et qu [...]a. iisdem argumentis ipsi et Jesuitae impugnant propositiones. Noluerunt tamen PP. Societatis per se ipsos petere hanc damnationem, ne Fratres Praedicatores moverentur, contenta sub his quinque propositionibus innotesceret Eminentissi­mis DD. Cardinalibus et suae Sanctitati; et valde notandum est quod eodem tempore Romae et in Hispania excitarunt controversias de Conceptione lib. ult. sicut olim fecerant sub Paulo V. ut hac ratione contra illos concitarent fideles.

Secundo. Patet haec illorum intentio quia plures aliae propositiones continentur in Jansenio multo periculosiores istis, ut ipsi dicunt, et tamen non petunt condemnationem nisi harum quinque tan­gentium materiam de Auxiliis, ut constat ex sensu Catholico quem explicamus. Aliunde vero ex istis quinque sola prima habetur formaliter in Jansenio 1 secunda & tertia expresse negantur ab illo, quar­ta & quinta non habentur apud illum, quamvis pos­sint aliquo modo ex i [...]lo colligi: Et omnes sunt fraudulenter compositae; quare constat studio im­pugnandi non Jansenium sed Fratres Praedicatores, has quinque tantum proponi.

Tertio. Patet haec illorum intentio quia petunt ut damnentur hae quinque propositiones in sensu Jansenii: Nolumus quidem defendere Jansenium, quem in multis scimus esse contrarium iis quae tan­quam S. Augustini & S. Thomae 2 semper Schola nostra defendit, maxime coram Clemente. VIII. & Paulo V. Sed tamen ostendimus sensum Jan­senii 3 in his propositionibus procedere de gra­tia efficaci: Et quamvis, ut ipsi aiunt, procederet de gratia sufficienti, quam dicunt negari a Janse­nio, non potest attingi hoc punctum, quin & simul attingatur ob connexionem materia de Au­xiliis. Imo vero Jansenius vel sibi contradicit, & sic non est damnandus in utraque contradictoria, alias S. Sedes contradictoria definiret, vel admittit reipsa gratiam sufficientem 4 non ad sensum Molinae & quorundam aliorum qui defenderunt doctrinam S. Augustini coram Clemente VIII. & Paulo V.

Secunda illorum intentio.

ESt ut intra paucos menses evertantur omnia, quae fere per decennium gesta & decreta sunt sub Clemente VIII & Paulo V. in trecentis pene Congregationibus.

Probatur primo. Quia stabilita Molinae doctrina, evertuntur omnia in illis Congregationibus per­acta, 5 cum in illis doctrina Molinae qualificata sit a Censoribus depuratis ut Pelagiana & Semipe­lagiana.

Secundo. Patet 6 quia has quinque proposi­tiones non sic artificiose collectas, sed seorsim ob­jecerunt PP. Societatis, FF. Praedicatoribus in prae­fatis Congregationibus tanquam absurda quae seque­bantur ex ipsorum sententia.

Tertio. Quia omnia sere loca Scripturae, Con­liorum, Sancti Augustini, & Sancti Thomae, quae modo adducunt pro damnatione harum quinque propositionum, fuerunt adducta a Patribus Socie­tatis contra Fratres Praedicatores in praedictis Con­gregationibus, ut ostendemus quando placuerit suae Sanctitati; & quod caput est, sicut tunc aliqua trun­cabant & falsificabant, ita & nunc, cujus rei spe­cimen exhibemus.

Tertia illorum intentio.

ESt 1 pessundare D. Augustini auctoritatem approbatam ab Ecclesia in materia de gratia & praedestinatione.

Probatur primo. Quia 2 hoc sequitur mani­feste ex damnatione quartae & quintae propositio­nis.

Secundo. Quia eadem intentione quae olim Mo­lina & alii dixerant irreverenter, P. Annatus, P. Adam, & P. Pallavicinus ejusdem Societatis reno­varunt 3 his temporibus.

Tertio. Quia iisdem locis Scripturae utuntur contra has propositiones, quibus abutebantur Pela­giani & Semipelagiani contra D. Augustinum 4 ut susius ostendetur, cum sua Sanctitas dignabitur audire.

The third Writing.
Propositiones quinque expsicatae ex verbis Jansenii.

PRIMA PROPOSITIO.
Aliqua Dei praecepta hominibus justis volentibus & conantibus secundum praesentes quas ha­bent vires sunt impossibilia: deest quoque il­lis gratia qua possibilia fiant.

Istam dicit Jansenius colligi ex testimoniis D. Augustini. Ita lib. 3 de gratie Christi c. 13 tom. 3. pag. 138. col. 2 lit. C in editione Parisiensi 1641.

Explicat autem mentem suam ibidem lit. D. di­cens: Eo quod vires voluntatis infirmae sunt propter concupiscentiam a volendo bono retrahentem, cujus re­nisu fit, ut viret voluntatis distrahatur: atque ita homo uon plene velit, non integre velit, non tota vo­luntate velit: Talem autem voluntatem non esse ido­neam ut superet aliam vetustate roboratam: quia per illam nondum potest homo tantum velle quantum suf­ficit ut volendo faciat: Peterit autem cum habuerit magnam & robustam; Hanc vero sibi tribuere non est potestatis humanae; sed solius gratiae Divinae quam proprerea ex fide invocamus. Et postea, Plurimis au­tem non dari istam faciendi possibilitatem quae precibus implorati solet. Deinde quia multi fideles non conver­tuntur ad invocandam gratiam.

SECUNDA PROPOSITIO.
Gratiae interiori in natura lapsa nunquam resistitur.

HAnc negat Jansenius lib. 1 de gratia Christi c. 16 tom. 3 pag. 26 lit. C. ubi admittit gratiam intellectus, & statim litera D explicat, Quod per hujusmodi gratiam nihil aliud quam scientia praebetur intellectui, qua cognoscat quid agendum ca­vendumque sit. Et haec cognitio, inquit, Pag. 27. col. 2 lit. B. non minus esse potest in eo qui resistit quam qui obtemperat suae scientiae & conscientiae. Ʋnde enim alioquin rebelles lumini?

Docet quidem Jansenius lib. 3 de gratia Christi a cap. 2 usque ad cap. 12 non dari ullum auxilium sufficiens: sed quod negat verbis, reipsa concedit; nam imprimis admittit illustrationes, inspirationes, &c. lib. 1 de gratia Christi cap. 16 tom. 3 pag. 26 lit. C. et sequentibus. Deinde admittit auxilium efficax respectu alicujus actus imperfecti, quo dispo­nitur homo ad perfectum, lib. 2 de gratia Christi C. 27 tom. 3 pag. 86 col. 1 lit. D. Denique in hominibus justis admittit gratiam habitualem, & virtutes quibus possint operari supernaturaliter, lib. 3 de gratia Christi cap. 15 & passim alibi. In his autem tribus plures Doctores Catholici dicunt con­sistere auxilium sufficiens: Admittit ergo reipsa Iansenius quod verbis negat.

TERTIA PROPOSITIO.
Ad merendum & demerendum in natura lapsa non requiritur libertas à necessitate, sed suf­ficit libertas à coactione.

HAnc negat Jonsenius tom. 3 lib. 6 de gratia Christi cap. 36 pag. 308 col. 1 lit. C. di­cens: Amplius ergo sine dubio requiritur quam esse voluntarium & sine violentia, ut sit liberum. Et quid sit illud amplius ibidem explicat, videlicet, quod sit in hominis potestate, quod simus Domini. I­mo addit ibidem col. 2 lit. A. in omnibus hujus vitae actionibus reperiri indifferentiam contradictio­nis & contrarietatis, quamvis neget libertatem con­sistentem essentialiter in hujusmodi indifferentia.

QUARTA PROPOSITIO.
Admiserunt Semipelagiani gratiae interioris ne­cessitatem ad singulos actus, & in hoc erant haeretici quod vellent hujusmodi gratiam talem esse cui posset humana voluntas resistere vel obtemperare.

HAEc sub his verbis non est Jansenii, sed solum colligitur ex illo lib. 8 de haeresi Pelagiani c. 6, 7 & 8 tom. 1. praesertim pag. 193 col. 2 lit. D. Semipelagianos fuisse haereticos, quod vellent hujusmodi gratiam non esse de se efficacem, sed cu­jus usus in sua cuique voluntate relinqueretur.

QUINTA PROPOSITIO.
Semipelagianorum error est, Christum pro om­nibus omnino hominibus mortuum esse aut sanguinem fudisse.

JAnsenius lib. 3 de gratia Christi cap. 10 tom. 3 pag. 163 col. 1 lit. A. admittit Christum pro omnibus mortuum esse, Sufficienter, quia sufficiens pretium obtulit, non tamen efficienter, sive effica­citer; sed, inquit, hoc modo mortuus est pro solis qui participant beneficium mortis ejus....

The fourth Writing.

PRIMA PROPOSITIO.
Aliqua Dei praecepta hominibus justis volenti­ous, conantibus, secundum praesentes quas ha­bent vires sunt impossibilia: deest quoque illis gratia qua possibilia fiant.

HAEc prima propositio non est Jansenii: quia solum dicit testimonia D. Augustini demon­strare illam esse veram. Et sic debet explicari ex ipsomet Jansenio,

Aliqaa Dei praecepta (scilicet difficiliora ob reni­sum concupiscentie) hominibus justis volentibus, conantibus, (scilicet non plene & integre, non tota voluntate) secundum praesentes quas hahent vires (id est, secundum vires voluntatis quae renisu vel resistentia concupiscentiae distrahuntur) sunt im­possibilia (id est, propter coucupiscentiam a volendo bono retrahentem, voluntas non est idonea ut superet aliam voluntatem vetustate roboratam: quia per illam nondum potest homo tantum velle quantum sufficit ut volendo faciat: poterit autem cum magnam & ro­bustam habuerit: hanc vero sibi tribuere non est po­testatis hamanae, sed solius gratiae Dei quam propte­rea ex fide invocamus, hoc ipso clarissima voce pro­fitentes deesse nobis sufficietem ad illa praecepta fa­cienda potestatem). Deest quoque illis gratia qua possibilia fiant (quia multi fideles non convertuntur ad invocandam gratiam qua possint & sufficiant, vel non ita petant, ut ad impetrandum necessarium est). Hanc propositionem intelligit Jansenius de gratia efficaci quam vocat omnipotentem. Haec om­nia sunt ex Jansenio lib. 3 de gratia Christi c. 13.

SECUNDA PROPOSITIO.
Gratiae interiori in natura lapsa nunquam resistitur.

HAEc propositio non habetur in Jansenio, imo illam negat expresse quatenus admittit grati­am interiorem, sive gratiam intellectus, quae solum intellectum afficit, dat scire, non velle, quae cognitio est etiam in eo qui resistit, & rebellis est lumini; ita lib. 1 de gratia Christi cap. 16. Si autem intelligatur de gratia interiori, id est, efficaci, omnipotenti, quae intra voluntatem peragit partes suas, efficiendo volitionem vel fortem vel infirmam: tunc verum est quod ei nun quam resistitur etiam in omnium sententia, & propositio est de fide.

TERTIA PROPSITIO.
Ad merendum & demerendum in naturae lapsa non requiritur libertas à necessitate, sed sufficit libertas à coactione.

HAEc proposito negarur expresse a Jansenio lib. 6 de g [...]atia Christi cap. 36, ubi dicit, quod ut opu [...] sit liberum, & consequenter meritorium vel [...]e [...] [...]itorium, aliquid amplus requiritur quam esse voluatarium & sine violentia: et quid sit illud ampiu [...] [...]quisitum, explicat ibidem, quod videlicet actiones sint in hominis potestate, quod simus illarum domini, cum sint cum plena rationis adverientia. I­mo ibidem dicit, semper esse in natura lapsa indif­ferentiam contradictionis & contrariet. tis.

Si autem haec propositio intelligatur ut jacet, sic explicati debet, Ad merendum & demerendum in natura lapsa non requiritur libertas a necessitate (infallibilitatis consequentiae, &c.) sed sufficit li­bertas a coactione, id est, a violentia et necessitate naturali, per quam fit actio sine pleua rationis ad­vertentia, ut colligitur ex Jansenio lib. 6 de gratia Christi cap. 6; et sic sumpta propositio est de fide.

QUARTA PROPOSITIO.
Admiserunt Semipelagiani gratiae interioris ne­cessitatem ad singulos actus, etiam ad initium fidei & in hoc erant haeretici quod vellent hujusmodi gratiam talem esse cui posset huma­na voluntas resistere vel obtemperare.

HAEc non habetur in Jansenio: colligitur tamen ex illo lib. 8. de haeresi Pelagiana cap. 6, 7, 8, ex quibus locis colligitur solum 1 quod Semipe­lagiani in hoc erant haeretici quod vellent hujus­modi gratiam non esse de se efficacem, sed cujus u­sus in sua cuique voluntate relinqueretur, inquit Jansenius illo cap. 6.

Haec propositio tantum abest quod possit dam­nari, quin imo est ita certa, ut oppositum dicere, sit favere Semipelagianis & damnare Augustinum.

QUINTA PROPOSITIO.
Semipelagianorum errrr est Christum pro omni­bus omnino mortuum esse, aut sanguinem fudisse.

CHristum pro omnibus mortuum esse sufficien­ter admittit Jansenius 2 lib. 3. de gratia Christi cap. 21 ex D. Prospero, addens ex eo­dem quod quia proprie redimere est de captivitate cum effectu eruere, Christum non pro omnibus mortuum esse efficaciter sive efficienter, sed pro solis qui parricipant beneficium mortis ejus. Quae propositio est de fide.

The fifsh Writing.

PRIMA PROPOSITIO.
3 Aligua Dei praecepta hominibus justis volen­tibus & conantibus sunt impossibilia secundum praesentes quas habent vires: deest quoque il­lis gratia qua possibilia fiant.
SENSUS CATHOLICUS.

A Liqua Dei praecepta non possunt impleri ab hominibus justis, volentibus, & conantibus affectu & conatu imperfecto proveniente a gratia sufficiente per solam gratiam habitualem & suffici­entem sine gratia efficaci, sine qua non possunt pos­sibilitate cum effectu, ut loquitur Augustinus cap. 42. de natura & gratia, sive in sensu composito ut aiunt Scholastici.

SECT. 1.

SI damnetur haec prima propositio in hoc sensu, definietur nullum gratiam de se efficacem aut actualem esse necessariam, & tota Molinae doctrina de viribus liberi arbitrii in natura lapsa stabiliretur de fide, quamvis judicata sit Semipelagiana in Con­gregationibus de Auxiliis sub Clemence VIII. & Paulo V. damnata una propositione contradicto­ria illius: haec autem, omnia Dei praecepta homi­nibus justis sunt possibilia, secundum eas quas ha­bent vires, nec deest illis gratia qua possibilia fi­ant, est contradictoria illius quae praemissa est; er­go, hac damnata, illa definitur: ex ista vero se­quitur primo, non esse necessariam gratiam de se efficacem hominibus justis ad implenda praecepta, quae est etiam doctrina 4 Molinae. Sequela probatur. Illud non est necessarium ad aliquid, sine quo illud est possibile, vel potest fieri; atqui sine gratia de se efficaci praecepta sunt hominibus justis possibilia; ergo haec gratia non est necessaria ad implenda praecepta. Contra quod judicatum est a Congregatione 5 de Auxiliis ad Divinum 6 Augustinum.

Sequitur secundo. Nullam gratiam actualem esse necessariam justo ad implenda aliqua praecepta, quod etiam docet 7 Molina. Probatur sequela. Ad illud quod est alicui possibile secundum praesentes [Page 49] quas habet vires, non est aliud necessarium, alias non esset possibile; Atqui justo sunt praecepta possi­bilia secundum praesentes quas habet vires; Ergo non est aliud necessarium, nec consequenter gratia actualis contra judicium consulentium in 1 Con­gregationibus, & contra easdem definitiones, 2 & contra D. 3 Augustinum.

Sequitur tertio, Gratiam habitualem vel actua­lem esse duntaxat necessariam, non ut impleantur praecepta, & ut vitetur peccatum, sed solum ut actus quibus implentur, sint supernaturales. Quae est etiam doctrina 4 Molinae. Probatur sequela. Ad illud solum requi [...]i [...]ur gratia vel actualis vel ha­bitualis, quod praestat actibus nostris ut sint super­naturales; Ergo gratia habitualis vel actualis solum requiritur ut actus quibus implentur praecepta sint supernaturales. Contra quam doctrinam judicatum est in Congregationibus 5 praedictis, & est contra D. 6 Augustinum.

Sequitur quarto, Vires hominis in natura lapsa in ordine ad bonum naturale esse aequales viribus quas habuisser, si fuisset condi [...]us in puris naturali­bus, quae est etiam sententia 7 Molinae. Probatur sequela. Si gratia non est necessaria nisi ad hoc ut actus sint supernaturales, sine graria possumus eli­cere omnes actus naturales, ut est evidens; sed ex dictis gratia non est necessaria nisi ut actus nostri sint supernaturales. Ergo sine ipsa possumus elicere omnes actus naturales quos potuissemus elicere in natura pura, atque adeo habemus easdem vires mo­do ut tunc: quam doctrinam esse periculosam & destruere peccatum originale judicarunt Consulto­res in citatis 8 Congregationibus, quia revera est contra 9 D. Augustinum.

Sequitur quinto, Hominem in natura lapsa pos­se elicere actum bonum moraliter, qui sit verae vir­tutis opus fini ultimo naturali accommodatum: quod etiam docet 10 Molina. Probatur sequela. Homo in natura pura poterat elicere actum bonum moraliter qui esset verae virtutis opus accommoda­tum fini ultimo naturali; sed idem potest in natura lapsa quod tunc potuisset. Ergo potest hujusmodi actum elicere, & consequenter eliciendo frequen­ter hujusmodi actus, potest sine gratia acquirere veras virtutes; seque totum rectificare & ordinate in Deum ut finem ultimum naturalem, atque adeo resurgere a peccato, ut demonstravit P. Lemos, & judicarunt Consultores in 11 Congregationibus de Auxiliis, in quibus censuerunt esse contra 12 D. Augustinum.

Sequitur sexto, Posse hominem solis viribus na­turae lapsae assentiri revelatis assensu firmo sed natu­rali: quod etiam infert 13 Molina. Probatur se­quela. Possumus in natura lapsa sola facultate natu­rae elicere omnes actus naturales, ut ostensum est; sed iste assensus, quamvis firmus, est mere natura­lis ex Molina; ergo possumus illum ex naturalibus elicere sine gratia: quae doctrina judicata est Pela­giana & Semipelagiana in Congregationibus 14 de Auxiliis, quia est contra 15 Beatum Augusti­num.

Sequitur septimo, Posse hominem in natura lapsa absque gratia sperare, diligere Deum super omnia, atteri & conteri de peccatis, resistere cui­libet tentationi etiam gravissimae, & etiam si mori oporteat pro servanda lege naturali: quae etiam sunt secundum sententiam 16 Molinae. Prob. sequela. Quia isti omnes actus sunt mere naturales, ergo possumus istos elicere. Quam doctrinam esse pure Pelagianam censuerunt 17 Consultores de Auxi­liis, & est contra S. Augustinum.

Sequitur octavo, dari legem infallibilem, qua statutum sit a Deo auferendam gratiam facienti quod in se est ex viribus naturae lapsae sine gratia: quod & docet 18 Molina. Probatur sequela. De­bet dari illa lex sine qua sequeretur hominem justifi­cari per solas naturae vires; sed sine ista sequeretur quod homo diligendo Deum super omnia actu mere naturali, averteret se a creatura quam sibi constitu­erat ultimum finem per peccarum mortale, & con­verteret se ad Deum ut finem ultimum naturalem, utpote quem super omnia diligeret: igitur debet dari talis lex. Quae doctrina Molinae pluries notata est Pelagiana a 19 Censoribus in Congreg. de Au­xiliis, & revera repugnat 20 Augustino.

Et ecce totam Molinae doctrinam de viribus libe­ri arbitrii in natura lapsa definitam, si damnetur pri­ma propositio secundum sensum adductum: quare loco illius proponemus sanctae Sedi judicandum de sequenti.

21 Singula Dei praecepta in natura lapsa absque ulla gratia nedum justis sed etiam infidelibus quan­tumcunque graviter tentatis, & quamvis oporteat mortem subire, sunt possibilia secundum praesen­tes quas habent vires, ita ut de facto non transgre­diantur illa: quod si fecerint, actu mere naturali Deus dabit illis gratiam qua justificationem conse­quantur.

SECUNDA PROPOSITIO.
1 Gratiae interiori in natura lapsa nunquam resistitur.
SENSUS CATHOLICUS.

Supposito quod 2 D. Augustinus vocet gratiam efficacem interiorem, & omnem aliam rejiciat ad legem atque doctrinam, sitque proposito 3 Gratiae interiori, id est efficaci, in natura lapsa (in qua homo specialiter indiget gratia) nunquam resi­stitur; debet admitti ab omnibus.

SECT. II.

SI damnetur secunda propositio in sensu explica­to, de fide erit, non dari gratiam de se effica­cem; & tota doctrina Molinae de efficacia gratiae, de dono perseverantiae & de praedestinatione definie­tur.

Item, si secunda propositio damnetur in sensu explicato, ejus contradictoria erit de fide: contra­dictoria vero est ista, Gratiae interiori aliquando re­sistitur; & cum propositiones indefinitae in mate­ria de fide intelligantur universaliter, nisi aliter explicentur, sensus illius prioris erit, Cuicunque gratiae interiori in natura lapsa aliquando resistitur. Ex qua

Sequitur primo, nullam dati gratiam de se effi­cacem, quod etiam infert 4 Molina. Probatur se­quela. Gratia cui resistitur non est de se efficax, ut probatur ex terminis: sed Cuicunque gratiae interio­ri aliquando resistitur, ex dictis: ergo nulla datur gra­tia de se efficax, sed omnis gratia est efficax ex e­ventu; quae sententia damnata est a 5 Congregati­one de Auxiliis tanquam erronea & contra 6 S. Augustinum.

Sequitur secundo, donum perseverantiae in adul­tis esse entitative gratiam cui aliquando resistitur, quod etiam docuit 7 Molina. Probatur sequela. Cuicunque gratiae interiori aliquando resistitur: sed donum perseverantiae in adultis est gratia interior: ergo dono perseverantiae aliquando resistitur. Quam doctrinam judicarunt 8 Consultores de Auxiliis adversari 9 Concilio Tridentino & 10 Augu­stino.

Sequitur tertio, donum perseverantiae non ha­bere effectum infallibilem, nisi ea praevisione quod homo illi non resisteret, sed consentiret, ut etiam docet 11 Molina. Prob. sequela. Gratia cui ali­quando resistitur, non habet infallibilem effectum, ni­si praevideatur quod homo illi non resister, sed con­sentiet; quae doctrina a 12 Consultoribus judica­ta est Semipelagiana & contra 13 S. Augusti­num.

Sequitur quarto, praedestinationem non posse fie­ri nisi post praevisa opera hominis, quod etiam do­cet 14 Molina, Probatur sequela. Praeparatio me­diorum quibus certissime aliqui liberentur, non po­test fieri nisi media sint infallibilia & certa, id est, habeant infallibilem effictum; sed praedestinatio est praeparatio mediorum quibus certissime aliqui li­berantur, ut docent cum 15 S. Augustino omnes, & media non sunt certa nisi praevideatur quod non resistet, sed potius consentiet, ut patet ex dictis; Ergo praedestinatio fieri non potest nisi praevideatur quod homo non resistet, sed consentiet. Quam doctrinam Molinae 16 Censores a S. Sede depu­tati arbitrati sunt periculosam in fide, & contra 17 Sanctum Augustinum.

Pro hac secunda propositione reponimus hanc examinandam: Gratiae cuicunque, quamvis praeve­nienti ex intentione Dei volentis salvum facere, ali­quando resistitur.

TERTIA PROPOSITIO.
18 Ad merendum & demerendum in natura lapsa non requiritur libertas à necessitate, sed sufficit libertas à coactione.
SENSUS CATHOLICUS.

HUjus propositionis sensus Catholicus est, quod ad meritum vel demeritum non requiritur li­bertas a necessitate infallibilitatis quoad specificatio­nem in communi sententia, sed sufficit libertas a coactione quae in doctrina Sancti Augustini sumitur & pro violentia & pro necessitate natura li & sim­pliciter.

SECT. III.

SI damnetur tertia propositio in sensu explicato, de fide stabilietur impossibilem esse gratiam de se efficacem, dari de facto scientiam mediam, & Christum electum esse ex meritis.

Si semel definitum sit de fide, ad meritum & de­meritum requiri libertatem ab omni necessitate, de fide etiam erit impossibilem esse etiam gratiam de se efficacem, quod etiam docet 19 Molina. Se­quela ita probatur. Quod repugnat libertati neces­sariae ad meritum, est impossibile in homine viato­re; sed gratia de se efficax repugnat libertati ab [Page 51] omni necessitate necessariae ad meritum, nam gratia de se efficax spectat necessitatem infallibilitatis; er­go gratia de se efficax erit impossibilis. Hoc tamen censuerunt 3 Consultores de Auxiliis esse Semipe­lagianum & contra 4 S. Augustinum.

Sequitur secundo, dati scientiam mediam quam docet 5 Molina. Probatur sequela. Datur illud si­ne quo non potest salvari in nostris operibus libertas ab omni necessitate, etiam infallibilitatis: sed sine scientia media hoc non potest salvati, ut docet Mo­lina: & ratio est quia si decretum Dei antecedat praevisionem nostri consensus, consensus noster se­quetur necessario necessitate infallibilitatis; ergo debet dati scientia media, quam censuerunt 6 Consultores sacrae Congregationis esse Pelagianam & contra 7 S. Augustinum.

Sequitur tertio, Deum decrevisse offerre excel­lentiora dona animae Christi quia praevidit eam pro sua innata libertate usuram esse illis, ut expresse as­serit 8 Molina. Probatur sequela: quia alias usus ille donorum non fuisset in Christo meritorius, ut­pote cum non esset liber ab omni necessitate. Si e­nim Deus decernat aliquem actum ante praevisum consensum voluntatis creatae, actus ille non est li­ber libertate sufficiente ad meritum, ut dicit proposi­tio. Ex quo manifeste infertur contra expressa verba D. Pauli Christum non meruisse sibi vel nobis per a­ctum quo voluit obedire, nisi ea ratione quod Deus praevidit eum pro sua innata libertate usurum illis ex­cellentioribus donis, quod quantum faveat Arianis & Nestorianis, constare videtur ex 9 Athanasio, 10 Alexandro Episcopo Alexandrino, 11 Au­gustino, 12 Prospero & aliis, judicet sancta Sedes.

Pro hac ergo tertia propositione reponimus i­stam:

13 Ad meritum requiritur potentia peccandi, quae est laudabilis, est a Deo, & est pars libertatis.

QUARTA PROPOSITIO.
Semipelagiani admittebant gratiae interioris ne­cessitatem ad singulos actus, 14 etiam ad initium fidei: & in hoc erant haeretici, quod dicebant voluntatem illi gratiae posse resistere vel obtemperare.
SENSUS CATHOLICUS.

HUjus propositionis sensus Catholicus est, quod Semipelagiani fuerunt haeretici quia negarunt 15 gratiam de se efficacem, cum qua non potest conjungi dissensus vel resistentia, cum semper vo­luntas etiam consentiendo retineat potentiam ad dissensum.

SECT. IV.

SI damnetur haec quarta propositio sic explicita, se­quitur nullam esse auctoritatem S. Augustini, justas fuisse querelas Pelagianorum, & Semipelagi­anorum & Molinae adversus S. Augustinum, cujus doctrina immerito fuisset approbata, & illi injuste fuissent damnati.

Damnata hac quarta propositione in sensu allato, sequitur Semipelagianos non errasse negando grati­am de se efficacem, sed solum negando ad initium fidei & perseverantiam, gratiam interiorem deter­minabilem ex consensu vel dissensu voluntatis posito vel praeviso. Sequela est evidens supposita legitima explicatione propositionis. Oppositum judicatum est in Congregationibus de 16 Auxiliis.

Sequitur secundo Pelagianos errasse non admit­tendo ad omnia opera gratiam interiorem determi­nabilem. Probatur sequela: Eandem gratiam quam negarunt Semipelagiani ad initium fidei & ad perse­verantiam, negarunt Pelagiani ad omnia opera, & in hoc tam hi quam illi fuerunt haeretici. Idcirco e­nim dicti sunt Semipelagiani, quia mediam partem haeresis Pelagianae tuebantur. Sed ex dictis Semipe­lagiani fuerunt haeretici negando gratiam solam in­teriorem determinabilem. Ergo Pelagiani quoad hunc articulum suerunt haeretici negando necessita­tem gratiae interiotis determinabilis: quae est doctri­na sequacium 17 Molinae proscripta in 18 Con­gregationibus de Auxiliis.

Sequitur tertio, quaestionem de adjutorio divino inter D. Augustinum ex una parte, & Pelagianos & Semipelagianos ex altera, solum fuisse de gratia il­la determinabili quam illi haeretici negabant, Au­gustinus vero probabat tanquam de fide. Sequela probatur: quia intendebat Augustinus uti haeretici admitterent gratiamillam quam negando erant hae­retici: sed non erant haeretici nisi negando gratiam illam determinabilem: ergo D. Augustinus inten­debat ut illam admitterent.

Sequitur quarto, gratiam illam determinabilem de qua erat quaestio, non debuisse explicari nomini­bus expresse vel aequivalenter significantibus, quod sit determinans vel determinativa, praesertim quae scandali, turbationis & erroris possent esse causa. Probatur sequela: Doctor Catholicus debet expri­mere rem de fide sicut est, non autem verbis opposi­tis, praesertim quando est admonitus quod hujus­modi nomina sunt causa scandali, turbationis & er­roris. Sed D. Augustinus fuit admonitus 19 quod verba quibus utebatur, quae exprimunt quod hujus­modi gratia sit determinans, erant causa turbationis, scandali & erroris. Ergo non debuit Augustinus uti hujusmodi verbis.

Sequitur quinto, D. Augustinum excessisse debi­tum modum explicandi gratiam de qua erat contro­versia inter ipsum & praefatos haereticos, quod ta­men [Page 52] est contra expressam 5 Caelestini I definitio­nem. Probatur sequela: Dicere quod per gratiam voluntas 6 indeclinabiliter & insuperabiliter agi­tur & 7 inclinatur a Deo quo ipse voluerit & quando voluerit omnipotentissima potestate, ita ut volenti Deo salvum facere nullum hominis resistat arbitrium, nulla voluntas divinam impeciat volun­tatem, vel superet potestatem, humanae voluntates non poss [...]t resistere, 8 nemo veniat ad Christum nisi c [...] illa gratia datur, at omnis cui datur veniat, ut per iliam 9 voluntas Dei semper justa faciat nos bonum invictissime velle, & hoc deserete invictis­sim [...] nolle, per quam non solum homines perseve­rare possint, sed non nisi perseverantes sint, ratione cujus 10 voluntates hominum Deus magis habeat in sua potestate quam ipsi suas. His, inquam, simili­bus verbis exprimere gratiam, est aequivalenter di­cere quod gratia illa est determinans vel determina­tiva liberi arbitrii, ut omnes qui Latinam linguam callent, satis intelligunt: & his omnibus utitur Au­gustinus: sed ex jam dictis uti verbis aequivalenter significantibus, quod gratia illa de qua erat quaestio, est determinans, est excedere: ergo S. Augustinus debitum modum excessit.

Sequitur sexto, injuste fecisse Pontifices, imo errasse 11 Caelestinum, Gelasium, 12 Hormis­dam & alios approbantes doctrinam Augustini, & justas fuisse querelas 13 Massiliensium quantum ad hoc, atque adeo ipsos fuisse injuste damnatos. Probatur sequela: injustum est approbare excessum, & justa est querela contra excedentes: sed ex dictis S. Augustinus excessit in explicanda gratia: ergo ju­stae fuerunt querelae Massiliensium, & injuste & er­ronee praefati Pontifices approbarunt doctrinam Augustini, quam cum Clemens VIII. approbaret, & revocarunt in dubium an esset de fide quod ipse esset verus Christi Vicarius.

Pro hac ergo quarta propositione reponimus i­stam.

14 D. Augustinus admisit gratiam per quam voluntas hominis insuperabiliter & indeclinabiliter agit, & in hoc excessit praesertim dicendo quod vo­luntates humanae non resistunt neque possunt resiste­re: 15 quod si ab eo dogmata de gratia, perseve­rantia, & praedestinatione aliter data explanataque fuissent, forte neque Pelagiana haeresis usquam exor­ta fuisset, neque Lutherani tam impudenter liberi arbitrii nostri libertatem fuissent ausi negare, neque ex Augustini opinione concertationibusque cum Pe­lagianis tot fideles fuissent turbati, ad Pelagianos­que defecissent, facileque reliquiae Pelagianorum fuissent extinctae.

QUINTA PROPOSITIO.
16 Error Semipelagianorum est dicere, Chri­stum pro omnibus omnino hominibus mortuum esse aut sanguinem fudisse.
SENSUS CATHOLICUS.

SEnsus Catholicus istius propositionis est, errasse Semipelagianos in hoc quod asseruerint Chri­stum ita pro omnibus omnino hominibus mortuum esse, ut promeruerit de facto omnibus auxilia om­nino necessaria ad hoc ut salutem assequantur.

SECT. V.

SI damnetur quinta propositio in sensu allato, se­quitur D. Augustinum male interpretatum fu­isse illum locum 17 D. Pauli, Vult omnes homines salvos fieri, & sua hac interpretatione fideles tur­basse, ejusque occasione salutem eorum fuisse pe­riclitatam.

18 Si damnetur quinta propositio in sensu prae­dicto, de fide erit non errasse Semipelagianos, dum de omnibus universim hominibus interpretati sunt illud D. Pauli, Christus pro omnibus mortuus est. Ex quo

19 Sequitur primo, illos etiam non errasse dum eodem modo interpretati sunt illud aliud ejusdem Apostoli, Deus vult omnes homines salvos fieri. Probatur sequela: quia pro iis omnibus mortuus est Christus quos Deus vult salvos fieri, &c contra. Ad­versarii vero noluerunt proponere hanc propositio­nem, Deus vult omnes homines salvos fieri, quia cum sit notissimum illam limitatam esse a D. Augu­stino, aperte judicati essent adversarii doctrinae D. Augustini.

Sequitur secundo, limitationem quam adhibet D. Augustinus huic loco, ut non intelligatur nisi de praedestinatis, non sequi ex iis quae tanquam de fide docuit D. 20 Augustinus, & approbarunt summi Pontifices circa gratiam & praedestinationem. Pro­batur sequela; error est dogma contrarium illius quod sequitur ex certis de fide, nam in hoc differt haeresis ab errore, quod haeresis est contraria iis quae sunt de fide, error vero est contrarius iis quae se­quuntur ex certis de fide: sed explicatio omnino u­niversalis praedictorum locorum D. Pauli non est er­ror: ergo non est contraria explicationi limitanti, ut patet: ergo explicatio illa limitans non sequitur ex iis quae sunt de fide circa gratiam & praedestinatio­nem.

Sequitur tertio, quod D. Augustinus credens ex iis quae de fide docuerat circa gratiam & praedestina­tionem, sequi illam suam explicationem limitan­tem, [Page 53] deceptus est, & sic 21 quasi sub caligine non attendit. Probatur sequela: quia credit aliquid esse quod non est, decipitur & sub quasi caligine exist­ens non attendit. Sed 22 S. Augustinus credidit illam suam explicationem limitantem sequi ex iis quae de fide docuerat: ergo deceptus est & sub quasi caligine existens non attendit.

Sequitur quarto, D. Augustinum hac sua falsa do­ctrina 23 turbasse imprudenter plurimos ex fide­libus, & illius occasione salutem eorum esse peri­clatatam. Probatur sequela: Doctor Ecclesiae do­cens aliqua falsa quae sunt occasio scandali, turba­tionis et ruinae spiritualis apud fideles, imprudenter turbat illos, et illius occasione salus eorum peri­clitatur: sed D. Augustinus docuit illam doctrinam falsam & malam quae fuit occasio turbationis, scan­dali & ruinae spiritualis, ut asserit Molina: ergo D. Augustinus imprudenter turbavit plurimos ex fidelibus, & illius occasione salus eorum periclitata est, imo semel & iterum admonitus non correxit, sed potius confirmavit.

Quare pro quinta propositione hanc reponi­mus.

D. Augustinus sua doctrina, qua ex certis de fide intulit Deum non velle omnes omnino homines salvos fieri, & Christum non pro omnibus omnino hominibus mortuum esse, turbavit mirum in mo­dum plurimos ex fidelibus, non solum indoctos, sed etiam doctissimos viros atque in Episcopali dignitate constitutos, ne dicam illius occasione salutem il­lorum fuisse periclitatam.

The sixth Writing.
De gratia sufficiente.

VEI Jansenius sibi contradicit negando in qui­busdam locis gratiam sufficientem, & reipsa admittendo in aliis, vel non sibi contradicit: quia quando illam negat, intelligit in uno sensu, & quando illam admittit, intelligit in alio.

Si sibi contradicit affirmando & negando eandem gratiam sufficientem in eodem sensu, oportet pri­us explicare quam damnare, ne petatur a Sede Apo­stolica ut definiat contradictoria.

Si non contradicat sibi, sed solum in uno sensu affirmet gratiam sufficientem, et in ailo neget, ex­plicandum est quis sit sensus falsus et qui verus, ne oriatur confusio in Ecclesia Dei, et ne simul cum Jansenio reputentur damnati qui verum sensum de­fendunt: nam gratia sufficiens multis modis expli­catur.

Aliqui enim Theologi arbitrantur in homine ju­sto de quo est prima propositio, non dari aliam gra­tiam sufficientem nisi gratiam habitualem, dona et virtutes infusas, quasdam inspirationes et exci­tationes morales; et hoc modo explicant gratiam sufficientem Academiae Salmanticensis, Lovaiensis et Duacensis in censuris adversus Lessium et Mo­linam.

Gratiam vero habitualem, dona, virtutes, inspi­rationes et excitationes morales admittit Jansenius lib. 3 de grat. Christi. cap. 6 et cap. 15.

Alii dicunt quod gratia quae est efficax respectu actuum imperfectorum, et quae efficaciter facit, ut homo eliciat libere quaedam imperfecta desideria et velleitates, eadem est gratia sufficiens respectu actu­um perfectiorum, quia disponit ad illos, et dat ho­mini ut possit illos elicere.

Hanc autem gratiam sufficientem hoc sensu ad­mittit Jansenius, ut patet ex prima propositione, et ex lib. 3. de grat. Christi cap. 27, quamvis nolit eam vocari sufficientem, quia ultra illam requiri­turalia: in quo dissentit a Thomistis.

Quidam vero Theologi, quamvis pauci, admit­tunt dari gratiam pure sufficientem, quae nullo modo sit efficax, etiam respectu actuum imperfe­ctorum: sed addunt ultra hanc gratiam sufficien­tem requiri aliam efficacem, ut homo de facto e­liciat actus quoscunque, etiam imperfectos; et hanc gratiam sufficientem impugnat Jansenius lib. 3 de grat. Christi cap. 1, 2 et 3.

Denique Theologi Societatis contendunt da [...]i gratiam sufficientem ultra quam ad operandum non requiritur alia gratia praeveniens, sed illa sufficit er determinatur a libero arbitrio; et hanc cum omni­bus Theologis Ordinis Praedicatorum impugnat Ian­senius tanquam Pelagianam et Semipelagianam, ut patet eodem libro 3 cap. 3 et seq.

Si ergo damnandus est Iansenius, debet explicari in quo sensu damnetur: nam si damnetur quia ne­gat gratiam sufficientem qualem explicant Patres Societatis, definitur tota causà de Auxiliis, et dam­nantur cum Iansenio omnes qui admittunt gratiam de se efficacem.

Si autem damnetur quia negat gratiam pure suf­ficientem, cum illo damnabuntur plures et maxi­mi Theologi.

Denique si damnetur quia eam gratiam quam nonnulli vocant sufficientem, ipse non vult sic vo­cari, tunc damnabitur ob solum modum loquendi, et semper cavenda erit fraus et aequivocatio.

The seventh Writing.
Brevis responsio ad objectiones.

Adversus primam propositionem.

1 OBjiciunt D. Thomam q. 24. de verit. a. 12, Nec liberum arbitrium tollimus, cum dici­mus quodlibet peccatum singulariter liberum arbitri­um posse vitare.

Respondemus D. Thomam satis se explicare dum paulo post addit, Quamvis non sine divino au­xilio, quod hominem sua providentia ad bona agenda & mala vitanda gubernat; quod non potest intel­ligi nisi de auxilio efficaci quo Deus gubernat.

2. Objiciunt D. Thomam ibid. ad 7. Aliquis in mortali existens potest vitare omnia peccata mortalia auxilio gratiae: potest etiam ex naturali virtute sin­gula vitare, quamvis non omnia; & ideo non sequi­tur, quod peccatum committendo non peccet.

Respondemus verum hoc esse, sed cum auxilio divino, ut dixit in corpore; & quia illud auxilium non solebat vocari gratia, ut expresse dicit D. Tho­mas ib. art. 4. ideo naturali virtute dicitur posse, quomodo D. Paulus dicit, Gentes quae legem non habent, naturaliter quae legis sunt faciunt.

[Page 54] 3. Objiciunt D. Thomam art. 13. ejusdem quaest. Quia nullus motus liberi arbitrii praecedit plenam deliberationem pertrahens ad peccatum quasi inclinatione habitus, ideo potest omnia mortalia vi­tare.

Respondemus, in homine justo nullus motus inordinatus quo ad [...]aereat ultimo fini inordinato praecedit, quia jam poenituit & justificatus est, ideo potest omnia vitare, non tamen sine auxilio divino, ut dixit articulo praecedenti, & iterum dicit articulo sequenti.

4. Objiciunt. art. 14 ad 12. Recte homo corripitur qui praeceptum non implet, quia ex ejus negligentia est quod gratiam non habet, per quam potest ser­vare mandata quantum ad modum: cum possit nihi­lominus per liberum arbitrium ea servare quantum ad substantiam.

Respondemus per gratiam habitualem hominem posse servare mandata quantum ad modum meriti, & quantum ad substantiam posse illa servare, non tamen sine mesericordia Dei, per quam interius mo­tum mentis operatur, sine qua nullum bonum homo po­test facere, ut expresse dicit Divus Thomas ibid in corp. art.

5. Objiciunt D. Thomam 3 p. q. 86. art. 1. Di­cere quod aliquod peccatum sit in hac vita, de quo a­liquis poenitere non possit, erroneum est, quia per hoc tolleretur libertas arbitrii, & derogaretur virtuti gratiae cujuscunque peccatoris ad poenitendum.

Respondemus locum hunc truncatum referri; si afferatur integer, affert solutionem: sic ergo ha­bet, & derogaretur virtuti gratiae per quam moveri potest cor cujuscunque peccatoris ad poenitendum se­cundum istud Proverb. 21. Cor Regis in manu Do­mini, quocunque voluerit vertet illud. Qui locus manifeste loquitur de gratia efficaci qua moveri po­test cor peccatoris cujuscunque ad poenitendum, & qua sola cor Regis Deus vertit.

6. Objiciunt Alvarem disp. 71 de Auxiliis n. 9. & n. 12. Gonzalem 1 p. q. 23. art. 8. n. 18, & n. 24. et q. 19. art. 8. disp. 58. sect. 2. n. 16. et Cabreram 3 p. q. 18. art. 4. disp. 6. dub. 5. concl. 2 et Petrum de Ledesma de Auxiliis quaest. unica, art. 16. concl. 3.

Respondemus, admissis illis omnibus quae di­cunt hi Auctores, adhuc veram esse propositionem, etiam apud illos. Apud Alvarem disp. 88. Gon­zalem citatum in objectione paulo post verba ob­jecta, Cabreram ibid. dub. 3 ad 1 confirmat. 6 argum. et ad 1 confirmat. 8 argum. Ledesmam i­bid. art. 14 ad 2 et 3.

Adversus secundam propositionem.

1. Objiciunt D. Thomam contra Gentes cap. 152. Cum in potestate, &c.

Respondemus D. Thomam statim initio capitis se­quentis 160 solvere hoc argumentum. ‘Quod au­tem inquit, dictum est, in potestate liberi arbi­trii esse ne impedimentum gratiae praestet, com­petit his in quibus naturalis potentia integra fue­rit: si autem per inordinationem praecedentem declinaverit ad malum, non erit omnino in pote­state ejus, nullum impedimentum gratiae praestate. Et cap. 161: Non est ratio inquirenda quare hos Deus convertat et non illos: hoc enim ex simplici ejus voluntate dependet. Et cap. 94 o­stendit non posse hominem vel aliam quamcunque causam Deo resistere. Quaecunque rerum, inquit, aliquid operantur, instrumentaliter agunt a Deo mota, et ei obtemperando ministrant ad ordi­nem providentiae ab aeterno, ut ita dicam, ex­cogitatum, explicandum in rebus; si autem om­nia quae agere possunt, necesse est ut in agendo ei ministrent, impossibile est, quod aliquod agens divinae providentiae executionem impediat, sibi contrarium agendo: neque etiam possibile est di­vinam providentiam impediri per defectum ali­cujus agentis vel patientis, &c.

2. Objiciunt Alvarem de Auxiliis disp. 71, n. 3. Respondemus ex eodem, disp. 32, 92, 93, posse resistere sumi dupliciter; proprie, et sic gratiae ef­ficaci non potest resisti; et imptoprie, et sic po­test resisti, ut ipse locis citatis fuse explicat.

Adversus tertiam propositionem.

1. Objiciunt D. Thomam q 3 de potentia, art. 7 ad 13. ‘Voluntas dicitur habere dominium sui a­ctus non per exclusionem causae primae; sed quia causa prima non ita agit in voluntate, ut eam de necessitate ad unum determinet, sicut determinat naturam: et ideo determinatio vo­luntatis relinquitur in potestate rationis et vo­luntatis.’

Respondemus Deum non determinare volunta­tem eo modo quo determinat naturam, quem mo­dum explicat D. Thomas ibidem ad 2: Quia na­tura per suam formam est determinata ad unum: Voluntas autem per formamsuam non est deter­minata ad unum bonum: unde fit quod non ex ne­cessitate absoluta, sed ex necessitate tantum secun­dum quid: et hanc necessitatem absolutam sicut et violentiam vocat Divus Thomas coactionem: un­de ibidem ad 14 ait, Non quaelibet causa excludit libertatem, sed tantum causa cogens; sic autem Deus non est causa operationis nostrae. Quare praecipui duces adversariorum, Molina, Suarez, Conimbri­censes. &c. admittunt Divum Thomam in hac quaest. 3 de potentia, art. 7, admisisse praemotio­nem physicam, praecipue ad tertium,

Objiciunt Divum Thomam q. 6 de malo, art. uni­co. ‘Quidam posuerunt quod voluntas ex necessi­tate moveretur ad aliquid eligendum, nec tamen ponebant quod voluntas cogeretur: non enim omne necessarium est violentum, sed solum illud cujus principium est extra.... Haec opinio est haeretica: tollit enim rationem meriti et demeriti in humanis actibus; non enim videtur esse meri­torium aut demeritorium quod aliquis sic ex neces­sitate agit, quod vitare non possit.... Non solum contrariatur fidei, sed subvertit omnia principia Philosophiae Moralis.’

Respondemus Divum Thomam impugnare illos qui admittebant voluntatem eligere ex necessitate naturali, ut patet ex verbis quae adversarii ex con­sulto omiserunt. Ʋnde, inquit, & motus naturales inveniuntur aliqui necessarii, non tamen violenti: vio­lentum enim repugnat naturali sicut & voluntario, quia utriusque principium est intra: violenti autem principium est extra. Haec autem opinio est haeretica, &c. Loquitur ergo de necessitate naturali: quod patet etiam ex iis quae dixit infra, sect. Posuerunt autem quidam; et in solutione ad 24, ubi dicit se loqui de necessitate simpliciter. Et ad 3 docet, Quod Deus movet voluntatem immutabiliter propter [Page 55] efficaciam virtutis moventis, quae deficere non potest, et infallibiliter: infallibilitas autem est quaedam necessitas, ut expresse docet Divus Thomas 1. 2. q. 112, a. 3. Quare in illa quaest. 6 de malo, art. unico, ut salvet libertatem in electione hominis in statu naturae corruptae, recurrit ad libertatem a coactione, dicens: homo peccans liberum arbitrium perdidit quantum ad libertatem quae est a culpa & miseria, non autem quantum ad libertatem quae est a coactione.

4. Objiciunt Divum Thomam 1 p. q. 19. art. 10. Liberum arbitrium habemus respectu eorum quae non necessari [...] volumus.... Cum ergo Deus multa velit non ex necessitate, respectu eorum quae non ex neces­sitate vult, liberum habet arbitrium.

Respondemus adversarios consulto praetermisisse verba sequentia, quibus Divus Thomas satis se ex­plicat. Liberum, inquit, arbitrium habemus re­spectu eorum quae non necessario volumus, vel ex na­turali instinctu; non enim ad libertatem arbitrii per­tinet quod volumus esse felices, sed ad naturalem in­stinctum, &c. Quo loco aperte ostendit Divus Thomas se per necessitatem intelligere naturalem instinctum, qui facit naturalem necessitatem. Un­de Divus Thomas in eadem quaestione art. 8. inqui­rens utrum voluntas divina rebus volitis necessita­tem imponat, in solutione ad 1 & ad 3, concedit necessitatem non absolutam, sed conditionalem stare cum libertate.

5. Objiciunt Divum Thomam q. 24. de verit. a. 2. ‘In brutis est quaedam similitudo liberi arbitrii in quantum possunt agere et non agere unum et i­dem secundum suum judicium.... Sed quia ju­dicium eorum est determinatum ad unum, per consequens et appetitus et actio ad unum deter­minatur: unde necesse habent, &c. Sed homo non necessario movetur ab iis quae sibi occurrunt, vel a passionibus insurgentibus, quia potest ea ac­cipere vel refugere; et ideo homo est liberi arbi­trii, non autem bruta. Et ad 7. Tam homines quam bruta beneficiis inducuntur et flagellis pro­hibentur, vel praeceptis et prohibitionibus, sed di­versimode: quia in potestate hominum est ut eis­dem rebus similiter repraesentatis, sive sint prae­cepta sive prohibitiones, eligant vel fugiant judicio rationis.’

Respondemus Divum Thomam loqui de deter­minatione judicii ex parte objecti: nam quando homo appetit, judicium ejus, cum sit actus singu­laris, est determinatum sicut et judicium bruti: sed est differentia, quia judicium bruti est determina­tum ad unum ex parte objecti, non autem hominis, ut satis clare Divus Thomas explicat ad 7. Quod autem Divus Thomas admittat hanc tertiam pro­positionem; ibidem patet art. 1 ad ult. Habemus, inquit, respectu finis liberam voluntatem, cum ne­cessitas naturalis inclinationis libertati non repugnet secundum Augustinum 5 de Civit.

6. Objiciunt Divum Thomam q. 22. de verit. art. 6. ubi dicit: ‘Cum voluntas dicatur libera in quan­tum necessitatem non habet, libertas voluntatis in tribus considerabitur, scilicet quantum ad act­um, in quantum potest velle et non velle, et quantum ad objectum, in quantum potest hoc vel illud et ejus oppositum, et quantum ad ordi­nem finis, in quantum potest velle bonum et ma­lum.’

Respondemus libertatem in viatoribus habere illa tria, nec tamen propterea sunt de essentia li­bertatis: nam libertas quantum ad actum non re­peritur in Deo, qui tamen habet perfectissimam ra­tionem libertatis, ut docet Divus Thomas q. 4. ce verit. art. 3 ad 3. nec similiter libertas quantum ad ordinem finis, qua potest velle bonum et malum, est essentialis; alias nec Christus, nec Beati essent liberi; esse tamen liberos, imo libetiotes quam nos, docet S. Thomas infra citandus. Sola ergo libertas quantum ad objectum est essentialis libero arbitrio, et haec excludit necessitatem simpliciter, non autem secundum quid; quare idem S. Thomas ibidem ait art. 5 ad 3. Libertas, inquit, secundum Augustinum opponitur necessitati coactionis, non au­tem naturalis inclinationis. Idemque dicit ad 1. 2 et 4. et q. 23. a. 4, q. 22. a. 8, 9, 10. docet Deum operari opera nostra, immutare voluntatem non co­gendo illam, et non stare quod Deus velit aliquid quod illud non sit.

7. Objiciunt Divum Thomam 1. 2, q. 10, art. 4. ‘Quia voluntas est activum principium non deter­minatum ad unum, sed indifferenter se habens ad multa: sic Deus ipsam movet, quod non ex necessitate ad unum determinat, sed remanet mo­tus ejus contingens et non necessarius.’

Respondemus verissimum esse quod voluntas, cum non sit determinata ad unum, Deus sic illam mo­vet quod non determinat illam ex necessitate sim­pliciter, sed tantum ex necessitate secundum quid. Unde ibid. ad 3 Divus Thomas ait: Si Deus mo vet libertatem ad aliquid, impossibile est huic positioni, quod voluntas ad illud non moveatur, non tamen est impossibile simpliciter: unde non sequitur quod vo­luntas a Deo ex necessitate moveatur. Ex quo sic arguitur: Quod est impossible non esse, necessa­rium est esse, ut ex terminis patet: sed ex D. Tho­ma, hic supposiro quod Deus movet voluntatem ad aliquid, impossibile est quod voluntas non moveatur ad illud: eigo necessarium est quod voluntas mo­veatur ad illud: movetur autem agendo; ergo a­ctio illa est aliquo modo necessaria: stat ergo quae­dam necessitas cum libertate.

8. Objiciunt Divum Thomam 1. 2. q. 13. art. 6. ‘Homo non ex necessitate eligit, et hoc ideo, quia quod possibile est non esse, non necesse est esse: quod autem possibile sit non eligere, hujus ratio ex duplici hominis potestate accipi potest; potest enim velle et non velle, agere et non agere, et etiam potest hoc aut illud; ideo homo non ex necessitate eligit, sed libere.’

Respondemus hominem non eligere ex necessi­tate absoluta, sed ex necessitate suppositionis, quam non tollere libertatem aperte colligitur ex Divo Thoma ibidem ad 2; ubi si recte perpendatur, concedit eamdem necessitatem in electione quam concedit in judicio dirigente electionem: atqui clarissime admittit in illo judicio necessitatem ex suppositione: ergo eamdem admittit in electione, quae tamen est libera, ut etiam concedit Bellarmi­nus, ut ostensum est in explicatione hujus tertiae propositionis.

9. Objiciunt D. Thomam 1 p. q. 62 art. 3 ad 2. Inclinatio gratiae non imponit necessitatem, sed habens gratiam potest ea uti & peccare.

Respondemus Divum Thomam ibi loqui de gra­tia habituali, ut disertis verbis explicat in corpore articuli: unde patet adversarlos voluisse imponere quasi Divus Thomas loqueretur de gratia actuali: [Page 56] sed oportet illos comprehendere in astutia sua: ha­bens gratiam sanctificantem potest peccare, ut hic docet S. Thomas, et est de fide, sess. 6. can. 23. Et nihilominus 1 Joan. 3. dicitur quod qui natus est ex Deo, id est, justus, non potest peccare: po­test ergo peccare et non potest: potest, quia cum gratia habituali retinet habitualiter potentiam ad peccandum: non potest peccare, quia non potest conjungere peccatum cum gratia, & tamen reti­net libere gratiam. Ita similiter qui habet gratiam efficacem semper conjunctam cum actu bono, po­test peccare, quia retinet potentiam ad peccandum: non potest peccare, quia non potest conjungere peccatum cum illa gratia efficaci, & tamen libere non peccat, & libere elicit actum: stat ergo ali­qua necessitas cum libertate. Unde Divus Thomas ibidem art. 2 ad 3, docet, quod ad hoc, ut quis se praeparet ad gratiam habitualem, requiritur operatio Dei ad se animam converteu [...]is, juxta illud Threno­rum ultimo, Converte nos, Domine, ad te, & cor­vertemur, scilicet infallibiliter. Quare Divus Thomas 1 2, q. 112, art. 3, docet, quod preparatio ad gratiam secundum quod est a Deo movente, habet necessitatem ad id ad quod voluntas a Deo movetur, non quidem coactionis sed infallibilitatis: ergo opera­tio Dei animam moventis ad conversionem, sive convertentis animam, habet necessitatem ad hoc ut anima seipsam libere convertat: stat ergo liber­t [...]s [...]um aliqua necessitate. Quare D. Thomas ibid. [...] 62, art. 8, dicit, quod major libertas est in Ange­ [...] qui peccare non possunt, quam in nobis qui possu­ [...]us: quia posse peccare pertinet ad defectum liber­tatis.

10. Objiciunt Divum Thomam q. 22, de verit. a. 8. Et praeter hoc habet appetere aliquid secun­dum propriam determinationem non ex necessi­ta [...]e, quod ei competit, in quantum voluntas est.

Respondemus voluntatem appetere aliquid non ex necessitate absoluta, quae etiam dicitur necessitas coactionis, apud D. Thomam. Unde ibid. ad 3, cum sibi opposuisset argumentum quod opponunt nobis adversarii, Libertas, inquiens, opponitur ne­cessitati: sed voluntas est libera: ergo non de neces­sitate aliquid vult. Respondet, ad 3 dicendum quod libertas secundum Augustinum opponitur necessi­tati coactionis, non autem naturalis inclinationis. I­dem habet ad 1. 2 & 4.

11. Objiciunt D. Thomam 1 contra Gentes, c. 68. Dominium quod habet voluntas supra suos a­ctus per quod in ejus potestate est velle & nolle, ex­cludit determinationem virtutis ad unum.

Resp. adversarios data opera suppressisse verba sequentia, & violentiam causae exterius agentis; non autem excludit influentiam superioris causae a qua est ei esse & operari, & sic remanet causalitas in causa prima quae est Deus respectu motuum volun­tatis, ut sic Deus scipsum cognoscendo hujusmodi cog­noscere possit. Quae verba continent solutionem argumenti quarti quod proposuerat cap. 63. quod etat hujusmodi: Quorumdam singularium causa est voluntas: effectus autem antequam sit, non potest nisi in sua causa cognosci: sic enim solum esse po­test, antequam in se esse incipiat: motus autem vo­luntatis a nullo possunt per certitndinem cognosci nisi a voluntate in cujus potestate sunt. Impossibile est igitur quod Deus de hujusmodi singularibus, quae causam ex voluntate sumunt, notitiam certam ha­beat. Respondet D. Thomas: dominium quod vo­luntas habet in suos actus non excludere influentiam Dei qua habet voluntas etiam operari, & sic in hu­jusmodi influencia & causalitate potest Deus seipsum cognoscendo certo cognoscere actus nostrae volun­tatis singulares & determinatos: atqui Deus non potest actus illos singulares & determinatos cognos­cere in sua illa influentia, nisi illa certo & infalli­biliter causet illos actus certos & determinatos: ergo debet illa eos sic causare, atque adeo illi sunt certi certitudine causalitatis divinae & infallibilita­tis, & consequenter quodam modo necessarii, & tamen sunt liberi: stat ergo libertas cum quadam necessitate.

12. Objiciunt Alvarem de Auxiliis disp. 117. n. 11. ad 3. Cumel. 1. 2. dist. 11. assert. 4. Petrum de Cabrera 3. p. q. 18. art. 4.

Respondemus, admissis his quae isti auctores di­cunt, adhuc verum esse quod stat aliqua necessitas cum libertate, ut etiam ipsi idem auctores docent: Alvarez disp. 22. n. 40. & 43. disp. 25. n. 2. disp. 83. n. 18. disp. 12. n. 1, 3, 4. & 5. & Cumel 1. p. q. 14. art. 13. disp. 3. & q. 41. art. 2. disp. 4. & Cabrera eodem loco qui citatur in objectione, disp. 1.

Adversus quartam propositionem.

1. Objiciunt omnia loca objecta contra primam & secundam: sed jam soluta haec sunt.

2. Objiciunt D. Thom. q. 6. de malo art. unico ad 3. ubi solvens illam objectionem: Si ergo vo­luntas hominis infallibiliter movetur à Deo, sequi­tur quod homo non habeat liberam electionem suorum actuum. Respondet: Deus movet quidem volunta­tem immutabiliter propter efficaciam virtutis moven­tis quae deficere non potest, sed propter naturam vo­luntatis motae quae indifferenter se habet ad diversa, non inducitur necessitas, sed remanet libertas, sicut etiam in omnibus providentia divina infallibiliter ope­ratur.

Respondemus adversarios noluisse impugnare propositionem, sed probare: nullus enim locus est in Divo Thoma aptior ad probandam quartam propositionem; quod sic ostenditur: Idem omni­no est voluntatem agi insuperabiliter & indeclinabi­liter, ac voluntatem moveri immutabiliter, effica­citer, per virtutem moventem quae deficere non po­test: atqui Semipelagiani fuerunt haeretici quia ne­garunt voluntatem agi divina gratia insuperabiliter & indeclinabiliter: fuerunt enim haeretici quia ne­garunt gratiam illam quam Divus Augustinus admit­tebat toto libro de correptione & gratia, praesertim cap. 12. ut constat ex Hilario epist. ad Divum Au­gustinum, Sect. Deinde molestè ferunt. Gratia au­tem quam Divus Augustinus admittebat, est illa per quam voluntas insuperabiliter & indeclinabili­ter agitur: haec enim sunt formalia verba Divi Au­gustini. Ergo Semipelagiani fuerunt haeretici quia negarunt gratiam qua voluntas humana movetur im­mutabiliter, infallibiliter, efficaciter, per virtu­tem quae deficere non potest: quia tamen cum hac tanta gratiae efficacia stat libertas, haec enim gratia facit utrumque, hoc est, facit ut agamus, & ut li­bere agamus, idcirco Divus Thomas dicit, quod non inducitur necessitas, scilicet absoluta, sed tantum necessitas infallibilis, immutabilis, efficacitatis vir­tutis quae deficere non potest, & haec necessitas non [Page 57] tollit libertatem. Et sic Divus Thomas duas simul haereses confutavit, scilicet Pelagii & Semipelagia­norum, & Calvini.

3. Objiciunt Alvarem disp, 3. de Auxiliis, n. 17. & 18. dicentem haeresim Calvini & Lutheri fuisse, gratiam divinam ita inchoare & perficere, & ita ef­ficacem esse, ut homo solum spontanee & non libe­re, ultro & non coacte cooperetur.

Respondemus & nos detestari & anathema dice­re his haeresibus: sed hoc ipsum argumentum fuse dissolvit Alvarez disp. 22. n. 30, & 31. & disp. 92. n. 13. admittendo contra Pelagium & Semipelagia­nos, quod per divinam gratiam indeclinabiliter & insuperabiliter voluntas agitur; & contra Calvi­num sustinendo, quod ita agitur, ut nihilominus ipsa libere agat.

Adversus quintam propositionem.

1. Objiciunt Divum Thomam 1. ad Timoth. 2. lect. 1. in fine: Homo Christus est mediator Dei & hominum, non quorundam, sed inter Deum & homi­nem: & hoc non fuisset nisi venisset omnes salvare. — Ipse est propitiato pro peccatis nostris, pro aliquibus efficaciter, pro omnibus sufficienter: quia pretium e­jus est sufficiens ad salutem omnium, sed non habet efficaciam nisi in electis propter impedimentum.

Respondemus, nos admittere haec omnia: inde tamen non potest colligi quod Deus det omnibus auxilia sufficientia interna, quibus possint ad libi­tum uti vel non uti; sed colligitur quid sit Christum mortuum esse pro omnibus sufficienter, videlicet quia pretium ejus est sufficiens pro omnibus: Dicit autem non habere efficaciam nisi in electis propter impedimentum: sed quis possit non ponere hujus­modi impedimentum, explicat S. Thomas 3. con­tra gentes cap. 163. ut supra ostendimus. Addimus autem, quod, cum sanguis Christi esset sufficiens ad tollenda omnia impedimenta quae proveniunt ex parte hominis, cur noluit illa tollere, non est al [...]a ratio inquirenda, nisi voluntas divina, ut docet ip­se S. Thomas ibid. cap. 162.

2. Objiciunt Divum Thomam q. 23. de verit. a. 2. Quia ergo Deus omnes homines propter beatitudi­nem fecit, dicitur voluntate antecedente omnium salu­tem velle; sed quia quidam suae saluti adversantur — implet in eis alio modo quod ad suam bonitatem per­tinet, scilicet eos per justitiam damnans.

Respondemus, nihil hoc loco dici de morte Chri­sti: quod autem Deus velit omnes salvos fieri vo­luntate antecedente, concedimus, sed dicimus vo­luntatem illam antecedentem nihil aliud esse in Deo quam voluntatem ordinandi homines ad beatitudi­nem, hoc est, voluntatem qua voluit omnes ho­mines facere & creare propter beatitudinem: & ex consequenti Deus voluit toti generi humano media quibus posset ad illam pervenire, quae quia volun­tarie amisimus, Deus dat alia efficacissima electis: non dat autem aliis qui suae saluti adversantur pec­cando, cum posset si vellet eis dare etiam effica­cissima quibus possent & vellent salvati, & de facto salvarentur. Unde Divus Thomas hoc satis insinuat in verbis quae consulto omiserunt adversarii: ait e­nim, Sed quia quidam suae saluti adversantur, quos or do suae sapientiae ad salutem venire non patitur prop­ter eorum defectum, implet in eis, &c. Ordo igitur divinae sapientiae quosdam non patitur venire ad sa­lutem ob eorum defectum vel actualem vel origina­lem, quem Deus, si vellet, posset ab eis tollere. Quare autem nolit? O altitudo divitiarum! ô ho­mo tu quis es qui respondeas Deo! Cui solutio ista di­splicet, quaerat me doctiores, sed caveat ne inveniat praesumptores, inquit Augustinus de spiritu & litera cap. 33. qui etiam se ignorare fatetur cum Aposto­lo, cap. 8. lib. de correptione & gratia.

3. Objiciunt Divum Thomam in cap. 2. ad Heb. lect. 3. ad illa verba Divi Pauli, Ʋt gratia Dei pro omnibus gustaret mortem. Pro omnibus autem, in­quit Divus Thomas, dupliciter potest intelligi, vel ut sit distributio accommoda scilicet pro omnibus prae­destinatis; pro istis enim tantum habet efficaciam: vel absolutè pro omnibus quantum ad sufficientiam; sufficiens enim quantum ad se omnibus est.

Respondemus, quod cum Divus Thomas dicat locum illum Divi Pauli posse intelligi per distributi­onem accommodam de solis praedestinatis, ut etiam intellexit S. Augustinus, quomodo potest hinc elici propositionem hanc quintam damnari a Divo Tho­ma? plane non videmus. Verum mirabilis est fraus adversariorum, quia ve [...]ba sequentia suffurati sunt, ne intelligeretur quo sensu dicat Divus Thomas, quod mors Ch isti sufficiens est pro omnibus: sub­jungit haec verba 1. ad Timoth. 4. Qui est Salvator omnium, maximè fidelium. Chrysostomus: Pro om­nibus hominibus generaliter mortuus est, quia omni­bus pretium sufficit; etsi omnes non credunt, ipse ta­men quod suum est implevit. Ex illis ergo Divi Chry­sostomi verbis, quae affert, Divus Thomas satis o­stendit quo sensu dixerit mortem Christi omnibus esse sufficientem, quia videlicet omnibus pretium sufficit: quod admittunt omnes, etiam ipse Ianse­nius, in loco ex quo desumpta est haec quinta pro­positio. Quod autem omnibus omnino Christus promeruerit auxilia sufficientia, ne verbum quidem in Divo Thoma, multo minus quod haec auxilia sint determinabilia a libero hominis arbitrio.

The eighth Writing.
Indiculus falsitatum quae continentur in ob­jectionibus.

It was entitl'd on the outside,

The Contents within were thus:

Quae corrupte objiciunt in primo scripto D. Hallier & Collegae contra primam propositionem.

1. OBjiciunt Divum Thomam q. 24. de verit. art. 12. Quodlibet peccatum singulariter li­berum arbitrium potest vitare.

Respondemus illos ex proposito omisisse verba paulo post sequentia, scilicet: quamvis non sine divino auxilio, quo hominem sua providentia ad bo­na agenda & mala vitanda gubernat.

5. Loco, Objiciunt Divum Thomam 3. p. q. 86. a. 1. dicentem: Erroneum est dicere, quod sit ali­quod peccatum de quo homo non potest poenitere in hac vita, quia tolleretur libertas arbitrii, & deroga­retur [Page 58] virtuti gratiae cujuscunque peccatoris ad poeni­tendum.

Respondemus, valde notabiliter illos corrupisse hunc locum: sic enim habet: Derogatur virtuti gratiae per quam moveri potest cor cujuscunque pecca­toris ad poenitendum, juxta illud Prov. 1. Cor Regis in manu Domini, quocunque voluerit, vertet illud.

In secundo scripto contra primam.

12. Loco, Objiciunt Concilium Moguntinum anno 1549. cap. 9. Demonstrandum est mandatorum Dei observationem renatis & justificatis esse possibi­lem, non secundum naturae infirmitatem, sed secun­dum gratiam Christi, &c.

Respondemus, triplicem in hac citatione esse cor­ruptionem, quia abstulerunt duo aut tria verba ante, & totidem post, quia hic multum inserviebant ad propositum. Sic ergo habet Concilium: Ex eadem causa demonstrandum erit, mandatorum Dei obser­vationem renatis ac justificatis esse possibilem, non se­cundum naturae infirmitatem, sed secundum grati­am Christi & secundum opem Spiritus Sancti: Sive ut paulo post dicit, opitulante Spiritu Sancto. Sub­tractio hujus posterioris clausulae manifeste indicat fraudem: subtractio autem prioris, scilicet, ex ea­dem causa, non minus fraudulenter facta est, quia illae particulae sunt relativae ad caput praecedens, in quo dixerat Concilium, dignitatem operum quae e­liciunt justificati, sumi ex duplici capite, videlicet ex gratia Christi & ex Spiritu Sancto omnis boni ope­ris motore & operatore; & post pauca, cujus mo­tum in nobis efficacem cogitare debemus. Ex eadem ergo causa demonstrandum est, mandatorum Dei ob­servationem, &c. nempe ex gratia Christi & ex Spi­ritu Sancto omnis boni operis motore & operatore, cujus motum in nobis efficacem cogitare debemus.

Omnia fere loca D. Thomae quae allegant, potius convincunt oppositum, si antecedentia & conse­quentia expendantur. Et idem dicendum de locis Conciliorum.

Omnia vero loca Scripturae sunt eadem quibus u­tebantur Pelagiani & Semipelagiani.

Sic contra primam.

Objiciunt quinque loca Scripturae ex quibus qua­tuor abutebantur Caelestius & Cassianus, ut constat ex S. Augustino de perfect. justitiae c. 10. & ex Cassi­ano collat. 7. c. 8. & collat. 13. c. 14.

Contra secundam.

Objiciunt loca explicata a Diva Augustino de prae­dest. SS. c. 8. & 16. de dono persev. cap. 14. In en­chir. cap. 97. Lib. 1. imperf. oper. cont. Iulian. cap. 93. De grat. & lib. arb. cap. 5. & iis abutebantur Faustus & alii Semipelagiani.

Contra tertiam.

Utuntur locis citatis a Cassiano collat. 13. cap. 7. & a Fausto lib. 1. de grat. & lib. arb. cap. 19. quae om­nia fere solvit D. Augustinus, de perf. justit. c. 19.

Contra quartam.

Nulla loca Scripturae objiciunt.

Contra quintam.

Objiciunt quatuor, quae in se vel in similibus sol­vit Divus Augustinus de corr. & grat. cap. 14. & in enchir. c. 103.

Denique omnes objectiones quas faciunt, sunt argumenta quibus usi sunt Patres Societatis in Con­gregationibus coram Clemente VIII. & Paulo V. & quibus utitur Pseudo-Suarez noviter impressus Lug­duni contra gratiam de se efficacem.

The ninth Writing.
Irreverenter dicta contra D. Augustinum a Pa­tribus Societatis Jesu.
Quae irreverenter dixerunt adversus D. Augusti­num Patres Societatis, maxime recentiores.

It had this Title on the out-side:

And withinside contain'd these words:

REnovant omnes querelas Massiliensium, & om­nes injurias, sive parum reverenter dicta con­tra D. Augustinum Patres Societatis.

Primo igitur subjiciemus 22. propositiones quas generalis Inquisitio Hispaniae ex ipsorum libris de­cerpsit & damnavit.

  • 1 I. Augustini quaedam dogmata ab Apostoli­ca Sede in terminis sunt damnata.
  • 2 II. Miseram fore Ecclesiam si S. Augustini placitis obstricta maneat.
  • 3 III. Ecclesiam a tutela & paedagogia Augusti­ni esse vindicandam.
  • 4 IV. Augustini auctoritatem non plus vale­re, quam rationes, quas allegat, evincant.
  • 5 V. Augustinum fuisse Doctorem perinde ac alium quempiam, etiam modernorum.
  • 6 VI. Augustini dotes, sive naturales, sive in­fusas, non fuisse altioris ordinis quam aliorum Do­ctorum, etiam Scholasticorum.
  • 7 VII. Si post Augustinum nihil Christianae e­ruditioni accesserit, Scholasticam Theologiam pe­nitus rejiciendam fore.
  • 8 VIII. Augustini auctoritatem interponenti­bus respondendum fore, Ecclesiam in suis filiis us­que hodie crescere, etiam eruditione.
  • 9 IX. Augustinum etiam Iuliani Pelagiani ar­gumentis non satisfecisse.
  • 10 X. Si triumphus Ecclesiae de Pelagianis ni­teretur posterioribus Augustini scriptis, immerito de eis illa triumphasset.
  • 11 XI. Volentem sustinere partes Iuliani, non posse Augustini rationibus convinci.
  • [Page 59]12 XII. Augustini Theologiam de originalis peccati traduce esse rusticanam.
  • 13 XIII. Ex Augustini opinione de peccato o­riginali cogimur incidere in sententiam Pelagii.
  • 14 XIV. Augustinum sacrarum Scripturarum auctoritatem sua expositione evacuare & ludibrio in­fidelium exponere.
  • 15 XV. Augustinum quasi sub caligine consti­turum ad veritatem a Patribus inventam non atten­disse.
  • 16 XVI. Augustini sententiam fidelium non paucos turbasse, ejusque auctoritate perculsos in Pelagianismum declinasse.
  • 17 XVII. Augustini sententiam a multis du­ram nimis indignamque divina bonitate ac clemen­tia judicari, non mirum.
  • 18 XVIII. Ab Augustino aliisque idem senti­entibus peti posse undenam suae sententiae certitudi­nem hauserint.
  • 19 XIX. Augustini vestigiis non esse insisten­dum, sed aliter philosophandum.
  • 20 XX. Augustini locutiones quamvis aliquo sensu veras, improprias tamen esse nec frequentan­das.
  • 21 XXI. Utrum Augustinus contra quod sen­tiamus sentiat, non admodum referre.
  • 22 XXII. Non recte dici potest, illud saltem necessario ab omnibus esse tenendum quod Augusti­nus tenuit nec retractavit.

P. Annatus hoc anno 1653. edidit Parisiis volu­men, iu cujus libro octavo integro collegit dicta quae aliis contra Divum Augustinum exciderunt, vel certe non dicuntur de doctrina D. Augustini in ma­teria de gratia in qua est approbatus ab Ecclesia, & tamen ipse applicat huic materiae, & sunt ita indig­na, ut ipsemet erubescat cap. 3. & ad decretum Cle­mentis VIII. quo in principio disputationum de Auxiliis cavit sequendum esse D. Augustinum, re­spondet solum jussiisse ut inquireretur sententia Au­gustini, nempe ut retineretur, quod perspicuum es­set, illud voluisse, non autem quidquid constaret eum dixisse, atque ita saepe dixit D. Augustinum minus voluisse & plus dixisse, quod est revera con­cedere quod D. Augustinus excessit, contra expres­sam definitionem Caelestini in epistola ad Episcopos Galliae cap. 3. Unde idem P. Annatus pag. 172. di­cit D. Augustinum suavi interpretatione torquen­dum in alteram partem.

Il Padre Adamo [...]iesuita in un libro che egli fece stampare doi anni fa intitolato, Il Calvino disfatto da se stesso; & per l'armi di S. Agostino, dice le cose sequenti, il quale libro e in lingua Francese.

23 Che la luce delli libri di questo santo e grave Dottore e coperta di tenebre e di nuvole; che la sua dottrina e intricatissima, come che da se stessa si combatte esi distrugge.

24 S. Agostino none riuscito nell [...] scelta delle sue opinioni ne delli fondamenti con li quali si pro­va, talche ci ha lasciata l'assolutissima liberta de se­guitarli overo d'applicarci ad un altro partito, ben­che li sia contrario, anzi che lui istesso dubita spesse volte intorno alla certezza dell' opinioni che egli insegna.

25 Che non ha voluto parlar chiaro, overo che n'ha potuto spiegar li suoi pensieri con tanta fa­cilita, che non ci ha luogo di dubitare delle sue in­tentioni.

26 Che nella guerra che egli ha fatto contra li Pelagiani ha datto in estremita pericolose.

27 Certo e che S. Agostino ha parlato con er­rore in materia della gratia e cella predestinatione, gia che bisogna addolcire e temperare le sue parole per non trapassare della lor aspressa ad un errore con­tra [...]io, mi sara troppo lecito di cercar un tempera­mento Catolico.

28 M'e permesso di revocare ad un giusto tem­peramento tutto quello che li Dottori giudicano es­sere nell'eccesso.

29 Conforme al suo parere & al consiglio de santi Padri apporto quello temperamento convene­vole col quale fuggendo l'error de Pelagiani non cas­co nell'eccesso di S. Agostino. Perche io non caschi nell'error de Pelagiani con i quali S. Agostino com­batte e ci obligo di seguitar l'impeto e tutta la forza delle parole delle quali eglisi serve per convincerli? Per questo io tengo il meso tra Pelagio e Calvino: se con voler temperare le parole di S. Agostino calassi io troppo in qui sa [...]ei subito Pelagiano; cosi se an­cora volessi io stare nella lor forza sarei Calvinista: mi tengo io dunque nel meso con la Chiesa.

30 L'opinioni di Calvino si trovano provate in certi luoghi delli libri di S. Agostino, se vi applica­te all apparenza sola delli termini.

31 Basta a me che io costringa il mio adversa­rio a consessare che S. Agostino secondo l'apparenza delli termini ha parlato a favore delli doi partiti, cioe della Chiesa e di Calvino.

32 Benche li Pelagiani havessero predicato con­tra quest'opinioni, la Chiesa non l'haveria mai po­tuto metter nell'indice o catalogo de gl'Eretici.

33 L'opinioni di S. Agostino sono feroci.

34 E lecito detestare qu [...]ll' opinione 'laquale assevera il peccato originale esser sondamento col quale viene giustificata la distintione che Dio ha fat­to delli salvati dalli dannati.

35 Questo mancamento non e tanto colpevole che non l'habb ia Iddio suppotrato in questi Autori che inspirava, che noi chiamamo canonici, che parlono conforme alla loro imaginatione nell'espri­mere le cose che Iddio gli ha revelate, che il foco e l'ardore che era naturale a S. Paolo era bastevole a trasportarlo in espressione di questa natura, e l'istesso afferma di David nel Psal. 11.

Oltre le sopradette cose in tutto il suo libro dice piu cose dell'istesse conditioni contra l'autorita di S. Agostino come si puo'l vedere.

Il Padre Caussino nel 2. tomo della sua Corte santa, massima 6. della predestinatione, n. 2. com­posto in lingua Francese cosi dice.

Non e in raggione di spaventarsi dalle parole di S. Paulo e di S. Agostino che senza fare nessuna ri­flessione sopra le nostre buone opere, pare che diano ogni cosa alla semplice volonta di Dio, perche ha­vemo da considerare questi doi gran cervelli giusto come doi grandissimi mari quali si gonfiano con l'­impeto del lor genio, di tal maniera in una riva che paiono voler lasciar l'altra senza aqua per un pezzo; ma come l'Oceano doppo di essersi larga­mente diffuso d'una banda, torna poi a i limiti, che Dio li ha prescritti, cosi nell'istessa maniera questi doppo di essersi inaspriti contro li rebelli della Chiesa, che combattono la verita, tornano poi in un temperamento pacifico per l'edificatione del­la Chiesa di Dio.

P. Pallavicinus Jesuita in Collegio Romano anno superiori 1652. in tractatu de Deo uno & trino, quem legit suis discipulis, in unico Sect. disput. de praedestinatione expresse docet,

  • 1. S. Augustinum non recte interpretatum esse Scripturas circa praedestinationem.
  • 2. Doctrinam S. Augustini de praedestinatione fa­vere haeresi Calvini.
  • 3. Recentes Jesuitas accuratiores esse antiquis Patribus, scilicet S. Augustino, S. Thoma & aliis.

The tenth Writing.
Rationes ob quas Patres Societatis adversus Jan­senium commoventur.
Ratio propter quam tam acerbo Jansenium odio prosequuntur Patres Societatis Jesu est, quia in fine sui operis quatuor capitulis & octuaginta nobis ostendit maximam sententiae ipsorum cum Pelagianorum & Semipelagianorum errore in re & in verbis convenientiam.

Outwardly Inscrib'd,

And within containing these words:

PAuca ex multis eligimus.

1 Dicebant Pelagiani & Semipelagiani re­moveri omnem industriam, tollique virtutes, si Dei constitutio humanas praeveniat voluntates, & sub hoc praedestinationis nomine fatalem quandam in­duci necessitatem, tolli libertatem arbitrii, afferri desperationem, induci socordiam, torporem & ignaviam, studium virtutis retundi; incitari homi­nes ad licentiam ac dissolutionem vitae, laudem de­trahi operibus bonis, orationes refrigescere, spem tolli, frustra exhortationes & correptiones esse, ze­lum animorum extingui, Deum fore acceptatorem personarum, peccata in Deum refundi, & homi­nes condi ut peccent.

Idem in terminis fere dicunt 2 Vasquez, 3 Lessius, 4 Molina & alii: sic enim expresse Les­sius de praedestinatione sect. 6. n. 79. Nihil videtur magis inducere torporem & desperationis metum, quam persua sio illa, de omnibus & singulis absque ullo operum intuitu tam firmiter esse statutum, & res omnes sic disponi ut omnia eveniant sicut absolutis illis & inflexibilibus & plusquam adamantinis de­cretis est sancitum. Quae decreta vocat alibi 5 fa­talem necessitatem, eodemque modo loquuntur 6 alii.

7 Dicebant Pelagiani & Semipelagiani non da­ri gratiam quae humanam sibi subjiciat voluntatem, quia destruit libertatem quando datur; quando vero non datur, praeceptum est impossibile, & hic fru­stra sunt praecepta, exhortationes & correptiones, & sola opus est oratione: absurdum enim est ut De­us petat ab homine sieri quae ipse per fatalem grati­am debet facere; unde etiam totum tribuitur gratiae & nihil narurae.

Idem docent hi recentiores. 8 Lessius de gra­tia efficaci cap. 9. n. 9. Antequam detur motio effi­cax, inquit, est in hominis potestate eam habere. Et cap, 7. Sequitur, inquit, praecepta Dei esse impossibi­lia. Et cap. 9. de gratia efficaci, Frustra erunt, in­quit, praecepta, consilia, exhortationes & correptio­nes. Et 9 Molina 1 p. q. 14. a. 13, disp. 53. m. 2. Datur, inquit, locus illorum Monachorum opinioni qui dicebant hominem non corripiendum; sed solum o­randum. Et alii multa similia dicunt.

10 Pelagiani & Semipelagiani dicebant Deum quantum est de se, velle omnes homines salvos fi­eri, si tamen ipsi velint, quod etiam ampliabant ad parvulos. Ex qua voluntate statuunt beneficia omnibus ex aequo communia, Christi mortem, gra­tiam sufficientem, etiam actualem internam, sine qua homo non potest, quae dat posse, si homo ve­lit, quam homo reddit efficacem vel inefficacem, qua posita Deus expectat volunratem, quia pendet a nutu hominis; alias opus nullius esset laudis aut me­riti, & voluntas non laesa sed totaliter extincta vi­deretur, & alia his connexa.

Idem docent hi recentiores. 11 Molina 1 p. q. 23. disp. 1. m. 8. dicens Deum quantum in se est, velle omnium salurem si homo velit. 12 Lessius lib. de praedest. sect. 6. dicit omnes esse divini auxi­lii participes. Et lib. de gratia efficaci c. 11. dicit omnes per illam posse si velint. Et c. 10. dicit esse in potestate nostra reddere gratiam praevenientem efficacem vel inefficacem. Et c. 4. dicit Deum ex­pectare ut homo consentiat & purgari velit. Et c. 10. dicit influxum gratiae pendere a libero arbitrio, & alia his similia dicit.

13 Pelagiani & Semipelagiani citabant quaedam loca Scripturae, ut illud, Vult omnes homines salvos fieri, Christus pro omnibus mortuus est, Hodie si vocem ejus audieritis, &c. Quoties volui congregare filios tuos, &c. Vae tibi Corozaim, vae tibi Bethsaida, [Page 61] quia si in Tyro & Sidone, &c. & alia plura, quae ad suum errorem explicabant, utebantur auctoritati­bus Patrum, maxime Graecorum, imo & ipsius Au­gustini, in iis quae ante Episcopatum scripserat, quem dicebant se in caeteris admirari, sed in hoc capite ac­cusabant tanquam turbarum auctorem; & tandem dicebant de his posse sine detrimento fidei disputa­ri.

Iisdem locis & eodem modo explicatis utuntur recentiores, ut patet ex 14 Lessio de praedest. sect. 3. & 15 Molina 1. p. q. 23. art. 4. & 5. disp. 1. m. 3. & m. ult. ubi etiam dicit in caeteris magnam haberi reverentiam D. Augustino & D. Thomae: accusat tamen D. Augustinum tanquam turbarum auctorem; & tandem dicunt nihil in hac re defini­tum esse, ut patet ex praefatione Lessii ad opuscu­lum de praedestinatione.

The eleventh Writing.
Quatuor à me quaeruntur.

PRimum est, Utrum in Jansenio habeatur locus aliquis in quo admittat, aliquando gratiae inte­riori resisti?

Respondeo brevissime, haberi; & primo quidem quantum ad gratiam interiorem intellectus, admit­tit expresse Jansenius illi aliquando resisti, ut patet ex lib. 1. de grat. Christi cap. 16. ubi explicans gra­tiam intellectus, dicit, illius proprium effectum es­se dare cognitionem, facere ut homo sciat & cog­noscat; & haec cognitio, inquit, aeque bene potest in eo qui resistit quam qui obtemperat suae scientiae & conscientiae. Unde enim alioquin dicerentur ali­qui rebelles lumini?

2. Quantum ad gratiam ipsi voluntati internam, etiam admittit Iansenius, quod illi aliquando resi­statur. Patet primo ex lib. 2. de grat. Christi c. 27. ex lib. 4. de grat. Christi c. 16, 17, & 18. Nam in c. 16. ait, quod gratia excitans excitat voluntatem ad imperfecta desideria: gratia vero adjuvans adju­vat infirmitatem ne in conatibus suis imperfectis cassa maneat & inanis. Et infra, conatus, inquit ex D. Bernardo, liberi arbitrii cassi sunt ad bonum, si non adjuventur; nulli, si non excitentur.

Lib. 8. c. 2. Delectatio victrix, quae Augustino est efficax adjutorium, relativa est: tunc enim est vi­ctrix, quando alteram superat: quod si contingat alteram ardentiorem esse, in solis inefficacibus de­sideriis haerebit animus, nec efficaciter unquam vo­let quod volendum est. Lib. etiam 8. c. 16. admit­tit cum Tridentino & S. Augustino, hominem pos­se dissentire, posse gratiam abjicere.

Secundum quod a me quaeritur, est, Utrum Ianse­nius admiserit praeter gratiam efficacem aliam suffi­cientem?

Respondeo: Vel quaestio est de re ipsa, vel de nomine; si de re, certum est Iansenium admisisse quantum ad rem, totum illud in quo recentiores Thomistae constituunt gratiam sufficientem: si de nomine, certum est ipsum noluisse illud admittere.

De re igitur constat: nam Thomistae aliqui dicunt gratiam sufficientem in hominibus justis esse ipsam gratiam habitualem, virtutes & dona; hanc admit­tit passim Iansenius lib. 3. de gratia Christi c. 15.

Alii Thomistae constituunt gratiam sufficientem in quibusdam illustrationibus, inspirationibus, &c. & ita Academia Salmanticensis in censura contra Molinam, & alii viri docti constituunt gratiam suffi­cientem in his solis illuminationibus: has admittit Iansenius lib. 1. de grat. Christi, c. 16.

Denique alii Thomistae admittunt gratiam suffici­entem, quae tamen est efficax respectu alicujus a­ctus imperfecti: quia enim per actus imperfectos homo disponitur ad actus perfectos, gratia quae est efficax respectu actuum imperfectorum, dicitur da­re posse respectu perfectorum, & sic dicitur gratia sufficiens respectu illorum; & hoc sensu Iansenius quantum ad rem admittit gratiam sufficientem, ut patet lib. 2. de grat. Christi, c. 27. in quo convenit cum Alvarez disp. 72. n. 13. disp. 80. n. 2. ubi citat M. Medinam 1. 2. q. 109. art. 10. Idem tenuit P. Thomas de Lemos in opusc. de gratia sufficiente & efficaci, & M. Herrera in tractaru de Auxiliis.

Quantum ad nomen, noluit admittere Iansenius gratiam sufficientem, primo propter aequivocatio­nem, quia nomine auxilii sufficientis intelligen­dum videtur ultra quod non requiritur aliud, & quia ultra auxilium illud sufficiens modo jam explicato requiritur aliud, idcirco Iansenius noluit vocare auxilium sufficiens, ne sub hoc nomine male intel­lecto everteretur auxilium efficax. Nam ipsi Tho­mistae qui vocant hoc auxilium sufficiens, dicunt il­lud esse sufficiens in suo genere, hoc est, ad dandum posse, non autem ad dandum posse cum effectu.

2. Quia semper B. Augustinus & B. Thomas, quando loquuntur de auxilio sufficienti, sumunt sufficiens pro efficaci. Patet hoc ex S. Augustino lib. de grat. & lib. atb. cap. 15. Qui voluerit & non potuerit, nondum se plauè velle cognoscat, & oret ut habeat tantam voluntatem, quanta sufficit ad im­plenda mandata: sic quippe adjuvatur ut faciat quod jubetur. Et cap. 16. Certum est nos mandata serva­re si volumus; sed quia praeparatur voluntas à Do­mino, ab illo petendum est ut tantum velimus, quan­tum sufficit ut volendo faciamus. Et D. Thomas 1 p. q. 105. art. 4. docet voluntatem non posse moveti sufficienter & efficaciter nisi a Deo, ubi clarissime pro eodem sumit sufficienter & efficaciter.

Tertium quod a me quaeritur, est, Utrum ex Au­gustino possit adduci aliquid pro gratia sufficiente?

Respondeo, si nomine gratiae sufficientis intelli­gatur gratia efficax, quam D. Augustinus vocat suf­ficientem, infinita sunt loca pro gratia hoc modo sufficienti. Insignis locus ex cap. 12. lib. de corr. & grat. ubi ait: Subventum est igitur infirmitati vo­luntatis humanae, ut divina gratia insuperabiliter & indeclinabiliter ageretur. Et cap. 8. de praedest. Sanctor. Haec gratia à nullo duro corde respuitur, &c.

Si autem nomine gratiae sufficientis intelligitur gratia quae est efficax respectu voluntatis imperfectae, & quae dat posse respectu actus perfecti, sic infinita sunt etiam loca cap. 17. de grat. & lib. arb. Qui ergo vult servare Dei mandata & non potest, habet quidem voluntatem bonam, sed adhuc parvam & in­validam, &c. Et cap. 16. ibid. & cap. 12. de corr. & grat.

Si vero nomine gratiae sufficientis intelligitur au­xilium aliquod quod dat posse, non tamen sit deter­minabile a voluntate, illud videtur admittere, cap. 11. de corr. & grat. Nunc autem quibus deest tale ad­jutorium, poena peccati est; quibus autem datur, se­cundum [Page 62] gratiam datur, & non secundum debitum. Et in cap. 7. & cap. 16. de praedest. SS. distinguit duplicem vocationem; alteram qua vocati sunt qui noluerunt venire Iudaei & Gentiles: alteram se­cundum propositum, qua vocatione fit credens. Et in ep. 106. ad Paulinum; & hoc ipsum satis clare ostendit Hilarius scribens S. Augustino, Sect. Dein­de molestè ferunt.

Denique si gratiae sufficientis nomine intelligatur gratia ultra quam nulla est alia necessaria, sed quae a libero arbitrio determinetur, respondeo hujus me­minisse S. Augustinum non tanquam a se assertae, sed tanquam a se in posterioribus scriptis impugnatae, ut patet ex cap. 3. de praedest. SS. & de gratia Christi cap. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 20.

Quartum quaesitum est, an Congregationes quas in alio scripto citavi, sint coram summis Pontifici­bus Clemente VIII. & Paulo V. vel inter ipsos Consultores, & quibus verbis hae propositiones dis­cussae, defensae & approbatae fuerint?

Respondeo omnes Congregationes quas citavi cum nota anni 1602. & supra, esse coram Summis Pontificibus. Propositiones vero hae quinque sub eisdem fere terminis sunt discussae, ut patet ex alio brevi scripto; fuerunt autem defensae in hoc sensu:

Prima, quod non sunt impossibilia praecepta, quia homo per gratiam sufficientem habet posse, non ta­men habet posse cum effectu.

Secunda vero, tertia, quarta, quinta in sensu allato defensae sunt & approbatae, in quantum de­terminatum est dari gratiam de se efficacem sine qua homo non potest facere.

Three Writings compos'd by a Learned Dominican upon the three first Pro­positions, and made use of by Cardinal Roma for his instruction in these matters, as is mention'd Part. 5. Chap. 9.

The first Writing.
Error cui non resistitur, approbatur; & veritas quae minime defensatur, opprimitur. Felix Papa ad Accacium Episcopum Constanti­nopolit. in Baron. ann. 483.

INstat vehementius apud Sedem Apostolicam al­tercantium Sorbonicorum pars altera pro censu­ra aliquot propositionume Jansenio depromptarum: Altera pars eas ut ab Augustino assertas, sic & bonas esse ac Theologicas asserit, neque sine veritatis prae­judicio damnari posse contendit. Incaluere in hac contentione dissidentium animi; certaturque inter eos ingenti quodam (si utrisque creditur) & Religi­onis, & in Sedem Apostolicam reverentiae certa­mine, quo se illi causam hujus Sedis agere dicunt, dum suspecti jam & ab ea proscripti Iansenii errores detegunt & damnari percupiunt. Hi vero & pro ea­dem Petri Cathedra se stare profitentur, dum pro­bati toties & a tot Pontificibus consecrati Augustini oracula, vel pro ipsius Apostolicae firmitatis nomine inconcussa manere volunt, inconcussa desiderant.

Esset utrorumque laudandus zelus, si (quod in tanta sententiarum repugnantia nequit) in utrius­que secundum scientiam nec aliunde posset prae­sumi, quod alterutri hunc zelum mentiantur, aut quia fortassis decepti sunt, & veritatem non vident quam videre se credunt, aut quia nimio partium stu­dio & ardore vincendi, & pudore cedendi agnitam fortassis veritatem sponte deserunt, & consulto decipere volunt. Experiendi igitur eorum animi, & dicta solertius expendenda: ne, si minus caute in hac causa proceditur, aut faveatur mendacio, aut veritati detrahatur, &, quod utrumque foret intu­tum, vel sub pallio Augustini effugiat Jansenius, vel sub Jansenii nomine vapulet Augustinus.

Itaque ambiguas propositiones, nec in ea sensuum aequivocatione, quam continent, ullo modo defini­biles, juxta Philosophi monitum, distinguendas prius existimem, ne, si indistinctae definiantur, per falsitatis latus impetitam se clamet veritas: Et (quod in damnatione articulorum Baii contigit) non paci & tranquillitati Ecclesiae sat plane consultum sit, sed acriori disputationum & turbarum flammae sug­gesta materies, dum alia & alia de damnati, nec clare expositi in qualibet propositione sensus fiet in­terpretatio.

PRIMA PROPOSITIO.
Aliqua Dei praecepta hominibus justis volenti­bus & conantibus secundum praesentes quas habent vires sunt impossibilia: deest quoque iis gratia qua possibilia fiant.
CAPUT. I.
Assignantur sensus propositionis erronei & dam­nati.

VIdetur primo intuitu illegitimus esse & intole­rabilis hujus propositionis sensus. Primo quia affinis errori haereticorum nostri temporis, qui dicunt, Praecepta Dei esse impossibilia etiam viris ju­stis, nec per divinae gratiae quantumcumque auxili­um impleri posse. Secundo quia contrarius de creto Concil. Trid. sess. 6, can 18. Si quis dixerit Dei praecepta homini etiam justificato & sub gratia con­stituto esse ad observandum impossibilia, anathema sit. Tertio, quia adversans dicto B. Augustini lib. de na­tura & gratia cap. 49. Firmissime creditur Deum justum & bonum impossibilia non potuisse praecipere. Quarto, quia idem Augustinus lib. de haeres. Ma­nich. cap. 3, dixit: Omnes homines posse se conver­tere ad Dei praecepta observanda si velint, quia illud lumen omnem hominem illuminat venientem in hunc mundum. Igitur si in eo sensu sumatur propositio, ut absolutam praeceptorum impossibilitatem, nullo divinae gratiae auxilio superandam importet: du­bium non est quin haeretica sit & in legislatorem Deum horrendo blasphema.

Rursum erronea erit & impertinens propositio, si a justis quamdiu manent justi, removere intel­ligatur gratiam necessariam ad abstinendum a pec­cato mortali, & implenda consequenter praecepta ex quorum transgressione peccarent mortaliter: cum enim non sit justus quisquam, nisi quamdiu [Page 63] perseverat absque culpa lethali; sequitur necessa­rio necessitate suppositionis, quod quamdiu manet justus, hoc habeat per gratiam perseverantiae, qua fiunt ei praecepta possibilia, & movetur efficaciter pro loco & tempore ad ea implenda, & declinan­dum a peccato. Unde erroneum foret, nedum contra fidem, sed & contra ipsumrationis lumen, hanc gratiam possibilitatis praeceptorum a justo quamdiu manet justus, removere voluisse.

Hi sunt sensus in hac propositione tam manifeste falsi, & tam ad primam propositionis superficiem cuique occurrentes, ut sperarint forsan qui censurae propositionis insistunt, ex horum horrore mox eam damnandam. Et si eorum subdolam mentem ex factis non sinceris liceat penetrare, hinc factum puto quod praeter disciplinae regulas, sub vaga, in­definita & incircumscripta terminorum expressione examinandam Sedi Apostolicae propositionem ob­tulerint, quo sub ea illimitatione ob pravos quos continet sensus indistincte damnatam, in iis quoque quos oppugnant sensibus Theologicis damnatam mentirentur, & apud imperitos lo canerent, ac quasi pro magna quam sibi pepetissent victoria in­sulse triumpharent: Distinctione igitur, ut dixi, opus est, ne quo ictu religioso perimitur falsitas, putetur & eodem sacrilego cecidisse & veritas.

CAPUT. II.
Praemonitum necessarium ad investigandos sen­sus bonos & Theologicos propositionis contro­versae, ac ferendum de ea judicium.

MAndatorum possibilitas, relativum quid est, & ordinem dicit ad potentiam activam, quae in homine reperitur ad mandata implenda. Cum igitur mandata dicantur homini possibilia non per naturam, sed per gratiae sufficientiam, duplex distinguenda est gratiae sufficienta quam Scholae in­troduxerunt, moxque attendendum quaenam illa sit quam Jansenius pernegat in propositione ab eo asserta, & quae per propositionis proscriptionem consequenter adstruitur.

Asserunt & D. Thomae recentiores discipuli & Molinae defensores sufficientem gratiam, sed non utrique eamdem, imo hi & illi diversissimam toto caelo: quippe Thomistarum gratia sufficiens in­completa est ad opus: Molinae vero sequacium com­pletissima.

Gratia sufficiens Thomistarum non talis est per quam homo in natura lapsa unquam de facto aut bonum operetur, aut fuerit operaturus, aut sit o­peraturus, sed per quam constituatur potens ad bo­num operandum, nunquam tamen de facto opere­tur, nisi huic gratiae sufficienti supervenerit efficacis gratiae auxilium. 1 Ut enim, inquiunt, oculus sanus quamvis aut somno ligatus, aut in tenebri­coso constitutus loco, dicitur potens ad videndum, quamvis nec actu videat, nec visurus actu sit, nisi superveniente lumine & concurrente auxilio primae causae ad productionem actionis vitalis: ita & po­tens constituitur homo ad opus bonum per auxilium gratiae sufficientis, quamvis nunquam bonum ipsum de facto aut velit aut operetur, aut sit actu opera­turus, nisi superveniente gratia efficaci, quae, ut ait Apostolus, operatur in nobis & velle & perficere. Hanc gratiam sufficientem nunquam vel ab Augu­stino vel a D. Thoma expresse memoratam ab eo­rum, ut putant, principiis deduxere eorum discipuli. Absque hoc tamen quod contendant, illum omni homini ad omne opus & pro omni tempore ac mo­mento adesse: siquidem Cardinalis Bellarminus, qui cum Thomistis hanc gratiam sufficientem ad­mittit, probat simul 2 nullam fore in Deo injusti­tiam, si om ibus eam denegaret; Et rursum per multa argumenta efficacissima ostendit hujusmodi 3 auxilium Dei sufficiens & necessa ium ad re­surgendum a peccato non adesse omnibus momentis.

E contra gratia sufficiens quam Molina & ejus discipuli invexerunt, cumulatissima est, & talis quod praeter illam, 4 nihil aliud ex parte Dei per mo­dum principii necessarium sit, ut homo nedum di­catur posse velle aut posse operari, sed de facto ve­lit & opetetur absque novo aliquo gratiae efficacis juvamine; cum ipsamet gratia ex sui natura suffi­ciens a libero assensu & co-operatione voluntatis ef­ficaciam & efficacis gratiae sortiatur appellationem. Hanc asserunt & deberi & dari a Deo omnibus ho­minibus quibus praecepta et leges imponit, ideo­que iis sive fidelibus, sive infidelibus, sive justis, sive peccatoribus etiam obcaecatis et obduratis, omni loco et momento esse praesentissimam, nec nisi in­jutia subtrahendam.

In hac explicandae sufficientis gratiae tam lata di­versitate Cornelius Jansenius Episcopus Iprensis sufficientem gratiam a Molina et ejus sequacibus as­sertam, utpote jam in Pelagio damnatam, valide impugnat; illam vero quae a Thomistis statuitur nec admittit, nec rejicit, aut 5 ullam prote­statur habere se de illa controversiam: imo censet & expressis verbis fatetur, quod 6 tale auxilium sufficiens fortasse non difficulter S. Augustinus admit­teret, quamvis esse veram illam Christi gratiam, de qua cum Pelagio quaestio erat, pernegaret, ut et per­negant ipsi Thomistae.

Igitur cum in odium Jansenii et ex occasione proscripti ejus operis delata fuerit ad Sedem Apo­stolicam controversae propositionis querela & ipsius exposita damnatio: delatorum mens ea est ut dam­netur in sensu Jansenii, aut saltem ut dum indistin­cte damnetur, in sensu Jansenii damnata fingi que­at. Parum illis est, ut damnetur in alio sensu, nisi damnetur, aut damnata credatur in eo quern im­pugnant: impugnant vero illam, in quantum as­serit justis volentibus & conantibus non semper a­desse praesentes vites, hoc est, sufficientiam gratiae Molinisticae, qua eis praecepta quaecunque fiant om­ni momento possibilia. Igitur et in hoc sensu eam proscribi volunt, aut posse fingi proscriptam. Pa­rum illis est quod per hujus propositionis censuram [Page 64] deinceps dicendum sit, adesse justis volentibus & conantibus praesentissimam omni momento grati­am sufficientem, assertam a Bellarmino et Thomi­stis, qua eis fiant praecepta possibilia per potentiam, quae nunquam nisi rursum obstetricante manu Do­mini et efficacis gratiae impulsu voluntates determi­nante sit in actum exitura: hanc enim nec Tho­mistae semper adesse contendunt; nec si praesens semper admitteretur, Molina collaudaret. Pedis­sequam igitur voluntatis humanae gratiam quam do­ [...]t, & quam unicam Christi Salvatoris medici­nalem gratiam admittunt adstrui desiderant, eam­que ex controver [...]ae propositionis censura firmiter stabilitam, et in fidei Ecclesiasticae canonem jam relatam posse celebrari peroptant.

Non hoc dicunt, non hoc fatentur, hoc tamen quaetunt, et eo certiori spe obtinendi quod quae­runt, quo per cuniculos subreptionis apud Sedem Apostolicam obrepentes se latere existimant, sicque delusa Pontificis vigilantia sub propositionis uni­versalissimae, indefinitae, ambiguae, et aequivocae, ac primo auditu nescio quid intolerabile resonantis po­stulata censura, suae simul non minus formidandae Molinisticae gratiae improvisam & incogitatam peni­tus Sedis Apostolicae definitionem obtinere se pos­se arbitrantur. Versipelles Oratores! Imo (quod invitus et dolens dico) sacrilegi omnino Sedis A­postolicae deceptores, qui mentiri audent Spiritui Sancto, & a Cathedra Petri, dum unum quid per speciem et apparentiam bonum petere se simulant, aliud non bonum, nec unquam sciente et vidente Petro approbandum, per fraudis iniquissimae ma­las artes non jam obtinere, sed furari moliuntur! Deponant semel larvam quam gerunt, et liparium quo teguntur amoveant, et aperte dicant quaerere se a Sede Apostolica, ut quod sub Clemente VIII. et Paulo V. post celebres septem supra quadraginta Congregationes de Auxiliis habitas, adhibitis gra­vissimis Consultoribus, auditis acerrimis disputa­tionibus in eorum doctrina prope damnatum fuit, modo sub unius larvatae propositionis proscriptione sine strepitu, sine disputationibus, sine partium ad­vocatione sanum, sanctum, et Catholicum decla­retur.

Hoc quaerunt, et hoc certissime obtinent, si quam postulant propositionis damnationem repor­tant. Cum enim ex censura propositionis a Jan­senio assertae, in odium J [...]nsenii delatae, et conse­quenter non in alio quam Jansenii sensu damnatae reputandae inevitabiliter resultet adesse omni tem­pore gratiam sufficientem Molinisticam, hoc est, humanae voluntatis pedissequam (quam solam et unicam Jansenius pernegat) qua justis volentibus et conantibus omni momento suppetant vires prae­sentissimae ad implenda quaecunque praecepta quan­tumvis difficilia; Jam certissime transiverit in rem judicatam tota lis, quae post tot Congregationes consultissimas manserat indecisa; et felicissimo et inexpectato olim rerum successu, nova Molinae doctrina (quam ejus assertores tum coram sum­mis Pontificibus protestabantur, non eo animo suscepisse defendendam ut ostenderent esse Catho­licam, sed solum ut probarent non esse aut haereti­cam aut damnandam) nedum damnata extiterit, nedum haeretica declarata, deinceps ex manifesta consequentia decreti Apostolici, quod contra pro­positionem controversam tam astute quaeritur et tam instanter petitur, et sana et Catholica manebit approbata, ideoque et in posterum inter Catholi­cos sola docenda, unica profitenda.

Agitur itaque de summa rerum, et quod olim dicebat, in hostem conflicturus Imperator, Hodie in uno orbis angulo de totius imperio dimicatur: agitur, inquam, in uno articulo de totius corporis salute et vita; de tota dico fide sacrosancta, quam in causa liberi hominis arbitrii, gratiae Christi medi­cinalis et gratuitae Sanctorum praedestinationis a Paulo Gentium Doctore assertam, a Pelagio et Mas­siliensibus impetitam, acies Ecclesiae per viginti et amplius annos Augustino Doctore fortiter dimicans illaesam vindicavit. Delitescit enim tota in hac una propositione quae Sedis Apostolicae judicium hodie praestolatur, ut cum hac stante stet tota, cum hac cadente tota concidat. Si enim damnatur propo­sitio Jansenii, asseritur eo ipso gratia Molinae quam solam propositio negat, et solam Jansenius impug­nat; pro gratia Christi humanorum cordium victrice & domina stabilitur gratia creatae voluntatis serva & pedissequa; libero arbitrio humano bonorum o­perum gloria adscribitur; praedest natio Sanctorum non jam ex vocante, sed ex operib [...]s praedicatur: electorum salus aeterna non amplius miserenti Deo, sed volenti & currenti homini plenissima deputatur; atque ut uno verbo concludam, pro solidissima & sacratissima ac per omnes Ecclesiae aetates usque ad Molinam celebrata fidei doctrina quae ab [...]i [...]itur, nova Massiliensis farinae molitura cum sui remolito­ris Molinae novis & pejoribus paraturis in Ecclesiae sanctuarium importatur.

Haec praemonuisse oportuit pro causae gravitate, pro veritatis munimine, pro Religionis zelo, & pro gratiae Dei, qua Christiani sumus, debita defen­sione: nec homines notasse velim, quos ut Ecclesiae filios impense veneror: sed facta detexisse, quae parum sincera doleo, & doctrinae novae aut ex Mas­siliensium antiquis ruderibus de novo erutae sensus noxios, aut pravas sequelas revelasse, quas nec tam acriter quidem aut severe perstrinxissem pro reve­rentia judicis id vetantis, nisi apud ipsum judicem ageretur, cui non aliter & judicii ipsius momenta, & causae pericula, et structi laquei, et opertae fove ae, et paratae insidiae poterant aperiri.

CAPUT. III.
Exponuntur sensus propositionis controversae bo­ni & legitimi, ac supra omnem censurae me­tum sua firmitate solidissimi.

1 PRimum est, Justis quandiu manent justi, etiam si velint aut conentur, non semper adesse gra­tiam necessariam, qua secundum praesentes quas ha­bent vires, ab omni peccato veniali abstineant, aut prae­ceptum omne, cujus transgressio sit venialis, implere possint. Ratio hujus est: quia cum venialia non tollant justitiam, imo de fide sit, nulli praeter Dei­parae concessam gratiam qua ab omni peccato venia­li posset abstinere; dicente vel ipso Apostolo Jo­anne: Quoniam si dixerimus quia peccatum non habemus, ipsi nos seducimus, & veritas in nobis non est: [Page 65] Consequens est justo, quamdiu manet justus, non semper adesse gratiam necessariam, qua quodlibet virtutis opus aut praeceptum quodlibet, cujus omis­sio vel transgressio sit venialis, fiat ei possi­bile.

Secund. est, Justis ut sic simpliciter sumptis, & absque illa reduplicatione suppositae perseverantiae in eo statu, non semper adesse gratiam necessariam quâ possint implere, aut de facto impleant praecepta sub mortali culpa obligantia. Ratio est: quia cum justus cadit a statu justitiae, cadit utique per transgressio­nem mortalem alicujus praecepti. At in hanc non caderet, si gratiam necessariam ad implendum prae­ceptum haberet, cum talis gratia sit efficax, & ut loquitur Paulus, operetur velle & perficere. Ergo hoc ipsum quod cadit, probatio est manifesta, non ipsi gratiam adfuisse qua staret. Ideo dicere justos non semper posse secundum praesentes vires quas ha­bent, implere praecepta, non est aliud, quam im­potentiam hujusmodi justis illis adscribere, qui per peccatum aliquod a justitia decidunt, & negare quod hi a Deo acceperint donum perseveran­tiae.

Propositio juxta utrumque hunc sensum intelle­cta, tam est certa & vera, quam verum est, quod ju­giter experimur, nec justum quemquam semper a peccatis venialibus abstinere, nec omnes justos in statu justitiae semper perseverare.

CAPUT IV.
Probatur itaque sic explicata propositio, & osten­ditur auctoritatibus & rationibus, aliqua Dei praecepta hominibus justis, volentibus & conan­tibus secundum praesentes quas habent vires esse impossibilia.

PRimo ex Concilio Tridentino 1 sess. 6. cap. 11. ubi mutuatis verbis ipsis Divi Augustini lib. de nat. & grat. c. 43. loquens expresse Concilium de justificatis sic dicit: Deus impossibilia non jubet, sed jubendo monet & facere quod possis, & petere quod non possis. Ex quibus verbis manifestissimum est fateri Concilium, Non adesse jugiter homini justo volenti & conanti vires praesentes, quibus possit implere prae­cepta quaecunque Divina, quodque praeterea eas debe­at à Deo humiliter petere. Si enim jam haberet gra­tiam sufficientem & vires praesentes (quales fingunt Molina ejusque discipuli) quibus posset praeceptum implere, false diceretur non posse, & absque ratio­ne moneretur orando satagere ut posset; ut enim pe­rite Augustinus lib. de nat. & grat. c. 18. Quid stul­tius est quàm orare ut facias quod in potestate ha­beas?

Secundo, ex Augustino 2 qui hanc eandem do­ctrinam constantissime repetit in locis innumeris su­orum operum, & contra Pelagianos praeceptorum possibilitatem contumaciter inculcantes, perpetuo docet praecepta esse possibilia ex viribus gratiae, quas cum nec justus praesto semper habeat, orando men­dicare debeat. Sic in lib. de nat. & grat. cap. 15. Itaque praecepto facere commonemur quod conantes & nostris viribus non valentes adjutorium divinum pre­cemur. Et cap. 69. Eo ipso quo firmissimè creditur Deum justum & bonum impossibilia non potuisse prà­cipere, hinc admonemur & in facilibus quid agamus, & in difficilibus quid petamus. Et in lib. de spirit. & lit. cap.— Ideo enim lex jubet, ut admoneat quid fa­ciat fides, ut cui jubetur, si nondum potest, sciat quid petat; si autem continuò potest, & obedienter fa­cit, debet etiam scire, quo donante potest. Et lib. de grat. & lib. arb. cap. 16. Magnum aliquid Pelagia­ni se scire putant, quando dicunt, non juberet Deus, quod sciret non posse ab homine fieri; quis hoc nesciat? sed ideo jubet aliqua quae non possumus, ut noverimus quid ab illo petere debeamus. Ipsa enim est fides quae orando impetrat, quod lex imperat. Haec & similia habet Augustinus lib. de perf. justit. cap. 3. & 4. tract. de ovibus cap. 1. tract. in Joan. 34. 66. & 96. serm. de divers. 44. cap. 2. & serm. 77. cap. 4. & serm. 106. cap. 1. & de verbis Apost. serm. 3. cap. 10. in Psalm 103. conc. 3. & in Psalm 106. & pluribus aliis locis quibus adversus Pelagianos fuse disputat, & exemplis a Scriptura adductis manifeste ostendit, non posse interdum justos etiam volen­tes & conantes ea implere quae volunt, & ad quae conantur praecepta implenda, quod eis secundum praesentes vires desint auxilia gratiae iis implendis necessaria.

Tertio ostenditur ejusdem propositionis veritas ex orationis necessitate tam a Christo non infidelibus (quomodo enim invocabunt, in quem non crediderunt? Rom. 10.) sed fidelibus & in eum credentibus & justis Apostolis inculcata, Oportet, inquit, orare semper & nunquam deficere. Luc. 18. & 11. Matt. 7. Si enim viris justis semper suppetunt praesentes vires ad im­plenda mandata & vitanda peccata, cur eis & a Christo & passim a toto Scripturarum canone pradi­catur jugis orandi necessitas & constans in oratione perseverantia? cur jubentur dicere, Et ne nos indu­cas in tentationem? si eis superandae tentationis po­testas praesentissima, cur gemitus, cur lachrymae, cur suspiria importuna quibus caelum tundant, ut quod jam habent petant? Abducit ergo justos a studio Orationis qui eis hunc praesumptionis sensum [Page 66] iniquissimum suggerere non formidat, quod mox ut in gratiam Dei admissi sunt, nequeunt unquam la­borare impotentia implendi quodvis mandatum quantumlibet difficile: hoc enim posito, jam neces­sarium non est ut ostium misericordiae pulsent tan­quam mendici, sed ut pro acceptis bonis gratias a­gant tanquam Pharisaei. Quid, quaeso, magis impi­um, aut doctrinae Christi magis adversans? Igitur ut vel monente Christo Orationis perseverantia eti­am justis est necessaria, utque aliunde perspicuum est eos qui Deum pro impetranda gratia deprecan­tur, ut tentationes vincant, in bono perseverent, & valeant facere quod jubentur, jam habere praecepti implendi voluntatem, sed deesse potestatem. Ita & luce clarius est, Aliqua Dei praecepta hominibus ju­stis volentibus & conantibus secundum praesentes quas habent vires, esse impossibilia, de [...]sse quique iis gratiam quâ possibilia fiant, ex quo pro ea impe­tranda orare compelluntur.

Quarto probatur propositionis veritas ex everso alioquin totius Chri [...]i [...]ae salutis fundamento soli­dissimo: humilitate, inquam, & casti [...]in o [...] & vir­tutum omnium custode [...]u [...]issima. Sierim existimas, quod [...]emel justificatus habes in te ipso sufficientem gratiam ill [...]m Molinisticam, hoc est, praesentissimas vires quae plane sufficiant, & vitandis venialibus, & exercendis virtutibus, & domandae concupiscentiae, & perseverandi in gratia, & tentationibus evincen­dis, quae omnia ad implenda Dei mandata requirun­tur; jam non est quod timeas, nec quod in studio humilitatis te tam sollicite contineas. Quae enim fundamenta hujus sanctae humilitatis, quae est totus & sincerissimus Evangelii spiritus?

Procul dubio haec sunt. Primum est, nosse & fa­teri, quod 1 quantumlibet justi nec passum move­re possumus in via Dei sine continuo ejus gratiae au­xilio nobis prorsus indebito, nec nisi per meram mi­sericordiam concedendo. Secundum, quod 3 in­validi sumus vincendis tentationibus sine ope Dei, qua deficiente nos cadere statim ac vinci necesse est. Tertium, quod circumferimus nobis-metipsis legem peccati, quae nos omni momento in scelus pertra­heret, ni valida manu Dei contineretur. Quar­tum, quod 3 debemus cum timore & tremore ope­rari salutem nostram, quia Deus est qui operatur in nobis velle & perficere pro bona voluntate sua. Quin­tum denique, quod humiliati sub manu potenti Dei, debemus jugiter in eadem anxietate palpitare, in qua olim sanctus David, qui quamvis & laetus & gratus pro inspirata sibi pietate, In toto corde meo exquisivi te: nihilominus tamen & deseri timebat, & ni desereretur orabat, Ne repellas me à mandatis tuis. Ecce orat (ait Augustinus in Psalm 118.) ut ad­juvetur ad custodienda mandata Dei. Nam utique hoc est, Ne repellas me à mandatis tuis. Quid est enim à Deo repelli, nisi non adjuvari? Assignat vero Augustinus egregiam rationem: Mandatis quippe ejus rectis atque arduis humana non contemperatur infirmitas (etiam in sancto & justo viro qualis e­rat David) nisi 4 praeveniens ejus adjuvat chari­tas: quos autem non adjuvat, hoc merito perhibe­tur repellere tanquam flammea framea prohibeantur indigni, ne manum extendant ad arborem vitae. Quis est autem dignus, ex quo per unum hominem peccatum intravit in mundum? sed indebita Dei misericordia sanatur debita nostra miseria, &c.

Haec sunt igitur Christianae humilitatis solidissima fundamenta quae procul dubio convelluntur, si ju­stificato nunquam desunt vires praesentissimae, qui­bus crescat in salutem, tentationum impetus fran­gat, concupiscentiae furores coerceat, velle & per­ficere mandata Dei sibi ipsi operetur, nec expecta­to novo eoque gratuito & indebito miserentis Dei adjutorio, pro volentis & currentis proprii arbitrii nutu in justitia perseveret; cur enim timeat, qui haec potest? Cur de se humiliter sen [...]iat, qui haec quae po­test fortiter praestat?

Ce [...]e non jam ipsi, aut pro ipso dixerit Aposto­lus, Q [...]is est qui te discernit? 1 Cor. 4. Cum enim quod omnibus est commune, non singulos discernat a singulis, omnibus ve [...]o justis volentibus & conan­tibus adsint praesentes vires & auxilia communia quibus (juxta Molinam) si volunt mandata imple­ant, quod pauci impleant, multi non impleant, pau­ci stent, multi cadant, perseverent pauci, & multi deficiant, non jam per gratiam quae communis est omnibus, pauci a multis discernuntur, sed contra A­postolicum dictum, seipsos pauci a multis discrevisse dicendi erunt, qui gratia omnibus justis communi singulariter usi sint; & his cum eadem gratia pere­untibus, illi fortiter steterint, hoc est uno verbo, suae salutis aeternae praecipui auctores extiterint.

Non ipsi nec pro ipso dixerit Apostolus, Quid habes quod non accepisti? aut quid gloriaris quasi non acceperis? & qui gloriatur, in Domino glorie­tur. 1 Cor. 1. & 4. Cum enim acceperit quod alii, habeat quod non alii, & munitus unico possibilita­tis praeceptorum communi dono, aliis non perse­verantibus ipse perseveravit, aliis pereuntibus ipse coronam assecutus sit, habet quod non accepit, glo­riari potest in quod non acceperit; & dum gloria­tur, habet unde non in Domino, sed in seipso va­leat gloriari.

Non ipsi aut pro ipso dixerit Apostolus, Non est volentis neque currentis, sed Dei miserentis. Rom. 9. Cum, juxta Molinam, omnibus justis pari praecep­torum facilitate a miserente Deo, per aequam gratiae dispensationem liberaliter communitis, alii quidem quorum aequaliter misertus est Deus, a praecepto­rum observatione & justitiae statu exciderint, ipse vero quia voluit & cucurrit, in iis servandis, perseve­raverit, sic que non jam gratiae & miserationi divinae debeat, sed suae ipsius voluntati & industriae adscri­bat, quod in sanctitate perstiterit, quodque justitiae mercedem promeritus sit.

Haec & alia plura divinae veritatis oracula ab Epi­stolis Pauli delenda erunt, aut si ea deleri non li­ceat, fateatur oportet cum humili David Psalm 119. Quisquis viam mandatorum cucurrit, cucur­risse se non quia voluit, sed quia singulari auxilio gratiae dilatavit cor ejus misericors ille & miserator Dominus qui operatur in nobis & velle & perficere, non pro volentis & currentis industria, sed pro bona voluntate sua. Fateatur oportet quisquis Domino suo stat, non in communi praeceptorum Molinistica illa possibilitate, quae justis omnibus asseritut con­cessa, se stare; sed per gratiae donum singulare quo ei possibilia fiant, se à Deo discerni ab iis qui Do­mino [Page 67] suo cadunt, nec quicquam habere se quod non singulariter acceperit, & de quo non in se, sed in Domino Deo suo debeat gloriari. Fateatur demum oportet sibi jugiter timendum, ut qui stat videat ne cadat, ex quo unde stet nequaquam habet, nisi eo misericorditer largiente qui quem vult indurat & deserit, & cui vult miseretur & tribuit, superbis resistens, humilibus autem dans gratiam. Igitur ve­rum est, & Apostolicis dictis optime consonans, Aliqua Dei praecepta hominibus justis volentibus & conantibus secundum praesentes quas habent vires, esse impossibilia.

Quinto tandem & ultimo, ad hujus propositio­nis Catholicam veritatem manifestandam adduci possent sequentes (utinam non sic esset) experientia & quotidiani justorum gemitus, qui dum quae vo­lunt bona non agunt, & quae nolunt mala haec faci­unt, exclamant cum Apostolo, Infelix ego homo, quis me liberabit de corpore mortis hujus? Vires ita­que ad faciendum quod praecipitur, probant se non habere integras, sed ex ipsa tentatione divisas, & concupiscentiis cordis sui pravisque consuetudinibus vulnerati, earumque motibus distracti, bonum quod volunt non fortiter arque integre volunt, sed ut Au­gustini verbo utar, semisauciam huc atque illuc ver­sant jactantque voluntatem, parte assurgente cum alia parte cadente colluctantem.

Quod que miserabilius est, nec 1 ut plene ve­lint & integre possint prae nimio devotionis tepore & spiritus atiditate, Deum adjutorem suum invo­care queunt & orare ut oportet, quo vel sic confusi & ipsa confusione humilitati, in timore & tremore discant operari salutem suam, & prudenter intelli­gant, quod salus justorum a Domino nedum bonae voluntatis & boni operis vires tribuente; sed & ip­sam quoque orationis gratiam qua talia postulantur, misericorditer quibus voluerit largiente, & juste quamvis occulte quibus libuerit subtrahente. Quia, ut ait Augustinus lib. de dono persev. c. 23. ‘Et hoc ipsum est donum Dei, ut veraci corde & spiritali­ter clamemus ad Deum; & multum falluntur qui putant esse a nobis, non autem dari nobis ut pe­tamus, quaeramus, pulsemus: & hoc esse dicunt quod gratia praeceditur merito nostro, ut sequatur illa, cum accepimus petentes, & invenimus quae­rentes, aperiturque pulsantibus. Nec volunt in­telligere etiam hoc divini muneris esse ut oremus, hoc est, petamus, quaeramus atque pulsemus. Ac­cepimus enim Spiritum adoptionis filiorum in quo clamamus Abba Pater. Quod & vidit beatus Am­brosius; ait enim, Et orare Deum gratiae spiritalis est, sicut scriptum est 1 Cor. 12. Nemo dicit Domi­nus Jesus nisi in Spiritu sancto; ipse siquidem est Spiritus (ait Apostolicus Rom. 8.) qui interpellar pro nobis gemitibus inenarrabilibus, sed veraci­bus, quoniam veritas est Spiritus, & ipse est Spi­ritus qui spirat ubi vult, & ut spirat spiritum gratiae ubi vult, sic & spiritum orationis & precum spirat ubi vult, sicut scriptum est Zach. 12. Et effundam super domum David & super habitatores Hierusa­lem Spiritum gratiae & precum.’

Igitur ut certum est vel experientia teste, justos non raro sub tentationum pondere gemere, orare ut non inducantur, precari ut liberentur; imo nec quo hoc ipsum petant, orationis spiritum interdum ha­bere; 2 Sed si petunt, non sic aut tantum quantum res tanta petenda est petere. Denique etiam in tem­pore tentationis recedere, & ab inchoato justitiae calle misere excidere, nec in bono perseverare. I­ta & certum est, Aliqua Dei praecepta hominibus ju­stis volentibus & conantibus secundum praesentes quas habent vires esse impossibilia: deesse quoque iis grati­am qua possibilia fiant. Siquidem si adesset, nec ge­merent quasi nondum haberent, nec peterent quam jam haberent; nec peccarent dum eam haberent: Haec enim gratia à nullo duro corde respuitur: ideo quippe tribuitur, ut cordis duritia primitus aufera­tur. August. de praedest. Sanct. cap. 8. Et ut ait veri­tas Ioinnis 6. Omnis qui audivit à Patre & didicit, venit ad me; quid est hoc nisi quia nullus per Dei gratiam excitatur qui non obediat? ‘Quando ergo Pater intus loquitur, auferr cor lapideum, & dat cor carneum; sic quippe facit filios promissionis & vasa misericordiae quae praeparavit in gloriam. Cur ergo non omnes docet, nisi quia omnes quos do­cet, misericordia doce? quos autem non docet, ju­dicio non docet, quoniam cujus vult miseretur, & quem vult indurat: sed misereturbonum tribaens, obdurat digna retribuens. Aug. ibid.’

Subscribat demum D. Thomas toti huic doctri­nae in 2. 2. q. 2. a. 5. ad 1. sic habet: ‘Ad multa te­netur homo ad quae non potest sine gratia reparan­te, sicut ad diligendum Deum & proximum (hoc est, ad praecepta Dei servanda quae in dilectione Dei & proximi tenentur) &c. his enim duobus mandatis, aiebat Christus, tota lex pendet, &c. Et similiter ad credendum articulos fidei; sed tamen hoc potest cum auxilio gratiae, quod quidem auxi­lium quibuscunque divinitus datur, misericorditer datur: quibus autem non datur, ex justitia non da­tur in poenam praecedentis peccati, saltem origina­lis, ut dicit Augustinus in lib. de corr. & grat. cap. 11.’ Ergo ex mente D. Thomae ut praecepta non sunt possibilia homini sine auxilio gratiae, utque hoc auxi­lium nulli debitum, non omnibus misericorditer da­tur, sed aliquibus juste subtrahitur; ‘Sic nec iis qui­bus subtrahitur aut non datur, erunt praecepta Dei possibilia secundum vires praesentes quas habent, quamvis velint & quamvis conentur.’

CAPUT V.
Solvuntur objectiones initio propositae.

OBjicitur primo affinitas propositionis controver­sae cum doctrina Calvini. Sed ineptiam quidem objectionis video, affinitatem vero quam objicit nul­lam video. Negat Calvinus praecepta Dei esse possi­bilia etiam cum gratiae divinae auxilio. Negat propo­sitio esse possibilia sine gratiae auxilio, quod non sem­per adest. Quae in his affinitas?

Objicitur secundo canon 11. sess. 6. Conc. Trid. Si quis dixerit Dei praecepta homini etiam justificató & sub gratia constituto esse ad observandum impossi­bilia; anathema sit. Respondet Bellarminus lib. 4. de justificatione cap. 10. damnari a Concilio praefatam haeresim Calvini & Lutheri, absolutam praecepto­rum impossibilitatem asserentium, quae nec per gratiae auxilium possit superari. Ut ergo hujus [Page 68] pestiferae assertionis nulla cum propositione contro­versa affinitas, sed recessus immensus; ita nec per damnationem illius quidquam illo canone actum est contra propositionis controversae saluberrimam veri­tatem.

Objicitur 1 tertio Augustinus lib. 3. de nat. & grat. c. 69. dicens: Firmissime credi Deum justum & bonum impossibilia non potuisse praecipere. Respon­deo primo, Quod cum Augustini dictum sit uni­versale & congruat omnibus hominibus quibus a Deo imposita praecepta, haud dubie nihil facit con­tra propositionem controversam, nisi simul velis, aut quod possint impleri mandata sine gratia Chri­sti, ut docebat Pelagius; aut mandata Dei non ob­ligent infideles, quae esser nova haeresis tam ratio­ni quam fidei adversans; aut quod gratia Christi nun­quam desit aut obduratis & excaecatis aut infidelibus, ex quo sine illa Deus eis praeciperet impossibilia, & quod hodie quaeritur definiendum a Sede Apostolica, de solis hominibus justis volentibus & conantibus, quaeratur paulo post & pro impiis, excaecatis, obdu­ratis, aut etiam infidelibus, quibus aeque ac justis Molina ejusque discipuli suam illam gratiam suffici­entem praesentissimam ubique contendunt contra manifestissima Scripturae testimonia & perpetua D. Augustini contra Pelagianos asserta. Igitur respon­deo secundo, non esse Augustini mentem, quod prae­cepta Dei possibilia sint homini in omni statu aut momento, dum dixit, Deum justum & bonum nihil impossibile homini praecipere; sed hoc voluit, quod mox subjunxit, Admoneri nos eo ipso & in fa­cilibus quid agamus, & in difficilibus quid peta­mus. Haec enim ejus constans & millies repetita contra Pelagianos assertio: Deum praecipere homini quod ex naturae viribus & voluntatis depravatione praestare nequit, ut expertus homo suam infirmita­tem, medicum quaerat liberatorem & gratiam postulet adjutricem.

Objicitur quarto idem Augustinus de haeresi con­tra Manich. cap. 3. dicens, Omnes homines posse se convertere ad Dei praecepta observanda si velint. Sed hanc ipsam objectionem solvit Augustinus lib. Re­tract. c. 10. ubi quae loco citato adversus Manichae­os dixerat replicans, & ne Pelagiani his se com­munirent, praecavens, sic ait: Quod vere dixi posse omnes homines mandata servare si velint, non existi­ment novi haeretici Pelagiani secundum eos esse di­ctum. Verum est enim omnino, & tantum augetur munere charitatis, ut possint, ille enim facit ut ve­limus bonum de quo dictum est, à Domino gressus ho­minis dirigentur, & viam ejus volet. Psalm. 36, Hoc autem ibi ideo non dixi, quoniam praesenti quae contra Manichaeos tunc versabatur quaestioni necessa­rium non erat.

Epilogus & conclusio.

PRopositio itaque controversa ut in malis quos patitur sensibus jam satis per sacri Concilii Tri­dent. anathematismos contra Calvinum & Luthe­rum dejecta & prostrata, nullius Theologi Catholici malo favore suscitatur; ita & in bonis quos habet sensibus tota est extra censuram. Stabilitur enim ab eodem sacro Concilio, docetur ab Augustino, con­firmatur a Thoma, defenditur a Thomistis, jugi & insuperabili orationum necessitate adstruitur, Christianae humilitatis solidissima basi roboratur, piis & quotidianis justorum suspiriis exprimitur, & tam tota Pauli Apostoli cohaeret sententiis, ut non nisi per spreta & contempta tam authentica veritatis te­stimonia valeat condemnari.

Si secus fiat (quod avertat Deus) jam in hac una hujus propositionis censura, tota de Christi gratia medicinali antiquissimae saluberrimaeque Theologiae fidei moles dejicitur, hominum discretio homini­bus adscribitur; humanis meritis electio divina sub­jicitur; stupor Pauli circa praedestinationis Sancto­rum inscrutabilitatem non rei profunditati, sed stu­pentis imbecillitati deputatur; versatilis & pedisse­quae gratiae omnibus retro seculis (si Molinae 2 cre­dimus) nova & inaudita doctrina consecratur; per versatilem hanc gratiam olim acerrime in Pelagia­nos impugnatam, hodie admissam, versatilis Eccle­siae fides, hoc est, non fides declaratur; Ecclesia to­ta quae erranti in caligine Augustino per mille du­centos & amplius annos, in materia gratiae constan­tissime subscripsit, caliginis quoque & erroris, quam solus depulerit Molina, arguitur; Et ut uno verbo concludam, non aliud agendum supererit, quam quod & Augustinus Ecclesiae Doctorum subli­mior, & Paulus Gentium Apostolus, quorum in causa divinae gratiae & praedestinationis una eadem­que sententia, una praedicatio, ut prava dogmata quibus Ecclesiae tamdiu illuserunt, in ordinem re­digantur, quodque novum orbis lumen Ludovicus Molina, qui, ut ipse gloriatur, horum discussit cali­gines & vicit ignorantias, victorum spolia detra­hat, cum Principibus deinceps sedeat & solium gloriae teneat; atque pro Augustino a suo Docto­ratu dejecto, pro Paulo a suo Apostolatu deposito, Molina Doctor Ecclesiae designetur primarius, Mo­lina nuncupetur Apostolus; huic expectatissimo fe­sto miris in Molinam encomiis, diris in Augustinum strophis & sacrilegis in Paulum blasphemiis, velut sanctioribus praeludiis praecinunt Molinistae: 3 di­esque eis laeta quam expectant prope advenerit, si quod ab Augustino alienissimum, quod a Paulo dis­sentaneum, sed Molinae cerebro acceptissimum, ad Molinistarum instantias contingat approbari: Ad­esse omni momento omnibus justis volentibus & conan­tibus [Page 69] praesentes vires cumulatissimas, proximas & immediatas ad opus, quibus tentationes quantumcun­que graves, exsufflent, martyria quaevis atrocia forti­ter sustineant, & praecepta Dei quamvis ardua & difficilia alacriter impleant.

The second Writing.

II. PROPOSITIO CONTROVERSA.
Interiori gratia in statu naturae lapsae nunquam resistitur.
CAPUT. I.
Secernuntur pravi Propositionis sensus à legiti­mo, & removetur quaesita à Molinistis aequi­vocationis occasio.

VOlunt Sorbonici Molinistae hanc damnari pro­positionem. Damnetur quidem, sed distincta damnetur, ut in quo sensu damnata fuerit, in quo sensu indemnata remanserit, clare intelligatur. Interiores quippe gratiae multae sunt; interior est gratia habitualis, interior gratia est charitas, inte­rior gratia est spes, interior gratia est sides, et in­teriores gratiae sunt quotquot virtutum infusarum habitus habitualem gratiam comitantur. Quis ne­get his omnibus interioribus gratiis saepe resisti, quas etiam saepe constat expelli? Rursum interiores gratiae sunt mentis illuminationes a Deo saepius immissae, ab homine saepe repulsae. De his omnibus, ut de ex­terioribus gratiae auxiliis, lege, Prophetiis, Praedi­cationibus, promissis, comminationibus, suasioni­bus et correptionibus, dicebat Stephanus 1 In­daeis, Vos semper Spiritui sancto resistitis; et Pau­lus 2 Corinthiis, Hortamur vos ne in vacuum gratiam Dei recipitatis. Praefatas omnes gratias interiores continet universalissimum et plane aequi­vocum INTERIORIS GRATIAE nomen quod in propositione ponitur; ut certo certius sit et citra omnem controversiam indubitatum, praefatam propositionem secundum quod hujusmodi interio­res gratias sub sua universalitate comprehendit, non tam esse damnandam, quam omnium Theologo­rum consensu damnatissimam asserendam. Quid ergo eam Molinistae damnari postulant, quam nemo sanae mentis dubitat esse damnatam?

Certe cum inter Molinistas et sanctorum Augu­stini et Thomae Discipulos tota in materia de gratia disceptatio sit circa gratiae efficaciam, (in hoc quod dicunt Thomistae, omne auxilium gratiae mo­tricis prout venit a Deo esse efficax, et humanas sibi subdere voluntates: Dicunt vero Molinistae, nullum esse ex sua natura efficax, sed quodcunque indifferens et humanae pedissequum voluntatis) oportuerat omnino Molinistas (si non fucum et fraudem meditabantur) efficacitatis gratiae in hac propositione imprimis meminisse, quo attingeretur nodus controversiae, nec aliquis ambiguitatis subesset locus.

Oportuerat rursum resistentiae significatum cla­rius expressisse. Cum enim resistentia alia sit in­valida, qua frustra contranitimur: alia validissima, qua id cui contranitimur omnimode impedimus: Debuit explicari resistentiae qualitas ad tollendam aequivocationem, quandoquidem non de quacun­que, sed de resistentia ultimo modo dicta, proprie ambigitur in hac controversia. Et tam ipse Janse­nius, quam Augustinus, Thomas, eorumque disci­puli, quibus sub Jansenii odioso nomine infertur bellum, admittunt passim, quandiu sumus in cor­pore mortis hujus, concupiscentiae et legis mem­brorum adversus Dei gratiam et legem mentis con­tumacissimam pugnam. Admittunt pravorum de­sideriorum carnis adversus victricis gratiae divinos impulsus, conatum et resistentiam: sed talem ta­men quae gratiae Dei efficacis victricem delectatio­nem non impediat, aut inspirationem flagrantissimae & luminosissimae charitatis non praefocet aut extin­guat.

Igitur ur sine fuco et fraude ac sine insidiarum suspicione procederetur, debuerant Molinistae sub his verbis articulum controversum proposuisse Sedi Apostolicae; Gratia Christi tam est efficax, quod in statu naturae lapsae nunquam ei ita resistitur, quin haec suum ad quem proxime & immediate a Deo de­stinatur effectum infallibiliter operetur: vel brevius, Nulla prorsus Christi gratia effectu suo caret: vel adhuc clarius, Omnis Christi gratia etiam sufficiens est efficax pro effectu ad quem datur.

Non placuere Molinistis controversae difficultatis ram sincerae et clarae expressiones, ut quae parum favissent eorum fini, et nimia sui luce corum artes dissipassent. Intererat nimirum eorum scopo ut ae­quivoca propositio, quae in suo latissimo significato has omnes complectitur, ex aliis quas etiam con­tinet intolerabiles et manifeste falsas, indistincta damnaretur: ut mox indistinctae damnationis ca­lumnia ad has quoque trahi posset. Jamque eis li­ceret probabiliter apud imperitos fingere, quod propositio sub nomine Jansenii delata, et in odium Jansenii damnata, fuisset quoque damnata in sensu Jansenii, hoc est, Thomae et Augustini. Ideoque explosam a Sede Apostolica gratiam Christi effica­cem cui nunquam resistitur, admissam et celebratam gratiam Molinae sufficientem cui saepe resistitur et semper resisti potest; tales a Sede Apostolica quae­rere definitiones, non est quaerere pacem Ecclesiae, sed est, per delusam Petri Sedem, nova bella et majores turbas in Ecclesia Dei perverse exci­tare.

Tenemus, spero, captas vulpeculas quae demo­liuntur vineam Domini Sabaoth. Apprehendimus sapientes in astutia eorum, et consilia eorum dissi­pavimus; dum disjectis nebulis aequivocationum, quas in oculos Sedis Apostolicae nitebantur obfun­dere, distinximus pravos et ad praesentium disputa­tionum causam prorsus inutiles sensus, a germano propositionis sensu, qui apicem quaestionis unice tangens, unicus proponi debuerat. Superest ut ostendamus hunc tanquam Augustinianum et Tho­misticum, hoc est, fidei antiquae sincerissimum esse extra censuram, nec sub Jansenii nomine quasi ex proscripti jam auctoris praejudicio in damnationem compelli posse.

Caeterum qui Jansenium nomino, et Jansenium tueor, tam sum Jansenista quam sum Mahometa­nus; antiquus sum in Schola Evangelica et Augustini et Thomae discipulus, qui ita Augustinum & Tho­mam in Iansenio defendo, ut Evangelium defende­remin Alchorano. Haber Alchoranus quatuor E­vangelicas [Page 70] veritates, unitatem Numinis, Christi ex Virgine nativitatem, mortuorum resurrectionem, & futurum judicium, has ut in Evangelio defende­rem, sic defenderem in Alchorano, quia ut verae sunt in Evangelio, sic verae sunt in Alchorano, quam­vis non ex Alchorano suae infallibilitatis habeant testimonium, cui si detrahi posset, detraheretur per Alchoranum; sic dum Jansenium allego, aut Jan­senium protego, non Jansenii partes ago, sed partes Augustini, sed partes Thomae, sed partes veritatis, quae cum emanatio quaedam sit & vapor charitatis ae­ternae, tam non in ore aut proscripti Jansenii, aut execrandi Mahometis, quidquam perdit de sua ve­ritate, quam nec solares radii quidquam in sterqui­linio de sua puritate.

Igitur quoties occurterit, Jansenium producam, non in Jansenii patrocinium, sed ne (quod quae­runt Molinistae) ex damnatis quae falso ab eis alle­gantur, Jansenii sententiis, contingat sustinere ca­lumniam Augustini & Thomae & antiquae fidei salu­berrimas veritates, cum quibus non raro Jansenius concordat.

CAPUT. II.
Gratia Christi tam est efficax, quod in statu na­turae lapsae nunquam ei resistitur, quin haec suum infallibiliter operetur effectum.

GRatiae quidem adversari & resistere etiam in hominibus justis concupiscentiam, a nemine ambigitur. Sed ita adversari aut resistere, ut ejus effectus impediat, ad quos ex decreto Dei efficaci ordinatur, falsissimum est.

Primo enim hanc veritatem ut Augustini indu­bitatam, hoc est, haereditatiae fidei doctrinae since­rissimam novit Clemens VIII. qui in hoc sexto scripto sui nominis subscriptione roborato & a se tradito Congregationi de Auxiliis die 9 Iulii 1603. inter quindecim quos continebat articulos, tres se­quentes inseruit. Quintus est: H [...]c gratia habet suam efficaciam ab omnipotentia Dei & a dominio quod summa Majestas habet in hominum voluntates, sicut in caetera omnia quae sub caelo sunt secundum S. Augu­stinum. Sextus est: Per hanc gratiam secundum Augustinum agit Deus omnipotens in cordibus homi­num motum voluntatis eorum, faciendo ex nolentibus volentes, ex repugnantibus consentientes, ex oppug­nantibus amantes. Decimus tandem: Essectus hu­jus gratiae efficacis secundum S. Augustinum est cer­tus & infallibilis. Hoc novit, hoc censuit, hoc tradidit Congregationi de Auxiliis summus Ponti­fex Clemens.

Norunt, & hoc ipsum censuerunt sapientissimi ejusdem Congregationis Consultores, qui in prima Congregatione sub Paulo V. habita die 20 Septemb. 1605. auditis super praefato scripto Clementis VIII. disputationibus P. Bastidae Iesuitae & P. Thomae de Lemos Dominicani, & examinatis etiam per se S. Augustini auctoritatibus ab ipso Clemente VIII. ad cujusque articuli probationem adductis, in sequenti Congregatione concluserunt, eam esse germanissi­mam D. Augustini mentem, quam Clemens VIII. summus Pontifex ex multis hujus sancti Doctoris locis in singulis quindecim articulis suo scripto pro­posuerat.

Cum ergo ex Augustini placito a Clemente & Paulo summis Pontificibus eorumque selectissimis Consultoribus recognito, Gratia Christi suam effi­caciam sortiatur non a creati arbitrii nutu & coope­ratione, ut volunt Molinistae, sed ab ipsa omnipo­tentia Dei & supremo dominio quod summa divina Majestas habet in hominum voluntates, ut habet quintus articulus: Cumque per hanc gratiam Deus omnipotens agat in cordibus hominum motum volunta­tis eorum, ut habet sextus articulus, sequitur evi­denter, quod, ut nihil resistit potestati & actioni Dei, sic nec aliqua voluntas creata resistat ejus gra­tiae efficaci: sed quod (ut habet decimus articulus) effectus hujus gratiae efficacis sit certus & infallibilis; quodque consequenter gratiae Christi efficaci in statu naturae lapsae nunquam resistitur, quae est propositio controversa.

Secundo, tam reciprocantur apud Augustinum, gratia Dei & voluntatis creatae bona operatio, ut (quod de causa & effectu docent Philosophi) con­vertibiles fint, & a se mutuo inseparabiles: adeo ut quemadmodum ex gratia data mox sequitur bona operatio, sic ex defectu bonae operationis inferri certissime possit gratia denegata. Uterque iste ar­guendi modus & affirmativus & negativus tam est in hac materia apud Augustinum frequens, ut pene superfluum sit loca aduxisse.

Ex multis tamen pauca adduco. Imprimis lib. de gratia Christi cap. 45. citat Ambrosium dicen­tem: Negavit primo Petrus, & non flevit, quia non respexerat Dominus: negavit tertio, respexit Jesus, & flevit amarissime Petrus.

Deinde lib. 1 qq. ad Simplician. q. 2. ‘Illud au­tem nescio quomodo dicatur frustra Deum mise­reri, nisi nos velimus: si enim Deus miseretur, jam volumus; ad eamdem quippe misericordiam pertinet ut velimus; nullius ergo frustra mise­retur.’

Lib. de grat. Christi c. 13. ubi ex professo totum illud opud disputat contta Pelagianos de adjutorio medicinalis gratiae, hoc est gratiae Christianae, adeoque verae gratiae quae per crucem Christi humano generi revelata atque donata est, ita definitive loquitur: Qui novit quid est quod fieri debeat & non facit, nondum a Deo didicit secundum gratiam, sed secundum legem; non secundum spiritum, sed secundum literam; quam­vis multi quod imperat lex, facere videantur timore poenae, non amore justitiae, quam dixit Apostolus ju­stitiam tuam quae est ex lege, tanquam sit imperata & non data.

Ibidem cap. 14. ‘De isto docendi modo (nempe per gratiam) etiam Dominus ait; Omnis qui au­divit a Patre meo & didicit, venit ad me: qui ergo non venerit, non de illo recte dicitur; audivit quidem & didicit sibi esse veniendum, sed facere non vult quod didicit. Prorsus non recte dicitur de isto modo docendi, quo per gratiam docet De­us; si enim, sicut veritas loquitur, omnis qui de­dicit, venit, quisquis non venit, profecto non di­dicit.’

Et in lib. de praedest. Sanct. cap. 8. fusissime eam­dem probat veritatem ex eodem Evangelii loco; Concludimus demum, Quod si & illos quibus stul­titia est verbum crucis, ut ad Christum venirent, do­cere voluisset, procul dubio venirent & ipsi: non e­nim fallit aut fallitur, qui ait, Omnis qui audivit a Patre & didicit, venit ad me. Absit ergo ut quis­quam [Page 71] quam non veniat qui a Patre audivit & didicit. E­rursum instantius & inculcatius: Qui ergo credunt Praedicatore forinsecus insonante, intus a Patre audi­unt atque discunt. Qui autem non credunt, foris audiunt, intus no [...] audiunt neque discunt, hoc est, illis datur ut credant, istis non datur.

Poteratne for [...]ius D. Augustinus veritatem con­troversae propositionis expressisse, & inculcasse quod gratiae Christi in statu naturae lapsae nunquam resisti­tur? Adducerem & plura alia ipsius veritatis argu­menta & testimonia Augustini, ni quae jam sunt addu­cta, essent luculentiora quam quae ullo artificii aut tergiversationis fuco obscurari queant. Adducerem & omnium D. Augustini discipulorum, hoc est, omnium usque ad Molinam & Patrum & Schola­rum, & totius Ecclesiae Catholicae conformes sen­tentias, ni una instar omnium sufficeret D. Thomae Aquinatis, quam submitto, sincerissima & repe­titia ad hanc doctrinam subscriptio.

Subscribit certe D. Thomas Augustino manife­stissime, dum 12. q. 98. a. 4 ad 2, ultimo rela­tam a nobis ex lib. de praedest. Sanct. c 8. Au­gustini sententiam & citat & celebrat. Rursum 2 2, q. 10. a. 4 ad 3, dum docet, Impossibile esse e­um non moveri quem Spiritus Sanctus movere velit, &c. Rursum dum ait 2 2, q. 24, a. 11: Tripli­citer possumus considerare charitatem, uno modo ex parte Spiritus Sancti moventis animum ad diligen­dum Deum, & ex hac parte charitas imperabilitatem habet ex virtute Spiritus Sancti, qui infallibiliter o­peratur quodcunque voluerit, unde impossibile est haec duo simul esse vera, quod Spiritus Sanctus velit ali­quem movere ad actum charitatis, & quod ipse chari­tatem amittat peccando. En igitur gratiae efficaciam ex Angelici Doctoris testimonio infallibiliter ope­rantem! En gratiae energiam indeclinabiliter a­gentem, non ex praevisione aut praescientia con­sensurae voluntatis, ut nugantur Molinistae, sed ab omnipotentia Dei (ut Clemens VIII. ex Augustino) & ex v [...]rtute Spiritus Sancti (ut loquitur Tho­mas) qui adeo infallibiliter operatur quodcunque vo­luerit, ut impossibile sit (Molinistae! ubi quaeso indifferentia sensus compositi?) eum non moveri quem ipse movere voluerit.

Haec D. Thomae Aquinatis oracula manifestae sunt subscriptiones ad praeallegatam S. Augustini do­ctrinam, de inseparabilitate gratiae Dei & boni operis nostri, & plene relabuntur in illud aliud di­ctum Augustini de praedest. Sanct. cap. 8. Haec grae­tia quae occulte humanis cordibus Divina largitate tribuitur, a nullo duro corde respuitur, ideoque tri­buitur ut cordis duritia primitus auferatur. Et rursum in illud de corrept. & grat. cap. 14. Deo volenti salvum facere, nullum humanum resistit ar­bitrium. Ut post haec liceat nobis tuto conclu­dere, non amplius posse dubitari quin verum & verissimum sit, quod in hoc sensu interiori gratiae Christi in statu naturae lapsae nunquam resistitur.

CAPUT. III.
Omnem Christi gratiam secundum Augustini & Thomae Discipulos esse efficacem, & nullam prorsus suo carere effectu.

QUid ergo? sufficientem gratiam negant? nequa­quam. Sed ne recedant a principiis in Au­gustino & Thoma notissimis, quibus 1 impossi­bile est cum non moveri quem Spiritus Sanctus mo­vere velit, & eum qui discit per gratiam, non agere omnino quidquid agendum didicerit. Docent uno ore, quod quamvis ea gratia quam sufficientem ap­pellant, inefficax sit ad plenum illud opus ad quod dicitur esse sufficiens, est tamen plenissime & cumu­latissime efficax ad actum proximum & immedia­tum, ad quem a Deo datur & destinatur. Ita Me­dina 1 2, q. 109 a. 10, circa finem, & commu­niter recentiores Thomistae apud Didacum Alvarem lib. 8. de Auxiliis disp. 80. per totam.

Exemplificat Alvares suum & Thomistarum com­mune dictum in auxilio sufficienti ad actum fidei, quod licet sit inefficax ad credendum, producit ta­men inefficacitet in homine pias cogitationes & no­titias credendorum, vel pia desideria & velleitates habendae fidei, & alios hujusmodi actus imperfectos, qui regulariter loquendo antecedunt assensum fidei; similiter in auxilio sufficienti ad actum contritionis, quod quantumvis inefficax ad ipsam contritionem in homine formandam, producit tamen in ipso efficaciter considerationem poenarum inferni, bo­nitatis Divinae, vel turpitudinis peccati, vel attri­tionem, vel displicentiam sui status, vel piam vel­leitatem verae conversionis in Deum, aut alios hu­jusmodi actus imperfectos, qui ad perfectam con­tritionem sunt praevii & praeparatorii.

Probat suam hanc sententiam sic explicatam ex illo Isa. 55. Quomodo descendit imber & nix de cae­lo, & illuc ultra non revertitur, sed inebriat terram & infundit eam, & germinare eam facit, & dat semen serenti & panem comedenti: sic erit verbum meum quod egredietur de ore meo, non revertetur ad me vacuum, sed faciet quaecunque volui & pr spe­rabitur in his ad quae misi illud. Quibus verbis fig­nificatur vocationem internam, qua Deus illuminat animam, vacuam non esse, aut sine fructu: sed sem­per habere in homine aliquem effectum, illum vi­delicet quem Deus absolute vult ut habeat, quam­vis eadem vocatio interior comparatione actus per­fecti ad quem ultimate ex voluntate Dei antece­dente ordinabatur, sit solum sufficiens.

Probat secundo, quoniam auxilium actuale nun­quam reperitur in intellectu hominis aut voluntate, absque operatione ejusdem intellectus & volunta­tis, cum in hoc distinguatur auxilium actuale ab ha­bituali, quod habitus est aliquid permanens in anima, etiam quando nihil operatur: auxilium autem actuale est aliquid fluens, sicut & ipsa operatio, unde & cum ipsa operatione transit: Ergo auxilium suf­ficiens actuale semper habet conjunctam aliquam operationem quam producit: Ergo respectu ejus­dem [Page 72] operationis tale auxilium erit efficax, quamvis comparatione ulterioris actus perfecti ad quem ulti­mate ordinabatur, sit solum sufficiens.

Probat tertio, nam Deus per auxilium sufficiens excitat animam, & anima nec per impossibile exci­tatur formaliter nisi per actum vitalem a se elici­tum, cum ejusmodi excitatio sit vitalis, quae sine actu vitali fieri non potest: Ergo auxilium sufficiens semper producit in homine aliquem actum vitalem saltem indeliberatum: Ergo comparatione illius tale auxilium est semper efficax.

Probat quarto, quia implicat contradictorium, quod Deus actualiter moveat animam, & anima non moveatur actualiter, cum movens & motum sint correlativa: sed per auxilium sufficiens actuale Deus movet animam; Ergo anima movetur actua­liter: ergo per aliquem actum a se elicitum; ani­ma enim nunquam movetur actualiter nisi eliciendo aliquem actum: ergo auxilium sufficiens erit semper efficax comparatione ill us actus.

Omitto alias rationes Theologicas a Didaco Al­varez adductas quae in eo videri possunt. Et solum addo Roberti Cardinalis Bellarmini suffragium, qui, ut gratiam sufficientem Molinisticam constan­ter ubique rejicit tanquam Scripturis contrariam, Augustino inimicam, & mysterii praedestinationis penitus destructivam, ac salutem hominis non Deo sed homini adscribentem; gratiam vero suffi­cientem Thomistarum ubique complectitur, ita et cum Thomistis in hoc puncto de quo agimus, evi­denter concordat, et eodem modo quo Didacum Alvarez audivimus, ratiocinatur. Lib. etenim 2 de grat. et lib. arb. c. 6, ubi retulit quosdam dicentes (hi sunt Molinistae) gratiam Dei semper adesse, & Deum perpetuo pulsare ad ostium cordis, & peccato­res vocare, sed eos aliis rebus intentos, non percipere vocationem Dei: Subdit statim, Hoc assertum ma­nifestissime cum ipso experimento pugnare. Nam cum vocatio, inquit, pulsus, tractus, illa excitatio Dei, sit actio nostra, quamvis non libera, nimirum bona cogitatio, bonumque desiderium repente ac divinitus immissum: Quomodo fieri potest, ut non sentiatur a nobis, si fit non solum in nobis, sed etiam a nobis?

Ex quibus verbis evidentissimum est juxta Bellar­minum, quod quia gratia sufficiens in nobis sem­per producit bonam aliquam operationem, sit con­sequenter efficax ad illam producendam. Quodque ex consequenti, nulla sit gratia sufficiens quae non sit absolute efficax ad opus proximum et immedia­tum ad quod a Deo destinatur, quamvis eadem sit inefficax ad actum ulteriorem.

CAPUT. IV.
Jansenium nihil docuisse in hac materia quam quod docuere Augustini & Thomae discipuli.

EFficacissima gratiae natura declaratur (a Jan­senio) ex eo quod nulla prorsus effectu suo ca­ret, sed eum in omnibus quibus datur, infallibiliter operatur. Est hic et titulus et scopus totius capitis 25. lib. 2 de gratia Christi Salvatoris, a quo qui per latus Jansenii Augustinum et Thomistas impe­tunt, occasionem sumpsere formandae sibi proposi­nis quam Jansenii esse dicerent, & quasi ex prae­damnati jam auctoris infamia, damnatam tacite, damnandam publice postularent, Interiori gratiae in statu naturae lapsae nunquam resisti.

Imprimis non per aequivocas hujusmodi locutio­nes mentem suam Jansenius celat, sed aperte lo­quitur, clare se explicat, non de quacunque gratia sermonem instituit, de sola gratia actuali, quam toto illo volumine pertractat, se loqui manifestat, ut sane Molinistae, non se de quaesito in Sedem A­postolicam dolo, non se de meditata in ipsam ve­ritatem calumnia valeant excusare, dum auctoris verba commutant, eaque sub tam vaga expressione producunt; quod ex prima inspectione fit sensus propositionis ambiguus, qui in ipso auctore cui il­lam adscribunt, est plane apertissimus: fit proposi­tio partim vera, partim falsa, quae prout in praetenso auctore suo est tota cautissima.

Secundo, non utitur Jansenius verbo resistendi, quasi vero cesset in hac vita & corpore mortis hujus pugna concupiscentiae adversus spiritum, nec quid­quam id nobis supersit dum vivimus ab hac gratia edomandum. Contrarium docet prorsus Jansenius, contrarium ex Augustino millies ostendit, nec aliud asserit, nisi quod quantacunque sit concupiscentiae renitentia & carnis lucta, nunquam tamen ita gra­tiae praevalet, quin haec suum consequatur effectum, & omnem contrarium repugnantemque frangat conatum, delectatione victrici, ut loquitur Augu­stinus.

Tertio, nequaquam docet Jansenius omnem gratiam esse cumulate efficacem ad plenum opus, quasi vero inefficaces ad illud excludat gratias, quas Thomistae vocant sufficientes. Imo qui sufficientes gratias Bellarmini & Thomistarum se nullatenus im­pugnare protestatur, judicans nec Augustinum ipsum in iis admittendis fore difficilem: sic eas sublata gra­tiae efficacis appellatione complectitur, quod quae respective ad ipsum totum & perfectum opus in­validae sunt & inefficaces, sint tamen absolutae & simpliciter efficaces ad opus proximum & immedia­tum, ad quod decreto Dei absoluto destinantur & pro quo a Deo conferuntur.

An vera sint quae de mente Jansenii refero, dicat ipse Jansenius: ‘Non moveat quemquam, (inquit tomo 3 de gratia Christi salvatoris cap. 27.) quod constet multos divinitus mente collustrari, imo vero & in ipsa voluntate motibus divinae gratiae percelli, qui tamen ab ejus interna suasione & inclinatione dissentiunt, ut propterea falsum putet gratiam in eo cui datur, semper operari effectum ob quem datur. Considerandum est enim multi­plices esse divinae gratiae effectus sicut & volunta­tis: est enim velle perfectum, & est imperfectum quod velleitatem appellare solent; & hoc ipsum diversos gradus habet, donec ad ipsam primam tenuissimamque boni complacentiam veniatur: haec ergo primus est caelestis ipsius roris effectus, quem ut minimum in omnibus operatur, in quibus eum infundit Deus. Nam quemadmodum inun­datio divinae gratiae totam hominis voluntatem se­cum instar impetuosi cujusdam torrentis rapit, sic ut omnia cordis humani retinacula, quibus terre­nis rebus irretitur, velut violenta quadam tempe­state disrumpat: ita lenis ille velut aurae tenuis af­flatus, complacentiam quandaam voluntatis te­nuissimam rei tam pulchrae, quae simul objicitur contemplanda, contemperatam suaviter impetrat, & celerrime quasi furtim post se rapit. Haec igitur gratia, quamvis non sufficiat ut homo mandatum Dei operetur, ut Deum super omnia diligat, ut [Page 73] speret, ut oret, ut credat, ad hoc tamen facit aliquid & efficax est, ut istarum vel alterius cujus­dam caelestis rei, liberas quasdam non voluntates, sed velleitates vel complacentias excitet, quas, nisi divinitus infundantur, obtinere humana po­testate nemo potest. Sic videmus plurimos qui necdum ab immunditiis carnis se continere pos­sunt, vehementer tamen optare continentiam: cujusmodi vota divinae gratiae sunt munera, & ma­joris gratiae provocativa, quamvis nullo modo verae perfectaeque continentiae comparanda sint.’

Hactenus Jansenius, ex cujus verbis probatum relinquitur, nihil eum circa controversam propo­sitionem quae ei adscribitur, & circa hanc cujus­cumque gratiae actualis efficaciam, dixisse aut do­cuisse, quod Thomistae non dixerint: ideoque nec ipsum in propositione controversa, aliter quam per damnatos Thomistas, damnari posse.

CAPUT V.
Molinistae nullam gratiam efficacem admittunt, hoc est, Christi gratiam negant; &, si Au­gustino creditur, non sunt Christiani.

PEr obtentam damnationom cujuscumque ex quinque propositionibus controversis volunt nobis Molinistae Christi gratiam efficacem eripere. Num ut in illius locum ineffabiliori aliquo supernae largitatis dono a se reperto nos cumulent? Id spe­rem haud dubie de tam probis viris. Agedum; o­stendant citius quod in hujus subtractae divinae gra­tiae vices sint nobis suffecturi. Videre cupimus, pro­bare volumus, ne quod cani Aesopeo in fabulis con­tigit, dum Molina praeduce umbram insequimur, umbra nos cum offa deficiat, fames perurgeat.

Solicissimam quidem animorum pacem & adver­sus omnes anxietates super salutis nostrae negotio pacatissimam quietem Lessius praecipuus Molinae dis­cipulus peperisse se gaudet; splendissimam mundo in caligine constituto se lucem intulisse Molina glo­riatur: per edoctam nobis eam gratiam, quae abs­que ulla prorsus difficultate cum libertate hominis queat conciliari, quae non jam nos fatalibus vincu­lis absolutae praedestinationis adstringat, quaeque fu­turae nostrae sortis, aut aeternam calamitatem, aut nunquam defecturam beatitudinem in cujusque ma­nu facillime statuat. Essent haec bonae spei praelu­dia, ni iis ipsis olim usi Massilienses Presbyteri sub illa & promissae lucis & porrigendae consolationis specie densissimas sui erroris tenebras, pestilentis­que doctrinae noxiam amaritudinem spargere fuis­sent deprehensi.

Cavemus moniti, & hoc solum dolemus, quod qui semel in Massiliensium scrobem incauti incide­re, ne se fateantur cecidisse, velint in eandem hodie Ecclesiam totam secum praecipitare, & qui­dem per easdem salebras, a quibus ne & ipsi primum caderent, poterant deterreri. Quid enim tanta facilitas cum mysterio tam abstruso? Quid tanta claritas in re, ut loquitur Augustinus, tam profun­da & abdita nimis? 1 Debuit vel ipsa facilitatis praesumptio in hoc arduo & sublimi Religionis ar­gumento timorem injecisse, ne quod tam facile solvebatur, non recte intelligeretur. Quid enim stupet Paulus 2 gratiae dispensationem conside­rans? Horret & mirabundus exclamat, profundam divini consilii in filiis regni deligendis altitudinem perpendens, praedicat inscrutabile esse hoc myste­rium & inscrutabilitet a suo artifice dispensatum, ut omne os obstruatur, & subditus fiat omnis mun­dus Deo. Afferit demum, non esse volentis neque currentis, sed Dei miserentis. Haec omnia mira & insperata facilitate per novum gratiae commentum Molina extricat, scrutatur inscrutabilia, compre­hendit in comprehensibilia, penetrat inaccessa, stu­porem compescit, horrorem serenat, praedestina­tionis adyta cuique pandit, & totas aeternitatis sor­tes in manu hominum deponit. Quid dicemus? Certe aut olim delirus Paulus, aut hodie Molina insanus; & si sani Molinistae qui haec videant, ma­le tamen sani qui se non corrigant, sed per instru­ctas agnitae veritatis insidias ipsam a qua timent cor­rigi Sedem Apostolicam compellere satagant in er­rores suos.

Non igitur gratia quam Molina docet & tam ab omni difficultate aut scrupulo liberam ostendit, ea­dem esse potest cum ea quam docuit Paulus gratiae Apostolus, quamque tot mysteriorum obscuritati­bus stupuit involutam. Sed nec potest eadem esse cum ea quam ex Apostolo Paulo & constantissime praedicavit, & ab iisdem numero tunc Pelagiano­rum nunc Molinistarum calumniis (quod liberta­tem evertat, quod fatum praedestinationis inducat, quod salutis desperationem suggerat) tutatus est Au­gustinus. Quaenam ergo erit? Eadem omnino quae & Pelagianorum, ipsissima, inquam, verae Christi gratiae inimicorum gratia fallax, gratia hu­manae voluntatis non ductrix, sed pedissequa, non domina, sed serva, &, ut gloriatur Molina, gra­tia intellectu facillima, quae, ut nutui voluntatis omni ex parte subdita, non jam suspicionem relin­quit eversae voluntatis cui semper obtemperat, non inductae fatalis praedestinationis quam penitus tol­lit, non desperatae salutis quam a Dei arbitrio e­reptam in cujusque hominis arbitrio plenissime reponit. Haec olim gratia Massiliensium, haec hodie Molinistarum, sed nunquam gratia Chri­sti.

Itaque quod primum probandum assumpsimus, assertam a Molinistis gratiam non esse gratiam Chri­sti, quamvis probatum jam maneat ex ostensa con­trarietate inter gratiam Molinae & gratiam Pauli, quae est sine dubio Christi, amplius tamen paucis o­stenditur.

Primo ex precibus Ecclesiae quas Lydium lapi­dem esse ad dignoscendam Christi gratiam adeo reputat Augustinus, 3 ut eas solas intuendas ve­lit, quo postulatae gratiae natura patescat. Quae­ro ergo, an non gratiam Christi petat Ecclesia, cum eam a Christo postulat, aut per Christum? Quaero, an gratiam sufficientem Molinae qua possimus, an efficacem qua velimus? utrum eam postulet quae conferat nobis posse, an eam quae in nobis operetur & velle? Expendantur publicae [Page 74] preces 1 sive quas aut ex Psalmorum, aut ex al­terius Scripturae recitatione jugiter frequentat Ec­clesia, sive quas, ut sunt ex arcano Scripturarum sensu collectae, Collectas appellamus. Mentior si non hactenus in his inauditum, quod sive pro nobis, sive pro aliis petamus gratiam qua orare, converti, bene operari & in bono perseverare possimus, si velimus, & si non eam semper petimus, qua ore­mus, qua velimus, qua convertamur, qua bene o­peremur, & qua in bono perseveremus. At gra­tia qua possumus, si velimus, est gratia Molinae sufficiens; gratia qua volumus & operamur, est gra­tia Christi efficax; igitur ut illa nunquam postulata, sic nec pro gratia Christi reputata. Sicut ergo in his Orationibus (Aug. 1. de dono persev. c. 23.) ita & in hac fide nata est & crescit & crevit Ecclesia, ut eam solam Christi gratiam credat, quae, ut ait Apo­stolus, dat velle & operari, eam vero prorsus igno­ret, quae dat solum posse si velimus. Hoc argumen­to tanquam adversus omnes Pelagianorum cavillati­ones peremptorio usus est frequentissime Augusti­nus, definiente Caelestino Pontifice (in ep. ad Episc. Galliae c. 10.) quod legem credendi lex statuit suppli­candi.

Secundo ex Scripturarum testimoniis quae non gratiam possibilitatis, seu Molinae sufficientem & vo­luntaris pedissequam sonant, sed gratiam actionis seu victricem, efficacem, & quae, ait Apostolus, operatur in nobis & velle & perficere. Innumera ex his testi­moniis urget Augustinus adversus 2 Pelagianos. Sic enim lib. de grat. Christi c. 25. c. 14. &c. 5. no­tat non dixisse Apostolum, Deus est qui operatur in nobis posse, sed dixisse, qui operatur in nobis velle & perficere. Non dixisse Christum Apostolis, Spiri­tus Patris vestri est qui dat vobis posse bene loqui, sed dixisse, qui loquitur in vobis. Non dixisse, omnis qui audivit a Patre & didicit, potest venire ad me, sed dixisse, venit ad me. Non dixisse Apostolum iis ad quos scribeba [...], orare se ad Deum pro eis, ut possent nihil mali facere, & possent bonum facere, sed dix­isse ne quid mali faciatis & bonum faciatis. Non dixisse Deum per Prophetam, dabo vobis cor novum &c. & faciam ut in justificationibus meis possitis ambulare; sed dixisse, faciam ut ambuletis. Haec & ejusmodi innume [...]a loca quae ex Scripturis ponderat Augustinus ut gratiam sonant efficacissimam, sic & gratiam Molinae excludunt potentialem seu sufficien­tem, qua homini tribuatur posse operari si velit. Quantumcumque enim augeatur haec gratia Moli­nistica, etiam ad centenos & millenos sufficientiae gradus, naturam suam nunquam exuet, nec aliud tri­buet voluntati quam posse si velit, adeo ut sive De­us operationem secuturam videat, sive non videat, sive Deus hoc velit, sive non velit, hoc sequetur cer­tissime, vel ipsis Molinistis ita fatentibus, non quod gratia voluntatem, sed quod voluntas gratiam facit facere. Gratia Christi non est hujusmodi, nec ejus operatio aut influxus impulsum voluntatis expectat, sed praevenit, sed determinat, quodque ex Augusti­no dicebat Pontifex Clemens, Agit in cordibus ho­minum motum voluntatis eorum, faciendo ex nolenti­bus volentes. Ergo gratiae Molinae nihil commune est cum gratia Christi.

Tertio demum probatur ex diversitate status ho­minis integri & hominis lapsi quae diversa quoque exigit gratiae adjutoria. Hoc argumentum tanquam totius doctrinae de gratia Christi basim firmissimam saepe inculcat & late prosequitur Augustinus. Audi­amus illud ex ipsius ore lib. de corrept. & grat. c. 11. & 12. ‘Quid ergo, inquit, Adam non habuit Dei gratiam? Imo vero habuit magnam sed disparem grasiae Christi. Ille in bonis erat quae bonitate sui Conditoris acceperat. Sancti vero in hac vita ad quos pertinet libertationis haec gratia, in malis sunt, ex quibus clamant ad Deum, libera nos a malo. Il­le in illis bonis Christi morte non eguit: Istos a reatu & haereditario & proprio illius agni sanguis absolvit. Ille non opus habebat eo adjutorio quod implorant isti cum dicunt, Video aliam legem in membris meis repugnantem legi mentis meae, & captivantem me in lege peccati, quae est in mem­bris meis: quoniam in eis caro concupiscit adver­sus spiritum, & spiritus adversus carnem; atque in tali certamine laborantes atque periclitantes dari sibi pugnandi vincendique virtutem per Christi gratiam poscunt. Ille vero nulla tali rixa a seipso adversus seipsum tentatus atque turbatus, in illo beatitudinis loco sua secum pace fruebatur. Proin­de etsi non interim laetiore nunc verumtamen po­tentiore gratia indigent isti.’ Hinc consequenter docet Augustinus ex Eccles. 15. Adamum tanquam fortissimum relictum in manu consilii sui, datamque ei gratiam congruentem liberrimae sanissimaeque vo­luntati, quae videlicet non alia laborabat imbecillita­te quam ea quae creaturae naturalis est; ut ad malum sufficiat, ad bonum verò nihil sit, nisi adjuvetur ab omnipotenti Deo; gratiam, inquam, non qua fieret ut vellet, non qua fieret ut perseveraret, non qua Deus operaretur ut vellet; sed talem, per quam posset bo­num operari & in eo perseverare si vellet, & quam de­sereret cum vellet, eaque pro libito bene & male uti cum vellet, hoc est, gratiam mere potentialem & arbitrio voluntatis plenissime subditam, & quae ex operatione voluntatis fieret efficax, ex non opera­tione inefficax. At non sic, inquit, non sic actum est cum hominibus infirmis & in statu naturae lapsae constitutis, quibus debilitata, laesa, fracta, &c. (ut loquitur Concilium Arausicanum can. 13.) a­missa libertas per effrenae concupiscentiae indomitos furores in carne, per ignorantiae vulnus in mente, non sic cum eis actum est, sed provisa eis gratia Redemptoris, qua invictissime quod bonum est vel­lent, & hoc deserere invictissime nollent. Nam si in tanta infirmitate hujus vitae, in qua propter ela­tionem reprimendam perfici virtutem oportebat, [Page 75] ‘ipsis relinqueretur voluntas sua, ut in adjutorio Dei, sine quo perseverare non possent, manerent si vellent, nec Deus in eis operaretur ut vellent, in­ter tot & tantas tentationes infirmitate sua volun­tas ipsa succumberet, & ideo perseverare non pos­sent, quia deficientes infirmitate nec vellent, aut non ita vellent infirmitate voluntatis ut possent. Prima ergo gratia quae data est Adamo talis erat, qua homo justitiam operaretur si vellet, & in qua permaneret si vellet, non qua fieret ut vellet. At secunda gratia quae insirmo jam & lapso tribuitur, potentior est, qua etiam fit ut justitiam velit & tan­tum velit, tantoque ardore diligat, ut carnis vo­luntatem contraria concupiscentem voluntate ip­sius vincat.’ Haec Augustinus, ex quibus sic argumen­tor: Gratia possibilitatis data homini in statu natu­rae integrae non est gratia Christi medicinalis seu a Christo per suae passionis meritum infirmis homini­bus comparata: At gratia Molinistarum est mera gratia possibilitatis, qua quidem indiget voluntas creata ut possit bene operari, sed qua operatur si ve­lit, non operatur si non velit. Ergo gratia Molini­starum non est gratia Christi quae semper invictissime efficax: Ergo dum Molinistae gratiam efficacem re­jiciunt, gratiam Christi penitus negant.

Ex hac prima capitis parte sic probata inferret Augustinus secunda efficaciter Molinistas non esse Christianos. Quid ita? Quia Christi gratiam negan­tes omnem Christi Religionem uno impulsu ever­tunt, Christi crucem evacuant, ejusque in carne ad­ventum inanem reddunt.

Sed admittunt legem, admittunt Evangelium, re­missionem peccatorum, gratiam habitualem, virtu­tes infusas, gratiam sufficientem, gratiam congru­am; nihil refert, his omnibus utitur voluntas cum voluerit, haec eadem deserit cum voluerit. Nisi ergo admittant adjutorium quo, hoc est, gratiam actua­lem invictissime operantem, non admittunt grati­am Christi de qua inter Pelagianos & Ecclesiam per annos viginti & amplius certatum est; utque non admittunt grariam Christi, ut ait Augustinus, sic nec sunt Christiani.

Confessus est Pelagius in Concilio Palaestino, A­ctiones naturales non attrahere gratiam, & gratiam non dari secundum merita nostra. Fatetur apud Au­gustinum lib. de gratia Christi cap. 30. Quod in om­nibus operibus, liberum arbitrium divino semper ad­juvatur auxilio; fatetur cap. 35. nos nihil omnino boni posse facere sine Deo; haecne sufficiebant Ec­clesiae? nequaquam. Urgebat enim per Augustinum cui in Conciliis duobus curam Scripturarum & di­sputationum commiserat; Quaerimus adhuc quo au­xilio liberum dicat adjuvari arbitrium? cap. 37. Fa­teatur gratiam de qua quaestio est, cap. 31. Quaerimus quo auxilio? quaerimus qua gratia? operatur (inquit Pelagius cap. 10.) in nobis velle quod bonum est, velle quod sanctum est, dum nos terrenis cupiditatibus de­ditos mutorum more animalium tantummodo praesen­tia diligentes, futurae gloriae magnitudine & praemio­rum sollicitatione succendit, dum revelatione sapientiae in desiderium Dei stupentem excitat voluntatem, dum nobis suadet omne quod bonum est. Optime Pelagius! Sed nunquid sat clare pro notis Augustini? Nequa­quam. In Pelagii & Caelestii scriptis (inquit cap. 30.) quaecunque legere potui, nusquam eos inveni gra­tiam quemadmodum confitenda est, confiteri. Quaeri­mus ergo quo auxilio? qaaerimus quâ gratiâ? Fa­teatur gratiam de qua quaestio est.

Sed quaeso, dicat ipse Augustinus, quam ipse gratiam intelligat confitendam. Nos (inquit cap. 10.) eam gratiam volumus isti fateantur aliquando, quâ futurae gloriae magnitudo non solùm promitti­tur, verùm etiam creditur & speratur, nec solùm revelatur sapientia, verùm etiam & amatur; nec suadetur solùm omne quod verum est & bonum, ve­rùm etiam & persuadetur. Non enim omnium est fi­des qui audiunt per Scripturas Dominum Regnum cae­lorum pollicentem. Nec omnibus persuadetur qui­buscumque suadetur, ut veniant ad eam qui dicit, Venite ad me omnes qui laboratis. Quorum autem sit fides, & quibus persuadetur ut ad eum veniant, sa­tis ipse demonstravit, ubi ait, Nemo venit ad me nisi Pater qui misit me, traxerit eum. Et paulo post, cum de non credentibus loqueretur: Dixi, inquit, vobis quia nemo potest venire ad me, nisi ei fuerit datum à Patre meo; hanc debet Pelagius gratiam confiteri, si vult non solùm vocari, verùm etiam esse Christianus.

Audistis Molinistae! quascumque suasiones habeat homo, quascumque vocationes accipiat, si non per­suadetur, si non venit, non hae gratiae sunt quas non norit Pelagius: non hae sunt de quibus quaestio est. Quae persuadeat & quae trahat, quaeritur: hanc de­bet Pelagius confiteri, si vult non solùm vocari, ve­rùm etiam esse Christianus. Sed dicent, se omne bonum opus tribuere Deo, quod Pelagius tribuebat naturae: hoc recte dixerint apud idiotas. Quaerimus adhuc quomodo tribuant, an per eam gratiam de qua quaestio est? Quaerimus quo auxilio nos indigere fate­antur? (cap. 33.) Dicent fateri se gratiam quae prae­currat omnem actionem liberi arbitrii, hoc fassi & Semipelagiani; gratiam, inquient, supernaturalem & internam, & quae non sit solum in mente, sed etiam in voluntate. Dicam ego cum Augustino cap. 33. Quis crederet sub hac quasi manifesta con­fessione sensum latere contrarium? Quaerimus ad­huc quo auxilio, suadentene voluntati an persua­dente, excitante an determinante, vocante an trahente? Nam & Pelagius, in desiderium, inquit, Dei stupentem excitat voluntatem, dum nobis sua­det omne quod bonum est. Si non persuadentem & determinantem gratiam fatentur Molinistae, non eam fatentur de qua quaestio erat inter Augustinum & Pelagium, nec se adjunxerunt Augustino, sed toti adhaerent Pelagio: Hanc debet Pelagius confi­teri, si vult non solùm vocari, verùm etiam esse Christianus.

Uno verbo, in hac doctrina gratiae non datur medium, vel erratur cum Pelagianis & Semipela­gianis, vel adhaeretur Augustino, cujus fundamen­talis in illos assertio fuit, de hac gratia persuadente, determinante & victrici, a qua caetera de praedesti­natione quaesita penderent, nec querelae, objecta, argumenta & invectivae Haereticorum in Augusti­num ex alio capite promanarunt quam hujus vi­ctricis gratiae per cum contra ipsos ex Scripturis & Ecclesiae fide constanter assertae & stabilitae; vel hoc ipsum incogitanter fatente & observante Ludo­vico Molina, dum dicit; Quod si Augustinus gra­tiam ejus sufficientem & libero subditam arbitrio docuisset, fortè neque Pelagiana baeresis fuisset ex­orta, neque Semipelagianorum in Augustinum con­certationes. Optime dicit Molina, quia & Se­mipelagiani omnes & Pelagiani fraternitatis dextras dedissent Augustino, nec aliud fu­turum erat, nisi quod Augustinum cum eis [Page 76] Ecclesia damnasset. Igitur de gratia efficaci tota su­it controversia inter illos & Augustinum, ut & tota est hodie inter Molinistas & Augustini discipulos, ut non durum Molinae videri debeat, si ab his ex sui Praeceptoris verbis admonetur, quod hanc debet gra­tiam c [...]nsiteri, si vult non solùm vocari, verùm eti­am [...]sse Christianus.

Sed quare non sit Christianus qui caetera praeter hanc unicam gratiam victricem & efficacem de Christo & Christiana doctrina confitetur? Vellem dicti sui rationem ipse redderet Augustinus, reddam tamen ex Augustino, nec aliam quidem ab ea quam superius insinuavi, per negatam hanc gratiam effica­cem everti uno impulsu omnem Christi Religio­nem, Christi crucem evacuari, ejusque in carne adventum inanem reddi.

Has enim consequentias Augustinus & Patres contra Pelagium ex negata illa gratia quae propria Christi est, passim intulerunt, unde gratiam ad cu­jus confessionem Pelagium compellebant, soliti e­rant vocare gratiam Christi, gratium quâ Christia­ni sumus, gratiam Salvatoris, gratiam Christia­nam, gratiam quae revelata est per passionem & re­surrectionem Christi, gratiam quae per Incarnatio­nem Ʋnigeniti donata est, denique gratiam Dei per Jesum Christum quam ex Apostolo (Rom. 7.) didi­cerunt, liberare nos à morte corporis hujus, hoc est, victores nos reddere a vitiis & passionibus cor­poris mortis hujus. Haec autem gratia non est gra­tia illa Molinae sufficiens, similis ei qua etiam primus homo & Angeli indiguerunt, quando in primae il­lius dignitatis & felicitatis praestantia creabantur: sed est gratia medicinalis & efficax qua per Salvato­rem servamur & liberamur a vulneribus libero arbi­trio inflictis, & quae propterea non minus differt ab illa sufficiente, quam morbus cui sanando adhi­betur, a pristina & primaeva sanitate quae post pri­mi hominis lapsum amplius non habetur. De hac sola gratia Christi Augustinus & Patres disputant: hanc Augustinus explicuit, hanc (ut vidimus) pri­maevae illi gratiae sufficienti feu possibilitatis mani­feste opposuit: hanc hominibus in statu naturae lap­sae, ut mundum cum suis terroribus, amoribus & erroribus vincerent, necessariam ex fide approban­tis Ecclesiae constantissime praedicavit; hanc qui non admittit, etsi alias quascunque gratias admit­tat, quantum ad praesentis controversiae cardinem spectat, perinde omnino est ac si nullam admitte­ret.

Quia vero, ut salubriter monent S. Leo Papa E­pistola ad Nicetam, & S. Prosper in carmine de in­gratis, & contra collatorem cap. 5. tam sunt con­nexi haeresis illius Pelagianae errores, ut ex uno e­jus capite vel minimo concesso, tota statim revi­viscat: ita ex negata necessitate gratiae Christi effi­cacis, & dimissa in statu naturae lapsae sufficientia gratiae possibilitatis tam tota evertitur Christiana Religio, quam per totam Pelagianam haeresim ple­ne evertebatur. Sequitur enim, liberi arbitrii vires integras esse quibus ad bene operandum non aliud datur post originalem noxam gratiae auxilium quam quod in statu innocentiae dari oportebat. Sequitur nedum non integras liberi arbitrii vires, imo & ro­bustiores: ex quo cum eadem prorsus gratia qua in tanta status felicitate, in tanta non peccandi facili­tate, poterat Adam non peccare, in tanta etiam qua nunc premimur aerumnosae mortalitatis calami­tate, in tanta furentium concupiscentiarum tem­pestate, possint homines fortiter stare, possint & victores evadere. Sequitur contra Concilii Arau­sicani decreta liberum arbitrium non esse inclina­tum, debilitatum & amissum in ordine ad bonum. Sequitur originale peccatum non vulnerasse liberta­tem. Sequitur non esse peccatum originale, ex quo per illud solum humana natura universim labe [...]acta­ta est. Sequitur Christum gratis esse mortuum, ex quo per naturam justitia. Sequitur non fuisse mortuum, ex quo gratis fuisse mortuum improbabile est. Se­quitur non esse incarnatum, ex quo non magnus de caelo venerit Medicus, si non magnus in terris jace­bat aegrotus. Num aliud in Christianae Religionis sacrario superest evertendum? Num aliquid non so­lo aequatum? Igitur qui nolet tam celebres ruinas induxisse, aut se violatae totius Christianitatis reatu sacrilego adstrinxisse, duo gratiarum genera distin­guat, nec quod sanae arbitrio voluntatis convenit, haec aegroto tribuat, nec quod libero, hoc captivo relinquat sufficientem possibilitatis gratiam statui na­turae integrae: asserat gratiam Christi trahentem, persuadentem, efficacem & victricem statui naturae lapsae: Hanc debet Pelagius confiteri, si vult non solùm vocari verùm etiam esse Christianus.

Hoc in Molinam transtuli ex sensu Augustini quod in Molinam quadrat, non quod hominis religioni velim detraxisse, aut discipulorum ejus famam tra­duxisse: sed quod pessimae quam incauti renova­runt doctrinae, cognita olim praecipitia a quibus re­trocedant debui indicasse, errores insequor, er­rantes veneror, quos ut Ecclesiae filios incogitanter humana passos, & aliunde Christianae pietatis cul­tores, potens est Deus corrigere, potens est Deus statuere & elisos erigere: hoc interim eos rogans, ut si nondum in Augustini, hoc est, totius antiquae fidei sententiam consenserunt, suam sibi solis habe­ant quae ipsis sufficit gratiam sufficientem, nec per procurata parum sinceris artibus Sedis Apostolicae decreta eam qua fatemur nos egere, propriae infir­mitatis consciis gratiam eripiant efficacem, quam­diu non aliud habent quod in ejus vicem offerant quam gratiam Molinisticam, hoc est, pro pane filio­rum quem auferunt, durum lapidem, pro pisce ser­pentem, pro ovo scorpionem.

Epilogus & conclusio.

EX dictis patet gratiae Christi actuali de qua sola est quaestio, nunquam ita resisti, quin haec, si ad actum consummandum datur, & victrici delecta­tione spiritus omnem carnis delectationem superet, & omnipotentissima facilitate quamvis resistentiam frangat, ac ex nolentibus volentes faciat; ex re­pugnantibus consentientes, & ex oppugnantibus a­mantes. Hoc Augustinus ex Scripturis & fide, hoc Clemens Papa & Congregatio de Auxiliis, hoc Tho­mas Aquinas ex reconditis Theologiae fontibus de­crevere.

Patet praeterea gratiam quoque actualem quae sufficiens (remota & in actu primo) appellatur, nul­la unquam prohiberi resistentia quin suum effectum immediatum & proximum ad quem a Deo efficaci­ter destinatur, producat infallibiliter. Hoc Bellar­minus, hoc Thomistae omnes ex suis Praeceptoribus Augustino & Thoma didicerunt; & nec per impos­sibile aliter posse contingere manifestis rationibus demonstrarunt.

Et propterea concludi debeat propositionem [Page 77] controversam (quod interiori gratiae in statu na­turae lapsae nunquam resistitur) sic intellectam, nec ulli obnoxiam esse censurae, nec ex Jansenii nomi­ne posse proscribi, cum circa illam nihil dixerit Jansenius quam quod ante ipsum dixerant Thomistae & Bellarminus.

Si secus fiat, & sub sensu aliquo damnetur ex iis quos jam sua felicitate ex omnium Theologorum consensu, sed diximus esse damnatos, nisi ii distincte & clare in proscriptionis decreto assignentur, non Ecclesiae paci consulitur, sed acriori contentionum flammae fomes adjicitur; dum contendant Moli­nistae suisse a Sede Apostolica assertam suam illam cui saepe resistitur, & cui semper resisti potest, gra­tiam sufficientem Paulo inimicam, Scripturis invi­sam, precibus Ecclesiae ignotam, quae ut olim A­damo innocenti percommoda, sic hominibus lap­sis incongrua, quae mysterium praedestinationis e­vertit, crucem Christi evacuat, & totam haeresis Pelagianae luem radix virulenta restaurat. Igitur quod monet S. Prosper contra Collatorem c. 44. De prostrati dudum dogmatis corpore non hoc 1 membrum sinatur assurgere, quia notum est ita se falsitatis hujus habere versutias, ut si liceat eis prae­teritae correctionis imagine aliquod sibi faventium radicis suae germen excipere, totam sep [...]ssit in exigua sui parte reparare: ubi enim non aliud habet summa quam portio, non est devotionis dedisse prope totum, sed fraude retinuisse vel minimum.

The third Writing.

III. PROPOSITIO CONTROVERSA.
Ad merendum & demerendum in statu naturae lapsae non requiritur libertas à necessitate, sed sufficit libertas à coactione.

DIceres inspecto hujus propositionis cortice re­novari damnatas Baii propositiones. Diceres tolli in staru naturae lapsae sive ad malum sive ad bonum indifferentiam. Crederes inductam libertati via­toris necessitatem, eversumque penitus humanae voluntatis arbitrium. Quid impie magis aut a Calvino dictum, aut a Luthero blasphematum? Peccavit certe, nec leviter, Jansenius, si haec do­cuit. Sed longe gravius peccant procul dubio Mo­linistae, si quod nec somniavit Jansenius, mendaci­ter apud Sedem Apostolicam Jansenio affingunt, ur per Jansenii latus, vel ipsa deceptae ac delusae Sedis Apostolicae sacratissima manu confossas fidei verita­tes, dejectam Christi gratiam efficacem, prostra­tumque Augustinum, hoc est, damnatam erroris omnium seculorum fidem, consecratum Molinam, restitutum suae innocentiae & famae Pelagium, im­pletaque uno verbo sua sacrilega valeant gloriari, Hoc volunt certissime Molinistae, hicque unicus sco­pus in quem per controversae propositionis delatio­nem secretius collimant, non quod sperent eam in vero Jansenii sensu nunquam a Sede Apostolica de­bere proscribi, sed ut proscriptam in sensu Jansenii mentiri valeant, quam sub Jansenii nomine obtu­lerint proscribendam. Hinc nec pudor eos conti­nuit ab infami & calumnioso mendacio, nec scru­pulus aliquis eos fraenavit a Sedis Apostolicae tentan­da deceptione; sed excussis pariter & fronte & conscientia propositionem hanc quasi ex Baio per Jansenium formaliter renovatam detulerunt, quod sibi persuaserint eam absque exactiori veritatis in­quisitione ad solam quam habet cum dam nata Baii propositione verborum consonantiam, statim ab hac Apostolica Sede ut jam proscripta declaran­dam.

Igitur ne eis prospere succedat ausus tam sacri­legus, sensum propositionum Baii ostendam alie­nissimum a Jansenio; & demum legitimos sensus secretioribus Molistinarum insidiis in hac proposi­tione impetitos, & per indistinctam propositionis censuram calumniae expositos, diligenter expen­dam.

CAPUT. I.
Propositiones Baii in hac materia damnatae osten­duntur à doctrina Jansenii manifestissime a­lienae.

PRocul ab Augustino & Theologica veritate re­cessit Baius, dum docuit non contrariari libet­tati, nedum necessitatem complacentiae et immu­tabilitatis, sed nec ipsam quoque necessitatem ab­solutam qua voluntas ad malum apperendum et exe­quendum sine ullo sui consensu, illicitis concu­piscentiae motibus solet perurgeri. Hoc intellex­isse Baium per articulos a Pio V. damnatos 39. Quod voluntarie fit, etiamsi necessario fiat, libere ta­men fit. Et 66. Sola violentia repugnat libertati hominis naturali. Docet P. Gabriel Vasquez in 1 2 D. Th. disp. 109. cap. 8, dicens, Praedictum Michaelem Baium ita putasse hominem peccare in om­nibus affectibus & motibus suis qui non essent virtutis, ut etiam in his quae sine libertate fiunt, peccatum esse diceret. In quo nec Augustinus, nec ejus discipuli pec­catum agnoscunt. Ita Vasquez.

Et quidem verissimam esse Vasquis interpretatio­nem probat regula generalis P. Francisci Suares tom. 1. de grat. prolog. 6, c. 2, n. 13, qua docet quomodo in propositionibus Baii ambiguis distin­guendus sit sensus Baii damnatus a sensu bono & Theologico, ex consensu nimirum propositionis ambiguae cum aliis propositionibus in Bulla dam­natis. Illumque dicit judicandum sensum Baii ide­oque et damnatum, qui cum aliis propositionibus Baii damnatis nec ambiguis manifeste consentit. Alium vero sensum qui cum eis non concordat, et alioquin habet fide jussores probatos Theologos, esse reputandum censum bonum et Theologicum, nec sub Bull ae censura aliquatenus comprehensum. Haec, inquam, regula ad praesentem materiam ap­plicata clare manifestat attigisse Vasquem et Baii mentem in praedictis duobus articulis, et Pontificiae Censurae in iis damnandis unicum scopum: siqui­dem illi duo articuli sic intellecti, ut libertati et peccato locum tribuant in motibus illis illicitis, qui rationis vigilantiam et voluntatis consensum ante­vertunt, consonant plenissime cum articulis mani­feste reprobis. 67. Homo damnabiliter peccat in eo quod necessario facit. 51. Concupiscentia sive lex membrorum & prava ejus desideria, quae inviti sen­tiunt homines, sunt vera legis inobedientia; & 76. Concupiscentia in renatis relapsis peccatum est, sicut & alii pravi habitus. Si vero intelligantur praefati [Page 78] duo articuli de voluntario libero et ex pleno arbitrii assensu elicito, jam nec congruunt cum articulis ul­timo relatis: cum primi illi motus, etsi voluntarii, dicantur quia in voluntatem irrumpunt, non tamen sint aut dici queant liberi. Et ulterius habent illi duo articuli probe intellecti side jussorem Patrum et Scholasticorum insigniorum catervam nobilissimam uno ore docentem, libere fieri id omne quod v [...]lun­tarie fit, seu ex ipsa interiori voluntatis electione & inclinatione procedit, quantumvis alioquin necessario & immutabiliter fiat, nec libertati repugnare necessi­tatem complacentiae & immutabilitatis, sed solius violentiae aut coactionis, Ut infra videbimus.

Admittitur passim haec Vasquis interpretatio tan­quam Theologica & omnis censurae expers, cui Jan­senium haesisse aut sciunt aut nesciunt Molinistae. Si nesciunt, certe non potuit ab eis incusari absque temeritatis infamia, quod praefatos Baii articulos in propositione controversa renovarit, cum projectae temeritatis sit, de eo quod ignoramus, quempiam criminari. Si sciunt & norant, jam profecto & deceptae Sedis Apostolicae & illatae Jansenio calum­niae convincuntu [...]: cum ex hoc capite, quod falsissi­mum norunt, Apostolicam Sedem in damnationem Jansenii, nequssimo simul & sacrilego ausu conen­tur impellere. Sed sciunt omnino, nec eis licuit ignotare quod in illo Auctore tam pervium. Is e­nim tom 3, lib. 6, post explicatam suo modo liberi arbitrii naturam fuse & per multa capita, demum cap. 36. movet sibi ipsi objectionem ex damnatis Baii articulis sub hoc titulo: Explcantur proposio­nes in Bulla Pii V. Quod voluntarie fit, etiamsi ne­cessitate fiat, libere tamen fit, & sola violentia re­pugnat libertati hominis naturali: hic est titulus praesati capitis 36. in ipso vero textu duplicem as­signat difficultatis solutionem. Prima sic habet: Idcirco, inquit, utramque propositi mem damnandam censuerunt Pontifices, quia eo tendebant, ut motus illi concupiscentiae qui rationem antevertunt, essent peccata, quod sine dubio falsum est, &c. eo autem in illis proposi [...]ionibus collimari indicat Vasquez 1 2, disp. 190, c. 18, n. 185, ubi dicit auctorem proposi­tionum putasse, hominem peccare in omnibus affecti­bus & motibus suis qui non esse [...]t virtutis, ut etiam in his quae sine libertate fiunt, peccatum esse diceret, hoc est, in istis motibus concupiscentiae indeliberatis, quos non esse liberos constat. Haec Jansenii prima solutio, ad quam corroborandam subsequenter confert articulos in titulo capitis recitatos cum aliis articulis in eadem Bulla comproscriptis, ut nos antea fecimus. Subjungit deinde alteram solutio­nem desumptam ex natura libertatis, quae sive im­portet indifferentiam salrem contradictionis, ut volunt moderni, sive eam non importet, ut voluit Au­gustinus & Patres, minus late patet quam voluntas. Sic ergo [...]it: Quamquam secundo, etiam a caeteris avul­sae & de libertate generatim, sicut eam ex posuimus, in­tellectae per se ipsae sine ulla interpretatione, vel miti­gatione falsae sunt, constat enim hujusmodi improvi­so motus esse voluntarios & sine violentia ex voluntate fluere; nec tamen etiam in illo sensu esse liberos. De­est illis quippe id quod praecipuum est, quia non sunt in hominis potestate, non sumus eorum domini, fiunt sine plena rationis advertentia, profluunt invita re­pugnanteque voluntate: quae singula essentialiter re­pugnant libertati. Amplius ergo sine dubio requiri­tur quam esse volu [...]tarium & sine violentia ut sit li­berum. Hoc Pontifices stahilire voluerunt, ne tales spontanei necessarii motus liberi putarentur, & in perniciosum hujus vitae errorem iretur, quem haeretici hujus temporis protulerunt. De amore autem bea­tifico, quem plures auctores veteres cum Augustino liberrimum esse docuerunt, nulla Pontificibus cura fuit: de illo vero solo nostra quastio est, &c. Ha­ctenus Jansenius; & damnation [...] a Pontificibus in Baium latae religiose subscribens, & se a Baio alie­nissimum egtegie comprobans: Hoc si notunt Mo­linistae dum Jansenium accusant, calumniatores sunt; si non norunt, temerarii.

CAPUT. II.
Quod nec de indifferentia in statu naturae lapsae ab hominibus submovenda Jansenius somnia­rit.

PRima in propositionem controversam querela de renovatis Baii articulis & adscriptis libertati & peccato, primis concupiscentiae motibus jam abstersa est: restat altera expurganda: quod nimi­rum a nobis dum vivimus tollat indifferentiam. Hanc u [...] aggrediar, quaero a Molinistis conversae pro­positionis fabricatoribus et delatoribus, an haec propositio unquam a Jansenio sic fuerit illimitate prolata, ut suspicionem aliquam facere potuerit negatae ab ipso in nobis indifferentiae, inductae ad agendum necessitatis, ideoque et eversae libertatis? sed, inquient, decet posse subsistere meritum sine indifferentia, & cum ipsa agendi necessitate. Non hoc quaero, nam et hoc dixisse et docuisse Augu­stinum, Thomam, et alios tam Patres quam Scho­lasticos, inferius ostendam. Quaero praecise, an hoc quod dicit posse fieri, unquam dixerit de facto in nobis fieri; Haec enim duo diversissima sunt, et talia, ut unum sit sanum & Theologicum, alterum erroneum: nec enim a potentia ad actum jugis est consequentia. Poterant Apostoli ita per gratiae do­na firmari, ut nec venialiter quidem laberentur; hoc qui dixerit, verissime dixerit. Anne ideo asserere liceat eos nec peccasse venialiter; Hoc qui dice­ret, haeretice diceret, reclamantibus vel ipsis Apo­stolis, Quoniam si dixerimus, quia peccatum non habemus, ipsi nos seducimus, & veritas in nobis non est. Ita et in nostra quaestione asserere liceat absque periculo indifferentiam non esse de conceptu liber­tatis aut meriti, sed posse utrumque salvari vel in ipsa agendi necessitate. At vero dicere non licet quod post lapsum hominem in Adamo careant ho­mines indifferentia in hujus vitae statu aut ex necessi­tate quidpiam sive malum sive bonum operentur. Hoc ergo quaero an Jansenius dixerit? si enim dixit, juste in eum insurgitur; si non dixir, calumniose impetitur, ut in his quae non dixit, quasi ea dixerit apud Sedem Apostolicam accusatus, & ab ea muti­latus, in aliis quae cum Augustino & Patribus con­tra Molinam docuit, fingi valeat a Molinistis fuisse condemnatus. Ut ergo pateat Molinistas non Janse­nium quaerere sed sub Jansenii velut praedamnati hominis infenso & malo nomine Augustinum, Tho­mam, & ipsam veritatem insectari, imo ipsissimae veritatis Sedi augustissimae decipiendae totis animo­rum conatibus intendere, ipsum adduco Jansenium qui se prodat, et quid dixerit, aperte fateatur.

Certe nedum non dixit, quod eum dixisse men­tiuntur [Page 79] Molinistae, sed contrarium prorsus ex Augu­stino & universa Christiana Theologia ubique de­monstravit: ut plane mirum sit, si post deprehen­sum tam solenne Molinistarum mendacium, aliqua deinceps fides eorum dictis habeatur. Unicum Jan­senii locum adduco qui plures possem adducere. Sic habet tom. 3, lib. 8, de gratia Christi Salvatoris cap. 20.

Quaeres fortassis, utrum igitur nulla indifferentia sive contrarietatis, sive contradictionis, sit in libero voluntatis arbitrio post peccatum quandiu in mortali­tate vivimus? Si enim non adest indifferentia con­trarietatis, quomodo possumus hic semper bene & male vivere? si n [...]n ade [...] contradictionis, quomodo ergo di­citur, Qui potuit transgredi & non est transgressus, facere mala & non fecit?

‘Respondetur, quandiu hic vivimus, sive in in­fidelitate ante gratiam, sive jam sub gratia, indif­ferentiam ad contraria, hoc est, ad volendum fa­ciendumque bonum et malum, semper libero in­esse arbittio: sed non eo modo quo quidam (Mo­linistas intelligit) putant, qui quocumque arbi­trium sive gratiae sive peccati delectationibus im­buatur, semper existimant cum utravis ejus dispo­sitione posse fieri, ut utrumlibet velit sive bonum sive malum, pro illa sola scilicet innata indiffe­rentia voluntatis, quae sub quacumque dispositione actum, praeveniente se sua libertate, in utramvis partem flectit. Talis enim indifferentia contra­rietatis ab Augustino constantissime negata fuit, et a Pelagianis contentiosissime postulata, prout utrum­que suis locis demonstravimus. Alio igitur sensu liberum arbitrium ante gratiam, quemadmodum etiam alio sensu sub gratia indifferentiam contra­dictionis et contrarietatis habet; ita ut videlicet quibuscunque positis quae ad agendum bonum vel malum requisita sunt, possit liberum arbitrium in hac vita facere bonum et malum, facere alteru­trum et non facere.’

‘Dicimus igitur, liberum arbitrium quantum cun­que vehementi atque efficaci gratiae delectatione praeventum atque determinatum ad faciendum bonum, adhuc tamen posse bonum non tantum non facere, sed etiam facere malum. Verum est enim istud non quidem in sensu COMPOSITO, ut vulgo dici solet, SED IN SENSU DIVISO. Nimirum quia eodem tempore quo voluntatis ar­bitrium sub gratiae delectatione efficaciter eam movente positum est, imo quo etiam actum vo­luntatis bonum facit, est in eadem voluntate po­testas illud non faciendi, imo peccandi, non quod cessatio ab actu quem tunc elicit, aut actuale peccatum cum gratiae delectantis influxu consistere possit (quod sensus compositus postularet) sed quia cessandi et peccandi potestas cum eadem gra­tia, simul in eodem voluntatis arbitrio conjungi potest; nam quamvis duo actus contrarii sunt op­positi, et in eadem voluntate simul esse non pos­sint, potestates tamen ad opposita non sunt op­positae, nec sibi invicem, nec actibus oppositis, et in eodem simul subjecto sive agente sive quie­scente possunt commorari. Sic ergo voluntas quantacumque gratiae suavitate rapiatur, potest non agere id in quod rapitur, quia veram non agendi potestatem etiam sub gratia rapiente retinet, quam­vis fieri nequeat, ut ipsa non actio cum gratiae o­peratione in eadem simul voluntate copuletur. Sic enim juxta Tridentinum HOMO RECIPIENS INSPIRATIONEM ILLAM ABJICERE PO­TEST, ET LIBERUM ARB [...]TRIUM A DEO MOTUM POTEST DISSENT [...]RE SI VE­LIT. Qua de re qui plura volet, auctores qui de physica praedeterminatione tractant consulendi sunt.’

‘Hoc est igitur quod S. Augustinus tradit, quen­do toties docet concupiscentiam & ignorantiam, per quam nunc omnia peccata committuntur, non auferri ex nobis quandiu in hac mortali vita ver­samur; hinc enim fit, quod non solum in nobis ipsa potentia voluntatis, quae de se ad malum fle­xibilis est, sed etiam pondus ad peccandum re­manet, quod est peccandi potestas perfectissima, quae sane non solum adest inesique voluntati quan­do gratiae delectatione caret, sed etiam quando intima ejus suavitate efficaciter trahitur, propter quam sane liberum arbitrium, qualicumque gratia ad bene agendum rapiatur, rectissime dici potest posset peccare, licet fieri nequeat, ut ipsum pec­catum simul in sensu composito cum gratiae opera­tione societur. Hoc sensu S. Prosper, QUI AD OBEDIENDUM SIBI IPSUM VELLE SIC DONAT, UT ETIAM A PERSEVE­RATURIS ILLAM MUTABILITATEM QUAE POTEST NOLLE, NON AUFERAT: qui­bus verbis significat manere in Sanctis illam mu­tabilitatem quae potest in tentatione mutari; prop­ter pugnam videlicet carnis et spiritus.’

Hactenus Jansenius, non, ut calumniantur Mo­linistae, indifferentiae destructor, sed constantissimus assertor, & quidem sub iisdem prorsus te minis, quibus eam asserunt & explicant Bellarminus & Thomistae, quibus si quid contrarium dixerit in hac parte, liceat Molinistis asserere quod solum Janseni­um impetunt. Si vero cum iis plenissime consentit, desinant suis artibus procurare ne audiantur Thomi­stae, quasi non eorum, sed solius Iansenii res aga­tur, nec ipsissimae veritates gratiae efficacis hodie im­pugnentur, quasi ipsi per suos Antesignanos, hoc est, Dominicanos Patres ante annos quadraginta coram summis Pontificibus Clemens VIII. & Paulo V. gloriosissime propugnarunt.

CAPUT. III.
Indifferentiam non esse essentialem libertati, sed posse stare libertatem cum agendi necessitate, ideoque solam coactionem repugnare liber­tati.

VIdimus indifferentiam in hominibus, nec re­clamante Iansenio, huic vitae statui indesinen­ter annexam; nunc videndum existimem, an ea adeo libertati cohaereat, ut nequeat libertas sine ipsa con­stare.

Certe Divus Augustinus, qui quamvis hujus indif­ferentiae in nobis, dum vivimus, sit perpetuus de­fensor, non tamen ex hoc indifferentiae capite (ut poterat) sed compendiosiori alia, eaque faciliori & magis simplici via efficaciam gratiae cum nostra li­bertate componit, & liberrimam asserit volunta­tem sub quocumque gratiae efficacis impulsu, ex hoc solum quod ipsa non ut quoddam inanime organum movetur, sed ita movetur fortiter & suaviter, ut & seipsam moveat: ita pro suae naturae modo ad vo­lendum [Page 80] excitatur, ut & ipsa velit: consequenter ostendit (quod & alias frequentissime asserit) se in eo sensu esse, ut absolute loquendo, sive voluntas sit indifferens, sive non indifferens, sed ad unum determinata, libere tamen agat & semper libere ve­lit: quod consequenter indifferentia, non per se, sed per accidens, non ut innatum quidpiam, sed ut adventitium spectet ad libertatem.

Concinunt Augustino caeteri SS. Patres & Scho­lasticorum turmae non ignobiles, dum dicunt pas­sim voluntatem tam esse sui juris, ut cogi ab ullo nequeat, tam esse liberam ut impossibile sit eam sua libertate privari qua non plus carere valeat quam seipsa. Si enim (inquiunt) volumus, aut libere volu­mus, aut inviti & nolentes: velle nolentes & in­vitos contradictorium est, & tam implicat quem­quam velle simul & non velle, quam implicat si­mul esse & non esse. Igitur si volumus, libere vo­lumus, qui (ut acute Augustinus) non vellemus, si nollemus. Igitur operari voluntatem & non li­bere operari, nec mente quidem potest compre­hendi.

Ex hoc principio, quod ipsam voluntatis natu­ram exprimit, inferunt indifferentiam esse quidem signum libertatis manifestissimum in iis in quibus reperitur: at non esse ipsam libertatem, aut quid­piam ad libertatis per se spectatae essentiam perti­nens, inferunt libertatem constare posse cum de­terminatione ad unum & necessitate agendi inevita­bili: sicque demum asserunt, subsistere in Deo pri­mo libero & totius libertatis archetypo: substitisse in Christo viatore, & tota aeternitate in Angelis & daemonibus, in beatis & damnatis hominibus im­mobiliter substituram.

Audiamus loquentes Patres & Doctores alios.

D. Augustinus lib. 5. de Civitate Dei c. 10. Si ne­cessitas nostra illa dicenda est quae non est in nostra potestate, sed etiam si nolumus efficit quod potest, sicut est necessitas mortis, manifestum est, volun­tates, quibus rectè aut perperam vivimus, sub tali necessitate non esse. Nam si volumus, est; si nolu­mus, non est. Non enim vellemus, si nollemus: si autem ista definitur esse necessitas, secundum quam dicimus necesse esse ut ita sit aliquid, vel ita fiat: nescio cur eam timeamus ne nobis auferat libertatem voluntatis; neque enim & vitam Dei & praescienti­am Dei sub necessitate ponimus, (hoc est, necessita­te contraria libertati) se dicamus necesse est Deum semper vivere & cuncta praescire, sicut nec potestas ejus minuitur, cùm dicitur mori fallique non posse. Et lib. 22. de Civit. cap. ult. Nec ideo Beati libe­rum arbitrium non habebunt, quia peccata eos dele­ctare non poterunt; magis quippe erit liberum à dele­ctatione peccandi usque ad delectationem non peccandi indeclinabiliter liberatum. Ibidem: Primum libe­rum arbitrium posse non peccare, novissimum non posse peccare, sic enim erit inamissibi­lis voluntas pietatis & aequitatis, quomodo & felicitatis, &c. Ibidem: Certè Deus ipse numquid quia peccare non potest, ideo liberum arbitrium ha­bere negandus est? Erit ergo illius civitatis & una in omnibus, & inseparabilis in singulis voluntas li­bera, ab omni malo liberata & implenda omni bono, fruens indeficienter aeternorū jucunditate gaudiorum.

D. Anselmus lib. de lib. arb. cap. 5. Velle nemo potest invitus, quia non potest velle, nolens velle. Nam omnis voluntas ipsum suum velle vult. Quo­modo itaque non est libera voluntas, quam aliena po­testas sine suo assensu subjicere non potest?

D. Bernardus de grat. & lib. arb. Ʋoluntatem im­possibile est suâ privari libertate. Potest quidem mu­tari voluntas, sed non nisi in aliam voluntatem, ut nunquam amittat libertatem. Tam ergo non poterit privari illâ quàm nec seipsa. Si poterit aliquando ho­mo velle aliquid, & non voluntate, poterit & carere libertate voluntas. Sicut caelestis Angelus, aut etiam ipse Deus permanet liberè bonus, propria videlicet voluntate, non aliquâ extrinsecâ necessitate: sic profectò diabolus aequè liberè in malum corruit & perstitit, suo utique voluntario nutu, non alieno im­pulsu, &c.

Hugo a S. Victore in sum. tom. 3. c. 9. Liberum arbitrium sic dicitur, quia voluntarium, unde boni Angeli liberè boni, & mali liberè mali, &c. Et tract. 2. cap. 4. Quod si infers, ergo sunt indifferen­tes ad bonum & malum, respondetur, non in hac in­differentia consistere liberum arbitrium, sed liberum non aliud importare quàm voluntarium. Angeli au­tem boni abstinent à malo non necessitate cogente, sed libertate volente. Angeli similiter mali abstinent à bono non quia coguntur, sed quia liberè nolunt.

Richardus a S. Victore de eruditione interioris ho­minis cap. 30. & de statu interioris hominis cap. 23. Libertas consistit in hoc quod non possumus cogi inviti nec ad bonum nec ad malum, & haec aequalis in bonis & in malis: nec perdi unquam potest, aut minui un­quam.

Petrus Lombardus dictus Magister Sententiarum lib. 2. dist. 23. Ʋbi non est libertas, nec est voluntas. Et lib. 2. dist. 7. idem docet de Angelis & daemo­nibus quod Divus Bernardus & Hugo Victori­nus.

Guillelmus Episcopus Parisiensis de vitiis & pec­catis fol. 211. & 213. Necessitas aut impossibilitas quae non prohibent quin actio aliqua sit voluntaria, hoc est, quin procedat à voluntate quae non potest non esse libera, non impediunt etiam quin actio possit esse cri­minosa. Et necessitas stabilitatis & immutabilitatis qualis est quae in Deo in ordine ad bonum reperitur, non aufert, sed perficit libertatem.

Alexander de Hales Ordinis Seraphici & Praecep­tor SS. Thomae & Bonaventurae in 2. p. sum. q. 72. m. 3. a. 3. Necessitas coactionis destruit arbitrium, non autem necessitas immutabilitatis, qualis reperitur in Angelis & daemonibus, &c.

D. Thomas Aquinas lib. 3. contra Gentes c. 138. Est duplex necessitas, quaedam coactionis, & haec laudem virtuosorum actuum diminuit, quia volun­tario contrariatur. Est autem quaedam necessitas ex interiori inclinatione procedens, & haec laudem vir­tuosi actus non minuit, sed auget: facit enim volun­tatem non magis intense tendere in actum virtutis; & quantò perfectior fuerit habitus ex quo voluntas ope­ratur, tantò vehementiùs eam inclinat. Quod si is ad perfectiorem devenerit, quamdam necessitatem in­fert ad bene agendum, sicut est in Beatis qui peccare non possunt, nec tamen propter hoc aut libertati vo­luntatis aliquid deperit aut actus bonitati. Er de po­tentia q. 10. a. 2. ad 5. Necessitas naturalis secun­dum quam voluntas aliquid ex necessitate velle dici­tur, ut felicitatem, libertati voluntatis non repug­nat, ut Augustinus docet lib. 3. de Civit. Dei: li­bertas enim voluntatis violentiae vel coactioni opponi­tur: non est autem violentia aut coactio in hoc quod aliquid secundum ordinem suae natura movetur, sed magis in hoc quod naturalis motus impeditur, sicut [Page 81] cùm impeditur grave ne descendat in medium. Ʋnde v [...]untas liberè appetit felicitatem, licet necessariò appetat illam. Sic autem & Deus necessariò & ta­men liberè suâ voluntate amat scipsum, licet de necessitate amet seipsum; & necessarium est quod tantum amet seipsum quantum bonus est, sicut tantum intelligit seipsum quantum est. Li­berè ergo Spiritus Sanctus procedit à Patre, non ta­men possibiliter, sed ex necessitate. Vide & de verit. q. 22. a. 5. ad 1. 3. & 4. & q. 23. a. 4. & ult. & q. 24. a. 1. ad 20. Et in 1. ad Hannibaldum dist. 47. q. unica, a. 1. &c.

Eadem dicunt D. Bonaventura in 2. dist. 25. q. 2. Richardus de Media villa in 2. dist. 7. a. 1. q. 2. & dist. 25. a. 2. q. 3. Henricus de Gandavo quodlib. 12. q. 26. Joannes Scotus quodlib. 16. Thomas de Argentina in 3. dist. 12. Marsilius in 3. dist. 12. a. 2. Gabriel Biel in 2. dist. 18. a. 3. Nicolaus de Or­b [...]llis in 2. dist. 25. Stephanus Bruleset in 2. dist. 25. q 8. Petrus Capuleius Episcopus Conversanus in 22. dist. 7. a. 1. q. 1. puncto 1. Gibieuf lib. 1. de liber­tate Dei & creaturae, cap. 9. n. 7.

Patrum & Scholasticorum auctoritatibus addo ra­tiones Theologicas.

Ab ip a prima libertatis radice exordior, quae in agente libero, non alia concipitur quam facultas illa mirabilis reflectendi se super suos actus, non so­lum appetendo, sed etiam judicando; hoc solius na­turae intellectualis proprium est, ob ejus immateri­alitatem, objectique vastitatem & illimitationem. Habet ergo agens intellectuale & liberum ex ratio­ne quidem ut possit de fine & mediis judicare, u­trorumque proportionem expendere, & per hoc ip­sum de proprio suo judicio judicium ferre & defini­re, num recte judicaverit; habet vero ex voluntate ut possit se non solum appetendo movere, sed eti­am super motum suum reflectendo velle movere. Haec prima radix libertatis quam insinuavit Thomas cum distinxit liberum a naturali, per hoc quod natu­rale agit ex inclinatione naturae, liberum autem ex judicio & ratione: ex hac vero altissima libertatis radice oritur in agente per voluntatem dominium sui actus, quod est a libertate inseparabile: siqui­dem non possumus concipere volentem quia vult se velle, quin statim eum concipiamus suae volitio­nis plenissime dominum & in volendo absolute libe­rum. Cum ergo in omni motu rationali voluntatis semper adsit expresse vel tacite hujusmodi super se reflexio: consequens etiam est quod ipsa voluntas in omni motu suo rationali aut consensu libera om­nino, sibique dominetur, nec coacta agatur, nec im­petu concitetur, sed ideo velit quia vult se velle, quia scipsam excitat, quia seipsam movet.

Hinc recte dicitut voluntas esse incogibilis & in­domabilis: nec minus esse impossibile voluntatem compelli invitam quam voluntatem non esse volun­tatem: quidquid enim ex quocumque objecto vo­luptatis, aut timoris, aut cujuslibet affectus quan­tumcumque vehementis in voluntatem inciderit, semper ipsa suo arbitrio superior manet, & de istis tanquam de praeparatoriis ad consentiendum aut dis­sentiendum judicat hoc ultro & sponte esse volen­dum, istud respuendum, & sic facit id quod ei vi­detur, id quod ei lubet, id quod ei placet, quae propriae & verae libertatis indicia sunt. Si vero ve­hementissime placet aut displicet, nihil mirum si ar­bitrium quoque vehementissime constantissimeque sibi esse volendum aut nolendum arbitratur, & si­bi ipsi legem imponit & necessitatem, quae cum in actu appareat, non aliunde quam ab ipso arbitrio aut voluntate & domini & libertatis ejus perfectio­ne proficiscitur.

Ex his sequitur manifeste quod probandum as­sumpsimus, posse stare libertatem cum agendi neces­sitate; solam coactionem ei repugnare; nec [...]sse de e­jus conceptu quidditativo ipsam indifferentiam, ho­rumque exempla adducere possumus, qualia addu­cunt praeallegati Auctores in Deo, Angelis & dae­monibus.

In Deo quidem, quia in eminentia simplicissimi actus Divini quo Deus se diligit ut bonum infinite di­ligibile, intelligere debemus quidquid perfectionis est in agente per intellectum & voluntatem. Ut er­go summa ejus perfectio est, quod se super actus su­os reflectat & judicet se bene judicare, & velit se vel­le, ac per hoc sit vere Dominus sui actus & liberri­me agat: sic & concipere debemus Deum non so­lum cognoscere seipsum ut infinite amabilem, non solum amare seipsum infinito amore, sed & intelli­gere & judicate quod bene judicet, & velle per voluntatem sequi judicium rationis, & velle dilige­re, & quod semper & invariabiliter summum bo­num est & summe diligendum, velle semper & in­variabiliter diligere; ideoque beatam sibi impone­re necessitatem nunquam non diligendi; ideoque esse vere Dominum sui actus, & non obstante neces­sitate esse vere liberrimum.

Certe nefas est tam abjecte de Deo sentire, ut putemus eum praecipiti & concitato amoris aestu se unquam dilexisse. In aeternis, inquit Aristoteles, idem est esse & posse; ut id semper in Deo fuisse no­vetimus, quod aliquando esse posse sine errore in­telligimus. At si concepimus aeternitatem pro ce­rebri nostri debilitate, seu per commensurationem ad tempus, nihil omnino addubitabimus, quin nunc saltem post elapsas infinitas seculorum myriades, nos­cant Pater & Filius se mutuo ardore, eoque justissi­mo, non minus quam infinito aeternum dilexisse. Non dubitabimus quin approbent suum velle & ve­lint velle, & velint se notionaliter diligere: quod nunc ipsis inesse intelligimus, semper fuisse non non dubitemus: Domini sunt & fuerint sui actus, sponte se dilexerunt & diligunt: Ergo actus ille di­lectionis vere liberrimus, nec ut naturae foetus con­siderandus, sed ut liberrimae voluntatis motus ple­nissime spontaneus. At simul etiam necessarius est, nec poterat aut potest non esse, cum nequeat Deus aut seipsum odisse, aut seipsum non amare. Fateor omnino, & ex hoc ipso concludo quod superius dix­ere tot Patres, stare necessitatem cum ipsa libertate, nec indifferentiam ipsi esse essentialem.

Augustinus lib. 1. operis imperfecti contra Julia­num fol. 150. objicienti Iuliano, Liberum non est, nisi quod duo potest velle bonum & malum; respon­det, Liber ergo Deus non est, qui malum non po­test velle: siccine laudas Deum ut ei auferas liber­tatem? An potiùsi intelligere debes esse quamdam beatam necessitatem, quâ Deus injustus esse non po­test? Igitur stat suprema ratio libertatis in Deo cum necessitate se amandi, nec aliqualiter peccandi, quae in eo non aliud est quam firmissima, indeficiens, aeterna & immutabilis voluntas seu amor justitiae, ae­quitatis atque fidelitatis erga se; non potest se non amare; erga nos si loqui vult, non potest nisi ve­rum dicere; sipromittit, fidelis est, & se negare non potest.

En igitur indifferentiam specificationis a Deo re­motam. Restat sola indifferentia agendi & non agen­di, quae propria est exercitii; sed ista in Deo pror­sus periit, hoc ipso quo semel immobili voluntate voluit arque statuit, quid in singulis circumstantiis agendum sit, quam retractare non potest. Qua­propter si hoc duntaxat est esse liberum, indifferen­tem esse ad agendum & non agendum, liber fuisse Deus dici potest, liber vero esse non potest: imo vero nec liber fuisse dici potest. Quando enim liber fuerit, cum ab aeterno, hoc est, sine ullo initio, sem­per ad agendum vel non agendum determinatus fue­rit? An ad instantia rationis veniendum erit, ut re­alem in Deo libertatem invenire possimus? Vel er­go & esse & fuisse semper liberum oportet, vel nun­quam fuisse, nec esse, quod est impium cogitasse.

Hoc ipsum quod in Deo ostendimus, videndum est modo in Angelis & hominibus qui viatores esse desierunt. Certe quotquot horum aeternam felici­tatem sunt adepti, necessario immutabiliter Deum amant, & tamen eos in hoc bono liberos asserue­runt superius Sancti Patres. Nimirum non impetu concitantur ut bruta, nec pondere suo ruunt in cen­trum suae quietis ut lapides, sed ex rationis plenissi­mo, tranquillissimo serenissimoque judicio judicant sibi diligendum esse Deum, quem vident infinite diligibilem, & in hoc se sanissime judicare judi­cant: ex voluntate vero amando sequi rationem volunt, & hoc se velle volunt & cessare nolunt, & toto charitatis aestu Deum amare satagunt, ideo & seipsos movent, & sui actus dominium perfectissi­mum habent, vel in ipsa vel per ipsam quam sibi imponunt immutabilem diligendi necessitatem li­berrimi existunt. Ut non frustra aut inconsulte dix­erit Divus Thomas in 4. dist. 48. q. 10. quod respe­ctu amo [...]is beatifici, erit sempiterna & libera electio. Et Divus Bonaventura rationem assignans & mo­dum explanans in 2. dist. 25. q. 2. Necessitas coacti­onis repugnat libertati arbitrii, necessitas verò im­mutabilitatis non pro eo quod arbitrium dicitur libe­rum, non quia sic velit hoc, ut velit vel velle possit ejus oppositum, sed quia omne quod vult appetit ad sui ipsius imperium, quia sic vult aliquid, ut velit se velle illud, & ideo in actu volendi seipsum movet & sibi dominatur; & pro tanto dicitur liberum, quamvis immutabiliter ordinetur ad illud.

Praeterea volunt Scholastici idcirco Deum nunc esse liberum, quia in illo instanti rationis liber, hoc est, indifferens fuit, & ex propria libertate se deter­minavit, in qua determinatione propter naturae voluntatisque constantiam immutabilis permanet. Hoc si Scholasticis sufficit, nulla ratio superest cur non & perpetuam illam justitiae voluntatem seu a­morem beatificum, quo beati Angeli & homines peccare non possunt, liberrimam voluntatem esse contendant. Est enim certissimum Angelos & ho­mines qui beati fiunt, ita libera indifferentique vo­luntate justitiam elegisse, propriaque se libertate determinasse ad diligendam pietatem & justitiam & in ea perseverandum, sicut Deus ad opera quibus vel creaturas vel aliquid in creaturis operatur. Non enim imaginandum est aliam Beatis infundi cum beatitudine voluntatem, quae propter perpetuam determinationem non sit libera, sed eadem omni­no voluntas libera, seu amor justitiae liberrime sus­ceptus in via, sine ulla mutatione firmior, & ar­dentior, & jucundior in patria perseverat, dicen­te Apostolo, Charitas non evacuatur. Igitur si im­mutabilitas naturae in Deo non extinguit primige­niam electionis libertatem, ideoque Deus quamvis immutabilis & ad unum determinatus, nihilominus liber intelligitur, quia in illo primo signo rationis concipitur fuisse indifferens: certe immutabilitas gratiae in Beatis quae naturalem Dei immutabilita­tem non adaequat, sed solum imitatur, multo mi­nus eorum libertatem interimet, aut ullatenus prohibebit quin, quantumvis immutabiles & de­terminati, revera tamen dicantur liberi, qui o­lim plane indifferentes, hanc sibi immutabilita­tis determinationem & necessitatem voluntate liberrima elegerunt. Stat ergo in beatis Ange­lis & hominibus libertas sine indifferentia.

Sed & stat quoque in peccantibus Angelis, seu semetipsos amantibus, ut in damnatis homi­nibus, quorum voluntas in malo obfirmata & ad malum determinata in aeternum sive naturae con­stantia, sive gratiae destitutione, sive damnatio­nis aequitate & pondere, stabilis perseverat: quam tamen nemo dixerit esse minus liberam, etsi non alia quam illa ipsa, quam dixi, consi­deratione qua dicitur Deum esse liberum, quia se ipsum libere sua voluntate determinavit. Ita Divus Thomas q. 16, de malo, a. 5. 0. & ad 6. & 8. Secundum modum naturae suae competit Angelo ut immobiliter haereat ei quod per propriam volunta­tem elegit, unde sicut motus aversionis à Deo fuit in diabolo voluntarius, ita etiam & quies in eo quod voluit est voluntaria; nam voluntariè perseverat in malo, sed tamen voluntas ejus in hoc immutabiliter manet determinata. Et Divus Ber­nardus loco supra citato: Nec Deus caret suo libero arbitrio, nec diabolus: quoniam quod ille esse non potest malus, non infirma facit necessitas, sed fir­ma in bono voluntas, & voluntaria firmitas; quod­que is non valet in bonum respirare, non aliena facit violenta oppressio, sed sua ipsius in malo ob­stinata voluntas ac voluntaria obstinatio. Igitur probatissimum manet, non esse essentialem liberta­ti per se spectatae indiffesentiam, posseque sine hac libertatem subsistere, & cum inevitabili agendi ne­cessitate componi, dummodo haec necessitas oria­tur ab ipsa voluntate & ab immutabili firmitate & complacentia qua suo objecto inhaeret & agglutina­tur.

Objicies vel ipsum Divum Augustinum vel alios sanctos Patres, qui liberum arbitrium definiunt in­terdum per indifferentiam, vel per potentiam bo­ni & mali.

Respondeo, quod talis definitio non est per es­sentialia; sed quemadmodum Ambrosius lib. de ar­ca Noe cap. 4. & Augustinus lib. de ordine c. 11. & lib. de quantitate animae cap. 25. hominem defini­unt Animal rationale mortale, non quod credi­derint esse de essentia hominis, quod sit mortalis, aut quod immortalitas glotiosa destructura sit nostram naturam; sed quod intenderint definiendo homini in hoc statu infelici, in quo moriendi necessitas est naturae omnium hominum conditio inseparabilis. I­ta etiam ideo vel ipsi vel alii definientes liberum ar­bitrium indifferentiae meminere, non quod existi­ment libertatem stare non posse sine hac indifferen­tia, sed quod libertatem considerent qualis in homi­nibus reperitur in hac vita huic annexam indifferen­tiae. Fuit igitur eorum scopus, non tam definite na­turam libertatis in se spectatae, quam ejusdem con­tra Manichaeos probare existentiam, quae ex indif­ferentia, [Page 83] omnibus hominibus, dum hic vivunt, com­muni, manifeste convincitur: Ut enim passiones hu­manae, doloris, famis, sitis, lassitudinis, somni, sunt veritatis naturae nostrae certissimi indices, quibus se ideo Christus subjecit, ut se verum hominem com­probaret: nec tamen dici potest, quod sint essenti­ales naturae nostrae, quodque qui his carebunt in caelo Beati, desinant esse homines: ita verissime quisquis hanc habet indifferentiam et potest facere bonum et malum, operari et non operari, necessa­rio liber est, quamvis dici nequeat quod quisquis hanc perdit indifferentiam, perdat et libertatem.

CAPUT. IV.
Stare posse meritum sine indifferentia & cum ipsa agendi necessitate.

QUae de libertate probavimus, nunc de merito lubet ostendere, quanquam unum ex altero probatum maneat, et qui primum admiserit, nequeat de posteriori dubitare.

Imprimis praeter Auctores superius allegatos et loca ex iis adducta Divi Thomae suffragium habe­mus manifestum, dum is in 1 p. docet, Angelos meruisse in primo suae creationis instanti, et simul definit non eos aliquam habuisse indifferentiam ad primam illam operationem quae erat ad unum de­terminata et necessario bona.

Rursum idem statuit dum docet necessitatem a­moris in Beatis nequaquam obstare merito, si sta­tus ipse beatitudinis huic non repugnaret. Sic e­nim 2 2. q. 4, a. 4 0. dicit. Quod voluntas vi­dentis Dei essentiam ex necessitate amat, quicquid a­mat sub ordine ad Deum. Et postea 2, 2, q. 182, a. 2, ad 2. asse [...]it illum ipsum amorem a quo remo­verat indifferentiam et adstruxerat necessitatem, esse per se meritorium, nisi conditio ipsius status perfectae beatitudinis, ulterioris progressus meritum excluderet. In statu (inquit) felicitatis futurae homo pervenit ad perfectum, & ideo non relinquitur locus proficie di per meritum; si tamen relinquere­tur, esset efficacius meritum propter majorem chari­tatem. Similiter 3 p. q. 19, a. 3, ad 1, negat D. Tbomas posse Christum in caelo quidpiam me­reri, non ex agendi necessitate ad unum determi­nante, sed ex ipsa ratione status. Christus (in­quit) meruit per charitatem, in quantum erat cha­ritas non comprehensoris sed viatoris; & ideo quia nunc non est viator, non est in statu merendi.

Adhuc in 3. dist. 18. a. 2 ad 5. dicit, quod e­tiamsi liberum arbitrium Christi esset determinatum ad unum numero, sicut ad diligendum Deum, quod non facere non potest, tamen non ex hoc amittit liber­tatem aut rationem laudis sive meriti, quia in illud non coacte sed sponte tendit, & ita est actus sui dominus. Nimirum perstat D. Thomas in suo illo centies re­petito principio, quod sola necessitas coactionis tollit libertatem & facit involuntarium, & ideo excludit rationem laudis & meriti, non autem necessitas immu­tabilitatis, complacentiae, aut firmatae voluntatis in benum. Ita 2 2. q. 88. a. 3 ad 3, et q. 186, a. 2, ad 2. et 1. p. q. 62, a. 8 ad 3. et in 3. dist. 12, q. 3, a. 1 ad 3. et alibi passim.

Addo his Divi Thomae et superius adductis Pa­trum et Scholasticorum auctoritatibus ponderatio­nem argumenti efficacissime a summo Christianae fi­dei mysterio deprompti et a praefatis Auctoribus sae­pe insinuati ad ostendendam libertatis et meriti cum ipsa agendi necessitate concordiam.

Petitur hoc argumentum e libertate et merito Christi Domini dum esset in hac vita: negari siqui­dem non potest absque everso Religionis funda­mento, quin Christus Dominus liber fuerit, et me­ruerit in iis ipsis actibus, in quibus nullam potuit habere indifferentiam. Sumo hujus rei exemplum in ea morte quam ex Patris praescripto debuit per­ferre: haec enim quamvis in se esset objectum in­differens voluntati Christi, at ut jussa a Patre non poterat non acceptari a Christo, quia quamvis in sensu diviso posset Christus non mori, ut et caetera opera ei per praeceptum imposita non implere: at in sensu composito jam nullus remanebat locus in­differentiae: Cum qui non poterat habere indifferen­tiam ad peccandum vel non peccandum, non etiam poterat esse indifferens ad obediendum vel non obediendum. Q [...]omodo ergo fuit liber circa hoc praeceptum formaliter sumptum, si non habuit fa­cultatem indifferentem ad utrumlibet? Quomod [...] libere obedivit, qui non obedire non potuit? Li­bere quidem obedivisse in morte appetenda certissi­ma res est, cum ex communi omnium consensu, ubi non est libertas, nullus sit locus merito; nec per consequens potuisset Christus promereri salu­tem nostram in ea oblatione, si non in ea offeren­da liber extitisser. At quomodo liber, si non est li­bertas sine indifferentia, nec libere fit, nisi quod omitti aut non fieri potest? Tenebatur Christus praecepto Patris mortem imperantis, Ioann. 6. Non veni ut faciam voluntatem meam, sed voluntatem Patris qui misit me. Ioann. 10. Nemo tollit animam meam, sed ego pono eam, & iterum resumo eam: hoc mandatum didit mihi Pater. Ioann. 18. Calicem quem dedit mihi Pater, non vis ut bibam illum? Phi­lipp. 2. Factus obediens usque ad mortem. Erat Christus ut peccati aut criminis, sic & cujuscumque vel levis imperfectionis incapax, ut posset se sub­trahere nedum ab imperio & praecepto Patris, sed nec a quibuscumque vel levissimis quae ei quomodo­cumque placita intellexisset; quomodo ergo indif­ferens in morte appetenda? Mori debuit sub prae­cepto, non potuit non velle obedire: ergo non indifferens ad mortem. Si non indifferens, quo­modo liber? Sed si non liber in obediendo, quo­modo salutem nostram potuit mereri per hunc a­ctum obedientiae? & quomodo dicit Paulus, Factus obediens usque ad mortem, propter quod & Deus exal­tavit illum, &c.

Variis effugiis eludunt hoc argumentum indiffe­rentiae protectores, dum dicunt, non fuisse mortem Christo imperatam secundum omnes circumstanti­as, nec ex motivo diversarum virtutum, in quibus e­ligendis & exercendis libertatem habuerit. Verum non tangitur, ne dicam evacuatur per has evasio­nes difficultatis nervus, qui in eo est, ut ostendatur libertas Christi in observatione praeceptorum; sive legis naturalis, sive legis positivae & paternae, in qua quia praefati Auctores feu recentiores Theologi non vident indifferentiam, sic nec admittunt liber­tatem. Ideoque cum pernegent Christum fuisse liberum circa praecepta, recurrunt ad nescio quas circumstantias & virtutes non jussas ex praecep­to, in quibus vel aliquam saltem libertatis umbram Christo condonant, removentes con­sequenter [Page 84] omne meritum & laudem ab ipsius obe­dientia & praeceptorum observatione: cui nihilo­minus Paulus Apostolus omne meritum adscribit, Factus obediens usque ad mortem, propter quod & Deus exaltavit illum, &c.

Non ergo est quaestio de salvanda Christi liberta­te in his quae justa non erant, sed de ea comproban­da in o [...]i [...]e ad praecepta, cum obedientia essentia­liter p [...]e [...] tum respiciat, asseratque deinde Apo­stolus C [...]um in obediendo fuisse liberum, dum eum [...]i in obediendo meruisse, cum tamen non poster non ob [...]ite. Difficultatem in hoc in­v [...]niu [...] [...]raefati recentiores; sed certe vel haec sola difficultas qua se torquent, in salvanda in his acti­bus alioquin nec [...]s [...]ariis, Christi libertate, per­magnum mihi est argumentum, quod notio quam habent de libertate, non sit vera nec adaequata, cum eos impediat ne eam agnoscant ubi supreme eminet. Fatentur ut fateri debent, potentiam peccan­di necesse libertatem, nec partem libertatis, quod­que e contrario summa libertas sit, non posse pecca­re, ut expresse cum Divo Augustino & Divo Tho­ma universa docet Theologia; & tamen dum inqui­runt quomodo Christus potuerit esse liber, in hoc uno haerent, quod peccare nequiverit, sicque, ve­lint nolint, ideo vix eum audent tueri liberum, quia norunt summe & supreme liberum. Ridiculam prorsus contradictionem! & illi plane similem qua quis admisso quod claudicatio nec fit ambulatio, nec pars ambulationis, sed turpissimus in ambulance de­fectus, mox ideo negate vellet Patrum ambulare, quod videret Petrum non claudicate. Si Christus obnoxius fuisset pecc [...]co ut caeteri hominum, nihil laborassent in a [...]noscenda ejus libertate: at quia non in eo vide [...] q [...]od ad libertatem non confert, sed libertati multum detrahit (posse peccare) jam li­ber non est, utque aliqualem in eo salvent liberta­rem, quaerunt aliquam in eo potestatem si non pec­candi, at saltem minus perfecte & divine operandi, multa agendo absque expectato Patris sui nutu, in quibus, inquiunt, non fuisset liber, si ea Pater ei jussisset, quia jubenti Patri non obedire non potu­isset. Intricatam plane Philosophiam & quae seip­sam turpiter collidit!

Spinas nimirum repetiunt & punguntur, ubi ro­sas colligerent si non ab antiqua & Patrum & Scho­lasticorum doctrina recessissent: haec ipsa quippe non peccandi necessitas, quae eos absterret ne liber­tatem discernant in actionibus Christi perfectoribus, eas ipsas actiones supreme liberas eis ostendisset, eo­que liberiores quo magis n [...]cessarias. Audissent e­nim dicentes Divum August num, Thomam, Bo­naventuram & alios supra allegatos, quod necessi­tas coactionis repugnat libertati arbitrii, non autem necessitas immutabilitatis; & quod necessitas coacti­onis tollit rationem meriti, necessitas autem immuta­bilitatis ex interiori voluntatis inclinatione & virtu­osi habitus perfectione procedens, non laudem, non me­ritum virtuosi actus tollit, sed perficit, auget, non minuit.

Talis omnino fuit Christi necessitas felicissima, secundum quam non poterat non obedire Patri. Num enim in hac illatam aliquam vim externam putas, quae eum ad obedientiam cogeret? Num de­terminationem aliquam servilem, qualis reperitur in brutis, quae non tam agunt quam aguntur ex prae­sentia objecti & apprehensione phantasiae? Nec hoc delilaret ipsa impietas. Unde ergo ipsi tam arcta necessitas ad paternas leges, nisi ex ipsissima ejus voluntate tam firmiter bono cohaerente & tam immobiliter Deo adfixa, ut non posset vel minimum ab ejus nutibus recessisse. Augustinus lib. de corr. & grat. cap. 11. ‘Neque enim metuendum erat ne isto ineffabili modo in unitatem personae a Verbo Deo natura humana suscepta, per liberum voluntatis peccaret arbitrium, cum ipsa susceptio talis esset, ut natura hominis ita a Deo suscepta, nullum in se motum malae voluntatis admitteret. Et lib. de praedest. Sanct. cap. 15: An ideo in illo non libe­ra voluntas erat et non tanto magis erat, quanto minus servire peccato non poterat?’

Demum ad hujus lucidissimae veritatis plenam intelligentiam deponendae anticipatae opiniones, quae mentem praeoccupant, e [...] con [...]ulendum rationis naturalis vel solum lumen, a quo prorsus abhorret, ut dic [...]m [...]r nos liberi in obedientia ad Deum, quia obedimus nutanti voluntare et ad singula momenta pene defectura. Christus vero, quia forti, quia plena, quia infracta voluntate obedivit, non ei libere obediverit, obedivit ex amore et consummata illa charitate qua in Patrem aestuabat: nihil autem amo­re liberius, nec quidquam tam libere fit, quam quod fit ex amore.

Num, quaeso, risu et sibilis foret dignus qui suc­censeret puero quod non libere Patri suo obediat, quia tam impense Patrem diligit, ut prae amoris magnitudine nequeat vel minimum ejus praeterisse mandatum? Quis tam insulse philosophatur, ut dicat, mulietem parum sui viri amantem, libere magis aegro assidere quam quae tota erga virum in amores colliquatur: quod quae parum diligit, ple­nam habeat sui operis indifferentiam, et tam sit patata deserere quam assidere: quae vero ferventer amat, toto sui amoris pondere quasi suavi simul et ineluctabili necessitate trahitur, ut in aegri solatia se totam impendat? Quis dicat generosum mili­tem, ad defectionem et proditionem in suum Prin­cipem magna praemiorum spe sollicitatum, parum aut nihil apud Principem meruisse dum non consen­tit, quod innata animi nobilitate adstrictus, et sum­mo in Principem amore quasi religatus, nequiverit fidem suam prodere, quam forte prodidisset, si minus sui Principis amans, aut minus animo nobi­lis extitisset? Mentem exuerit qui hoc dicat, nec potius videat quod quo arctiori necessitate adstrin­gitur puer ut Patri obediat, mulier ut viro assideat, subditus ut Principi serviat: eo et magis libere a­gunt, et plus laudis merentur, ex quo ista necessitas non est necessitas coactionis aut violentiae quae minuit laudem actus virtuosi, quia opponitur voluntario (ait Divus Thomas) sed est necessitas complacentiae ex interiori voluntatis inclinatione procedens, hoc est, ex ardentissimo affectu filii in patrem, conjugis in virum, et subditi in Principem. Haec enim ne­cessitas (addit D. Thomas) laudem virtuosi actus non minuit, sed auget, quia facit voluntatem magis intense tendere in actum virtutis, & minus ab eo de­ficere. Et ideo quo magis augetur necessitas, eo et libertas: cumque summum suae perfectionis at­tigerit, ut in Christo & Beatis, qui Deum amant immobiliter, eique obsequuntur immutabili necessi­tate, tunc quoque & libertas perfecta est ac plane consummata.

Igitur Christi erga Patrem praestita toto vitae de­cursu obedientia, er maxime in sui ipsius offerendo per crucem sacrificio, ut fuit actio supremi meriti, [Page 85] ita & fuit supremae libertatis, quamvis simul & se­mel fuerit supremae necessitatis, ex quo impossibile erat, quod dilectus hic Filius dilecto Patri non obe­diret. Nec vero ad haec concilianda opus est falsis subtilitatibus cerebrum implicare, sed solum me­minisse illius quod ait D. Bernardus, Ideo in obedi­entia libero non caruisse arbitrio, quoniam quod non posset non obedire, non infirma faciebat necessitas, sed firma in bono voluntas & voluntaria firmitas.

Stat er [...]o quod in hoc & superiori capite proban­dum assumpsimus, indifferentiam non esse essentia­lem libertati aut merito, nec simplicem necessita­tem, qualis est complacentiae & immutabilitatis, libertati aut me [...]ito repugnare.

CAPUT. V.
De sensu composito & diviso.
SECTIO PRIMA.
Ezponitur nodus controversiae inter Molinistas & Sanctorum Augustini & Thomae Discipulos circa liberi arbitrii cum gratia efficaci con­cordiam.

EOs hactenus sensus examinavi, quos controver­sae propositionis cortex primo velut intuitu re­praesentat. Distinxi pravos & damnatos a bonis nec damn [...]bilibus, dum ostendi in primo capite ille­gitimam Baii doctrinam de libertate aut peccato primis concupiscentiae motibus attributo, religio­sissime fuisse damnatam. Dum in secundo capite insinuavi indifferentiam ad bonum & malum ab homine via ore non nisi erronee posse negari: Dum­que demum in tertio & quarto capite per rationes Theologicas & ex Patrum solidissima mente, a qua ple [...]que recentiorum satis inconsulte & inadver­tenter recesserunt, libertatem cum agendi necessi­tate composui, & absque ulla indifferentia stare posse demonstravi.

Deregendus superest praecipuus & secretior finis qui Molinistas movit ut propositionem controver­sam miro ambiguitatis studio implicatam connecte­rent, & a Sede Apostolica damnandam postularent. Quid enim quaerunt? Num ut per damnatam hanc propositionem damnetur sensus Baii tanquam a Jansenio renovatus? Non hoc quaerunt qui Jan­senium aequssimae Baii damnationi subscripsisse cer­to certius norunt. Num ut indifferentia, tum con­tradictionis tum contrarietatis, putetur ab homine, dum vivit, inseparabilis? Norunt & hoc etiam a Janseno millies assertum, ac velut fidei dogmata contra Calvinum & alios hujus seculi novatores, ex Augustino Scripturas ubique allegante, firmiter constitutum. Num ut non liceat deinceps opinari Deum & Beatos in sua felicitate, aut daemones & damnatos in suis aerumnis liberos esse, nec tamen indifferentes, sed immutabilis voluntatis necessi­tate illos ad bonum, & hos ad malum esse deter­minatos? Non hoc etiam quaerunt, qui ignorare non possunt, id olim venerabili Patrum antiqui­tati constanter acceptum, id nec ab hodiernis e­tiam Scholis ita exulat, quin absque aliqua cen­surae formidine & licuerit semper, & liceat nobi­lissimis Scoti Discipulis, se etiam ex frequenti Divi Thomae suffragio non inaniter protegentibus, vel in ipsa Spiritus Sancti aeterna ac pet se primo neces­saria processione libertatem asserere? Non igitur hoc quaerunt, quod se expresse obten [...]utos sperare nequeant.

Solius gratiae Christi efficacis & humanorum cor­dium omnipotentissima facilitate vict [...]icis, eversioni intendunt; huic cum Pelagio bellum indixere, & huic ab Ecclesiae fide eliminandae suas disponunt machinas. Quamvis igitur omnia fort [...]ssis supra­dicta quaerere se simulent, & quasi male a Jan [...]enio asserta mentiantur, ea quae sub unius propositionis censura & damnatione proscribenda sollicitent, non tamen haec quaerunt, sed per haec aut in toto aut in parte obtenta, insidiantur solidissimae veritati, quam, licet a Censoribus impensatam, a Judicibus intactam, & a sententia nota penitus immunem, volunt tamen velut formaliter damnatam ex proba­bili apud imperitos consequentia se posse traducere. Diffidunt quippe de suae causae aequitate, quam in Fausto, Cassiano, & aliis Semipelagianis Massilien­sibus lugent totius Ecclesiae maledictis eversam. Vident quam se periculosae viae commiserint. Sed quo imprudentiam suam in suscepta semel doctrinae Catholicae impugnatione ipsa facti contumacia co­honestent: &, quod perseveranter agunt, pruden­ter inchoasse judicentur: nihil relinquunt intenta­tum, ex quo quodammodo sperent se, si non vi­ctoriam assecuturos, saltem adversae sibi partis jura perturbaturos.

Admittunt omnes Divi Augustini & Divi Tho­mae Discipuli plenam in homine, dum vivit, ad bene vel male agendum indifferentiam, quam nulia tollat gratiae quantum cunque efficacis determinatio. Admittunt liberum hominis arbittium, etiam sub moventis gtatiae delectatione constitutum, adhuc tamen posse bonum, ad quod movetur, non tan­tum non facere, sed etiam facere malum. Verum quia non admittunt, quod olim contentiosissime postulabat Pelagiusi, & constantissime negabat Au­gustinus, posse componi actualem creatae voluntatis dissensum cum ipsa actuali motione gratiae efficacis, seu (ut in Scholis loquuntur) dicunt motionem efficacem Divinae gratiae non tollere a libero arbi­trio indifferentiam, aut vero inferre necessitatem sensus divisi, sed solum sensus compositi, hoc est u­no verbo, & libertatem salvant & gratiae efficaciam. Hinc Molinistarum adversus eos incitata contentio, & ferocissimus armatus furor, qui quod desperet se posse unquam perfringere aut penetrare, tenta­tum hactenus frustra hunc sensus compositi & divisi fortissimum clypeum, quo rubiginosa Pelagianorum tela, adversus libertatis & gratiae concordiam im­missa, cuncta facillime eliduntur, de eo ab eis per dolum & insidias subtrahendo astutissime cogi­tavit.

Hoc totum controversae propositionis fabricandae & apud Sedem Apostolicam criminandae arcanum secretissimum: si enim obtinerunt Molinistae dam­nari propositionem quae asserit, ad merendum & de­merendum in statu naturae lapsae non requiri in homine libertatem a necessitate, sed sufficere libertatem a coactione, mox inferent audacissime, damnatam e­tiam necessitatem sensus compositi, de qua tamen Sedes Apostolica nec per somnium cogitaverit, ex­ultabuntque exultatione pessima, & orbem inple­bunt camoribus, explo sam gratiam Christi effica­cem [Page 86] & consecratam gratiam Molinisticam; quod non aliud esset quam damnatam erroris omnium seculorum fidem, & declaratam Pelagii innocen­tiam.

SECTIO SECUNDA.
Distinctionis sensus compositi & divisi necessi­tas in rebus Theologicis ostenditur.

COnstat imprimis hanc sensus compositi & di­visi distinctionem prorsus ad infinita necessa­rium, nobi [...]que olim ab Aristotele indicatam in 1 Elench. cap 3, usurpasse millies Divum Thomam in sua Theologia, ubi & necessitatem sensus compo­siti explicat interdum per nomina aequipo [...]lenti [...], necessitatis ex suppositione, necessitatis conditionat [...], necessitatis consequentiae, necessitatis de dicto, necessitatis immutabilitatis & infallibilitatis. Necessi [...]a­tem vero sensus divisi exprimit sub nominibus ne­cessitatis simplicis, absolutae, consequentis, dere, & coactionis. Usi sunt & eadem distinctione in ma­teria de praedestinatione, gratia & libero arbitrio, Divus Augustinus lib. de civit. Dei cap. 10. & lib. de praedest. Dei, cujus locus refertur a Gratian. cap. Vasis i [...]ae. II. Quamvis 23, q 24. S. Prosper de vocatione gentium. cap. 18. D. Anselmus lib. de concordia praedest. & lib. atb. cap. 10. Concilium Coloniense in enchiridio Christianae institutionis, de Sacramento poenitentiae. Boetius Severinus a. Di­vo Thoma & Scoto relatus, Magister Sententiatum in 1. dist. 28. Alexander de Hales, Divus Bona­ventura, Scotus, & quotquot post illos fuere Theo­logi Scholastici.

Hujus siquidem distinctionis necessitas talis est, ut nequeant sine illa aut apte exponi, aut in concor­diam revocari, multa quae alioquin in sacris Lite­tis & Conciliis videntur dissonantia. Duo hujus [...]ei exempla profero. Definit Concilium Trident. sess. 6, c. 5, & can. 4, quod semper cum Augustino & Thoma docuerant antiquiores Theologi, Homi­nem a Deo per gratiam motum & excitatum posse ab­jicere inspirationem divinam, illique dissentire si velit. Quomodo, quaeso, haec Concilii definitio consonet cum variis Scripto ae locis, in quibus dicitur, posse ne­minem dissentire aut resistere volenti aut moventi Deo? Esther 13. Pr. 7.3. Isa. 14, 46, 47. & Rom. 9. Quis dicat aut Concilium Tridentinum Scripturis repugnare, aut Scripturas Concilio? Certe per hanc solam distinctionem possunt conciliari, ut intelli­gantur Scripturae loquutae in sensu composito, Tri­dentini vero Patres in sensu diviso. Rursum quis audiat Joannem Apostolum 1.1, dicentem, Om­nis qui natus est ex Deo non peccat; sed nec peccare potest, quoniam semen Dei manet in illo? An non natus est ex Deo David? An non Petrus Apostolus? An non justi alii plerique, quos tamen post acce­ptam gratiam & potuisse peccare, & turpiter peccasse Scriptura commemorat? An ergo Scrip­turae contraria? Nequaquam: peccare enim pos­sunt justi absolute & simpliciter in se spectati & in sensu diviso; At ut justi, ut ex Deo nati, ut semen divinae gratiae in se habentes non peccant, nec pec­care queunt in sensu composito: sed ex necessitate conditionata & suppositionis impeccabiles sunt. Implicat enim haec duo simul esse vera, quod scili­cet aliquis sit natus ex Deo, hoc est, existat in gra­tia, & quod simul peccet mortaliter: quand oquidem gratia & peccatum mortale in eodem subjecto simul sic non possint. Dictum igitur Joannis Apostoli sic explicatum nullam facit difficultatem, quod sine hac distinctione esset intolerabile.

SECTIO TERTIA.
Sensus compositi & divisi germana intelligentia, & ad concordiam gratiae cum libero arbitrio applicatio.

NE errari contingat in explicatione sensus com­positi & divisi, aperienda est spontanea Mo­ [...]starum hallucinatio, qui in suam & olim Pela­gianorum laesae libertatis querelam possint probabi­liter ingerere, aliter hos sensus intelligere se fin­gun [...] quam sint intelligendi. Dicunt enim 1 hanc Thomistarum propositionem, Liberum arbi­trium mot [...]m a Deo potest dissentire in sensu diviso, & non potest d [...]ssentire in sensu composito, sic esse in­teligendam, quod quandiu motio divinae gratiae est in nomine, ille nequeat dissentire, sed necessario converratur: ab [...]ata vero motione illa efficaci, tunc po [...]e [...]it dissentire & non converti. Non, inquam, est iste verus sensus hujus propositionis, sed sensus a Molinistis egregie confictus, & tanquam haereti­cus ac humanae libertatis penitus destructivus, falso adscrip [...]us Divi Augustini & Thomae Discipulis, cum tamen ab eorum mente sit alienissimus.

Certe tam clare & tam frequenter se isti expli­cant 2 , ut nullus in eos supetsit calumniae locus. Supponunt doctrinam probatissimam & per se ma­nifestam Aristotelis & D. Thomae 9. Metaph. lect. 10; quod in causa contingenti & libera simul est potentia ad utrumque oppositorum, quamvis ho­rum altero actu efficiatur: non tamen est potentia ad opposita simul habenda. Sic enim in homine, quamvis actualiter aut sedente aut ambulante, est simultas potentiae ad sedendum aut ambulandum, non tamen est potentia simultatis, hoc est, potentia ad ambulandum & fedendum simul. Et similiter in patiete est simul potentia ad esse nigrum & ad esse album, quae non ab eo tollitur per actualem albe­dinem aut nigredinem, non tamen est potentia ad esse simul album & nigrum, Et ratio est, quia po­tentia ad unum actum non repugnat potentia ad actum contrarium; nec etiam repugnat actui con­trario: Sed tota repugnantia & incompatibilitas est solum in ipsis actibus contrariis, qui simul & se­mel reperiri nequeunt in eodem subjecto. Itaque juxta hanc doctrinam facillime explicant Thomistae [Page 87] suam propositionem, liberum arbitrium efficaciter a Deo motum non posse dissentire in sensu composito; dum dicunt non componi aut combinari in hac propositione auxilium efficax cum sola voluntate creata aut sola potentia ad resistendum, sed cum ipso actuali dissensu & resistentia voluntatis. Nec enim hujusmodi auxilium habet repugnantiam & incompossibilitatem cum potentia & libertate dis­sensus aut resistentiae voluntatis, sed cum solo ejus dissensu aut resistentia actuali.

Igitur si haec propositio, Petrus sedens non po­test ambulare in sensu composito, non significat quod quando Petrus sedet amiserit aut potentiam progressivam aut libertatem ambulandi. Cum vero non sedebit, jam & potentiam & libertatem ambulandi recuperabit; sed significat ambulatio­nem & sessionem esse actus simul incompossibiles in Petro. Ita & haec propositio, liberum arbitrium motum a Deo auxilio efficaci, non potest dissentire in sensu composito, non significat quod quando motio est efficax in homine, non posset dissentire si velit; ablata vero motione efficaci, tunc possit dissentire; sed significat motionem actualem auxilii efficacis & dissensum & resistentiam voluntatis in homine esse incompossib [...]lia, nec minus inter se pugnare quam pugnent in Petro sedere simul & ambulare, vel se­dere & non sedere. Itaque sicut Petrus dum sedet, ideo liberrime sedere intelligitur, quia potest sur­gere, potest non sedere, potest ambulare, quamvis ipsam ambulationem nequeat componere cum a­ctuali sessione. Ita liberum arbirrium dum a Deo efficaciter movetur, ideo libertime moveri seu con­sentire intelligitur, quia ad dissentiendum & quid­vis aliud operandum, liberrimam retinet potesta­tem, quamvis actum dissensus aut resistentiae non possit componere cum ipsa motione divina actu­ali.

Omnem, si quae superest, difficultatem tollent quae superius diximus in examine secundae proposi­tionis controversae c. 2 & 3, ubi ostendimus ex Di­vo Augustino, motionem gratiae efficacis & bonam operationem nostram se inseparabiliter comitari. Ostendimus ex Divo Thoma, impossibile esse eum non moveri, quem Spiritus Sanctus movere velit. Osten­dimus ex Thomistis & Bellarmino implicare contra­dictionem, nec ab homine sanae mentis concipi posse, quomodo Deus actualiter moveat animam, & anima non moveatur actualiter, cum movens & motum sint correlativa. Haec enim omnia mani­feste probant, motionem gratiae efficacis in volun­tate non importare aliquam prioritatem temporis ante consensum ipsius voluntatis, sed solam priori­tatem naturae, et quidem talem, quae dici nequeat prioritas existentiae, quasi in uno signo naturae ex­istat motio efficax, et in alio signo existat consen­sus voluntatis; ut enim diximus, movere et moveri correlativa sunt. Nec potest concipi Deus in ali­quo instanti naturae seu existentiae movere, quin in eodem voluntas concipiatur mota seu consentiens. Tota ergo haec prioritas naturae consistit in depen­dentia actus seu consensus voluntatis a gratiae pro­motione. Caeterum in eodem instanti nedum temporis, sed et naturae, in quo verum est dicere, voluntas praemovetur per gratiae efficacis auxilium ad Dei amorem, in eodem verum est dicere, volun­tas nunc libere elicit actum amoris: unde fit, quod ponere tale auxilium efficax in voluntate, est etiam ponere, quod eadem voluntas libere consentiat. Sicut ergo repugnat, quod Petrus sedens possit am­bulare in sensu composito (quamvis alioquin, ut ostendimus, liberrime se [...]eat), quia nimirum in­compossibiles sunt in Petro simul et semel sedere et non sedere: ita repugnat quod liberum arbitri­um motum a Deo, et simul consentiens possit dis­sentire in sensu composito (quamvis alioquin li­berrime consentiat), quia nimirum incompossibiles sunt actualis consensus & actualis dissensus liberi ar­bitrii.

His ita positis et explicatis, ingeminent Molini­stae suas de laesa per gratiam hominis libertate que­relas. Massilienses dicunt libertatem consistere in hoc quod, positis omnibus ad agendum requisitis, pos­sit agere & non agere. Una hae distinctio sensus compositi et divisi ab Augustino et Thoma nobis porrecta, omnia erum argumenta retundet. Non enim necesse est, ut cum omnibus illis ad agendum requisitis, inter quae etiam caelestis delectatio seu gratia est, stet simul, ut non agat voluntas, sed solum ut possit non agere. In libero enim arbitrio quantumcumque ad agendum praeparato, imo de­terminato et actu operante, requiritur, ut diximus, simultas potentiae ad operandum et non operandum, non potentia simultatis, ut videlicet simul agat et non agat, hoc est, ut clarius exposuimus, in libero arbitrio est potestas ad opposita, non tamen pote­stas simul in se habenda: hoc enim nemo nisi insul­sus dixerit. Hoc ergo sensu admittimus Molinistis, libertatem intelligendam, ut nimirum positis om­nibus ad agendum requisitis, etiam caelesti quacum­que dulcedine, praedeterminatione et auxilio gratiae efficacis praemoventis, stet simul, ut possit non velle, non autem ut simul non velit. Potentia e­nim non volendi non repugnat omnibus illis ad volendum requisitis, sed solus actualis dissensus, quo actualiter non velit. Itaque in sensu diviso po­test voluntas non facere id quod Deus per gratiam efficacem in ea operatur, in sensu vero composito nequaquam.

Horum utrumque insinuat Divus Augustinus, dum infirmitatem voluntatis humanae quae potest in pec­catum deflectere, passim copulat cum indeclinabili gratiae firmitate, qua fit, ut invictissime nolit a bono, ad quod excitatur, averti. Lib. de corrept. et grat. cap. 12. Subventum est igitur infirmitati voluntatis humanae, ut divina gratia indeclinabiliter & insuperabiliter ageretur. Rursum: Et ideo quamvis infirma, non tamem deficeret, neque adver­sitate aliqua vinceretur. Rursum: Infirmis serva­vit ut, ipso donante, invictissime quod bonum est vel­lent, & hoc diserere invictissime nollent. Ubi infir­mitatem voluntatis allegat, ostendit ejus liberta­tem absolutam, & in sensu diviso, quae etiam sub gtatia constitura, potest gratiae dissentire. Ubi in­victissimam, indeclinabilem & insuperabilem gratiae actionem nominat, ostendit infallibilitatis seu sen­sus compositi necessitatem, qua non possit voluntas ab opere bono ulla tentatione ita declinari, ulla ad­versitate ita superari, ut actualis declina [...]io & supe­ratio voluntatis una cum Dei gratia conjungatur. Id ipsum D. Thomas 1 2. q. 10. a. 4 ad 3: Si Deus movet voluntatem ad aliquid, impossibile est huic posi­tioni quod voluntas ad illud non moveaetur (en neces­sitatem sensus compositi & condionatam) non ta­men est impossibile simpliciter (en libertatem sensus divisi & absolutam) unde non sequitur quod voluntas ex necessitate moveatur, simplici scilicet & absoluta, [Page 88] quae sola cum libertate pugnat. Sic & in Boetium lib. 5 de consolatione, prosa ult. per ea [...]dem di­stinctionem sensus compositi & divi [...] concordat Dei praescientiam cum rerum continge [...] [...]cens, Quae praevisa sunt a Deo necessario evenire in sensu composito, contingenter vero in sensu divise. S [...]nt ipse ibi exponit necessario necessitate conditionata, non necessitatet absoluta. Vel, ut ipsemet lib. 1 cont. gent. cap. 67, neccessario necessitate consequentiae, non neces­sitate consequentis.

Igitur necessitatem hanc sensus compositi in libero arbitrio sub gratiae motione constituto, tanquam ipsius libertatis humanae inimicam velle criminari, non aliud est, quam aut terminos non capere, aut manifeste delirare? sed nec delirio, nec terminorum ignorantia laborant qui eam criminantur, imo con­sultissimo astu tentant, quod viribus nequeunt, & suppresso callidius apud Sedem Apostolicam tum hu­jus necessitatis sic explicatae, tum gratiae efficacis nomine, quasi neutri immineant, & de neutra co­gitent; propositionem controversam tanquam ma­le sanam, Baianam, Jansenisticam, Calvinisticam, Turcicam, & diabolicam, simplici veritatis & Re­ligionis zelo ementito damnari deflagitant, ut mox sub necessitatis nomine universaliter & aequivoce in damnata propositione expresso, damnatam etiam ipsam sensus compositi necessitatem, de qua Sedes A­postolica ne quidem cogitaverit, stabilitam sensus compositi indifferentiam, proscriptam victricem Christi gratiam, & consecratam demum Massilien­sem Molinae sufficientiam audacissime mentiantur, nequissime glorientur.

Haec bona eorum fides, quae, quia modo cognita, non eis quidquam proderit. Quamvis enim mil­lies damnarerur propositio, quam damnari percu­piunt, si non adhibita distinctione, sublata aequi­vocatione, restricta universalitate, & semota omni ambiguitate damnatur, & in ipso damnationis de­creto specialissimam censurae notam in necessitatem hanc conditionatam intorquet: non haec, inquam, in damnatione comprehensa reputabitur adeo libertati innocua, adeo vindex libertaris a Christo liberatae.

Meminerint Molinistae sibi per hanc ipsam allega­tam sensus compositi necessitatem a P. Thoma Le­mos & P. Didaco Alvarez obstructa saepius ora co­ram summis Pontificibus Clemente VIII. & Paulo V. dum ad nauseam usque in variis Congregationi­bus de Auxiliis pro libero hominis arbitrio contra Christi gratiam egregii bellatores caput quintum et canonem quartum sessionis sextae Concilii Triden­tini pro sua causa adducerent, in quo definit sanctum Concilium, Hominem a Deo motum posse inspira­tionem abjicere, eique, si velit, dissentire. Consu­lant acta Congregationum, et videant contra reco­ctam hanc crambem, quam jugiter recoquebant, assignatam sibi hanc distinctionem sensus compositi & divisi; admissam in libero arbitrio necessitatem conditionatam, seu in sensu composito, ut moventi gratiae consentiat; assertam libertatem absolutam & in sensu diviso ut dissentiat, & de hac explicatum tam fuse, et tam saepe, & tam luculenter Concilii locum, ut nec Judices, nec Consultores iam pati possent, quod inermis Bastida et prope exanimis pro sua saltem defensione, et ne inultus moreretur, ad excussum sibi pluries e manibus hoc pilum rursum vellet recurrere.

Igitur ut Conciliilocus, quem pro se tam expres­sum mentiebantur, & tam ferociter intorquebant, hihil eis profuit quin causa caderent, sic nec quid­quam proderit controversae propositionis obtenta proscriptio, ni ea nominatim hanc sensus compositi necessitatem profliget & confodiat. Profligabit autem (sic sperem securissime) cum Sedes Ro­mana fiet Pelagiana, & adversus eam inferi portae praevaluerint, cum defecerit fides Petri, pro qua Christus rogavit ne deficiat, & cum suam Spiritus Sanctus deseruerit Ecclesiam, quam spopondit se nunquam desertutum.

Ut vero distinctius intelligant quid sint ab hac veritatis Sede reportaturi, quoties non per fraudem circuitus, non per aequivocationum labyrinthos, non per sensus propositionum ambiguos et imple­xos, sed exerte, clare et distincte aliquid contra gra­tiam Christi efficacem, aliquid in favorem gratiae Fausti Molinisticae definiri postulaverint; Audiant explicatissimam mentem Consultorum Congrega­tionis de Auxiliis circa sequentes articulos, qui om­nes ad rem nostram.

Ex actis Congregationis de Auxiliis.

QUi dixerit, gratiam qua Deus operatur in nobis velle & perficere, non sic movere volun­tatem, nostram, ut ex virtute motionis Dei per eam operantis sit infallibile quod actu consentia­mus & operemur, errat.

Qui dixerit, gratiam istam ad volendum & o­perandum quae pertinent ad salutem, aut non esse ita efficacem, ut praeveniendo voluntatem nostram, ipsam vera & reali efficientia praemo­veat, & faciat velle atque operari, aut sine ea posse aliquem actu velle & operari, errat.

Qui dixerit gratiam efficacem excitare, alli­cere, invitare & suadere voluntatem, non tamen ita ut Deus efficaciter moveat voluntatem ipsam ad consentiendum: sed ipsa jam consentiente et cooperante, simul cum ea influat tantum in a­ctum, errat.

1 Qui dixerit, efficaciam gratiae Dei, seu hoc quod est, auxilium gratiae esse efficax, pen­dere a consensu et cooperatione liberi arbitrii hominis: aut liberum hominis arbitrium suo consensu et cooperatione efficere auxilium gra­tiae efficax, adversatur doctrinae qua ab Ecclesia Dei definitum est, Deum etiam in illis quos vocat gratis, non expectare eorum voluntates seu consensum ad ipsos gratia sua adjuvandam, quasi ab ipsorum libero arbitrio sic penderet, quod consentiant vocationi, aut velint id ad quod sunt vocati, ut Deus hoc in iis non operetur efficaci sua gratia, sed ab iis expectet pro innata ipsis vo­luntate, errat.

  • Ita sentio Petrus Lombardus Archiepiscopus Ard­macanus.
  • Ita sentio Archiepiscopus Fr. Jo. de Rada Episco­pus Pactensis, &c.
  • Ita sentio Laelius Landus Episcopus Neritonensis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Hieronymus Pallantius Episcopus Bisontinus.
  • Ita sentio Anastatius Abbas Farfensis Secreta­rius.
  • [Page 89]Ita sentio Fr. Io. Bapt. de Plumbino Ord. S. Aug. Procurator Generalis.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Gregorius Nunnius Coronel Secre­tatius.
  • Ita sentio Fr. Iacobus le Bossu Doctor Sorbonicus, Religiosus S. Dionysii in Francia.
1.

Ez Conc. Araus. can. 4 & 5.

Aug. ep. 107. Petro Diacano, c. 9.

Fulgentio de incarnat, & grat. c. 18, 28, 29, & 30.

An Answer to a Writing of M. Hallier and his Collegues, containing Sixty Passages of S. August. relating to the First Proposition; in which we shew, that there was none of them but what was either falsly or impertinently al­ledg'd.
EXPLANATIO Sexaginta testimoniorum S. Augustini. Seu Confutatio Scripti cujusdam anonymi & à nemi­ne subscripti, quod in manus nostras pervenit, quodque rescimus oblatum fuisse à Domino Hallier & Sociis ejus contra primam proposi­tionem; in quo 60 circiter S. Augustini testi­monia adversus eam ab ipsis proferuntur.

Advertisement touching this Answer.

THe only thing needful to be signifi'd to the Reader touching this Answer (besides what I have already said of it, Part. 6. Chap. 21.) and which he will observe of his own accord as he reads it, is, that I have added thereunto whilst it was printing four Notes or Observations, which he will find printed in different Characters from those of the body of the Writing, to signifie more plainly that they were annex'd thereunto. Three of them are plac'd after our Answer to what the above-said Gentlemen said in the beginning of their writing, imputing the first Proposition to Jansenius; and the Fourth after our Answer to the Nineth Testimony of S. Augustin, which they had cited in their Wri­ting: That which we presented to the Pope in re­futation of them, was thus entitl'd upon the outside of the first leaf; BEATISSIMO PATRI INNO­CENTIO PAPAE DECIMO PRO DOCTORI­BUS infra subscriptis S. Augustini Defensoribus, CONTRA DOMINOS Hallier, Lagaut & Joy­sel Doctores Parisienses, sive Iesuitarum, sivae suo, sive alio quocunque nomine agentes in negotio quinque propositionum. INFORMATIO QUAR­TA IN JURE. In qua explanantur sexaginta San­cti Augustini testimonia a D. Hallier ejusque sociis contra primam propositionem in scripto quodam a­nonymo producta. Ostenditurque ea omnia vel mala fide vel perperam citata esse.

There was also withinside another Title here sub­joyn'd.

CLarius atque commodius nullum fieri potest hujus scripti examen, quam si integrum re­feratur, ac singula testimonia in eo contenta sigil­latim explanentur, sed prius aliquae notae in to­tum scriptum scribendique rationem subjiciendae sunt ad pleniorum controversiae intelligentiam necessariae.

Notae generales in totum Scriptum.

I.

NOn ponitur quod in quaestione est, nihil ergo toto hoc scripto agitur. Ut primae propositi­onis veritas expendatur, duo tantum inquirere ne­cesse est, scilicet, an gratia ex se efficax sit necessa­ria ad singulos pios actus, & an illa gratia det posse proximum ad hunc actum ad quem est efficax, adeo ut per illam possimus, & sine illa non possimus▪ His enim duobus positis, propositio, ut desendi­tur a nobis, & ut a Iansenio asseritur, vera est. Nam sigtatia ad praeceptum implendum necessaria sit ex se efficax, certum est justos, qui praeceptum aliquod non implent, gratiam ex se efficacem, ad illud implendum necessariam, non habere. Et si eadem det posse proximum & completum ad hoc implendum, si per eam possumus, & sine ea non possumus, certum est etiam aliquos justos, hac gratia efficace destitutos, aliquando aliquod prae­ceptum implere non posse proxime & complete. Haec autem duo de quibus potissimum agitur, agique omnino necesse est, ut propositio juxta sensum a Ian­senio assertum, & a nobis defensum expendatur, ne attinguntur quidem, nec proinde quidquam de iis ex allatis Sancti Augustini testimoniis concludi po­test. Mala ergo fide in hoc scripto agitur, ac frustra tot S. Augustini testimonia proferuntur.

II.

Ponitur & probatur plurimis locis quod in quaesti­one non est, imo quod Iansenius confitetur, quod­que nos ut certum & Catholicum asserimus. Confi­temur Deum nihil impossibile hominibus praecipere, nihil cuiquam praecepisse impossibile; S. Augustini, Concilii Tridentini, Ecclesiae universae doctrina haec est. De hoc non agitur, hoc non controvertitur: sed illud unum explorandum, quid, cum hoc dicunt, intelligant S. Augustinus, Tridentinum, Ecclesia. Nihil impossibile homini Deus praecipit, quia per gratiam fieri potest; quidquid praecipit fieri potest, si natura sanetur & adjuvetur gratia Dei per Chri­stum, Hic est S. Augustini sensus contra Pelagium, & Tridentini contra Calvinum. An autem gratia Christi, sine qua praeceptum fieri non potest, detur omnibus, illud est de quo quaeritur. Dicimus non da­ri omnibus, Negamus hinc sequi quod Deus impos­sibilia praecipiat, nisi illa sententia sumatur secundum sensum Pelagii, non Augustini. Quidquid ergo ex S. Augustino proferunt adversarii, ut ostendant Deum impossibilia non praecipere, vanum est, nec ad rem pertinet, ac mala fide agunt.

III.

S. Augustini testimonia truncant ac mutilant, dolose supprimunt quae illius mentem plane ex­plicant, illi sensum penitus alienum & contra­rium affingunt, ut ex ipsis locis manifestum est. Denique haec omnia testimonia aut falso, aut frau­dulenter, [Page 90] aut nequaquam ad rem allegant.

IV.

Multa S. Augustini testimonia hinc & inde addu­cunt, ut plurimum non dicendo qua de re in iis a­gatur, quid valeant, quid probent, qua intentione ea referant. Non est haec sincera veritatis indagan­dae ratio, sed apertum de ea occultanda consilium. Quam sinceriore modo agamus patet ex scripto no­stro circa primam propositionem, ubi S. Augustini testimonia discutimus, quid valeant, quid probent ostendimus, ea singulis conclusionibus ordinatim arteximus.

V.

Simulant se gratiam ex se efficacem ad singulos pios actus necessariam non impugnare. Se gratiam quidem sufficientem admittere ac probare, sed eam qua gratia ex se efficax non destruitur, & tamen nulla est vis omnium fere testimoniorum quae pro­ferunt, vel si ad aliquid valeant, valent ad destru­endam gratiam ex se efficacem ad operandum & o­randum necessariam; & cum ex iis concludunt semper dari aliquam gratiam sufficientem ad ope­randum seu ad orandum, vel nihil concludunt, vel gratiam sufficientem Molinisticam, seu li­bero arbitrio quoad usum subjectam intelli­gunt.

VI.

Cum S. Augustini sententia clara & expressa ex iis libris in quibus dogmatice contra Pelagianos di­sputat, eorum errores refutat, Ecclesiae fidem de­fendit, praecipue inquirenda sit, quod nos in scrip­to nostro circa primam propositionem facimus, alia via procedunt advetsarii, ac praecipue ex mo­ralibus S. Augustini, e fermonibus, e Psalmorum expositionibus, ex operibus contra Manichaeos te­stimonia proferunt. In quibus ex professo non agit de his quaestionibus, quanquam tamen nec quic­quam in iis sit quod adversatiorum sententiae faveat, ut ostendemus.

VII.

Imponunt Iansenio, ut infra ostendetur.

VIII.

S. Augustini testimonia referendo ejusdem aucto­ritatem destruunt, ut etiam probabitur.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
Prima Propositio.

ALiqua Dei praecepta hominibus justis volentibus & conantibus secundum praesentes quas habent vires sunt impossibilia. Deest quoque iis gratia quâ possibilia fiant.

Docet Jansenius tom. 3. lib. 3. de gratia Salvato­ris cap. 33. qui & addit: Hoc enim S. Petri exemplo aliisque multis quotidie manifestum est, quitentantur ultra quam possint sustinere.

RESPONSIO.

HOc docet Iansenius, & ex multis S. Augustini locis colligit, sed ex antecedentibus & con­quentibus, a quibus propositio avulsa est, cla­rum est quam recto sensu illud dixerit. Nam non lo­quitur nisi de posse completissimo, quando volun­tas sic est praeparata per Christi gratiam, ut non nude possit, sed etiam velit; quod posse comple­tissimum dicit non haberi nisi per actualem Christi gratiam proxime necessariam ad id quod agendum est, quae dat non solum posse si velis, sed & velle quod potes. Sic loquitur libro 3. de gratia Salvato­ris cap. 15. Sect. ‘Quarto itaque completissime di­cimur posse, quando Sancti Spiritus inspiratione sic voluntas praeparatur, ut non nude possit, sed etiam velit. Tali gratia non solum posse, sed e­tiam ipsum agere adjuvatur: dat enim non so­lum posse si velis, sed & velle quod potes. Hoc posse nunquam habetur nisi quando reipsa quoque agitur; & est proprius effectus non fidei, aut cha­ritatis, seu bonae voluntatis habitualis, sed illius gratiae actualis, quam Christus attulit hominibus infirmis per crucem suam.’ In hoc ergo tota quae­stio circa hanc propositionem consistit, an gratia efficax proxime ad agendum necessaria det comple­tissimum posse ad agendum. Hoc est, ita comple­tam agendi possibilitatem, ut nihil aliud per mo­dum principii ex parte Dei ad agendum requiratur; Quam possibilitatem S. Augustinus de natur. & gra­tia cap. 42. vocat possibilitatem cum effectu. Nihil aliud Iansenius dicit, nihil aliud asserimus. Quam­diu adversarii hoc non refutaverint, nihil agent. Hoc autem toto hoc scripto nequaquam attingunt.

Nota prima.

Hoc scripto ante omnem Propositionum censu­ram summo Pontifici exhibito, apertissime inno­tescit, a Doctoribus Augustinianis nihil aliud circa primam Propositionem defensum fuisse, quam gratiam per se efficacem ad singulos pios actus esse necessariam, & per illam dari posse proximum & completum, seu, ut infra expo­nitur, ita completam agendi possibilitatem, ut nihil aliud per modum principii ex parte Dei ad agendum requiratur, quod solum gratiae per se efficacis ad singulos actus necessariae dogma con­tinet. Dum primam propositionem veram & a se defendi aiunt, hunc unum sensum defen­dunt: ac, ne quis suspicaretur, aut primam Propositionem ab iis simpliciter defendi, aut a­lium in ea quam gratiae per se efficacis sensum defendi, vulgo eandem propositionem ita ex­primunt ac limitant, Propositio ut defenditur a nobis, propositio juxta sensum a nobis defen­sum. Ergo ante constitutionem prima Proposi­tio de haeresi damnata, utpote ab isto gratiae per se efficacis sensu alienissima, nequaquam ab Augustinianis defensa est.

Nota secunda.

Hoc uno scripto Augustiniani Jansenii sensum attingunt. Etsi enim de hoc in ista de quinque Pro­positionibus controversia agere ipsis minime pro­positum esset, nullamque ejus mentionem fieri monuisset summus Pontifex, cum tamen adversa­rii hoc suo scripto ejus verba referrent, & alienum ab ipso sensum illis affingerent, fieri non potuit, quin Augustiniani respondendo id óbiter animad­verterent, & hanc hallucinationem veri Iansenii sensus circa primam Propositionem expositione de­tegerent. Non tamen de defenso Iansenii sensu quidquam Romae auditum dixeris, quia haec, quan­tumvis pro argumenti magnitudine ac difficultate brevissima, ac obiter solum dicta, nec lecta nec ex­aminata sunt. Cum enim, ipso fatente, 1 nulla deinceps, post audios Doctores, Consultorum collatio, nulla Congregatio habita fuerit, ita nul­lum hujus scripti & aliorum summo Pontifici si­mul exhibitorum examen institutum est.

Nota tertia.

Ex hac Ianseniani sensus obiter in hanc responsio­nem inserta defensione videre licet, unum semper ac constantem Augustinianis sensum de tota ista materia fuisse, nec, ut quidam cavillantur, eos post constitutiones demum ubique receptas ad hanc de male intellecto ab adversariis Iansenii sensu quere­lam & disputationem confugisse. Ecce enim hic & responsione sequenti aperte clamant, perperam ab adversariis intelligi Iansenium & illi gravissime im­poni. Non ergo Iansenii sensus nomine unquam defenderunt illos errores, qui ipsi ab adversariis tribuuntur. Sed falso illos affingi Iansenio constan­ter, & ante & post constitutiones affirmarunt. I­dem semper de gratia, idem de Iansenio senserunt. Solam ipsi efficacem gratiam propugnarunt, solam a Iansenio efficacem gratiam explicatam ac defen­sam arbitrati sunt: hoc uno aliquantum a se non sensu, sed verbis dissimiles, quod ante constitutio­nes gratiae efficacis doctrinam in Propositionum verbis, minus stricte & rigorose sumptis, includi posse merito, ut aliqui e Romanis Consultoribus sentiebant: eadem vero consensu Ecclesiae decla­ratione summi Pontificis, penitus jam ab iisdem exclusa, nihil jam in illis remanere fateantur nisi er­rorum faecem merito a quibusque reprobandam.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.

COnstat verò ex ejus doctrina & pincipiis secundo toto isto libro, 3. & alibi, etiam justis, quoti­escunque transgrediuntur mandata Dei, deesse gra­tiam, tum illam qua eadem implere possint, tum istam quâ auxilium ad praecepta implenda sufficiens impe­trare queant.

RESPONSIO.

IMponunt gravissime Iansenio, nisi per auxilium sufficiens intelligant Molinisticum, quod revera nunquam adesse in hoc statu docet Iansenius, quia per illud vera Christi gratia destruitur, & Pelagia­nus error restituitur. Nunquam vero dixit justos, quotiescumque transgrediuntur praeceptum, nullam habere gratiam. In hac ipsa propositione de qua a­gitur, quaestio est de justis volentibus utique per gratiam aliquam; dicuntur enim volentes, imper­fecte scilicet & invalide per hanc parvam gratiam, ut docet S. Augustinus de gratia & libero arbitrio, in testimoniis quae Iansenius praecipue citat in locis ubi de hac propositione agit. Dum ergo dicit Ian­senius, non adesse gratiam qua possint praecepta implere, intelligit de gratia dante posse ita com­pletum, ut det simul plenum velle, sed non exclu­dit aliam parvam gratiam, & quae tanta non est, quanta sufficit ad praeceptum aliquod implendum. Dum vero dicit Iansenius non adesse gratiam qua possint impetiare auxilium operandi, intelligit non adesse tantam gratiam, qua tam perfecte oretur, quam perfecte orandum est, ut impetretur magna Dei gratia, quae non nisi magnis gemitibus implo­ratur. Saepe enim Iansenius asserit esse parvam gratiam incipiendi, imperfecte volendi, tepide o­randi, in eo qui non operatur, non perficit, non ple­ne vult, quique ardenter & perseveranter non orat, ut videri potest multis in locis apud ipsum Ianseni­um. Legatur de gratia Salvatoris lib. 2. cap. 27. lib. 4. cap. 16, 17, 18. lib. 8. cap. 2. & postea adversa­riorum fide judicetur.

Hanc autem parvam gratiam non vocavit quidem gratiam sufficientem ad operandum, quia non ex­istimavit illud auxilium ad aliquid sufficiens dici, prae­ter quod aliud auxilium necessarium est: sed reipsa gratiam sufficientem sumpram pro parva & imper­fecta, quae tanta non est quanta sufficit ut volendo faciamus, sed quae sufficit & efficit ut imperfecte velimus, non solum non negavit, sed in locis cita­tis & ubique sicut veram Christi gratiam adstruxit, docuitque eam saepe reperiri in iis qui transgrediun­tur aliquod praeceptum.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[I S. Augustini Testimonium ab Adversariis contra primam propositionem productum.]

COntrarium docet Sanctus Augustinus. 1. Ne­mini à Deo impossibilia praecipi docet libro ter­tio de libero arbitrio, capite decimo octavo.

Quaecunque ista causa voluntatis, si non ei potest resisti, sine peccato ei ceditur; si autem potest, non ei cedatur, & non peccabitur; an forte fallit incau­tum? ergo caveat ne fallat. An tanta fallacia est omnino non pssit? si ita est, nulla peccata sunt; quis enim peccat in eo quod caveri nulla modo potest? pec­catur autem; caveri igitur potest.

Approbat lib. 1. Retract. cap. 9. in quorum re­censionem haec habet.

In his atque hujusmodi verbis meis, quia gratia Dei commemorata non est, de qua tunc non agebatur, putant Pelagiani, vel putare possunt, suam nos tenu­isse sententiam: sed frustra hoc putant; voluntas quippe est quâ & peccatur, & recte vivitur, quod his verbis egimus.

[Page 92]
Approbat lib. de natura & gratia cap. 67.

Agnosco, verba measunt; sed etiam ipse digne­tur agnoscere superiùs cuncta quae dicta sunt. De gra­tia quippe Dei agitur, quae nobis per Mediatorem me­dicinâ opitulatur, non de impossibilitate justitiae. Po­test ergoci causae, quaecumque illa est, resisti? potest plane; nam in hoc adjutorium postulamus, dicentes, Ne nos inferas in tentationem: quod adjutorium non posceremus, si resisti nullo modo crederemus: Potest peccatum caveri, sed opitulante illo qui non potest falli.

RESPONSIO.

I. SI quid probat hic locus sumptus ex adversario­rum mente, nimis probat; probat quod fal­sissimum est, & S. Augustino evidenter contrarium, proindeque nihil probat: nam vel adversarii pro­bant quod intendunt, vel ex hoc loco colligunt da­ri semper aliquam gratiam veram & internam vo­luntati, ut peccatum vitari possit, quia alias pec­catum non esset, cum vitari non posset: Ergo da­tur semper singulis adultis, infidelibus, excaecatis, & aliis, aliqua vera Christi gratia voluntati interna quotiescumque peccant; quia si non daretur, juxta adversariorum principia dici non posset peccatum vitari posse: Hoc autem cum falsissimum sit, & S. Augustini doctrinae penitus repugnans. Quando S. Augustinus dicit peccatum vitari posse, sensus non est, quod omni peccanti semper infundatur a Deo vera & interna voluntatis gratia. Adversarii ergo nihil omnino ex hoc loco probare possunt. Jam autem quis sit hujus testimonii sensus videa­mus.

II. Nihil probat hoc testimonium adversum nos, sed potius confirmat quod dicimus. Quis enim ne­gat peccatum posse vitari, posse illi resisti, justiti­am non esse impossibilem? De hoc inter nos quae­stio non est, sed de sensu quo S. Augustinus id asse­rat, dicimus hoc sensu asseri, quia, ut docet de per­fect. justitiae Caelestio respondens cap. 2. Vitari po­test peccatum, si natura sanetur gratiâ Dei per Christum. Et hoc ipsum in loco citato docet his verbis: Potest peccatum caveri, sed opitulante illo qui non potest falli. Hoc est, potest caveri quando Deus opitulatur: si autem intelligatur hoc sensu, quod Deus semper opitulatur ad vitandum pecca­tum, quod semper cuique inest peccati vitandi pos­sibilitas proxima per gratiam Christi semper praesen­tem, qua voluntas pro nutu suo vel implet prae­ceptum ex pietate, vel impetrat auxilium, illud Pelagii principiis conforme esse dicimus, & a S. Au­gustino contra Pelagium semper negari, ut ostendi­mus in scripto circa primam propositionem cap. 5. art. 1. & 2. & art. 13. respons. 1. & 2. Ut ergo ad­versarii id de quo solum quaeritur probarent, in hoc deberent insudare, ut ostenderent gratiam Christia­nam, per quam praeceptum seu orandi, seu creden­di, seu operandi, fit proxime & complete possibi­le, semper a Deo omnium hominum cordibus mi­sericorditer infundi, ut verum sit quod Deus in sen­su S. Augustini impossibilia non praecipit. Aliqua testimonia Augustini proferre deberent quibus illud demonstrarent.

Sed hoc a doctrina S. Augustini omnino alienum est, apud quem peccatum & ab homine sano & ab homine lapso vitati potest, sed diversolonge sensu; ideo enim ab homine sano peccatum vitari potest, quia semper habet gratiam praesentem qua id proxi­me pro nutu suo possit; ideo vero ab homine lapso peccatum vitari potest, quia, ut diximus, per grati­am vitari potest, seu si natura gratia Dei per Chri­stum sanetur. Sed, ut S. Augustinus aperte in locis citatis docet, natuta non semper sanatur per Chri­sti gratiam, & tunc, ut loquitur, ex infirmitate, quae poena peccati est, non potest, sive non videndo qualis esse debeat, sive videndo & non volendo es­se qualem se debere esse videt; hoc docet & retract. lib. 1. cap. 8. libros de Libero arbitrio recensens, & cit. cap. 6. de natur. & grat. quae infra referen­tur.

Quoties ergo quae S. Augustinus de peccato in li­bris de lib. arb. dixerat, peccatum scilicet non esse quod vitari non potest, & similia; Pelagiani illi ob­jecerunt, & eo sensu intelligi voluerunt, ut pecca­tum non esset, nisi quicumque peccat, semper proxime posset illud vitare, seu nisi in quoque ho­mine semper esset illud pro nutu suo posse vitare & recte facere; toties S. Augustinus respondit se quo­ad istum sensum locutum esse de peccato, quod tantummodo peccatum est, non vero de peccato, quod simul & peccatum est, & poena peccati. Lib. 1. retract. cap. 9. sic loquitur: ‘Et in libro tertio, cum dixissem illud quo & Pelagium de meis opus­culis usum fuisse commemoravi; quis enim, in­quam, peccat in eo quod nullo modo caveri potest? Peccatur autem, caveri igitur potest. Continuo secutus adjunxi, & tamen per ignorantiam facta quaedam judicantur, &c. Et mox infra: ‘Sunt eti­am necessitate facta improbanda, ubi vult homo recte facere & non potest, &c. Sed haec omnia hominum sunt ex illa mortis damnatione venien­tium; nam si non est ista poena hominis, sed natu­ra, nulla ista peccata sunt.’ Et infra sic concludit [...] ‘Et alio loco, approbate, inquam, falsa pro veris, ut erret invitus, & resistente atque torquente dolore carnalis vinculi, non posse a libidinosis operibus temperare, non est natura instituti hominis, sed poena damnati. Cum autem de libera voluntate recte faciendi loquimur, de illa scilicet, in qua homo factus est, loquimur. Ecce jam longe an­tequam Pelagiana haeresis extitisset, sic disputavi­mus, velut jam contra illos disputaremus.’ Quae omnia in libro de nat. & gratia cap. 67. similiter di­cit. Eodem modo cum Iulianus objiceret S. Augu­stino definitionem peccati ab eo contra Manichaeos prolatam, scilicet, ‘Peccatum est voluntas amit­tendi vel retinendi quod justitia vetat, & unde li­berum est abstinere;’ S. Augustinus ter illi in libro 1. operis imperfecti, nempe cap. 44. 47. & 104. respondit, se ibi peccatum definivisse quod tantum­modo peccatum est, non quod etiam poena peccati: ‘Ita definitio peccati, inquit cap. 104. ejus est quod peccatum tantummodo est, non quod etiam poena peccati, qua perit libertas non peccandi, a quo malo non liberat, nisi ille cui non tantum di­cimus, Dimitte nobis debita nostra, verum etiam, Et ne nos inducas in tentationem, sed libera noc a malo.’

SCRIPTUM ADVESARIORUM
[II. Testimonium.]

Idem libri 3 citati de libero arbitrio cap. 9.

Objicientibus cur cum ignorantiae caecitate & cu­piditatis difficultatibus homines nascantur, ita respondet.

REcte fortasse quererentur, si erroris aut libi­dinis nullus hominum victor existeret; cum vero ubique sit praesens qui multis modis per crea­turam sibi Domino servientem aversum vocet, do­ceat credentem, consoletur sperantem, diligen­tem exhortetur, conantem adjuvet, exaudiat de­precantem, non tibi deputatur ad culpam, quod invitus ignoras, sed quod negligis quaerere quod ignoras: neque illud quod vulnerata membra non colligis, sed quod volentem sanare contemnis: ista tua propria peccata sunt; nulli enim homini ablatum est scire utiliter, quod inutiliter ignora­tur, & humiliter confitendam esse imbecillitatem, ut quaerenti & confitenti ille subveniat, qui nec errat dum subvenit, nec laborat; nam illud quod ignorans quisque non recte facit, & quod recte volens facere non potest, ideo dicuntur peccata, quia de peccato illo liberae voluntatis originem ducunt.

Approbat lib. de nat. & grat. cap. 67. rela­tis verbis subjungens:

Ita exhortatus sum quantum potui ad recte vi­vendum, & gratiam non evacuavi, sine qua natura humana jam tenebrata atque vitiata illuminari non potest & sanari, de qua re cum istis tota verti­tur quaestio, ne gratiam Dei quae est in Christo Jesu Domino nostro perversa naturae defensione frustremur.

RESPONSIO.

AD intelligentiam hujus loci notandum est S. Augustinum, cum hos de libero arbitrio libros scriberet, nondum cognovisse nec asseruisse initium fidei esse donum Dei, illum de hac veritate con­victum fuisse solum in exordio sui Episcopatus, scribendo secundam quaestionem lib. 1 ad Simpli­cianum. Hoc patet ex libro de praedestinatione Sanct. c. 3 & 4, et de dono persev. cap. 20.

I. Hoc posito, petimus ab adversariis quid ex hoc loco colligant. An omnibus ad excusationem in peccato dari gratiam Christi, ut incipiant credere & pie velle, ac ut ad Deum orando confugiant? fed quomodo ex dictis a S. Augustino in libris de libero arbitrio probare possunt dari omnibus ad creden­dum & ad orandum gratiam Christi; siquidem San­ctus Augustinus, cum haec scriberet, non putabat in­itium fidei & orationem esse donum gratiae Chri­sti, ut praenotavimus?

II. Si gratia generalis fidei & orationis hoc in loco a Sancto Augustino tradita esset, & dicerent adversarii eam esse quam confitentur, & quam ad fidem & orationem confiteri sufficit, se Semipela­gianos esse declararent, aliam gratiam ad initium fidei non confitendo praeter istam quam Sanctus Au­gustinus agnoscens, nihilominus in errore Semipe­lagianorum versabatur, ut ipse asserit.

III. Juxta S. Augustini doctrinam contra Pela­gianos assertam, gratia si daretur ad excusationem hominum in peccatis, non esset vera gratia, ut ex­presse ptobat in epistola ad Sixtum; ergo repugnat S. Augustino ut gratiam aliquam ad excusationem hominibus, cum peccant, dari, in libro de natura & gratia asseruerit, & hanc esse veram Christi gra­tiam censuerit.

IV. Postquam adversarios convicimus ipsos hoc testimonium tam perperam adducere, ut contra nos eo uti non possint, nisi Semipelaginanum errorem profitendo: jam illius sensus exponendus est. I­taque S. Augustinus hoc loco aliud contra Pelagium adstruit, scilicet, gratiam operum, quam Pelagius negabat, & quam praecipue in libro de natura et gratia S. Augustinus probat: aliud vero silet, scili­cet, gratiam fidei et orationis, eam nec negando, quia de illa hoc loco non agebat, nec adstruendo, quia S. Augustinus libros de libero arbitrio scribens, nondum eam cognoscebat. Itaque in hoc testimo­nio lib. 3 de libero arbitrio gratiam non evacuavit, ut ipse testatur in libro de natur. et grat. quia sci­licet in eo gratiam operum adstruxit, & gratiam fidei non negavit, de ea nihil dicendo. Sic licet in libro expositionis quarumdam propositionum ad Romanos apertius quam in ullo alio secundum er­rorem, in quo erat, locutus fuerit, dixit tamen li­bro 1 Retract, cap. 23, se ibi evertisse haeresim Pe­lagianam, negantem scilicet gratiam Christi ad o­perandum et ad Deum amandum requiri: Ʋnde quidem, inquit, jam evertitur haeresis Pelagiana, quae vult non ex Deo nobis, sed ex nobis esse charitatem qua bene ac pie vivimus. Proindeque Sanctus Au­gustinus hoc testimonium petitum ex libro 3 de li­bero arbitrio repetit ac confirmat in libro de natura et gratia, non ut ex eo adstruat gratiam fidei, quam nondum cognoscebat cum libros de libero arbitrio scribetet, sed ut ex eo gratiam operum contra Pe­lagium confirmet, ostendatque se illam non eva­cuasse, cum dixit homines in peccatis excusationem non habere.

Verus ergo hujus loci sensus iste est: Sanctus Augustinus ostendit homines non habere excusatio­nem in peccatis, quia Deus aliqua semper adju­menta vel gratiae internae, vel saltem externae homi­nibus confert, per quae excusatio omnis illis aufertur. Per creaturam, inquit, sibi Domino servientem. An haec gratia interna est? puta per mundi ordinem, gubernationemque admirabilem, per solem, lunam, pluvias caeteraque caeli & terrae beneficia homines a se aversos vocat, & quidem ut dicitur Actorum 14, Non sine testimonio seipsum relinquens, bene­faciens, de caelo dans pluvias & tempora fructifera, quod sufficit ad auferendam excusationem homi­num in peccatis. Tali cognitione, inquit S. Fulgen­tius de veritate praedestinat. & grat. lib. 1, cap. ul­timo, ablata excusatio est, non collata salvatio. Certum autem est, hic S. Augustinum non plene solvisse hanc summam difficultatem, quomodo ju­ste Deus de peccatoribus conqueratur, quibus gra­tiam necessariam non dat, nec latentes judicio­rum Dei causas aperuisse. Siquidem S. Augustinus [Page 94] nondum,, cum haec scriberet, gratiae & praedestina­tionis mysterium plene cognoscebat. Nec eo in loco de gratia ex professo agebat, ut ipse dicit lib. 1 Retract. cap. 9. De gratia vero Dei, inquit, qua suos electos sic praedestinavit, ut eorum, qui jam in eis u­tuntur libere arbitrio, ipse etiam sic praeparet volun­tates, nihil in eis libris disputatum est propter hanc propositam quaestionem. Ʋbi antem incidit locus, ut hujus gratiae fieret commemoratio, transeunter com­memorata est, non quasi inde ageretur, operosa ratio­cinatione defensa.

Ubi vero illi contra Pelagianos & eorum reli­quias de praedestinatione Dei, de hominum excu­satione ex professo disserendum fuit, ubi opus fuit gratiam operosa ratiocinatione defendi, videatur quid de hac re dixerit, praecipue in epistola ad Sixtum, in qua argumentum istud ab excusatione hominum petitum plenissime solvit, non per gratiae alicujus sufficientis voluntaris internae in usu liberi arbitrii positae assertionem, sed per inscrutabila & justa Dei judicia juxta Apostoli doctrinam, qui eadem responsione hominum excusationem repres­sit. Videantur dicta in scripto circa primam propo­sitionem cap. 5, articul. 13, responsione 2 & 3.

IV. Quod haec verba, Nulli enim homini abla­tum est scire utiliter, quod inutiliter ignorat, &c. Observandum est, haec legi quidem in libro de li­bero arbitrio, sed non repeti in libro de natura & gratia, quia forte in his verbis Semipelagianus error exprimitur, si significetur in unoquoque restare post peccatum vires, ut ad sidem se disponat, ut velle incipiat, ut suam imbecillitatem confiteatur, & ad Deum orandum confugiat. Hic mala fides adver­sariorum retegitur, qui haec verba retulerunt quasi Sanctus Augustinus in libro de natura & gratia repe­tiisset ac confirmasset. Nam his verbis ex libro de libero arbitrio citatis, mox subjungunt: Approbat libro de natura & gratia cap. 67, relatis verbis sub­jungens: Ita exhortatus sum.

Dicenr adversarii: Sed haec verba S. Augustinus non retractat neque in libro de natura & gratia, neque in lib. Retract. Respondemus haec sufficien­ter retractata fuisse, cum Sanctus Augustinus & in lib Retract. & in lib. de praedestinat. Sanctorum cap. 3. & de dono peseverantiae cap. 20. nos mo­nuit se ante Episcopatum de dono fidei recte non sensisse. Non est ergo quod adversarii haec ultima verba de gratia ad quaerendum & ad orandum om­nibus data exponentes, hac accusatione fraudem suam tegere intelligentiumque oculis eripere prae­sumant.

Haec tamen verba secundum Catholicum sensum exponi possent, dicendo neminem necessitate pre­mi ut in peccato maneat, posse unumquemque ex suae infirmitatis experientia scire, se infirmum esse, & ab ignorantia & infirmitate, Deo adjuvante, liberari.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[III. Testimonium.]

Idem lib. 1. de Gen. contra Manichaeos cap. 3.

ILlud autem lumen non irrationabilium animalium oculos pascit, sed pura corda eorum qui Deo cre­dunt, & ab amore visibilium rerum & temporalium se ad ejus praecepta servanda convertunt, quod omnes hominet possunt si velint, quia illud lumen illumi­nat omnem hominem venientem in hunc mundum.

Approbat lib. 1 Retract. c. 10, in quorum re­censione haec scribit.

Non existiment novi haeretici Pelagiani secundum eos esse dictum; verum est enim omnes homines hoc posse si velint, sed praeparatur voluntas a Domino, & tan­tum augetur munere charitatis ut possint, quod hic ideo dictum non est, quoniam praesenti necessarium non erat quaestioni.

NOTA hic absolute ab Augustino asseri verum esse quod omnes homines possint ad Dei praecepta servanda se convertere, negari tantum quod sine gratia id pos­sint, idque adversus Pelagianos non silendum, ad­versus alios haeretoos fileri potuisse, affirmari. Quia scilicet ad veritatem propositionis id non spectare cre­didit, sed tantum ad modum quo propositio vera est, significandum, ideoque tacito etiam modo veritatis pro­positionem subsistere existimavit.

NOTA praeterea, dum excusat se quod agens pro libero arbitrio sileat gratiam de qua minime ageba­tur, similiter innuere, nec se reprehendendum esse, si forte agens ex professo de gratia, liberi arbitrii men­tionem omittat, de quo nulla cum Pelagianis erat quaestio.

RESPONSIO.

HAec verba prout exponuntur in libro Retractat. non solum nobis non adversantur, sed valde favent. Verum est enim omnes homines posse si velint; sed praeparatur voluntas a Domino scilicet ut velint; atqui certum est apud S. Augustinum vo­luntatem in omnibus hominibus non praeparari. Multi, inquit, de praedestinatione Sanctorum cap. 6, audiunt verbum veritatis, sed alii credunt, alii contradicunt; volunt ergo isti credere; nolunt autem illi, quis hoc ignoret? quis hoc neget? sed cum aliis preparetur, aliis non praepaeretur voluntas a Domino, discernendum est utique quid veniat de misericordia ejus, quid de judicio. Certum est etiam apud S. Augustinum & alios Patres, voluntatem praeparari nihil aliud esse, quam nobis volitionem ipsam actu­alem a Deo dari, ut voluntas praeparari nunquam dicatur, nisi cum actu volumus. Hoc patet ex iis S. Augustini verbis de Christi oratione pro Petro ut fides ejus non deficeret. Sed quia, inquit de cor­rept. & grat. cap. 18, praeparatur voluntas a Domino, ideo pro illo non posset esse inanis oratio. Quare, ut innumeris S. Augustini locis patet, haec Apostoli verba, Deus est qui operatur velle, eodem sensu su­muntur [Page 95] atque ista, praeparatur voluntas a Domino, proindeque ista sicut illa gratiam efficacem deno­tant; ergo licet omnes possint servare mandata si velint, quia tamen nunquam volunt nisi cum vo­luntas eorum praeparatur, ac semper voluntas eo­rum non praeparetur, probari non potest ex hoc loco, omnes homines semper habere gratiam in­ternam qua proxime possint Dei mandata servare: imo ex hoc loco probatur hanc gratiam omnibus semper non dari. Alia verba sequentia evidenter denotant, ex hoc loco concludi non posse gratiam omnibus dari qua possint Dei praecepta servare. Sic enim S. Augustinus loquitur: Sed praeparatur volun­tata a Domino, & tantum augetur munere charitatis ut possint. Quis autem dixerit in omnibus homi­nibus, infidelibus, Atheis, Haereticis, excaecatis vo­luntatem tantum augeri munere charitatis ut pos­sint Dei praecepta servare? Cum ergo in omnibus non sit illud charitatis munus, omnes non possunt, quia solum possunt cum augetur voluntas munere charitatis, & illud munus est gratia haec magna de qua loquitur S. Augustinus de gratia & libero arbi­trio, cap. 15 & 16, quae tanta est, quanta sufficit ut volendo faciamus, & quam qui non habet, non­dum potest. Ut pateat quam verum sit ac S. Au­gustini doctrinae conforme quod dicimus, jam citata ex libro de gratia & libero arbitrio testimonia in­tegra legenda sunt. In his enim S. Augustinus di­cit quod non solum possumus mandata servare si volumus, sed etiam quod ea servamus si volumus; & tamen docet nos aliquando illa non posse ser­vare. Per hanc, inquit cap. 18, gratiam fit, ut ipsa bona voluntas quae jam esse coepit, augeatur, & tam magna fiat ut possit implere divina mandata (en illud charitatis munus quo possumus) quae vo­luerit cum valde perfecteque voluerit, ad hoc enim va­let quod scriptum est, Si volueris conservabis man­data, ut homo qui voluerit & non potuerit, nondum se plene velle cognoscat, & oret ut habeat tantam volun­tatem, quanta sufficit ad implenda mandata. Sic quippe adjuvatur ut faciat quod jubetur: Tunc e­nim utile est velle cum possumus, & tunc utile est posse cum volumus: Nam quid p [...]odest si quod non possumus volumus, aut si quod possumus nolumus! Idem docet capite sequenti, ubi & utitur eodem isto loco Scripturae: Voluntas praeparatur a Domino. Certum est, inquit, nos mandata servare si volumus, sed quia praeparatur voluntas a Domino, ab illo pe­tendum est ut tantum velimus, quantum sufficit ut volendo faciamus. Ex his patet, nos per eamdem gratiam simul & posse & plene velle: proindeque cum omnes gratiam, qua plene velint, non habeant, gratiam et [...]on habere qua possint; etsi verum sit omnes n [...]olum posse servare mandata si velint, sed etiam ea servare si velint. Quibus & similibus sententiis non significatur gratiam quae det bonum posse, & bonam voluntatem semper esse praesen­tem, sed denotatur omnia quae ad colendum Deum & pie vivendum pertinent, sic in bona voluntate consistere, ut cum plene volumus, possimus juste vivere, nec bona vita ab exterioribus rebus pen­deat, quas habere saepe non possumus, etiamsi plene & toto corde eas appetamus.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[IV. Testimonium.]

Libro de duabus animabus contra Manichaeos, capite 11.

NEc hi libri obscuri mihi servandi erunt, unde dicerem neminem vituperatione suppliciove dig­num qui aut id velit quod justitia velle non prohibet, aut id non faciat quod facere non potest. Nonne ista cantant & in mentibus pastores, & in theatris Poetae, & indocti in circulis, & docti in bibliothecis, & magistri in scholis, & Antistites in sacris locis, & in orbe terrarum genus humanum, quod nullo modo vituperatione & damnatione dignus est, aut non contra vetitum justitiae faciens, aut quod non potest non fa­ciens!

RESPONSIO.

REspondetur Sanctum Augustinum loqui tum de eo qui non facit quod facere non potest, & si velit illud facere: quia tunc invitus illud non fa­cit: tum de eo qui naturaliter non potest; quia tunc natura, non voluntate non facit. Seu Augu­stinus loquitur de eo qui non potest vel ob alienam vel ob propriam naturam bonum facere, non vero de eo qui vitio naturae & ex poena primi peccati non potest, quod evidentissime patet ex tribus capi­tibus.

I. Ex ipso contextu S. Augustini; Quaerit enim an peccet qui invitus & coactus quippiam facit. Re­spondetque ex communi notitia generis humani non peccate, quia non nisi voluntate peccatur. Voluntas autem, inquit, est animi motus cogente nul­lo ad aliquid vel non amittendum vel adipiscendum. Et hoc, inquit idem, ita manifestum est, & non doctrina, sed natura omnibus promptum, ut necesse non sit libros obscuros scrutari, unde discatur nemi­nem vituperatione suppliciove dignum, qui id non faciat quod facere non potest. Quis ergo non videat Augustinum loqui de eo qui vult facere quod tene­tur, & non potest, quia tunc si non facit, id non provenit ex voluntate, sed ex coactione vel violen­tia? oportet autem, ait Augustinus, ut volens a cogente sit liber. Qui ergo vult aliquid facere & violentia prohibetur ne faciat, non peccat, quia non volens sen invitus non facit.

II. Id patet ex errore Manichaeorum, quem hic sibi confutandum proponit Augustinus. Manichaei enim ex ipso Augustino tum in toto hoc opere, tum in lib. 1 Retractationum cap. 15, duas animas in uno homine constituebant, unam bonam a Deo, al­teram malam a principe tenebrarum; illam totius boni in homine principium, hanc vero totius mali, adeo ut si illa velit declinare a malo & facere bo­num, haec ut potentior illi reluctans, eam co gat invitam malum facere quod non vult, & prohibeat bonum facere quod vult, proindeque ipsam & to­tum hominem pertrahat in peccatum. Quem er­rorem impugnat S. Augustinus, quia hinc seque­retur, nec animam bonam peccare, nec malam; non bonam, quia cogeretur a mala, proindeque non peccaret, cum non nisi voluntate peccetur, [Page 96] non etiam malam, quia natura peccaret non vo­luntate.

III. Id manifeste patet ex consequentia & defi­nitione peccati, quam inde deducit Augustinus, & quam explicat in libro Retractat. Cum enim dix­isset, ex communi notitia hominem non esse sup­plicio dignum qui non facit quod non potest, statim & nullo intermedio infert hanc definitionem pec­cati esse legitimam: Peccatum est voluntas retinen­di & consequendi, quod justitia vetat, & unde li­berum est abstinere. Verum quia postea abuteban­tur Pelagiam his Augustini verbis ut probatent nec eum esse liberum, nec peccate qui a peccato absti­nere non potest, proindeque hominem aut gratia destitutum non peccate, aut sine gratia vince [...]e posse peccatum. Au [...]stinus in libro 1 Retractat. cap. 15, ostendit haec verba nihil favere Pelagianis; docet enim quod a seipso dictum est adversus Manichaeos, non esse supplic [...]o dignum qui non facit quod facere non potest, id intelligendum non esse de impotentia quae oriatur ex perversis capiditatibus vitiosae volun­tatis quae ipsam pertrahant in peccatum. Cum e­nim his cupiditatibus illectus homo trahitur in con­sensum, non praeterea non peccat, imo peccat & supplicio dignus est, quia licet abstractus a concu­piscentia sua, tamen voluntate peccat. Quod cla­rissimis his verbis asserir Augustinus loco citato Re­tract. Quisquis sciens peccat, si potest cogenti ad peccatum sine peccato resistere, nec tamen facit, uti­que volens peccat, quoniam qui potest resistere, non cogitur cedere. Qui vero cogenti cupiditati bona vo­luntate resistere non potest, & ideo facit contra prae­cepta justitiae, jam hoc etiam ita peccatum est, ut sit etiam poena peccati; quapropter peccatum sine volun­tate esse non posse verissimum est.

‘Itemque definitio peccati, qua diximus: Pec­catum est voluntas retinendi vel consequendi quod justitia vetat, & unde liberum est abstinere, propterea vera est, quia id definitum est quod tantummodo peccatum est, quale suit primum peccatum Adae, non quod est etiam poena peccati, nam quando tale est ut idem sit & poena peccati, quantum est quod valet sub dominante cupiditate, nisi forte, si pia est, ut oret auxilium, in tantum enim libera est, quia in tantum liberata est, & in tantum appellatur voluntas: alioqui tutius cupi­ditas quam voluntas proprie nuncupanda est; quae non est, sicut Manichaei desipiunt, alienae naturae additamentum, sed nostrae vitium, a quo non sana­mur nisi gratia Salvatoris.’

Quod ipsum etiam repetit libro 1 operis imper­fecti contra Julianum cap. 44. & 47. Etenim Pela­giani arbitrantes se triumphum insignem retulisse de Augustino per ipsummet Augustinum, illi objicie­bant quod adversus Manchiaeos scripserat, quodque hodie nobis ab adversariis objicitur: ‘O lucens aurum in stercore, aiebat Julianus; quid verius? quid planius dici a quoquam vel orthodoxo potu­isset? peccatum, inquit, est voluntas admittendi vel consequendi quod justitia vetat, & unde libe­rum est abstinere.’ Sed ad hoc quid Augustinus? ‘Hic peccatum, inquit, definitum est quod tantum­modo peccatum est, non quod etiam poena pec­cati, de hoc quippe agendum fuit, quando mali origo quaerebatur, quale commissum est a primo homine ante omnes homines malum: sed tu aut non potes intelligere, aut non vis.’ Et iterum: ‘Ipse est Adam quem nostra illa definitio, quae tibi placuit, intuebatur, cum dicerem; Peccatum est voluntas retinendi vel consequendi quod justitia vetat, & unde liberum est abstinere. Adam quip­pe omnino, quando peccavit, nihil in se habebat mali, quo nolens urgeretur ad operandum malum, & propter quod diceret, Non quod volo facio bo­num, sed quod nolo malum hoc ago; ac per hoc id egit peccando quod justitia vetabat, & unde illi liberum fuerat abstinere. Nam ei qui dicit, Quod nolo malum hoc ago, abstinere in liberum aon est.’ Consulatur locus integer, ubi cognosci­tur ex Augustino, eum peccare & supplicio dignum esse, qui non facit id quod non potest facere, si ideo non possit, quia carnali concupiscentiae, quae ex peccato irrepsit, resistere bona voluntate non prae­valet.

Pudeat adversarios antiquas illas Pelagianorum objectiones recantare; pudeat illos cum Juliano ex Augustino contra ipsum Augustinum arma depro­mere; sed magis eos pudeat locum citatum non in­tegrum sed dimidiatum protulisse. Cum enim ob­jecissent haec Augustini verba, eum non esse supplicio dignum, qui id non faciat quod facere non potest, haec verba immediate sequentia suppresserunt: ergo peccatum est voluntas retinendi vel consequendi quod justitia vetat, & unde liberum est abstinere. Ve­rum quo consilio, qua mente id factum sit, non admodum difficile est deprehendere; videbant enim id quod ab illis objectum est, ab Augustino in se­quentibus verbis esse explicatum, paratamque esse responsionem nostram loco citato Retractionum; ideoque haec verba de definitione peccati silentio praeterierunt, qua fraus illorum subtilius & occul­tius delitesceret.

SCRIPTUM ADVESARIORUM. [V. Testimonium.]

Ejusdem libri cap. 12.

DIcere animas esse malas & nihil peccare, ple­num est dementiae; dicere autem peccare fine voluntate, magnum deliramentum est; & peccati reum teneri quemquam, quia non facit quod facere non potuit, summae iniquitatis est & insaniae: quam­obrem illae animae, quidquid faciunt, si natura, non voluntate faciunt, id est, si libero ad faciendum & non faciendum motu anim carent: si denique his ab­stinendi ab opere suo potestas nulla conce [...]ur, peccato earum teneri non possumus.

RESPONSIO.

CUm S. Augustinus dicit reum non teneri quem­piam quia non fecit quod facere non potuit, loquitur tantum de eo qui id facere non potuit ob naturalem impotentiam, sed malitiam & primae­vam sui institutionem, quales esse quasdam animas naturaliter malas contendebant Manichaei, non vero de eo quia id non potuit vitio peccati & concupi­scentiae ex peccato subsecutae. Id manifeste demon­stratur ex quatuor probationibus.

I. Ex ipso argumento quaestionis. Agitur enim [Page 97] ibi, ut asserit S. Augustinus 1 in Retractione nu­jus loci, de origine mali & primi peccati quod in­travit in mundum, quodque Manichaei refund [...]bant in animas natura sua malas. Ex quo patet, quod cum Augustinus dicit, nullas animas esse natura­liter malas, quia nemo tenetur reus, quod non fe­cerit id quod facere non potuit, loquitur tantum de eo qui impotens est boni ex malitia naturali, non ex vitio praecedentis peccati; ita ut haec sit argu­mentatio Augustini: Qui naturaliter ita malus est ut bonus esse non possit, non peccat; quia non fa­cit quod facere non potest. Atqui secundum vos, o Manichaei! sunt quaedam animae ita naturaliter malae ut bonae esse non possint; ergo secundum vos illae animae non peccant, quia non faciunt quod fa­cere non possunt.

II. Id patet ex argumento S, Augustini, quia in­quit, non possunt esse malae animae nisi peccent, non possunt peccare nisi voluntate, nec possunt peccare voluntate, si libero ad faciendum et ad non faciendum motu animi carent, quia tunc non vo­luntate, sed natura peccarent. Nam voluntas ra­tionalis non potest alio modo fieri, quam cum fa­cultate quadam ad bonum & ad malum; quare si qua anima humana hac facultate careret, essetque ad malum natutaliter determinata, profecto non vo­luntate peccaret, sed natura.

III. Ex alia ratione quam subjungit S. Augusti­nus, Manifestum est non peccare animas in eo quod non sunt tales quales esse non possunt. Atqui S. Au­gustinum loqui de impotentia ex malitia & institu­tione naturali, non ex vitio peccati, manifestum est ex libro de nat. & grat. c. 8 & 9. ubi expresse do­cet, & parvulos qui sine lavacro regenerationis morte praeveniuntur, & juvenes vel senes qui nihil de Christo audierunt, juste ut peccatores damnari, quamvis aliud esse non potuerint.

IV. Quia, ut observavimus in responsionibus ad objectionem praecedentem, S. Augustinus iterum tractans hoc opusculum de duabus animabus, ex­presse docet, reum teneri peccati, qui non facit quod facere non potuit, si id non potuit ex resi­stentia carnalis concupiscentiae legisque peccati, quae repugnat legi mentis & captivam ducit in lege pec­cati. Qui vero, inquit, cogenti cupiditati bona vo­luntate resistere non potost, & ideo facit contra prae­cepta justitiae, jam hoc ita peccatum est, ut sit etiam poena peccati. Ex quo manifestissime apparet, haec verba ab adversariis objecta, eum non esse reum pec­cati, qui non facit id quod facere non potuit, esse so­lummodo intelligenda de eo qui id non potuit ex primaeva institutione suae naturae, quod directe ad­versatur Manichaeis contendentibus animas, quam­vis essent naturaliter malae, peccare tamen & suppli­cio dignas esse.

SCRIPTUM ADVESARIORUM. [VI. Testimonium.]

Lib. 2. 2 contra Faustum cap. 78.

SIve autem iniquitas sive justitia, nisi esset in vo­luntate, non esset in potestate; Porro si in pote­state non esset, nullum praemium, nulla poena justa esset; quod nemo sapit nisi qui desipit.

EX his disce duo; primum, qui ad mores spe­ctant, nisi in arbitrio pot staies existant h c abso­lute in potestate nostra posse dici, p [...]oinde nec pr [...]cepto­rum observationem, quae a voluntate eligi non po est, absolute in hominis potestate esse dici posse; alterum, quae ea ratione in potestate nostra non sunt, illa nec praemio digna esse, nec poena juste affici dici posse.

RESPONSIO.

QUis pudor, quae fides adversariorum, qui hunc locum dimidiatum obtendunt, & reticent verba immediate sequentia, quae adeo conserunt ad S. Augustini sententiam, ut se habet, exponendam? En igitur verba Augustini quae proxime sequuntur: Ignorantia vero & infirmitas, ut vel nesciat homo quid velle debeat, vel non omne quod voluerit possit, ex occulto poenarum ordine venit, & illis inscrutabi­libus judiciie Dei, apud quem non est iniquitas. Et infra Et quia de hac justa poena non liberat nisi mi­sericors gratia, certum est; & hinc Apostolus geme­b [...]ndus exclamat, Iufelix ego homo! quis me libera­bit de corpore mortis hujus? Gratia Dei per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Sed quid sit distributio judicantis & miserentis Dei, cur alius sic, alius au­tem sic, occultis fit causis, justis tamen.

Sed dicent adversarii, cum S. Augustinus dicat justitiam esse in voluntate & potestate nostra; quo­modo verum erit quod subjungit postea, multa nos velle in hac infirmitate, quae tamen non possumus?

Resp. hunc nodum solvit ipse Augustinus lib. 1 Retractionum cap. 22, explicans quomodo verum sit quod alio loco dixit, esse scilicet in nostra pote­state mutare vitam nostram; ait enim, Id non est contra gratiam Dei quam praedicamus, in potestate quippe hominis est mutare in melius voluntatem, sed ea potestas nulla est nisi a Deo detur, de quo dictum est, Dedit eis potestatem filios Dei fieri; cum enim hoc sit in potestate, quod cum volumus facimus, nihil tam in potestate quam ipsa voluntas est: sed prae­paratur voluntas a Domino; eo modo ergo dat potesta­tem. Sic intelligendum est & quod dixi postea, in nostra potestate esse, ut vel inseri bonitate Doi, vel excidi ejus severitate mereamur, quia in potestate no­stra non est, nisi quod nostram sequitur voluntatem, quae cum fortis & potens praeparatur a Domino, facile fit opus pietatis, etiam quod difficile atque impossibile fuit.

Agnoscant igitur & fateantur adversarii ex his ge­minis Augustini locis eam esse hujus sancti Viri do­ctrinam.

  • I. Justitiam eatenus esse in potestate no­stra, quia cum volumus illam facimus, si tamen valde & perfecte volumus.
  • II. Ea ratione dari nobis a Deo hanc potestatem, quia ipse dat huius justitiae voluntatem.
  • III. In hac infirmitate & sub onere mortalitatis hujus multa esse in voluntate nostra quae non sunt in potestate, eo quod scilicet voluntas nostra parva est est & invalida, nondum plena ac robusta.
  • IV. Hanc voluntatem, seu parvam seu robustam, quibusdam dari a Deo miserente, quibusdam non dari a Deo judicante, quia cujus vult miseretur, & quem vult indurat, quod, inquit Augustinus, ex oc­culto paenarum ordine venit & ejus inscrutabilibus judiciis.
  • V. Nisi Deus fortem atque potentem volunta­tem [Page 98] praeparet, opus pietatis non solum esse diffici­le, sed etiam impossibile.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[VIII. Testimonium.]

Libro 1. de fide contra Manichaeos cap. 10.

QUis enim non clamat stultum esse praecepta da­re ei cui liberum non est quod praecipitur fa­cere; & iniquum esse, eum damnare, cui non fu­it potestas jussa complere? & has injustitias & ini­quitates miseri non intelligunt Deo se adscribere; sed quid verum est, nisi & Dominum dare praecep­ta, & animas esse libetae voluntatis?

RESPONSIO.

NOn minus hoc testimonio S. Augustini quam aliis supra citatis abuntuntur adversarii; cum enim dicit, animas esse liberae voluntatis, non lo­quitur de libertate illis restituta per gratiam Christi, sed de libertate naturali, quam a Deo auctore acce­perunt, & quam etiam per peccatum non amise­runt; de hac enim libertate naturali tota quaestio vertebatur inter Catholicos & Manichaeos; unde perpetam omnino colligunt adversarii, gratiam Christi omnibus dari quibus praecepta dantur, qua illis ad pie vivendum restituatur libertas, ac praecep­ta Dei possibilia fiant. Quod ergo docet Augustinus, illud est, nempe liberum arbitrium ad bonum & ad malum esse etiam in hominibus lapsis, quod manife­stissime demonstrat ex praeceptis quae dantur omni­bus hominibus: ut quid enim juberet Deus si nulla esset libertas, & homines essent naturaliter deter­minati ad malum? Sed quae sit illa libertas, & quod in omnibus non sanetur nec juvetur gratia Dei, luce clarius ostendit lib. 1. operis imperfecti contra Iuli­anum cap. 98.

‘Ex quo, inquit, homo incipit uti voluntatis ar­bitrio, & peccare & non peccate potest: sed alte­rum horum non facit, nisi adjutus ab eo qui dixit, Sine me nihil potestis facere; alterum vero pro­pria voluntate sive a seipso sive ab alio deceptore seductus, vel peccato sicut servus addictus. Adju­tos autem homines novimus Dei Spiritu, ut ea vellent quae Dei sunt, ante baptismum, sicut Cor­nelium; quosdam vero nec post baptismum, sicut Simonem Magum; judicia enim Dei sunt sicut multa abyssus, & gratia ejus non ex operibus, alio­qui gratia jam non est gratia.’

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[VIII. Testimonium.]

Libro 2. de peccatorum meritis & remis­sione cap. 3.

ACute autem videntur dicere, quasi hoc ullus nostrum ignoret, quod si nolumus non pec­camus, nec praeciperet Deus homini quod esset humanae voluntati impossibile: sed hoc non vi­dent, quod ad nonnulla superanda vel quae male cupiuntur, vel quae male metuuntur, magnis ali­quando & totis viribus opus est voluntatis, quas nos non perfecte in omnibus adhibituros praevi­dit, qui per Prophetam veridice dici voluit: Non justificabitur in conspectu tuo omnis vivens.

RESPONSIO.

NIhil penitus ad rem valet locus iste, nec magis nos premit quam S. Augustinum, dum illi a Pelagianis proposita est, Si nolumus non peccamus, sicut, si volumus mandata servamus, quod antea jam exposuimus; sed ut peccare non velimus, prae­paratur voluntas a Domino; omnibus autem non praeparari certum est. Hoc unum est quod adver­sariis probandum est, omnibus voluntatem praepa­rari, ut peccare nolint. Agnoscimus cum illis quod Deus nihil praecipit quod sit humanae voluntati impossibile, quia quidquid praecipit per Christi gra­tiam possibile est; potest vitari peccatum si na­tura vitiata sanetur gratia Dei per Christum: sed non vident nobiscum, magnas & totas vires volun­tatis, quibus ad nonnulla facienda aliqando opus est, semper nobis praesentes non esse: Hae enim vires sunt gratia dei magna quae semper non datur. Certum est nos facere cum faciamus, (inquit de gra­tia & libero arbitrio cap. 16.) sed ille facit ut fa­ciamus, praebendo vires efficacissimas voluntati. Et infra: Qui ergo vult facere Dei mandatum & non potest, jam quidem habet voluntatem bonam, sed adhuc parvam & invalidam; poterit autem, cum magnam habuerit & robustam. Mox subjungit: Istam cha­ritatem Apostolus Petrus nondum habuit, quando ti­more Dominum ter negavit. Hinc agnoscitur, ali­quando etiam justis magnam illam deesse gratiam sine qua non possunt magnas illas vires voluntatis habere.

Praeterea in toto hoc capite & praecedenti, ut vel minimum legenti patebit, agitur tantum de pecca­tis venialibus, quae Pelagiani contendebant omnino vinci per naturam, Augustinus vero nonnisi per gra­tiam. Itaque objiciebant Pelagiani hominem posse vivere sine omni peccato si velit. Id fatebatur San­ctus Augustinus hoc ipsomet libro cap. 6 & 15, dum­modo adjuvetur a Deo, & tantum velit quantum res exigit. Ac per hoc, inquit, potest homo, si velit, esse sine peccato adjutus a Deo. Objiciebant Deum nihil impossibile homini praecepisse, cui praecepit vivere sine peccato. Dicebat S. Augustinus etiam id esse possibile homini si sanetur per gratiam quantum sa­nari oportet; sed ad hoc ut possit vivere sine peccato, opus esse aliquando magnis et totis viribus volunta­tis.

Jam vero quid inde adversarii colligunt? Colli­guntne esse in omnibus justis magnas et totas illas vires voluntatis, seu gratiam sufficientem qua pro nutu suo illas magnas et totas vires adhibeant quibus opus est ad evitandum seu vincendum omni ex par­te peccatum? Quo quid falsius? quid ab ipsa expe­rientia Sanctorum & ab ipsa doctrina S. Augustini magis alienum est? Id ciare videri potest, si legatur ejusdem secundi libri de peccatorum meritis et re­missione cap. 5, 17 et 19, ubi passim docet, Deum quosdam Sanctos suos sanare et adjuvare ad vitan­dum aliquod peccatum, quosdam non fanare nec ad­juvare; quod si facit, misericordia facit; et quibus non facit, judicio non facit. Nos autem (inquit cap. 18.) quantum concessum est sapiamus & intelligamus, si possumus, Dominum Deum bonum, ideo etiam Sanctis suis alicujus operis justi aliquando non tribuere vel certā [Page 99] scientiam vel victricem delectationem, ut cognoscant non à seipsis, sed ab illo sibi esse lucem, quâ illumi­nent ur tenebrae eorum, & suavitatem quâ det fru­ctum suum terra eorum.

Quin etiam eo usque progrediuntur adversarii, ut doctrinam a Concilio Tridentino sub anathemate damnatam sequi & Augustino imponere audeant. Nam Concilium anathemate percutit eos qui di­cunt hominem justificatum posse in tota vita pec­cata omnia, etiam venialia, vitare, nisi ex specia­li Dei privilegio, quemadmodum de B. Virgine tenet Ecclesia.

Absit igitur, absit, ut S. Augustinus senserit ho­minem justum per gratiam sufficientem semper ipsi praesentem pro nutu suo adhibere posse magnas illas et totas vires quibus opus est ut vivat absque omni peccato. Sed tantummodo dixit, quod ut homo vivat sine peccato, opus est magnis et totis vitibus voluntatis, quas homo a seipso non habet, sed a gratia sanante et adjuvante; quia vero Deus gratia sua non omnino sanat Sanctos suos in hac vita, ideo praevidet illos has magnas vires in omnibus non ad­hibituros, ex quo fit, ut non justificetur in conspectu ejus omnis vivens.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[IX. Testimonium.]

Lib. de natura & gratia cap. 42.

HIc (Pelagius) recte facit aliquando consentire, quia non justificabitur in conspectu tuo omnis vivens; non tamen ibi esse quaestionem, sed in ipsa non peccandi possibilitate contendit, in qua nec nos adversus eum certare opus est: Nam ne­que illud nimis curo, utrum fuerint hic aliqui, vel sint, vel esse possint, qui perfectam, cui nihil ad­dendum esset, habuerint, vel habeant, vel habi­turi sint charitatem Dei; ipsa enim est verissima, plenissima, perfectissimaque justitia, quoniam id quod voluntate hominis adjuta per Dei gratiam, fieri posse confiteor & defendo, quando, vel ubi, vel in quo fiat, nimium certare non debeo, ne­que de ipsa possibilitate contendo, cum, sanata & adjuta hominum voluntate, possibilitas ipsa simul cum effectu in Sanctis proveniat, &c.

TRIA hic nota contra Jansenium: I. de possi­bilitate adimplendi praecepta nullam fuisse S. Au­gustino cum Pelagio disputationem. II. Totam di­sputationem fuisse quod hic assereret sine gratiae o­pe praecepta omnia impleri posse; Catholici nega­rent. III. Augustinum non dicere possibilitatem praecepta adimplendi esse simpliciter cum ipsorum observatione conjunctam, quemadmodum vult Iansenius, sed in justis tantum esse conjunctam.

RESPONSIO.

HOc unico loco prima propositio (ut a nobis de­fenditur) stabiliri possit, ut mox patebit.

Quoad primam notam, respondemus nullam fuisse Sancto Augustino disputationem cum Pelagio de possibilitate, quia scilicet Augustinus contende­re nolebat, utrum esse possent vel potuissent aliqui sine peccato, sed an hoc fieri posset in hominibus gratia non adjutis. Fuit ergo quaestio (hoc secundam adversariorum notam attingit) de possibilitate, an scilicet illa daretur per Christi gratiam? Affirmabat Augustinus, negabat Pelagius; sed haec gratia de qua quaestio erat, erat vera Christi gratia efficax dans si­mul posse & velle.

Ad tertiam notam respondemus, ex adversariis ipsis primam propositionem hoc testimonio definiri. Dicunt enim, in justis possibilitatem praecepti ad­implendi simul cum ejus observatione seu cum effe­ctu esse conjunctam. Ergo cum justus non observat aliquod praeceptum, non habet illam possibilitatem quae simul cum effectu conjuncta est; non habet gratiam ex qua possibilitas simul cum effectu prove­nit; ergo tunc secundum vires quas habet, infirmas scilicet, non adjutas gratia efficace, non potest prae­ceptum aliquod servare, tunc deest illi gratia qua praeceptum illi possibile fiat quae est cum effectu conjuncta. Nihil aliud Iansenius circa hanc primam propositionem docet. Ad illud denique quod obser­vant Adversarii, Augustinum non dicere possibilita­tem esse conjunctam cum effectu, sed solum in ju­stis, respondemus hic affirmati de justis, quod ad quaestionem nostram sufficit, non negari de aliis, quibus etiam, ut alibi docet S. Augustinus, gratia Christi dat simul possibilitatem proximam cum effe­ctu, hoc est, cum pia voluntate seu actione, seu dat simul ut velint, et ut velle possint: ut centenis san­cti Augustini testimoniis probavimus in scripto circa primam propositionem capite 4.

Denique loquitur hic Augustinus de possibilitate cum effectu, qua natura adjuta & sanata potest prae­ter crimina etiam peccata venialia superare, quae gratia non datur nisi Sanctis; quapropter non est mi­rum si de Sanctis mentionem tantummodo hic fece­rit Augustinus.

Nota.

Solus ergo gratiae per seipsam efficacis necessariae sensus ab Augustinianis circa primam Propositio­nem constanter defensus, solus Iansenio tributus. Sola possibilitas quae est cum effectu, seu quae com­plectitur omnia ad agendum necessaria, aliquibus ju­stis quibusdam in tentationibus denegata.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[X. Testimonium.]

Lib. de nat. & grat. cap. 43. loquens de homine semivivo relicto ex peccato originali gravi­bus saucio confossoque vulneribus.

NOn igitur Deus impossibilia jubet, sed jubendo admonet & facere quod possis, & petere quod non possis. Jam nunc videamus unde possit, unde non possit. Iste dicit, voluntate non est quod natura potest. Ego di­co, voluntate quidem non est homo justus, nec naturâ potest, sed medicinâ poterit, quod vitio non potest.

Nota differentiam inter Augustinum & Pelagium: Pelagius natum dicebat hominem justum, atque adeo non voluntate sed natura justum; Augustinus nasci quemcumque justum, aut naturae viribus justum fieri posse negabat, sed voluntate per gratiam sanatâ assere­bat.

RESPONSIO.

DEus impossibilia non jubet, quia quicquid jubet per gratiam fieri potest; quae homo suo vitio fa­cere non potest, illa poterit per medicinam, hoc est, quando natura sanata erit per gratiam. Sed hinc non sequitur omnes semper sanari per gratiam, vel dari omnibus medicinam qua possint. Multi aliqua suo vi­tio non possunt, quibus non adest gratia qua possint, iis tamen Deus impossibilia non praecipit, quia pote­runt [Page 100] per medicinam quod suo vitio non possunt. Hoc in loco docet S. Aug. inter hominem sanum & infir­mum hoc esse discrimen, quod homini sano semper adesset per gratiam ipsi praesentem peccata vitandi & praecepta implendi proxima possibilitas: sed jam homo infirmus ab illa felicitate cecidit, non habet amplius eandem possibilitatem per gratiam ipsi semper praesentem, & quasi insitam, sed eget auxi­lio medicinae ut praecepti implendi possibilitatem re­cuperet, & quia per medicinalem gratiam poterit, quod suo vitio non potest, igitur Deus impossibilia non jubet. Attendatur totus S. Augustini contex­tus: Verum est autem, inquit, quod ait (scilicet Pela­gius) quod Deus tam bonus quàm justus talem homi­nem focerit, qui peccati malo carere sufficeret, sed si voluisset. Quis cum nescit sanum & inculpabilem factum, & libero arbitrio, atque ad justè vivendum potestate liberâ, constitutum. En possibilitas proxi­ma non peccandi, per gratiam scilicet semper prae­sentem. Sed nunc de illo agitur quem semivivum la­trones reliquerunt, qui gravibus saucius confossus­que vulneribus, non ita potest ad justitiae culmen a­scendere sicut petuit inde descendere, qui etiamsi jam in stabulo est, adhuc curatur. Non igitur Deus im­possibilia jubet, &c. Homo ergo semivivus relictus, si in stabulo est, curatur: Ergo poterit per medici­nam quod suo vitio non potest. Igitur Deus impos­sibilia non jubet; siquidem quae jubet, per gratiam sa­nantem impleri possunt. Haec est tota S. Augustini doctrina, quae nobis penitus savet, adversariis ne­quaquam; pleniorem hujus sententiae & fimilium expositionem vide in scripto circa primam proposi­tionem cap. 5. art. 1. & 2. Praeterca observandum est, hoc testimonium ab adversariis citatum tam parum eorum sententiae favere, ut gratiam suffici­entem communem, quam ex hoc probare inten­dunt, destruat. Haec enim verba ab Augustino dicta sunt praecipue in materia de peccatis venialibus, de quibus agitur toto hoc capite & praecedenti, ut ob­jectioni Pelagii satisfaceret, quae talis erat: Deus bonus & justus nihil praecipit impossibile; atqui prae­cipit homini vivere absque omni peccato; Ergo non est impossibile homini vivere absque peccato.

Jam vero quid ad haec S. Augustinus? Concedit Deum nihil praecepisse homini impossibile, cum ei praecipit vivere sine peccato; & tamen articulus est fidei, gratiam sufficientem & necessariam non da­ri homini in hacvita, ut possit vivere absque om­ni peccato. Igitur cum S. Augustinus dicit Deum nihil praecipere impossibile, non ideo dicit quia ni­hil Deus praecipit homini quod possibile non reddat per gratiam sufficientem illi collatam, sed solum­modo quia prout homo sanatur per gratiam, medi­cina potest quod vitio suo, id est, vitiata natura non poterat.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XI. Testimonium.]

Ejusdem libri cap. 69.

VAlde autem bona sunt praecepta si legitime u­tamur: eo quippe ipso quo firmissime credi­mus, Deum justum & bonum impossibilia non po­tuisse praecipere, hinc admonemur, & in facilibus quid agamus, & in difficilibus quid petamus.

NOTA I. Iustitiae & bonitati Dei dici repugna­nare quod impossibilia jubeat. II. Tam facilia quam difficilia a nobis impleri, sed facilia prae­senti Dei ope, difficilia impetrato ejusdem per ora­tionem auxilio.

RESPONSIO.

REsponsio ad haec duo testimonia patet ex prae­cedentibus, per praeceptum admonemur. Sed non sequitur ex admonitione nobis a Deo semper insundi gratiam internam, sive ad operandum sive ad orandum necessariam, ac licet non detur, tamen praeceptum impossibile dicendum non est, quia ho­mo per medicinam poterit, quod vitio suo non po­test. Quia possibile est, si natura sanetur per grati­am: nihilque probant adversarii, nisi ostendant da­ri semper gratiam, seu ad operandum seu ad oran­dum necessariam, quoties aliquid a Deo praecipitur. Quod ita erroneum dicimus, ut ex hoc principio se­quatur evidentissime, Christum gratis esse mortu­um, & gratiam non esse gratiam, sed esse ex de­bito, ex justitia, non ex gratia gratuita, ut omit­tamus hinc destrui necessitatem auxilii efficacis seu ad operandum seu ad orandum.

Admonitionem, exhortationem & legem, saepe fine gratia voluntati interna, proindeque sine pro­fectu esse, ciarissime docet S. Augustinus, cum di­cit, legis auditorem frustra admoneri, nisi Deus intus operetur velle, ac sine dubio proficere, quo­ties Deus dat incrementum; ex quo sequitur, in­crementum, seu gratiam interiorem auditori a Deo non dari, cum ex Dei sermone & admonitione le­gis non proficit. ‘Admoneo, inquit Sanctus Augu­stinus operis imperfecti lib. 2. cap. 157. ut intelliga­tis cui gratiae sitis inimici negando operari Deum voluntates in mentibus hominum, non ut nolen­tes credant, quod absurdissime dicitur, sed ut vo­lentes ex nolentibus fiant; non, sicut facit Doctor homo, docendo & hortando, minando & pro­mittendo in sermone Dei: quod frustra fit nisi Deus intus operetur & velle per investigabiles vias suas. Cum enim verbis Doctor plantat & rigat, possumus dicere, forte credit auditor: cum vero dat incrementum Deus, fine dubio credit & pro­ficit. Ecce quod interest inter legem & promissio­nem, inter literam & spiritum.’

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XII. Testimonium.]

Libro de gratia & libero arbitrio capite 16.

MAgnum aliquid Pelagiani se scire putant quan­do dicunt, non juberet Deus, quod sciret ab ab homine non posse fieri; quis hoc nesciat? sed ideo jubet aliqua quae non possumus, ut noverimus quid ab illo petere debeamus. Ipsa est enim fides quae orando impetrat quod lex imperat. Denique ipse qui dixit, Si volueris, conservabis mandata, in eodem libro Eccles. cap. 22. aliquanto post di­cit, Quis dabit in ore meo custodiam, & super labia mea signaculum astutum, ne forte cadam ab eo, & lingua mea perdat me?— Certum est enim nos mandata servare si volumus, sed quia voluntas praeparatura Domino, ab illo petendum est, ut tantum velimus, quantum sufficit ut volendo faciamus.

RESPONSIO.

MAgnum aliquid Molinistae se dicere putant, cum ex Augustino eruunt argumentum Pela­gianorum, quod risit olim idem Augustinus, sed si quid in hoc magni dicunt, id pro nobis & contra se dicunt.

Primo enim ex hoc testimonio clare convincitur, aliqua esse Dei praecepta, quae vult homo facere & non potest, quia non tantum vult quantum sufficit ut volendo faciat, ut toto hoc capite & sequenti S. Augustinus demonstrat.

Secundo, ibidem docetur gratiam quae impetra­tur a Deo per orationem ad implenda mandata, es­se per se efficacem; ea est enim, ut dicitur sub fi­nem capitis, qua Deus facit ut faciamus, praebendo vires efficacissimas voluntati, & auferendo a nobis cor lapideum, unde non facie bamus, & praebendo cor ca [...]neum unde faciamus.

Tertio ex eodem Augustino eodemmet l. c. 18. nec ipsa gratia orationis omnibus datur quibus praecep­tum datur, quia talis gratia supponit fidem in corde hominis, & charitatem parvam, qua vult mandatum Dei implere, & qua ad Deum confugiat, ut illam charitatem augeat, detque illi, ut loquitur ibidem, ardentissimam divino amore voluntatem. Sic enim loquitur S. Augustinus cap. 18. Cur dictum est, Di­ligamus invicem, quia dilectio ex Deo est, nisi quia praecepto admonitum est liberum arbitrium ut quaere­ret Dei donum. Quod quidem sinesuo fructu prorsus admoneretur, nisi prius acciperet aliquid dilectionis, ut addi sibi quaereret, unde quod jubebatur imple­ret.

Atqui ejusmodi dilectio inchoata non datur om­nibus hominibus, puta iis qui Deum non noverunt, & iis, qui, etsi noverint, seipsos tamen tradunt in o­perationem omnis immunditiae, ut loquitur Paulus. Cum igitur illi homines nec charitatem habeant, qua possint servare divina mandata, nec illam qua possint ad Deum, ut oportet, confugere; & ta­men illis mandata Dei sint possibilia (quandoqui­dem, ut dicit S. Augustinus, non praeciperet illis Deus quod sciret ab illis fieri non posse) nonne con­sequitur evidenter, mandata Dei non ideo dici a S. Augustino omnibus, quibus dantur, possibilia, quod semper conjuncta sint vel cum gratia qua fiant, vel cum gratia qua oretur ut fiant, sed so­lum quia possunt ab homine fieri si sanetur per gratiam, & si per gratiam accipiat unde sane­tur.

Quarto, Debebant adversarii didicisse a S. Augu­stino, etiam gratiam orationis non esse pure suffi­cientem, sed efficacem, sicut & quamlibet gratiam Christi, ad omne opus pietatis necessariam. De hac enim orationis gratia sic loquitur lib. de corr. & grat. cap. 1. ‘Littera legis adjuvat nos ut decline­mus a malo & faciamus bonum, quod nemo po­test sine spiritu gratiae, quae, si desit, ad hoc lex ad­est, ut reos faciat & occidat, propter quod dicit A­postolus, Litera occidit, spiritus autem vivificat. Qui ergo legitime lege utitur, discit in ea malum & bonum, & non confidens in virtute sua confu­git ad gratiam, qua praestante declinet a malo & faciat bonum. Quis autem confu­git ad gratiam, nisi cum a Domino gressus homi­nis diriguntur, & viam ejus volet? ac per hoc & desiderare auxilium gratiae, initium gratiae est, de quo ait ille: Et dixi, nunc co [...]pi, haec est immuta­tio dexterae Excessi. Ex quo sic conficitur argu­mentum.’

Nemo potest confugere ad auxilium gratiae nisi sit praeventus ea gratia qua dextera Excelsi immutat cot hominis, quá Dominus ditigit gressu hominis, & qua facit ut homo vias Dei velit. Atqui eadem gratia est gratia de se efficax, ut patet ex eodem ca­pite de gratia & libero arbitrio producto ab adversa­riis, ubi eadem verba (à Domino gress [...]s hominis di­riguntur) citantur ab Augustino pro gratia de se efficace. Ergo sine gratia efficace nemo potest confugere ad auxilium gratiae, proindeque gratia ad salubriter orandum necessaria non datur omnibus quibus praeceptum datur.

TRES NOTAE NECESSARIAE. Ad intelligenda multa testimonia ex Sermonibus & Moralibus S. Augustini desumpta, quae postea sequuntur.

POst supra relata testimonia adversarii multa alia proferunt e sermonibus, & ex enarrationibus in Psalmos, in quibus S. Augustinus gratiae dogma­ta non expendit, sed mores instruit, quamquam nihil hic doceat quod verissimum non sit. Ad om­nia haec testimonia intelligenda, aliqua notanda sunt.

I. Haec omnia a S. Augustino dicta, Si volumus, possumus; si nolumus, non peccamus; peccatum vi­tare ac inimicos diligere possumus. Deus in potestate nostra posuit qualiter in die judicii judicemur. Non dixit, vade in Orientem, & quaere justitiam, &c. Haec, inquam, omnia & similia quae saepe in sermo­nibus & aliis operibus leguntur, nihil aliud signifi­cant quam bonos & plos mores, & quidquid ad Deum colendum & juste vivendum pertinet, ita a bona voluntate pendere, ut, cum plene volumus, possimus, neque exterioribus, quae, cum habere vo­lumus, saepe habere non possumus, ad salutem in­digeamus, ac nunquam Deus nobis imputet in pec­catum quod non possumus si plene velimus, sed so­lum malam & perversam voluntatem, quae a rebus corporalibus non pendet. Quaeritur autem unde ista bona voluntas proveniat? Nos dicimus a gratia gratuita & singulari, praedeterminante, efficaci, quam Deus pro bona voluntate sua cui vult largi­tur, nec omnibus confert. Ex his ergo omnibus & similibus nihil adversum nos adversarii probant.

II. Notandum est S. Augustinum in sermonibus ad populum alloqui auditores tanquam electos. Un­de saepe dicit: Deus vos non tentabit supra quam po­testis. Deus vos adjuvat. Deus vos non deseret. Vos eriget, vos suscipiet, &c. Augustinus sic a se exhorta­tionibus ad fideles agi, & ab omnibus agendum es­se docet de corrept. & grat. cap. 15. ‘Nescientes enimi, inquit, quis pertineat ad praedestinatorum numerum; quis non pertineat: sic assici debemus charitatis affectu, ut omnes velimus salvos fieri. Hoc quippe fit, cum singulos quosque, ut occurre­rint, cum quibus id agere valeamus, ad hoc cona­mur adducere, ut justificati, &c.’ Et infra: ‘Ad nos ergo, qui nescimus quisnam sit filius pacis aut non sit, pertinet, nullum exceptum facere, nul­lumque discernere, sed velle omnes salvos fie­ri quibus praedicamus hanc pacem. Neque e­nim [Page 102] metuendum est ne perdamus eam, si il­le cui praedicamus, non est filius pacis ignoran­tibus nobis, &c.’ Et de dono perseverantiae cap. 22. ubi praescribit rectum modum divinae praedesti­nationis populis praedicandae, ut, Qui gloriatur, in Domino glorietur. Nunquam vult de iis, qui prae­sentes sunt, dici, quod forte ex ipsis aliqui sunt re­probi & rejiciendi, sed de aliis potius qui absunt, per verbi personam tertiam, hoc dicendo salubrem hunc timorem incuti, ut ex hoc illi qui audiunt, non scandalizentur aut commoveantur, sed instruantur. Quamvis ergo haec vera sint (inquit, eos scilicet qui praedestinati non sunt, non perseveraturos), non tamen isto modo dicenda sunt audientibus multis, ut sermo ad ipsos etiam convertatur. Et infra: Sed si & de iis qui non perseverant, aliquid placet dicere, vel necesse est, cur non potius ita saltem dicitur, ut paulo ante a me dictum est? primum ut non de ipsis, qui in populo audiunt hoc dicatur, sed de illis ad ipsos. Et infra: Nonne & verius eadem res & congruen­entius dicitur, ut non ipsis tantum malum tanquam optare videamur sed de aliis referre quod oderint, nec ad se existiment pertinere, sperando orandeque me­liora? Itaque quidquid e S. Augustini sermonibus ad populum profertur, non probat semper dari om­nibus gratiam qua tentationem vincere possint ac vincant, licet fidelibus loquatur S. Augustinus, quasi eam habituri sint, nesciens quis eam habiturus sit nec ne, ac de omnibus bene sperans & optans. Er­go ex his S. Augustini verbis non sequitur, singulis semper adesse gratiam qua possint tentationem vin­cere, & qua eam vincant, qua possint salubriter orare, & salubriter orent. Nam si ille, cui praedi­camus, non est filius pacis, certum est quod in eo Deus non operabitur velle, seu quod eum postea in peccatum cadere sinet, nec illi gratiam largietur, ut tentationem vincat & in justitia perseveret.

Certum autem est omnes fideles, quibus loque­batur S. Augustinus, non fuisse filios pacis & pro­missionis. Ergo omnes non habebant gratiam ne­cessariam ad tentationes vincendas, ad resurgen­dum a peccato, ad perseverandum in oratione & in operatione bona, licet loquatur omnibus tan­quam filiis pacis & promissionis. ‘Corripiatur er­go, inquit de corrept. & grat. origo damnabilis, ut ex dolore correptionis voluntas regenerationis o­riatur; si tamen, qui corrtpitur, filius est promis­sionis, ut, strepitu correptionis forinsecus inso­nante atque flagellante, Deus in illo intrinsecus occulta inspiratione operetur & velle. Exhorta­mur ergo: inquit de dono perseverantiae cap. 14. at­que praedicamus, sed qui habent aures audiendi, obedienter nos audiunt; qui vero eas non habent, fit in eis quod scriptum est, Ut audientes non au­diant; audientes videlicet corporis sensu, non audiant cordis assensu. Hac etiam doctrina fideles in sermonibus suis S. Augustinus saepe imbuit, ut patet ex multis sermonibus de verbis Apostoli & aliis. Serm. 13, evp. 11. Ptorsus, inquit, si defuerit adjutorium Christi, nihil boni agere poteris. Agis quidem, illo non adjuvante, libera voluntate, sed male. Ad hoc idonea est voluntas tua quae voca­tur libera, & male agendo fit damnabilis ancilla.’ Nonne clarissime hic populum docet adjutorium sine quo non possumus, semper non adesse: non adesse cum male agimus, & tamen nos male agen­do, nec Dei adjutorium habendo damnabiles fieri? Hae duae notae ad solvenda omnia sequentia testimo­nia ex fermonibus ad populum & ex moralibus pro­lata sufficiunt, ut pateat ex his non sequi, singulis fidelibus semper adesse gratiam voluntati internam ad salubriter orandum seu ad juste vivendum neces­satiam, sicut contendunt adversarii.

III. Operae pretium erit diligentissime obser­vare, inter artes Adversariorum, quibus veritatem impugnare solent, hanc esse unam ex praecipuis, quod passim & ubique promissiones Dei conditio­natas, quae tum in Scripturis tum in Patribus le­guntur, nobis objiciant, ut conditiones ejusmodi promistionum non esse singulare Dei donum, sed istas esse in potestate cujuslibet, per gratiam suffi­cientem evincant. Verbi gratia, haec & similia leguntur in Scripturis & Patribus; Si quis legitime utitur lege, id est, si quis per legem de sua infirmi­tate convictus consugiat ad spiritum gratiae, habebit Deum adjutorem, & implebit legem: si quis humi­liet se sub potenti manu Dei, si quis non in se sed in Deo praesumat, si quis oret ut in tentationem non inducatur, Deus illum custodiet a malo, eum­que non patietur tentari supra id quod potest, sed perficiet bonum opus quod incepit in eo; Hinc concludunt adversarii situm esse in potestate cu­juslibet per gratiam sufficientem, & confugere ad spiritum gratiae, & humiliare se sub Deo, & in illo, non in seipso praesumere, & petere donum perse­verantiae sicut oportet, & alia virtutum opera fa­cere, quibus gratiam Dei ad ea facienda quae non­dum potest, obtineat & impetret. Verum falsitas hujus consequentiae statim deprebendetur, si solum­modo legatur apud Augustinum cap. 11 de praede­stinatione Sanctorum, ubi, postquam efficacissime probasset superioribus capitibus, fidem etiam in­choatam donum esse gratiae singularis & efficacis, sibi hoc argumentum Pelagianorum proponit dis­solvendum his verbis: ‘Sed cum dicitur, inquiunt, si credidetis, salvus eris, unum horum exigitur, al­terum offertur: quod exigitur, in hominis, quod offertur, in Dei est potestate. Cui objectioni con­tinuo sic respondet: Cur non utrumque in Dei est potestate, & quod jubetur, & quod offertur? Ro­gatur enim ut det quod jubet, rogant credentes ut sibi augeatur fides, rogant pro non credentibus, ut eis donetur fides, ut & in suis incrementis, & in suis initiis Dei donum sit fides. Sic autem dici­tur, Si credideris, salvus eris, quemadmodum dicitur, Si spiritu facta carnis mortificaveritis, vi­vetis. Nam ex his duobus unum exigitur, alte­rum offertur. Si spiritu, inquit, facta carnis mor­tificaveritis, vivetis; ut ergo spiritu facta carn [...]s mortificemus, exigitur; ut autem vivamus, offer­tur. Num igitur placet ut facta carnis mortificare non Dei esse dicamus, neque id donum Dei esse fateamur; quoniam exigi a nobis audivimus, prae­mio vitae, si hoc fecerimus, oblato? Absit ut hoc placeat participibus & defensoribus gratiae. Pela­gianorum est error iste damnabilis, quorum mox Apostolus ora obstruxit, adjungens: Quotquot enim spiritu Dei aguntur, hi sunt filii Dei; ne fa­cta mortificare nos carnis, non per Dei, sed per nostrum spiritum crederemus. De quo Dei spi­ritu etiam ibi loquebatur, ubi ait: Omnia autem haec operantur unus atque idem Spiritus, dividens propria unicuique prout vult. Inter quae omnia, ficut scitis, nominavit & fidem. Sicut ergo, quam­vis donum Dei sit facta carnis mortificare, exigitur tamen a nobis, proposito praemio vitae: Ita do­num [Page 103] Dei est & fides, quamvis & ipsa, cum dicitur, Si credideris, salvus eris, proposito praemio salu­tis exigatur a nobis. Haec Aug.

Nec dicant adversarii, se fateri fidem esse do­num Dei, sed hoc donum omnibus esse concessum ex parte Dei per gratiam sufficientem; illud, in­quam, non dicant, siquidem toto hoc libro S. Au­gustinus contendit fidem etiam inchoatam esse do­num Dei singulare per gratiam singularem & effica­cem, quae omnibus non datur: sunt enim haec ejus verba cap. 8: Fides igitur inchoata & fides perfecta donum Dei est, & hoc donum quibusdam dari quibusdam non dari, omnino non dubiter qui non vult manifestissimis sacris literis repugnare. Praeterea ex allegato testimo­nio semper manet, non sequi ut conditiones quae ab homine exiguntur, in hominis potestate & nutu sint. Quandoquidem quomodo dicitur, Si credideris, salvus eris; eo prorsus modo dicitur, Si dilexeris Deum, omnia tibi cooperabuntur in bonum; eo modo dicitur, Si confugias ad Deum, auxiliabitur tibi: eo modo dicitur, Si te humiliaveris; & oraveris, cha­ritatis munus obtinebis; si in orando non defeceris, per­severantiam in fide & dilectione impetrabis; proin­deque sicut fides qua creditur, licet proposito salu­tis praemio, exigatur, tamen gratiae singularis do­num esse non definit; pariter oratio & humilitas, licet ad charitatem & perseverantiam exigantur, tamen singularis & efficacis gratiae donum esse non desinunt. Plura de gratia orandi in scripto circa pri­mam propositionem cap. 6

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XIII. Testimonium.]

Idem in Psalm 48. Serm. 1.

SI ergo iniquitas calcanei circumdabit nos, ut quid timemus in die mala, cum conversi ad Chri­stum habeamus in potestate ut non faciamus iniqui­tatem?

RESPONSIO.

REspondet ipse Augustinus lib. 1 Retract. cap. 22: Sic intelligendum est quod dixi, quia in potestate nostra est quod cum volumus facimus, & quod nostram sequitur voluntatem, quae cum fortis & potens praeparatur a Domino, facile fit opus pie­tatis, quod difficile atque impossibile fuit.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XIV. Testimonium.]

Idem in Psalm 56.

NEque imperaret hoc Deus ut faceremus, si im­possibile judicaret ut hoc ab homine fieret; si considerans infirmitatem tuam deficis sub praecepto, confortare in exemplo: sed etiam exemplum ad te multum est, adest ille qui praebuit exemplum ut prae­beat auxilium.

RESPONSIO.

VErum est quod Deus nihil imperaret si per ad­jutorium gratiae non posset homo, quod per vitium naturae non potest. Adjutos autem homines, ait Augustinus 1 , novimus Spiritu Dei, ut ea vellent quae Dei sunt, ante baptismum, sicut Corne­lium; quosdam vero nec post baptismum, sicut Si­monem Magum; judicia enim Dei abyssus multa. Et lib. 2 de peccat. me [...]it. cap. 5; Cur autem illum adjuvet, illum non adjuvet, illum tantum, illum au­tem non tantum, istum illo, illum isto modo, penes ip­sum est & aequitatis tam secreta ratio, & excellentia potestatis.

Jam vero quod S. Augustinus subjicit, Si deficis sub praecepto, adest ille qui praebeat adjutorium, du­plici sensu S. Augustini verissimum est. Primo sub hac conditione, si illud adjutorium petas, & tan­tum petas, quantum res ista petenda est. Secundo sub alia conditione, si filius es pacis & promissio­nis, quales, ut supra monitum est, sentiebat S. Au­gustinus esse fideles quibus praedicabat, exemplo Pauli dicentis: Sicut mihi justum est hoc sentire pro omnibus v [...]bis, eo quod habeam vos in corde.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XV. Testimonium.]

Sermone 191 de tempore.

EXecramur etiam blaspemiam eorum qui dicunt impossibile aliquid homini esse praeceptum; & mandatae Dei non a singulis, sed ab omnibus in com­mune posse servari.

1 NOTA dici a 2 Jansenistis, sermonem istum non esse Augustini, sed Pelagii; nam & confessionem Pe­lagii legi in tomis Conciliorum iisdem fere verbis exa­ratam, quibus iste sermo conceptus est, & ejus ali­quam partem tamquam ex libello Pelagii oblato Inno­centio P P. referri ab Augustino tamquam ambiguam continentem doctrinam, lib. de grat. Christ. c. 30 & 31. Neque nos pertinacius defendere velle hunc ser­monem esse Augustini, quamvis & 3 a viris omni ex­ceptione majoribus pro Augustini sermone habeatur 4 & nihil vetet ut confessio Pelagii, ubi ab Ecclesia Romana probatam eam fuisse innotuit, ab Augustino quoque populo credenda proponeretur: sed cui placebit hunc sermonem S. Augustino abdicare ut Pelagio at­tribuat, nobis gratum faciet, si modo addat, quod ere est, confessionem istam Pelagii a Zozimo Pontifice, in cujus manus inciderat, post mortem Innocentii I 5 probatam fuisse, a Clero Romano cum gaudio susceptam, ut vix fletu quidam & lachrymis tem­perarent, judicatum ex earum lectione literarum ab­solutae fidei Pelagium fuisse; 6 Herotem & Laza­rum delatores Pelagii tamquam calumniatores habi­tos fuisse, ut constat ex Epistolis Zozimi ad Episco­pos Africae; Hinc enim & sequitur, & 7 Zozi­mum Pontificem, & Clerum Romanum (8 quorum apud Catholicos major quam Augustini ipsius debet esse auctoritas) jam ab eo tempore execratos tam­quam [Page 104] blaspemiam fuisse propositionem istam, quae p [...]steo a Jansenio prolata est: Impossibile aliquid ho­mini esse praeceptum, & mandata Dei non a singulis, sed ab omnibus in commune posse servari.

RESPONSIO.

MUlta sunt hic notatu dignissima, ex quibus seu ignorantia seu mala fides astversariorum arguitur.

1 Indubitatum est hunc sermonem non esse Sancti Augustini, sed esse confessionem Pelagii; si­quidem S. Augustinus ea quae hoc sermone con­tinentur, velut libellum fidei Pelagii in libro de gratia Christi cap. 30. 31, 32, 33, & de peccato o­riginali cap. 20, con [...]utat detegi que verborum am­ [...]iguitatem & aequivocationem, quibus Pelagius ad ad [...]eci [...]iendum Innocentium seu Zozimum ejus s [...]ccessorem usus erat. Quid autem absurdius fingi potest, quam ut attribuatut Augustino opus aliquod quod ipse Pelagii esse testatut, quo [...]que ut aequivo­cum & dolosum duobus in locis refellit?

2 NOTA, inquiunt, a Jansenistis dici sermo­nem istum non esse Augustini, sed Pelagii, Ergo Janieni [...] [...]st Augustinus ipse, qui dicit esse opus Pelagii, proindeque non suum: Ergo Baronius & Bellarminus Jansenistae sunt, qui ante ortum Jan­senium idem docuerunt.

Baronius e codice Vaticano hunc libellum Pe­lagii nomine praenotatum in lucem edidit. Et Bel­larminus lib. de Script. Ecclesiast. in observat. super tomum 9 S. Hieronymi. Non est, inquit, Hiero­nymi ad Damasum, sed Pelagii ad Innocentium.

3 Si aliqui viri omni exceptione majores arbi­trati sunt hoc opus esse Augustini, cum nondum res illa elocidata esset, non mirum est si in re facti fal­li potuerunt: sed postquam detectum est ex ipso Augustino non esse sermonem Augustini, sed con­fessionem Pelagii, Pelagio tribuendum est, non Au­gustino, licet viri magnae auctoritatis, qui illud non examinatunt, aliud sensetint. Nec in hoc facto a­licujus momenti est eorum auctoritas, uhi illos de­ceptos esse constat, nec, postquam de veritate rei constitit, illi qui pertinaciter hoc opus obtrudunt pro sermone Augustini, ullam habent in sua perti­nacia excusationem. Male ergo tentant adversarii ut his velut rationibus res adeo explorata in dubium revocetur.

4 Nihil absurdius excogitati potest quam quod dicicur. Nihil vetare ut confessio Pelagii, ubi ab Ecclesia Romana probatam eam fuisse innotuit, ab Augustino quoque populo credenda proponeretur. Quia scilicet etiam postquam a Zozimo approbata est, non solum S. Augustinus eam ut ambiguam & dolo­sam confutavit in lib. de gratia Christi & de pec­cato originali, sed etiam a Zozimo & ambigua ha­bita est. Ad quod intelligendum, notandum, quod statim atque Zozimus, examinata Pelagii confessi­one, eum & Caelestium Catholicos pronunciasset ob voluntatis emendarionem, quam uterque profite­batur, statim conquesti sunt Africani Zozimum Pelagii & Caelestii dolis circumventum fuisse; ex quo factum est postea ut Zozimus re plenius per­specta fraudem agnoverit, in Pelagium & Caelesti­um sententiam tulerit, eorumque haereses damna­verit, ut pater ex Prospero. Id resert Baronius anno 417, & 418. Ergo Zozimus judicavit Pe­lagium non alio quam fallendi animo hanc fidei confessionem. Sedi Apostolicae obtulisse, siquidem jucicavit, Pelagium nunquam Catholicam fidem sincare professum fuisse. Itaque licet Zozimus Pe­lagi [...] confessionem ut Catholicam approbasset ob rectum sensum quem prae se ferebat, maxime ab homine Sedi Apostolicae sese submittente prola­tam, tamen Pelagium postea ut haereticum dam­nans, agnovit ejus conseffionem subdolam esse, at­que aliud intendisse Pelagium quam quod ipse Zozi­mus scilicet approbaverat. Sanctus Augustinus Pe­lagii dolis assuetus, ejus confessionis ambiguitatem deprehendit. Zozimum monuit impulitque ut Pe­lagium & ejus haeresim damnaret. Dici ergo non potest fine summa absurditate quod Sanctus Augusti­nus hanc Pelagii confessionem, postquam a Zozi­mo recepta est, eam memoriter didicerit ac popu­lo credendam proposuerit, siquidem semper eam ut subdolam & ambiguam habuit ac refutavit.

5 Hanc itaque Pelagii confessionem a Zozimo & Clero Romano probatam fuisse agnoscimus, sed sensu Catholico, qui Augustini est, intellectam, non vero Pelagiano, & a Pelagio intento: ut ergo pa­teat quo sensu Zozimus illam approbaverit, viden­dum est quo sensu Augustinus cum Ecclesia Catho­lica docuerit Deum impossibile non praecipere, & quo sensu Pelagius asseruerit. S. Augustini sensum sequimur, adversarii vero sensum Pelagii, a quo nos cum abhorreamus, ideo nobis falso objiciunt, quod objiciebat S. Augustino Pelagius, nos dicere De­um impossibilia praecipere, illudqae ex sententia nostra sequi.

6 D. Hallier operum suorum non meminit, cum Heroti ac Lazaro Gallis Episcopis calumniatorum notam inurit, postquam semel atque iterum libris in lucem editis eorum nomen ab hac injuria vindi­cavit, eo usque ut dixerit, illos injuste a Zozimo Papa infamatos fuisse ut iniquos, ipsumque postea, re magis perspecta, suam sententiam de Coelestio ac Pelagio revocasse, neque ex hoc quidquam dede­coris in S. Sedem redundare, cum res facti agere­tur, in qua unicuique notum erat hunc Pontificem circumventum fuisse.

7, Juxta S. Augustini, hoc est, Zozimi ipsius & Ecclesiae Romanae sensum cum Zozimo & Clero Romano execramur blasphemiam corum qui dicunt impossibile aliquid homini esse praeceptum, & man­data Dei non a singulis, sed ab omnibus in commu­ne posse servari, quia quidquid praecipit Deus possi­bile est singulis si eorum natura sanetur per Christi gratiam.

Calumniam Jansenio affingunt adversarii, cum di­cunt hanc propositionem, impossibile aliquid homi­ni esse praecoptum, &c. prolatam fuisse a Jansenio. Nunquam illud apud Jansenium legent, nisi ab eo prolatum intelligant quod refutavit ac damnavit.

8 Denique dicunt quod Zozimi & Cleri Romani apud Catholicos major quam Augustini ipsius debet esse auctoritas, & sic Zozimum opponunt Augusti­no, ut insinuent (quod arbitrantur) ab Augustino assertum esse quod a Zozimo damnatum est. Qua in re ipsis Zozimo & Augustino, sanctae Sedi, ac u­niversae Ecclesiae maximam injuriam faciunt, siqui­dem & illud jam aperte declaravimus, S. Augustini auctoritatem secundum se consideratam, inferio­rem esse summi cujusvis Pontificis auctoritate, sed postquam ejus doctrina a tot Pontificibus fuit pro­bata, jam ejus auctoritas non est alia quam ipsorum [Page 105] Pontificum qui illam receperunt, probandoque su­am fecerunt. Adeo ut nunc opponere Augustinum Zozimo, idem sit at opponere Zozimum aliis sum­mis Pontificibus S. Augustini approbatoribus, imo Zozimum sibi ipsi, cum inter ejus approbatores an­numeretur. Quo quid atrocius in S. Sedem & in S. Augustinum ab infensissimo utriusque hoste excogi­tari potest? oportebat videlicet, ut se, Deo ita vin­dicante, proderent, qui S. Augustini auctoritatem venerarise apud S. Sedem profitentur, ne illam, ut oportet, recognoscere adigantur, quippe ipsam Se­dem ideo maxime venerantur, ut eam, si possint, cir­cumveniant.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XVI. Testimonium.]

Sermone 61. de tempore.

ADditur & hoc quod, cùm tam magnum sit verae & perfectae charitatis remedium, nullus tamen invenitur qui eam cum adjutorio Dei non possit habere. Et ideo quia nulla nobis ante Tribunal Christi excu­satio poterit esse, cùm Dei adjutorio totis viribus la­boremus: sed, dicit aliquis, Nullâ ratione possum inimicos diligere. In omnibus Scripturis Deus tibi dicit quia potes: Tu è contrario respondes, non pos­se. Considera nunc utrum tibi an Deo debeat credi? & ideo quia veritas mentiri non potest, jam vanas suas excusationes relinquat humana fragilitas, quia nec impossibile abiquid potuit imperare qui justus est, nec damnaturus est hominem pro eo quod non potuit vi­tare qui pius est, quid tergiversamur incassum? ne­mo enim melius novit quantum possumus, quam qui nobis ipsum posse donavit.

RESPONSIO.

PAtet ex hujus sermonis lectione quo sensu S. Au­gustinus hoc doceat. Hic, ut & in multis aliis ser­monibus, comparat praecepta quae per corporis vi­res & res exteriores implentur, quae, etsivelimus, non fiunt, qualia sunt praecepta jejunandi, elee­mosynam dandi & similia, cum iis quae per cor implentur, quae, cum volumus, fiunt; qualia sunt praecepta dilectionis Dei & proximi. Dicit in pri­mis praeceptis excusationem esse posse, ad ea ho­minem non teneri cum ea servare non potest, quia Deus impossibilia non praecipit, nec damnaturus est hominem pro eo quod vitare non potuit. In aliis vero praeceptis, quae in animi bonitate & voluntate consistunt, quale est praeceptum dilectionis inimico­rum, de quo toto hoc sermone agit, excusationem praetendi non posse, neque dici posse, Inimicos di­ligere non possum. ‘Additur, inquit, & hoc, quod, cum am magnum sit verae & perfectae charitatis remedium, nullus tamen invenitur qui eam cum Dei adjutorio non possit habere. In reliquis ope­ribus bonis interdum potest aliquis qualemcumque excusationem praetendere; in habenda vero dile­ctione nullus poterit se excusare; potest mihi di­cere aliquis, non possum jejunare; numquid po­test dicere, non possum amare? potest dicere, propter infirmitatem corporis mei non possum a vino vel a carnibus abstinere; numquid potest di­cere, non possum diligere?’ Et infra: ‘Cum enim multa sint quae propter fragilitatem humanam cor­poraliter implere non possumus, charitatem ta­men in corde nostro, Deo inspirante, si in verita­te voluerimus, sine aliqua dubitatione habere pote­rimus. Multa enim sunt quae de horreo, canavo, vel cellario aliquoties proferre non possumus; de thesauro vero cordis nimis foedum & turpe est, si aliquam excusationem praetendere videmur: non enim ibi aut pedes laborant cur [...]endo, aut oculi vi­dendo, aures audiendo, aut manus operando las­santur. Non nobis dicitur, Ite ad Orientem & quae­rite charitatem, navigate ad Occidentem & inve­nietis dilectionem. Intus in corde nostro est, unde nos iracundia excludere solet, & redire jubemur, dicente Propheta, Redite praevaricatores ad cor: non enim, sicut jam dixi, in longinquis regioni­bus invenitut quod a nobis Dominus petit; intus ad cor nostrum nos mittit; in nobis enim ponit quod requitit, ubi tota charitas profecto in ani­mi bonitate vel voluntare consistit, &c.’ Et paulo post refert quod citatur, Quia nec impossibile ali­quid, &c. Quo fine haec adversarii omiserunt, nisi quia nihil aliud quaerunt quam ut fallant? S. Au­gustinus in Serm. 47. de Sanctis idem omnino do­cer.

Numquam ergo S. Augustino venit in mentem ut diceret, omnes omnino homines habere grati­am sufficientem qua possint inimicos propter De­um diligere, quia ejusmodi gratia nihil est aliud quam inspiratio perfectae charitatis, jaxta illud su­pra citatum S. Augustini, Praeparatur voluntas à Domino, & tantum augetur munere charitatis ut possint. Quid autem absurdius & falsius dici posset quam inspirationem perfectae charitatis esse in om­nibus hominibus? sed solum Augustinus docet, om­nes homines posse inimicos diligere, Deo inspiran­te dilectionem, si in veritate voluerint, ut ipsemet loquitur; quo nihil verius. Proindeque si inimicos non diligant, non esse excusationem, sed accusati­onem, quia ideo non diligunt quia nolunt; & hoc est illud ipsum quod S. Augustinus ubique docet, & praecipue lib. 1. de libero arbitrio cap. 12. loquens de bona voluntate, quae nihil est aliud, ut ipse docet, quam charitas. ‘In voluntate nostra constitutum est, ait, ut hoc vel fruamur vel careamus tanto & tam vero bono; quid enim tam in voluntate quam ipsa voluntas est? Et cap. 13. Ex quo conficitur, ut, quisquis recte honesteque vult vivere, si id se velle prae sugacibus bonis velit, assequatur tantam rem tanta facilitate, ut nihil aliud ei quam ipsum velle sit habere quod voluit.’

Ecce quo sensu secundum Augustinum possunt omnes homines diligere inimicos, quia diligunt de facto statim ut [...] diligere in veritate voluerint, non vero quod [...] [...]ibus ut velint, sine quo velle non possunt, [...] S. Augustinus, 1 explicans sua verba de libero arbittio supra citata: ‘In his at­que hujusmodi verbis meis putant Pelagiani, vel putare possunt, suam nos tenuisse sententiam: sed frustra hoc putant; voluntas quippe est qua & peccatur, & recte vivitur; voluntas ergo ipsa, nisi Dei gratia liberetur a servitute qua facta est serva peccati, & ut vitia superet, adjuvetur, recte pieque vivi a mortalibus non potest.’

Illud maxime notandum est, eamdem S. Augu­stini sententiam apud Pelagium iisdem omnino ver­bis, sed penitus diverso sensu expressam reperiri in e­jus [Page 106] Epistola ad Demetriadem. Hanc refert & refutat Beda lib 1. in Cantica Canticorum contra Iulianum. Ita cap. 5. Et paulò pòst inquit, (scilicet auctor E­pistolae ad Demetriadem) nec impossibile aliquid potuit imperare qui justus est, nec damnaturus est ho­minem ob ea quae non potuit vitare qui pius est. Tum cap. 6. Beda hanc sententiam sic refellit: ‘Quod dicit (scilicet Iulianus, seu potius Pelagius) Do­minum non impossibile aliquid praecepisse qui ju­stus est, verum profecto dicit, si ad ejus respicit auxilium, cui Catholica vox supplicat, Deduc me in semita mandatorum tuorum. Si vero viribus a­nimi sui fidit, refellit eum veridica ejusdem justi conditoris sententia, qua dicit, Sine me nihil po­testis facere. Quod dicit, eum qui pius est, non damnaturum esse hominem pro eo quod vitare non potuit, contradicit ejusdem pii Redemptoris & justi Iudicis sententia; qua etiam de parvulis ait, Nisi quis renatus fuerit ex aqua & Spiritu, non potest videre Regnum Dei.’ Hinc agnoscitur eamdem penitus sententiam ab Augustino & a Pela­gio prolatam fuisse sensu longe diverso; siquidem ut a Pelagio prolata est, a Beda refutatur. Intende­bat Pelagius gratiam Christi & peccatum originale destruere, dicendo Deum nihil homini impossibile praecipere, proximam praecepti implendi possibili­tatem in omnibus esse insinuabat, proindeque grati­am Christi singularem, & omnibus non communem, qualis a S. Augustino asserbatur, non esse necessa­riam, dicendo Deum non esse damnaturum homi­nem pro hoc quod vitare non potuit. Volebat pec­catum originale non esse in parvulis, nec eos ob illud damnati, siquidem illud vitare non potuerant. Patet ex iis quae diximus quam contrario sensu eadem sen­tentia a S. Augustino usurpata fuerit, & quam facile pateat aequivocationi, siquidem uno sensu Catholica est & Augustiniana, alio haeretica & Pelagiana.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XVII. Testimonium.]

Sermone de verbis Domini in Matthaeum.

QUi recte intelligit, utrumque implet, & ser­viet universalissimo Domino qui servum pi­grum non damnaret si ea quae fieri nullo modo po­terant, imperaret.

1 II. S. Augustinus rationes omnes Jansenii e­ludit. Io quidem quia docet Deum neminem permittere tentari supra id quod potest, seu nulla cupiditate ita hominem vinci, quin possint cum Dei adjutorio in contrarium ad, p [...]ceptorum ob­servationem adniti, eaque cum [...] [...]bervare.

RESPONSIO.

CUm de verbis Domini in Matthaeum multi sint sermones, citandum erat quo sermone; hoc in totis his sermonibus non invenimus. Tamen non dubitamusa S. Augustino dictum quod primo refer­tur. Ad quod respondemus, hanc sententiam saepe solutam esse. Verum enim non est nullo modo fieri posse quod per gratiam fieri potest.

Ad secundum respondemus; adversarios ibi im­ponere S. Augustino & Jansenio. Augustino quidem, quod asserunt ipsum docere, Deum neminem per­mittere tentari supra id quod potest, hoc numquam ita absolute dixit. Iansenio autem, cum significant ipsum dixisse, hominem ita posse cupiditate vinci, ut nec possit quidem cum Dei adjutorio in contrari­um ad praeceptorum observationem adniti, eaque cum eodem observare.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XVIII. Testimonium.]

Libro de gratia & libero arbitrio cap. 2.

QUomodo dicit inexcusabiles, nisi de illa excu­satione qua solet dicere humana superbia, Si scissem fecissem, ideo non feci quia nescivi; aut si scitem facerem, ideo non facio quia nescio: haec ejus excusatio tollitur quando praeceptum datur, vel scientia non peccandi manifestatur, sed sunt homines qui etiam de Deo se excusare conantur, quibus dicit Apostolus Iacobus cap. 1. Nemo, cum tentatur, dicat, quia a Deo tentor; Deus enim intentator malorum est; ipse autem neminem tentat; unusquisque vero tentatur a concupiscen­tia sua abstractus & illectus. Deinde cum concupis­centia conceperit, parit peccatum; peccatum vero cum consummatum fuerit, generat mortem. Idem de ipso Deo excusare se volentibus respondet libet Prov. Salomon, cap. 13. Insipientia viri violat vi­as ejus: Deum autem causatur in corde suo. Et li­ber Eccles. cap. 15. dicit: Ne dixeris quia propter Deum recessi, quae enim odit ne facias, &c. Ipse ab initio fecit illum, & reliquit illum in manu consilii sui.

RESPONSIO.

NIhil ad rem nec ad propositum iste locus. Hoc enim Augustinus solum vult, homines, cum peccant, peccata in Deum injuste referre, quasi ei placeant, vel ad ea peccatores inducat. Quod ma­nifeste apparet ex verbis sequentibus Scripturae a S. Augustino immediate subjunctis, & ab adversariis partim suppressis. Sic enim S. Augustinus & liber Ecclesiasticus dicit: Ne dixeris quia propter Deum recessi, quae enim odit ne facias: ne dixeris quia ipse me induxit, non enim opus habet viro peccatore.

Verum tantum abest ut hoc loco vel alio S. Augu­stinus docuerit, homines posse de Deo juste se excu­sare, si illis gratiam necessariam non daret qua pos­sent vitare peccata, quin potius expresse contrarium docet in tota epistola 105. ad Sixtum; ubi eadem verba Scripturae ab adversariis nobis objecta produ­cit, ostenditque, solis hominibus peccatum impu­tandum esse, quia, ut ait, ‘Merito peccati universa massa damnata est, nec obdurat Deus impertiendo malitiam, sed non impertiendo misericordiam.’ Et infra: ‘Postremo quonam se ipsi excusabunt modo? nempe illo, quem breviter tamquam ex eorum vo­ce sibi objecit Apostolus, ut dicant: Quid adhuc conqueritur? Nam voluntati ejus quis resistit? Hoc est enim dicere, quid de nobis fit quere­la quod Deum offendamus male vivendo, cum illius voluntati non possimus resistere, qui nos obduravit misericordiam non praestando? si ergo illos non pudet hac excusatione, non no­bis, sed Apostolo contradicere, cur nos pigeat eis, quod dixit Apostolus, hoc idem atque [Page 107] identidem dicere: O homo! tu quis es qui re­spondeas Deo, &c.?’

Et infra: ‘Nihil ergo fit in eis qui dicunt, Quid adhuc conqueritur? nam voluntati ejus quis resi­stit? nisi quod legitur in libro Salomonis: Insipi­entia viri violat vias ejus, Deum autem causatur in corde suo. Quamvis itaque Deus faciat vasa irae in perditionem ut ostendat iram & demonstret po­tentiam suam, qua bene etiam utitur malis, & ut notas faciat divitias gloriae suae in vasa miseri­cordiae, quae fecit in honorem, non damnabi­li massae debitum, sed suae gratiae largitate do­natum: tamen in eisdem irae vasis propter me­ritum massae in contumeliam debitam factis, id est, hominibus propter naturae quidem bonum creatis, sed propter vitia supplicio destinatis, iniquitatem, quam rectissime veritas improbat, damnare novit ipse non facere. Sicut enim voluntati ejus tribuitur natura humana nullo dubitante laudanda, sic homi­nis voluntati tribuitur nullo recusante damnanda.’

Porro ipsa Scripturae verba ab Augustino allata & objecta ab adversariis: Ipse ab initio fecit hominem, & reliquit eum in manu consilii sui, quid vel mini­mum ad propositum, cum ibi agatur de libertate naturali hominis cum qua creatus est? Quod cuili­bet patet qui hunc librum de gratia Dei & libero ar­bitrio tantisper legerit; nam tribus primis capiti­bus ostendit S. Augustinus, per praecepta, promissa, praemia, supplicia, esse in homine liberum arbitri­um quod habet homo per naturam, sed nihil illi prodesse ad praecepta implenda, nisi sanetur per gratiam.

Et certe quaerimus ab adversariis quid velint his verbis probare, Deus ab initio fecit hominem, & reliquit eum in manu consilii sui. An quod homo i­ta est in manu consilii sui, ut per naturam sine gra­tia possit eligere bonum vel malum? sed hoc Pela­gianum est. An quod Deus constituat homines in manu consilii sui per gratiam liberatricem? quod est contra Apostolum: Etenim cum essetis servi pec­cati: Nulla esset in homine peccandi necessitas, quod pertinet ad errorem Pelagianorum: Multa erras, ait Augustinus ad Julianum lib. 1. oper. im­perf. cap. 105. qui vel necessitatem nullam putas esse peccandi, vel eam non intelligis illius peccati esse poenam quod nullâ necessitate commissum est. Deni­que omnes omnino homines nascerentur cum cha­ritate quae sola illos facit liberos ad precepta servan­da, ut ait Augustinus ibidem n. 84. his verbis: A­lia est remissio peccatoris in eis quae mala facta sunt, alia charitas quae facit liberum ad ea quae bona faci­enda sunt: utroque modo liberat Christus, quia & iniquitatem ignoscendo aufert, & inspirando tribuit charitatem.

Itaque his verbis Scripturae nihil aliud insinuatur, nisi hominem per naturam esse liberi arbitrii, esse in manu consilii sui, esse constitutum inter bonum & malum, inter vitam & mortem duplici ratione: Prima, quia quod voluerit faciet, & quod elegerit dabitur ei. Secunda, quia potest se flectere in u­tramque partem, & eligere bonum & malum, ita tamen ut bonum non possit eligere, nisi Deus in illo operetur & velle, malum vero per seipsum; sic e­nim S. Augustinus hanc sententiam Scripturae ex­plicat, cum illi objiceretur a Pelagianis lib. 1. oper. imperf. cap. 45. Haec testimonia propter illam volun­tatem dicta sunt, in qua quisque id quod vult agit; at si non habetur, (scilicet ipsa voluntas) ab eo poscatur qui in nobis operatur & velle; si autem ha­betur, fiant opera justitiae, & ei qui illam operatus est, agantur gratiae. Item de perf. justit cap. 19. eodem modo Calestio hoc Scripturae testimonium & alia similia objicienti S. Augustinus sic respondet: ‘Aut quia in Deuteronomio scriptum est, Vitam & mortem dedit ante faciem hominis, bonum & ma­lum, & admonuit ut eligeret vitam; quasi & ipsa admonitio non de misericordia veniat, vel a iquid prodesset eligere vitam, nisi Deus eligendi charita­tem inspiraret & electam habere praestaret. Et in­fra: Aut quia dictum est, Si voles praecepta, ser­vabunt te; quasi non debeat Deo gratias agere quia praecepta voluit, qui desertus omni lumine ve­ritatis haec velle non potest.’

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XIX. Testimonium.]

Ejusdem libri capite 3.

QUando autem dicit homo, Non possum facere quod praecipitur, quoniam concupiscentia mea vincor. Jam quidem de ignorantia non ha­bet excusationem, nec Deum causatur in corde suo, sed malum suum in se cognoscit, & dolet, cui ta­men dicit Apostolus Rom. 12. Noli vinci a malo, sed vince in bono malum. Ei utique cui dicitur, Noli vinci, arbitrium proculdubio voluntatis ejus convenitur; velle enim & nolle proptiae volunta­tis est.

RESPONSIO.

NIhil etiam contra nos probat hic locus. Velle & nolle propriae voluntatis est: sed ad recte volendum praeparatur voluntas à Domino. Omnibus autem non praeparatur. Vide dicta de praedestina­tione Sanctorum cap. 5. & 6. ‘Non quia, inquit, credere vel non credere non est in arbitrio volun­tatis humanae, sed in electis praeparatur voluntas a Domino. Multi audiunt verbum veritatis, fed a­lii credunt, alii contradicunt; volunt ergo isti credere, nolunt autem illi; quis hoc neget? sed cum aliis praeparetur, aliis non praeparetur volun­tas a Domino, discernendum est utique quid ve­niat de misericordia, quid de judicio.’ Et infra: ‘Misericordia igitur & judicium in ipsis voluntati­bus facta sunt.’

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XX. Testimonium.]

Ejusdem libri capite 4.

UBi si dixeris, Volo servare, sed vincor à con­cupiscentia mea, respondet Scriptura libero e­jus arbitrio quae jam superius dixi: Noli vinci à malo, sed vince in bono malum; quod tamen ut fiat, adjuvat gratia, &c.

RESPONSIO.

QƲod ut fiat, inquit S. Augustinus in loco citato (ut scilicet vincatur in bono malum) adjuvat gratia. Verum nec semper, nec omnes adjuvat [Page 108] ut paret ex his verbis immediate sequentibus, quae nisi adjuverit, nihil lex erit nisi virtus peccati: Nonne enim his verbis denotatur, gratiam non semper adjuvare? Ita sunt assueti fraudibus adversa­rii, ut ludum putent verba reticere tam aperta, quae ita conferunt ad sensum atque explanationem testi­monii quod citant, ut eorum reticentia sensum om­nino contrarium in animum legentis ingeneret. Hoc profecto committere horreret mens hominis quae nondum pudori omni renunciasset.

Tam vero clarum est, hoc ipso capite S. Augusti­num docere gratiam omnibus non dari, ut illud & in verbis antecedentibus & in consequentibus tradat, Dicit enim omnes, quibus datur gratia continendi, continere: Ex quo sequitur, omnibus hanc grati­am non dari, siquidem multi seipsos non continent; Et tamen, inquit, non omnes capiunt verbum hoc (Contine teipsum,) sed quibus datum est; quibus e­nim non est datum, aut nolunt, aut non implent quod volunt; quibus autem datum est, sic volunt, ut im­pleant quod volunt. Et paulo post in fine ejusdem capitis S. Augustinus sic loquitur: Ecce unde dicit homo, Volo legis servare mandatum, sed virtute con­cupiscentiae meae vincor: Et cùm voluntas ejus con­venitur, & ei dicitur, Noli vinci à malo, quid ei prodest, nisi gratiâ succurrente fiat? quod ipse Apo­stolus secutus adjunxit: Gratias autem Deo qui dat nobis victoriam per Dominum nostrum Jesum Chri­stum; ergo & victoria quâ peccatum vincitur, nihil aliud est quàm donum Dei in isto certamine adju­vantis liberum arbitrium.

Quis itaque non miretur adversarios ex eo colli­gere, gratiam sufficientem omnibus dari qui se di­cunt a propria cupiditate superari, quod illorum ar­bitrium per legem conveniatur, cum S. Augustinus expresse dicat hanc legem nihil homini prodesse, nisi Deus illum adjuvet, Deum autem hominem ad­juvare, quando dat illi victoriam per Jesum Chri­stum; cum ergo non dot omnibus victoriam per Jesum Christum, nonne consequitur evidenter, Deum omnes infirmos non adjuvare cum per legem conveniuntur?

Et ut mala fides adversariorum, vel eorum igno­rantia in doctrina S. Augustini magis pateat, suffi­ciet nobis unum ex ejus testimoniis inter sexcenta producete. Ex serm. 4. de diversis, ubi clarissime docet, peccatorem auxilio Dei destiturum, non posse de ignorantia & de sua infirmitate conqueri, seu excusationes praetexere, quo minus peccet & pereat. ‘Si acceperis legem, inquit, & defuerit tibi adjutorium spiritus, non imples quod legis, non imples quod tibi jubetur; sed homo sub lege insuper praevaricator tenetur: accedat spiritus; ad­juvet, & fit quod jubetur; si defit spiritus, litera occidit te; quare litera occidit te? quia peccato­rem te facit, nec potes te excusare de ignorantia, quia legem accepisti; jam quod faceres didicisti, ignorantia te non excusat, spiritus te non adjuvat: ergo peristi.’

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XXI. Testimonium.]

Lib. de pastoribus cap. 6.

SEd ne futuris tentationibus deficiat infirmus, nec falsa spe dejiciendus est, nec terrore frangendus: Dic ei: Praepara animam tuam ad tentationem, (Eccles. 2.) sed forte incipit labi, contremiscere, nolle accedere. Habes aliud 1 Corinth. 10. Fidelis Deus, qui vos non sinit tentari supra quam ferre po­testis; Illud autem promittere & praedicare futu­ras passiones, infirmum confirmare est; timenti autem nimium, & ex hoc deterrito cum polliceris misericordiam Dei, non quia tentationes deerunt, sed quia non permittit tentari supra quam ferre po­testis, fractum colligare est: affert consolationes alligamentum, alliga quod fractum est, dic ne ti­meas, non deerit in tentationibus ille in quem cre­didisti, fidelis Deus, qui non sinit te tentari supra quam potes ferre; non hoc a me audis, Apostolus dicit: qui etiam dicit, An vultis experimentum ejus accipere qui in me loquitur Christus? hoc er­go cum audis, ab ipso Christo audis, & ab illo Pa­store qui pascit Israel; illi enim dictum est Psalm. 79. Potabis eos in lachrymis in mensura: quod e­nim ait Apostolus, non sinit tentari vos supra quam potestis ferre, hoc ait Propheta in mensura: Tan­tum tu noli dimittere corripientem & exhortan­tem, terrentem & consolantem, percutientem & sanantem.

RESPONSIO.

QUod hic & aliis multis sermonibus sequentibus dicitur, Fidelis Deus, qui non permittit vos tentari supra id quod potestis, sic intelligi debet ut diximus: quia S. Augustinus quasi electis loquitur, Quos Deus non permittit tentari supra quam pos­sunt, spe & confidentia auxilii non defuturi, fide­les erigit, terrore non frangit, ut hinc se ad oran­dum & operandum accingant, & omnem spem in Deo collocent. In scripto circa primam propositi­onem c. 2. art. 3. hanc Apostoli sententiam fuse ex­posuimus, nec solummodo argumentum, quod ex ea infertur, solvimus, sed etiam ex eadem sententia probavimus semper non adesse fidelibus gratiam qua possint tentationem sustinere ac vincere. Hanc pro­missionem in his qui secundum propositum vocati sunt, impleri docet S. Augustinus. Confirmat Hormisdas Papa: Tentatus est Petrus supra quàm posset sustinere. Quam verum est quod Deus in om­nibus, qui tentantur, non facit cum tentatione pro­ventum, seu, ut habet textus Graecus, & ut saepe S. Augustinus & S. Hieronymus loquuntur, non facit exitum ut possint sustinere! alias omnes in ten­tatione proficerent, evaderent, nullusque defice­ret.

Quamvis autem ista Apostoli verba intelligi tan­tum debeant de praedestinatis, vult tamen Augu­stinus, ut prudens Pastor illis verbis utatur ad con­firmandum hominem infirmum, qui in cultu Dei tentationes reformidare posset; quia oportet ut cum illo agat tamquam cum electo, ad quem proinde pertineant promissa Dei de protectione & conser­vatione suorum electorum, ita tamen, ut, cum eum [Page 109] de tali protectione divina securum faciat, hac con­ditione faciat, ut non dimittat Deum corripientem & exhortantem, terrentem & consolantem, per­cutientem & sanantem, quemadmodum extremis verbis loquitur Augustinus.

Verum haec conditio, sicut & quaelibet alia ad salutem pertinens, donum est gratiae singularis; si­cut & praemium, ut supra demonstratum est, obser­vatione 3 praemissa ad responsiones.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XXII. Testimonium.]

In Psalm 40.

NE dicas, non possum tenere & portare & fraenare carnem meam; adjuvaris ut possis: Dominus opem ferat super lectum doloris ejus.

RESPONSIO.

VErum est te adjuvari, si velis carnem tuam frae­nare in nomine Christi, si non praesumas de vi­ribus tuis, si praesumas de gratia, si praesumendo ad Christum venias, hoc est, Christi implores auxilium, ut loqitur S. Augustinus eodem loco, & paulo supra.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XXIII. Testimonium.]

Enarrat. in Psalm 61.

UT non cadat paries, Dominus suscipiet, quo­niam qui dat potestatem tentatori, ipse tentato praebet misericordiam; ad mensuram enim permittitur tentare diabolus: Et potabis nos, in­quit, in lacrymis in mensura; noli ergo timere nisi permissum aliquid facere tentatorem; habes enim misericordissimum Salvatorem; tantum per­mittitur ille tentare, quantum tibi prodest ut ex­ercearis, ut proberis, ut, qui te nesciebas, ab ipso inveniaris: Nam ubi vel unde de hac Dei pote­state & misericordia securi esse debemus secundum illam Apostolicam sententiam: Fidelis Deus qui non permittit vos tentari supra id quod potestis, &c. Et paulo post circa finem: Noli ergo mi­rari, permittit Deus, & judicio permittit & men­sura, numero & pondere permitrit, apud illum non est iniquitas, tu tantum ad eum pertine, in ipso spem pone, ipse sit adjutor tuus, salutare tu­um, in illo sit locus munitus, turris fortitudinis: Refugium tuum ipse est, & non sinit te tentari supra quam potes ferre, sed faciet cum tentatione exitum, ut possis sustinere; ut quod te sinit pati tentationem potestas ejus sit, quod non sinit ul­tra in te fieri quam potes ferre, misericordia ejus sit, quoniam potestas Dei est, & tibi Domine misericordia.

RESPONSIO.

SAnctus Augustinus loquitur, ut jam toties di­ctum est, omnibus fidelibus, ac si essent omnes praedestinati; Et ut utamur ipsius S. Augustini ver­bis; Paleae loquitur tanquam grano, quia paleam a grano discernere non potest, cujus rei evidentissimum est argumentum in illis verbis, tantum permittitur diabolus tentare, quantum tibi prodest ut exercearis, ut proberis, ut qui te nesciebas, ab ipso inveniaris; quod certe de reprobis dici non potest.

Adde quod S. Augustinus hanc gratiam & Dei protectionem spondet omnibus fidelibus sub ea con­ditione, si ad Deum pertineant, si in Deo spem suam ponant, si ad illum confugiant, tamquam ad locum munitum & turrim fortitudinis, si illorum refugium ipse sit. Verum hanc conditionem esse donum gratiae singularis, supra ostendimus obser­vatione 3.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XXIV. Testimonium.]

Idem in Psalmum 91.

SI non est valde impius, ad manum Satanam ha­bet quem accuset, Satanas fecit, dicit, quasi Satanas habeat potestatem cogendi, astutiam ha­bet: sed si Satanas loqueretur, & taceret Deus, haberes unde te excusares: modo aures tuae posi­tae sunt inter monentem Deum & suggerentem serpentem: quare hinc flectuntur, hinc avertuntur; non cessat Satanas suadere malum, sed nec Deus cessat admonere bonum, &c.

RESPONSIO.

EX S. Augustino libro de gratia Christi cap. 13. admonitio qua Deus admonet, sicut & doctri­na qua docet, duplex est: una qua Deus ostendit veritatem, altera qua impertit charitatem; una qua docet per legis literam, altera per spiritus gratiam; una qua suadet, altera qua persuadet; una quae fa­cit homines inexcusabiles, &, si sola sit, legis prae­varicatores, altera quae facit eos legis dilectores. Prior illa quaecumque sit, sive interior, sive exte­rior, pertinet ad legem atque doctrinam. Posterior vero est vera gratia Christi quae necessaria est ad sin­gulos actus.

De prima loquitur S. Augustinus in objectione quam contra nos adversarii proponunt. Ibi enim ostendit S. Augustinus, homines, cum peccant, in­excusabiles esse, nec posse accusare diabolum de peccatis suis. Primo quia diabolus non cogit invi­tum ad peccandum; suadere potest, cogere non potest. Secundo, quia si diabolus non cessat suade­re peccatum, Deus ex altera parte non cessat, fi­delibus saltem, suadere justitiam, quod sufficit ut peccantes sint inexcusablies. Quod vero S. Augu­stinus ne verbum quidem faciat de posteriore, inde patet, quod expresse doceat, eum, qui ea doctrina vel admonitione vitare peccatum & facere bonum a [Page 110] Deo edoctus est, femper peccatum vitare & bo­num facere. Haec sunt verba S. Augustini docentis gratiam esse doctrinam Dei. De gratia Christi cap. 13. ‘Haec graria si doctrina dicenda est, certe sic dicatur, ut altius & interius eam Deus cum ineffa­bili suavitare credatur infundere, non solum per eos qui plantant & rigant extrinsecus, sed etiam per seipsum, qui incrementum subministrat oc­cultus. Ita ut non ostendat tantummodo verita­tem, verum etiam impertiat charitatem; sic enim docet Deus cos qui secundum propositum vocari sunt, simul donans & quod agant scire, & quod sciunt agere. Unde ad Thessalonicenses sic Apo­stolus loquitur: De charitate autem fraternitatis non opus habetis vobis scribere, nam ipsi vos a Deo didicistis, ut diligatis invicem: tamquam hoc sit certissimum indicium quod a Deo didiceritis, si id quod didiceritis feceritis. Qui aurem novit quid est quod fieri debeat, & non facit, nondum a Deo didicit secundum gratiam, sed secundum legem, non secundum spiritum, sed secundum literam.’

Et cap. 14. ‘De isto docendi modo etiam Domi­nus aic; Omnis qui audivit & didicit a Patre meo, venit ad me. Qui ergo non venerit, non de illo recte dicitur. Audivit quidem & didicit sibi esse veniendum, sed facere non vult quod didicit. Prorsus non recte dicitur de isto docendi modo, quo per gratiam docet Deus. Si enim, sicut ve­ritas loquitur, omnis qui didicit venit, quisquis non venit, profecto nec didicit.’ Breviter igitur sic respondemus objectioni ipsismet S. Augustini verbis; Qui admonetur a Deo in tentatione & hac admonitione novit quid facere debeat, & non facit, nondum a Deo didicit secundum gratiam, sed secun­dum legem; non secundum spiritum, sed secundum literam: proindeque haec admonitio de qua loqui­tur S. Augustinus in Psalm. citat. non est illa gratia Christi qua docet homines quantum sufficit ut pec­cata vitare & bonum facere possint & faciant.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XXV. Testimonium.]

In Psalmum 120 prope finem.

FIdelis Deus qui non permittit vos tentari supra quam vos potestis ferre, ecce introitus tuus custoditur, quando non tibi sinit Deus accidere tentationem, quam non potes ferre, introitum tuum custodit & exitum; sed faciet, inquit, eti­am cum tentatione exitum ut possitis sustinere. Numquid possumus nos, fratres, interpretari ali­ter quam ipsa verba Apostoli docuerunt? Custo­dite ergo vos, sed non a vobis, quia Dominus te­gum entum tuum, qui custodit, qui non dormitat neque dormit.

ALTERAM similirer rationem refellit S. Do­ctor, quod scilicet Deus gratiam nec praevarica­toribus legis deneget, vel qua possint eam obser­vare, vel a Deo auxilium necessarium petere.

RESPONSIO.

I. HUic objectioni plenissime satisfactum est in responsione ad testimonium 21.

II. Non dicit absolute S. Augustinus quod ne­minem Deus permittit tentari supra id quod po­test, sed tantummodo quod, quando id permittit, tunc custodit introitum hominis in tentationem, & quando facit cum tentatione proventum, tunc cu­stodit exitum a tentatione.

III. Docet id fieri tantum a Deo in iis qui non habent ventum superbiae, quia humilitas, inquit, custodit in omni tentatione qui de se non praesumunt, sed auxilium suum ponunt in Domino, ut ipsemet dicit in contextu paginae. Atqui idem S. Augusti­nus docet in libro 2 de peccat. mer. cap. 17 & 19, hanc superbiam, quae omnium humanorum vitio­rum causa est, & propter quam Deus plerumque si­nit nos tentari supra quam possumus, non in omni­bus sanari per gratiam; & cum Deus id facit, mise­ricordia id facere; cum non facit, judicio non fa­cere: judicio, inquam, vel condemnationis, si, ut loquitur S. Augustinus, damnandi praedestinati sunt propter iniquitatem superbiae; vel eruditionis, si fi­lii sunt misericordiae, & contra ipsam suam superhiam erudiendi.

Et in fine capiris 19 docet, ad obtinendam gra­tiam, qua peccata vitentur, necessarium esse ut co­nemur vigilanter, & Deum ardenter deprecemur, & agnoscamus hanc vigilantiam & orationem nobis a Deo donari per gratiam. Haec sunt ejus verba; Nec ideo tamen in iisdem vitiis nobis permanendum esse existimemus, sed adversus ipsam maxime super­biam; propter quam in eis humiliamur, & nos vigi­lanter conemur, & ipsum deprecemur ardenter, simul intelligentes, & quod sic conamur, & quod sic de­precamur, dono illius nos habere, ut in omnibus, non ad nos respicientes, sed sursum cor habenses, Domino Deo nostro gratias agamus, &, cum gloriamur, in illo gloriemur.

Quis autem dicat hunc conarum, hanc vigilan­tiam continuam, hanc ardentem orationem non esse donum gratiae singularis & efficacis, sed solum sufficientis omnibus concessae? Hoc posito, respon­demus, quod aliis similibus testimoniis solvendis sufficit; cum Paulus & S. Augustinus ubique spon­dent fidelibus Deum non permissurum eos tentari supra id quod possunt, hanc illis gratiam spondere, si humiles sint, si contra superbiam vigilanter co­nentur, si Deum ardenter deprecentur. Ad hoc ergo ut adversarii inde possent inferre Deum ne­minem permittere tentari supra quam potest, o­porteret ut prius probarent, hanc animi piam hu­militatem, hanc conantem vigilantiam, hanc fer­ventem orationem dari a Deo omnibus hominibus per gratiam sufficientem, quod certe falsissimum est, nec id adversarii coram sua Sanctitate aude­bunt unquam asserere.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XXVI. Testimonium.]

Libro 1 de Gen. contra Manichaeos cap. 3.

QƲod (praecepta Dei servare) omnes homines possum si velint, quia illud lumen omnem ho­minem illuminat venientem in hunc mundum, probat lib. Retract.

RESPONSIO.

HOc testimonium jam antea relatum solutum­que est n. 3.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XXVII. Testimonium.]

Lib. 1 ad Simplicianum quaest. 1.

HOc enim restat in hacce mortali vita libero ar­bitrio, ut non impleat homo justitiam cum vo­luerit, sed ut sese supplici pietate convertat ad De­um, cujus dono possit eam implere.

NOTA Sancti Augustini doctrinam eam esse quam locis infra citandis tradit, non semper nobis sup­petere ut absque auxilio per preces nostras impretando praecepta Dei quaelibet impleamus, sed nullum esse quod non vel gratis oblato auxilio nulla nostra prece ef­flagitato, vel certe auxilio a Deo impetrando possimus implere.

RESPONSIO.

I. SI quid probaret hic locus, gratiam suffici­entem ad orandum libero arbitrio subjectam esse probaret.

II. Si quid adhuc probaret hic locus, id tantum probaret de iis qui jam per gratiam Christi volunt implere justitiam Christi & conantur, sed majore impetu concupiscentiae prohibentur ne possint. Nam quod S. Augustinus de omnibus omnino ho­minibus id non dicat, clarum est ex cap. 22 de nat. & Stat. ubi docet, eos qui deseruntur a Deo, sub­di necessitati peccandi, adeo ut audiant tantum au­ribus corporis vocem legis, qua admoneantur ad Deum recurrere; sic enim loquitur de Pelagio, qui ferre non poterat peccatum peccato & induratione vel caecitate a Deo vindicari. ‘Nec cogitat, inquit S. Augustinus, praevaricatorem legis quam digne lux deserat veritatis, qua desertus utique fit coecus, & plus necesse est offendat, & cadendo vexetur, vexatusque non surgat, ut ideo tantum audiat vo­cem legis, quo admoneatur implorare gratiam Salvatoris, &c. Consulatur, si placet, locus in­teger.

III. Nihil probari potest ex hoc loco, nisi post­quam homo peccatum suum miseriamque, in quam demersus est, agnovit, nihil illi aliud restare, quam ut gemat & imploret auxilium Dei, quo justitiam implere possit & a peccato liberari, seu homini sub lege & peccato captivo alium modum resur­gendi & juste vivendi non superesse nisi gemitum & orationem.

Ex quo nequaquam sequitur, quod concludunt adversarii, omnibus semper dari orandi gratiam; imo contrarium semper docuerunt & S. Augustinus, & Prosper, & Fulgentius. Sic enim S. Augustinus lib. de nat. & grat. cap. 7. Ʋnde admonemur a Deo petere sapientiam qui dat omnibus affluenter, utique his qui sic petunt, quomodo & quantum res tanta petenda est.

Et lib. de moribus Ecclesiae Catholicae cap. 17. ‘Si sapientia & veritas non totis animi viribus con­cupiscatur, inveniri nullo pacto potest. At si ista ita quaeratur ut dignum est, subtrahere sese atque abscondere a suis dilectoribus non potest. Hinc est illud quod ait Jesus: Petite & accipietis, quae­rite & invenietis, pulsate & aperietur vobis, a­more petitur, amore quaeritur, amore pulsatur.’

Quis autem adeo superbi est animi, ut praesumere audeat se semper habere sufficientem Dei gratiam, qua possit ab eo petere observationem mandato­rum eius, quantum & quomodo res tanta petenda est, id est, amore petendo, quaerendo, pulsanco, & totis viribus animi jugiter concupiscendo, prae­sertim in tentatione, cum animus illecebris volup­tatum distractus est, nec toto animi conatu potest ad Deum confugere?

Et lib. 1 oper. imperf. cap. 94, dicit admonitio­nem legis prodesse praedestinatis, sed non dicit prodesse omnibus hominibus, quia Deus omnibus quibus jubet bonum, non largitur charitatem quae sola vult bonum. ‘Homo Pelagiane, inquit, cha­ritas vult bonum, & charitas ex Deo est, non per legis literam, sed per spiritum gratiae: in hoc est praedestinatis adjutorium litera, quia jubendo & non juvando admonet infirmos confugere ad spi­ritum gratiae. Sic lege legitime utuntur quibus bo­na est, id est, utilis: alioquin per se ipsa litera occidit, quia jubendo bonum, & non largiendo charitatem qua sola vult bonum, reos praevarica­tionis facit.’

Et lib. de cor. & grat. c. 1: ‘Qui etgo legiti­me lege utitur, discit in ea malum & bonum, & non confidens in virtute sua, confugit ad gratiam, qua praestante declinet a malo & faciat bonum. Quis autem confugit ad gratiam nisi cum a Do­mino gressus hominis diriguntur, & viam ejus volet? Ac per hoc & desiderare auxilium gratiae initium gratiae est: de quo ait ille, Et dixi, nunc coepi, haec mutatio dexterae Excelsi.’

Post S. Augustinum sic S. Prosper adversus Col­lat. c. 23. ‘Imperantur autem ista homini, ut ex ipso praecepto Dei, quo ei hoc quod accepit, in­dicitur, agnoscat id se suo vitio perdidisse, & non ideo iniquam esse exactionem quia ad red­dendum quod debet, idoneus non est, sed a litera occidente confugiat ap spititum vivificantem, & facultatem quam ante non invenit in natura, quae­rat ex gratia: quod si facit, magna est misericor­dia Domini; si non facit, justa est poena pec­cati.’

Denique post S. Prosperum S. Fulgentius lib. 2 de veritate praedestinationis & gratiae c. 4. Dum praecipitur nobis ut velimus, ostenditur quid habere debeamus; sed quia id ex nobis habere non possumus, admonemur, ut a quo nobis datur praeceptum, ab ip­so petamus auxilium, quod tamen non possumus po­scere, [Page 112] nisi Deus in nobis operetur & velle. Suffi­ciat igitur in posterum quod semel ex Patribus o­stendimus, non consequi ex admonitione legis om­nibus hominibus, quod lex admonet inesse suffici­entes & necessarias vires per gratiam, quibus pos­sint vel mandata legis implere, vel ad spiritum gra­tiae confugere.

SCRIPTUM ADVESARIORUM. [XXVIII. Testimonium.]

Libri 1 quaest. 2 ad eumdem.

NOluit Esau, & non cucurrit, sed si voluisset, & cucurrisset, Dei adjutorio pervenisset, qui etiam ei velle & currere volendo praestaret, nisi vo­catione contempta reprobus fieret.

RESPONSIO.

HIc S. Augustinus errorem quem deponebat, disputando agitat; ibi enim eadem de vo­catione & fide docet, quae in expositione proposi­onum ad Romanos dixerat cum in Semipelagiano errore versaretur. Hinc ergo concludi non potest juxta Ecclesiae sensum esse aliquam vocationem in­ternam, cui pro nutu alter obtemperat, & alter re­sistit. Verum postquam ventilavit S. Augustinus, an voluntas credendi sit donum Dei eo solum no­mine, quia credere non possumus nisi Deo vocante, tandem definit fidem esse donum Dei quia ut veli­mus & incipiamus credere, Deus miseretur, & cum miseretur, sine dubio volumus. Illud pater ex ex­positione hujus sententiae Apostoli, Non est volen­tis, neque currentis, &c. quam de gratia ex se ef­ficaci ad bonam voluntatem & fidem necessaria S. Augustinus intelligendam esse docet.

Nota etiam quod si quid ex testimonio citato pro­baretur, ex eo gratia sufficiens libero arbitrio sub­jecta probaretur.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XXIX. Testimonium.]

Lib. 83. qq. quaest. 68.

AD illam coenam quam Dominus dixit in Evan­gelio praeparatam, neque omnes qui vocati sunt venire voluerunt, neque illi qui venerunt, venire possunt, nisi vocarentur; Itaque neque illi sibi debent tribuere qui venerunt, quia vocati venerunt, neque illi qui noluerunt, alteri tribuere, sed tantum sibi; quia ut venirent vocati, in eorum erat libera pote­state.

RESPONSIO.

EX hoc loco nihil etiam colligi potest, nisi pro errore Semipelagiano, in quo erat S. Augusti­nus cum has quaestiones dictaret; tunc enim non putabat fidem Dei gratia praeveniti, ut clarius in­notescit ex iis quae praecedunt verba ab adversariis relata, quaeque Semipelagianismum expressus con­tinent.

Sed cur, inquient, haec verba quaest. 68, in qui­bus errorem esse dicimus, S. Augustinus non cor­rexit, cum hanc quaestionem Retractavit? Imo ve­ro manifestissime correxit, sic loquendo lib. 1 Retra­ctationum cap. 26: Est misericordia Dei praeveniens ipsam voluntatem, quae, si non esset, non praepararetur voluntas a Domino. Ad eam misericordiam pertinet & ipsa vocatio, quae etiam fidem praevenit. II. Quia quaecumque ad illum errorem circa fidei donum pertinent, satis retractivit in lib. de praedestinat. Sanctor. cap. 3 & 4.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XXX. Testimonium.]

De natura & gratia cap. 26.

NOn deserit, si non deseratur, ut pie semper ju­steque vivatur.

RESPONSIO.

I. SI quid ex hoc loco probatur, probatur gra­tia sufficiens libero subjecta arbitrio.

II. Resp. Deus neminem deserit, si non dese­ratur, quia, ut inquiunt Thomistae fere omnes in hunc & Concilii Tridentini locum, nulli justo Deus gratiam sanctificantem subtrahit, nisi Deum per pec­catum mortale deseruerit; seu, si de gratia actuali illud intelligendum sit, Deus nulli justo negat gra­tiam operandi, nisi negligendo orare Deum deseru­erit, seu nisi Dei auxilium implorare desierit. Plura diximus ad hujus loci expositionem in scripto circa primam propositionem cap. 6. art. 3. Ex his pa­tet solutio ad multas alias similes sententias quae ad­versus veram Christi gratiam, quam defendimus, proferuntur.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XXXI. Testimonium.]

Libro 4 ad Bonifacium capite ultimo in fine.

UT petant prudentes (homines) Deus instruit & clementer audit.

NOTA, ridicule instrueret nos ut peteremus auxilium quod non esset paratus dare: quare si in­struit ut petamus, dare paratus est, ideoque in nobis est ut petamus, quia petentes exauditurus est, in no­bis est ut impetremus.

RESPONSIO.

DEus est paratus dare auxilium suum petentibus quantum petendum est, ideoque nos ad pe­tendum instruit; sed ut pie petamus, ut petamus digne, fideliter, ardenter, peseverantet, & quan­tum petendum est, praeparatur voluntas a Domino. Quod si quia Deus nos monet ut petamus, colligi­tur ab adversariis semper nobis adesse petendi gra­tiam: [Page 113] Respondemus hunc fuisse Adrumetinorum errorem, qui vel correctionem & exhortationem inutilem esse contendebant, vel in unoquoque ines­se facere quod praecipitur, vel orare. Ad quem er­rorem refutandum S. Augustinus scripsit librum de corrept. & grat. & praeterea contra Iulianum lib. 4. cap. 8. Pelagianos arguit, quod existimarent, ideo omnes salvos fieri, quia, cum Deus velit dare, no­lunt ipsi petere, docetque, cum nemo velle possit, nisi Deo voluntatem praeparante atque subveniente, profundum esse cur & in majoribus & in minoribus Deus velit alteri, & nolit alteri subvenire, nec ta­men ridicule instruit omnes ad petendum, licet no­lit omnibus subvenire.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XXXII. Testimonium.]

De gratia & lib. arb. cap. 15.

QƲare jubet si ipse daturus est? quare dat si ho­mo facturus est? nisi quia dat quod jubet, & adjuvat ut faciat cui jubet.

RESPONSIO.

HIc locus ab adversariis male citatur, nam in e­ditionibus correctioribus non ita legitur, Dat quod jubet, & adjuvat ut faciat cui jubet; sed ita legitur, Dat quod jubet, cùm adjuvat ut faciat cui jubet. Itaque non est sensus, Deum semper dare quod jubet, & adjuvare cui jubet, hoc enim eviden­ter falsum est, siquidem non dat Deus quod jubet quando ejus praecepta violantur: sed sensus est, Deum dare quod jubet, quando adjuvat eum cui jubet; quod maxime evertit doctrinam adversario­rum. Inde enim sequitur nullam esse gratiam pro­priae sufficientem, nisi eam qua Deus dat quod ju­bet, talis autem gratia efficax est, cum sit vera gratia quam a Deo petimus.

II. Cum dicit Augustinus Deum adjuvare cui ju­bet, loquitur de gratia efficaci, qua Deus dat quod jubet, & facit in nobis cor novum, & spiritum no­vum ponit in medio nostri, & convertit nos ad se, ut patet locum & caput integrum legenti: Atqui Deus non dat omnibus gratiam efficacem: Ergo non adjuvat omnes ut faciant quod jubet.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XXXIII. Testimonium.]

Ejusdem libri capite 18.

NIsi quia praecepto admonitum est liberum arbi­trium, ut quaereret Dei donum. Quod qui­dem sine suo fructu prorsus admonefetur, nisi prius acciperet aliquid dilectionis ut addi sibi quae­reret, unde quod jubebatur impleret: cum dici­tur, Diligamus invicem, lex est; cum dicitur, Quia dilectio ex Deo est, gratia est, sapientia quip­pe. Dei legem & misericordiam in lingua portat: unde scriptum est Psalm 83. Benedictionem dabit qui legem dedit.

NOTA, Ibi probari frustra statuendum sine do­no gratiae praeceptum, illudque semper cum prae­cepto esse conjunctum.

RESPONSIO.

I. SI quid ex hoc loco probari posset, probaretur, gratiam, seu ad operandum seu ad orandum necessariam subjectam esse libero arbitrio.

II. Hujus loci hic sensus est: (liberum arbitri­um sine suo fructu admoneretur) scilicet quoad vim faciendi id quod jubetur, nisi prius acciperet ali­quid dilectionis, quia gratia est fructus vim tribu­ens praecepti illius implendi, non vero quia gratia semper conceditur cum praeceptum datur: frustra tamen & inutiliter praeceptum non datur cum sine gratia datur, multae sunt enim praecepti utilitates: sed ubi non est gratia qua praeceptum impleatur, vel qua Dei donum quaeratur, non est praecipuus prae­cepti fructus. Ita ipse S. Augustinus eodem in libro exponit cap. 4. Nisi, inquit, gratia adjuverit, nihil lex erit nisi virtus peccati, augetur enim concupiscen­tia, &c. Et infra: Et cum voluntas ejus convenitur & ei dicitur, Noli vinci à malo; quid ei prodest ni­si gratiâ succurrente fiat? Unde concludit in fine capitis: ‘Homo ergo gratia juvatur, ne sine causa voluntati ejus jubeatur.’ Et cap. 15. ‘Sic quippe ad­juvatur ut faciat quod jubetur, tunc enim utile est velle cum postumus, & tunc utile est posse cum volumus. Nam quid prodest si quod non possumus volumus, aut si quod possumus nolu­mus?’ Clare docet S. Augustinus 2 operis imper­fecti cap. 157. frustra Doctorem hortari, nisi Deus det incrementum, & cum Deus dat incrementum, auditorem sine dubio proficere. Ergo ubi non est gratia efficax, aliquo sensu frustra admonetur libe­rum arbitrium. Itaque ex loco citato non sequitur semper esse gratiam ubi est praeceptum, licet tunc praeceptum sit sine suo fructu quoad vim faciendi id quod jubetur: quamquam vero aliquo sensu sit frustra, & nihil prosit illi qui admonetur, frustra ta­men & sine omni fructu & utilitate praeceptum non est, licet illi gratia conjuncta non sit. Ostendit esse in homine liberum arbirrium, sine quo praecepta impleri non possunt, monet hominem quid ab eo fieri debeat, aufert excusationem quam homines solent de ignorantia obtendere.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XXXIV. Testimonium.]

Lib. 2. de Pastoribus cap. 5.

COnfortatur infirmus cùm ei dicitur, spera qui­dem tentationes hujus saeculi, sed ab omnibus eruet te Dominus, si ab illo non recedat retro cor no­strum.

RESPONSIO.

VErum id, ut ait S. Augustinus lib. de dono pers. c. 7. Dei est facere ut non recedat retro cor nostrum. ‘Post casum, inquit, hominis nonnisi ad gratiam suam voluit pertinere ut homo accedat ad Deum, neque nisi ad gratiam suam voluit perti­nere, ut homo non recedat ab eo.’ Et paulo infra: ‘Manus igitur est Dei ista, non nostra, ut non disce­damus a Deo qui dixit: Timorem meum dabo in cor eorum ut a me non recedant.’

Quod certe in quibusdam facit, & in quibusdam non facit: Cur autem in omnibus non faciat audi S. Prosperum: 1 Cur autem illum retineat (ne Deum deserat) illum non retineat, nec possibile est comprehendere, nec licitum vestigare; cum scire suffi­ciat ab illo esse quod statur, & non ab illo esse quod ruitur.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XXXV. Testimonium.]

Enarrat. in Psalmum 26.

NOli de te praesumere; si te dereliquerit, in ipsa via deficies, cades, aberrabis, remanebis: dic ergo illi, Voluntatem quidem liberam mihi dedisti, sed sine te nihil est mihi conatus meus; adjutor me­us esto, ne derelinquas me, neque despicias me, Deus salutaris meus: Tu enim adjuvas qui condi­disti, tu non deseris qui creasti.

RESPONSIO.

ID verum est; sed eum quide Deo, non de se prae­sumit, quique illi dicit in oratione sicut dicere o-Portet, Adjutor meus es tu, quod quidem nemo Potest dicere, nisi Deus in illo operetur & velle, ait S. Fulgentius loco supra citato.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XXXVI. Testimonium.]

In Psalm 43.

NOn ergo relinquit Deus, & cùm videtur relin­quere; tollit quod malè desiderasti, & docet quid debeas bene desiderare.

RESPONSIO.

SEnsus est, Deum non propterea derelinquere ho­minem, cum subtrahit illi bona temporalia, sicut quidam arbitrantur se a Deo derelictos, cum illis in prosperitatibus non favet. Videatur locus iste apud S. Augustinum, ut pudeat adversarios tot testimo­nia, quae nihil ad propositum faciunt, congerere. Cum autem tollit tibi Deus haec temporalia quae male desi­derasti, docet quid debeas bene desiderare. Verum est; sed ista doctrina, ait ipse S. Augustinus libro supra citato de gratia Christi, nisi eam Deus altius & inte­rius cum ineffabili suavitate infundat, non solum o­stendendo veritatem, sed etiam impertiendo charita­tem, doctrina est literae, non gratiae, legis, non spi­ritus.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XXXVII. Testimonium.]

In Psalm 51.

NOluit intelligere ut bene ageret; non enim dictum est, Non potuit, sed noluit, inquit, intelligere ut bene ageret; claudit oculos suos à luce praesenti.

RESPONSIO.

REsp. primo, loquitur hic Sanctus Augustinus de cognitione & intelligentia veritatis quae obligat ad bene agendum, & ad quam sufficientes sumus per legem atque doctrinam, non vero de vi­ribus sufficientibus ad legem implendam.

Secundo, Illud dicimur posse secundum S. Au­gustinum, quod nostram sequitur voluntatem, & quod facimus quando volumus: quia vero pleri­que hominum cognoscerent veritatem si vellent, i­deo de illis juste dicitur, non quod non potuerunt cognoscere, sed quod noluerunt, & quod in illis ignorantia sequitur voluntatem, non praecedit. Verum quid haec ad propositum? quid haec ad gra­tiam sufficientem omnibus datam ut praecepta im­pleantur?

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XXXVIII. Testimonium.]

In Psalm 77.

PRaecessit enim aliquid unde Deus justissimè iratus ab eis suum lumen auferret.

RESPONSIO.

ERat officii adversariorum locum integrum pro­ducere, & haec verba immediate sequentia addere, ‘Ut in peccata, quae nulla tergiversatione defendi possunt, non esse peccata, caecitas humanae mentis ostenderet ab itinere justitiae deviando & errando.’

Haee S. Augustinus de Aegyptiis, qui caecitate mentis Deo rebellabant eique detrectabant obedire. Verum quid inde pro gratia sufficiente? quid enim aliud intendit S. Augustinus, quam aliqua peccata puniri a Deo tanta caecitate mentis, ut prae illa cae­citate homines postea in alia peccata offendant, quae aut non vident esse peccata, aut, si vident, con­temnunt? Quis hoc neget, peccata peccatis vindi­cari? nonne docet Apostolus, sapientes hujus mun­di, qui Deum ex creaturis agnoverunt, quia tamen ei gratias non egerunt, sed pro vero Deo idola co­luerunt, juste ab ipso traditos esse in reprobum sen­sum, & in passiones ignominiae, ut facerent quae non conveniebant?

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XXXIX. Testimonium.]

In Psalm 102.

SAnat omnino ille quemlibet languidum, sed non sanat invitum; quid autem te beatius? quam ut tamquam in manu tua vitam, sed habeas in vo­luntate tua sanitatem tuam, &c. Vide ibi plura, sed maxime ista: Non enim cessavit vocare, aut vocatum neglexit instruere, aut perfectum neg­lexit coronare.

RESPONSIO.

MIra est omnino adversariorum audacia, & li­bentes dixerimus animadversione S. Sedis [Page 115] Apostolicae digna, non solum quod inverso ordine S. Augustini testimonium proferunt, sed etiam quod illud detruncant ac mutilant.

Haec enim sunt priora verba S. Augustini: Non cessavit Deus vocare, aut vocatum neglexit instruere, aut instructum cessavit perficere, aut perfectum neg­lexit coronare; Ex quibus haec praecipua expunxe­runt, aut instructum cessavit perficere; quia cum gratiam generalem omnibus datam ex hoc loco col­ligere velint, ac videant non posse dici de omnibus quod perficit per gratiam quos instruit, quia alias omnes per Christi gratiam essent perfecti, quod dici non potest, ideo fraudulenter haec verba suppresse­runt, ex quibus solis S. Augustinum de gratia interi­ori omnibus data, in isto loco loqui non posse constat. Post ejusmodi fraudes quae sinceritas ab adversariis expectanda est? Deinde esto, nulla sit fraus in cita­tione hujus testimonii, qua fronte adversarii illud au­dent producere ab probandum peccatoribus gratiam sufficientem semper dari, cum ibi loquatur S. Augu­stinus homini peccatori, sed non de ipso peccatore, verum de homine justo, ut erat David, cujus ini­quitatibus Deus propitius fuit, cujus sanavit omnes infirmitates, cujus redemit de interitu vitam, & quem coronavit in misericordia & miserationibus. Nam S. Augustinus hunc Psalmum explicandum suscipi, Benedic anima—qui propitiatur omnibus in­iquitatibus tuis, &c. Ex hoc animat peccatorem ad spem similis gratiae, & a desperatione revocat; sub­dit enim immediate: Quid dicis quia es peccator? convertere & accipe retributiones istas, propitius sit omnibus iniquitatibus tuis, id est, convertere, & re­tribuet tibi Dominus bona pro malis, sicut retribuit isti justo qui dicit, qui propitiatur omnibus iniquita­tibus tuis.

Quod attinet ad illa verba quae sequuntur in S. Augustino: Sanat omnino ille quemlibet languidum, sed non sanat invitum: verum est, sed, ut ait ipse S. Augustinus ibidem: Opus est ut sanari velis, ut manum Medici non repellas, ut non solùm delecteris cùm fovet, sed etiam toleres cùm secat, ut toleres me­dicinalem dolorem, futuram cogitans sanitatem. De­nique ut pro salute aeterna toleres, quod pro tempo­rali solent homines aegroti tolerare. Sed, amabo, velle sicut oportet sanari, patienter manus Medici ferre, tolerare omnia dura & amara hujus seculi tam­quam medicamenta morborum nostrorum amore salutis aeternae, parvane sunt ista? & quis ad tanta i­doneus est, nisi Deus operetur in homine istud velle, illudque in eo de die in diem confirmet & corrobo­ret per efficaciam gratiae suae singularis?

Sed dicent adversarii: Subjungit S. Augustinus nos habere, id est, in voluntate nostra sanitatem no­stram. Fatemur, verum non in eo sensu quem con­tendunt, quasi id omnes proxime possint per gra­tiam sufficientem omnibus datam, sed quia statim ut volumus sanari, sanamur, quia ista voluntas est sa­nitas, & quanto major voluntas, tanto major sani­tas, quod certe dici non potest de omnibus aliis bo­nis quae extra voluntatem sita sunt. Audiant, quae­so, adversarii ipsum Sanctum Augustinum seipsum hoc eodem loco explicantem: Hanc salutem si volueris, obtinebis; honores, divitias cùm quaesieris, non continuò si volueris habebis: hoc & pretiosius est, & sequitur voluntatem, ejus scilicet qui voluerit.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XL. Testimonium.]

In Psalmum 118. Concione 17.

QUia itaque credidi tua esse mandata, ipsa fides mea qua id credidi, impetrat abs te gratiam qua faciam quod mandasti; si enim homo mihi haec juberet forinsecus, numquid etiam ut facerem quod jubebat adjuvaret intrinsecus? doce ergo me suavitatem inspirando charitatem, doce me disci­plinam donando patientiam, doce me scientiam illuminando intelligentiam, quoniam tuis manda­tis credidi, te illa credidi mandasse, quia Deus es, & homini donas unde facias eum facere quod mandas.

RESPONSIO.

PRobat hoc testimonium jus esse homini Deum obtestari per fidei orationem, ut charitatem in­spiret qua fiant ejus mandata quae fieri ipse praece­pit. Quis hoc neget? imo ex hoc argumento invi­ctissime demonstramus, haec omnia quae petimus a Deo, scilicet charitatem, suavitatem, sapientiam, bonitatem, & universa ejusmodi ad salutem perti­nentia, nobis a Deo donari per gratiam efficacem, & proinde singularem; nulli er in unquam Christia­no aut saltem Ecclesiae venit in mentem a Deo pe­tere gratiam sufficientem libeto arbitrio subjectam, sed gratiam tantummodo quae ipsum liberum arbitri­um invincibiliter & insuperabiliter sibi subjiciat.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XLI. Testimonium.]

In Psalmum 120.

IN nostra potestate est, Deo donante, si eum nobis fa­ciamus custodem, qui non dormit neque dormitam, qui custodit Israel.

RESPONSIO.

QUid illud est quod S. Augustinus dicit esse in potestate nostra, nisi ut habeamus custodem qui nunquam dormiat, & impediat quo minus mo­veatur pes noster? Si enim, ait Sanctus Augustinus tota hac enarratione, quaeras inter homines custo­dem qui non dormiat, non invenies. Nam omnis ho­mo dormit & moritur; vis habere custodem non dor­mientem? Deum elige custodem. Ex quo concludit in fine: Est ergo in potestate nostra habere custodem non dormientem, si voluerimus eum eligere in custo­dem nostrum. Quis hoc neget? sed illa potestas ut eligamus Deum custodem nostrum, & in illo pona­mus auxilium nostrum & fortitudinem nostram, nulla est nisi Deo donante, id est, nisi Deus eam det per gratiam suam efficacem.

Quam autem male & perperam inferant adver­sarii ex hoc testimonio Sancti Augustini & simili­bus; nos posse per gratiam sufficientem quod S. Au­gustinus [Page 116] dicit esse in potestate nostra, patet ex ipso­met Sancto Augustino in eodem Sermone ex quo hoc testimonium adversarii desumpserunt; sic enim loquitur: ‘Ut autem sis ad dexteram, id est, ut possis Dei filius fieri, potestatem accepisti, quam potestatem, de qua dicit Apostolus Joannes, De­dit eis potestatem filios Dei fieri; unde accepisti hanc potestatem? Credentibus, inquit, in nomine cjus; si ergo credis, ipsa tibi potestas data est, ut fis inter filios Dei. Sed quid ipsa potestas quam accepit homo, nisi Dominus protegat? Ecce cre­didit, jam ambulat in fide; infirmus est inter ten­tationes, agitator inter molestias, inter carnales corruptiones, inter suggestiones, inter cupiditates, inter versutias & laqueos inimici; quid valet ergo quia habet potestatem & credidit in Christum, ut sit inter filios Dei! Vae homini illi, nisi & ipsius fidem Dominus protegat, id est, ut non te permit­tat tentari supra quam potes ferre, sicut dicit Apo­stolus: Fidelis Deus, &c.’

En habes a Sancto Augustino haec tria: I. Chri­stianos omnes, per fidem scilicet charitate operan­tem, potestatem habere sic vitam regere ut sint ad dexteram inter filios Dei. II. Hanc potestatem in­firmam esse, & ciro deficere nisi Deus eam foveat, protegat, & confirmet. III. Deum non facere in omnibus ut non deficiat in tentatione fides eorum, vel non tententur supra id quod possunt ferre.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XLII. Testimonium.]

In Psalm 131.

NEmo praesumat viribus suis se reddere quod vo­verit: qui te hortatur ut voveas, ipse adju­vat ut reddas. Cui affine est illud Sermon. 7. de tem­pore: Dulciter & confidenter voveamus, illed daebit possibilitatem ut reddere possimus.

RESPONSIO.

ITta sanc, sed addendum erat quod praemisit S. Au­gustinus, Ipse David vovit tamquam in potestate habens, & rogat Deum ut impleat quod vovit; est de­votio voventis; sed humilitas deprecantis. Nemo praesumat viribus suis se reddere quod voverit. Adju­vat ergo Deus eum qui vovit ut reddat quod vove­rit, sed adjuvat humilem, sed adjuvat de Deo, non de se praefumentem. Et quis talis est, nisi per veram gratiam efficacem?

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XLIII. Testimonium.]

In Psalm 143.

VIde quàm securus opereris, quia non desereris ab illo quem quaeris.

RESPONSIO.

HOc in loco agitur non de desertione adjutorii gratiae Dei sed mercedis. Sic enim justum al­loquitur S. Augustinus: Quamvis opereris in nocte, id est, in obscuritate fidei, credens & non videns, tamen opera tua (id est, merces operum tuorum) non peribunt; non enim, si quaeris Deum in verita­te, desereris in die judicii ab eo quem quaeris; libet hic afferre verba Sancti Augustini, Ergo operare quamvis in nocte manibus tuis, id est, bonis operibus inquire Deum, antequam veniat dies ille qui te laetifi­cet, ne veniat qui te moestificet: vide enim quàm se­curius opereris, quia non desereris ab illo quem quaris. Sic abutuntur Molinae discipuli Religione summi Pontificis, sic imponunt Iudicibus suis, sic illudunt otio & eruditioni Eminentissimorum Cardinalium, quasi aut eis non vacet testimonia ipsa in S. Augusti­no examinare, aut vetum illorum sensum non vale­ant deprehendere.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XLIV. Testimonium.]

In Psalm 145.

APpropinqua, incipe desiderare, incipe quaerere & agnoscere eum à quo factus es; non enim dese­rit opus suum, si ab opere suo non deseratur.

RESPONSIO.

EX integro loco S. Augustini clare patebit quis fuerit ejus sensus: ‘Dicitur homini in afflicti­one aliqua constituto, Est quidem homo magnus per quem possis liberari, arridet, gaudet; En igi­tur, quod si dicatur illi, Liberat te Deus, quasi de­speratione frigescit: promirtitur auxilium morta­lis, & gaudes; promittitur immortalis, & tristis es, &c. Vae talibus cogitationibus, &c. Appropinqua, incipe desiderare, incipe quaerere & agnoscere e­um a quo factus es, con enim deseret opus suum si ab opere non deseratur.’

Ex quo perspicuum est Sanctum Augustinum lo­qui de homine in aliqua tribulatione temporali con­stituto, cui spondet Deum illi non defuturum, sed eum a tribulatione liberaturum, si ipse homo Deum non deserat, id est, dummodo Deum quaerat, ad Deum confugiat, & in Deo, saltem tamquam in homine potente, spem suam reponat: quo quid ve­tius? & quis illud unquam negaverit? Verum, ut monuimus supra, in ejusmodi promissis conditiona­tis, & promissum & conditio, & quod exigitur & quod offertur, utrumque aequaliter donum est mise­rentis Dei, qui cujus vult miseretur.

Quod si adversarii velint haec verba extendere ad omnem tentationem & adjutoriom gratiae Dei ne­cessarium ut tentatio vinci possit, non contendemus cum illis, imo ultro satebimur Deum non desertu­rum hominem, si ab homine ipso non deseratur; sed ut S. Augustinus 1 dicit: Deus ipse facit ut non deseratur, nam ideo petimus ne inferamur in tentatio­nem. Qua autem gratia facit ut non deseratur, suffi­cienti an efficaci? Audiatur ipse S. Augustinus cap. 2. citans illud Hier. Timorem meum dabo in cor eo­rum ut à me non recedant. Quod quid est aliud, quàm talis ac tantus erit timor meus quem dabo in cor eo­rum, ut mihi perseveranter adhaereant?

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XLV. Testimonium.]

Ex sermone 181 de tempore.

HAbent tertium genus medicinae a quo se excusare non possunt, nisi qui morbos aenimae suae sanaere contempserint. Hoc ergo medicamentum, quod nulli sani mentae deesse potest, studiose & pie frequentemus, implentes illud Apostolicum, Sine intermissione o­rate.

RESPONSIO.

DIcit Augustinus triplicem esse medicinam pec­catorum nostrorum, jejunium scilicet, eleemo­synam & orationem; posse autem contingere ut quis excusationem justam praetendat quod non je­j [...]net propter stomachi imbecillitatem, vel quod eleemosynam non det propter paupertatem; cum vero oratio intus in corde fiat, & orare nihil aliud sit quam desiderare, suaque desideria Deo exponere, si quis negligat orare, & hoc remedio uti ad sanita­tem animae suae, profecto seipsum excusare non po­terit, quia quod non oret, id non ex aliqua defectu vel corporis vel rerum externarum, sed ex solo contemptu salutis suae provenit; nam si non con­temneret, & esset sanae mentis, hanc medicinam quae sola illi superest ad curanda vulnera sua, non neg­ligeret. Jam vero quod ex his verbis S. Augustini, Hoc medicamentum nulli sanae menti deesse potest, inferunt omnibus qui phrenesi vel delitio non la­borant, aut qui compotes sunt mentis suae, adesse gratiam sufficientem qua possint pie, frequenter & fine intermissione orare, sicut S. Aug. in obje­ctione dicit esse orandum: quis non videat quan­tum a veritate, ab experientia, & a mente S. Au­gustini abhorreat? Quaerimus enim ab adversariis an gratia sufficiens qua in illorum opinione requi­ritur, tantum ad pie & sine intermissione oran­dum, sufficiat etiam ad jejunandum & eleemo­synas dandum, an non sufficiat? si dixerit suffi­cere; Ergo gratia per se efficax non erit amplius necessaria ad aliquod opus bonum, cum haec tria, jejunium scilicet, eleemosyna & oratio omnia bo­na opera vitae Christianae comprehendat, & sic nulla erit gratia nisi subdita libero arbitrio, quod sane ab errore Pelagiano non recedit.

Si dixerint non sufficere, sed ad jejunandum & dandum eleemosynas requiri gratiam per se effica­cem, ad orandum vero pie & sine intermissione non requiri, sed tantum sufficientem; quomodo cum sana mente id poterunt dicere? quae est enim ista insania? si dicatur piam & jugem orationem magis esse in nostra potestate minusque a Deo pen­dere quam jejunium & eleemosynam, gratiamque ipsius orationis omnibus nominibus dari, je junii & eleemosynae non dari: nonne quotidie sanctiores quique experiuntur in seipsis nullem inter opera peitatis esse magis arduum ac difficile, nullumque inter Dei dona rarius aut preciosius esse quam e­jusmodi piam & continuam orationem?

Itaque cu dicit S. Augustinus, Hoc medica­mentum nulli sanae menti deesse potest, non in hoc sensu dicit, quod omnis homo sanae mentis hanc gratiam piae & jugis orationis acceperit, sed quod nulli homini invito, & qui non contemnat salu­tem suam deesse potest, in quo hoc medicamen­tum differt ab aliis remediis jejunii & eleemosynae, quae homini invito & studioso salutis suae frequen­tissime desunt.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XLVI. Testimonium.]

Serm. 1 inter additos & opera Sirmondi editos.

OStendit illos quos Esau praefigurabat sic esse pec­catores ut in potestate haberent, & in libero ar­bitrio mutare se & fratri conjungi.

RESPONSIO.

UT non cessant Adversarii haec & similia obji­cere, ita non cessamus respondere cum S. Augustino lib. 1 Retractat. cap. 22: In potestate malorum est mutare in melius voluntatem, sed illa potestas nulla est, nisi praeparetur voluntas a Domino, quae cum fortis & potens praeparatur, facile fit o­pus pietatis, etiam quod difficile atque impossibile fuit.

Itaque cum dicit S. Augustinus esse in peccato­rum potestate mutare vitam suam, non est sensus quod detur illis omnibus gratia sufficiens subdita libero arbitrio qua possint, sed tantummodo quod id vere possunt, & revera id faciunt, quando Deo operante in corda illorum id volunt, quia, ut ait S. Augustinus, illud est in potestate nostra quod cum volumus facimus, & quod nostram sequitur volun­tatem.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XLVII, Testimonium. [...]

Tractat. 2 in cap. 1 Evangelii Joannis.

ECce hic est, & modo & hic erat, & semper hic est, & numquam recedit; opus est ut non deseras, & non desereris; noli cadere, & non tibi ac­eidet; si tu feeris casum, ille tibi facit occasum; si autem tu stas, praesent est tibi.

RESPONSIO.

SEnsus est, opus est ut non deseras per iniquitatem, & non desereris ab eo secundum praesentiam qua vivificat animam piam. Nam ipse est vita & lumen animae: haec autem desertio peccatum sub­sequitur, verum quod fit alia quaedam desertio prae­cedens peccatum, qua licet Deus non auferat vires quas dedit, non tamen eas auget, nec novas addit in tentatione ut ei resistatur; ita clare docet S. Au­gustinus [Page 118] 1 , ut de hoc dubitare fas non sit. Haec sunt ejus verba: ‘In illa tentatione qua quisque decipitur & seducitur, neminem tentat Deus, sed plane judicio suo alto & occulto quosdam deserit; cum ille deseruerit, invenit quid faciat tentator; non enim invenit adversus te luctatorem, sed con­tinuo illi se exhibet possessorem si deserat Deus; ne deserat ergo nos, ideo dicimus, Ne nos infe­ras in tentationem.’

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XLVIII. Testimonium.]

Cap. 5. de gratia & lib. arbitrio.

SI quaesieritis Deum, invenietis; si autem dereli­queritis eum, derelinquet vos; manifestat qui­dem liberum voluntatis arbitrium.

RESPONSIO.

VIx adduci possumus ut credamus, adversaries, qui ista nobis objiciunt, librum legisse de gra­tia & libero arbitrio unde desumpta sunt, cum to­tum illud caput ab Augustino conscriptum sit, ut hanc & similes Pelagianorum objectiones refelle­ret, ostenderetque, quod saepe jam diximus, pro­missa Dei conditionata nihil officere prorsus neces­sitati gratiae victricis efficacis & singularis. ‘Talia, inquit, de Scripturis colligunt Pelagiani, Con­vertimini ad me, & convertar ad vos; ut secun­dum meritum conversionis nostrae detur gratia ejus in qua ad nos & ipse convertitur, nec attendunt qui hoc sentiunt, quia nisi donum Dei esset etiam ipsa ad Deum nostra conversio, non ei diceretur: Deus virtutum converte nos, & Deus tu conver­tens vivificabis nos; Et converte nos Deus sani­tatum nostratum & ejusmodi alia quae comme­morare longum est: Nam & venire ad Christum quid est aliud nisi ad eum credendo converti? & tamen ait, Nemo potest venire ad me, nisi da­tum fuerit ei a Patre meo. Item quod scriptum est in lib. 2 Paralipomen. Dominus vobiscum cum vos estis cum eo; & Si quaesieritis eum, in­venietis; si autem dereliqueritis eum, derelin­quet vos. Sed illi qui dicunt gratiam Dei secun­dum merita nostra dari, ista testimonia sic accipi­unt ut dicant meritum nostrum in eo esse quod su­mus cum Deo, ejus autem gratiam secundum hoc meritum dari ut sit & ipse nobiscum. Item meri­tum nostrum in eo esse quod quaerimus eum, & seuundum hoc meritum dari ejus gratiam ut inve­niam [...]s eum. Et in lib. 1, quod dictum est. Et tu Salomon, fili mi, cognosce Deum, servi ei in corde perfecto & anima volente. Si quaesieris e­um, invenietur tibi; & si dimiseris eum, repel­let te in perpetuum, declarat voluntatis arbitrium.’ Jam igitur ex testimonio S. Augustini patet, Pela­gianos, ut probatent gratiam Dei secundum me­rita nostra dari, haec testimonia illi objecisse: Con­vertimini ad me & ego convertar ad vos. Et illud: Dominus vobiscum, cum vos estis cum eo. Si quae­sieris Dominum corde perfecto & anima volente, invenietur tibi. Et quid ad haec respondebat S. Augustinus? Respondebat nostrum conversionem ad Deum, propter quam Deus convertitur ad nos, donum esse gratiae singularis & efficacis, nempe il­lius gratiae quae his verbis exprimitur: Deus virtu­tum converte nos, & Nemo potest venire ad me, nisi fuerit ei datum a Patre meo. Quo autem modo dicitur, ut docet Augustinus, Si convertaris ad De­um, Deus convertetur ad te, eodem plane dicitur, Si quaesieris Dominum, invenies eum. Sicut ergo converti ad Deum ut convertatur ad nos, ita quae­rere Deum ut inveniatur a nobis, donum est gratiae singularis & efficacis.

Denique ex eo quod dixit Augustinus demonstrari liberum arbitrium ex Scripturae testimonio, Si quae­sieris Deum, invenies eum, quid inde colligunt ad­versarii? & ad quid probandum haec verba profe­runt? Voluntne his verbis Scripturae secundum Au­gustinum demonstrari, esse im omnibus hominibus liberum arbitrium instructum gratia sufficiente, qua possinr quaetere Deum, ut Deus inveniatut ab eis, an non volunt? si volunt, ergo per gratiam suffici­entem sine efficaci possunt omnes homines quae­rere Deum in corde perfecto & anima volente? Quo nihil Christianae gratiae infensius dici potest; & cum hoc adscribunt Augustino, quid magis fal­sum etiam in illorum sententia? fatentur enim Augustinum defendisse contra Pelagianos gratiam efficacem. Si non volunt, ut quid proferunt illud testimonium pro gratia sufficiente? Ut igitur ob­jectioni respondeatur, dicimus quod cum Pelagiani uterentur his testimoniis Scripturae, ut probarent esse liberum arbitrium in homine per naturam quo possit ad Deum converti, eumque toto corde suo quaerere, fatebatur Augustinus haec testimonia de­monstrare hoc liberum arbitrium esse in homine per naturam, nec amissum esse per culpam, sed si­mul etiam contendebat contra illo, hoc liberum ar­bitrium non esse sufficiens ad quaerendum Deum, nisi sanetur per gratiam.

Itaque non dicit S. Augustinus his testimoniis Scripturae, si quaesieris Dominum corde perfecto, in­venies eum, demonstrari esse in homine liberum ar­bitrium instructum per gratiam, sed tantummodo esse in omni homine per naturam, quod ad nihil va­let nisi adjutum & sanatum per gratiam.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[XLIX. Testimonium.]

Sermone 9 inter eos qui a Sirmondo editi sunt.

HAbe ergo spem & gloriam, non in te, sed in prae­cedente & subsequente misericordia Dei. Vide autem quo te perducit si non deserueris deducentem? ad domum Dei te ducit, non ut hospitem ad tempus ut migres ex ea, sed ut habitatorem, ut permaneas in ea, &c.

EX his deducitur, Deum, quantum in se est, u­numquemque in observatione praeceptorum, cum eorum observandorum obligatio imminet, sufficienter adjuvare, nec ulli deesse nisi qui voluerit. Quin etiam ex prae­dictis tertium illud deducitur, nempe fidelibus, multo magis justis qui tenacius adhaerent, nunquam gratiam omnem denegari ad observationem praeceptorum. Id autem pluribus locis.

RESPONSIO.

SAnctus Augustinus dicit debere hominem pone­re totam spem, fortitudinem & gloriam suam, non in se, id est, in suis viribus, sed constituereun misericordia Dei praecedente & subsequente, id est, quae praecedit peccatorem ut justum faciat, & sub­sequitur justum ut justus permaneat.

Inferunt adversarii Deum quantum in se est, u­numquemque in observatione praeceptorum, cum corum observandorum obligatio imminet, suffici­ente [...] adjuvare, nec ulli deesse, nisi qui voluerit. Si n [...]n deserueris Deum deducentem, ad domum Dei te ducet, id est, ad regnum Dei, ut inhabites in illo in perpetuum. Haec enim verba sibi proposuerat explicanda: Et m [...]sericordia tua subsequetur me om­nibus diebus vitae meae, ut inhabitem in domo Domini omnibus diebus vitae meae. Ubi his verbis vel mi­nimum verbum aut vestigum gratiae communis & sufficientis? Quid enim aliud illa verba: Si non deserueris Deum per peccatum, ducet te in regnum suum, quam illa significant; si servaveris mandata, vitam habetis: aut illa: Si perseveraveris usque ad finem, salvus eris? Et hinc licebitne inferre: Er­go omnes homines, etiam impii & infideles, habent iufficiens auxilium quo possint implere mandata, & in eis perseverare? Quae consequentia? Addunt adversarii: Quin etiam ex praedictis tertium illud de­ducitur, nempe fidelibus, multo magis justis qui te­nacius adhaerent, nunquam gratiam omnem denegari ad observationem praeceptorum. Ita sane, haec con­sequentia deducitur ab adversariis, sed contendi­mus a nemine nisi falso & pertinaciter deduci posse.

II. Non dicimus omnem gratiam denegari fide­libus & justis, cum nonnisi per gratiam justi sint & fideles; sed dicimus cum Augustino hanc poten­tiam quam dedit Deus fidelibus filios Dei fieri, in­firmam esse & imparem tot & tantis tentationibus sustinendis, nisi eam Deus protegat indies & au­geat, quod in quibusdam facit per misericordiam, in quibusdam non facit per judicium, & licet nulli justo aut fideli vires, quas illi dedit, non auferat nisi ob peccatum, non tamen semper novas & ma­jores tribuit, sine quibus multae tentationes superari non possunt.

III. Fatemur gratiam non denegari justis & fi­delibus ad observationem praeceptorum, & ut lo­quamur cum Augustino loco ab adversariis citato, misericordiam Dei omnes fideles subsequi. Verum ea conditione, ad quam illos ibidem hortatur Au­gustinus, ut caveant jactantiam, ut per superbiam non deserant comitatem, ut apprehendant virgam disciplinae, & in baculo misericordiae fidenter in­cumbant, ut correptionem Domini patienter fe­rant secundum illud Psalmi: Virga tua & baculus tuus ipsa me consolata sunt. Verum quis ista potest, nisi gratia singulari & efficaci adjutus?

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[L. Testimonium]

In Psalm 7.

DUo sunt officia medicinae; unum quo fanatur infirmitas, alterum quo sanitas custoditur.... Juxta illud ibi dicitur (Psalm 6,) Salvum me fac propter misericordiam tuam. Juxta illud hic dicitur: Judica me, Domine, secudum justitiam meam; ibi enim ut a malo evadat, remedium: hic autem, ne in morbum recidat, tuitionem petit. Juxta illud dicitur, Salvum me fac, Domine, se­cundum misericordiam tuam; Juxta hoc dicitur, Justum auxilium a Domino, qui salvos facit re­ctos corde; & illa enim & ista salvos facit, sed illa ex aegritudine ad salutem transfert, haec in ipsa salute conservat: Itaque ibi misericots auxilium est, quia nullum habet meritum peccator qui ad­huc justificari desiderat, credens in eum qui ju­stificat impium: hic autem justam auxilium est, quod jam justo tribuitur: Dicat ergo ibi peccator, qui dixit infirmus, Salvum me fac, Domine, prop­ter misericordiam tuam; & dicat hic justus, qui dixit, Si reddidi retribuentibus mihi mala, justum auxilium meum a Domino qui salvos facit rectos corde; si enim medicinam adhibet qua sanemur infirmi, quanto magis eam qua custodiamur sani? Quoniam si, cum adhuc peccatores essemus, Chri­stus pro nobis mortuus est, Rom. 5, quanto ma­gis nunc justificati salvi erimus ab ita per ipsum?

RESPONSIO.

JUstus, de quo hic ait S. Augustinus loquitur, ille est, qui vocatus & justificatus est secundum pro­positum, quia talis est vere filius promissionis, ut loquitur S. Augustinus cap. 9 de cor. & grat. Fi­lius in illa praedestinatione qua datus est Christo ut non pereat in aeternum, sed habeat vitam aeternam. Quoniam ergo vere filius promissionis est & haeres per Deum; ille est qui vere dicere potest, Justum adjutorium meum a Domino; ille est cui post rege­nerationem suam, quodammodo debetur adiuto­rium perseverentiae, habita ratione meritorum & mortis Christi; ad hoc enim datus est Christo a Pa­tre, & Christus animam suam pro illo posuit, ut ei & perseverantia donetur, ut omnia ipsi coope­rentur in bonum, & non pereat in aeternum, sed habeat vitam aeternam, ut late probat S. Augusti­nus ibidem.

At vero non ita est de illo justo, qui quoniam victurus est impie, & in eadem impietate moriturus, non est haeres secundum praescientiam Dei, nec proinde filius in memoriali Patris aeterni, incon­cussa stabilitate conscriptus: Est quidem Dei fi­lius, sicut est justus propter susceptam temporaliter gratiam, ut loquitur Augustinus, sed non proprer praescientiam & praedestinationem Dei, de quo pro­inde intelligi debet illud Joannis: Ex nobis exie­runt, sed non erant ex nobis: Nam si fuissent ex no­bis, permansissent utique nobiscum. Quibus verbis quid aliud dicit Joannes, nisi Non erant filii etiam [Page 120] quando erant in professione & nomine filiorum, non quia justitiam simulaverunt, sed quia in ea non per­manserunt. Huic autem justo non debetur adju­torium, & licet Christus pro illo mortuus sit plu­ribus ac veris modis, non tamen ut morte sua per­severantiam in justitia, ac vitam aeternam illi effi­caciter promereretur. Quia vero Sanctus Augusti­nus in suis enarrationibus super Psalmos sermonem habebat ad populum, eique moris erat frequenter fideles omnes ut justos, & ut electos, & praedesti­natos alloqui: hinc fit ut de omnibus indifferenter haec verba Davidis intelligat: Justum adjutorium meum a Domino. Quod autem S. Augustinus cum omnibus fidelibus agat velut cum electis, eisque omnia electorum adscribat privilegia, dubitare ne­mo poterit qui legerit caput 9 de cor. & grat. Ubi inter caetera haec ait: Appellamus ergo eos & electos Christi Discipulos, & Dei filios, quiae sic appellandi sunt, quos regeneratos pie vivere cernimus: sed tunc vere sunt quod appellantur, si manserint in eo propter quod sic appellantur.

Sed demus adversariis hunc locum Sancti Augu­stini quem nobis objiciunt, de quibuscumque justis, sive electis, sive reprobis intelligendum esse. Quid inde propterea concludent pro sua sententia? cum ibidem dicat S. Augustinus hoc adjutorium justo semper esse a Deo petendum, Nam, inquit, in­firmus orat ut liberetur, sanus orat ne corrumpatur. Nonne ergo inde sequitur hoc adjutorium ideo dici justum, non quia omni justo semper datur, sed quia ex quadam justitia justo debetur oranti & pe­tenti, & tantum petenti quantum & quomodo res tanta petenda est, id est, pie, ardenter, & perse­veranter, ut supra ex eodem Augustino ostendimus lib. 2 de peccat. meritis.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[LI. Testimonium.]

In Psalmum 48.

SI ergo iniquitas calcanei circumdabit nos, ut quid timemus, cum conversi ad Christum habeamus in potestate ut non faciamus iniquitatem?

RESPONSIO.

HAec eadem objectio jam facta & refutata est.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[LII. Testimonium.]

In Psalm 53.

OMnes Sancti adjuvantur a Deo, sed intus ubi ne­mo videt: quomodo enim poena impiorum consci­entia, sic magnum gaudium piorum ipsa conscientia.

RESPONSIO.

LOquitur S. Augustinus de adjutorio consolatio­nis ex bona conscientia, quo Deus adjuvat San­ctos, ne doleant ex prosperitate impiorum, dando jucunditatem in cor eorum de bonis operibus, juxta illud Davidis, Dedisti jucunditatem in corde meo. Hic sensus patet ex contextu. Quis autem negat hanc consolationem Spiritus Sancti & laetitiam bonae conscientiae dari Sanctis a Deo consolante? sed un­de ista bona conscientia? nisi ex charitate, de qua dicit Apostolus: Charitas de corde puro & conscientia bona & fide non ficta; & charitas unde? nisi a Deo, juxta illud Joannis, Charitas ex Deo est; non ex libero arbitrio quod est in nobis, ut toties ait S. Au­gustinus, Sed per Spiritum Sanctum qui datus est no­bis.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[LIII. Testimonium.]

In Psalm 66.

CAnta in via, noli timere judicem, antequam esses fidelis timebas, sed invenisti Salvatorem; Im­pium te quaesivit ut redimeret, redemptum deseret ut perdat?

RESPONSIO.

REsp. Primo, Hic deprehenditur iterum mala adversariorum fides, quod suppresserint verba immediate praecedentia, quae sensum S. Augustini omnino aperiunt. Ait enim S. Augustinus in haec verba, ‘ET GENTES IN TERRA DIRIGIS: Directae autem gentes, ambulantes in fide, exultan­tes in illo, facientes opera bona, & si qua forte, quoniam per mare navig ant, intrat aqua per mi­nutissimas cavernas, per rimulas ad sentinam ex­hauriendo eam per opera bona, ne plus intrando cumulum faciat, & navem deprimat exhauriendo, quotidie je junando, operando, eleemosynas faci­endo, dicendo puro corde, Dimitte nobis debita nostra, sicut & nos dimittimus debitoribus nostris, dicendo ista, ambula securus, & exulta in via, canta in via, noli timere judicem.’

Secundo, haec via, ut ait S. Augustinus eodem Psalmo paulo supra, Christus est; quanto securius cantas in Christo, non habet via ista latronem, &c. Ip­sa cantatio confessio est; confessio peccatorum tuorum, & virtutis Dei, tuam iniquitatem confitere, te accusa, illum glorifica, te reprehende, illum lauda, ut & ipse veniens inveniat te punitorem, & exhibeat se tibi Sal­vatorem tuum. Vides quod ibi S. Augustinus loqui­tur de Christo Salvatore in die judicii.

Tertio, Cum dicit S. Augustinus, Noli timere ju­dicem, loquitur pro altera vita, non pro ista: nam superius dixerat: Gaudeat judicandus qui timuit ju­dicaturum; & sensus est: Noli timere, ne judex tu­us, cum venerit judicaturus, fallatur, ne corrumpa­tur sicut homo mortalis, quia judicat populos in ae­quitate. Audiatur, si placet, ipse S. Augustinus: ‘Ille, cum venerit, populos in aequitate judicabit, quid ibi valebit calliditas accusatoris ubi est testis conscientia? ubi tu eris & causa tua? ubi Judex non quaerit testem? advocatum misit tibi, propter il­lum & per illum confitere, age causam tuam, & de­fensor est poenitentis, & peritor veniae confiten­tis, & judex innocentis: vere timere poteris cau­sam tuam ubi advocatus tuus erit judex tuus. Laeten­tur ergo & exultent gentes, quoniam judicas popu­los in aequitate, sed timere poterunt ne male ju­dicentur? [Page 121] dent se corrigendos, ei qui videt judi­candos; hic corrigantur, & non timeant cum judicantut.’

Quibus ita deductis, nonne luce clarius est hanc esse mentem S. Augustini in hac oratione ad fide­lem & justum, si ambulas in via, id est; in Christo, si exultas in illo, facies opera bona, si sollicitus es quotidie sentinam exhaurire, id est, levia pec­cata quae irrepunt redimere jejunando, orando, eleemosynam dando, noli timere de tuo Judice ac­si corrumpi posset aut falli, imo gaude & exulta quia reperies Judicem qui judicabit populos in ae­quitate, qui tunc Salvator tuus erit, quia tui ipsius fuisti punitor. Nam si, cum esses impius, quae­sivit te ut redimiret, redemptum non deseret ut perdat, id est, non te deseret aut trader adve [...]sario tuo & accusatori ut pereas. Quid enim ibi valebit calliditas accusatoris?

Verum ex his verbis colligere, Homini justo quamdiu degit in corpore mortis hujus, non esse quod timeat ne desereatur a Deo & inferatur in tentationem, quis hoc ferat? quae Catholicorum aures id sine zelo & indignatione audire possunt? & ubi illud Pauli, Cum timore & tremore salutem ve­stram operamini? Deus enim est qui operatur in vobis velle & perficere pro bona voluntate. Et illud D. Le­onis Magni: Et haec est Sanctis causa metuendi atque tremendi, ne ipsis operibus pietatis elati, dese­rantur ope gratiae, & relinquantur in infirmitate naturae.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[LIV. Testimonium.]

In Psalm 83.

TAnta dat & malis, & tibi nihil servat? fal­sum est quod tibi promittit? servat, securus esto, qui tni misertus est cum esses impius, deseret te cum factus es pius? qui peccatori donavit mortem Filii sui, quid servat salvo per mortem Filii sui? Tene debito­rem quia credidisti in promissorem. Dominus non priva­bit bonis ambulantes in innocentia.

RESPONSIO.

SEnsus est, non te deseret sine mercede quam pro­misit. Cum enim peccent omnes qui peccant propter bona temporalia vel adipiscenda vel reti­nenda, vult eos S. Augustinus ab hac iniquitate dehortari spe praestantiorum bonorum quae repro­misit Deus diligentibus se. Et quae sunt illa bona? ‘requies, immortalitas, aeternitas, impassibilitas, ipsa sunt bona quae servat Deus fidelibus suis.’ Et paulo infra: Tanta dat & malis, & tibi nihil ser­vat? falsum est quod tibi promisit? servat, securus esto; qui misertus tui cum esses impius, deseret te cum factus es pius? qui peccatori donavit mortem Filii sui, quid servat salvato per mortem filii sui? tene debitorem, qui credisti in promissorem.

Quis post haec verba dubitare poterit, S. Augusti­num cum dicit Deum non desertutum hominem qui factus est pius, loqui, non de desertione auxilii ad per­severandum in hac vita, sed mercedis in altera? I. Quia haec verba sibi proponit explicanda, Non pri­vabit bonis eos qui ambulant in innocentia. Unde concludit: Quod si Deus tanta dat bona malis, quanta servabit bonis? atqui verbum servare desig­nat alteram vitam. II. Quia ista bona, sunt im­mortalitas, aeternitas, &c. quae sunt bona alterius vitae, non istius. III. Quia vult S. Augustinus hominem esse securum quod Deus illum non dese­ret, quia homo habet illum promissorem: atqui Deus promisit bona aeterna ambulantibus in inno­centia, sed nulli promisit perseverantiam usque in finem. Ideoque secundum Concilium Tridentinum nemo sibi hoc singulare donum certo debet pollice­ri, nec in hoc tentationis loco degere securus: Et quidem si homo debet esse securus se a Deo num­quam deserendum auxilio sibi necessario ad perseve­randum in innocenti [...], cur igitur rogat Deum ut ab illo non deseratur? cur dicit cum Propheta, Non me d [...]relinquas usquequaque, id est, ut interpre­tatur Augustinus, si dereliquisti, ut sine adjutorio tuo infirmus appaream, noli usquequaque, ne pe­ream?

Cur dicit cum eodem Propheta, Ne repellas me a mandatis tuis? Quid en [...]m est a Deo repelli, ait S. Augustinus, nisi non adjuvari? mandatis quippe ejm rectis & arduis humana non contemperatur infir­mitas, nisi praeveniens ejus adjuvet ca [...]itas. Quos autem non adjuvat, hos merito videtur repellere, tam­quam flammea framea prohibeantur indignine manum extendant ad arborem vitae; quis est autem dignus ex quo peccatum intravit in mundum, & per peccatum mors, & ita in omnes homines mors pertransit in quo omnes peccaverunt? sed indebita m [...]sericordia sana­tur debita nostra miseria.

Quam multa & praeclara hic docentur ab Au­gustino!

I. Repelli homines a mandatis Dei cum non adju­vantur.

II. Quosdam adjuvari, quosdam non adjuvari.

III. Neminem etiam justum (nam justorum est ista vox, Ne repellas me a mandatis tuis) dignum esse qui adjuvetur ex quo periit in Adam.

IV. Cum adjuvatur, per indebitam gratiam & misericordiam adjuvari, & ei propter ea hanc gra­tiam & misericordiam jugiter esse implorandam, dicendo cum Propheta, Ne repellas me a manda­tis tuis. Quid autum stultius quam orare Deum ne faciat quod numquam facit nec ex justitia facere posset?

Quod ergo anima Christiana confidens promissis Dei secura sit se numquam, si in innocentia ambu­let, deserendam a Deo, nec privandam bonis quae Deus promisit & servat iis qui ambulant in innocen­tia, nihil sanctius, nihil Deo gratius; quod vero secura sit, se numquam a Deo deserendam illo ad­jutorio sine quo non potest ambulare in innocentia usque in finem, absit a cordibus Christianis ista prae­sumptio & securitas damnata etiam in Concilio Tri­dentino, sess. 6. cap. 13. & can. 16. & 22.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[LV. Testimonium.]

In Psalm 84.

QƲam certa, quam firma promissione servat ju­stis vitam suam, qui injustis donavit mortem suam!

RESPONSIO.

HAec verba non reperiuntur apud S. Augustinum in Psalmum praedictum, sed in Psalm. 85. Quod ibi dicit S. Augustin. nihil omnino ad propo­situm: loquitur enim de vita beata, quam servat justis in praedestinatione sua, & cujus pignus vo­luit esse vitam & sanguinem suum. Haec sunt ver­ba S. Augustini in Psalmo superiori: Ille quippe sponsus dans arras sponsae suae sanguinem suum & spi­ritum suum, quo locupletavit nos interim in ista pere­grinatione, adhuc tamen servat nobis divitias suas; unde enim tale pignus dedit? quid est quod servat? Et post pauca: Ibi ergo Propheta videbat futura, nobis jam vero facta in illius providentia & praedesti­natione certissima. Verum quid haec ad gratiam sufficientem?

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[LVI. Testimonium.]

In Psalmum 85.

QƲi praeter viam sunt, Christiani non sunt; aut Catholici nondum sunt, deducuntur ad viam: sed cum perducti fuerint ad viam, & Catholici in Christo facti fuerint, ab ipso deducuntur in ipsa via ne cadant: certe jam ambulant in via. Deduc me, Domine, in via tua; certe jam in via tua sum, de­duc me ibi, & ambulabo in veritate tua: deducente te non errabo; si dimiseris, errabo. Ora ergo ut te non dimittat, sed usque in finem deducat, quomodo deducit semper movendo, semper dando tibi manum suam.

RESPONSIO.

I. FAlsitas est in citatione. Non enim dicit S. Au­gustinus, deducuntur, sed deducantur; aliud estautum dicere, cum homines Christiani facti sunt, deducuntur a Deo in via salutis: aliud dicere, de­ducantur; quia, ut subjungit Augustinus, nisi Deus deducat, ipsi cadunt.

II. Non continuate legendum, quomodo de­ducit semper monendo, semper dando tibi manum suam. Sed per interrogationem: quomodo dedu­cit? cui respondet semper monendo, semper dan­do tibi manum suam. Non ergo vult S. Augustinus Deum quemlibet Christianum deducere, quia, ut colligitur ex ejus verbis, si semper deduceret omnem justum, nullus justus aberraret; dicit enim David, Deduc me Domine, in via tua, & ingrediar in veritate tua; cum justus deducitur, semper ingreditur & ambu­lat; sed tantum docet S. Augustinus hoc modo Deum justos deducere, semper illis dando manum suam, quia si tantisper manum subtrahit & avertit faciem suam, non deducit sed dimittit. Quid ergo in his vetbis pro sententia adversariorum, imo vero quid ipsis magis contrarium ab ipsis poterat proferri?

I. enim dicit Sanctus Augustinus, deducente te non errabo; ergo qui errant non deducuntur, & ta­men volunt adversarii probare ex S. Augustino illos deduci.

II. Subjungit, Sidimiseris, errabo; unde con­cludit & oratione opus esse ut Deus non deserat. Igitur qui non orant, deseruntur: quod si ex eo quod S. Augustinus dicit Deum esse orandum ne di­mittat sed deducat, inferant advesarii, ergo omnes habet gratiam orandi; idem est acsi diceretur, Per­severandum est usque in finem ut salvus fias, ergo omnes habent gratiam perseverandi; vel si dicere­tur, Credendum est in Christum, & agenda poeni­tentia ut peccata remittantur, ergo omnes habent gratiam fidei & poenitentiae. Ecce validissima Mo­linistarum argumenta, ecce illorum obliquae con­sequentiae!

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[LVII. Testimonium]

In Psalm 86.

FIlius Dei pro nobis mortuus est, securus esto [...]; accepturum te vitam ipsius, qui pignus habes mortem ipsius; pro quibus enim mortuus est Christus? nunquid pro justis? Paulum interroga: Etenim Christus pro impius mortuus est; impius eras, & mortuus est pro te; justificatus es, & deseret te? qui justificavit impium, relinquet pium?

RESPONSIO.

I. NE minimum quidem verbum hujus Objectio­nis loco citato.

II. Quantum ad mortem Christi, quemadmo­dum dicebat olim S. Augustinus * , Omnis qui Chri­sti sanguine redemptus est, homo est; non tamen om­nis qui homo est, etiam Christi sanguine redemptus est. Ita dicimus quod omnis qui Christi sanguine re­demptus est, primum impius est, non tamen om­nis impius etiam sanguine Christi redemptus est; non enim mortuus est Christus pro omnibus impiis, eo scilicet sensu, ut absolute voluerit singulos mor­tis suae participes fieri, & mortem suam illis applica­ri; neque enim omnibus infidelibus per ipsius mor­tem donatur gratia fidei, sicut nec singulis fidelibus vel justis donatur gratia perseverantiae in fide vel justitia.

III. Quod spectat ad haec verba quae subjungit S. Augustinus: Justificatus es, & deseret te? lo­quitur de desertione mercedis, ita ut deserat justum sine mercede, nulla habita ratione bonorum ope­rum ejus; qui sensus confirmatur ex praecedentibus verbis citatis: Securus esto percepturum te vitam ip­sius qui pignus habes mortem ipsius.

IV. Si contendant adversarii & probare possint S. Augustinum loqui de desertione quantum ad vi­tam aeternam, & media ad illam consequendam necessaria. Respondemus juxta ipsius mentem & principia, eum loqui de justificato pro cujus salute aeterna Christus mortuus est; quamvis enim mor­tuus sit et etiam pro justis reprobis ad temporales quosdam divinae gratiae effectus, non tamen ad obti­nendam pro eis perseverantiam in justitia & vitam aeternam; alioquin, vel hanc gratiam & salutem sicut alii qui electi sunt, recepissent, vel oratio Christi pro illi [...] fuisset inanis: quod impium est tan­tummodo cogitare.

Hanc autem explicationem libet confirmare ip­sismet Sancti Augustini verbis lib. 22. de Civit. [Page 123] cap. 24. Quid dabit eis quos praedestinavit ad vitam, qui haec dedit etiam eis quos praedestinavit ad mortem? quae bona in illa beata vita faciet eos sumere, pro qui­bus in hac miseria unigenitum Filium suum voluit us­que ad mortem tanta mala perferre? Ʋnde Apostolus de ipsis in illud regnum praedestinatis loquens, Qui proprio, inquit, Filio non pep [...]rcit, sed pro nobis omni­bus tradidit eum, quomodo non etiam cum illo omnia nobis d [...]nabit? cum haec promissio complebitur, quid erimus? quales erimus? quae bona in illo regno accep­turi sumus? quandoquidem Christo moriente pro no­bis tale jam pignus accepimus? Ubi vides Sanctum Augustinum ita intelligere haec verba de electis, ut tamen & seipsum & fideles omnes inter electos computet & recenseat.

Sanctum Augustinum secutus celebris ille Scrip­turarum interpres magnus Estius in haec eadem Pauli verba: Qui proprio filio non pepercit, quomodo non etiam cum illo omnia nobis donabit? Colligit, inquit, Apostolas argumento a majori Deum certissime lar­giturum nobis, id est, electis, bona jam enumerata, gratiae scilicet & gloriae; qui enim Filio suo, quo ni­hil habet carius, non pepercit, sed pro salute nostra impendit, tradens eum pro nobis omnibus in mortem, certe nec caetera d na ad salutem necessaria, nec ipsam denique salutem est negaturus; hoc de electis interpre­tatur S. Augustinus lib. 22. de Civit. cap. 24. & a­libi, quamquam id per se clarum est, ex eo maxime quod sequi ur, Quis accusabit adversus electos Dei?

Et paulo supra in illa verba, Si Deus pro nobis, quis contra nos? dicitur hoc in persona electorum seu praedestinatorum, de quibus jam locutus fuerat, quo­rum in persona etiam sequentia dicuntur; quatenm er­go quisque fidelium confidere potest ac debet se esse e nu­mero electorum, ea ratione sententiam hanc cum iis quae sequuntur, potest ac debet sibimet applicare.

Vides, lector, quomodo hac solida hujus loci interpretatione pateat vanitas omnium argumento­rum quae adversarii ex testimoniis Augustini dedu­cunt, in quibus ille Sanctus Doctor animat fideles ad spem & fiduciam promissorum Dei, eosque vult esse securos de Dei protectione & charitate, cujus pignus mortem unigeniti filii sui acceperunt.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[LVIII. Testimonium.]

In Psalmum 87. in hunc versum: Et ipsi expul­si sunt de manu tua.

JD est, cum ab eis factus sum, ipsi expulsi sunt de manu tua, ipsi adjutorio manus tuae privati sunt, qui me sine adjutorio esse putaverunt: fo­derunt enim, sicut dicit in alio Psalmo, ante fa­ciem meam foveam, & inciderunt in eam; me­lius enim sic intelligendum existimo, quam ut id quod dictum est, & ipsi expulsi sunt de manu tua, ad illos referatur dormientes in sepulchro, quo­rum non meminit adhuc, ut resurgant; de his ta­men dictum est Sapientiae 3. Justorum animae in manu Dei sunt, hoc est, habitant in adjutorio Altissimi, & in protectione Dei caeli commoran­tur, Psalm 90. Ibi vide plura.

RESPONSIO.

QUis non videat quantum adversarii bonis pro­bationibus indigeant ad suam sententiam con­firmandam, cum tam invalidas & nec ad rem per­tinentes accumulent? quid enim in hoc toto San­cti Augustini Sermone pro gratia sufficiente, vel omnibus vel fidelibus donata? siquidem

In prima parte hujus testimonii dicit Sanctus Au­gustinus Judaeos repulsos fuisse a manu, & adjutorio Dei, qui Christum occidendo, eum sine adjutorio Dei esse putaverunt. Illi, inquit, expulsi sunt de manu Dei, qui Dominum Jesum Christum de manu ejus expulsum esse crediderunt, quia eum inter ini­quos d putatum occidere potuerunt.

In altera parte, ubi citavit hunc Sapientiae lo­cum, Justorum nimae in manu Dei sunt, &c. loqui­tur S. Augustinus, sicut & Sapiens, de animabus Sanctorum qui cum pietate decesserunt, ita ut sit sensus, Cum inter dormientes in sepu chris sint ju­sti quidam quorum licet nondum meminerit Deus ut resurgant, de his tamen dictum est, Justorum animae in manu Dei sunt, hoc est, habitant in adju­torio Altissimi, & in protectione Dei caeli commoran­tur. Quomodo enim animae Sanctorum non erant in manu Dei, si vel capillus de capite eorum non peribit?

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[LIX. Testimonium.]

Libro de corr. & grat. cap. 7.

QUoniam potest dici homini, in eo quod audie­ras & tenueras, perseverares si velles; nullo modo autem dici potest, id quod non audieras cre­deres si velles.

NOTA, de justo sermonem esse, in cujus ar­bitrio esse dicitur, ut si velit perseverare possit, quia nonnisi volenti Deumque deserenti gratia de­negatur: Deus autem ex se gratiam ad perseve­randum ad singulos actus semper dare paratus est, ideoque in eo non sit par ratio justi perseverare volentis, cui Dei pro certo illi auxilium danti proxima ad singula praecepta, quae ad perseveran­dum occurrunt, potestas inest, cum homini infideli eadem proxima potestas non adsit ut Evangelio sibi nondum praedicato assentiatur.

RESPONSIO.

I. SI quid probaret hic locus, probaret gratiam Christi libero justi arbitrio subjectam esse ad perseverandum seu in oratione, seu in operatione, atque ex nota & ratiocinatione Adversariorum il­lud sequitur.

II. Si locus non truncatus, sed integer referre­tur, sola illius lectione agnosceretur, illum sco­po adversariorum nequaquam favere, neque ibi adstrui gratiam perseverandi justis omnibus semper dari pro nutu voluntatis eorum: Sic enim Sanctus Aug. loquitur: ‘Si ab hac damnatione non se libera­bunt qui poterunt dicere, non se audisse Evangeli­um Christi, cum fides ex auditu sit: quanto mi­nus se liberabunt qui dicturi sunt, perseverantiam [Page 124] non accepimus? Justior enim videtur excusatio dicentium, Non accepimus audientiam, quam dicentium, Non accepimus perseverantiam, quo­niam potest dici: homo, in eo quod audieras & te­nueras, in eo perseverares si velles: nullo modo autem dici potest, id quod non audieras crederes si velles.’ Sed nullus vult perseverare nisi in quo Deus per donum perseverantiae operatur istud velle: unde his verbis S. Augustinus tantum ostendit, ju­stiorem videri querelam dicentium, Non audivimus Evangelium, quam dicentium, Non accepimus perseverantiam; licet enim vere hic perseverare non possit, sicut ille credere non potest, tamen quod hic non perseverat, ex mala voluntate profi­ciscitur, unde recte illi dicitur, perseverares si vel­les, id est, nisi bonum quod tenueras, per malam tuam voluntatem relinqueres. Alteri autem dici non potest, crederes si velles, cum nullus, eriam si velit, credere possit ea de quibus nihil audivit. Haec est hujus loci expositio.

Quod vero Sanctus ille Doctor nunquam sense­rit, nec dixerit gratiam perseverandi justis omni­bus semper dari, qua pro nutu suae voluntatis utan­tur seu possint uti vel non uti; tam certis argumen­tis ex hoc libro desumptis demonstrari potest, ut cum qui id vel in dubium revocaverit, hunc librum non legisse necesse sit. Ex multis aliqua solum pro­ponimus; hoc enim fusius a nobis hic tractandum non est, cum jam satis testimonium objectum ex­po suerimus, illudque nullo modo adversariis fave­re ostenderimus.

I. Itaque hoc probatur ex discrimine duplicis adjutorii, naturae sanae & integrae, quod hoc libro cap. 11. ex professo & plene exponitur, siquidem unum dat posse perseverare si velis, nec efficit ut velis; aliud dat non solum posse perseverare si ve­lis, sed etiam effitit ut velis. Gratia primi ho­minis est adjutorium sine quo non fit: gratia vero secundi hom nis ad singulos pietatis actus necessaria est adjutorium sine quo non fit, & quo fit, quod indeclinabiliter, insuperabiliter; invictissime vo­luntatem ad agendum agit. Cum ergo S. Augusti­nus dicit justum perseveraturum esse si vellet, id non intelligit eo sensu, ut habeat gratiam sibi reli­ctam, qua si vult perseverat, & qua non efficitur ut velit, quia tale adjutorium non esset hominis per peccatum infirmi, sed integri; non esset gra­tia Christi Salvatoris, sed Dei Creatoris.

II. S. Augustinus cap. 12. docet justum post na­turam lapsam perseverare non posse, nisi illi per­severantia donetur, per quam nonnisi perseverans est. Nunc vero, inquit, Sanctis in Regnum Dei per gratiam praedestinatis non tantum tale adjutorium perseverantiae datur, sed tale ut eis perseverantia ip­sa donetur, non solum ut sine isto dono perseverantes esse non possint, verùm etiam ut per hoc donum nonni­si perseverantes sint. Ex hoc quaerimus an justis omnibus haec perseverandi gratia donetur? Respon­deri non potest affirmative, quia justi omnes per­severarent, siquidem haec gratia talis est, ut justi per illam nonnisi perseverantes sint. An ergo isti quibus eadem gratia non datur, perseverarent si vellent, adeo ut in eorum nutu sit perseverare? nec etiam hoc dici potest; alias haec perseverantiae gratia ad perseverandum necessaria non esset, quod S. Augustino repugnat, docenti hoc donum tale esse, ut sine isto perseverantes esse non possint. Quare & eodem capite asserit gratiam ad perseve­randum necessariam talem esse, ut simul perseveran­di & possibilitatem & voluntatem donet. Ʋt quo­niam, inquit, non perseverabunt nisi & possint & ve­lint, perseverandi eis possibilitas & voluntas divinae gratiae largitate donetur. Ergo justi qui non perse­verant, non acceperunt gratiam, nec qua pro nutu suo, seu si velint, perseverent, nec qua perseverare possint.

Denique si in voluntate justorum gratia sibi reli­cta ac semper praesente pro nutu utentium perseve­rare vel non perseverare positum esset, nullum es­set inscrutabile judicium quod ex duobus justis unus perseveraret, & alter non perseveraret; sed illud totum per velle & nolle facillime solveretur. Do­cet autem S. Augustinus toto isto libro hoc esse peni­tus inscrutabile. ‘Hic si a me quaeratur, inquit cap. 8. cur eis Deus perseverantiam non dederit, quibus eam qua Christiane viverent dilectionem dedit? me ignorare respondeo. Non enim arroganter, sed agnoscens modulum meum audio dicentem A­postolum: O homo! tu quis es qui respondeas Deo? & altitudo divitiarum sapientiae & scientiae Dei, quam inscrutabilia sunt judicia ejus, & inve­stigabiles viae ejus. Et paulò infra: Si ergo confi­teris donum Dei esse perseverare in bono usque ad finem, cur hoc donum ille accipiat, ille non accipiat, puto quod mecum patiter nescis, & am­bo hic inscrutabilia judicia Dei penetrate non pos­sumus.’ Et libro de dono perseverantiae cap. 9. docet hoc judicium Dei magis esse inscrutabile circa duos parvulos ac duos impios: Ex duobus autem piis, inquit, cur huic donetur perseverantia usque in finem, illi autem non donetur, inscrutabiliora sunt judicia Dei.

Ex his patet quam alienum sit a S. Augustini sen­tentia in libro de corr. & grat. expressa, ut dicatur docuisse dari semper omnibus justis in justitia per­severandi gratiam, qua pro suo nutu, seu si velint, utantur vel non utantur.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.
[LX. Testimonium.]

Serm. 21. de verbis Domini.

ET ideo unusquisque nostrum, dum licet, & cum Dei adjutorio in potestate nostra consistit, (id est, toto vitae tempore, ut patet ex serie sermo­nis) & peccata vitare, & quod bonum est, exer­cere contende.

RESPONSIO.

ERror est in citatione (istud enim non legitur in sermone citato,) Augustini tamen esse con­cedimus. Sed nihil aliud hoc testimonio significa­tur, quam, dum in hac vita sumus, semper nos per bona opera salvari posse, ut S. Prosper in responsi­one ad sextam objectionem Vincentianam docet his verbis: Hoc inter malos homines distat & daemones, quod hominibus etiam valde malis superest, si Deus misereatur, reconciliatio, daemonibus autem nulla est in aeternum servata conversio.

CONCLUSIO.

EX his facile est intelligere quae sit habenda Moli­nist is fides: quid sperari possit in rebus hu­manis ab hoc hominum genere, qui circa divinas artificio ludunt fallaci & sophistico. Interpretes falsi (ut de veritatis inimicis dicebat olim Cyprianus) 1 extrema ponunt, & superiora praetereunt, partis memores, & partem subdole comprimentes. Divi Au­gustini reprehensores vana objiciunt, recta impug­nant, prava defendunt. Neglectis atque contemptis Augustini libris integris, ubi rem, de qua agitur, data opera tractat, explanat, confirmat, inculcat, quasdam ejus sententias aut ad rem non pertinen­tes, aut dimidiatas, aut aliquando corruptas hinc inde colligunt, ut lectoribus credulis, aut solitae suae versutiae non assuetis fucum faciant. Ecce qui­bus artificiis relatorum ex Augustino testimoniorum interpolatores Doctorem probatissimum suas in par­tes invitum trahunt. Ecce quo candore genuinam ejus mentem exponunt, salutaremque doctrinam inquirunt. Ecce quibus viis perniciosos de gratia ge­nerali Molinistica errores defendunt. Locuti sunt adversum nos lingua dolosa, 2 sed ille nos ab eo­rum insidiis liberabit, qui apprehendit sapientes in a­stutia eorum, & consilium pravorum dissipat. 3 In oppugnandis Augustini Discipulis Molinistae ita se gerunt, quasi persuasum & exploratum habeant fraudibus & calumniis Catholicam fidem expugnari posse. Itane Molinae discipuli existimant in omnibus hominibus intelligentiae caligare obtutum, & a cun­ctis Ecclesiae filiis spiritum scientiae & pietatis absces­sisse, ut non erubescant ingerere se judiciis legenti­um tam inhonesto mendacio? 4 Verum haec iniquae fortassis ipsorum causae tribuenda sunt, miserabiles istos conatus ab ingeniis non contemnendis extorsit dura necessitas. Haec opprobria facere jussit male susceptum patrocinium falsitatis. Erraverunt ab u­tero; locuti sunt falsa. 5 Itaque illos admonemus, ut si deinceps lucidissima & saluberrima scripta San­cti Augustini eo consilio scrutari velint, ut magi­strum optimum atque sapientissimum suis adversari Discipulis, imo sibi ipsi contrarium esse, cum ali­qua veri specie jactitent▪ paululum saltem huma­nae, si non Christianae sinceritatis assumant; vel certe cordatis hominibus persuadeant mendaciis in­digere ac defendi posse veritatem. Alioqui dum he­sterna Ludovici Molinae commenta in antiquissimis & fundatissimis Augustini documentis quaerunt, va­no & poenitendo labore seipsos fatigant, novitatem suam in ipsis visceribus orthodoxae vetustatis inda­gantes.

Quae omnia Sanctae Sedis correctioni ac judicio subjicimus.
Thus sign'd with Paraphs.
  • Natalis de Lalane Doctor Facultatis Parisiensis, Abbas B. Mariae de Valle-crescente.
  • Tussanus des Mares Presbyter Congregationis O­ratorii Domini Jesu.
  • Ludovicus de Saint-Amour in sacra Facultate Pa­risiensi Doctor ac Socius Sorbonicus.
  • Nicolaus Manessier in sacra Facultate Parisiensi Doctor ac Socius Sorbonicus.
  • Ludovicus Angran ejusdem sacrae Facultatis Pari­siensis Licentiatus ac Insignis Ecclesiae Trecensis Ca­nonicus.

Apologetical Memoires in behalf of the Rector, Deanes, Proctors, and Deputies of the Ʋniversity of Paris. [Mention'd Part. 3. Chap. 9.] Against the Enterprise of certain Irish, for the most part Students in the Ʋni­versity.

THough the University of Paris ought to prepare it self to suffer continual per­secutions, so long as its Peace and Liberty are eye-sores to its Enemies: nevertheless the quality of the per­sons lately imploy'd to divide it, is a thing of suf­ficient wonder; and 'twas scarce credible either, that a small number of Irish, circumvented by strange Artifices, could raise against it the Syndic of the Theological Faculty, or that so many Doc­tors could be brought to favour so temerarious an enterprise. But since it findes it self in so deplora­ble a passe, as to be put to uphold its Authority a­gainst its own children, and to render an account of its proceedings, yet it hath this consolation in its disgraces, that if it speaks for its non justificati­on, 'tis before the Parliament of Paris, that is to say, before that August Tribunal which hath for many ages been the protector of its rights, liber­ties and privilidges; and it hath no reason to fear that the Court will account it as a crime, that had a zeal so full of moderation and prudence to repress an Innovation which it could not have suffer'd without conspiring at the same time against the Churches discipline and the Kings Authority. The representation of the matter of Fact without co­lours or artifices will be sufficient to stop the mouths of its adversaries; and being alwayes a cor­dial cherisher and lover of peace, it had rather justi­fy it self before all the world by the innocent force of its reasons, then say all that it might alledge against the violence of its most unjust adversa­ries.

I.
A faithfull Narrative of all that pass'd in reference to a Declaration of the Irish; and of the true motives which induc'd the University of Paris to stop their interprises by an exem­plary Decree.

'TWas not credible that after the Archbishop of Paris, the most August Clergy of France, assembled at Paris a year before, and the famous Faculty of Divinity, forbore upon important rea­son to passe any judgment upon the questions concerning the matter of Grace, any should have with extreme importunities sollicited a Decision of certain Irish students in the University of Paris, as if the doctrine of the Church depended on their judg­ment, or as if this unjust appeal gave them a new jurisdiction.

Neverthelesse the Rector of the University of Paris heard the astonishing newes of such a design. He was inform'd that these Irish, sollicited by cer­tain Ecclesiasticks who are thought to be in some credit at Court, had consulted in several assem­blies held to that end by them, to make some doc­trinal declaration concerning the controverted o­pinions about Grace; and this new project oblig'd him to use all precautions necessary to stop the progresse of it. For which end, having notice of an Assembly then held in the chamber of Nicholas Poetus an Irishman, Batchelor of Divinity and Pro­fessor of Philosophy in the Colledge of Lysieux, and that they were upon the point to determine certain Questions of Grace; he caus'd one of the Beadles of the University to warn them on Febr. 3. to abstain from such kind of Conventicles, and not to presume to pronounce any doctrinal judge­ment.

Their speedy departure from the abovesaid Bat­chelor's chamber seem'd to imply at first that the command was given to obedient persons; but they who inveigled them into the businesse determin'd to effect that with lesse noise which did not succeed in those assemblies; and they run from door to door to get the subscriptions of particular persons to three or foure copies of a Declaration which was presented to them ready drawn, and which con­tain'd a judgment upon the five Propositions touch­ing the matter of Grace.

Such urgent solicitations made to strangers whom their domestical Afflictions reduc'd to many hardships, prevail'd with some of these Irish to hearken to those promis'd them assistance onely up­on this condition; and of twenty six who subscrib'd, there was onely one Doctor of Divinity, two Bat­chelors and two Masters of Arts, all the rest having no rank nor degree in the University of Paris, and some of them having scarce studied Philosophy or Grammar.

The Rector being inform'd of this secret negoti­ation, could not, without betraying his Magistracy, [Page 127] but complain of this enteprise against his authority. He gave notice of it to the Deans of Faculties, and the Procurators of Nations, and the ordinary as­sembly held at his house on Saturday the fourth of March; he represented to them how important it was to hinder such Conventicles from being held in the Colledges of the University, and to punish those who contrary to his expresse prohibitions, and with­out having either authority or degree to passe any Judgment in matters of doctrine, were neverthe­lesse so bold as to pronounce upon Propositions which the Faculty of Divinity had Judg'd expedi­ent not to meddle with, when the same were pre­sented to it in the assembly of the first of July to be examin'd; that the Archbishop of Paris and the whole Clergy of France assembled a year before in that capital City of the Kingdom, had likewise re­fus'd to define any thing upon that matter. He gave them further to understand that this Declaration contain'd things extremely prejudicial to the autho­rity of the University of Paris, and notoriously in­jurious to the rights and priviledges of the King­dome and Gallicane Church. Lastly, he told them that of these Irish he had order'd four who were of the body of the University to appear before the As­sembly, to speak for themselves in the business, and to produce all the Copies of the Declaration by them subscrib'd.

The Deanes of Faculties and Procurators of Na­tions having agreed to hear the Irish before further proceeding, they were call'd into the Assembly, and after the reading of the Declaration to them, they all acknowledg'd that they had subscrib'd the same apart, and without having examin'd it in com­mon; that no copy of the three or four which they had sign'd remain'd in their hand, but they had given one to M. Vincent General of the Priests of the Mission and Principal of the Colledge des Bons-Enfans; that they were ready to revoke their sub­scriptions if the University commanded them; to which also they oblig'd themselves under their hands.

At the same time the Rector produc'd a Petition which had been presented to himself with the Deans of Faculties and Proctors of Nations by the Irish Divines of the University of Paris; who most humbly beseecht them in the name of their whole nation, not to impute to all the body the fault and temerity of certain particular persons, some of whom had been mistaken and understood not the things which they subscrib'd, and others had been seduced by the Adversaries of the University to pre­vent the mischief which some particulars were going to bring upon the whole nation, to keep the bond of fraternal charity from being broken, and that they might not be branded with so shamefull a blot to their reputation, as if they had all consented to the fault of some, who had commited so strange an attempt against the rights of the Gallicane Church and the whole Realm of France.

After the reading of this Petition divers Irish Di­vines were heard, some of whom declar'd that two Jesuites had promis'd to give the Irish a house, if they would subscribe the Declaration; and that they were also put in hopes that some other per­sonage would make a Foundation in their favour, and that Benefices should be given to the Subscri­bers.

All these things being heard & deliberately con­sider'd, the whole Assembly unanimously resolv'd, That it belong'd not to any person to define any thing in matters of doctrine; and consequently that smal number of Irish, who were onely private per­sons, of no authority, and most of them of no note for learning, or any degree in the University of Paris, had committed an action of temerity and in­solence, in that after expresse prohibition given to them by the Rector, they took upon them to passe a doctrinal Judgment, and to decide Questions touching which neither the Faculty of Divinity, nor the Archbishop of Paris, nor the Clergy of France, would define any thing. That upon this account the University condemn'd, abrogated and nullifi'd the said Declaration, Judging the same prejudicial to its Authority [...], contrary to the custome, and rights of the Realm and Gallicane Church; and it also or­dain'd that all the copies that could be found there­of in any place whatever, with the subscriptions of those Irish should be brought to the Rector and can­cell'd: That it depriv'd of all degree, right and priviledg of the University of Paris, those mem­bers of it who had subscrib'd the said Declaration; that it debarr'd the rest from ever receiving any de­gree, and expell'd them out of all its Colledges, if within 8 days next after the signification of this De­cree, they did not under their hand revoke that first subscription, and deliver their Declaration into the hands of the Register of the University; after which time there should not be any hope of pardon for such as should be convicted of contumacy: That it prohibited these Irish and all others in the Uni­versity of Paris to attempt the like projects for the future, under pain of being depriv'd of all degrees, priviledges, rights and Colledges of the same Uni­versite: That this Degree should be forthwith sig­nifi'd to all Principals of Colledges and to all others to whom it might appertain. And accordingly be­ing sign'd by Quintaine Scribe of the University, it was publish'd by the Grand Bedle of the Nation of France.

This so important Decree was afterwards confir­med in the General Assembly held at the Mathu­rins March 21. 'Tis true, M. Hallier Syndic of the Faculty of Divinity, was mighty hot in this as­sembly for the defence of so unjust a cause, being prepossess'd with interest and passion; but because he boasted that he spoke in the name of the Facul­ty who gave him no order, and it belong'd to the Dean, and not to him to be the Mouth of the Fa­culty in this case, as it was ever practis'd in these Assemblies, he was sufficiently convicted of the novelty of his proceeding. Yet above fifty Doctors of the Faculty who were present could not prevail with this Syndic to let the Dean take the voices of the Doctors according to custome. M. Masters who was Dean in this Assembly was also desir'd se­veral times to gather their suffrages. But M. Pe­reyret and some others hinder'd him from doing it. In fine, M. Hallier having clamor'd much that none should speak, receiv'd no other satis­faction from his bustle but the shame of ha­ving had abundance of witnesses of his disor­der.

After this solemn confirmation, 'twas hop'd the Irish would betake themselves to their duty; but being possess'd by other spirits then their own, they [Page 128] were counsell'd to appeal from this Decree to the Parliament, not that they hoped to find any pro­tection to their disobedience there, but only to continue the trouble longer in the University, which is the only aim of those who make them the Instruments of their passion. Wherefore having presented their Petition to the Parliament, the Court retain'd the Cause by Arrest of March 24. which was signifi'd to the Rector on the 29th of the same moneth. But these Irish meaning to testifie that they had as little respect to the Parliament as to the University, took a very strange course, and address'd to the Faculty of Divinity, under pre­text of imploring whose intervention, they de­manded that it would please to judge of their diffe­rence touching the said Decree; as if the Faculty had been a Tribunal Superiour to the University and the Parliament, and as if it had right to judge of a Judgement of the whole University. M. Nicholas Poerus being chosen as the boldest with M. Thomas Medus, brought this Petition to the Faculty of Di­vinity assembled in Sorbonne, April 1. They also presented to it an Original of that Declaration which they had Sign'd, and another Act made by the Irish before a Notary, March 22. viz. after the Confirmation of the Decree made by the University in its General Assembly held at the Mathurines, March 21. Such as had any knowledge of what had pass'd, were surpris'd; when by the reading of this Act, they found that these private persons, instead of revoking their Declaration, confirm'd it by an Act directly contrary to what they had promis'd, and oblig'd themselves under their hands to do, in the Assembly of the fourth of March. And where­as the Declaration begins with a complaint against new Opinions, which it saith are publickly taught by some persons in this unhappy Age; M. de Sainte-Beuve, Doctor of Sorboune, and Professor of Di­vinity, askt Poerus what were those new Opini­ons, and who were the Professors that taught them: But they who had inspir'd this Batchelor with the boldness to come upon the Stage, and kindle the flame of Division, hinder'd him from answer­ing to the Question, and immediately got him a­way; amongst whom M. Hallier forgetting that he was Syndic, to remember only that he was M. Hal­lier, and betraying the honour of his Office for the interest of his person, was so far from seconding M. de Sainte-Beuve's Proposal, that he became of Counsel with Poerus, by an unworthy prevaricati­on, suitable indeed to the shameful manner where­by he enter'd into the Syndical. He gave notice to this Batchelor to withdraw instantly, and said he should answer with advice, respondebit ex consi­lio.

The blindness of this Syndic could not but lead him to greater disorders. He propounded the affair to the Faculty, he mov'd to have it debated, he be­came the Advocate of the Irish, and the Defen­der of their Declaration; He undertakes to make it good in all its points, says they committed no fault in making such a private Declaration, & highly con­demns the Universities Decree: And to citcum­vent the Assembly, he boldly imposes upon it, and affirms, that the said Decree was not confirm'd by any of the Faculties in the Assembly at the Mathu­rines; although M. de Sainte-Beuve being unable to endure such a notorious falshood, declar'd openly, that the Decree was confirm'd there, that he had a Transcript of it in his hand Sign'd by the Register of the University, which he offer'd to read to the Company. And by this artifice M. Hallier, not­withstanding the resistance of a great number of Do­ctors, brought the Conclusion to be, that the Fa­culty disapprov'd the Decree 1 and the consent which his Sub-Dean had given thereunto in the As­sembly of the Rector, if he had given any; ap­prov'd that which M. Hallier had done in the Ge­neral Assembly at the Mathurines, and seconded the Appeal of the Irish: To which Conclusion about forty secular Doctors oppos'd themselves, declaring, that they adher'd to the Rector, and to the Universi­ty, to make good its Decree against those Irish.

Certainly if this Doctor did not take pride in appearing a publick Enemy of the Priviledges of the Theological Faculty of the University of Paris, of the Rights and Safety of the Kingdome, of the Liberties of the Gallicane Church, and of all Eccle­siastical Discipline and Policy, he could not have been carried to such strange excesses, his Society would be in peace, and the tranquillity of the Uni­versity would not be disturb'd by Domestick Divisi­ons.

II.
The Weighty Reasons which engag'd sundry Doctors of the Faculty of Di­vinity not to relinquish the Vniver­sity.

THis affair is none of those which are decided by plurality of voices, for all forms have been violated in it; and upon this account many, and those the most ancient Doctors, viz. MM. Henne­quin, Chastelain, de Mince, Coppin, Dreux, Bache­lier, Brousse, Bourgecis, and above thirty other Secu­lars oppos'd so injust a Conclusion, and declar'd, that they stood for the whole University to make good its Decree against the Irish; in which they had none but just considerations, and most reasona­ble inducements.

I. This Decree was made according to all forms; all Rules of Law were observ'd in it; it was not made but by the advice of the Faculty of Divinity, being presented to the Assembly by M. Hennequin, Sub-Dean thereof, who first gave his suffrage and consent to it; and no body will accuse this Vene­rable Sub-Dean either of impudence or precipita­tion, but such as know not his integrity, wisdome and zeal for preserving the interests of the Faculty. His carriage in this affair is most justifiable, and it may be made appear, that he deserves the general approbation and thanks of the whole Faculty, as he receiv'd the same from all the Doctors, who with the greatest Justice defend the true interests of that [Page 129] Society: And lastly, this Decree was confirm'd in the General Assembly held at the Mathurines, March 21. by the Deans of Superiour Faculties, and Proctors of Nations.

II. Were not the Declaration of the Irish alto­gether illegal, as it is; and were their proceedings as justifiable, as it is unjust and worthy of punish­ment, there would be no need of the Faculties si­ding with those Irish. If it pretended to receive any injury in its rights, it might and ought rather to complain thereof to the University, and for want of satisfaction, to have recourse to the Court. But it not only joyns with the Irish, and so becomes divided both in it self. (inasmuch as so many Do­ctors oppose what it acteth) and from the whole Body of the University; but besides, it passeth Judgement upon a Decree of the whole University, and disapproves it; and this is that which renders its Conclusion perfectly null and abusive, since it hath no Power nor Jurisdiction to disallow the Judge­ment of the University: The Faculty of Divinity is but a Member and part, though the Prime and No­blest of all the whole University; 'tis inferiour thereunto, as a part is to its whole, it hath no right to judge of the Universities Judgement, nor to dis­approve what it doth; it can only oppose it self thereunto, and appeal to the Parliament, or inter­vene in the Cause with Appellants; and it cannot say and pretend, that this Decree is not the Decree of the University, since having been made in all the forms, it was confirm'd in the General Assem­bly of the Mathurines before the Assembly of the Faculty: Nevertheless, in the mean time, the Fa­culty of Divinity parted and divided in it self; pro­nounces that it disapproves this Decree, Inprobat Decretum.

III. It is certain, that when M. Hallier spoke in the General Assembly of the Mathurines in the name of the whole Faculty, without order from it so to do; when he took upon him to be the Spokesman of his Society, in presence of the Deans to whom that right belong'd; and when he refus'd to put to the Question what he had propos'd, and to let the suffrages be gather'd of the Doctors who were pre­sent in that Assembly, and compos'd the Body of the Theologal Faculty: 'Tis certain, I say, that in all this he acted against the Forms and Customes: And therefore how can the Faculty approve what he did in that Assembly contrary to the Rules of the Faculty? 'Tis not then the mind of the Faculty which fram'd this so illegal Conclusion: 'Tis mani­fest, that the Doctors who oppos'd it, are Defenders of the true Interests and Rights of their Society; add that if they are not the most numerous, yet they are the best and soundest part. 'Tis well seen, that M. Hallier could not get such a Conclusion made, without canvasing and intrigue. Four or five Doctors, who took upon them to overrule the Fa­culty, having counsell'd M. Hallier to attempt what he did in the Assembly of the Mathurines against all forms; and having authoris'd him themselves, they got it approv'd by the plurality of voices, how injust and illegal soever it were, and whatever Re­monstrances were made by the Doctors, who in behalf of the Faculty oppos'd this pretended Con­clusion. But how doth the Faculty approve that which M. Hallier did in the Assembly of the Ma­thurines, without knowing what he did? He saith, that not being allow'd to speak in that Assembly, he made an Act before a Notary to oppose the Decree, which Act he ought to have produc'd and shew'd to the Faculty; and the Faculty by the reading there­of have known what he did: All which defects evi­dence, that more care was taken to bring that to pass in the Faculty which had been unsuccessfully a­tempted in the Assembly of the University, then to observe the Laws of the Faculty, and the Rules of Justice.

IV. Is it not further apparent, that M. Hallier the Syndic, and the Doctors who uphold him, vio­lated in this Assembly all forms of right, and the most certain rules of Natural Equity? Is it credi­dible that M. Richard Nugent was suffer'd to be a Judge in this affair? Yet he was present at the de­bate, gave his Opinion, and a long Contest there was about writing down and reckoning his suffrage. Is there any greater Evidence of a Conspiracy, and a­ny less just proceeding, then obstinately to hold him a Judge in his own cause, who was a Witness to the debate which principally concern'd him­self?

V. But there was no cause for the Faculties inter­vening in behalf of its own rights, since the same were no wise injur'd, nei her in respect of the De­cree, which contains nothing but a Regulation of Discipline against those who usurp'd a Doctrinal Judgement, nor in respect of the Doctor com­pris'd in the Decree, since the University hath right to judge as it did, and to decree a penalty against him which was only comminatory. And indeed this Doctor appear'd in the Assembly, was examin'd, and willingly submitted himself under his own hand to the judgement of the University, and was not actually and by name excluded by that Decree from the rights of the Faculty. A second Judgement ought to be pronounced against him, and all the rest, to make them really understand the penalties specifi'd in this Decree; which indeed is rather an exemplary and necessary Regulation for the keeping up of discipline and the Authority Royal, then a punishing of those that transgressed it, since no bo­dy in effect incurr'd any penalty by this Decree, and all might have scap'd only with acknowledging their fault, and submitting themselves, as they pub­lickly promis'd, to what the University should please to ordain. But supposing it had been expedient, for the avoiding of Consequences, to interest the whole Faculty of Divinity upon that Doctors account; was this a sufficient cause for the Faculty to judge of the Decree, and intervene in the affair of the Irish a­gainst the University?

VI. Had there been reason to oppose this De­cree, it ought to have been done in the General As­sembly of the University at the Mathurines; but since no opposition was made there, either from the Faculty or any Doctor, how is it fitting to stir a­gain an affair already judg'd and publickly pass'd by Authentick Confirmation? M. Hallier demanded to speak in the Assembly of the Mathurines, and was interrupted for the reasons above-mention'd; but neither he, nor any other Doctor, publickly op­pos'd the Confirmation of this Decree: M. Hal­lier protested only that he was hinder'd from speak­ing, but no body heard him say, that he oppos'd himself to the Confirmation of the Decree: Nor can it be shew'd that he makes any mention of his [Page 130] opposition in the act of the Confirmation of the Decree. 'Tis well known, that when one makes an opposition and demands an Act of it, 'tis always the custome to grant it to him. He told the Fa­culty that he oppos'd it by an Act before Notaries: but this was not sufficient; he ought to have said publickly in the Assembly of the Mathurines that he oppos'd such confirmation. He was heard to say to Notaries, that he demanded of them an Act, for that he was hinder'd from speaking, but not that he oppos'd the confirmation of the Decree, or demanded an act of such oppposition. And thus the Decree having been confirm'd without publick opposition, from the Faculty, Dean, Syndic, or any other particular Doctor, there was no longer any place for the Faculty to oppose the same afterwards. But had M. Hallier the Syn­dic in that assembly oppos'd the confirmation of the Decree, he ought to have taken the suf­frages of the Doctors then present, who repre­sented the body of the Faculty, to declare the sentence of the Faculty. That was the place and time appointed to debate of this affair; and M. Hallier's obstructing of the debate shews that he apprehended the Faculties unfavorable design, and that it would have confirm'd the De­cree, if it had had the liberty of opining in that Assembly. What violence was not us'd to keep M. Messier then Dean from speaking his advice publickly and intelligibly, and from taking those of the Doctors present, as he was requir'd to do? Things having pass'd thus at the Mathu­rines, either the Faculty then assembled ought to be acccounted to have confirm'd the Decree, or not opposing it in that place, it cannot op­pose the same afterwards. But in brief, the Fa­culty of Divinity being but a part of the Uni­versity, though it had oppos'd this Decree ac­according to forme; yet the same had been con­firm'd by the University, being so by the other Faculties and by the foure Nations.

VII. Lastly, the Doctors opposers are ready to make good to all the world the justice of the De­cree it self, the injustice of the Declaration of the Irish in every thing that it contain'd. Where­as therefore they are perswaded here, and know that the university us'd its own right with extreme moderation and prudence, they cannot consent to this new faction which insensibly tends to the utter ruin of the University. This is what 'tis easy for the University to justifie, and to show that its Decree is most just and moderate, and that the Decla­ration of the Irish is most injust and temera­rious.

III.
The Declaration of the Irish refuted in general, ad the rashnesse and dan­gerous consequence of this enterprise layd open, chiefly as to the dis­cipline of the Church in matter of Doctrine.

NOw to comply with the obstinacy of our Ad­versaries, and consider this affair without respect to the Decree, and its confirmation, and as a thing not already decided; certainly 'tis hard to conceive what those protectors of the worst of causes can reply, when they are shown by most plain and convincing proofes, 1. That the De­claration is a very manifest enterprise of the Irish. 2. That it is unjust and temerarious in every of its parts, and wholly contrary to the liberties of the Gallicane Church, the rights of the Realm, and the safety of the sacred persons of our Kings. 3. That the Rector, Deanes and Proctors had right to vacate it, and punish those exemplarily who were convicted to have subscrib'd it. 4. That having resolv'd to make an example of them, they proceeded therein with so much prudence and moderation, that they cannot be accused either of excesse in their chastisment or of precipitation in their conduct.

To begin with the Declaration, 'tis no Hyper­bole to say that it wounds the peace of the Church, and particularly that of the Faculty; that it is con­trary to Ecclesiastical discipline and policy, and of very dangerous consequence in reference to mat­ters of Doctrine; that it is contrary to the Arrests of the Court of Parliament, and injurious to the Fa­culty in reference to the Five Propositions, which it qualifies as suspected of heresie; that it violates the Arrests of the Court, destroyes the rights of France, ruins Royal and Soveraign Authority in what regards the power of Popes, whose temporal power it establishes ovet things; lastly, that it is a­gainst all kind of formes and equity.

As the University hath neither judg'd nor preten­ded to judge of the matter of doctrine; as it hath said nothing in its Decree concerning the truth or falsehood of the Five Propositions of Grace con­tain'd in the declaration of these Irish; so hath it not any design either of approving or disapproving the same Propositions, whether consider'd in them­selves, or according to the several senses which they admit, But it looks upon them as Proposi­tions, about which there is great contest between Catholick Doctors, and the Faculty thought fit not to pronounce, and of which there hath not been any Judgment of the Church, since they were first set on foot. And indeed were the Propositions re­ally such as the Irish determin them, to wit su­spected of error and heresie, yet their enterprise were intolerable and of very pernicious conse­quence to the Church, because they have made a new Declaration of the points of Doctrine in con­test, and drawn an unreceiv'd and unheard-of Pro­fession [Page 131] of faith, without having any authority in the Church.

I. He must be ignorant of all the Ordinances of the Realm as well as of all the lawes of the Church, who doth not know that it pertaines not to any private person to make private conventicles, where­in to consult about judging of doctrine, drawing declarations of faith, & to cause divers copies of the same to be subscrib'd and put into the hands and dis­posal of others. Yet thus the Irish began their en­terprise. They assembled at the colledge of Lisieux in the chamber of M. Nicholas Poerus, and there re­solv'd upon subscribing the Declaration. This matter of Fact is evident by the signification made to them in the Rector's name by the grand Bedle of the Nation of France. Now the attempt is the more worthy of punishment in that these strangers ought to have had more sense of the hospi­tality given them by France, then to do that amongst us which is not permitted them in any place of the earth.

II. It is not lawfull for any private person to make any new declaration or profession of Faith, nor to subscribe it; otherwise, every one might take the same licence, and take upon them to subscribe such as are contrary one to another. And so the Church would be divided by an infinite number of different professions of Faith, and the particular persons who made them without any Ecclesiastical Autho­rity would wholly extinguish all the marks of the unity of Faith which makes all the Faithfull but one and the same Religious Body.

III. The same course might be practis'd in all sort of matters, and when there is no publick al­lowance to write, or regularly examine, or appear as Divines before the Tribunals of the Church about points of Doctrine contested between Catholick Doctors, the weakest in knowledge but strongest in intrigues and credit, might have recourse to these negotiations of darknesse in order to promote their opinions, and by this means render themselves abso­lute Masters and supreme Judges of Doctrine by making others subscribe the condemnation of what Tenets themselves dislike. They who hold a doctrine most complying and favorable to the genius of the world and humane interests, will take this course to authorise their sentiments to enervate the vigor of Ecclesiastical discipline, and to corrupt the purity of manners in Christianity. They likewise whose hearts are envenom'd against the temporal power of our Kings, and burn with continual desire to sub­ject their Crowns to the temporal power of the su­preme Pontifs, will have recourse to this artifice for the upholding of a doctrine which they cannot re­tract; & the antient sentiments of the University and Faculty of Divinity shall be betray'd by the iniqui­ty of this practice. The bare description of this pro­ceeding is sufficient to display the injustice and per­nicious consequence of it.

IV. 'Tis easy to verify that most part of those who subscrib'd are utterly ignorant in the matters whereof they judge. Of twenty seven, one and twenty have neither title nor degree in the Uni­versity; and of these 21 there are 12 students in Divinity, and 7 students in Philosophy; the five rest are two Batchelors and two Masters of Arts; who indeed have been examin'd for the Degree of Batchelor but never kept their Act; and there is but one single Doctor of the Faculty of Paris, M. Richard Newgent. What Ecclesiastick, how ig­norant soever, will not undertake to make the like Declarations in all matters of Doctrine, whether in reference to faith or manners, if this enterprise be suffer'd and not exemplarily punisht in these Irish Scholers?

IV.
The Declaration of the Irish particular­ly examin'd, chiefly in what relates to the power of Kings.

I. WE may see by the bare reading of this Wri­ting that 'tis a forme of Profession of Faith and a doctrinal Declaration; and should we go no further then the preface, these Irish might seem very considerable persons and of great Authority in the Church. Do but consider this magnificent be­ginning, Cum nova dogmata in his calamitosissimis temporibus a quibusdam doceantur, praedicentur, typis maudentur, &c. Nos infra scripti huic periculo ma­ture pro Viribus occurrere proponentes, &c. Could the H. See or the Archbishop of Paris, the Clergy of France, speak with more authorithy if they were to make decisions? and may it not be said upon considering the style of these Irish, that every one of them is a Pope, or at least a Bishop? Certainly if the Faculty of Paris were oblig'd to give their judg­ment upon these matters, it would use other words, and not these expressions which denote power. Who then can endure that simple scholars should use such strange language? And what is more ridi­culous then the boldnesse wherewith they say they will seasonably remedy the mischiefs which appear risen in the Church by the divisions concerning the matter of Grace? Do's it belong to students of Philosophy and Divinity to judge and pronounce, that new doctrines are taught in the University of Paris? to judge of Professors of Divinity who are their Masters? and do they know what a new doctrine is?

II. What may we expect from a Preface which denotes so great knowledg and authority, and in what manner will these Irish pronounce? They pronounce as persons that intended to make decisi­ons. Firmiter statuimus (say they) promittimus­que; we ordain and promise. Who can suffer so manifest an insolence of this small number of pri­vate persons, who having neither authority nor de­gree, forbear not to speak like Oracles in matters of Divinity? Who can but disapprove the temerity which leads them to make a common resolution upon points of doctrine? In brief, who could have imagin'd that persons of this conditions durst have subscrib'd the forme of a Profession of faith wholly new and unheard of hitherto in the Church?

III. But what do these Irish promise in such magnificent termes? Promittimus (say they) nos semper adhaesuro omnibus Decretis ac Censuris sum­morum Pontificum. To speak truth, this promise is nothing else but a Threat to all France, and an act of hostility against the rights of the Crown. But let us not lay the blame upon these scholars, [Page 132] who no doubt had not malignity enough to frame such a dangerous Conspiracy of their own heads. And since this is the stone of stumbling; let us not fear to say, that they who contriv'd this Declarati­on, had a direct design to wound the Rights of the Gallicane Church, to do an outrage to the Royal Power, to despise the Arrests of Parliament, and to trample upon the Censures of the University and Faculty of Divinity, especially the last which was made against the pernicious Doctrine of San­ctarel. For besides the general terms omnibus De­cretis, they have explain'd themselves more fully, in this manner; Insuper promittimus nunquam nos ex animi sententia privatam aut publice def [...]nsuros, &c. ullas Propositiones de err [...]re aut haeresi suspe­ctas, AUT QUOMODOLIBET A QUOVIS SUMMO PONTIFICE DAMNATAS. Behold the poyson and the most dangerous artifice of so black a plot included in these last words! Is it possible to wound the Soveraign Authority of our Kings more openly, or more punctually denote the Bulls and Decrees of some Popes against their Sacred Power? These strangers are made to say, (that so, if possible, all Frenchmen might say the same) that they are contented to resolve and promise perpetual adherence to all Decrees and Censures of Popes: They add, they will never deliberately maintaine, either private­ly or publickly, any doctrine condemn'd by any Pope whatsoever, by any way or manner what­soever, without particularizing the Bulls of Popes; for except particularly specifying the Bulls of Popes against Kings, 'tis impossible to use more express words whereby to denote such as are prejudicial to our Kings, and contrary to the Liberties of France. And the Act in which these Irish are inveigled to declare themselves upon this point, is contriv'd in such sort, that it is no less contrary to the Royal Power then their first Declaration: For in this Act, which begins with Insuper promittimus, they say, that by Propositions condemn'd in what manner soever, and by what Pope soever, they did and do understand such Propositions as have been con­demn'd by any Censure whatsoever. Declaramus nos hic intellexisse & intelligere Propositiones quacun­que censura sive nota haeresios, sive erroris, sive falsi­tatis aut temeritatis damnatas nunquam docturos. And thus their interpretation is rather a new Con­firmation, then a disguizing of their design, or ra­ther of the design of those who are the Authors and Instruments of this whole enterprise; nor do they declare themselves otherwise upon this point in the French Declaration made before Notaries. But should these second Declarations contain a favour­able Interpretation, or even a formal revocation of what they had said in their first, were the De­cree of the University ever the less just? Ought not that to be consider'd which they said in their first Declaration, against which the University made its Decree, which was also confirm'd in the General Assembly of the 21 of March, before this second Declaration was made upon the 22. In which re­gard, the Faculty ought not to have had any consi­deration of these second Declarations, and the same ought not to have been a pretext for it to joyn with the Irish against the University, and disapprove its Decree, supposing it had right and power to judge thereof.

Now if we consider the quality of this enter­prise, we cannot but confess, that the Rector and the University had been culpable, if they had not re­press'd it. Some Irish residing in France, oblig'd by the publick hospitality of this Courteous Nation, and though Strangers, yet admitted to Study with perfect liberty, in the University of Paris, are so presumptuous, as to make Conventicles about points of doctrine and our Religion; They sub­scribe Declarations against the Authority of Kings, the Arrests of Parliament, the Censures of the U­niversity and the Faculty; They approve, ordain by a firm resolution and promise to maintain the Bull of Boniface the VIII. upon which Sanctarel, and all the Sanctarellists, both on this and the other side of the Mountains, chiefly found their pernici­ous doctrine of deposing Kings, disposing of their Kingdoms, and absolving their Subjects from their Oath of Allegiance; insomuch that one of them, Suarez the Jesuite, boldly alledges that Bull as his principal proof of his saying that this doctrine ought to be believ'd as an Article of Faith. These Irish, in general terms without exception, promise to maintain the Bull of Julius 11. against Lewis XII. and John d' Albret King of Navarre, both Predecessors of our most Christian King Lewis XIV. King of France and Navarre; They engage themselves by Oath to defend that Bull, whereby the Kingdome of Navarre hath been usurp'd from its lawful Lord: They oblige themselves to receive that Bull, by which Sixtus V. depriv'd the late King Henry the Great (of glorious memory) of the Kingdome of Navarre, and declar'd the same King, and Henry Prince of Conde, and their Posterity, in­capable of succeeding to the Realm of France, or to any other Principality or Dignity, and absolv'd all their Subjects and Vassals from the Oath of Fi­delity, and all other duty. They determine and promise to adhere inviolably to the Bull in Caena Domini, 1 by which the Appeals, us'd for so ma­ny Ages in this Realm, are expresly condemn'd, and all persons who interpose or favour them, and all Secular Judges who receive and take cognizance of them, are Excommunicated. Now what could the Rector do in this case, when complaints were made to him of this Declaration, and attested Co­pies thereof deliver'd to him by those who had seen the Original and the Subscriptions? Could he be (as he is) the Guardian of the Discipline of the U­niversity of Paris, and Head of that Renowned Body, and remain in silence, the meanest graduate and most careless of all men? Should not he ac­quaint [Page 133] the Deans of Faculties, and Procurators of Nations therewith? But if after he hath done his duty therein, and the deed is evidenc'd by Confes­sion of the Complices, shall the University, which can no longer be ignorant of so dangerous an en­terprise, neglect to repress it by the just severity of its Decree? Shall it not take a course to nullifie such a Declaration, and punish those who subscrib'd it, unless they revoke and renounce it? But if the Rector were capable of so soft and stupid patience, what would the University say? And if the Univer­sity were so regardless of the Rights of the Crown, what would the King, what would the Parliament of Paris say?

IV. If we will go further, and search into the se­cret of this affair, we shall see that none of all these words were inserted without design: To which purpose, consider but what persons they are who have the chief hand in this intrigue. 'Tis plain on one side, that the Jesuites were the promoters of it, and that the Declaration of the Irish was con­triv'd by those Fathers, who always retaining the poyson of their evil Doctrine against Kings, spread the same in all places where they come; and on the other, 'tis as clear, that M. Hallier Syndic of the Faculty was in the plot of this Declaration, since he became the Defender of it, contrary to the duty of his place. And as this Doctor hath sign'd in one of the Commentaries of Corn. a Lapide the Jesuite, the doctrine of Sanctarel, a Jesuite like­wise; so he desists not from those pernicious Te­nets, but favours them upon all occasions in his Signing of Theses. He hugs himself for the publick opposition and reproaches charg'd upon him by some Doctors of the Faculty, because this ren­ders him more considerable in the Court of Rome; and indeed he hath no other aim, both as Syndic, and as Doctor, then to diffuse Sanctarellisme, where he can insinuate it handsomely. 'Tis left to the Par­liaments wisdome to judge, whether it be fit to suffer these Monopolists longer, and whether it be not expedient to inform against the Authors and Complices of this Declaration, that they may be punish'd, as those deserve, who make publick Con­spiracies against the Interests of the Crown.

V. Firmiter Statuimus (say these Irish) pro­mittimusque nos semper adhaesuros omnibus Decretis ac Statutis summorum Pontificum, nominatimque iis quae lata sunt a Pio V. Gregorio XIII. Urbano VIII. & Innocentio X. contra Bain, Jansenium, eo­rumque sequaces. What a bold thing is this, for I­rish Students in the University of Paris to promise by a publick act, that they will adhere particularly to a Bull, contrary to the Liberties of the Gallicane Church, which the Faculty of Divinity would not receive, and which was never Register'd in the Parliament? Is this a fitting course, when legal considerations, and weighty reasons, keep the Ma­gistrates or Universities from receiving some Bull in France? Shall this License be taken to oblige private persons by their Subscriptions to Declarati­ons to receive that as an Authentick Piece which whole Societies have refus'd to admit, not through any aversion to the Church, whose power will al­ways be Sacred to Magistrates and Doctors, but up­on the urgent necessity of withstanding the in­croachments of the Roman Court? What force will the Laws of Realms have? What will the Au­thority of the Parliament serve for? Who will not slight the Resolutions of the University of Paris, and of the Faculty of Divinity, if this way be pra­ctis'd, of Authorizing and causing to be receiv'd into France all sorts of Bulls and Decrees? If we grant impunity to this example, nothing will hin­der, but as much may be done in reference to those Bulls which directly wound the Regal Rights and Authority, and which tend to overthrow the Fun­damental Laws of the Realm. Certainly there is no proceeding more unjust, or which more de­serves to be repress'd by the care of the Magi­strates.

VI. Insuper promittimus (say the Irish) nunquam nos defensuros ullas propositiones de errore aut haere­si suspectas, &c. praesertimque sequentes; 1. Ali­qua Dei Praecepta, &c. We expect that these Scho­lars tell us what Authority, Power or Skill, they think they have to determine so positively, and brand with suspition of Heresie five Propositions, upon which neither the H. See, nor the Clergy of France, nor the Archbishop of Paris, nor the Fa­culty of Divinity, have pass'd any Judgement. When the said five Propositions were propos'd to be examin'd, the Faculty not only refus'd to judge of them, but by common accord and consent con­cluded in the Assembly of December 7. 1649. that it was not necessary to Examination or Judgement of them. And whereas a Writing, under the name of some Doctors, deputed for that purpose, was spread abroad, by which these Propositions were determin'd Erroneous; those very Doctors, who were Commission'd to make their report thereof, being cited to the Parliament, disown'd the publi­cation of that pretended Censure, or that they had qualifi'd the same in that manner, and pass'd their word to do nothing in the business, directly or in­directly, till the Court had taken order in it; which publick Protestation was follow'd with the Arrest of Octob. 5. 1649. forbidding all further proceeding. Now is there any greater boldness then that of these Irish! and must not he have renounc'd all sense of Honour, who can like, that Students of Divinity and Philosophy, determine, condemn and reject these Propositions under their hands, and hold Con­venticles for passing Judgement upon them, though without all examination? When was it ever known that Doctors were silenced, and Scholars allow'd to speak as Judges upon questions important to the whole Church? Did the Faculty resolve to hold its peace for no other end, but that it might give at­tention to the Oracles and Decisions of these Irish?

VII. They will say by the mouths of their Parti­sans, what was said for them in the Assembly of the Faculty by M. Hallier, who defended the Declara­tion of the Irish, in all particulars, together with their manner of proceeding. According to the sub­tilty of this famous Divine, they will say, 'tis a pri­vate Declaration of some particular persons, who promise not to maintain a doctrine which seem'd bad to them, or was represented to them as such; not that they pretend to make any Censure or do­ctrinal Judgement upon it. But this defence is too weak, and there must be something more solid al­ledg'd to cassate a Decree of the University. For it hath been said before, that these Irish cannot speak in that manner, unless they were persons of Authority in the Church. To declare that new do­ctrines [Page 134] are taught, that they have resolv'd forthwith to redresse so dangerous a mischief, to determine Propositions and brand them as suspected of heresy; is not this to passe a doctrinal judgment? whether could the enterprise of these Irish go farther? 'Tis well known that they pretend not to passe a juri­dical censure; nor are they accus'd of so doing; but they are accus'd of making and signing a Doctrinal Declaration, and a new form of profession of faith, without having degrees, authority or skill for that purpose. Now if that reason which they alledge by the mouth of M. Hallier one of their most zeal­ous apologists, were a receivable justification, who might not lawfully do the same? Who might not make doctrinal Declarations in every matter, and professions of faith of a new stamp, in order to get them sign'd by all sort of private persons, Ecclesi­asticks, Laymen, Seculars, Regulars, Learned, igno­rant, men and women? For according to the reasoning of that Syndic, it will be free for every one to declare and signe what he thinks and judgeth upon matters of faith; and 'tis in the liberty of all particular persons to oblige themselves even under their hands to maintain and teach what they think fit, and without countervening the Laws of the Realm and Constitutions of the Church, to make Conventicles and Assemblies in order to league themselves together by the publick confederacy of the same opinions and upon mutual engagement to maintain this doctrine, and to condemn or reject another. And yet they who do thus, need not pretend to make juridical Censures, as Prelates or Faculties do, nor to passe judgments which others are oblig'd to follow. Certainly they who reckon the greatest confusion that can be introduc'd into the Church as to faith an manners and indifferent thing, may an­swer in this manner, and slight all the sad inconveni­ences which are natural sequels of so strange a pro­ceeding. But such as apprehend that this licence would in a little time produce as many different professions of faith as there are persons, cannot ap­prove a course which tends to cause the same mis­chiefs in France in point of Religion which now make England a theater of division and a sink of all heresies and errors imaginable.

VIII. But lastly, 'tis very false, that this De­claration of the Irish is a private one; Cetainly, 'tis as publick as such a thing can be. Six or seven and twenty persons assemble together several times, all signe the same writing, in three or four Copies which they send into all parts. This Wri­ting is so little secret, that it is complain'd of to the Rector. The very persons who sign'd it caus'd divers copies of it to be printed. In fine, the Je­suites, who set a work the chief springs of this en­gine, have already alledg'd it as an authentick piece * in a book publisht April 1. So that if this De­claration be not publick, 'tis hard to say what is. Mean while M. Hallier who saw and knew all this, forbore not to perswade the Faculty that it was onely private; and in stead of considering that were what he said, true; yet being so illegal and injust as it is, it cannot come to publick knowledg without being abolish'd; He hath us'd all his ende­vors to maintain before the whole Assembly of the Faculty so unjustifiable and unreasonable a pre­tension.

V.
That the Rector, Deans of Faculties, and Procurators of Nations had right to pronounce the judgment in this case which they did.

AFter having pretended that the Irish might of their own private authority subscribe a new Declaration of Faith, their partisans had no other expedient to crown so great injustice, but to dis­pute the jurisdiction of the whole University over its own members, and to ravish a right from it which it enjoy'd from its first foundation.

I. But the Parliament of Paris, the perpetual guardian of its priviledges, will not endure that jurisdiction to be question'd which it hath alwaies had of regulating, punishing and correcting those who offend against its constitutions and discipline. This authority hath been preserv'd in it in all reformations from time to time, particularly in the last which was made in the first year of this Century by the authority of that August Senate.

II. If the Gallicane Church be maintain'd in its liberties, 1 'tis the University of Paris which hath alwayes upheld the same amongst other societies. 'Tis well known what important services it per­form'd for it in the time of S. Lewis, 2 what care it took to preserve the exemption from Tenths in France, when Gregory XII. Benedict XIII. and Alexander V. contended for the H. See; how vi­gorously it upheld the cause of all France, under the Pontificate of John XXIII. Moreover the Re­ctor is particularly entrusted to see that nothing be done against the liberties of the same Church, which are nothing else but the common right in which it hath always preserv'd it self, and 'tis founded upon Custome and Arrests for defending the Royal pow­er and Authority. Upon this account he makes complaint to the Parliament, where any Decree of Rome contrary to the liberties of this Church comes to his knowledge. Upon this ancient right was the verification of the Cardinal d' Amboise's Bulls oppos'd by him in the Universities name in full Parliament. And lately complaint being made to that Court by him, of a Decree of the Roman Inquisition publish'd at Paris, the Kings Counsel highly commended him for his good service to the King and Crown.

III. 'Tis certain that the Declaration of the Irish is illegal, contrary to the Policy of the Church, to the discipline and rules of the University; that it violates the peace of the Theological Faculty and the Conclusion which it made not to examin or judge of these Propositions. 'Tis injurious to the Arrests of Parliament, both in reference to the Prohibiti­ons. 'Tis injurious to the Arrests of Parliament, both in reference to the Prohibitions made to the Faculty of doing any thing concerning them, and to the Arrests against Sanctarel and others; and it invades the sacred authority of our Kings and the lawes of the Realm. Whence 'tis manifest that the Rector, Deans and Proctors, had right to cassate [Page 135] the said writings; and since they who subscrib'd it are subject to the Universities discipline, of which they have the honour to be members, it hath right to punish them if they revoke not their signature, to exclude the Scholers out its Colleges and debar them of their degrees; The Doctor amongst them, being a member of the University as well as the rest, is also subject to the jurisdicton of his Mother, as he acknowledg'd by appearing at the Assembly of the University, answering to the Questons propounded to him, and submitting himself under his hand to what the University should ordain. Though indeed his bad example makes him more culpable then the rest.

IV. The Rector and the University having an undoubted jurisdiction in reference to discipline, they might exercise the same in matter purely of discipline. For though the Declaration of the Irish concern matters of doctrine, yet the Univer­sity judg'd of their Fact and their Declaration, with­out out pronouncing upon the doctrine, as it declares by its Decree of May 31. Facile intelligi ex verbis dicti Decreti nihil statutum de veritate aut falsitate quin (que) propositionum in dicta Hibernorum Declaratione contentarum; at (que) in eare DD. Deputatos secutos A­cademiae mentem.

V. Nothing was done in this case, but what was done lately in a like case, without the dislike of any particular person of the University. For M. Francis Veron having libell'd the University, and spoken new injuries viva voce in its Assembly, whether he was cited, M. Godefroy Hermant then Rector, and now Doctor of Sorbonne, concluded by the advice of the Deans and Proctors Sept. 14. 1647. that he should be depriv'd of all degrees, rights, priviledges and prerogatives of the same University, that his Let­ters of Master of Arts should be torn and cancell'd in the General Assembly of the University at the Mathurines. Which was executed without any con­tradiction.

VI. The authority of the University cannot be contested without countervening that solemn Ar­rest given at S. Germanien Laye, July 8. 1651 for maintaining its priviledge in jurisdiction. And as for judging of doctrine, we may say that the cognisance thereof belongs rather to the University then to the Faculty, the former having power to hear witnesses, cite the subscribers, receive their depositi­ons, &c. which the latter cannot practise but with ex­treme difficulties. Besides, all the offenders, except one Doctor, were of the Faculty of Arts; and con­sequently the cognisance of the cause belong'd more particularly to the Rector and Proctors of Nations then to any other.

VII. But the rise and progresse of this affair will manifest the justice of the University. The Rector receiv'd complaints of the Irish Declaration and oft their Conventicles; and thereupon apprehending the pernicious consequences of the same, prohibited the Irish to passe any judgment of doctrine; which most just and easy command they disobey'd, and proceed­ed to sign their Declaration. Notice whereof being given to the Rector together with Copies of it, could he, without betraying his trust, the cause of God, his Church, the King, the Parliament, and also of the Theologal Faculty, look upon this enterprise with in­different eyes, and not remedy such a publick disor­der?

VI.
That the Rector and that University ac­ted herein with much prudence and mo­deration.

THis assertion will easily be manifested by the bare narration of the affair. Notice is given to the Rector, of Assemblies held in the Colledges of the University for making new Declarations about points of doctrine; and particularly of one held at the Chamber of M. Nicholas Poerus. The Rector sends the grand Bedle of the Nation of France thi­ther, to forbid such assembling and declaring. They dissolve, yet afterwise sign their Declaration con­trary to the said expresse prohibition. The Rector is inform'd of this, and a copy of the Declaration brought to him. All this while he remaines very pa­tient, and is lo [...]h to use all his authority, so long as he conceives more gentle wayes may serve. In this spi­rit of moderation and prudence, he sends for the Irish to inquire the truth; in which work he spends almost a whole moneth. He acquaints the cheif of the University with the business, who all agree to check the enterprise and punish this disobedience. At the ordinary Assembly of the University the Irish are interrogated, their depositions writ down: and four or five hours spent in consultation about them. At length after an exact discussion of the affair, all the Deans and Proctors are of advice to make an ex­emplary Decree. In all which proceeding what can the most severe Censors find to reprehend?

They who complain that an affair of this conse­quence is determind in one single assembly, consider not that the Rector was a month in preparing it, and the depositions were all heard, that the fact was evi­dent, as well as the dangerous consequence of it.

But 'twill be said that the Irish submitted to what the University should ordain in reference to their action, and why then should they be punish'd with such severity? These Objectors may be answer'd that 'twas in the power of the Irish to free them­selves from this pretended severity, after they had receiv'd the judgment of it. For being obligd there­by only to revoke their signatures, and no punish­ment inflcted but in case of refusal, let them ac­quit themselves of their promises, and they are sub­ject to no penalty. Now this comminatory punish­ment was only to engage them to performance of their word; and thence forward they could not break it without doubly meriting punishment both for dis­obeying the lawes of the University and violating their promise. But the truth is, they did not submit as they promis'd; but instead thereof recurr'd to the Parliament and the Faculty.

VII.
The Conclusion.

NO doubt the Parliament judges the enterprise of the Irish an insolent action, and the con­spiracy of the Syndic and many Doctors with them against the Rector and the University an effect of blind passion deserving to be repell'd by the publick authority of Justice. If 'tis a crime in the Rector and the University to have perform'd their office, to [Page 136] have had respect for the Arrests of Parliament and lawes of the Realm, to have hinder'd conspirators against the Churches peace and the King's rights, 'tis so goodly a crime, that 'tis honorable to be ac­cus'd of it, and glorious to be punisht for it. But the Court ordains not punishments for actions, which it hath alwayes honour'd with praises; and there's reason to hope, that if it have condemnations to pronounce, 'tis against those who favor an enter­prise wholly unjust, and who tend by this publick division to ruin one of the most ancient works of our Kings, the Mother of all good learning and one of the rarest ornaments of the State and Gallicane Church.

But if they are so in just as to pretend that this De­cree is the cause of all this trouble, let them look back and see whether the University were not in peace before the Doctrinal Declaration of the Irish. The unreasonablenesse of requiring the connivance of the University, as it is sufficiently shown already. They are the authors of the trouble who thus com­plain: But 'tis not credible that the Parliament will countenance their pretences, but authorise a De­cree made for maintainning the discipline of the University, The honour of the Faculty of Divi­nity, the policy of the Church, the Arrests of the Court, the Lawes of the Realm, the power of our Kings, and the safety of their sacred per­sons.

DECLARATIO HIBERNORUM

Juxta Exemplar ab ipsis typis mandatum.

CUm nova dogmata his calamitosissimis tempori­bus a quibusdam doceantur, praedicentur, typis mandentur, in colloquis familiaribus misceantur, & denique quod pejus est, catechismo rudi & incautae plebi proponantur cum summa animorum dissensi­one, periculumque sit, ne aliqui ex Hibernis, qui Parisiis majori numero student, quam in ulla totius orbis civitate, his dogmatibus imbuantur, quae in pa­triam nostram Hiberniam fidei avitaeque Religionis tenacissimam reduces disseminare, ac incautorum animis instillare conarentur, sicque Ecclesiam Hi­bernicam, a centum annis & amplius, haereticorum insultibus ac vehementissimis persecutionibus nimis afflictam, & a decennio crudeli ac periculoso bello agitatam, perturbarent. Nos infra scripti huic pe­riculo mature pro viribus occurrerere proponentes, firmiter statuimus promittimusque nos semper adhae­suros universis Conciliis Oecumenicis, ac praecipue Tridentino, necnon omnibus decretis ac censuris summorum Pontificum, nominatimque iis quae la­ta sunt a Pio V. Gregorio XIII. Urbano VIII. & In­nocentio X. contra Baium, Jansenium, eorumque sequaces. Insuper promittimus, nunquam nos ex animi sententia privatim aut publice defensuros, do­ctutos, praedicaturos, multoque minus catechismo plebi proposituros ullas propositiones de errore aut haeresi suspectas, aut quomodolibet a quovis summo Pontifice damnatas, praesertimque sequentes:

PRIMA PROPOSITIO.

Aliqua Dei praecepta hominibus justis volentibus & conantibus secundum praesentes quas habent vires sunt impossibilia: deest quoque iis gratia qua possibilia fiant.

II.

Interiori gratiae iu statu naturae lapsae nunquam resi­stitur.

III.

Ad merendum & demerendum in statu naturae lapsae non requiritur in homine libertas a necessitate, sed suf­ficit libertas a coactione.

IV.

Semipelagiani admittebant praevenientis gratiae inte­rioris necessitatem ad singulo actus, etiam ad initium fidei: & in hoc erant haeretici, quod vellent eam grati­am talem esse, cui posset humana voluntas resistere vel obtemperare.

V.

Semipelagianorum error est dicere Christum pro omni­bus omnino hominibus mortuum esse, aut sangninem fu­disse.

  • Mauritius Durcanus, Doctor Theologus.
  • Richardus Nugent, sacrae Facultatis Parisiensis Doctor, & Decanus Ecclesiae Cluonensis.
  • Daniel Nune, Doctor Theologus.
  • Nicolaus Poerus, sacrae Facultatis Parisiensis Bac­calaureus, & apud Lexovaeos Philosophiae Professor.
  • Thomos Medus, sacrae Facultatis Parisiensis Bac­calaureus.
  • Dermitius Hederman, sacrae Facultatis Parisiensis Baccalaureus admissus & relatus.
  • Johannes Mollony, sacrae Facultatis Parisiensis Baccalaureus admissus & relatus, nec non Decanus Ecclesiae Metropolitanae Casselensis.
  • Cornelius Fogorty, Protonotarius Apostolicus.
  • Bernardus Cunlevy, Theologus.
  • Carolus Horan. Theologus.
  • Joannes Fleminge, Theologus.
  • Moriatus Obrien, Theologus.
  • Eugenius Okiffe, Theologus.
  • Edmundus Barry, Theologus.
  • Guielmus Quaeleus, Theologus.
  • Philippus Lyen, Theologus.
  • Donatus Horan, Theologus.
  • Joannes Cuollaghan, Theologus.
  • Edvardus Conell, Theologus.
  • Gelasius Omeagher, Theologus.
  • Donatus Falvy, Philosophus.
  • Constantinus Brien, Philosophus.
  • Guillielmus Gallueus, Philosophus.
  • Thomas Laehi, Philosophus.
  • Joannes Bourgo, Philosophus.
  • Doratus Kennedie, Philosophus.
  • Joannes Madden, Philosophus.
Omnes supradicti sunt Sacerdotes, qui Superiori­bus suis tam in spiritualibus quam in temporalibus re­verentiam & obedientiam promittunt.

DECRETUM UNIVERSITATIS

Studii Parisiensis.

ANNO DOMINI millesimo sexcentesimo quinquagesimo primo, die Sabbati quarta Martii in Comitiis ordinariis Universitatis studii Pa­risiensis apud amplissimum Dominum Rectorem in Regia Navarra. Exposuit amplissimus D. Rector, cum sibi renunciatum esset nonnullos Hibernos a paucis mensibus saepe congregari in Collegio Bonorum, ut vocant, Puerorum, Praeside uno ex Missionariis, & eorumdem Hibernorum aliquos nuper inductos in cubiculum Magistri Nicolai Poeri Hiberni Baccalau­rei Theologi & Philosophiae Professoris in Gymna­sio Lexovaeo, ut illic de nonnullis quaestionibus in materia gratiae statuerent; se Rectorem statim illis significasse per unum ex Apparitoribus Univesitatis uti abstinerent ab ejusmodi conventiculis & ab omni judicio doctrinali: Visos quidem illos parere, quia statim discesserint, sed itum paulo post ostiatim ad singulos, & unicuique clanculum proposita tria [...] aut quatuor subsignanda exemplaria Declarationis, cujus hic tenor est: ‘Cum nova irrepserint dogmata quo­rum aliqua publice doceantur, alia colloquiis par­ticularibus misceantur, alia rudi plebi in catechis­mo proponantur imbuenda, & quia periculum est ne aliqui ex Hibernis qui nunc Parisiis student, per­niciosa dogmata loco avitae fidei deferant in patri­am Catholicae Religionis, ex quo semel in ea ince­pit, tenacissimam. Nos infrascripti his malis ma­ture occurrere volentes, firmiter statuimus ac pro­mittimus nos semper adhaesuros Conciliis Oecume­nicis, praesertimque Tridentino, necnon omnibus decretis ac censuris summorum Pontificum, no­minatimque iis quae lata sunt a Pio V. Gregorio XIII. Urbano VIII. & Innocentio X. contra Bai­um, Jansenium, & sequaces eorum. Insuper pro­mittimus, nos nunquam ullas doctrinas de haeresi suspectas & quomodolibet a quocumque summo Pontifice prohibitas defensuros, docturos, praedi­caturos, multoque minus in catechismo plebi pro­posituros, praesertimque sequentes propositiones: I. Aliqua Dei praecepta justis volentibus & conan­tibus secundum praesentes quas habent vires sunt impossibilia: deest quoque eis gratia qua possibilia fiant. II. Interiori gratiae in statu naturae lapsae nun­quam resistitur. III. Ad merendum & demeren­dum in statu naturae lapsae non requiritur in homine libertas a necessitate, sed sufficit libertas a coactio­ne. IV. Semipelagiani admittebant praevenientis gratiae interioris necessitatem ad singulos actus, e­tiam ad initium fidei; & in hoc erant haeretici, quod vellent eam gratiam talem esse, cui posset humana voluntas resistere vel obtemperare. V. Se­mipelagianum est dicere Christum pro omnibus omnino hominibus mortuum esse aut sanguinem fudisse.’ Hibernorum autem praedictorum unum­quemque privatim omni arte sollicitatum ut prae­dictae Declarationi subscriberet, tandemque effe­ctum ut subscripserint aliqui numero circiter vi­ginti sex, quorum unus tantum Doctor erat Theo­logus Parisiensis, duo Baccalaurei, duo Magistri in Artibus, caeteri nullius gradus & nominis in A­cademia, quorum alii vix Philosophiam salutave­rint, alii vix Grammaticam. Ostendit dictus Do­minus Rector quanti intererat Universitatis, arcere a Gymnasiis suis conventicula ejusmodi, atque in eos animadvertere qui contra quam fuerat prohibi­tum in doctrinae causa sine ulla auctoritate statuere ausi sint, praesertim vero de propositionibus in ea Declaratione contentis, de quibus sacra Theologiae Facultas, tametsi deliberationi suae ante octodecim menses propositis, nihil decreverit, neque illu­strissimus Parisiorum Archiepiscopus, neque Augu­stissimus, qui etiamnum Parisiis sedet suaque habet Comitia, Clerus Galliarum, de iisdem propositi­onibus quicquam definierint. Observavit item Do­minus Rector quaedam in praedicta Declaratione contineri, quibus Academiae Parisiensis auctoritas, ac Regni & Ecclesiae Gallicanae jura & privilegia maxime laedi viderentur. Postremo dixit Academi­cos quatuor qui subscripserant, adesse jussos, ut de re tota audirentur, exemplariaque omnia Declara­tionis a se subscripta repraesentarent. PLACUIT i­gitur primum audiri illos; quibus admissis perlecta est praedicta Declaratio, fassique sunt se illi subscrip­sisse privatim & absque ullo praevio examine com­muni, & subscripsisse tribus quidem aut quatuor il­lius exemplaribus, quorum nullum penes se super­esset, sed illorum unum traditum Magistro Vincen­tio a Paulo Missionariorum Generali, & supradicti Collegii Bonorum Puerorum Primario; paratos esse se revocare subscriptionem illam suam, si ita U­niversitati videretur; quae omnia vere a se dici & promitti, adhibito etiam suo syngrapho, confirma­runt. Tum Dominus Rector exhibuit libellum sup­plicem sibi & DD. Decanis & Procuratoribus obla­tum ab aliis Hibernis Academicis Theologis, quo quidem Nationis suae nomine vehementer obtesta­bantur uti ne universae Genti suae imputaretur pau­corum factum & temeritas, quorum alios ob insci­tiam deceptos, alios ab Academiae adversariis sedu­ctos fuisse dicebant; postulabantque ut placeret U­niversitati diligenter occurrere huic paucorum ma­lo, quo quidem charitas fraterna dissolvitur, inu­riturque nota quasi omnes consenserint in pauco­rum istorum culpam, qui contra Ecclesiae Gallicanae & Regni jura id ausi sint. Quo perfecto libello sup­plici auditi-sunt plures Hiberni Theologi, quorum aliqui declararunt Jesuitas duos religiosissime polli­citos fuisse-Hibernis domum, si praedictae Declara­tioni subscriberent, factam etiam spem fundationis ab aliquo alio viro, & Sacerdotiorum seu Benefici­orum Ecclesiasticorum a praedicto Magistro Vincen­tio a, Paulo Missionariorum Generali. QUIBUS omnibus auditis, re in maturam deliberationem vo­cata, CENSUERUNT omnes unanimi consensu, neminem, qui privatae sit auctoritatis, posse in do­ctrinae causa decernere, proptereaque factum esse temere & insolenter ab istis paucis & privatis homi­nibus nullius auctoritatis, & maximam partem nul­lius doctrinae & nullius gradus in Academia, qui contra quam prohibitum illis fuerat ab Amplissimo Domino Rectore, doctrinale sibi judicium arroga­re ausi sint, & de praedictis quaestionibus statuere, de quibus nec sacra Theologiae Facultas, nec il­lustrissimus Parisiorum Archiepiscopus, nec Augu­stissimus Galliarum Clerus quicquam definierint. QUOCIRCA UNIVERSITAS Decla­rationem istam damnat & abrogat, eamque irritam esse vult, & nullam, judicat eam auctoritati suae adversam, ac moribus & juribus Regni [Page 138] & Ecclesiae Gallicanae contrariam, jubetque exem­plaria illius omnia ubicunque subscripta occurrerint ad amplissimum D. Rectorem affe [...]ri & aboleri. A­cademicos qui praedictae Declarationi subscripserunt, omni Academiae gradu, jure & privilegio dejicit: caeteros vero omni spe & aditu graduum excludit, & Gymnasiis omnibus expellit: nisi intra diem octa­vum a significatione hujus Decreti subscriptionem illam suam scripto & syngrapho apud Scribam Uni­versitatis revocaverint, quo exacto tempore nul­lam spem futuram veniae contumacibus. Vetat ne illi aut alii in Academia simile aliquid privata aucto­ritate posthac ullatenus audeant: alioqui certissimam illis ab omnibus Academ [...]ae gradibus, privilegiis, ju­ribus & Gymnas [...]is ejectionem edicit; primo quo­que tempore [...]n ficandum Decrerum hoc censet omnibus Gymnasiarchis & aliis quorum intererit. ET ITA a Domino Rectore concluium fuit.

Sub­scriptum QUINTAINE Scriba Ʋniversitatis.

Acta in Comitiis generalibus Universitatis studii Parisiensis apud Mathurinenses, die 21 Martii.

ANno Domini millesimo sexcentesimo quinqua­gesimo primo, die vigesima prima mensis Martii, alma Universitas studii Parisiensis de manda­to clarissimi Viri M. Joannis Courtin Rectoris am­plissimi hora nona matutina convenit apud Mathuri­nenses. Tum D. Rector apud omnes ejusdem Uni­versitatis Ordines frequentissimos exposuit causam congregationis, nempe supplicationes a se indictas ad S. Medardi pro gratiis immortalibus Deo praepo­tenti agendis, quo quidem Auctore tum haec Urbs, quae a Rege Henrico IV. quondam defecerat, in op­timi Principis ditionem tandem redacta fuit, tum Regiae prosapiae Principes de Conde & de Conty, & Dux de Longue-ville e carcere, in quem conjecti erant, post annum & amplius fuerunt emissi. Prae­terea D. Rector verba fecit de quodam Decreto nu­per facto, nempe die Sabbati quarto Martii anni praesentis in Comitiis ordinariis ejusdem Universita­tis apud Regiam Navarram, adversus quosdam Hi­bernos, qui contra quam prohibitum fuerat ab am­plissimo D. Rectore, doctrinale sibi judicium arro­gare ausi sint, & cum nullius sint auctoritatis, de nonnullis quaestionibus in materia gratiae statuere, de quibus nec sacra Theologiae Facultas, nec illustrissi­mus Parisiorum Archiepiscopus, nec Augustissimus Galliarum Clerus quicquam definierint; quique fir­miter statuerint ac pic [...]serint se semper adhaesuros omnibus Decretis summorum Pontificum; quo quidem Regni & Ecclesiae Gallicanae jura & priv [...]le­gia, atque adeo Curiae Decreta maxime laedi vide­rentur. Insuper Dominus Rector pro more postula­vit rata & grata haberi quaecumque gessit in suo Ma­gistratu amplissimo, literasque commendatitias si­bi decerni, simulque frequentissimum comitatum ad aedem Deo sub invocatione S. Medardi sacram. Denique D. Rector fecit supplicandi potestatem. Tum D. Hallier Doctor & Syndicus sacri Theolo­gorum Ordinis dixit se velle loqui nomine suae Fa­cultatis; sed Doctores plurimi contenderunt hoc ad ipsum non pertinere, nisi ab eadem Facultate ipsi data fuisset loquendi potestas, sed esse Prode­cani qui tum aderat, Doctorum, qui tum Faculta­tem repraesentabant, suffragia colligere, & ex plu­ribus suffragiis concludere: cum vero Syndicus pro­hibuisset contra morem Academiae, quominus res in Doctorum deliberationem adduceretur, Docto­res quominus ipse Facultatis nomine loqueretur, pariter intercesserunt, atque adeo contenderunt ad Decanum, aut ad seniorem, qui vices illius gerit, pertinere, Facultatis sententiam, inito prius consi­lio, referre, nec aliter fieri in generalibus Comitiis Academiae: penes vero D. Hallier esse, quod volu­erit ab Academia privato nomine postulare, cujus rei instrumentum Doctores illi postularunt, sibi quod juris erit & rationis valiturum. Nihilominus DD. Decani superiorum Facultatum & quatuor Na­tionum Procuratores confirmarunt quaecumque ge­sta sunt ab amplissimo D. Rectore, ipsique proinde literas commendatitias decreverunt, & comitatum ad S. Medardi amplissimum. Et ita per D. Recto­rem conclusum fuit Parisiis, anno & die praedictis.

Subscriptum QUINTAINE.

DECRETUM ALTERUM

Ʋniversitatis studii Parisiensis.

ANNO DOMINI millesimo sexcentesimo quinquagesimo primo, die ultima mensis Maii, in Comitiis extraordinariis Universitatis studii Parisiensis per DD. Deputatos congregatae a­pud amplissimum Dominum Rectorem in Regia Navarra: Exposuit amplissimus Dominus Rector e­ditum fuisse libellum ante dies tres, eumque illo ipso die Pentecostes programmate publico tota U­niversitate, quin & urbe tota divulgatum pro tri­viis & compitis, proclamatumque deinde per vi­cos omnes cum hac inscriptione, CONCLUSIO Facultatis Theologicae Parisiensis pro Hibernis, ad­versus Decretum amp. Dom. Rectoris Academiae de die quarta Martii 1651. & Iansenistas. Parisiis a­pud Guillielmum Sassier Typographum Regis via Re­stionum prope Sorbonam ad insigne duorum Turtu­rum, MDCLI. cum privilegio Regis. Quo qui­dem libel [...]o multa continerentur praesenti animad­versione diguissima; verumtamen quia longum es­set deliberare nunc de omnibus, propositurum se tantum aliqua. Primo quid censeant de libelli in­scriptione & de ejusdem programmatis. Secundo nunquid placeat inquiri in auctores. Tertio conti­neri in eo libello expostulationem Nicolai Poeri & Thomae Medi Hibernorum Baccalaureorum in The­ologia, factam in Comitiis sacrae Facultatis The­ologiae anno 1651. die 1 mensis Aprilis, multa de Decreto adversus se lato querentium, obtestanti­umque dictam Facultatem uti de eo judicare velit, & revera de eo judicatum, latamque illo ipso die sententiam a dicta Facultate. Meminerint igitur DD. Deputati Hibernos istos duos auditos fuisse in Comitiis Ordinariis in Regia Navarra die quarta Martii, eosdem illic subscripsisse, paratos esse se renunciare Declarationi suae, si quid deliquisse viderentur: Decreto deinde adversus eos lato provocasse ad Senatum; retentam a Senatu cog­nitionem causae: Id ita significatum sibi Rectori die 29 ejusdem mensis Martii. Videant igitut DD. Deputati an isti Hiberni duo recte & rite querelam & judicium causae deferre postea potue­rint ad dictam Facultatem die 1 Aprilis, & an dicta Facultas certior facta per eosdem Hibernos de ipsorum ad Senatum provocatione, de Decreto cognoscere & judicare potuerit salva Academiae [Page 139] & praesertim Senatus auctoritate. Quarto M. Fran­ciscum Hallier Syndicum dictae Facultatis imposuisse graviter eidem suae Facultati, quia in expostulatio­ne sua dicto libello dontenta leguntur haec illius ver­ba: Ita ut praedictus D. Rector discesserit (ex po­stremis Comitiis generalibus apud Mathurinenses) si­ne confirmatione (dicti Decreti) facta ab ulla genera­lium Comitiorum Facultate, Diem crastinum statum diem esse Comitiorum dictae Facultatis. Judicent nunquid videatur e re Academiae dictam Facultatem congregatam de Decreti confirmatione certiorem legitime fieri. Et quia libellus prae se fert privilegium Regis, nunquid illustrissimo Cancellario Galliarum fraus facta, resque illi parum religiose recitata vi­deatur. QUIBUS AUDITIS PLACUIT legi libel­lum totum; quo perlecto agnoverunt DD. Depu­rati ita rem esse plane, quemadmodum amplissimus D. Rector observaverat. Atque ita de omnibus ab eo propositis, CENSUERUNT: circumventam religionem illustrissim. Cancellarii Galliarum: li­belli inscriptionem falsissimam esse & contumelio­sissimam univesrae Academiae Parisiensi: rem esse inauditam & inausam hactenus, violari honorem Academiae injurioso etiam programmate publico; inquirendum in auctores fraudis & injuriae, & ad­versus eos omni jure agendum: Sacrae Facultati Theologiae insigniter impositum a M. Francisco Hal­lier illius Syndico, qui persuaserit Decretum latum adversus Hibernos aliquos a nulla Facultate fuisse confirmatum in postremis Comitiis generalibus ca­pud Mathurinenses die 21. Martii, cum revera con­firmatum fuerit a DD. Decanis superiorum Facul­tatum & quatuor Procuratoribus Nationum: in eo Decreto nihil factum inconsulta dicta Faculiate Theologiae, quia Decreto illi ferendo dicta Facultas affuerit per M. Jacobum Hennequin Prodecanum suum, qui primus sententiam dixerit, primusque consenserit in Decretum: neque propterea convo­candas & consulendas fuisse Facultates & Nationes, quia soli Deputati decernere soleant quando pecca­tur in disciplinam: Declaratione Hibernorum vio­latam disciplinam Academiae, & graviter laesa jura & securitatem Regis & Regni: Facile intelligi ex verbis dicti Decreti nihil statutum de veritate aut falsitate quinque propositionum in dicta Hiberno­rum Declaratione contentarum, atque in ea re DD. Deputatos secutos Academiae mentem: priusquam dictum Decretum ferretur, Hibernos istos duos Ni­colaum Poerum & Thomam Medum auditos fuisse in dictis Comitiis ordinariis in Regia Navarra die 4. Martii, eosdem illic subscripsisse paratos esse se [...]re­nunciare Declarationi illi suae, si quid in ea pecca­visse viderentur; visum fuisse peccasse illos vehe­menter in disciplinam Academiae & in jura Ecclesiae Gallicanae & Regni, proptereaque Decretum ad­versus eos latum fuisse, iisdemque significatum die 21, Martii: provocasse illos ad Senatum, retentam a Senatu cognitionem & definitionem causae 24. Martii; id ita significatum amplissimo D. Rectori 29. ejusdem Martii; proindeque neque istos Hiber­nos duos ab eo tempore querelam & judicium causae deferre potuisse ad dictam Facultatem Theologiae, nec ab eadem Facultate judicium ullum ferri de di­cto Decreto salva Academiae maxime vero Senatus auctoritate. Et ne istorum omnium praetendi post­hac ulla ignoratio possit, crastino die primo Junii qui status est dies Comitiorum dictae Facultatis The­ologiae, significandum Decretum hoc eidem con­gregatae Facultati per Apparitores Universitatis, at­que hujus exemplum palam deponendum apud di­ctam Facultatem una cum exemplo dictae confirma­tionis Decreti lati adverius Hibernos, quod utrum­que exemplum subscriptum fit a M. Nicolao Quin­taine Universitatis Scriba. Atque hoc Decretum pro Gymnasiorum omnium sotibus primo quoque tem­pore affigendum. Et ita a Domino Rectore conclu­sum fuit.

Subscriptum QUINTAINE.
THe foregoing was signifi'd by me Peter le Vasseur (underwritten) Grand Bedle of the Nation of France in the said University, to MM. the Venerable and learned Dean and Doctors of the Sacred Faculty of Theology founded in the said U­niversity, in their Assembly held at the Colledge of Sorbonne, this first day of June, between seven and eight of the clock in the forenoon, 1651. by speaking to the Venerable and Learned M. John Mulot Dean, and M. Francis Hallier Syndic, and divers others in great number assembled, to the end they may not pretend ignorance thereof; and I left them a Copy of the Contents above menti­on'd, and of the present signification. Done in the presence of Peter Portier, Bedle of the Faculty of Canon Law, Lewis de la Roche, Grand Bedle of the Faculty of Physick, John de la Porte, Petty Bedle of the said Nation of France (who have sign'd this present writing) and of other Witnesses. LE VASSEUR, P. PORTIER, L. DE LA RO­CHE, DE LA PORTE.

A Writing of Father Morel (an Augu­stine, Doctor of the Faculty of Paris) full of calumnies against: S. Augu­stin's Disciples, and spread about Rome at the time of his being there in the year 1651.
De controversia inter Jansenistas & Anti-Jansenistas.

SO much of this Writing as is inclosed between two Crochets, [] is the additions which F. Mo­rel made to it, upon his being blam'd of exorbitan­ces in it, by Monsignor Sacrista, according as I have mention'd, Part. 3. Chap. 8.

AB eo momento quo prodiit in lucem liber Ian­senii Episcopi Iprensis pro titulo praeferens Iansenii Augustinus de gratia, &c. velut flammae cine­rum latebris aliquandiu sepultae, facto impetu erupe­runt jamdiu delitescentes praemeditatae factionis ig­nes, ex quorumdam etiam Doctorum Parisiensium & Lovaniensium eadem simul concilia machinantium animis & calamis, qui miserabili successu funesta, quae nunc ardentius flagrant, excitarunt incendia, forsan deinceps non ita facile restinguenda, & quidem ad perstringendam (si possint) S. Sedis auctoritatem, & sanioris doctrinae puritatem cum ipsa maculandam. Adverti enim debet in Gallia & Belgio haeretico­rum radices in ipsos etiam Catholicos aliquem sini­strae in sanctam Sedem propensionis & doctrinae spiritum refundere, unde orti sunt viri politici [Page 140] & partiarii, ex fontibus haereticorum illam odii vel aversionis a summa sanctae Sedis porestate mentem perniciosius ebibentes: inter quos aliqui etiam sunt Facultatum Doctores erga ipsam minus bene affe­cti, qui mediis omnibus nituntur ipsam labefactare. En finis eorum qui Jansenistae appellantur, quia per fas & nefas etiam contra Bullas Pontificias Jansenii dogmata tuentur tanquam obtinendo suo fini aptiora.

Ut vero finem facilius assequi possint, his arti­ficiis utuntur, & imprimis operae pretium aestimant praecipuos sanctae Sedis zelatores tam seculares quam regulares debilitare, ac, si possent, opprimere: quod hujusmodi viri multis modis semper tentarunt, pri­mo aperte conantes Religiosos Mendicantes (quos vocant mancipia Papae, quia Generales eorum sunt Itali & semper in Italia commorantes) ex Universi­tatibus & Facultatibus eliminate, ut debilior sit hoc modo numerus defensorum sanctae Sedis; propterea Richeristae sequaces Richerii qui potestatem Pontifi­ciam impugnavit anno 1626. & novissime anno 1649. currente Jansenistae id sollicitarunt & super hoc Arrestum a Senatu obtinuerunt, ut tantum duo Doctores ex singulis Ordinibus Mendicantium vo­tum habeant in Comitiis Facultatis Parisiensis. Se­cundo, Quia per vim id obtinere non potuerunt propter generosam & nunquam satis laudandam DD. Doctorum secularium erga sanctam Sedem bene affectorum etiam adversus Senatus-placita re­sistentiam, ideo secretioribus viis & diabolicam in­tentionem magis apte dissimulantibus id moliti sunt, videlicet scriptis impugnando communes aliorum Doctorum & Regularium sanctae Sedis addictorum sententias, & selegerunt materiam de gratia & prae­destinatione, utpote implicandis animis commodio­rem, quas vulgo persuadere volunt esse sanctis Pa­tribus contrarias, ut sinistram de ipsis in populorum animos opinionem injiciant. Hoc artificio Janse­nistae usi sunt: ut enim Doctorum sacrae Facultatis tam seculatium quam Regularium sanctae Sedis zela­rorum conceptam apud omnes aestimationem con­vellant, ac facilius deinde possint sinistrae suae ma­chinationis venenum respergere, velis & remis sa­niores eorum sententias insequuntur quasi cum Pela­gianis & Semipelagianis in materia gratiae omnino consonas; & ad hoc aptius insinuandum, praeferunt ubique D. Augustinum velut suarum opinionum vin­dicem & assertorem, cui alios repugnare & dissen­tire continuo declamitant & derisorie ipsos appel­lant Molinistas & Jesuitas, quasi praeferant Moli­nam D. Augustino, imo ita calumniantur, ut appel­lent S. Augustini adversarios, cum tamen nec Jesu­itis nec Molinae sed soli veritati sint addicti. Tertio, Nedum scriptis nituntur sua dogmata in perniciem zelatorum sanctae Sedis sub praetextu tuendi doctri­nam D. Augustini propalare, sed conducunt etiam pecuniis Doctores & Concionatores qui virus idem effundant in pulpitis Scholarum & templorum, Bac­calaureos in Facultate ut suis in conclusionibus pub­licis eorum placita sustineant: imo Studentes in om­nibus Galliae & Belgii Universitatibus & Facultati­bus venales habent, necnon omnis conditionis viros in urbibus fere singulis, ut pestiferam eruditionem in Scholis & in privatis domibus disseminent, & sim­pliciores etiam instiruant privatis colloquiis, in qui­bus miscent cum rebus de gratia & praedestinatione res horrendas de sacramentis Altaris & Poenitentiae, & contra auctoritatem sacri Concilii Tridentini, & perpetuas interserunt calumnias adversus Doctores & viros quoscum que sanctae Sedis zelatores praecipu­os: & eo fine Magnates aliquos ditissimos suam in partem artificiose deduxerunt, a quibus ingentes pecuniarum summas habent ad perficiendas hujus­modi nefarias molitiones; & mirum est quos cona­tus efficiant ad finem assequendum. Habent aliquot in locis sectariorum suorum seminaria & congrega­tiones his tantum machinationibus intentas.

Deinde quia viderunt Jansenistae non satis pro­moveri votum suum contra zelatores sanctae Sedi [...] per solas disputationes de materia gratiae & praetex­tatum in his D. Augustinum, tum propter sanio­rem & ampliorem Doctorum adversantium partem, tum propter Bullas Pontificias talem controversiam prohibentes, non potuerunt diu conceptum adver­sus S. Sedem & Ecclesiam venenum retinere; qua­re illud foras evomuerunt per libros & scripta de frequenti vel melius de infrequenti communione, de poenitentia, &c. accusantes Ecclesiam corrup­telae, cujus se medicos & reformatores ventilant, & etiam apertius per scripta de duobus Capitibus Ecclesiae, & quidquid in Bullis Pontificiis de his rebus sancitum ac prohibitum est, subreptitium & male sancitum esse palam dixerunt semper & scrip­serunt, & ubicunque ipsis liberum & obvium fuit, seditiones excitarunt, & conati sunt impedire ne iu Facultate & in Ecclesiis Bullae Pontificiae super his rebus emanatae publicarentur & reciperentur: Fuerunt tamen irriti ac vani omnes eorum impetus ob majorem triplo in Facultate numerum Docto­rum sanctae Sedis zelatorum, & propterea rabie ac furore perciti, antiquos errores & offensivas sen­tentias de gratia & sacramentis ubique, sicut antea, scribere, dictare & evulgare non destiterunt.

Quibus perspectis sacra Facultas Parisina sanctae Sedis semper observantissima nedum Bullas praefa­tas legit, amplexa est, & suos in commentarios ad aeternam memoriam & obsequentiam retulit, [...]ed etiam novis decretis sanxit, ne unquam vel in scriptis vel in concionibus, vel in conclusionibus Theologicis Doctores sui & Baccalaurei auderent his de rebus a Sancta Sede prohibitis agere; & quo­ties aliquis Baccalaureus suis in Thesibus aliquam hujusmodi conclusionem adhibuit, deleta est a D. Syndico: cum tamen post tot & tantas cautiones adhibitas nunquam requiescerent a scribendo & lo­quendo Jansenistae, sed in dies cresceret eorum fa­ctio, imo aliqui Baccalaurei a Magistris illius factio­nis profecti eo devenissent audaciae, ut hujusmodi propositiones a D. Syndico deletas suis in conclusio­nibus reponerent, & factionarii magis ac magis of­fensivas propositiones ubique depraedicarent in con­temptum Bullarum Pontificiarum & decretorum sa­crae Facultatis, & magnum totius Ecclesiae scanda­lum, imo & aliarum nationum (quae jamdiu Facul­tatem Parisiensem Jansenisni calumniose insimula­bant;) ad hoc ut posset illas factiones & factiona­rios perstringere atque configere, ac simul tamen Bullis Pontificiis prohibentibus discussionem & cen­suram Auctorum de praefatis materiis contradictorie disputantium non repugnare, censuit unanimi fere omnium Doctorum, exceptis quibusdam scilicet Jansenistis, consilio & decreto seligendas esse pro­positiones magis offensivas ex iis quae continuo in vulgus ubique spargebantur, nulla habita ratione vel mentione an sint Jansenii, vel Arnaldi, vel Je­suitarum, vel cujuscunque alterius, & eas affici­endas censura, si opus esset, post exactam Docto­rum [Page 141] nedum aliquot ad hoc specialiter depuratorum, sed etiam omnium & singulorum discussionem & examen ad avertendum ne ulterius populi deciperen­tur: selectae sunt autem sequentes propositiones;

I.

Aliqua Dei praecepta hominibus justis volentibus & conantibus secundum praesentes quas habent vi­res, sunt impossibilia: deest quoque iis gratia qua possibilia fiant.

II.

Interiori gratiae in statu naturae lapsae nunquam resistitur.

III.

Ad merendum & demerendum in statu naturae lapsae non requiritur in homine libertas a necessita­te, sed sufficit libertas a coactione.

IV.

Semipelagiani admittebant praevenientis gratiae interioris necessitatem ad singulos actus, etiam ad initium fidei: & in hoc erant haeretici, quod vel­lent eam gratiam talem esse, cui posset humana voluntas resistere vel obtemperare.

V.

Semipelagianorum error est dicere Christum pro omnibus omnino hominibus mortuum esse, aut sanguinem fudisse.

VI.

Sensit olim Ecclesia privatam sacramentalem poe­nitentiam pro peccatis occultis non sufficere.

VII.

Naturalis attritio sufficit ad sacramentum Poeni­tentiae.

Atque istis propositionibus per Deputatos aliquos diligenter examinatis per aliquot menses, tandem sacta Facultas destinaverat eas censere in Comitiis prima Augusti proxime praeteriti: quod cum praevi­derent Jansenistae, primo ad ea Comitia ex omni­bus Regni partibus convocarunt dispersos suae facti­onis Doctores & alios etiam, quibus subdole & ca­lumniose rescripserant, Facultatis Molinistas (sic appellant Doctores sanctae Sedis zelatores) velle censura perstringere S. Augustinum, dictitantes praedictas propositiones, exceptis duabus ultimis, esse D. Augustini, & ad hoc creduntur 40 librarum millia pro evocandis hujusmodi magistris undequa­que dispersis impendisse. Secundo, Aliquibus etiam Re [...]igiosis idem persuaserunt hic agi de vindicando a censuris Augustino. Tertio, Cum non obstantbus il­lis artificus viderent se impares evitandae sacrae Fa­cultatis censurae, seditionem excitarunt in Comi­tiis, nova fraude volentes contra consuetudinem in­trudere in locum D. Decani quendam Doctorem eo praetextu quod sit Cancellarius Universitatis, & excitatis clamoribus continuis, hoc modo impedie­runt determinationem Facultatis, in qua contra 25 vel 30 Jansenistas, & aliquot alios titulo tuendi S. Augustinum deceptos, erant centum & amplius Doctores. Quarto, Denique ad Parlamentum non ad sanctam Sedem appellarunt, & unum ex moti­vis appellationis inter alia proferunt, quod Comi­tiis Facultatis adessent Mendicantes qui ex Senatus-consulto debent abesse. Libellum supplicem eorum subscripsisse dicuntur 40 circiter, numerando eos qui praetextu vindicandi a censura D. Augustinum subscripserunt innocenter. Quinto, Etiam sollici­tarunt aliquos ut Romam scriberent ad Generales Ordinum & alios, quod Facultas Parisiensis vellet censura perstringere D. Augustinum, ut hac arte, fraude & calumnia viros de rebus illis minime insti­tutos praevenirent & suas in partes apud sanctam Se­dem agendas illicerent; imo quaedam transmiferunt excerpta ex scriptis cujusdam excellentissimi viri sanctae Sedis inter alios observantissimi D. Pereyrer Regiae Navarrae magni Magistri, ut nitantur per­suadete quod ille ac simul alii ejusdem partis sint ad­versarii D. Augustino, & notare possint cum ipso alios insignes sanctae Sedis zelatores infra nominan­dos, & commiserunt provinciam istas naenias & ca­lumnias Romae disseminandi quibusdam ibidem nunc temporis commorantibus, qui nec sunt Doctores, nec ullatenus de veritate instructi; & aliquid jam profecerant apud nonnullos satis spectabiles, nisi casu adfuissent quidam Doctores illius sacrae Faculta­tis qui calumnias illas suae Parenti nefarie impositas eluerunt.

Debet sancta Sedes summe cavere ne autem prae­beat illis Jansenistis, quia mixti & conjuncti sunt cum Richeristis, id est, cum sequacibus Richerii, qui adversus Eeclesiasticam Monarchiam tantum scripsit & factiones fecit ab anno 1611. ad 1628. & omnis eorum factio nihil sic ambit & prosequitur quam sanctae Sedis auctoritatem labefactare (ut dixi) & artificia praetextatae doctrinae S. Augustini in Jan­senio, & alia id genus non habent alium finem sibi propositum modo superius explicato. Praecipua ve­ro Jansenistarum capita & columina sunt DD. Ar­nauld, Guilbert, du Hamel, Bourgeois qui Romae Jansenium defendit, Ludovicus de Saint-Amour fu­nestus Guillielmi de Sancto Amore in persequendis apud Senatum Mendicantibus imitator cum socio suo Carol. de Roux, ambo ignobilis farinae homines, deinde D. de Mince Richerius alter redivivus sanctae Sedi minime affectus, D. Rousse S. Rochi Parisiis Curatus vir litigiosus & in Facultate maxime sediti­osus, de Sainte-Beuve pro illa factione maxime ze­losus, & alii qui memoriae jam non occurrunt. Il­lustriores autem illorum partiatiorum adversarii & sanctae Sedis zelatores ardentissimi sunt praefatus D. Pereyret, D. Cornet, D. Hallier Syndicus Faculta­tis, vir de sancta Sede pro zelo suo summe meritus, sicut & D. Morel, qui apud Regni primates pro e­jusdem sanctae Sedis & sanioris doctrinae tutela con­tinuo desudat; similiter D. le Moyne, D. Gran­din Professores Sorbonici, D. Charton Parisiensis Poenitentiarius, D. Guichard Navarricus Professor. Inter Mendicantes P. Nicolai vir insignis, &c. Tot sunt ut commode nequeant enumerati. [D. Loy­sel Cancellarius S. Augustino quidem, non factio­sis addictus, & praecipuus Augustiniensium in Fa­cultate & apud S. Sedem benefactor.]

Verum si liceat dicere quod sentio, quam vis si­cut [Page 142] Jansenistarum factio est pessima & pessimos ha­bet fines supra delibatos, ita ex adverso pars Anti-Jansenistarum sit omnino religiosa, & nonnisi san­ctum pro Dei gloria & sanctae Sedis & purioris do­ctrinae defensione finem inspiciat; tamen ex reci­proco oppositarum partium conflictu mali & perni­ciosi effectus oriuntur: quia enim Jansenistae pro clypeo praetenso & praetextato assumunt D. Augu­stinum, & Anti-Jansenistae ad illos configendos in materia gratiae & sacramentorum maxime nituntur Concilio Tridentino: hinc fit quod istorum aliqui videantur de [...]rimere in aliquo auctoritatem D. Au­gustini, & sane nonnulli 1 peccant aliquando & excedunt in D. August. ut convellant fundamentum Jansenistarum; & Jansenistae ex opposito nituntur infringere auctoritatem illius sacrosancti Concilii, quod potissimum est partis adversae fundamentum, asserentes non fuisse ita legitimum, ut aestimatur, sed ex solis Papae mancipiis conflatum, &c. Unde non parum minuitur & S. Sedis & SS. Conciliorum auctoritas, & maxime debilitatur vis impugnandi hae­reticos per illa media, nec immerito haeretici sub­sannant in hoc Catholicos.

Quamobrem his in controversiis existimo agen­dum magna cum cautela, & brevius esse omnibus silentium imponere, ut jam toties factum est. Sed non debet S. Sedes fastidire continuas reiterationes prohibitionum jam factarum, quia qui prima vice non obtemperant, secunda vice obsequentur. Stu­diose tamen cavendum est a Jansenistis, & consu­lendum, quantum fieri poterit, aliis qui sunt sani­oris doctrinae & sanctae Sedis in omnibus ardentissi­mi zelatores, & quam citius fieri potest, sancta Se­des praesertim in Galliis propter haereticos quibus­cunque novitatibus radicem praecidat, ne infausta iterum suscipiant incrementa, quod omen avertat Deus.

[Revera tamen utrobique puniendi essent ac de­bito censura castigandi, nedum Jansenistae qui do­ctrina & nomine D. P. Augustini abutuntur ad com­movendas seditiones; verum etiam illi Jesuitae qui temeratie ac irreverenter ausi sunt scribere vel loqui de sanctissimo & doctissimo illo Ecclesiae Doctore & Doctorum Principe, suum Molinam suasque novi­tates illi ac caeteris omnibus praeferendo: unde me­rito S. Inquisitio Decreto suo animadvertit in bla­sphemas illas contra D. P. Augustinum propositio­nes nuper in publicum disseminatas.

Tamen praesens rerum necessitas postulat ut prius Romana Sedes circa Jansenii singulares propositio­nes distincte mentem aperiat ad extinguendum tot incendiorum fomitem: quia enim Bulla sanctissimi Urbani VIII. contra Jansenium hunc prohibet dam­natque tanquam renovantem propositiones jam ali­as a summis Pontificibus damnatas; & Jansenistae insimulant accusant que hanc Bullae partem subrep­tionis, & fraude Jesuitarum fuisse infertam. Cum id maxime perstringat honorem & auctoritatem Ro­manae Sedis quae est columna veritatis: illa debet praefatae Bullae veritatem vindicare, & notatim ac singulatim designare quaenam sint illae propositiones ab ipso renovatae & alias a summis Pontificibus dam­natae, ut nullam amplius habeant Jansenistae excusa­tionis causam & occasionem alios decipiendi, maxi­me definiendo simul discrimen doctrinae Jansenii a D Augustino. Postea in alios D. Augustini doctrinaeque ipsius neglectores debita erit severitate agendum.

Pieces added to this Collection.

An Advertisement concerning F. Mulard's Speech.

J Plac'd F. Morel's Writing at first amongst the Pieces of this Collection, as all the rest, ac­cording to the order wherein they are spoken of in my Journal: But having found it expedient, not to confine my self so strictly to that order in the printing of them, as not to consider the Connexi­on, both of their Subjects and the persons they concern, I reserv'd this same Writing for the last of those that I had joyn'd to it, intending to sub­joyn F. Mulard's Speech to it, as the first of the Additions. But afterwards, considering that the said Speech is at length in the Fifth Disquisition of Paulus Irenaeus, at the Fifth Article, I conceiv'd it unprofitable to insert it in two places, and better to suppress it here, where it would be but as a loose piece: The Reader therefore may please to have recourse thither, if he hath the curiosity to see it.

An Advertisement touching the Suffrages of the Consultors.

J Could discover nothing of these Suffrages whilst I was at Rome, but Copies of them were sent, which my L. the Bishop of Montpellier acknow­ledg'd in the presence of my LL. the Bishops of O­lone and Conzerans, to be conformable to that which himself hath related thereof: So that on one side the truth of these Suffrages cannot be doubted; and on the other the Decree of the Inquisition of Rome, which declar'd them Apocryphal, is easie to be understood. For it doth not pretend to say, that they are false or supposititious, since if they were, the Consultors themselves, to whom this writing attributes them, would be made to disavow them, and their disclaiming would be publish'd; but it only implies, that they are pieces which they at Rome would have been glad had not come forth. But having been printed with the Notes of a Di­vine S. Thomas's Disciple, I shall not scruple to insert them here with the same Notes.

TREDECIM THEOLOGORVM
Ad examinandas quinque Propositiones ab Innocentio X selectorum Suffra­gia, seu, ut appellant, Vota, sum­mo Pontifici scripto tradita. Ex qui­bus verus Constitutionis sensus inno­tescit; & ad optatam inter Catholi­cos Theologos pacem stabiliendam via facilis aperitur.

PRAEFATIO.

ECclesiae vulnera in membrorum ejus intestina pugna qui non defleat, prorsus pietatis expers sit. Cuncta tamen deflere pauci possunt, quia partium studio pauci carent. Partem dolet qui par­ti addictus est. Universa lugere is unus po­test, qui unius veritatis amicus est. Talem me esse, nisi sit insolens, dicere ausim. Certe nec Jansenio, nec Molinae studeo, Sancti Thomae jam inde ab initio sequax, & ipsius Scholae disci­pulus, quam utrique Catholicam fatentur. Illa er­go vel hoc nomine maxime idonea ad concilian­d [...]s animos tanta inter se contentione dissidentes.

Sed quoniam video nescio quorum temeritatem eo processisse, ut summi Pontificis Constitutione ad S. Thomae auctoritatem labefactandam abu­tantur, ad Sedis Apostolicae honorem pertinere vi [...]um est, hanc ab ipsa contumeliam depellere; simul Ecclesiae de gratia Christi doctrinam ab illis corruptelis vindicare, quas in ipsam certi homi­nes immiscere variis artibus tentant.

Ad id autem opportunissimum est visum, pa­lam exhiberi Consultorum Vota sive suffragia, ex quibus summus Pontifex Constitutionem confecit. Ex his enim tum vera Pontificiae Constitutionis intelligentia patebit, tum multorum novitia Mo­linae commenta sectantium argutiae refellentur, qui dum Jansenio ardentius instant, Ecclesiam in Pelagii errorem pene praecipitant: cujus re­um Molinam ante Clementem VIII. & Paulum V. egerunt & peregerunt clarissimi ex Schola nostra Theologi.

Si quis autem de hujus scripti veritate dubitet, adire poterit Episcopum Montis-Pessuli, qui il­lud Roma rediens secum attulit: quod idem fe­cerunt alii ex Ordine Religio so, qui itidem illud ex manuscripto exemplar Romae descripserant; ut jam multa Parisiis hujus scripti exemplaria cir­cumferantur. Quo magis necessarium est illud typis quam primum excudi, ne inter varias de­scribentium manus, multas, ut fit, maculas con­trahat, & fidem atque auctoritatem amittat.

Ex eo autem constabit, 1. adeo non laesam Constitutione Thomistarum doctrinam, ut ad eam potius ipsa Constitutio conformara sit. Si­quidem Consultores pene omnes doctrinam de gratia per se efficaci, quae maxime nostrae Scholae propria est, omnibus locis Catholicam, orthodox­am, veram esse profitentur.

Constabit 2. Romae inter Consultores non de ipsa re, sive de aliquo dogmate disputatum esse, sed tantum de sensu Propositionum. Illas enim qui­cunque ad gratiam efficacem pertinere putarunt, etiam Catholicas pronunciarunt. Quicunque autem declararunt haereticas, etiam a gratia efficaci lato discrimine se junxerunt.

Constabit 3. quo pacto Jansenii causa Romae tractata sit. Nam qui ejus nullam a Consultoribus rationem habitam velit, longissime erret. Multi enim ex Consultoribus expresse sensus Janse­niani meminerunt. Contra qui id Consultori­bus mandatum a summo Pontifice contendat, ut sensum Jansenii inquirerent, vel an Propositi­ones ex Jansenio excerptae essent, dijudicarent, prae studio falsus & iniquus videri possit. Aperte enim unus e Consultoribus, isque sancti Officii Commissarius, Propositiones a summo Pontifice propositas dicit in abst acto, & ut praescindunt ab omne proferente; quod illum coram summo Ponti­fice dicere ausum, nisi verum esset, nulli unquam sano verisimile fiet. Multi ergo de Jansenio lo­cuti sunt; verum est. Sed injussi & sine mandato locuti sunt; & hoc verum est. Ita de Jansenii sensu neutiquam Romae judicatum est; nullum enim ju­dicium sine praevia inquisitione: sed ex Theolo­gorum obiter inter disputandum de mente Janse­nii loquentium sermone, obiter in Constitutione nominatus Jansenius.

Caeterum non mediocris mihi spes est, sore ud hoc scriptum ad hoc dissidium sedandum permul­tum faciat. Nam ex illo cernere poterunt Molinistae quam frustia gratiae efficacis doctrinam attentent. Rursus Jansenii defensores, qui toties germanos S. Thomae se discipulos esse testati sunt, quid sin­ceritatis habeat haec professio, facile indicare po­terunt, si probatam & quasi sancitam in Consul­totum Votis Thomistarum in quinque Propositio­nibus doctrinam ex animo amplectantur.

Nullum autem tam absurdum futurum puto, ut ex istis Consultorum sententiis neget indagandam Pontificiae Constitutionis mentem. Non enim, ut omnes Theologi conveniunt, ex aliquo [...], & tanquam ex tripode promit oracula summus Pontifex, sed humano modo veritatem inqui­rens, doctos homines consulens, & ex illorum sententia fidei dogmata definiens. Nihil autem ab­surdius fingi potest, quam ut summus Pontifex tredecim viris doctis in confilium adhibitis, id hae­reticum pronunciet, quod illorum omnium cal­culo tanquam orthodoxum comprobatum sit. Quamobrem, ut dixi, cum omnes Consultores S. Thomae doctrinam de gratia per se efficaci pas­sim extra aleam ponant, qui hanc vel leviter ausit incessere, tanquam summo Pontifici injuriosus ab omnibus repellendus est.

CONSULTORUM super quinque Propositionibus VOTA. Brevibus interdum animadversionibus illustrata.

PRIMA PROPOSITIO.
Aliqua Dei praecepta hominibus justis volentibus & conantibus secundum praesentes quas habent vires sunt impossibilia: deest quoque ill is gra­tia qua possibilia fiant.
I.

PUtant hanc Propositionem explicatam de illis vi­ribus & illa gratia, quas Deus tenetur tribuere nullo supposito peccato, ne originali quidem, ad hoc ut valide obligaret, esse erroneam.

ANIMADVERSIO.

HIc Jansenium ne nominat quidem ille Consultor, ex ea licet Societate quae Jansenium maxime insectatur. Patet tamen ex illius in alias Pro­positiones censuris, sensum illum quem in 1 Prositi­one damnat, Jansenio ab eo atribui: gratiam scilicet, de qua loquitur Propositio, deesse sine ullo [...]ecca­to, ne originali quidem. Quod a Jansenii sententia omnino alienum esse, omnibus palam est. Quare merito in hoc sensu Propositionem damnat: sensum vero Jan­senii omnino non attingit.

II.

MEa sententia est, quod tota propositio, ut ja­cet, cum illo addito, Derst quoque illis gratia, &c. sit non solum erronea & male sonans, sed eti­am haeretica, vel haeresi proxima. Quia tamen Pro­positio potest hunc duplicem sensum habere, quod scilicet Deus hic & nunc sub [...]rahat gatiam, qua prae­cepta fiant possibilia justis volentibus & conantibus, fideliter aut non fideliter: ideo in primo sensu, ubi justi non fideliter agunt cum Deo, Propositio erit Catholica; sicut Catholica quod Deus nunquam subtrahat gratiam justis fideliter se gerentibus.

ANIMADVERSIO.

PRaeclare Consultor duplicem in vocibus illis co­nantibus & volentibus sensum distinguit. Qui­dam enim fideliter conantur: his nunquam deest gratia efficax ad operandum necessaria. Quidam infideliter; quia nempe gratiae excitanti & suffici­enti sensu Thomistico resistunt: his deesse potest, & ideo illi mandata implere non possunt, ea scili­cet potestate cui nihil desit. An ille sensum Janse­nii damnaverit, ex eo praecise judicandum, an per illos justos volentes & conantes intelligat Jansenius fideliter volentes & conantes; an vero volentes & conantes infideliter. Si primum, procul dubio illius sensum erroris damnat; si secundum ut pug­nant Jansenistae, procul dubio absolvit. Utrum sit verisimilius, nolim hic definire, ne conten­tioni detur locus. Interim ex Consultoris mente haec propositio: Aliqua Dei praecepta hominibus justis volentibus & conantibus infideliter, sunt impossibilia; deest queque gatia qua possibilia fiant, est Catholica: & qui hunc Jansenii sensum esse velit, a Consultore nullo modo differt Apparet vero longe ipsum a Molinistarum sensu ab­horruisse qui gratiam implendi praeceptum justis quocumque modo se gerentibus nusquam deesse volunt.

III.

PRopositio haec si intelligatur in sensu formali, hoc est, sumendo justos secundum praesentes quas habent vires, habituales, supernaturales, & actuales, est Catholica. Si sumatur in sensu reali, prout se ha­bet a parte rei, sunt impossibilia simpliciter, quia de­est gratia actualis quaecunque, sive sit efficax, sive sufficiens, est haeretica. Si sumatur, sunt impossibi­lia, secundum quid, propter negationem gratiae efficacis, sed non sufficientis; in hoc sensu est Catho­lica, conformis Scripturis & sanctis Patribus.

ANIMADVERSIO.

EX isto Consultore hoc sensu tantum haeretica est propositio, si nomine gratiae, quae deesse dici­tur, intelligatur tum efficax tum sufficiens. Ita si justis volentibus & conantibus deesse gratiam suffi­cientem Thomistico sensu Jansenius voluit, pror­sus eum damnat Consultor. Sin autem, ut con­tendunt ipsius defensorers, solam efficacem; nihil illum laedit; siquidem ex ipso haec propositio, Ali­qua Dei praecepta justis volentibus & conantibus se­cundum praesentes quas habent vires sunt impossibilia secundum quid, propter negationem gratiae effica­cis & non sufficientis, est propositio Catholica, conformis Scripturis & Patribus. Nec minus per­spiciuum est quam iste sit alienus a Molina: siqui­dem nullam Molina impossibilitatem praeceptorum, nec absolutam, nec secundum quid admittit: sed omnibus praesto esse vult sufficientem quandam gra­tiam, cui non sit necessaria gratia efficax ad actu operandum.

IV.

SI propositio sumatur in sensu universali, sive lo­quendo simpliciter de omnibus justis, sive de omnibus justis transgressoribus, est propositio hae­retica: si in sensu particulati, attento proprio & rigoroso verborum sensu, pariter est haeretica: si in sensu indefinito, prout jacet, est etiam hae­retica.

ANIMADVERSIO.

REcte Consultor propositionem Damnat, tum in sensu universali, quia sic Calviniana est: tum in sensu particulari, attento proprio & rigoroso sensu; quia sic impossibilitatem absolutam significat, non tantum impossibilitatem secundum quid; denique recte eitam in sensu indefini [...]o; quia sensus indefinitus in materia controversa & doctrinali pro universali sumitur; sicut ista propositio: Astra moventur a propria forma; quia de eo disputant Philosophi, fere sumitur, in sensu universali.

Hujus Consultoris sententiam nihil officere Tho­mistis palam est. Jans [...]nistae vero illam amovent, quod absolutam preceptorum impossibilitatem nec a se, nec a Jansenio admissam contendunt: quorum exceptiones nec probare mihi, nec improbare consilium est, sed tantum indica [...]

V.

SI haec propositio intelligatur universaliter, ita ut omnes justos comprehendat, & pro omni tem­pore denegetur gratia ad implenda praecepta necessa­ria, est temeraria, a Pattibus damnata, scandalosa, Deo injuriosa, hominibus perniciosa: si vero intel­ligatur de praeceptis respectu peccatorum venialium; aut de justis operantibus secundum suas duntaxat vi­res, in iis tantum sistendo: aut tertio (quem putat sensum Jansenii) intelligatur de potentia proxima & completa, & de gratia actuali non semper, sed ali­quando denegata, nullam meretur censuram.

ANIMADVERSIO.

REcte Consultor propositionem defendit, si intelliga­tur de potentia completa, & de gratia actuali effi­caci, scilicet justis aliquando subtracta: id enim docent plurimi Thomistae, imo omnes; si quidem potentiae com­pletae nomine intelligatur ea cui nihil desit. Discans ergo ex isto Theolog [...] Molinistae, verum esse justis ali­quando deesse gratiam efficacem, & tunc ipsis mandatu non esse possibilia potestate omnino completa, & quae ni­hil aliud requirat ad agendum. Verum hic obiter no­ta dum est, et si Consultor ante Constitutionem sic potu­erit propositionem explicare, & sic explicatam defen­ [...] [...]ost Constitutionem tamen id non licere. Judica­vit enim summus Pontifex pravum illius sensum mag is esse naturalem. Itaque illam nunc ab omnibus sine ex­plicatione rejici convenit. Verum iste sensus, quem Ca­tholicum defendit eruditus Consultor, etiamnum post Constitutionem ab omnibus Thomistis ut orthodoxus de­fenditur.

Sensum Jansenii aperte absolvit iste Consultor; nihil tamen a caeter is distans qui illum damnaverunt, sed alio tantum modo illum exponens. Si melius ipse, Jansenius extra aleam est: si melius alii, Jansenius haeret in luto. Sed utut sit, Consultorum ipsorum hic existimatio non a­gitur, ubi de Jansenii sensu citra fidei periculum dissen­tire inter s [...]potuerunt.

VI.

ISta propositio videtur contra fidem coarctata ad a­liqua praecepta, cum debeat extendi ad omnia. 2. Est insipienter composita ex duabus partibus contra­dictotiis. 3. Quoad utramque partem est formaliter haeretica.

ANIMADVERSIO.

VOtum istius Consultoris obscurius est, ideo nec pro­dest, nec obest ulli.

VII.

SI prima pars hujus propositionis praecise accipia­tur, vel facit sensum universalem, & sic est haeretica: vel facit sensum singularem, & sic quam­vis possit explicari & tra [...]i in bonum sensum ut ly im­possibilia dicat negationem potentiae proximae, potest admitti: & absolute cum illo termino, impossibilia, est re jicienda tanquam remetaria, & a Patribus sub anathematate prohibita. Si accipiatur secundum se totam, vel consideratur ut ille terminus, gra­tia, supponit pro gratia efficaci, cum exclusione gratiae sufficientis, & sic est haeretica: vel con­sideratur absolute secundum quod sonant termini ipsius, & sic faltem est errori proxima.

ANIMADVERSIO.

FAtetur Consultor bonum esse istum sensum: Ali­qua Dei praecepta non sunt possibilia homini­bus justis potestate proxima. Ʋnde nescio quid cogi­tarint, qui super illa voce tot modo turbas excita­runt, quasi potestatem proximam admittere in omni­bus justis necesse sit.

Quod autem de side ait esse, justis volentibus & conantibus non deesse efficacem & sufficientem simul, hic sat scio inclamabunt quidam Janseniani, & Con­cilium [...]ut Scripturae locum ostendi postulabunt, in quo haec gratia sufficiens Thomistico sensu contineatur. His tamen si ta [...] aequi sunt quam videri volunt, facile satisfieri potest. Verbum ipsum gratiae sufficientis non est de fide: nullo enim Conciliorum decreto con­secratum est. Res ipsa nomine significata ad fidem pertinet: hoc enim nomine significamus grati­am [Page 164] excitantem quae imperfectos actus preducit, nec plenum tamen confensum operatur nifi adsit validior gratia; & ideo secundum quid tantum efficax est; semper enim producit actus illos imperfectos: & se­cundum quid est inefficax; quia nos excitat, & no­bis dat vires ad bona opera facienda, quae tamen re [...]p­sa non perficimus propter resistentiam voluntatis. Ea gratia sic explicata nonne millies in Patrum monu­mentis reperitur? nonne eam omnes vel proprio experi­mento saepissime sentiunt? Quis enim est qui se exci­tanti Deo restitisse non dol eat? Ergo talem gratiam necessario admittendam vel ipsi, sise aud re volue­rint, certe fatebuntur, eamque conamibus & vo­lentibus semper praesto esse. Ʋnde enim conarentur & vellent nisi per illam? Ʋtrum autem ista gratia dicenda sit sufficiens, necne, nominis quaestio est ad fidem nihil pertinens, in quo multos ex ipsis vidi con­sentientes, nullum aperte refragantem. Malim ipse cum mea Schola etiam verbis congruere, dum­modo non apud imperitos sermoc [...]ner, qui hoc verbo fa­cile abutuntur: quia illud Moliniano sensu accipi­unt. Caeterum propter ambiguum nomen, & nulla auctoritate sancitum, nullam cuiquam molestiam li­benter f [...]cerim.

VIII.

PRopositio in plano & aperto verborum sensu, sive dicamus in proprio & rigoroso significatu, est omnino damnabilis, tanquam temeraria contra omnem sententiam Theologorum, tanquam scan­dalosa contra communem sensum Catholicorum, tanquam injuriosa & blasphema contra Deum, & denique tanquam haeretica contra sidem.

ANIMADVERSIO.

ET hic rigorosum verborum sensum attendit, quem baereticum esse inter omnes constat.

HAec propositio non est qualificabilis ratione proferentis; quia proposita fuit in abstracto, ut praescindit ab omni proferente: est qualificabi­lis secundum sensum communem & usitatum, fa­ventem haereticis in modo loquendi recepto ab ipsis, & damnato ab Ecclesia Catholica; & est temeraria, scandalosa, male sonans. 3. Oportet formare pri­us sensum legitimum istius propositionis, antequam qualificetur ratione rei significatae; quia non appa­ret ex quo appareat ista impossibilitas.

ISta propositio secundum omnes terminos quibus constat actualiter, acceptos in significatione pro­pria, usuali & consueta, non est qualificabilis, & non est qualificabilis nisi reducta ad sensum in quo pro­tuli esse erroneam; hoc est loquendo de impossibi­litate physica, non tollente obligationem, nec ex­cusante transgressores a culpa & a poena, & refusa ex negatione virium quas Deus teneretur dare ad praecepta talia observanda nulla existente culpa. Vbi autem ly justis, debet necessario impropriati, & stare pro justis de praeterito, & per appositionem terminorum nullo existente obice peccati actualis & originalis, qui termini nec implicite nec expli­cite includerentur in significatione usuali dictae pro­positionis.

ANIMADVERSIO.

HIc veritati concedendum est. Plane demon­strat Consultoris votum nusquam jussu Ponti­ficis ex cuss um esse Jansenii sensum, neque id aut ignorare potuit S. Officii Commissarius, aut cogni­tum apud ipsum summum Pontificem dissimulare. Cur ergo de Jansenio nonnuli loquuntur? Quia libuit, non quia jussum erat.

Caeterum hujus votum a Molina alienum non ne­gabunt ipsi Molinistae.

X.

SI propositio faciat hunc sensum: Justi secundum vires tantum quibus formaliter justi sunt, prae­ciso divino auxilio actuali, non possunt implere ali­qua Dei praecepta, est vera & Catholica: si autem consideretur in suis terminis, est male sonans; quia pro eo quod dicere debuerat: Justi secundum prae­sentes vires tantum non possunt complete im­plere praecepta; maluit dicere: Praecepta sunt im­possibilia secundum praesentes vires: vox autem ista praecepta impossibil [...]a, etiamsi limitata ad vires prae­sentes cum exclusione auxilii actualis, male sonat. Quoad secundam particulam, si faciat hunc sen­sum: Deest quoque gratia, scilicet actualis auxilii, qua secundum praesentes vires praedictas tantum pos­sent illa complete implere: propositio est Catho­lica: propter tamen terminum, impossibilia, est male sonans.

ANIMADVERSIO.

VIr ille doctrina eximius sententiam, qua ju­sti dicuntur aliquando praecepta non posse complete implete, Catholicam fatetur. Caeterum vocem, impossibila, bene repudiat; quia ex se sig­nificat non solum absentiam potentiae completae, sed omnimodam potentiae negationem. Quisquis igitur solam potentiam completam, & cui nihil desit, justis deneget absente efficaci gratia, verbis & re cum Consultore consentit. Molinistas vero, [Page 147] qui potentiam omni ratione completam semper justis adesse volunt, quomodo ab illius censura eximam, prorsus non invenio.

XI.

SEntio praedictam propositionem aliquam non mereri censuram, sed esse verissimam & Catho­licam; quia similis assertio conspicitut in variis locis Scripturae sacrae extare. Tradita etiam in venitur sub aequivalentibus terminis a Synodo Tridentina sess. 6. de Reform. c. 11. si attente verba illa prepen­dantur. Consona etiam videtur praedicta proposi­tio familiarissimo modo loquendi aliquorum Theo­logorum.

ANIMADVERSIO.

CAve putes. R. P. Vincentium in errore fuisse, quia primam propositionem censurae judicat immunem; nam & ante Constitutionem, & post, maximo semper honore apud summum Pontifi­cem fuit, imo moriens magnam sanctitatis opini­onem Romae reliquit. Cur igitur absolvit quod Pontifex damnat? Quia hanc propositionem aliter interpretatus est quam summus Ponti­fex. Putavit illam in sensu gratiae efficacis accipi posse, & ideo Catholicam esse asseruit, conformem Scripturis & Patribus. At contra, sic illam interpre­tandam non esse judicavit summus Pontifex, cujus judicio Christianus orbis assensus est. Catholicus ergo sensus est quem defendit P. Candidus, sed hunc dam­natae propositionis verbis exprimere nefas est post Constitutionem; ante Constitutionem nefas non erat. Unde nescio cur crimini vertatur quibusdam Doctoribus Parisiensibus, quod has propositiones in multis aliis sensibus jure damnandas, tamen in sensu gratiae efficacis defendi posse dixerint ante Constitutionem; cum id Consultores celeberrimi coram summo Pontifice sine invidia aut formidine tam aperte fecerint.

XII.

CEnseo hanc propositionem in aliquo sensu mi­nus proprio posse sustineri: in sensu intento ab auctore, id est, Cornelio Jansenio, esse dig­nam censura, ut jam damnatam a sacra Tridenti­na Synodo; absolute ut praescindit ab hoc vel illo sensu determinate, offensivam aurium fidelium.

ANIMADVERSIO.

SEnsus iste minus proprius, sensus est gratiae ef­ficacis ad quam revocari posse primam proposi­onem quidam putabant. In hoc sensu posse susti­neti propositionem censuit Consultor. Quod au­tem damnat propositionem in sensu Jansenii, mag­no nos negotio liberasset si simul expressisset istum Jansenii sensum. Nihil enim magis ambiguum: ita varie a suis vel adversariis vel defensoribus tor­quetur. Quia tamen hunc sensum indicat a Syno­do Tridentina ante damnatum; cum illa Lutheri utique sensum damnaverit, videtur id existimasse Consultor, eundem Lutheri & Jansenii sensum esse quod vehementer pernegant Janseniani. Ita-Lutheri error primum constituendus: post, illud expendetur, an cum illo sentiat Jansenius: quae postrema quaestio facto non jure continetur.

XIII.

CEnseo hanc propositionem esse censurandam, prout sacrum Concilium declarat, uti teme­rariam, & a sanctis Patribus anathemate dam­natam. Et item quia immediate opposita est Scripturae sacrae, & sacro Concilio Tridentino, & aliis Conciliis; & novissime Bullis summo­rum Pontificum Pii V. Gregorii XIII. & Ur­bani VIII. Existimo etiam esse haeresi proxi­mam. Possunt tamen opponi aliqua praeserva­tiva.

ANIMADVERSIO.

PRaeservativa illa quae apponi posse censet Consultor, non alia intelligi possunt quam quae sensum efficacis gratiae a pravis sensibus se­gregant: nam & istum gratiae efficacis patronum fu­isse patebit ex sequentibus votis.

Quamobrem ut votorum summam colligam, damnant propositionem in sensu universali (qui Calvinianus est) tres Consultores. In proprio & rigoroso, vel tanquam haeresim, vel tanquam haeresi proximam, quatuor. Absolvunt in sensu potentiae completae & proximae, tres. Sensum Jansenii unus expresse rejicit, unus expresse probat. Et quia propositionem omnes, excepto Candido sacri Palatii Magistro, aliquatenus damnant, ex omnium votis confecta Constitutio dicenda est.

SECUNDA PROPOSITIO.
Interiori gratiae in statu naturae lapsae nunquam re­sistitur.
I.

HAEC propositio in aliquo sensu minus proprio est vera, in sensu intento a Jansenio est digna censura, ut repugnans S. Tridentinae Synodo, & sacris Scripturis; & sic est haeresi proxima. Ut prae­scindit ab hoc vel illo sensu determinate, offendit aures fidelium.

II.

HAEC praepositio si intelligatur de gratia efficaci praecise, vera est; sed quia proprie & juxta ter­minos suos indefinite loquitur de omni gratia, & quia fautores hujus propositionis destruant omnino sufficientem, quod est contra omnem Theologiam, SS. Patres, & precipue D. Augustinum, quem sibi falso patronum asciscunt, & contra sacrum concilium Tridentinum, ideo eadem censura, qua prima pro­positio, censeo qualificandam.

III.

HAEC propositio secundum se recepta mihi vi­detur immunis ab omni censura: quatenus vero profertur a Jansenio, & infertur tanquam ex praemis­sis, ex eo quod negat in natura lapsa etiam hominibus justificatis vires sufficientes ad implenda praecepta, quando reipsa peccant, est digna eadem censura, qui notavi primam propositionem; non secundum se, sed quatenus eonsequentia illius.

ANIMADVERSIO.

NOta a Palavicino secundam propositionem propterea tantum damnari, quia sequitur ex prima propositione. Quare cum in prima manifeste a sensu Jansenii aberraverit; patet nec eum in se­cunda recte collimasse, si Jansenium ferire voluit: quod idem de reliquis propositionibus dici potest, in quibus semper ipsius censurae ad primam illam referuntur, & ex ea pendent. Quare si in ipso li­mine, ut patet, a Jansenii sensu deerraverit, pror­sus ipsum in reliquo cursu non attingit.

IV.

HAEC secunda propositio ut jacet, secundum su­um sensum clarum non solum est perniciosa, te­meraria, & male sonans; sed est etiam formaliter haeretica, aut haeresim sapiens.

V.

HAEC propositio si intelligatur de gratia interi­ori efficaci, est Catholica: si intelligatur de gratia interioti quacunque, distinguo: velfacit sensum quoad ipsum formaliter, & est Catholica; vel facit sensum quoad consensum qui semper sequatur, ita ut omnis gratia interior sit efficax, & nulla sufficiens, in quo sensu loquitur Jansenius; & sic, si non for­maliter, saltem proxime est haeretica, & evidenter falsa.

VI.

HAEC propositio si sumatur in sensu connaturali, est haeresi proxima: si in sensu particulari, esto in aliqua sententia sit vera & probablis; in proprio tamen sensu & rigoroso verborum ab auctore, id est, Jansenio, intento, est haeretica: si in sensu indefinito prout jacet, est temeraria, male sonans, & scanda­losa.

VII.

HAEC propositio cujuscunque auctoris illa sit, si intelligatur de gratia efficaci, sive adjuvante, sive excitante, est vera & Catholica; si vero de suf­ficienti, & quacunque gratia interiori, secundum omnem gratiae latitudinem, est temeraria, & haeresi proxima.

CEnseo istam propositionem, sive consideretur prout jacet, sive ut explicata ab auctore, id est Jansenio, esse formaliter haereticam; tanquam de­structivam gratiae sufficientis, quae de fide est conce­denda.

IX.

CEnseo hanc propositionem non solum in sensu Jansenii, sed etiam in proprio verborum sensu esse saltem haeresi proximam.

X.

PRopositio haec ita intellecta, seu potius corre­cta: Interiori gratiae efficaci nunquam resisti­tur, est vera & Catholica; supplendo tamen in bo­na Theologia, non solum (juxta Jansenium) in statu naturae lapsae, sed nec in statu naturae inte­grae, nec in statu viae Angelorum; at accepta ut sonat universaliter, quod nulli prorsus gratiae resi­statur, si procederet ex suppositione, quod gratia desit peccatoribus, eo quod non esset illis necessa­ria, saperet haeresim Pelagianam. Procedente au­tem ex suppositione, quod gratia sit quidem neces­saria, sed denegetur a Deo, ut non possit homo servare mandata, quo pacto proprie & in rigore est de mente Jansenii, sic coincidit cum prima pro­positione, ac propterea participat cum illa ean­dem censuram.

XI.

HAec propositio non est qualificabilis; quia gra­tia interior Augustiniana propugnata contra Pelagianos, est solum gratia efficax; ac proinde apud Augustinum convertuntur gratia interior & gratia efficax. Dicere hanc propositionem esse qua­lificabilem, quia tollit gratiam sufficientem omni­bus modis, est qualificare ipsissimam doctrinam D. Augustini in suis operibus ultimis, & omnium Thomistarum.

XII.

GRatiae interiori, hoc est, efficaci, quae proprie interior dicitur, nunquam resistitur. Propo­sitio vera & Catholica.

XIII.

CEnseo hanc propositionem nullam mereri cen­suram, imo esse Catholicam & veram. No­mine enim interioris gratiae in hac propositione ve­re & proprie debet intelligi de gratia efficaci. Ete­nim analoga stare pro famosiori significatu, nedum humanae Philosophiae, verum etiam sacrarum lite­rarum mori & consuetudini est consentaneum. Ul­terius si ly resistere accipiatur large & communiter, quamvis homo possit resistere si velit in sensu divi­so, nunquam tamen in sensu composito dissentiet. In tali sensu est Catholica & vera. Similiter si ly re­sistere intelligatur stricte, nunquam resistet etiam loquendo in sensu diviso.

ANIMADVERSIO GENERALIS In Vota Consultorum super secunda Propositione.

SEcundam propositionem de gratia efficaci intel­lectam, septem, ut videre est, Consultores ab­solvunt, imo potius novem. Nam sensus ille in quo illam veram esse aiunt Augustinus a Nativita­te, & Palavicinus, sensum esse gratiae efficacis, manifestum est. Caeteri gratiam efficacem ne vel­licant quidem. Qui Jansenium defendere volue­rit, non leve ex Wad ngi voto argumentum eli­ciet, ut probet nunquam mandatum esse Consul­toribus ut sensum Jansenii excuterent. Incredibile enim est Consultorem de sensu Jansenii interroga­tum a summo Pontifice, sic ipsi respondere ausum esse: Haec propositio cujuscunque auctoris illa sit.

Quod autem id unum in Jansenio reprehendunt Consultores, quod gratiam sufficientem prorsus aboleverit, nullamque esse voluerit gratiam cui dissentiatur, hoc vehementer labefactant hodier­ni Jansenii defensores, cum se gratiam sufficien­tem Thomistico sensu reipsa admittere, eidem­que vere resisti, vere ab ea dissentiri profitentur. Quo semel posito, nulla super hac propositione lis est ipsos inter & Consultores. Verum istam litem dirimendam Jansenianis relinquamus: no­bis illius partes fovere nihil necesse est. Hoc unum dico, sufficientem illam gratiam, quam plerique Consultores admittunt, non esse Molinianam, ut patet, quia iidem gratiam per se efficacem simul admittunt, quam Moliniana prorsus abigit.

TERTIA PROPOSITIO.
Ad merendum & demerendum in statu naturae lapsae non requiritur in homine libertas à ne­cessitate, sed sufficit libertas à coactione.
I.

HAEc propositio in aliquo casu particulari non est digna aliqua censura: prout a Jansenio asseri­tur, repugnat Scripturae, & Concilio Tridentino, & successive est haeretica.

II.

CEnseo hanc propositionem esse temerariam, & formaliter haereticam.

III.

HAEc propositio secundum se, & intellecta de li­bertate includente sufficientem deliberatio­nem, & indifferentiam judicii, ut intelligunt ejus auctores, puto non mereri ullam censuram: prout vero habetur in Jansenio, quod scilicet omnes, e­tiam justi qui peccant mortaliter, in natura lapsa careant libertate indifferentiae, & necessario taliter peccent, puto esse dignam eadem censura qua affe­ci primam propositionem.

ANIMADVERSIO.

NOtatu dignum in hoc voto sententiam Tho­misticam de indifferentia judicii circa media, quae non impedit quominus voluntas efficaciter a Deo praedererminetur, expresse ab hoc Molinae discipulo, sed moderatissimo, ab omni censura eximi. Auctores enim illi, a quibus eam asseri di­cit, non alii sunt quam Thomistae. Quod autem addit ex Jansenio, Omnes qui peccant mortaliter, necessario taliter peccare, id vulgo negant Janseni­ani, qui se in peccatoribus indifferentiam contra­dictionis admittere dictitant, nec quicquam om­nino a vulgari Thomistarum doctrina hac in par­te differre.

IV.

PRopositio haec, si accipiatur meritum & demeri­tum late, nulla digna est censura. Similiter si propositio intelligatur non solum de possibilitate in ordine ad Deum, sed etiam de facto, ex speciali privilegio quoad meritum, & ex aliqua causa speci­ali quoad demeritum, nulla est digna censura. Ac­cipiendo vero propositionem ut jacet, & secun­dum sensum quem regulariter importat, & in sen­su ab auctore, hoc est, Jansenio intento, est non solum male sonans, sed etiam absolute haeretica.

V.

CEnseo tertiam propositionem hanc simpliciter, esse formaliter haereticam.

VI.

HAec propositio in proprio & rigoroso sensu, maxime a Jansenio intento, est formaliter haeretica.

VII.

CEnseo propter multitudinem & auctoritatem gravissimorum virorum, qui doctrinam om­nem, a qua pendet propositio, defendunt, proposi­tionem probabilem & nulla dignam censura Theo­logica.

VIII.

CEnseo istam propositionem in sensu ab auctori­bus explicato esse formalissime haereticam, tan­quam destruentem libertatem, & consequenter ra­tionem meriti & demeriti in nostris actionibus.

IX.

CEnseo hanc propositionem secundum proprium sensum verborum, & secundum se absolute consideratam, esse saltem erroneam in fide.

X.

CEnseo propositionem hanc non solum esse dam­natam a summis Pontificibus contra Michae­lem Baium, & contra Jansenium; sed esse formali­ter haereticam, damnatam a D. Thoma, & ab ali­is summis Pontificibus & Conciliis, & esse forma­liter haeresim Calvini & Lutheri, damnatam in Concilio Tridentino. Quod si coarctaretur ad ali­quem casum particularem, adhuc declinat in par­tem haeresis.

XI.

HAec propositio intellecta de libertate a coactio­ne, excludente libertatem indifferentiae de­struentem efficaciam gratiae positam a D. Augusti­no, est Catholica, & non est qualificabilis; intelle­cta autem de libertate a coactione excludente indif­ferentiam compatientem secum efficaciam divinae gratiae Augustinianae, est qualificabilis, & est erro­nea, & etiam majori censura digna.

XII.

PRopositio quoad meritum est vera & Catholica; quoad demeritum respectu peccatoum quae sunt poena peccati, de quibus dicitur, De necessitatibus meis eripe me, Domine, non est qualificabilis.

XIII.

HAec propositio cum non solum a pluribus Do­ctoribus Scholasticis, sed etiam a multis Patri­bus & Doctoribus Ecclesiae, praesertim a D. Augu­stino & D. Thoma reperiatur asserta, necesse est dicere eam in sensu Catholico defendi posse, ne di­camus ipsos propositiones temeratias aut haereticas scripsisse. In re enim dubia & probabili interpreta­tio illa praeferenda, unde jus tertii non laeditur. Sentio igitur propositionem assertam nullam mere­ri censuram, imo esse veram & Catholicam.

ANIMADVERSIO GENERALIS in Vota Consultorum super tertia propositione.

VAlde hic nos turbant Consultores; quia sen­sum Jansenii saepe damnant, nunquam ex­primunt. Quod tamen ex illorum votis conjici licet, sic illum utique acceperunt, quasi omnem prorsus indifferentiam, etiam eam quae cum gra­tia efficaci cohaeret, etiam indifferentiam judicii & electionis mediorum funditus sustulerit, & me­ram necessitatem invexerit: quo sensu, qui cer­te, ut aiunt, rigorosus & proprius est, illam etiam repudiant omnes tum Thomistae tum Jansenistae, qui hunc sensum Jansenio falso tribui pugnant. At quia praeter illas indifferentias judicii & electionis, quas omnes admittunt, est alia quaedam notissi­ma, nempe Moliniana, illa scilicet quae semper in utramque partem sic expedita est, ut nihil ipsi de­sit quominus se vel in bonum vel in malum con­vertat; hanc utique nullo modo adstruunt Con­sultores, utpote gratiae efficaci capitaliter aver­sam. Imo quatuor ex ipsis dignitate longe praeci­pui, eruditione non postremi, propositionem ip­sam a censura liberant, quatenus excludit hoc Molinianae Scholae figmentum; nec tamen cum caeteris Consultoribus pugnant, nisi quod illam ali­ter quam ipsi interpretantur. Hi propositionem recte damnant; quia in proprio sensu destruit omnem indifferentiam: illi mitius de ea sentiunt, quia solam Molinianam impugnare videri potuit, quod non modo non vetat fides, sed etiam jubet. Ergo qui caeteras indifferentias admittit excepta Moliniana, cum omnibus Consultoribus reipsa consentit.

QUARTA PROPOSITIO.
Semipelagiani admittebant praevenientis gratiae interioris necessitatem ad singulos actus, eti­am ad initium fidei: & in hoc erant haereti­ci, quod vellent eam gratiam esse talem, cui posset humana voluntas resistere vel obtempe­rare.
I.

HAec quarta propositio ut jacet est haeretica; ut asseritur a Jansenio contra quosdam Doctores Catholicos, meretur censuram propter acerbita­tem: ut est antecedens ex quo ipse infert conse­quentiam de gratia victrice & medicinali, est etiam haeretica.

ANIMADVERSIO.

NOn nihil ille gratiam efficacem videtur impete­re, sed in speciem tantum: non enim credi­bile est aliquem ex illo Ordine, qui speciali de­creto praedeterminationem physicam docere & defendere tenetur, quae utique gratia victrix & medicinalis est, aliquid contra Ordinis sui doctri­nam ausum esse. Quid igitur senserit, breviter in­dicabo. Sunt quidam, sed ii perpauci, qui cum p [...]aedeterminationem physicam defendant, tamen illam a victrici delectatione a Jansenio asserta in eo se jungunt, quod praedeterminatio physica re­linquat adhuc voluntatem indifferentem in sensu diviso & etiam composito, componendo scilicet potentiam cum actu opposito. At vero, inquiunt, delectatio victrix omnimodam necessitatem affert ex Jansenio, nec ullam relinquit indifferentiam. Sic videtur sensisse iste Consultor, itemque Ra­phael Aversa in suo suffragio. At in hoc valde re­pugnantes habebunt Jansenii defensores, qui hanc meram esse cavillationem a suo & Jansenii sensu alienissimam clamitant, nec ullam a se necessitatem gratiae tribui, nisi quam Thomistae infallibilitatis vocant; nullam indifferentiam repudiari nisi Molinianam. Ita hic etiam de sensu Jansenii ab istis Consultoribus dissident, at in ipsis dogmatis cum Consultoribus congruunt.

II.

HAnc propositionem secundum historiam evi­denter patet esse falsam: quantum vero ad id quod asserit in secunda parte, praeter censuram tertiae propositionis, quia ex ea infertur necessario omnes Catholicos haereticos esse, dico esse temera­riam, blasphemam, & ad minus virtualiter haereti­cam, & forsan etiam formaliter.

III.

P [...] h [...] propositionem esse [...]aliam & temera­riem propter acerbitatem censurae quae notat sententiam probabilem, & uti talem ab Ecclesia admiss [...]. Praescindendo autem a censura hujus sententiae probabilis, propositio ipsa in se, & prout prola [...] a Jansenio, mihi videtur immunis ab omni censura Theologica.

IV.

PRima pars propositionis in quantum continet fa­ctum sive historiam, non est digna censura, ne­que est etiam evidenter falsa. Secunda pars propo­sitionis accepta indefinite prout sonat & potest ex­tendi tam ad gratiam efficacem, quam sufficientem, est non solum temeraria & erronea, sed etiam for­maliter haeretica. Prout restringitur ad gratiam effi­cacem, in quo sensu visus est Jansenius proferre, non est digna aliqua censura Theologica, nisi in quantum nimis rigorose censurat aientes, ejusmodi gratiae posse resisti & obtemperari: quae cum sit do­ctrina probabilis, non meretu [...] notam haeresis.

V.

JSta propositio, quicquid sit de prima parte, in qua est quaestio de facto, & mera historia, tamen quoad secundam partem prout intelligitur a Janse­nio, est formaliter haeretica.

VI.

CIrca hanc quartam propositionem sum in voto, quoad primam partem esse falsam. Quoad se­cundam, licet in aliquo sensu posset probabiliter sustineri, in proprio tamen & rigoroso sensu verbo­rum a Jansenio intento, cum annexis & connexis sub quibus porrigitur ab eodem, cui non potest ad­aptari sensus probabilis quem potest habere, propo­sitionem esse formaliter haereticam.

VII.

CEnseo propositionem hanc fuisse male concep­tam, & auctorem (quisquis ille fuerit) in pri­ma parte circa dogmata Semipelagianorum, & in secunda circa mentem Jansenii fuisse plane decep­tum. Caeterum in libro Jansenii censeo scandalo­sum esse & temerarium nimis vehementem illum modum propugnanci sententiam propriam, & im­pugnandi alienas, praesertim Patrum Jesuitarum.

VIII.

CEnseo hanc quart am propositionem quoad p [...]i­mam partem, tanquam punctum pertinens ad historiam, non cadere sub censura Theologica. Quoad secundam, & falso imponi Semipelagianis tanquam errorem, & esse formaliter haereticam, in quantum sententiam Catholicam antiquissimam, utpote a multis seculis, ipso Calvino fatente, tra­ditam in Ecclesia Dei, & a cunctis fidelibus sine [...]lla contradictione & discrepantia creditam, dicit haereticam.

IX.

DIco hujus propositionis primam partem esse fal­sam, alteram esse saltem haeresi proximam.

X.

PRopositio haec est tota falsa & perniciosa contra fidem historiae: sed specialiter secunda pars re­dundat in maximam contumeliam Ecclesiae Catho­licae, profitentis dari talem gratiam cui possit hu­mana voluntas resistere vel obtemperare, & ipsa in se est haeretica contra definitionem Concilii Tri­dentini. Quod si quarta propositio ita corrigatur: Gratiae efficaci humanam voluntatem non posse re­sistere, adhuc eo m [...]do quo ponitur a Jansenio, vi­detur haeretica; sed explicando gratiam efficacem eo modo quo apud alterutram Scholam intelligitur in sensu composito vel sub similibus terminis, sic contineret sanam doctrinam.

XI.

HAEc propositio quia imponit notam haeretico­rum Semipelagianis, ex eo quod affirmarent gratiam ab ipsis positam esse talem, cui voluntas pos­sit obsistere vel obtemperare, per taleitatem de­struentem efficaciam gratiae Divi Augustini, [...]ap­probantem inefficacitatem gratiae assertam a Semi­pelagianis, impugnatam a Divo Augustino, est im­munis ab omni censura.

XII.

SI propositio ista intelligitur, quod solum admit­teret talem gratiam cui posset humana voluntas resistere vel obtemperare, cum exclusione omnis [Page 153] gratiae efficacis, & secundum propositum, sic uti­que erant haeretici Semipelagiani: si vero ita intel­ligitur, ut ita vellent eam gratiam esse talem cui posset humana voluntas resistere vel obtemperare, ut tamen praeter illam admitterent gratiam effica­cem & secundum propositum, sic non erant haere­tici, sicut non sunt doctissimi viri qui utramque gratiam admittunt.

XIII.

QUoad primam partem propositionis quartae, censeo non mereri aliquam censuram; ut ex mu [...]is relatis, praesertim ex testimonio D. Augu­stini de Praedestin. cap. 1. Quoad secundam partem, in hoc erant haeretici, quod sensum Pelagianorum proprium, quatenus excludebant gratiam vere ef­ficacem quam statuit D. Augustinus in suis operibus, falsa est: si autem ly resistere accipiatur in proprio significatu, non videtur censuranda secunda pars propositionis.

ANIMADVERSIO GENERALIS in Vota Consultorum super quanta propositione.

PRopositionem ipsim, ut palam est, sex Con­sultores innoxiam pronunciant: caeteri prop­terea damnant, quia erroris accusare videtur Ca­tholicam doctrinam contra Calvinum definitam, scilicet gratiae resisti vel obtemperari posse. An igi­tur sex ex illo numero haeretici fuerunt, & septem Catholici? An fides ab haeresi non nisi uno Con­sultoris calculo dissidet? Neutiquam, omnes idem reipsa senserunt: sed ut in aliis propositionibus, sic etiam in illa, de sensu ejus non conveniunt.

Sensum Iansenii hic expresse Iesuita Palavicinus, Carpinetus, Wadingus, a censura eximunt: imo postremus ille auctorem illarum propositionum in Iansenii mente plane deceptum coram summo Pontifice praedicat, verene an falso, nihil ad me. Interim obiter noto hanc de Iansenii sensu con­troversiam inter ipsos Consultores viguisse, nec demum post Constitutionem natam esse, ut qui­dam fabulantur, quam utinam ex professo & non obiter tantum agitassent: tantas enim fortasse li­tes nobis non reliquissent.

Rectissime autem Generalis Augustinianorum, i­temque Commissarius S. Officii, in eo collocant Semipelagianorum errorem, quod gratiae effica­cis necessitatem ad initium fidei destruerent, quod adversus Molinistas idipsum sentientes semper te­nuit, & etiam nunc tenet omnis Schola Thomi­stica, omnesque graves Theologi.

QUINTA PROPOSITIO.
Semipelagianum est dicere, Christum pro omnibus omnino hominibus mortuum fuisse, & sangui­nem fudisse.
I.

HAec propositio, ut jacet, non est Catholica; si exponatur quoad auxilia sufficientia praepara­ta omnibus hominibus ex meritis Christi, meretur censuram propter acerbitatem. Ut est connexa cum propositione Iansenii, quod Christus sit mortuus solum pro praedestinatis, & illis solis praeparaverit auxilia sufficientia ad perseverandum, meretur e­andem censuram ac prima propositio.

II.

EXistimo hanc propositionem tanquam omnibus horrendam & impiam, & tanquam animam reliquarum propositionum, & quia habet etiam affi­nitatem cum multis propositionibus damnatis Baii, prorsus temerariam & plus reliquis haereticam.

III.

CEnseo istam propositionem secundum se esse Catholicam, & non dignam censura, nisi propter censuram annexam propositionis. Propter ejusmodi censuram qua damnat propositionem ad­missam a multis Scholasticis, & simpliciter prola­tam in Tridentino, censeo esse temerariam & ma­le sonantem; prout profertur a Iansenio, censeo mereri eandem censuram qua notavi primam pro­positionem.

IV.

HAec propositio ut jacet, Christus non est mor­tuus pro omnibus omnino hominibus, & pro omnibus omnino hominibus sanguinem non fudit, sine alio addito explicante, est male sonans, pias aures offendens, & si non formaliter haeretica, saltem haeresi proxima. Eadem propositio restricta hoc modo: Christus non est mortuus pro praescitis, adhuc est formaliter haeretica, sic simpliciter & sine alia explicatione proposita. Eadem propositio restri­cta hoc modo: Christus non est mortuus pro omni­bus omnino hominibus; quia non est mortuus pro [Page 154] infidelibus, adhuc est haeretica. Eadem propositio restricta hoc modo: Christus non est mortuus pro omnibus omnino hominibus, quia non est mortuus pro parvulis, adhuc est haeretica, simpliciter & sine aliqua declaratione prolata. Eadem propositio eti­am declarata hoc modo: Christus non est mortuus pro omnibus, quia non omnibus contulit benefici­um suae passionis, sed solum praedestinatis, adhuc est haeretica. In uno vero sensu solo erit Catholica, si dicatur: Christus non est mortuus pro omnibus, quia non omnibus contulit beneficium salutis sive beatitudinis aeternae.

V.

DIco: Vel quinta ista propositio facit sensum, quod Christus non sit mortuus pro omnibus efficaciter, & non est digna censura, sed Catholica: vel facit sensum quod non sit mortuus pro omni­bus aequaliter: ita ut discretio sit ex nobis, non au­tem ex gratia; & est etiam Catholica: vel facit sensum quod non sit mortuus pro quibusdam, ut pro infantulis qui moriuntur sine baptismo, pro paga­nis, & quibusdam Christianis induratis; & ester­ronea & temeraria; saltem prout vocat opinionem oppositam, errorem Semipelagianorum: vel facit sensum quod sit mortuus pro praedestinatis tantum, & pro nullis aliis etiam justificatis, uti per baptis­mum, &c. & in hoc sensu, qui vere est Jansenii, est haeretica.

VI.

SUm in voto, propositionem hanc ratione cen­surae esse male sonantem & temerariam: secun­dum se esse scandalosam: in sensu auctoris, nempe Jansenii, quatenus excludit a beneficio aeterno mortis Christi infideles & parvulos, esse parum pro­babilem, & nihil piam: quatenus excludit aliquos ex justificatis, esse erroneam & formaliter haereti­cam.

ANIMADVERSIO.

HAereo, fateor, quomodo hic duos istos Consul­tores excusem, quod eam Jansenio senten­tiam tribuant, Christum ita pro solis praedestina­tis mortuum esse, ut pro nullis aliis mortuus sit, e­tiam justificatis per baptismum. Hoc enim con­stat a sensu Jansenii verbisque disjunctissimum es­se, cum pro omnibus justificatis, etiam reprobis Christum esse mortuum profiteatur. Non video igitur quid dici possit, nisi Consultores istos indili­gentius sensum Jansenii excussisse; quia summus Pontifex propositiones expendi jusserat in ab­stracto, & ut praescindunt ab omni proferente, ut ait Vincentius de Pretis S. Officii Commissarius in suo suffragio. Quamobrem illi summi Pontificis jussu, propositionibus in abstracto spectandis intenti, de Jansenio audita potius quam visa retulere, aliter procul dubio locuturi, si Jansenium suis oculis in­spexissent.

VII.

JSta propositio quinta cum illa nota sive censura Semipelagiani erroris, nullibi legitur apud Ian­senium. Explicatio autem quam adhibuit locis sa­crae Scripturae de morte Christi pro solis fidelibus, praesertim pro praedestinatis, sana est & Catholica, utpote conformis eidem sacrae Scripturae, & quae expresse habetur apud Augustinum, & alios SS. Pa­tres, & alios gravissimos Doctores.

VIII.

DIco propositionem istam fuisse primo evomi­tam ex Calvino: secundo Semipelagianos non errasse in hoc puncto, sed recte & Catholice sensis­se: tertio esse formaliter haereticam, tanquam re­pugnantem apertissimis & toties repetitis testimo­niis Apostolicis, necnon sacris Conciliis, & SS. Patribus contradicentem; & proprie omnipotenti Deo, cujus natura bonitas; & copiosissimae Christi redemptioni, cujus modica sanguinis gutta pro to­tius mundi redemptione suffecisset, ut testatur Cle­mens VI. in Extravagante Ʋnigenitus, de poenitentia, esse valde injuriosam.

IX.

CUm haec propositio, Christus pro omnibus om­nino hominibus mortuus est, sit de fide, ex Scripturis, Concilio Trid. & SS. Patribus, haec quinta propositio est omnino haeretica.

X.

HAec propositio in modo loquendi proprie & rigorose sumpta, est blasphema, contumeli­osa, contraria S. Scripturae, & Concilio Tridenti­no; in sensu vero Iansenii partim ex professo lib. 3. de gratia Salvatoris cap. ultimo, reducitur ad pri­mas tres propositiones; quare eandem cum illis censuram meretur.

XI.

HAec propositio per hoc quod afficitur nota er­roris subit censuram quam meretur, & pro­inde est immunis ab omni censura.

ANIMADVERSIO.

MEns Consultoris est, recte Semipelagiani er­roris nota affici hanc propositionem, Chri­stus pro omnibus mortuus est, intellectam Molini­stico sensu, videlicet quod Christus omnibus prome­ruerit gratiam quandam Molinianam, quam alii ac­cipiunt, alii respuunt pro solo nutu voluntatis; ad­eoque immunem judicat a censura quintam pro­positionem, quatenus Molinae sententiam dam­nat.

XII.

VOtum est. Haec propositio ex D. Prospero & Hilario in terminis est a Semipelagianis asser­ta tanquam contraria sententiae S. Patris Augusti­ni. An vero ab illis simpliciter asseratur, vel tanquam illorum error habenda sit, dico secundum sensum intentum a Semipelagianis, ista propositio est falsa, quatenus nimirum existimant Christum Dominum aequaliter ac indifferenter quacunque le­ge seclusa omni gratia efficaci, 1 & secundum propositum de quo loquitur Apostolus, & explicat Augustinus.

ANIMADVERSIO.

ET hic Consultor propositionem vocat, non to­tum istud complexum, Semipelagianum est di­cere, &c. sed hanc solam partem ultimam, Chri­stus pro omnibus omnino hominibus mortuus est; quam falsam dicit, secundum sensum a Semipela­gianis intentum, quem eundem esse manifeste vult ac sensum Molinistarum.

XIII.

CEnseo quintam propositionem praedictam nul­lam mereri censuram, & sustineri posse ut probabilem, & fine dubio veram. Semipelagiano­rum enim error fuit, ut omnibus pro comperto est, ita Christum Dominum esse omnium Redempto­rem, & pro omnibus mortuum existimarunt, ut penes liberum arbitrium omnium hominum esset tale Redemptoris beneficium acceptare seu repudi­are, etiam proxima & immediata, &, ut aiunt Theologi, cum actu conjuncta potentia: quo er­rore manifeste humano arbitrio partes primas, gra­tiae vero secundas tribuebant, contra Magistrum Gentium Paulum ad Corinth. 4. ac ipsius electionis profundissima mysteria relegabant, quo consequen­ter veram Christi Domini redemptionem de me­dio tollebant, ut talis redemptionis participes esse homines ex liberi arbitrii viribus operantes autu­marent.

ANIMADVERSIO GENERALIS in Vota Consultorum super quinta propositione.

IN hac quinta propositione similiter se gerunt Consultores atque in caeteris. Quidam ex illis de sensu Jansenii pro libito loquuntur. Con [...]ra Wa­dingus nullibi legi apud Jansenium istam propositi­onem asserit. Ipsam propositionem quidam defen­dunt, quidam damnant, in ejus intelligentia dissen­tientes, in ipsis dogmatis aut nihil, aut parum. Si­quidem inter omnes gratiae efficacis patronos, aut certe non impugnatores, quales illi fuerunt, sen­tentias sequentes orthodoxas esse convenit.

  • I. Christum solis praedestinatis ea beneficia morte sua promeruisse, quibus certissime liberantur qui­cunque liberan [...]ur.
  • II. Nulli reprobo datum esse aut promeritum. per mortem Christi efficax & gratuitum perseverantiae donum, sine quo nemo unquam salvus erit.
  • III. Gratias omnes quas justificati reprobi recipi­unt, ipsis ex meritis Christi conferri: & quia justi­ficati omnes habent gratias Thomistico sensu suffi­cientes, modo actuales, modo habituales, etiam pro illis promerendis Christum esse mortuum.
  • IV. Mortem Christi esse sufficientem pro totius 'mundi salute.
  • V. Christum humana, vel divina etiam, sed an­tecedente voluntate omnium hominum salutem optasse.
  • VI. Absoluta voluntate & efficaci solis praedesti­natis aeternam beatitudinem optasse, petiisse, pro­meruisse.

Haec fere inter Thomistas constant, nec ullum ex istis capitibus convellunt Consultores, multa etiam expresse probant. Sunt autem quaedam in nostra Schola controversa, v. g. an omnes infideles & obdurati habeant gratias sufficientes: haec non attingunt Consultores.

Si quaeras quem sensum Jansenio tribuant qui ipsi videntur adversi; Respondeo hunc esse, ut ex ipso pro solis praedestinatis Christus mortuus sit, & nul­lo modo pro reprobis; ex quo consequens aiunt esse, nulli, ne justo quidem, adesse sufficientia me­dia ad salutem. Talem non esse Jansenii sensum multi contendunt: jure an injuria, grandis quae­stio; at mei nec instituti, nec stomachi. Omnino enim quo pertineat de unius hominis sententia li­tigare prorsus non intelligo. Erret, an recte senti­at Jansenius, nihil ad me: imo nihil ad fidem, ni­hil ad Ecclesiam; dummodo de ipsis dogmatis con­stet. De ipsis propositionibus inter se Consulto­res dissenserunt; quanto id durius? Integra ta­men omnium fides; quia verborum potius ista, quam rerum dissensio fuit. Potest idem in Janse­nii sensu accidere, quem varie acceptum probare illi possunt, illi improbare, nihil inter se in ipsis dogmatis discrepantes. An ita sit, videant quo­rum id interest. Ego vero doctis illis viris, qui de­fensi Jansenii invidia laborant, libenter hanc con­ditionem tulerim, quam simili in causa Origenistis infensissimus illorum hostis Hieronymus tulit; aut deserant Jansenium, aut doceant illius mentem a proprio sensu propositionum penitus alienam, & in his quinque capitulis nostrae Scholae penitus con­sentientem, in qua certissimum ipsis ad vitandam Molinistarum ferocientium audaciam perfugium semper patebit.

An Advertisement touching the General of the Augustines.

TIs manifest in these Suffrages, that F. Philip Visconty General of the Augustines, always held the five Propositions as free from Censure, be­cause he took them in the sense of Effectual Grace: Whence it also appears, that the holding of the Propositions in the said sense was never taken ill at Rome, since the sentiments of this General hin­dred not his being afterwards offer'd three Bishop­pricks, of which he refus'd the two first out of hu­mility; but at the instances of the present Pope, at length accepted that of Ascoli in the Kingdome of Naples, which preferment of his was certifi'd to me by a Letter written from Rome, Febr. 19. 1657.

IO non so che nuova darle se nou brevemente sig­nificare a V. S. che doppo esser stati proposti i Vescovati di Catanzaro e Nardo nel Regno al P. Visconti, & esser stati da lui rifiutati; Mercordi passato, giorno delle Cineri su fatto avvisare da N. S. che li proponeva il Vescovato d' Ascoli pure in Regno; e perche da questo scopri che sua Santita in tutti i modi lo volea Vescovo; e'l giorno dopo lo mando a chiamare Monsignor Ghiggi per l'istesso, la mattina seguente del Venerdi fu intimato all es­same, e fu essaminato con Monsu Alliere per il Ves­covato di Cavaglione. Non so che mi dire di questa premura; e come si siano incontrati a stare assieme l'Arca e Dagone. L' Alliere se ne sta nel convento di S. Marcello, e lo serve dicarozza il C. Barberino. Del resto le vivo servirore ela saluto con tutti amo­rosissimamente. Di Roma li 19. Febraro.

PAVLI IRENAEI CAVSA JANSENIANA, SIVE FICTITIA HAERESIS, SEX DISQUISITIONIBUS Theologice historice explicata explosa.

ADVERTISEMENT Touching these Disquisitions.

THREE of these Disquisitons have been formerly Printed; the other three, not till now. I was invited to annex them to my Journal by the conformity which I found in them with the historicall matters related there­in. Although I must not dissemble that the Au­thor hath particular reflections of his own upon the same actions; which may be attributed to the di­versity of Memoires and intelligence written touching the same Occurrences both by our Col­legues and our Adversaries. The sincerity and candor which appears in his maner of writing suffer me not to doubt but he hath spoken as faithfully and ho­nestly as my self. And indeed these disquisitions so clear the matters which they treat of, and are all six so convincing, that what was formerly said of the two first which were printed, may be said of them all, viz. that they are ad presentes Ecclesiae tumultus sedandos opportunae.

These following passages of S. Augustin were set in the front of the two former instead of a Pre­face when they were first printed.

S. AUGUSTINUS.

CERTUM est non mandata servare si volumus; sed quia praeparatur voluntas a Domino, ab illo pretendum est ut tantum velimus, quantum sufficit ut volendo faciamus —Qui ergo vult fa­cere Dei mandatum, & non potest, jam quidem habet voluntatem bonam, sed adhuc parvam & invalidam; poterit autem cum magnam habuerit & robustam— Et quis istam etsi parvam dare coepe­rat caritatem, nisi ille qui praeparat voluntatem, & cooperando perficit, quod operando incipit? Quoniam ipse ut velimus operatur incipiens, qui volentibus cooperatur perficiens —tamen sine illo vel operante ut velimus, vel cooperante cum volumus, ad bona pietatis opera NIHIL VALE­MUS. De gratia & lib. arb. c. 16. 17.

Idem S. AUGUSTINUS.

Concupiscentiae reatus nisi in renascentibus non solvitur, ut eo post hanc absolutionem non inqui­netur, nisi qui ei ad perpetrandum opus malum spi itu adversus eam vel non concupiscente, VEL NON FORTIUS CONCUPISCENTE consentit. Lib. 6. operis ult. Iul. cap. ult.

Idem S. AUGUSTINUS.

Dicite nobis, o vani, non defensores, sed in­flatores liberi arbit rii; dicite inquam, nobis, si noluissent Gentes eredere, justeque vivere, eva­cuaretur promissio quae facta est ad Abraham? Non inquies. Ergo ut Abraham ob stipendium fidei consequeretur dilatationem seminis, praeparata est Gentium voluntas a Domino; & ut vellent, QuOD ET NOLLE POTUISSENT, ab illo factum est, qui ea quae promisit, potens est facere. Contra secundam Julian. Resp. lib. 2.

Idem ADVERSUS SEMIPELAGIANOS.

Omnes Deus docet venire ad Christum, non quia omnes veniunt, sed quia nemo aliter venit — Nam si & illos quibus stultitia est verbum crucis, ut ad Christum venirent docere voluisset, proculdubio venirent & ipsi. Non enim fallit aut fallitur qui ait: Omnis qui audivit a Patre, & di­dicit, venit ad me. Absit ergo ut quisquam non ve­niat qui a Patre audivit & didicit. Quare, inqui­unt, non omnes docet? Si dixerimus, quia no­lunt discere quos non docet, respondebitur nobis. Et ubi est quod ei dicitur, Dom ne tu convertens vivificabis nos? Aut si non facit VOLENTES EX NOLENTIBUS Deus, quid orat Ecclesia se­cundum praeceptum Domini pro persecutoribus su­is, quandoquidem hoc pro eis oratur, ut non cre­dentibus, [Page 158] id est, fidem non habuentibus, FIDES IPSA DONETUR? Cum igitur Evangelium praedicatur, quidam credunt, quidam non cre­dunt. Sed qui credunt, Praedicatore forin secus insonante, intus a Patre audiunt atque discunt; qui autem non credunt, foris audiunt, intus non audiunt, neque discunt; hoc est, illis datur ut cre­dant, illis non datur. Quia nemo, inquit, venit ad me, nisi Pater qui me misit, taxerit eum. — Et nemo potest venire ad me, nisi fuerit ei datum a Patré meo. Ergo trahi a Patre ad Christum, & au­dire ac discere a Patre quo credat in Christum, ni­hil aliud est quam donum accipere a Patre quo cre­dat in Christum. Haec est Augustino Catholica fi­des Semipelagianorum errori opposita. De praedest. SS. c. 8.

S. THOMAS.

Omnis absoluta voluntas Christi, etiam humana, fuit impleta; quia fuit Deo conformis: & per con­sequens omnis ejus oratio fuit exaudita. Quare dicendum est, quod Dominus non oravit pro om­nibus crucifixoribus; neque etiam pro omnibus qui erant credituri in eum, sed pro his solum qui erant praedestinati, ut per ipsum vitam conseque­rentur aeternam. 3. p. q. 21. a. 4.

PAULI IRENAEI DISQUISITIO PRIMA.
An sint in Ecclesia novae alicujus haeresis Sectatores.

OMnibus retro seculis nihil fortasse ejus­modi visum aut auditum, quale his no­stris remporibus cernere est. Sollicitan­tur omnes & Ecclesiae & seculi potestates, ar­mantur concionatores, populi concitantur, ad ex­tinguendum nescio cujus novae latentis, ut aiunt, haeresis incendium. Periclitari dicitur res Christi­ana, nisi gliscenti malo mature occurratur. Rem totam proprius inspice, nec vanis rumoribus, sed fidelibus oculis crede [...] nec haereseos, nec periculi umbram aut somnium reperies.

Id quoniam ostendi mirifice pertinet ad concili­andam Ecclesiae pacem, hac scriptione breviter, at, ni sallor, invicte demonstrabitur, nullam in Ecclesia haeresim, nullos haereticos esse, ut ex om­nibus constet non tam hanc schismatis & haereseos flammam este, quam occultae malevolentiae & pri­vati odii fumum: quem omnibus, ac praesertim Ecclesiae rectoribus, offundere nituntur homines sibi male conscii, nec obscuris de causis exulcerati, ut in hac omnium rerum caligine suis interim cupidi­tatibus serviant.

Quod proposui, sic efficio. Nulla haeresis sine haeretico dogmate. Nulli haeretici sine pertinacia in damnato dogmate defendendo. Neutrum est in Ec­clesia. Igitur nec haeresis in Ecclesia, nec haere­tici.

Singulas partes separatim exequemur, ac pri­mum de haeretico dogmate.

ARTICULUS. I.
Novam illam haeresim in ipsis quinque propositio­nibus non residere, quia eas nemo defendit.

OMnes de gratia controversiae ad quinque propo­sitiones jam redierunt. Nam caetera omnia citra fidei dispendium libere defendi jam ipsi adver­sarii consentiunt. Ergo aut ibi haeresis sita, aut nusquam. At non ibi esse facile convincitur. Om­nes enim ad unum Catholici istas propositiones proscribunt, & quidem in proprio verborum sensu: ubinam igitur haeresis? Confectam quaestionem diceres, nisi adversariorum calliditas novas rursum lites serere instituisset. Non satis aiunt esse ad de­clinandam haeresim, si propositiones damnentur in proprio sensu, nisi etiam damnentur in Janseniano. Ad hunc finem decretum quoddam ab Episcopis Galliae expresserunt Annati sui operâ Jesuitae, quo jubentur omnes Theologi propositiones in Janse­niano sensu damnare. Hoc qui renuat, quod multi faciunt, illico hoc Annatino argumento feritur: Jansenianus sensus ab Episcopis ut haereticus pro­scribitur. Defendis sensum Jansenit. Ergo defen­dis haereticum sensum. Ergo es haereticus. Hoc sophismate, minis & terroribus ar mato, omnes jam Molinismi vires continentur. Ex illo novam Jansenianam illam haeresim eruunt. Hoc igitur accuratius excutiendum, dissolvendum, obteren­dum est, quo simul fictitiae haereseos terriculum e­vanescat.

ARTICULUS II.
Sophismatis Moliniani dissolutio.

SI quis Bellarminum & Baronium Cardinales hoc argumento propter desensum Honorii summi Pontificis sensum, Monothelitanae haereseos ageret reos: Sexta Synodus oecumenica, item duae se­quentes, ac duo summi Pontifices, Honorii Epi­stolas & sensum utique damnarunt haereseos Mo­nothelitanae. Vos defenditis sensum Honorii. Ergo Monothelitanae haereseos crimen suscipitis. Quaero quo pacto tanti viri a tam foedo & tam a­perte falso crimine eximendi sint? Nimirum dete­gendo argumenti vitio, quod constat quatuor ter­minis, & sub Honorii sensu aequivocationem & fal­laciam tegit.

Damnavit sensum Honorii sexta Synodus. Sen­sum Honorii defendunt Bellarminus & Baronius. Sed non eundem sensum illa damnavit, isti defen­dunt. Monothelitarum sensum in epistolis Hono­rii esse credidit sexta Synodus, & ideo damna­vit. At easdem epistolas Catholico sensu inter­pretantur illustrissimi Cardinales, & ideo defen­dunt. Non ergo Synodo adversantur in quaesti­one juris, sed tantum in facto, id est, literarum Ho­norii interpretatione.

Omnino duplici ratione hominis etiam ab Eccle­sia damnati sensus defendi potest. Primo, ut ille [Page 159] ipse sensus, eademque sententia quam damnavit Ecclesia, defendatur. Hoc qui faciat, haereticus est. Secundo, ut alicujus auctoris sensus ab haeresi ad Catholicam fidem benigna interpretatione flec­tatur. Hoc qui faciat, sit temerarius, sit prae­postere benignus, haereticus certe dici non potest: non enim haereticum, sed Catholicum sensum de­fendit.

Utroque modo defensus Origines, & utrumque defensions modum valde Patres pro sua aequitate secreverunt. Multi enim ipsos Origenis errores defenderunt. Ergo illi a Patribus pro haereticis habiti. Alii contra sic Origeni patrocinati sunt, ut illos errores falso illi ascriptos esse certarent, ejusque verba durius accipi contenderent. Hi non sectatores, sed defensores Originis ab Augusti­no dicuntur, in quos nemo tam injustus fuit, ut ob hanc rem notam haeresos in illos confer­ret.

Ex illis manifestum est Jansenii sensum duplici­ter defendi posse. Primo ita ut quinque proposi­tiones, & proprium earum sensum Jansenii esse quis fateatur, & eas nihilominus defendere non desistat. Hoc si quis fecerit, in illum insurgant Je­suitae quantum volent.

Verum alia plane eximendi a noxa Jansenii ratio est: si quis videlicet ejus verba eo sensu interpre­tetur, quem constat esse Catholicum; idemque pro­positiones in earum proprio sensu damnet; at ipsas propositiones & proprium earum sensum in Janse­nio se videre deneget. Qui ita se gerat, quocunque nomine afficiatur, haereticus dici nequit, cum sen­sus ille, quem vere an falso Jansenii esse putat, ut Catholicus ab omnibus probetur.

Hoc constituto, reliquum est ut demonstrem hac tantum secunda ratione a permultis viris eruditis defendi Jansenium; quia nimirum ejus verba eo sensu accipiunt, quem nemo haereseos accusare au­deat. Quod postquam confecero, sponte corruet Annatinum sophisma. Damnant enim Jansenii sensum Episcopi; sed illum videlicet, quem Jan­senii esse crediderunt. Rursum quidam Jansenii sensum non ejurant; sed quia illum aliter quam Episcopi interpretantur, & eam tantum arbitrantur doctrinam in illo contineri, quam ipsis Episcopis, ipsi summo Pontifici, probatam esse certo sciunt. Non ergo illi ab Episcoporum mente & sententia discedunt in aliquo dogmate, sed tantum in intelli­gentia Jansenii, quem illi durius, hi benignius in­terpretantur. Vtrum in hoc sit temeritas aliqua, a­lia est controversia; non esse haeresim, extra con­troversiam est.

Omnis ergo difficultas ad hoc caput reducitur, u­trum ille sensus, quem Jansenio tribuunt qui illum condemnare recusant, sit Catholicus, nec ab E­piscopis damnatus dici possit. Hanc, ni fallor, prorsus eximet subjuncta sensus illius Janseniani explicatio, quem tuemur.

ARTICULUS. III.
Tota Jansenii doctrina circa quinque propositi­ones ad duo capita haud dubie Catholica redu­citur.

QVid Episcopi sensus Janseniani nomine intel­lexerint, haud facile conjici potest: nunquam enim illum explicarunt. Tam varie autem adhuc illum interpretati sunt qui adversus ipsum scripsere, ut vix cuos reperias in eodem sensu congruentes. Prorsus enim quemlibet sensum Jansenio licet af­fingere, dummodo insulsum aliquem errorem con­tineat. Itemque quamlibet sententiam licet de­fendere, dummodo Jansenium verbo renus repu­dies. Quid ergo, inquam, Episcopi senserint, incertum est; illud certum & indubitatum, nus­quam illis in mente fuisse damnare eam sententiam, qua contineri sensum Jansenii arbitrantur qui ejus damnationi non consentiunt. Tota res sola expo­sitione indiget illius doctrinae quam isti esse Ca­tholicam certo sciunt, & Jansenianam etiam esse putanr. Videant vel infensissimi adversarii quid in ea reprehendere habeant.

Sic igitur existimant illi, totam Jansenii doctri­nam circa quinque propositiones duobus istis capiti­bus contineri.

Primo gratiam efficacem, qui voluntas infalli­biliter, sed sine necessitate ad bene operandum ap­plicatur & determinatur, ad singulas actiones bo­nas, & ad ipsam orationem esse necessariam. Ita per orbem Christianum omnis S. Thomae Schola, & celeberrimae Academiae. Nec vero isti gratiae majorem Jansenius attribuit efficaciam, quam Thomistae, ut quidam insulse criminari occipiunt; sed eandem plane qua scilicet voluntas physice prae­determinetur, sed sine necessitate, nisi isto nomine effectum infallibilem intelligas.

Secundum est, nullam in hoc statu naturae cor­ruptae dari gratiam sufficientem Moliniano sensu ac­ceptam, quae scilicet nullum aliud auxilium requi­rat ad bene operandum: sed pro arbitrii nutu vel consentientis vel dissentientis, modo effectum ha­beat, modo non habeat. Ita etiam omnes Tho­mistae, ut ipse Jansenius testatur tom. 3. lib. 3. c. 1.

Si nihil aliud Jansenius circa quinque propositio­nes doceat nisi haec duo capita, proculdubio Ca­tholice sentit; proculdubio verum ejus sensum non damnarunt Episcopi, cum nemo dicere audeat, ab Episcopis vel gratiam efficacem esse damnatam, vel Molinianam gratiam pro fidei dogmate sancitam esse.

Si quid aliud ipse sentiat aut doceat, ostendatur modo, & jam ipsius sensum nemo abdicare recusa­bit. Nam qui recusant, hac una ratione moven­tur, quod nihil aliud in ipso vident. In quo uti­que ertare possunt: possunt de illo benignius quam par esset sentire: possunt esse temerarii. At haere­tici prorsus esse non possunt; nisi haereticum sit ip­sam Ecclesiae fidem sub Jansenii nomine defen­dere.

Sed ne tam generali asseveratione fucum facere velle existimentur, operae pretium est sigillatim o­stendere quid Jansenium circa propositiones senfisse putant: ex quo patebit, nihil aliud astrui, nisi [Page 160] efficacis gratiae necessitatem ad singulos actus; nihil aliud re [...]ci, nisi versatilem Molinae grati­am.

ARTICULUS. IV.
Quid circa primam propositionem senserit Jan­senius, prout a suis defensoribus explica­tur.

HAec una est ex quinque propositionibus cujus verba ex Jansenio deprompta sunt; quanquam loco suo avulsa alium plane sensum exhibeant, quam qui ex appositis verbis elicitur. Hunc enim talem esse credimus.

Cum omnibus hominibus, atque adeo justis ne­cessaria sit gratia praedeterminans ad bene operan­dum, ad implenda Christiano animo praecepta, ad graves tentationes vincendas: illa tamen gratia non omnibus justis, etiam volentibus, conantibus, & orantibus imperfecte per gratias inefficaces, quas Thomistae sufficientes vocant, semper praesto est. Ergo etiamsi justi in hoc statu constituti veram ha­beant implendi mandata potestatem per gratiam il­lam tum habitualem tum actualem; illa tamen po­testas non complectitur omnia ad agendum necessa­ria: nec sufficiens est Molinistico sensu; quia deest adhuc illi gratia efficax agendi, quae necessaria prorsus est ut voluntas ad plene consentiendum ap­plicetur & determinetur. Ita si gratia sufficiens Thomistico sensu usurpetur pro ea quae tribuit posse internum a gratia efficaci applicandum, certum est omnes justos volentes & conantes nunquam carere ejusmodi gratia sin autem Molinistico sensu, sic qui­buscunque deest gratia efficax, deest etiam gratia suf­ficiens Moliniana. Sola enim gratia efficax est om­nibus modis sufficiens, ut vulgo Thomistae omnes agnoscunt. Similiter si vox posse usurpetur pro po­tentia interna agendi, ut vulgo sumitur a Thomi­stis, omnes justi semper habent ejusmodi potesta­tem, qualis est oculi sani in tenebris, ut iidem do­cent. Sin autem usurpetur Moliniano & vulgari sensu pro ea cui nihil deest necessarium ad operan­dum, non habent semper omnes justi ejusmodi potentiam; imo quicunque gratia efficaci carent, tali etiam potestate carent; carent enim aliquo ne­cessario. Id si Moliniani defendi aegre ferent, damnari curent ab Episcopis & a summo Pontifice disertis verbis. Tunc enim sensum Jansenii con­stabit esse damnatum. Sin autem id se impetrare non posse sat sciunt, quid est cur haereseos accusent eos quorum sensus non ambiguis verbis expressos ne attentare quidem audeant?

ARTICULUS V.
Quid circa secundam propositionem.

DVplex gratiae interioris actualis genus a Janse­nio admissam existimamus: alia enim efficax apud illum, alia inefficax. Prima illa est, quam Thomistae simpliciter efficacem vocant: huic sem­per resisti potest, nunquam reipsa resistitur. In­efficax gratia eadem prorsus est atque ea, quam Thomistae modo sufficientem vocant, modo exci­tantem. Haec tribuit posse & vires ad alium effe­ctum quem non habet, non tamen ita validas ut efficaci gratia ad bene operandum nihil egeant. Illi gratiae vere resistitur in eo effectu quem posset habere, si voluntas plene consentiret; imo nun­quam isti gratiae non resistitur, nisi cum efficax & praedeterminans gratia illi adjungitur.

Sed quamvis ista gratia sit inefficax respectu boni operis ad quod ex natura sua tendit, & ad quod im­plendum voluntatem excitat & roborat; alio ta­men sensu est efficax secundum quid; quia semper actus illos imperfectos producit ad quos ex decreto absoluto divinae voluntatis ordinatur. Atque ita generatim omnis Christi gratia efficax dici potest; quia semper id efficit quod Deus absolute fieri de­crevit.

Quid haec doctrina a vulgari doctrina Thomista­rum discrepet, omnino ignorare nos fatemur. Quare cum nihil laesam constet ab Episcopis Tho­mistarum sententiam, certum est etiam hanc, quam Jansenianam esse credimus, nullo modo ab ipsis vio­latam.

Ergo ex Jansenio, prout a nobis intelligitur, a­li [...]ui gratiae interiori verissime resistitur, sed non ita ut Molinistae docent, quasi eidem gratiae nunc resistatur, nunc non resistatur pro solo flexu vo­luntatis.

ARTICULUS VI.
Quid circa tertiam propositionem.

CUm gratia efficax infallibiliter moveat volunta­tem, nec ei auferat aut libertatem aut meri­tum, certum est ad merendum non requiri indiffe­rentiam illam Molinianam, qua voluntas ita potest bonum & malum agere, ut ad utrum libet actu & effective pro libito sese determiner: contingere enim non potest, ut cum gratia efficaci malum e­ligat.

Rursus cum sine gratia efficaci nemo bene a­gat, multi contra peccent & demereantur, cer­tum est ad demerendum non requiri indifferentiam Molinianam, qua voluntas ita se ad bonum & ma­lum potest convertere, ut ei nihil desit necessari­um, quo se in utramlibet partem convertat: caret enim in illo casu gratia efficaci ad bene agendum necessaria.

At hac una indifferentia dempta caeteras omnes, quia gratiae efficaci non adversantur, semper in hoc statu natura lapsae reperiri, nobis videtur sentire Jansenius. Itaque ex illo ad merendum & deme­rendum in statu naturae lapsae non sufficit libertas a coactione, sed requiritur etiam libertas a necessi­tate; & cum ipsa gratia efficaci voluntas adhuc re­manet indifferens ad male agendum in sensu tum di­viso tum composito, prout explicatur a Thomistis. Vtrum autem hae indifferentiae requirantur ad liber­tatem in genere, vel ad libertatem abstrahendo a statu naturae integrae & lapsae, a libertate Christi & hominum, alia quaestio est, quae Constitutionem non attingit.

ARTICULUS. VII.
Quid circa quartam propositionem.

NOn propterea Semipelagiani haeretici fuerunt, quia gratiae vel obtemperari vel resisti posse di­cerent, omnes enim id Catholici docent; sed in eo praecise ab Augustino oppugnati, & postea ab Ec­clesia damnati sunt, quod fidem inchoatam, & perseverantiam in fide negarent hominibus dari per gratiam efficacem; eam videlicet quae non esset com­munis bonis & malis, sed discerneret bonos a malis: eam de qua dictum est: Omnis qui audivit a Patre, & didicit, venit ad me: & eam ex qua totum gra­tuitae praedestinationis mysterium indissolubili se­rie necteretur. Id unum nobis videtur docere Ian­senius.

ARTICULUS VIII.
Quid circa quintam propositionem.

MInime Semipelagianum est cum Prospero dicere, Christum pro omnibus hominibus mortuum esse quantum ad sufficientiam pretii, & communem generis humani causam.

Non est item Semipelagianum, Christo tribuere humanam velleitatem pro omnium omnino homi­num salute moriendi.

Haereticum foret asserere, Christum tantum pro salute praedestinatorum esse mortuum: mortuus est enim pro promerenda gratia omnibus reprobis qui­bus aliquando collata est.

Cum omnes justi gratiam habeant ad implenda mandata Thomistico sensu sufficientem, sive ha­bitualem, sive actualem, omnisque gratia ex Christi morte derivetur, consequens est, Christum mortuum esse pro promeranda ista gratia omnibus justis.

Cum absoluta Christi voluntas divinae semper conformis extiterit, proculdubio consensit aeterno praedestinationis decreto, quo Deus certos tantum destinavit ad regnum gratuita misericordia, rejectis ad hoc dono aliis pariter reis, quos in massa perdi­tionis reliquit. Illudque decretum nec precibus suis, nec mortis oblatione absolute mutare voluit: non igitur reprobis vel perseverantiae donum, vel salutem aeternam, per mortem suam absoluta vo­luntate promereri voluit, quamvis utrumque antecedente & minus proprie dicta voluntate optare potuerit.

ARTICULUS IX.
Sensus istos nec a summo Pontifice, nec ab E­piscopis esse damnatos; sed a tota Ecclesia Ca­tholicos haberi.

HAbent Molinistae, quid sentiant ii quos falsis criminibus apud populum, apud Ecclesiae Principes, in invidiam vocare non cessant. Nihil aliud sensisse Iansenium opinamur. Nos certe ni­hil aliud tenere, quoniam propriae conscientiae ex­tra Deum quisque arbiter est, sanctissime confirma­mus. Ergo aut hunc sensum aggrediantur, aut ma­ledicere desinant.

Verum quo pacto hunc sensum nisi apud impe ri­tos lacessere auderent, cum luce clarius pateat, nil in ipso contineri nisi gratiae efficacis assertionem, & Molinianae gratiae rejectionem, quorum a terutrum haereseos accusare, aut a summo Pontifice dam­natum dicere, nullus alicujus nominis Theologus adhuc ausus est? Quin & ipse Molinistarum signi­fer Annatus in Cavill. p. 29. aperre confitetur, summum Pont ficem id in quo dissident Thomistae â Jesuitis disputationi reliqu [...]sse, nec attingere volu­isse controversiam de gratia per se ipsam efficaci.

Hoc Annatus veritati litavit, volenine an invi­tus, nihil definio. Aliter certe facere non potuit: noverat enim quam saepe Pontifex vivae vocis ora­culo de gratia efficaci ulla in re violanda ne quidem cogitasse se declaraverat. Quod ne ulli obscurum esse posset, voci scriptum adjunxit. Nam in illo Brevi ad Episcopos Galliae misso, mentionem facit cujusdam decreti sacrae Inquisitionis, in quo ex­presse habetur, controversiam de auxiliis codem loco ab Innocentio X. relictam, quo illam Cle­mens VIII. & Paulus V. reliquerant. Hinc Ro­manorum Theologorum pars multo maxima non minus post Constitutionem quam ante, eandem doctrinam coram summo Pontifice quotidie tuetur & docet. Caetera vero per orbem Academiae adeo illam non rejiciunt, ut multae non aliam admittant, nullae excludant.

Quid Societates religiosas Dominicanorum, & Carmelitarum Discalceatorum loquar, a quibus ex­ulat Molinismus, in quibus regnat victrix Dei gratia? Quid Presbyteros Oratorii, & Canonicos Regula­res sancti Augustini? Quam paucos habet in hoc nu­mero Molina sectatores!

Atenim quidam ex iis cum gratiam efficacem vel acerrime tueantur, sufficientem Molinianam vel cum execratione repudient, tamen iniquiores sunt Jansenio, fareor; sed quia Jansenii aliam men­tem fuisse arbitrantur, eumque super hoc maxime Catholico gratiae efficacis dogmate nescio quos er­rores, imo illos ipsos qui in proprio quinque pro­positionum significatu continentur, superstruxisse existimant. At nos, quibus hoc errores recens a Jansenio exaedificatos nondum videre contigit, quique nihil in illo legimus super quinque illis pro­positionibus nisi puram & simplicem gratiae praede­terminantis doctrinam, Molinae oppositam, sicut cum illis in ipsis dogmatis congruimus, ita in in­terpretatione Jansenii tamdiu ab illis dissentiemus donec istos errores gratiae efficaci superadjectos ip­sis lumen praeferentibus deprehenderimus.

Ita prorsus de Episcopis Galliae Lutetiae congre­gatis sentire pium ducimus, quorum vel maximam partem a S. Thomae partibus stare, a Molina ab­horrere notum est; nec ullum esse ex illis arbitror, qui Molinae patronus audire vellet. Et tamen illi Jansenii sensum damnari exigunt. Quamobrem? Quia nimirum ita multis sic asserentibus credi­derunt aliquid sentire Jansenium a gratia ef­ficaci diversum, a Thomistarum schola alie­num.

Verum de illorum mente divinare nihil necesse est; iis enim notis affecerunt Jansenianum illum sensum quem damnari volunt, ut non possit quic­quam a gratiae efficacis doctrina esse disjunctius. Nam primo sensum illum recens a Jansenio indu­ctum, & omnibus scholis Catholicis ante Baium ignotum esse ponunciant. At hoc minme in gra­tiam [Page 162] efficacem cadit. Quid enim in scholis Catho­licis notius & illustrius quam haec doctrina, quae una ante Molinam, & nescio quosdam Theologos Pighi­um & Catharinum in scholis Catholicis viguit: post natos vero Jesuitas ac Molinianam factionem, etsi in illis locis in quibus dominantur, minus floru­erit, tamen in nobilissimis Academiis eandem semper auctoritatem tenuit, & etiamnunc te­net.

Secundo, talem aiunt istum sensum esse, ut ipse Jansenius fateatur illum a quingentis annis fuisse Scholasticis incognitum. At contra Jansenius non uno loco, sed pluribus divinae gratiae efficientiam infallibilem ex Thomistica schola confirmat; illos­que doctissimos, ut ipse appellat, Theologos de vi illius praedetermnatrice rectissime sensisse testatur. Non igitur illa doctrina est, quam Jansenius scho­lis incognitam esse fatetur, cum eam ex schola di­dicerit, hauserit, expresserit.

Nec minus illud a gratiae efficacis necessitate sen­sum illum Jansenianum abjungit, quod hunc Au­gustino adversum esse testantur Episcopi: nisi enim omnium oculi adhuc caligaverunt, nihil ab ullo Scriptore clarius, significantius, crebrius exprimi potest quam illius gratiae tum necessitas, tum vis in­declinabilis & insuperabilis omnibus locis ab Augu­stino expressa est. Legantur modo libri de Corre­ctione & gratia, de Praedestinatione Sanctorum, de Dono perseverantiae, de Gratia Christi; nec ul­lum arbitror fore, nisi privatis cupiditatibus aut prae­judiciis occaecatum, qui non Augustinum vel stul­tum fuisse, aut gratiae efficacis necessitatem ad sin­gulos pietatis actus docuisse, clarissime & validissi­me confirmasse fateatur. Quam opinionem tan­tis nixam testimoniis, tot seculorum vetustate ro­boratam, ut verbulo obiter & aliud agentes Epis­copi damnare voluerint, incredibile, indignum, contumeliosum in ipsos est. Verum, ut dixi, ne tam foeda macula aspergi possent, sedulo caverunt, tum illis notis quibus Jansenianum illum sensum de­signaverunt, tum maxime celeberrima illa Thesi a­pud Patres Oratorii defensa, ipsisque dedicata, in qua cum gratiae efficacis necessitas ad singulos actus clarissime esset expressa, ne huic doctrinae existima­rentur iniqui, actum illum frequentia sua & plausu cohonestaverunt.

ARTICULUS. X.
Concluditur nullam in Ecclesia novam haeresim esse, nullos haereticos.

ERgo cum in Jansenio praeter ipsum gratiae effi­cacis dogma nihil ipsius defensores videant & defendant: nec illum sensum quisquam haereseos accuset, consequens est nullum in Ecclesia haereti­cum dogma a quoquam defendi. Aut enim tantum gratiam efficacem docet Jansenius, & sic a nemi­ne jure culpatur; aut aliquid praeterea, & sic a ne­mine defenditur. Sive autem recte sentiat, sive erret, prorsus tamen errore vacant ipsius de­fensotes, qui non aliam ob causam ejus sensum damnare refugiunt, nisi quia sic illum intepre­tantur, ut Catholicus esse a nemine negari pos­sit.

Consequens est secundo, illos Episcopis in nullo prorsus dogmate refragari. Quamvis enim Episcopi sensum Jansenii damnent, illi damnare renuant, tamen haec omnis dissensio nominis est, non rei. Arbitrantur Episcopi in Jansenio esse doctrinam quandam omnibus scholis Catholicis ig­notam, a Iansenio velipsomet teste recens inven­tam, Augustino manifeste repugnantem, toto or­be damnatam, a summo Pontifice percussam, quae denique proprium propositionum sensum contine­at; & ideo illum sensum, quisquis est tandem, nul­lo enim ipsum loco indicant, merito proscripse­runt. At illi qui in Iansenio monstrosum illum sen­sum omnino non vident, & nihil aliud in ipso deprehendunt, nisi gratiae efficacis doctrinam om­nibus scholis Catholicis notissimam, a Iansenio Thomistarum consensione confirmatam, ab Augu­gustino, vel fatentibus adversariis, aperte tradi­tam, ipsis Episcopis, ipsi summo Pontifici pro­batissimam, & a proprio propositionum sensu om­nino alienam, utique illum sensum, quem unum in Iansenio vident, damnare sua subscriptione non possunt.

Consequens tertio est quicquid Iesuitae ad patien­dam quandam juris controversiam in Ecclaesia ma­chinentur, totam tamen disceptationem in facto consistere. Palam est enim, illos Theologos, qui Iansenii defensores dicuntur, non aliter ab Episco­pis quam in interpretatione Iansenii dissidere, quod qui facti quaestionem esse neget, nescio quid juris aut facti quaestionem appellet. Illa certe quaestio ad fidem pertinere non potest: fides enim Scriptura & Traditione nititur: at sic interpretandum esse Ian­senium an aliter, quomodo Scriptura aut Traditione probabitur?

Postremo, quod initio proposueram, consequens est, nullos in Ecclesia haereticos esse. Nemo e­nim haereticus ob ejusmodi quaestionem quae Tra­ditione probari nequit, & in nuperi Auctoris inter­pretatione sita est. Nec vero ulli sunt, quibus per­tinacia in dogmate damnato defendendo jure obje­ctari possit; nullum enim damnatum dogma a quo­quam defenditur; aut si defenditur, sine pertinacia certe defenditur: nam quale sit illud, prorsus igno­ratur. Nemo autem pertinax dici potest in illo dog­mate tuendo quod ignorat.

Quamobrem ut paucis omnia complectar, & adversariis os occludam, propositiones in proprio sensu a me damnari iterum professus, reliquas con­troversias sic expedio.

Qui gratiae efficacis necessitatem ab Episcopis, aut a summo Pontifice Ianseniani sensus nomine damnatam dicere ausit, in illos mendacissime contu­meliosus est, quem satis sit hoc argumento refelle­re: Si damnarunt Episcopi & summus Pontifex gratiam efficacem, iterum utique libentissime damnabunt. At (fidentissime hoc dicimus) ipsi nec ex summo Pontifice, nec ex Episcopis ullum auferre decretum possunt, quo gratiae efficacis do­ctrina a Thomistis omnibus defensa damnetur hae­reseos. Igitur ista doctrina prorsus ab omni cen­sura libera est.

Secundo, qui Ianseniani sensus defensores a­liud his verbis quam efficacis gratiae doctrinam, qualis a Thomistis defenditur, intelligere di­cat, aut delusus ipse est, aut alios deludere vult.

Tertio, qui propterea Catholicos Theologos haereseos accuset, quod Catholici Antistitis verba benignius interpretentur, nescire testatur aut quid aequitas sit, aut quid haeresis.

Ex omnibus autem manifestum esse arbitror, nisi tantos clamores tolleret iniquitas ut vix exauditi veritas possit, controversias illas, quae nunc tanta animorum contentione tanquam gravissimae, & ad summam Religionis pertinentes agitantur, ita leves, ita faciles esse, ut, nisi collationem utriusque partis semper Jesuitarum gratia praepediisset, vel semihora omnes turbaeconsopiri, omnes dissensiones sedari pos­sent. De verbis enim aequivocis; non de re ipsa nunc disceptatur, cum a solida gratiae efficacis controversi ad potestatis proximae & sufficientis verba, ad actus primos & secundos disputatio abducatur; in quibus si varias vocum acceptiones sustuleris, lites pariter ac contentiones prorsus extinxetis. Id quominus adhuc fieret obstitit potentia Jesuitarum: fieri enim non potest quin continuo sua Ecclesiae tran­quillitas reddatur, quod ne fiat omnibus modis agunt.

FINIS.

PAƲLI IRENAEI DISQVISITIO SECVNDA.
De vero sensu Jansenii, & multis commen­titiis sensibus illi affictis circa primam propo­sitionem.

NUllos in Ecclesia haereticos esse qui diffi­teri pergat, magis id oprare malevole, quam revera sentire videatur. Restat te­meritatis erratum, quo nonnulli Theologi aspergi possint; non leve illud quidem, at humanum ta­men, nec dignum omnino quod tanta severitate coerceatur: nisi forte tam felici seculo vivimus, ut haec demum culpa judicii potius quam morum, co­gitationis potius quam facti, castiganda supersit. Quam multis undique vitiis premimur, quae aut prudenti aut inerti indulgentia tolerantur! Quid ergo tantum committere potuit Jansenius, cui doctrinae ac probitatis laudem vel adversarii tribu­unt, ut benignior de ipso sensus, nulla dignum ve­nia scelus hoc seculo sit, quod non modo tunc ple­ctendum, cum se profert & exerit; sed ex ipsis a­nimi latebris, adhibitis subscriptionum tormentis eruendum videatur? Quid facient quibus non satis manifestum est Jansenium errasse, ut ipsum dam­nare tuta conscientia possint? Silere ipsis in votis e­rat, at loqui compellit subscriptionis exactor. Fi­dem suam palam profiteri non sufficit. Nam ad Jansenianum sensum tanquam ad scopulam semper urgentur. Quid igitur? Nempe quod restat; eas rationes afferent quibus Jansenium innocentem probent. Quod si quis gravius ferat, non ip­sis imputet sed illis qui hanc necessitatem impo­nunt.

Ex illorum numero vel postremus ego, post­quam prima Disquisitione eum sensum qui Jansenio ab ipsius defensoribus tribuitur; Catholicum com­probavi; hac secunda plus praestabo, & sic omni­no sentire Jansenium astruam; non ut ullis Episco­porum decretis refrager, sed ut temeritatis crimen aut purgem aut deponam. Si quis enim his quas proferam rationibus solide respondeat, quin ejus in partes concedam, nulla in me mora sit. Sin autem id nullus poterit, non video qui temerarius existimari possim, quod iis argumentis crediderim, quae reselli a nemine possint. Sensum Jansenii cir­ca primam tantum propositionem hic exquiremus; de caeteris alias locuturi si opus sit; etsi vix ne­cesse est, cum omnes ab adversariis ad primam re­vocentur.

ARTICULUS I.
Figuntur quaedam Regulae ad intelligendum Jan­senii sensum necessariae.

AUctoris sensus ex verbis eruitur; nam verbo­rum ea vis est, ut animi cogitationes expri­mant. At quia verba nonnunquam varios intelle­ctus habent, hinc ex circumjectis saepe ad certam notionem alliganda sunt. Quod si quis Scriptor verborum suorum vim ipse exposuetit, tunc illo sensu semper intelligi in decursu operis debent; & quoties id verbum occurit, ipsa notio in mente sub­stituenda. Viderunt hoc Geometrae, in veritate rimanda omnium sagacissimi. Hinc ad vitandos ae­quivocationis errores, verba in primis ipsa defini­unt: constituta autem apud illos alicujus vocis no­tione, qui de sensu ejus adhuc dubitet, aut illam ex vulgi more, non ex ipsa definitione interpretatur, merito ab ominibus ridetur.

Nusquam autem hujus instituti major necessitas extitit, quam in hac controversia de sensu Janse­nii. Nam quinque propositionum prima, cujus unius voces apud Jansenium reperiuntur, tam vagos habet significatus, ut nisi illam ad certam no­tionem revocaveris, nihil certi de sensu ipsius possis constituete.

Primo enim vox justis, aut de omnibus, aut de quibusdam, aut indefinite accipitur.

Voces illae, conantibus & v l [...]ntibus, aut de conantibus per naturam, aut de conantibus pet gratiam. Rursus de conantibus per gratiam, aut sufficientem, aut efficacem, aut Molinianam: de conantibus per gratiam cui consentiunt, aut de co­nantibus per gratiam cui renituntur; id est, de co­nantibus fideliter aut infideliter.

Praesentes vires intelliguntur aut actuales, aut habituales; naturales, aut supernaturales; com­paratae ad vires hujus vitae, aut ad vires alterius vitae.

Vox impossibilia, significat impossibilitatem ab­solutam, aut secundum quid; voluntariam, aut involuntariam: negat vel potentiam in actu pri­mo, vel tantum potentiam in actu secundo; vel removet potestatem omnem, vel tantum com­pletam, perfectam, sufficientem. Rursum po­tentia completa, proxima, &c. duos habet signi­catus, ut notat Alvarez: apud Molinianos significat potentiam cui nihil deest; apud Thomistas etiam il­lam, cui deest adhuc aliquid necessarium, nempe gratia efficax.

Similiter vox deest, a quibusdam accipitur pro eo quod deest fine peccato. Ita Nicolai, & quidam alii. Ab aliis simplicus pro eo quod deest quocun­que modo.

Gratia quae deesse dicitur, aut est habitualis, aut actualis: illa vero vel sufficiens, vel efficax: suffi­ciens, aut Moliniana, aut Thomistica, utraque vel agendi, vel orandi.

Varias illas acceptiones si inter se permisceas, miraberis quantus discrepantium aliquantisper pro­positionum numerus exurgat, ut norunt omnes qui Artihmeticam callent.

ARTICULUS II.
Singularum vocum notio constituitur.

CUm igitur non multiplicem, sed unicum sen­sum Jansenius habuerit, antequam de illo sta­tuas, prius singula verba ad singulas notiones re­stringenda sunt: tunc demum liquido vera ejus sententia patebit, quod a multis praetermis­sum tam varios nobis sensus Jansenianos pro­cudit.

JUSTIS.

Vocem justis, a Jansenio non de omnibus, sed de quibusdam tantum justis intelligi jam fere om­nes consentiunt. Quod satis constat ex eo quod affert ex Augustino, paulo ante propositionis ver­ba: Quarumdam cupiditatum tentationes ALI­QUORUM hominum vires superare. Ergo ju­stis idem est, ac qu [...]busdam justis.

VOLENTIBUS ET CONANTIBUS.

Primo non loquitur Jansenius de conatu natu­rali. Affert enim exemplum Petri ante lapsum, & Augustini ante conversionem, quorum infirmam voluntatem saepe exgratia fuisse agnoscit.

II. Non loquitur de plena voluntate & efficaci. Nam voluntatem, de qua loquitur crebro, ex Augustino vocat parvam, infirmam, & invali­dam.

III. Certum est infirmae illi voluntati ex gratia profectae non consentiri ex Jansenio, sed potius re­sisti. Nam de conatu quem habuit Augustinus ante conversionem expresse ait: Nonne conabatur Augu­stinus, quando d ceb [...]t: Quibus sententiarum verbe­ribus non flagellavi animum meum, ut sequeretur con ntem post teire, & tamen tanto conatui reniteba­tur? &c, Et in eo ipso loco unde deprompta pro­positio, renisu concupiscentiae fieri dicit, ut homo non plene velit, non integre velit, non tota voluntate velit.

IV. Certum est, voluntatem illam imbecillem afferre vires quasdam. Non enim nullas esse, sed invalidas dicit Augustinus, & ex Augustino Janse­nius.

V. Certum est denique, voluntatem illam nun­quam effectum habituraum, nisi adsit per gratiam efficacem plena & integra voluntas. Ideo saepe ait, cum illa homines non posse bene agere, id est nun­quam bene acturos esse.

Iam vero quid est gratia imperfectam volunta­tem producens, quae dat aliquas vires, aliquod posse, tale tamen ut effectu semper careat, nisi adsit efficax auxilium? Quid est, inquam, illa gra­tia, nisi ea quam sufficientem Thomistae recentio­res vocant, non nomine designata, sed, quod multo clarius est, sua notione expressa?

Hinc patet quam immerito Jansenius repudiatae penitus hoc loco sufficientis gratiae arguatur. Sed magis illud etiam constabit exposito vocis illius sufficiens sensu prout a Jansenio usurpatur: quo mi­nus animadverso, multos in errorem inductos video.

SUFFICIENS GRATIA ET POTESTAS, quid apud Jansenium.

NIhil est quod hic divinationibus indulgeamus; omnem enim dobitationem praecidit Janseni­us his verbis tom. 3. lib. 3. cap. 1 Ʋocamus inquit, illam sufficientem gratiam seu suffici­entem sufficiens adjutorium, praeter quod nihil aliud ex parte Dei per modum principii necessarium est, ut homo velit aut operetur; sic enim a multis recentioribus & vulgo fere acc [...]pi solet. Ecce a­pertissime testatur solam se Molinianam intelli­gere.

Nunc vide de Thomistica quid sentiat: Quod si vero sic accipiatur ut sufficiens d [...]catur, sicut a qui. busdam d [...]citur, quod satis est ut homo dicatur posse operari, quamvis aliud necessarium sit ut de facto o­peretur; de hujusmodi sufficienti gratia non est h [...]c nostra controversia. Talem enim sufficientem fortasse non difficulter Augustinus admitteret, quamvis e­am esse veram Christi gratiam, de qua questio est, pernegaret. Quod idem disertis verbis de gratia sufficiente habet Alvarez disp. 92. n. 2.

Quoties igitur negat Jansenius gratiam imper­fectae voluntatis esse sufficientem; idem est ac si di­ceret non esse Moliniano modo sufficientem; non esse ita sufficientem ut nihil aliud requiratur. At quin sufficiens sit Thomistico sensu, nec negavit unquam, nec negare potuit.

Ex his omnibus liquet, haec verba, conantibus & volentibus, sic interpretanda esse, conantibus & volentibus per gratiam Thomistico sensu suf­ficientem, & ei resistentibus & ideo infideliter co­nantibus.

IMPOSSIBILIA.

Non loquitur Jansenius de impossibilitate ab­soluta. Omnibus enim locis fatetur mandatum quodlibet per gratiam efficacem impleri posse. Nec de impossibilitate involuntaria: nam ex Au­gustino saepe ab illo citato omnes homines mandata servarent si vellent. Non negat omnem poten­tiam: nec habitualem, quia loquitur de justis, quos per gratiam habitualem asserit posse, tom. 3 lib. cap. 15. nec actualem, quia loquitur de conan­tibus qui per gratiam excitantem habent vires in­validas.

Quam ergo potestatem negat? Audiamus ipsum optimum sui interprerem: Ad hanc, inquit, sani­tatem voluntatis assequindam, gratiam invocamus, hoc ipso clarissime profitentes deesse nobis sufficientem ad illa praecepta facienda potestatem. Et adhuc cla­rius paulo superius de justis volentibus & conanti­bus loquens: Nondum inquit, possunt tantum vel­le, quantum sufficit ad implenda mandata. Non [Page 165] negat igitur potestatem simpliciter, sed negat suf­ficientem potestatem. Quid est autem sufficiens po­testas Jansenio? Meminerimus fixae supra noti­onis: ea scilicet cui nihil deest ex parte Dei. Quam­obrem cum hoc loco dicit, mandata esse impos­sibilia sufficienter, idem est ac si dicat; Non sunt possibila ea potestate cui nihil desit. Itemque cum negat potestatem illam esse completam, non Tho­mistico sensu negat: de hoc enim ne cogitavit quidem: sed Moliniano tantum negat; quia deest ipsi gratia efficax. Quamobrem ut notiones verbo­rum istorum magis etiam infigantur, iterum hic repeto, illa verba, Potestas sufficiens, completa, prox­ima: Potestas cui nihil deest ex parte Dei: Potestas complectens omnia necessaria ad agendum, idem om­nino apud Jansenium significare, talisque potestatis defectum aliquando exprimi vel simplici voce, non posse, vel durius etiam per vocem, impossibile: quae quidem significatio, etsi dura & minus propria, non tamen auctoritate Patrum caret, in primisque Au­gustini & Prosperi.

SECUNDUM PRAESENTES VIRES.

Eas vires intelligit Jansenius quas justi habent in eo statu quo invalide & infideliter & conantur & volunt. Non probo, quia non negatur.

DEEST.

Nil notius in doctrina Jansenii, quam homini gra­tiam sine ipsius peccato subtrahi non posse; nec hic immoror in re non dubia.

GRATIA.

Non sufficiens utique, quia illam supposuit his verbis, conantibus & volentibus, sed ea quam invocari dicit, ut plene integreque velle possimus, id est, efficax, eaque non orandi, loquitur enim de orantibus, & gratiam invocantibus, non tamen tam fideliter & ferventer quam debent; sed agendi, & implendi actu praecepti.

ARTICULUS III.
Verus Jansenii sensus.

IGitur ad constituendum certo Jansenii sensum, nihil aliud opus est, quam stabilitas verborum, quibus constat propositio, notiones pro ipsis ver­bis substituere. Sic enim nullus errori locus esse, vel si velis, potest. Exiis autem collectis hic sen­sus exurgit: Aliqua Dei Praecepta quibusdam ho­minibus Justis Conantibus & volentibus per gratiam excitantem Thomistico sensu sufficientem, sed et reni­t [...]ntibus & Ideo infideliter Volentibus, non sunt possibilia ex potestate cui nihil desit: deest quoque illis gratia ef­ficax agendi, qua possibilia fiant ea potestate quae com­p [...]ectitur omnia ad agendum necessaria. Ineptam hanc verborum congeriem vocat Annatus, quia praecisa ambiguitate nullum hic fraudi locum reperit. Ast ego aptissimam puto ad cavillationes ipsius eliden­das. Aequivocis enim & nominum quaestionibus jamdiu Jesuitae Christianum orbem Iudificantur: cujus mali una cautio ac provisio, voces ipsas de­finire, ne de vocibus frustra litigetur. Quamo­brem si solidam sibi victoriam quaerunt, hunc ipsum sensum his verbis expressum damnari diserte a sum­mo Pontifice curent. Huc gratiam, huc artes suas conferant: huc machinas suas impendat numerosa Societas. Sin autem id se impetrare posse diffidit, cur de Janseniano sensu tot turbas excitat, quem non nisi involutum audet lacessere, evolutum attingere reformidat?

ARTICULUS IV.
Sensum illum Jansenii non esse proprium sensum propositionis in sespectatae.

HIc merito quaeri potest, utrum sensus ille quem Catholicum esse constat, quemque Iansenia­num etiam ostendimus, sit verus & proprius primae propositionis in se spectatae sensus? Respondeo non esse proprium, & facile probo. Nam primo vox justis, cum sit indefinita, potius universaliter sumi debet, quam particulariter. Ut enim bene notat Franciscus Amicus Iesuita, t. 8. disp. 3. n. 67. Ʋerba indefinita in mat ria doctrinali accip [...]untur u­niversal ter, sicut istam propositionem, Planetae non nisi a Sole lucent, nemo aliter interpretatur, nisi omnes Planetas a Sole luccre.

Secundo, vox conantibus & volentibus, significat potius plenam voluntatem, quam velleitatem quandam, quae non est simpliciter voluntas, ut ait S. Thomas 1 part. quaest 19. art. 5. deinde sig­nificat potius voluntatem sine renisu, quam vo­luntatem cui validior voluntas resistit. Quod e­nim ita volumus, magis nolle dicimur quam velle.

Tertio, vox impossibile, magis significat impos­sibilitatem absolutam, quam secundum quid. Nam, ut ait S. Thomas 1. part. quest. 62: art. 2 ad 2. Im­p ssibile proprie significat id ad quod nullo modo perve­nire possumus, ne quidem cum alterius auxilio. Magis etiam proprie significat impotentiam involuntari­am, quam voluntariam. Quod enim fit cum vo­lumus, cum eo ipso sit in potestate nostra, proprie impossibile dici non debet. Et, cum loquatur pro­positio de justis volentibus qui non posse dicuntur, omnino significare videtur impotentiam non vo­luntariam.

Quarto, gratia cum sit nomen generis, magis proprie significat quamcumque gratiam, quam gra­tiam efficacem agendi.

Fatendum est igitur, propositionem in se spe­ctatam, & in proprio ac rigoroso sensu, ut lo­quuntur Romani Consultores, non unam, sed multas haereses complecti. At Iansenii locum, ex quo illus propositionis verba revulsa sunt, mi­nime in isto proprio & rigoroso sensu intelligi jam demonstravimus; sed in alio sensu improprio quidem, tralatitio, & catachrestico, si verha seorsim spectes; & tamen juxta notiones ab ipso constitu­tas legitimo & maxime Catholico. Non ergo po­test ille haereseos accusari; & multo minus illi, qui ejus sensum tuentur: nam illi his vocibus nec usi sunt unquam nec utentur.

ARTICULUS V.
Falsi sensus Jansenio afficti.

SCrupulosior ac minutior haec singularum propo­sitionis vocum interpretatio videri possit, nisi ex ea facilis & expedita pateret via ad fictitios illos sen­sus explodendos, quibus Iansenii doctrinam ipsius adversarii passim adulterarunt. Manifestum enim omnibus erit, illorum errorem inde proficisci, quod aliquas propositionis voces contra mentem ipsius in­terpretati sunt; quod in singulis ostendere non erit inutile.

Primus sensus falso Jansenio attributus, nempe Calvinianus.

Nil frequentius in iis Iesuitarum scriptis quae Con­stitutionem antecesserunt, quam ut Iansenius Cal­viniani erroris circa praeceptorum impossibilita­tem arguatur. Id habent praecipue Clatomontanae Theses ann. 1644. in quibus prima propositio ex iis Lutheri & Calvini locis expressa dicebatur, in quibus illi haeretici aperte docent, impossibilia semper este praecepta omnibus justis, utcunque spiritu Dei adjuventur. At post Constitutionem, cum id viderent vehementer officere causae suae, velificatione mutata, jam negant vulgarem Calvi­ni ertorem de praeceptorum impossibilirate omni­bus generatim justis unquam Iansenio attributum, sed aliam quandam fictitiam & inauditam Calvini sententiam, de impossibilitate praecepti quibusdam justis tantum, ex defectu gratiae efficacis. Sic nu­per disputare coepit Annatus, sed futiliter, ne quid gravius dicam. Quem enim alium intelligere po­tuerunt Romani Consultores ac summus Pontifex, nisi verum & notum Calvini errorem, qui certe in proprio primae propositionis sensu cum multis a­liis continetu [...]? An vero suspicari debuerunt aut potuerunt nescio quam Calvini haeresim nondum natam, at ex Iesuitarum cerebro propediem erup­turam? Necessario tamen a Iesuitis haec fabula in­stituta est, ut hoc suae causae grande vitium quodam­modo sarcirent. Sed ut saepe in magno numero quidam crassiores reperiuntur, qui scenae suae ma­le serviunt; ita nuper contigit, ut quidam Iesuita Aurelianensis nomine Crasset, Societatis suae artes aut oblitus, aut non edoctus, rursus adversariis su­is, quos Iansenistas vocat, crudum Calvini dog­ma objectaret. In publica enim concione dixit, Ex illorum sententia consectarium esse, omnes con­fessiones esse invalidas, quod actum contritionis impos­sibilem esse dicerent. Et ne tantae calumniae memo­ria intercideret, in famoso quodam libello adver­sus Aurelianensem Episcopum, qui ipsum a sacris concionibus interdixerat, scripto illam ipsam ani­mose propugnavit. Verum hunc ad Societatem su­am calliditatis magistram remitrere sat erit, ut ru­dem illam dediscat audaciam. Interim ex eo con­stabit, Calvinianum sensum, nempe omnibus ju­stis mandata Dei esse impossibilia, Iansenio a Iesu­itis attributum esse, sed falso.

II. SENSUS FALSUS.
Ex illa voce, conantibus & volentibus, male accepta.

Voces illas dupliciter accipi posse fatetur Car­pinetus Procurator generalis Capucinorum, Con­sultor in quinque propositionum causa delectus. Aut enim intelsiguntur, inquit, de justis infideliter co­nantibus, quo sensu ait, Catholica est propositio: aut de justis fideliter conantibus, & hoc sensu est hae­retica. Et quia ille sensum Jansenii damnare voluit, ut in sequentibus votis indicat, utique hunc sensum Jansenio tribuit: Justis volentibus & co­nantibus fideliter, mandata Dei sunt impossibilia. At cum supra demonstraverimus per illos justos volentes & conantes eos intelligi a Jansenio, qui a gratiae suavitate dissentiunt, qui renituntur bonae voluntati a gratia immissae; patet etiam non eos intelligi qui conantur fideliter, nisi forte dissentire a gratia, & ejus instinctus repudiare, sit fideliter conari aut velle. Perspicum est igitur, sensum illum, quem damnavit iste Consultor, merito quidem potuisse damnari; sed a Jansenii mente prorsus alienum esse.

III. SENSUS FALSUS.
qui est Annatinus, Ex iisdem vocibus, & verbo impossibilia, perperam acceptis.

Pater Annatus Molinianorum facile primipilus, antequam illam de Jansenii sensu non exprimen­do, sed generatim damnando, technam excogitas­set, multis illum locis, prout sibi visum, expressit; ubique fraudulenter, & ex suo ac Societatis suae ge­nio, sed praecipue in Cavillis cap. 8. pag. 56. Ho­mines justi, inquit, quotiescunque divina praecepta transgrediuntur, ea transgrediuntur ex impossibilitate servandi, quae sequitur ex defectu gratiae ad consti­tuendam servandi potentiam necessariae: esto non desit servandi voluntas & conatus: hic sensus est germa­nus Jansenii, & Jansenianorum, idemque haereticus. Sic ille.

At ex ipso libenter quaesierim, quid tantopere laborat, ut Iansenii sensus adversariorum suorum subscriptione damnetur. Faciliorem longe viam ipsi demonstrabo. Tollat Iansenii nomen, jam ille Iansenianus, ut ipsi videtur, sensus omnium sub­scriptione damnabitur. Scatet enim aequivocis, &, prout sonant termini, apertas haereses con­tinet.

Primo, falsum est homines transgredi praecepta ex defectu gratiae. Nam defectus gratiae efficacis non est causa peccati, sed mala voluntas.

Secundo, impossibilitas illa non peccandi, de qua loquitur Annatus, cum voluntate servandi praecep­ti conjuncta manifeste significat, impossibilitatem non a voluntate profectam.

Tertio, impossibilitas illa quam adstruit, non solum removet potentiam Molinianam, cui ni­hil necessarium deest, sed etiam Thomisticam. Talem enim esse vult, ut ei omnes Thomistae ad­versentur.

Quarto, verba illa, voluntas, & conatus, cum minime restricta sint, ex se significant plenam & absolutam voluntatem, non quandam velleitatem; quo nomine etiam damnanda est Annatina proposi­tio. Ergo ille sensum Iansenii non expressit, sed cor­rupit; & in his vocibus, conantibus, & volentibus, itemque in verbo impossibilia, fucum fecit.

IV SENSUS.
Ex eadem voce male intellecta.

Quartum hunc sensum, quamvis cum Annati­no quadantenus conveniat, visum est sejungere; quia planius multo & distinctius, animoque longe candidiore, a quibusdam vitis doctis & piis, verae & Christianae gratiae amatoribus propositus est. Hi cum Iansenianorum nomen effugere, & nihilomi­nus Catholicam & Augustinianam gratiae efficacis doctrinam retinere vellent, utrumque assequi se posse sperarunt, si ita Iansenii mentem interpreta­rentur, quasi ille justos gratia efficaci destitutos, omni prorsus potentia spoliaverit, etiam ea quam Thomistae vocana in actu primo; ita ut etiam si ad­sint caetera adjutoria, nihilo magis ipsi bonum velle possint, quam caecus videre, claudus currere, beatus peccare. Sic illi Iansenii sensum expresserunt, & quidem ipsius verbis: fateor enim comparationes illas esse depromptas ex tom. 3. lib. 2. cap. 1. & 2. Simpliciter dicunt a se verba Iansenii accipi, & i­deo nullam ipsi injuriam inferri. In quo primum videre oportuerat, an tali simplicitate sua ipsorum verba expendi vellent. Quod profecto recusarent. Nullus est enim fere qui non alicujus haereseos argui possit, si verba pressius urgere & ad vivum resecare liceat. Omnino ut in caeteris rebus humanis, ita sermonibus nostris, nisi aequitas interveniat; ex summo jure summa fit injuria.

Id hoc loco factum ab illis esse contendo. Quod remoto contentionis studio paucis hic ostendam. Sine gratia efficaci non magis potest justus bene a­gere, quam caecus videre; agnosco haec Iansenii verba. Ergo, inquiunt, non modo negat sine gratia efficaci quidquam bene fieri, sed omnino destruit eam potentiam in actu primo, quam Thomistae de­fendunt. Nego hanc esse Iansenii sententiam, aut illam ex his verbis bene elici. Et cur negem affero. In omni comparatione non omnia similia sunt. Sufficit ut illa inter se conveniant, quae inter se comparantur. Iam vero caecus cum justo gratia ef­ficaci destituto dupliciter potest comparari. Primo, si spectentur potentiae in actu primo: sic nulla inter utrosque similitudo, sed potius magna dissimilitu­do. Caecus enim caret interna videndi virtute: ju­stus pollet interiori facultate bene agendi, etiam actuali, si vult & conatur. At si spectentur istae po­tentiae in actu secundo, tunc in eo plane conveniunt, quod sicut caecus videre actu & effective non potest; ita justus bene agere sine efficaci gratia actu & effe­ctive non potest. Plena est communis vita talibus lo­cutionibus. Quis enim erroris arguat eum, qui sanis oculis praeditum non magis in tenebris posse videre, quam caecum dictitet? Igitur si Iansenius justum cum caeco comparavit, spectando potentiam in actu primo, inepte prorsus locutus est, &, si velis, haeretice. Sin autem spectavit potentiam in actu secundo, recte, Catholice, Thomistice locutus est. Verum est enim tam contingere non posse, ut justus sine efficaci gratia bene agat; quam ut caecus videat. Primo sensu, absurdo illo scilicet & inepto, Ian­senium interpretantur viri cruditi. Scio, & dolet. Sed ab ipsis libenter quaererem, quid eos compulit tam prave de illius judicio sentire. Simpliciter aiunt se ejus verba interpretari. Verum jubet nos Apo­stolus in bono simplices esse; at in malo, id est, cum de aliquo incommodius sentiendum est, idem nobis prudentiam imperat. Quid ergo illos move­rit, nescio: cur ab iis dissentiam, illa me movent.

Primum, ridiculum mihi videntur Iansenio con­silium tribuere, ut grande volumen composuerit ad evertendam potentiam quandam in actu primo, quae nunquam in actum prodeat. Quid enim illi obest talis potentia? An illa praedestinationis divinae my­sterium immutat? An efficacis gratiae necessitatem tollit? Omnino magna quaedam & gravis quaestio est, utrum sit necessaria gratia efficax ad bene a­gendum. At illa semel stabilita, de gradibus illius bene agendi potentiae, quae in justis, etiam effi­caci gratia desertis, maner, quaeque nullum un­quam sola producit actum, operose disputare, oti­osorum hominum esse videtur. Quamobrem ne quis mihi de illa unquam negotium sa [...]essat, profi­teor illam me locare in summo gradu, dummodo nunquam ex illo gradu in actum ullum prodeat sine efficaci Dei auxilio.

II. Jansenius aperte pergratiam habitualem dari posse profitetur, tom. 3. lib. 3. c. 15. Idemque co­nartes & volentes vires invalidas habere dicit; i­deo autem invalidas habere dicit, quia gratia effi­caci egent ad actu operandum.

III. Diserte Iansenius tom 1. lib. 5. cap. 11. asse­rit gratiam efficacem esse adjutorium actus secundi. Hoc enim discrimen constituit inter gratiam possi­bilitatis (quae comprehendit gratiam sufficientem Thomisticam quae dat posse,) & gratiam efficacem quam post Augustinum vocat adjutorium voluntatis & actionis; Quod adjutorium possibilitatis sit adju­torium actus primi; adjutorium voluntatis & actio­nis sit adjutorium ACTUS SECUNDI. Illud e­nim facit ut potentia in actu primo potens fiat, & ad volendum agendumque habilis & praeparata: hoc ve­ro ut in actu secundo velit atque agat. Supponit er­go manifeste Jansenius actum primum ante gratiam efficacem.

IV. Quo maxime istius interpretationis iniquitas ostenditu [...], cum ille tom. 3. lib. 2. cap. 3. discri­men inter suam Thomistarumque sentertiam expli­cat, illud in eo praecise situm docet, quod illi tam infirmum hominem esse fingant ante lapsum, quam ipse cum Augustino asserit esse post lapsum. Quare ut Thomistae homini stanti potentiam in actu primo largiuntur; sic illam Jansenius homini lapso liben­ter concedet; dummodo maneat illud, gratiam ef­ficacem ad bene agendum nobis in hoc statu omni­no necessariam esse.

Haec de quarto illo sensu fusius disputavi, quod is unus Jansenio cum aliquo colore, licet, ut videre est, dilatiore a bonis viris imputetur: Caeteri sua sponte ex positis fundamentis dissiliunt, in primisque ille quem quinto loco afferemus.

V SENSUS.
Ex vocula, deest, male intellecta.

Pater Palavicinus Iesuita, e Romanis Consulto­ribus unus, sic sensum Iansenii interpretatus est, ut [Page 168] patet ex illius suffragio recens edito, quasi justis Iansenius deesse voluerit gratiam sine ullo peccato, ne originali quidem. Itaque videtur sic accepisse vo­culam, deest, quomodo illam accipit Ioannes Ni­colai, qui eodem modo Iansenii sensum interpre­tatur in suffragio censorio, pag. 9. Cum gratia, in­quit, dicitur deesse, non omnimoda tantum & abso­luta defectio, sed spontanea ex parte Dei abdicatio indicatur, qua juvare plane nolit conantem licet ac volentem, qui manifestus Jansenii sensus est, expres­sus ex Jansenio per Arnaldum; unde ille novam i­stam voculae deest notionem hauserit, cum volet e­disseret. Caeterum ipsum in Iansenii sensu plane decipi manifestum est. Ex illo enim homini stanti gratia nunquam defuit: lapsis deesse non potest si­ne causa, quae sit in ipsis, non in Deo, ut omnibus notum est.

VI SENSUS.
Ex vocula, gratia, male intellecta.

Multi Romani Consultores, in quibus est Tho­mas d'Elbene, & Raphael Aversa, illud Iansenio crimini dederunt, quod a justis volentibus & co­nantibus non modo gratiam efficacem removerit, sed etiam sufficientem Thomistico sensu. Quod cum falsum esse supra demonstraverimus, & istos patet in sensu Iansenii fuisse deceptos, cum generice gratiae nomen accipiant, quod specifice Iansenius accepit. Idem cum istis sensisse videtur Nicolaus Cornet, qui cum dixisset efficacis gratiae doctrinam optimam esse, nihilominus Iansenium reprehende­bat, quod non illam sufficientis gratiae condimento temperabat.

VII SENSUS.
Ex eadem vocula male accepta.

Nec ab illorum errore abludit Professor Sorbonae Chamillardus, qui negatam hoc loco vult a Iansenio non modo gratiam agendi, sed etiam orandi. Su­stineo, inquit in secunda Epistola pag. 5. hunc esse Iansenii sensum: justis volentibus & conantibus mandata esse impossibilia, quia nec adsit gratia a­gendi, nec gratia orandi & impetrandi divini auxi­lii. At in utroque aperte fallitur; adeo enim hoc loco Iansenius non ait gratiam orandi deesse, ut il­lam gratiam quam deesse dicit, ideo deesse probet, quia oramus. Nemo aurem tam absurdus fingi po­test, ut gratiam orandi probet deesse quia oramus, id est, quia gratiam orandi habemus. Et certe co­natus ille & voluntas est gratia quaedam orationis: orare enim ex Augustino est desiderare; imo est a­gendi gratia, non efficax quidem, at Thomistico sensu sufficiens. Verum hic ipsius error alibi fusius exagitatus est.

CONCLUSIO.

Hic jam omnes non modo ab omni praejudicio liberos, sed non penitus privatis studiis occaecatos compello & obtestor, ut serio tandem secum con­siderent quam perniciosum exemplum in Ecclesiam inducatur, & quam intolerando jugo Catholico­rum Theologorum fides opprimatur, conscientia vexetur, hoc novo extorquendarum subscriptio­num consilio. Videant, quaeso, quid aequitatis ha­beat hoc inceptum. Quid enim? Postulatur a me ut quinque propositiones damnem. Facio, ac liben­ter. Non satis est, aiunt; illas in proprio sensu damnes oportet. Etiam hic non invitus obtempe­ro. Urgeor adhuc: Addas, inquiunt, necesse est, proprium illum sensum esse etiam Iansenianum. Eia quid hoc ad fidem? Quid ad haeresim? Sed tamen obsequi studeo, si possim. Iansenianum sen­sum damnari placet? At quem potissimum? Nam multos video circumferri. Carpineticumne, an Annatinum? Corneticum, an Palavicinicum? Cha­millardicum, an Crasseticum? Unum si eligam, caeteris injuriam infero. Quem voles, inquiunt, modo aliquem. Itane igitur ut Iansenius erret meo arbitratu? Sed quid mihi affertur, ut meipsum in hoc damnando non erraturum credam, cum caeteri omnes mihi adversentur?

Age igitur, prolixius agamus, & plus quam po­stulatur ultro praestemus. Iansenium damno prout explicatur a Palavicino, Annato, Corneto, Carpi­neto, Crasseto, & caeteris hujusmodi. Ita non jam unum, ut exigitur, sed septem & plures etiam sen­sus Jansenianos rejicio. Quid est ergo quod a me amplius peti possit? Ut istos existimem & profite­ar de Iansenii sensu bene sensisse. Omnesne? Qui possunt, cum uni scriptori multiplicem sensum im­ponant, qui non nisi unum habuit? An singulos? Si quem eligam ex septem, sex ex illis infensos ha­bebo. Deinde si singulos separatim possum rejicere, cut non universos?

An igitur eo res denique redibit, ut Iansenium in genere errasse fatendum sit, abstrahendo a quo­cunque sensu? At prorsus ignorare me fateor, quid sit error in abstracto, & in genere, cujus spe­cies assignari non possit. Neque enim genus fine ulla specie cohaerere, in Logicae elementis didicis­se commemini. Assignetur ergo Iansenianus ille sensus: alioquin quomodo a quoquam damnari possit non video.

Attendant igitur quorum id interest, in quam horrendam perturbationem & caliginem praecipi­tetur Ecclesia, dum certorum hominum studiis in­dulgetur. Quod totum eorum arte & consiliis effe­ctum est, qui semper omni ratione providerunt, ne tota haec causa, auditis utrinque partibus, praeci­sis nominum quaestionibus, constitutis dissensionis capitibus, in legitimo judicio disceptetur. Quod donec impetretur, infinitis semper contentionibus, quarum pleraeque de nomine sunt, jactabitur Ec­clesia, & ipsius membra caeca concertatione inter se collidentur. Id gaudent, qui in hac confusione potentiam suam & securitatem quaerunt. Id do­lent quibus veritas quae periclitatur, unitas quae scinditur, charitas quae violatur, cordi & solici­tudini est.

FINIS.

PAƲLI IRENAEI DIS QVISITIO TERTIA;
SIVE ECCLESIAE TVRBAE, Fr. ANNATO Jesuita judice compositae.

I.
Imprudentiae arguitur Annatus.

DUram, mi Pater, cepi provinciam, qui te mo­nere aggrediat in tanto tuo ac Societatis tuae plausu. Nihil enim monentibus inimicus, quam cupiditas felix, & opinione victoriae elatus animus. Sed tamen hac incommoda affectione tua non tar­datus, peragam munus meum. Qui sibi uni pec­cat, dimitti potest incastigatus. Tuae culpae, mi An­nate, latius manant, eae praesertim quas in hac po­strema scriptiuncula admisisti. Patere igitur in viam te molliter reduci vel invitum, ut quos tecum in er­rorem abripis, vel tecum, vel sine te ad saniora judicia revocentur. In hac controversia tu mihi summus eris testis, tu praecipuus judex. Ita si te te­ste, te judice, causa cecideris, de nullo habebis ni­si de te queri. Quin etiam hoc tibi tribuendum duxi, ut errata tua Latine potius quam Gallice retegerem, quod major tibi hujus linguae facultas sit ad respon­sandum. Sic enim habeto, me quidem nihil magis optare, quam ut meis monitis perniciosissimum tur­bandae Ecclesiae consilium deponas: hoc dempto, nihil malle, quam ut saltem ad respondendum te accingas. Nam id te facere non posse certo scio, quin causae tuae iniquitatem omnium oculis subjici­as. Atque adeo non ut te pungam, sed ut vehe­mentius extimulem, liberius indicabo quid sit in quo te incusem.

Imprudentius aio a te factum esse, mi Annate, quod huic tanto Molinistarum triumpho despicatis­simam quandam schedulam antevertisti, tam apertis fallaciis scatentem, ut victoriam tuam plus labefa­factet, quam ulla cujusquam impugnatio. Haec pa­lam demonstrari non erit inutile, ut Societas tua ali­um sibi provideat defensorem, aut tu certe aliam defensionem.

II.
Annatus causam suam prodit potius quam defendit.

MAle collineat qui in adversam scopo partem jaculatur. Male partes Oratoris implet, qui quod astruere nititur destruit. De te fabula narra­tur, mi Annate: nihil enim minus efficis, quam quod effectum vis. Nempe hoc tibi propositum est in illa scriptiuncula tua, ut eos quos Iansenistas vo­cas, haereticos doceas. At ipsos nemo clarius quam tu Catholicos probavit. Miraberis quae dicam. Non jam ad Episcopos, non ad summum Pontificem pro­vocamus, quando ne ad illos aspirent voces nostrae, Jesuitarum gratia praepedit. Te, te appellamus, mi Annate: tuo judicio stabimus, &, quae nobis causae nostrae fiducia est, tuo judicio vincemus. Age igi­tur, mi Pater, supremum te judicem finge, nos hu­miles & demissi sic fidem tibi nostram purgamus.

III.
Augustinianorum apud Annatum purgatio.

CAlumniis impetimur a Societate tua, Pater Annate. Ridiculi nobis errotes imponuntur, de quibus cogitavimus nunquam. Sed ad eos amo­vendos sufficit sententiam nostram hoc unico argu­mento vindicare. Gratiae efficacis ad omnes pieta­tis actus necessariae dogma summus Pontifex Catho­licum agnoscit, omnes per orbem Episcopi, om­nes Universitates, imo tu ipse. Atqui hoc unum dogma circa quinque propositiones tuemur, & nul­lum aliud. Igitur & circa propositiones, summi Pontificis, Episcoporum, Universitatum, tuo deni­que judicio Catholice sentimus. Nec premere ul­lum potest non damnatus expresse Jansenius. Aut enim ille nihil aliud habet circa istas propositiones praeter hoc dogma, & sic caret errore: aut aliquid a­liud, & sic defensoribus caret. Utrum autem habe­at, necne, ita manifesta quaestio facti est, ut eam ad fidem pertinere ne fingere quidem possis. Brevissi­me dicam. Quem tu sensum Jansenii esse putas, nos damnamus: quem nos sensum Jansenii esse putamus, ne tu quidem damnare ausis. Habes orati­onis nostrae summam. Nos judicium tuum expecta­mus. Illud vero his verbis gravibus sane ac luculen­tis exponis.

IV.
Annati responsio.

‘GRatia efficax (inquis in postremo tuo libello p. 21. & 22.) cuplici modo defendi potest, quo­rum ille haereticus est, haereticis principiis nixus; alter orthodoxus, sancitis auctoritate Conciliorum principiis suffultus. Primum sequitur Calvinus, & ideo haereticus est. Catholici Doctores, Thomi­stae, Scotistae, Sorbonistae, Iesuitae de secundo con­sentiunt, & propterea, variis licet concertationi­bus distracti, tamen in eadem & indivulsa Ecclesiae communione permanent. Ergo ut explores, an Iansenius defendendae gratiae efficacis professione sit immunis, illud indagandum, quo pacto ipsam defendat, tanquam Calvinus, antanquam Catho­lici Doctores.’

Hactenus, mi Pater, bellissime principia posu­isti. Itaque nos hic tibi nihil omnino refragantes ha­bebis. Perge igitur.

V.
Primum judicium Annatinum.

CAlvinus ita gratiam efficacem defendit, ut ab il­la nullam aliam nobis relinqui libertatem putet, nisi eam quae dicitur a coactione; caeterum ab ista gra­tia agendi necessitatem imponi, quae potestatem aufe­rat resistendi quamdiu gratia perseverat.

VI.
Subscriptio.

HAec paulisper, quaesumus, subsiste, mi An­nate, & nobis expedi quo pacto quis hunc a se [Page 170] Calvini errorem possit amoliri, nimirum eo sim­pliciter, aperte, & sincere damnando. Bene habet. Igitur jam te judice, Calviniano errore liberati su­mus: hunc enim simpliciter, ingenue, & aperte damnamus, rejicimus, execramur. Quid ultra po­stulas? Ut non modo de gratia efficaci non Calvi­niane sentiamus, sed etiam ut Catholice? Praescribe ergo quid sit Catholice gratiam efficacem defen­dere.

VII.
Secundum judicium Annatinum.

‘CAtholici Doctores inter se consentiunt, grati­am per se efficacem ita regere voluntatem, ut vim & potestatem resistendi ei non adimat, ita ut haec duo inter se componantur, gratia in vo­luntate, & in eadem voluntate sub gratia constitu­ta sufficiens non consentiendi potestas: nec du­bitant quin hic verus sit Concilii Tridentini sensus in istis verbis, potest dissentire si velit.’

VIII.
Subscriptio.

ITerum quaerimus quo pacto quis fidem facere possit, hanc fibi doctrinam probari? An aliter quam ingenua & simplici subscriptione? Tollantur ergo vanae concertationes; subscribimus enim & sincere profitemur, remanere cum ipsa gratia effi­caci dissentiendi potestatem. Verum ex omnium Thomistarum doctrina adjungimus, seu potius ex­plicamus quae tu involvis, eam vim esse gratiae prae­determinantis ut physice semper & infallibiliter ef­ficiat, non ut voluntas dissentire non possit, sed ut nolit. Relinquit ergo dissentiendi potestatem, au­fert dissentiendi voluntatem: hoc est, cum ipsa gra­tia pacifice consistit dissentiendi potestas, consistere non potest dissentiendi voluntas. Nam, ut ait Al­vares disp. 72. num. 4. ‘Quando motio Dei est efficax, liberum arbitrium infallibiliter consentiet. Etenim hoc operatur gratia in libero arbitrio, quod cum possit dissentire, non dissentiat; cujus ratio est quam assignat S. Thomas 1. 2. qu. 112. art. 3. Nam intentio Dei deficere non potest. Unde si ex intentione Dei moventis est, quod homo, cujus cor movet, consentiat & consequatur gratiam, in­fallibiliter eam consequetur, & necessario, necessi­tate infallibilitatis, non autem ex necessitate abso­luta.’ En doctrinae nostrae circa gratiam efficacem sinceram expositionem!

Jam si quaeras quo pacto Concilii Tridentini lo­cum accipiamus, non alium interpretem adhibebi­mus, quam illum Societatis vestrae coryphaeum, Di­onysium Petavium. Audi, si placet, illum loquen­tem tom. 1. l. 9. p. 602. & nos Sodali tuo succi­nentes amplectere. ‘Illud quod per Christi merita tribuitur donum, non solum dat posse si velint, sed etiam velle quod possunt; & est tale, ut eo da­to non nisi perseverantes sint, id est, ut certo, & quod in scholis dicitur, infallibiliter perseverent, tametsi libere gratiae illi donoque consentiant, non necessario; sed ita ut dissentire possint si velint, quod Tridentina sciscit Synodus, quamvis ut non dissentire velint, eodem illo perseverantiae dono perficitur.’ Ergo etiam hic tibi plane satisfaciamus necesse est. Tuae enim doctrinae sine exceptione sub­scribimus. Superest 3. caput, quod sic expressisti.

IX.
Tertium judicium Annatinum.

‘IN hoc quoque capite Catholici Doctores con­sentiunt, gratiam sub efficacis formalitate non esse ita ad bona opera necessariam, ut non possit sine hac esse sufficiens, omnemque largiri potesta­tem, quae necessaria est ad hoc ut quod jubet Deus, nobis possibile sit, quamvis illud reipsa non praeste­mus. Ex quo fit ut vitio nostro haec gratia effectu careat.’

X.
Explicatio & subscriptio.

ETsi, mi Annate, hic doctrinam tuam consulto obscurasse videri possis, ut nos ab ea ample­ctenda deterreres; quia tamen verba tua signifi­cas eo sensu accipienda qui Thomistarum doctrinam nihil laedat, nec me utique laedere possunt, nec ul­lum Augustini discipulum. Nam illi circa quinque propositiones cum vulgaribus Thomistis plane con­sentiunt. Nihil est ergo quominus eodem sensu quo illi tuum illud tertium caput approbem: imo nihil necesse est id a me jam fieri, cum in prima Dis­quisitione jam fecerim, aperteque dixetim, duplex esse gratiae genus, aliud efficax, aliud inefficax: hoc idem prorsus esse atque illud quod Thomistae auxilium sufficiens vocant, eoque mandata fieri vere possibilia, etiam cum illa reipsa non praestamus, adeoque hanc gratiam suo nonnunquam effectu ca­rere. Haec omnia omnes Augustini discipuli toties iterarunt, ut mirum sit vos adhuc adversus eorum voces obsurdescere.

XI.
Thomistarum, quos orthodoxos agnoscit Anna­tus, de gratia efficaci pronunciata.

CAeterum, mi Annate, quemadmodum in verbis tuis involutam Thomistarum sententiam pro­bavi, sic eam paulo enucleatius hic a me proferri, ne fraudi detur locus, quaeso boni consulas. Haec vero ad ista dogmata, quae cum illis adversus Soda­litium tuum tuemur, fere redigitur. 1. Gratiam ef­ficacem ad omnia pietatis opera, & ad ipsam ora­tionem necessariam esse. Nam, ut rectissime Alva­res disp. 55. num. 13. ‘Praeter vocationem suffici­entem, quae tribuit voluntati posse consentire, re­quiritur etiam ut actualiter consentiat, vocatio ef­ficax qua fiat consentiens. Et adhuc clarius paulo supra, num 6. Nulla dispositio remota ad gratiam haberi potest ex sola facultate naturae, sive sit pete­re, sive desiderare ipsam gratiam, sive quodlibet a­liud: sed ad illam necessario requiritur SPECIA­LE AUXILIUM PRAEMOVENTIS GRA­TIAE.’

Secundo, hujus tam necessariae gratiae ea vis & efficacia est, ut ait Alvares disp. 23. ‘Ut haec duo sint incompossibilia: quod Deus auxilio efficaci moveat liberum arbitrium ad consensum; & ni­hilominus liberum arbitrium dissentiat. Alias e­nim non ageretur a gratia efficaci indeclinabiliter & insuperabiliter.’

Ac de efficaci quidem gratia ita sentimus. De in­efficaci vero nostram sententiam habes Disq. 1. art. 5. Tantum hic duo nominatim annotabo.

1. Etsi haec potestatem afferat observandi man­data, tamen istam potestatem talem non esse, ut complectatur omnia ad agendum necessaria. Nam illud, mi Annate, devores oportet ex Navarretta tom. 2. contr. 19. ‘Quod Suares dicit, auxilium sufficiens includere in se omnia quae sunt necessaria ad operationem, falsum est, & contra D. Augu­stinum. Et ibidem: Non continet auxilium suffi­ciens quicquid per modum principii est necessari­um ad illam operationem.’

II. Etiam gratiam sufficientem semper illum o­perati effectum, ad quem absoluta Dei voluntate ordinatur. Recte enim idem Alvarez disp. 80. ‘Om­ne auxilium sufficiens comparatione unius actus semper est efficax respectu alterius, ad quem effi­ciendum decreto absoluto divinae voluntatis desti­narur. Unde generatim omnis gratia dici efficax potest, & rursus dividi in efficacem secundum quid, quae eadem sufficiens vel excitans dicitur; & efficacem simpliciter & proprie.’ Eia, mi Anna­re, quid jam habes quod succenseas? An hoc for­te nobis succenses, quod succensendi causas praeci­dimus? Nec modo levem controversiam super quinque propositionibus reliquam esse docemus: sed plane nullam. Nullam, nullam, inquam, inve­nies, Pater Annate, quantumvis omnes ingenii tui nervos intendas, dum Thomistarum sententiam, ut facis, orthodoxam fateberis. Atque adeo experire: enitere ut verbis ab omni ambiguitate remotis quae­stionis caput assign [...] Si feceris, mi Annate, vice­ris. Quae conditio quior cuiquam offerri potest, quam ut clare aperteque enunciet quod obtinere ni­titur? Et nobis pervicaciam objectas, qui tibi mo­rigeri sumus plus fortasse quam velles. Et haeresim in Ecclesia esse dictitas, cum nullam de certo dog­mate disceptationem possis ostendere. Prius ergo responde huic argumento: Nulla certa haeresis sine certa controversia. At nulla in Ecclesia certa con­troversia. Ergo nulla haeresis.

XII.
Annati sententia victus Annatus.

NOn vereor igitur, mi Pater, quam de nobis jam sententiam pronunciaturus sis. Jam tu illam pronunciasti, cum tam accurato discrimine Calvinianum errorem a Catholica fide distinxisti. Quisquis enim Calvinum, ut a te explicatur, rejicit, te judice, Calvinianus non est. Quis­quis Catholicam fidem ex ore tuo amplectitur, te judice, Catholicus est. Ita si nos ut haereticos pergas incessere, non tam nobis turpissimi criminis notam inures, quam tibi injuriae, inconstantiae fa­mam apud homines, culpam apud Deum accersis. Hujus judicium, mi Annate, nimis abest ab oculis tuis. Aliter ageres, si de illo serio cogitares. Quam enim tandem Deo rationem redditurus es, cum ex­probrabit tibi tot servorum suorum famam inanissi­mo haereseos crimine conscissam: projectam in pe­riculum schismatis Ecclesiam: vilissimis, imo nullis quaestiunculis turbaram fidelium pacem: delusam artibus tuis summi Pontificis aequitatem, cujus aures, heu! vobis nimium credulas, innumeris quotidie mendaciis oneratis? Non agitur de Jansenio. Ille in tuto locatus non jam veretur humanum diem. De nobis agitur, quibus orbe Christiano inspectante Calvinianum sensum objicere non dubitas. Etiam­ne id nobis imperabis, ut reclamante conscientia hunc errorem a nobis defensum agnoscamus, quem tota mente semper repudiavimus? Nimis, nimis hoc durum est, Pater Annate, ut falsum crimen ag­noscendum sit, ne falso accusasse videaris.

XIII.
Iterata responsione eliditur Annatinus de sensu Jansenii Cavillus.

QUid afferes igitur quominus illa haeresis, quam nobis objectas, plane evanuerit? Iterumne ad Jansenii sensus cavillationem recurres, & ad tuum illud sophisma: Jansenianus sensus est Calvinianus: at Jansenianum sensum defenditis: ergo Calvinia­num? Deus immortalis! Adeone homines ex o­dio & cupiditate immutari, ut nullum in iis non di­cam humanitatis, sed rationis vestigium agnoscas? Nam tu, si homo esses, mi Annate, illo potius mo­do a gumentum tuum contexeres: Jansenianus sensus est Calvinianus: at damnatis sensum Calvi­ni: ergo damnatis sensum Jansenii. Debueras ergo nobis non Calvinum objicere probatum, sed Jan­nium desertum. Certe enim Jansenianus ille sensus aliquo dogmate continetur, non nudis illis vocibus quae nihil ex se significant. Hoc dogma tu ipse defi­nis, circumscribis, explicas, & in Calviniano errore situm doces. Nos illud dogma rejicimus. Ergo re­jicimus sententiam illam, quam tu Jansenianam appellas. At quidam eam negant esse Jansenianus O miram haeresim, & ante inauditam! Duo homi­nes eandem omnino sententiam tuentur, nempe Thomisticam; eandem sententiam damnant, nempe Calvinianam: eo solum discrepant, quod alter Cal­vinianum sensum appellat Jansenianum, & ideo damnat: alter sententiam Thomisticam, utrique probatam, appellat Iansenianam, & ideo verbulum illud non damnat; ob hoc unum discrimen hic hae­reticus, ille Catholicus.

Cur ergo non intelligis, Dialectice senex, pue­rile argumentationis tuae vitium, duplicemque sub his verbis Janseniani sensus notionem supponi, ali­am a me, aliam a te; Thomisticam a me, a te Calvinianam? An tantum illius nominis virus est, ut quodcunque demum Janseniani sensus voce affi­ciarut, etsi caeteroquin orthodoxum, statim eva­dat haereticum? Quid si mibi persuadeam eundem esse Molinae & Jansenii sensum? Iamne tuus Mo­lina haereticus fieret? Injurius in te mihi viderer, mi Annate, si te fingerem tam absurdum. Ecce qui­dam sibi persuaserunt Iansenium nihil omnino a vul­gari Thomistarum doctrina circa quinque propositi­ones dissidere. Quis non videat nihil fieri posse de­mentius, quam si quis ea re ipsos haereseos insimulet? At stulte sibi persuaserunt. Stultos igitur voca, Ca­tholicos fatere: quanquam jam ostendam tibi unde stultitiam istam hauserint. Hauserunt enim non modo ex multis Iansenii locis, quorum nonnulla 2. Disquisitione protulimus; fed etiam ex Patre Palavicino, Romano Iesuita, viro in istis rebus & intelligente & moderato. Audi ergo quomodo ille Iansenium cum Thomistis conjungat, de gra­tia sufficiente loquens: ‘Primum, inquit Tr. de Grat. ann. 1645. in Col. Rom. Disp. 4. art. 4. [Page 172] asserunt communiter Patres Dominicani, & idem reipsa docet Jansen. lib. 3. de Gr. cap. 1. cum in­ficiaretur dari gratiam aliquam sufficientem, sub­dit eam concedi posse, si admittatur in eo sensu in quo eam admittit Alvares, caeterique nobis ad­versarii in quaestione de Auxiliis; ut nimirum det quidem posse, non tamen sit sufficiens adagen­dum, nisi aliquid aliud addatur ex parte Dei; ad­huc tamen non esse veram Christi gratiam. Con­tratia est doctrina Societatis, pro qua sit conclu­sio.’

Hinc ille in votis suis eadem censura Iansenium perstrinxit, qua idem Alvarem perstrinxisset. Er­roneum dixit illius sensum, quia Thomisticum: haereticum nunquam dixit, quia Thomistas haereti­cos dicere nondum audetis. Quid quod ille super quarta propositione sensum Iansenii disertis verbis absolvit, & immunem jadicat a censura? Hic, quae­so, responde, Pater Annate. Cum Palavicinus sen­sum Iansenii immunem judicabat a censura, an il­le Calvinianus erat, an blasphemus, an haereticus? Non opinor. Quare ergo ut Catholicum defende­bat, quod tu Calviniani erroris accusas, nisi quia aliter qaam tu Iansenium interpretabatur? Sentisne igitur non propterea quemquam Calvino adhaere­scere, quia Iansenium defendat, alioquin Roma­num illud judicium dimidio fere Calvinistarum nu­mero conflatum fuisset.

XIV.
Solam Molinae & Suaresii sufficientem gratiam a Jansenio explosam.

CAEterum hoc Palavicini tui loco admoneor, ut obiter hic apetiam quantopere credulis lecto­ribus hoc sufficientis gratiae nomine sciens vel im­prudens imponas. Scilicet nihil crebrius in ore ha­bes, ut tibi Dominicanos adjungas, quam gratiam sufficientem Thomistarum a Iansenio quasi mon­strum esse exagitatam. At in hoc, mi Annate, lon­gissime erras. Illa enim gratia sufficiens, quam ut monstrum insectatur Iansenius, t. 3. l. 3. c. 3. non est illa Thomistica, quam ab Augustino libenter admissum iti docuerat cap. 1. sed Sodalium vestro­rum, Suarisque praecipue incongrua gratia, quae lato limite a Thomistica dividitur. Hoc vero tam manifeste non innuit solum, sed expresse testifica­tur, ut mitum sit vos tam putidam criminationem toties iterasse. Quamobrem, mi Pater, ne vel te, vel alios fallas, sic habeto: Quoties Iansenius gra­tiam sufficientem explodit, non aliam intelligi, nisi Molinianam aut incongruam Suaresianam. I­dem de caeteris Augustini discipulis affirmo, quibus in ista gratia sufficiente Thomistica nihil displicet praeter nomen, quo vos ad Molinam sovendum abutimini. At, si satis innotuerit, non eam hoc verbo significati gratiam quae complectatur omnia ad agendum necessaria, nihil jam erit cur non id nominis facile admittatur, & hoc sensu gratia suf­ficiens omnibus justis volentibus & conantibus con­cedatur. Quamobrem, ut dixi, res isto nomine a Thomistis significata probatur ab omnibus: ac ver­bum ipsum ante Moliniano veneno perpurgandum, quam in Ecclesiam invehatur; aut certe cum ea cautione usurpandum, ut Molinisticus sensus ex­presse rejiciatur.

XV.
Refellitur alia fallacia Annatina de sensu legitimo.

EX his similiter corruit aliud tuum, in quo non mediocriter tibi places, argumentum, seu ve­rius sophisma. ‘Quinque propositiones, inquis, in sensu legitimo a quibusdam doctoribus defensae sunt: at damnatae sunt in sensu legitimo: ergo damnatae sunt eo sensu, quo defensae ab il­lis sunt.’ Hic etiam legitimi sensus aequivocatione nos illudis; nec aliter argumentaris, quam si quis ita concluderet: Legitimum Honorii sensum dam­navit sexta Synodus: at legitimum Honorii sensum tuetur Bellarminus: ergo sexta Synodus damnavit sensum quem tuetur Bellarminus: ergo Bellarmi­nus haereticus est. Siccine, mi Pater, in Dialecticis operam tuam diutinam consumpsisti, ut adhuc isti­us argumenti vitium non percipias, nec intelligas in sensus legitimi voce latere fallaciam? Alius enim prorsus legitimus sensus, quem Pontifex damna­vit; alius legitimus sensus, quem illi defenderunt. Quis enim ille sensus ab illis Doctoribus propugna­tus? Audiamus te ipsum corum verba referentem: ‘Auctor, inquis, libri de gratia victrice ait, propo­sitiones esse veras, & maxime Catholicas in sensu gratiae efficacis, atque hoc solum sensu a Iansenio defendi.’ Ecce quid sit ille sensus legitimus, do­ctrina nempe de gratia efficaci, quam tu veram & orthodoxam sateris. Hanc illi in quinque propositi­ones includi posse existimarunt. Nec soli, mi An­nate, ita senserunt. Praecip [...] Consultoribus idem quod illi censuerant; nec t [...]en Calviniani erant, aut ulla sinistra unquam opinione aspersi sunt. Con­tra Consultores alii numero plures sensum legiti­mum propositionum a gratia efficaci plane segrega­tum esse contenderunt. His assensus est summus Pontifex, ipsi orbis Christianus. Quid sequitur? Nempe hoc unum; gratiae efficacis doctrinam in sensu propositionum includi non debere, omnino­que sentiendum, hunc gratiae efficacis sensum non esse legitimum quinque propositionum sensum. Quod illo argumento tuo bene convincitur. Sum­mus Pontifex non damnavit gratiae efficacis doctri­nam. At damnavit sensum legitimum quinque pro­positionum. Ergo doctrina gratiae efficacis non est sensus legitimus quinque propositionum. At sensus ille quem Doctores tuebantur, nihil aliud erat quam doctrina efficacis gratiae. Igitur sensus illorum a summo Pontifice damnatus non est. Hoc solum er­go ipsis exprobrare potes, sensum illum, quem le­gitimum dixere, sententia summi Pontificis ille­gitimum & alienum a propositionibus esse judica­tum. Quod honori & reverentiae summi Pontificis facile dabunt.

XVI.
Ridicule implicitam Augustinianorum sententiam insectantur Jesuitae, cujus explicite & non ambiguis verbis expressae damnationem extor­quere non possunt.

CErnisne, Pater Annate, rationes tuas sponte dis­silire? Sed paulisper subit hoc loco mitari fraudulentum Societatis institutum. Quorsum enim [Page 173] nos assidue legitimi sensus, Janseniani sensus voci­bus pulsat & obtundit? Non obtegimus, non re­ticemus sensus nostros, imo eos planissimis ver­bis enunciamus. Non deest vobis gratia apud Reges, apud multos Episcopos, apud summum denique Pontificem. Quin jam igitur omissa illa futili de Janseniani sensus vocibus concertatione, sententiam nostram nostris verbis expressam apud summum Pontificem vel apud Episcopos Galliae ac­cusatis? Si jam illam implicitam damnaverunt, ut contenditis, libentissime utique explicatam damnabunt.

Agite ergo & enitimini, Jesuitae, ut in aliqua Bulla haec verba orbis Christianus legat: Haec pro­positio; Quibusdam justis gratiae excitanti & Tho­mistico sensu sufficienti renitentibus non adest gratia efficax, necessaria ad bene agendum, sive sine qua non adsunt omnia ad agendum necessaria; est haereti­ca, blasphema & impia.

Facite ut legamus: Haec propositio; Duplex est gratiae genus: alia efficax, alia inefficax. Huic semper, cum sola est, resistitur; illi qunquam. Ʋtraque vero in eo convenit, quod semper efficax sit respectu illius effectus ad quem absoluta Dei volunta­te ordinatur; est haeretica.

Facite ut legamus; Haec propositio; Ad meren­dum & demerendum in statu naturae lapsae non requi­ritur indifferentia Moliniana, qua voluntas ita po­test velle & nolle, ut non modo cum gratia efficaci po­testas dissentiendi cohaereat, sed etiam actus contra­rius; est haeretica.

Facite ut legamus: Haec propositio; Semipelagi­ani in eo errabant, quod negarent fidem ita esse donum Dei, ut nemo credat ut oportet nisi cui per gratiam efficacem fides ipsa donetur; est haeretica.

Facite demum ut legamus: Haec propositio; Christus non est mortuus ut omnibus reprobis gratias Moliniano sensu sufficientes impetraret, quae sine efficacis auxilio in actum prorumpant; haeretica est & blasphema.

XVII.
Apostolica & Augustiniana gratiae efficacis do­ctrina, Jesuitarum in eam machinationibus confirmatur & illustratur.

EJusmodi Bullam, Pater Annate, non timemus ne unquam à summo Pontifice Jesuiticae artes eliciant, & propterea triumphos tuos, vanasque victorias irridemus, seu potius miseramur. Nun­quam enim forte illustriori exemplo comprobavit Deus quanta fit firmitas veritatis, & quam inanes sint hominum in illam insurgentium conatus. Ec­ce per duodecim annos conjurata in gratiam effi­cacem Molinistarum natio nullas artes, nullas machinationes ad eam evertendam omittit; Re­gibus, Episcopis, summis Pontificibus obrepit; & tamen eadem doctrina validius indies confirmatur; ab Episcopis, quotidie probatur; Romae ut cum maxime floret; nec quisquam est qui Molinista libenter audiat. Hoc tanto nobis solatio est, ut illos fluctus in nos concitatos securi laetique pro­spectemus. Non enim jam fides, non veritas periclitatur, quae adversariorum etiam ore & testi­monio sancitur: non conscientia nostra, quae no­bis coram Deo hoc sincerum testimonium reddit, nihil aliud nos in hac materia sentire, nisi quae su­pra exposuimus, quaeque omnium Theologorum calculo tanquam orthodoxa comprobari certo sci­mus. Ergo famae duntaxat nostrae, aut tempo­ralium commodorum discrimen agitur, de qui bus siquis vehementius solicitus sit, & Christiani & Theologi nomine sit indignus. In haec saeviant Je­suitae quantum volent. Nobis illorum fortunam optare nunquam subibit. Interim dum nostra il­lorum calumniis obscuratur fama, veritatis, quam adversus illos tuemur, splendor clarius enitescit. Ecquis enim non hanc certam, Catholicam, ac divinam doctrinam putet, quae defensoribus suis in summam invidiam per falsas criminationes ad­ductis, Jesuitarum tamen in petum in excidium suum, & Principum, & summi Pontificis gratia abutentium, suo robore sustentat? aut quomodo unquam huic argumento respondebunt Jesuitae? Si quid esset in doctrina superius exposita, quod vel levissimam notam mereretur, non ei parceret summus Pontifex, Jesuitarum operatione adversus illorum dogmatum defensores exasperatus. Sed nullum unquam ex supra posits capitibus expresse damnabit. Ergo nullum est damnatione dig­num; nullum quod orthodoxum & sanctum non sit.

XVIII.
Cur Jansenium multi Thomistae damnare detractent.

NImirum igitur accusatione haereseos excidisti, Pater Annate. Restat ut alio impetum con­vertas, ac nos dicas vere quidem Jansenii sensum damnare, quippe qui Calvinianum damnemus, quem eundem atque Jansenianum putas; sed sive pudore, sive stupore aut pertinacia hunc quem rejiciamus errorem, noluisse hactenus appellare Jansenianum. Hoc tantum, mi Annate, potes dicere, si te ipse audire volueris, nec a ratione desciscere. At hoc tamen cave ne dicas: nam eo si descenderis, hoc ipso pax erit constituta quam odisti. Parum enim admodum hac accusatione movebuntur adversarii tui, facilemque de se pal­mam hac in parte tibi praebebunt, ac te in hac vi­ctoriae specie quam voles exultare impune permit­tent. Itaque per eos licet ut debellati Jansenii sibi trophaeum erigat Societas: licet ut eos bardos, stupidos, pertinaces appellet. Desinat modo com­mentitiae haereseos formidine Ecclesiam solicitare. Quin etiam, nisi plane sis intractabilis, facile erit de reliquis transigere. Quid enim restat cum tuum illum sensum Jansenianum omnes damnent? Hoc unum scilicet, ut eum Jansenianum omnes appel­lent. Leviculum negotiums jam enim de sylla­bis agitur, non de sensu. Sed vin tibi expeditam ostendi viam, mi Pater, qua non aegre omnes ad­duxeris; ut te de Jansenii sensu recte sensisse non inviti, sed ultro fateantur. Dignere, mi Pater, dubitationibus illorum occurrere, & quosdam ab ipsis evellere scrupulos quibus ab hac opinione re­tardantur: hos ne ignores, sincere & simpliciter hic expromam.

XIX.
Calvini doctrinam videtur damnare Jansenius.

MAgnum postulas ut Jansenium Calvino suc­cinere fateamur. Ego contra, levem hanc operam a te exigo, ut patienter auscultes, cur hoc creditu valde sit arduum. Difficile est enim, mi Pater, Catholico Antistiti eam sententiam tribuere q [...]am expresse damnat & rejiicit. Ubinam, inquis, id facit Jansenius? Tom. 3. mi Annate, lib. 8. cap. 21. Haec sunt, inquit, quae Ecclesia in Calvino, quantum ad hanc materiam gratiae & liberi arbitrii, improbavit. Primum est, quod Calvinus negat esse in homine boni & mali electionem, &c. Secun­dum est, quod Calvinus doceat gratiam ita movere hominem ut non sit ei liberum resistere. Sic enim lo­quitur: Ʋoluntatem Deus movet, non qualiter mul­tis seculis traditum est & creditum, ut nostrae postea sit electionis motioni aut obtemperare aut refragari. Augustino vero Dominus ita movet voluntatem, ut quamvis infallibiliter convertatur & operetur, possit tamen motioni Dei refragari aut obtemperare, seu, ut Concilium Tridentinum loquitur, illi dissentire si velit. Potentia quippe dissentiendi non repugnat actuali gratiae motioni & consensui, quamvis fieri nequeat ut actu­alis dissensus cum actuali Dei motione jungatur. Ecce Calvini dogma expresse damnatum, ut Ecclesiae & Augustino contrarium. Ecce sub actuali gratia per­manentem dissentiendi potestatem.

XX.
Thomistarum doctrina a Jansenio explanata & comprobata.

NEc vero hoc uno loco, sed integris capitibus ex professo docet & inculcat, & in primis capite superiori, ubi sic Thomistarum doctrinam explanat, ut vix ulli Thomistae eam luculentius ex­posuerint. Dicimus igitur, inquit, liberum arbi­trium quantumcunque vehementi atque efficaci gratiae delectatione praeventum atque determinatum ad faci­endum bonum, adhuc tamen posse bonum tantum non facere, sed etiam malum. Ʋerum est enim istud, non quidem in sensu composito, ut vulgo dici solet, sed in sensu diviso; nimirum, quia eodem tempore, quo voluntatis arbitrium sub gratiae delectatione efficaci­ter eam movente positum est, imo quo etiam actum voluntatis bonum facit, est in eadem voluntate pote­stas illud non faciendi, imo peccandi; non quod cessa­tio ab actu quem tunc elicit, aut actuale peccatum cum gratiae delectantis influxu consistere possit, quod sensus compositus postularet; sed quia cessandi & pec­candi potestas cum eadem gratia simul in eodem volun­tatis arbitrio conjungi potest. Nam quamvis duo actus contrarii sint oppositi, & in eadem voluntate simul esse non possint, potestates tamen ad opposita non sunt oppositae, nec sibi invicem, nec actibus op­positis, & in eodem simul subjecto sive a­gente, sive quiescente commorantur. Sic ergo vo­luntas quantumcunque gratiae suavitate capiatur, potest non agereid quo rapitur: quia veram non agen­di potentiam etiam sub gratia rapiente retinet; quamvis fieri nequeat, ut ipsa non actio cum gratiae operatione in eadem simul voluntate copuletur. Quin etiam Jansenius diserte asserit hanc esse men­tem Trid. Concilii. Attende enim quid adjungat: Sic etiam juxta Tridentinum homo recipiens inspirati­onem, illam abjicere potest: & liberum arbitrium a Deo motum potest dissentire si velit.

XXI.
Alvaris doctrina Jansenio consona.

QUaeso igitur, Pater Annate, hunc laborem sus­cipe, ut aliquo discrimine hanc Jansenii do­ctrinam a vulgari Thomistarum mente secernas. Id enim perdifficile videtur. Quid enim aliud Jansenius, quam quod Alvarez his verbis disp. 115. n. 3. & 4. ‘Potentia ad unum actum non repug­nat potentiae ad actum contrarium, nec etiam re­pugnat actui contrario? Actus autem contrarii rep [...]nant inter se in eodem subjecto. Et infra: No [...]andum secundo, quod cum dicitur potentiam liberam esse, quae, positis omnibus requisitis ad operandum potest operari & non operari, etiam in sensu composito, hoc dupliciter intelligi po­test: primo, ut compositio fiat inter praerequisita ad operandum, & potentiam operandi & non operandi; & tunc sensus est, quod potentia ad operandum & non operandnm stat simul in eo­dem subjecto cum antecedenter praerequisitis ad talem operationem; & hic sensus verissimus est. Secundo modo potest intelligi, ita ut compositio fiat inter antecedenter praerequisita ad operandum talem actum, & carentiam talis a­ctus, & tunc sensus est, quod omnia praerequi­sita, etam ex parte Dei, ad operandum talem actum particularem, & carentia ejusdem actus, seu actus contrarius, possint esse aut aliquando sint simul in eodem subjecto. In hoc sensu in­tendimus praedictam definitionem impugnare. Et disp. 92. cum Molinistarum sententiam sic expres­sisset, Quidam dixerunt, quod stante in homine quocunque auxilio praevenientis gratiae secundum omnem realem virtutem & perfectionem quam habet ut venit a Deo, possit etiam in sensu com­posito dissentire & non converti. Mox num. 4. subjicit: Contraria sententia vera est, & de men­te Sancti Thomae, omniumque Doctorum quos supra adduximus. Idemque disp. 74. num. 6. Liberum arbitrium motum a Deo auxilio effi­caci, non potest illi dissentire in sensu composito, sed in sensu diviso, ut inferius patebit. Sequere­tur enim quod voluntas Dei esset inefficax, & im­pedibilis per hominis voluntatem: quod, ut Au­gustinus dicit, & nos supra ostendimus, est im­possible.’ Vides, mi Pater, non levibus causis adductos fuisse, qui cum Patre Palavicino sense­runt, nihil ab Alvare circa quinque propositiones discrepare Jansenium. Tu tamen, ut ingeniosus [...], quaedam certe discrimina deteges, ut nullus jam scrupulus a damnando Jansenio quemquam retrahat.

XXII.
Occurritur argutiis Annatinis.

NEc vero me ad eam quaestionem pe [...]traxeris, mi Pater, utrum potestas dissentiendi, quae cum gratia efficaci cohaeret, sit sufficiens, completa, proxima. Hanc enim uno verbo sic incido: Voces illae, ut notat Alvares disp. 117. n. 11. ambiguae sunt, & alium apud Thomistas, alium apud Mo­linistas significatum habent. Apud hos ea demum dicitur potestas sufficiens, quae nihil praerequirit ut in actum prodeat. Apud illos autem, etiam ea quae nunquam cum actu conjungitur. Itaque si illis verbis exprimas eam potestatem quae cum effectu a­liquando conjungatur, quo sensu haec verba solet u­surpare Jansenius, certum est eam dissentiendi potestatem, quae cum gratia efficaci remanet, nec proximam, nec sufficientem esse; nunquam enim cum actualli dissensu conjungitur, quamdiu gratia perseverat. At si quamvis aliam potestatem in a­ctu primo cogites, per me licet ut eam sufficientem, sufficientissimam, completam, completissimam, ple­nam, plenissimam, expeditam, expeditissimam dicas, &, si velis, trecenta alia nomina excogites, dum­modo gratiae efficaci nunquam actu & effective dis­sentiatur. Omnino ad istas cavillationes semel re­secandas in secunda Disquisitione jam dixi, potenti­as illas nunquam cum actu conjunctas in summo gradu me semper constituere. Itaque, mi Pater, justis gratia efficaci instructis potentiam non agendi quibussibet nominibus ornatam tribue quantum vo­les: & iisdem gratia efficaci distitutis quamlibet be­ne agendi potentiam largire. Dummodo enim efficaci per se, & non exscientia media, gratiae ne­minem actu diffentire, & sine illa neminem be­ne agere fatearis, nihil omnino sententiae nostrae ad­versabetis.

XXIII.
Cuivis Theologo non licet quemlibet Jansenii lo­cum pro arbitrio damnatarum propositionum loco supponere, idque temerarie ab Annato tentatum.

NII necesse arbitror, mi Annate, in invidiosa, &, nisi fallor, infrugifera facti quaestione o­perose versari, ac tuum illum indiculum diligenti­us excutere, in quo tu praepostere quaedam Janse­nii loca cum 5. propositionibus quasi sensu con­gruentia componis, quamquam hoc recte & salva summi Pontificis Episcoporumque reverentia po­teram. Licet enim illi proprium & rigorosum 5. propositionum sensum in Jansenio extare signifi­cent; non tamen cuivis privato Theologo eam licen­tiam dederunt, ut quemlibet Jansenii locum pro damnatis propositionibus substitueret. Imo poti­us hoc omnino fieri non licere innuunt Galliae Epis­copi, qui in sua Narratione propositionum sensum non aliquo peculiari loco contineri, sed ex totius doctrinae compage resilere asserunt.

Multo minus licet, mi Annate, quod tu fecisti, Augustini loca pro damnatis propositionibus sup­ponere, ipsa foede mutilare & corrumpere. Mul­to minus licet Lessianas sententias distinctis apud Jansenium characteribus expressas, & ab omnibus Thomistis in Lessii sensu rejectas, a summo Pon­tifice consecratas contendere. Verum minutio­rem illam Disquisitionem nunc omittemus. In­terim quaedam generaliora hic annotabo, quibus si responderis, tum ad pressiorem disputationem for­tasse descendemus.

XXIV.
Propositiones in Jansenio totidem verbis exta­re asseruit Annatus, nec promisso satis­facit.

IN primis, P. Annate, illud me male habet, quod non satis hic tuam ipse liberas fidem. Ec­quid enim excidit tibi quam magnifice olim palam praedicaveris in Cavillis quinque illa damnata capi­ta esse propositiones individuas & singulares totidem verbis in Jansenio contentas? Aut nobis igitur toti­dem illa verbe redde, vel inconsultum te promisso­rem fatere. At iniqui sumus qui a te totidem illa verba exigamus. Quasi vero iniquum sit, id a te exigere, quod tu promisisti, quodque omnibus semper seculis usurpatum est. Ecquod enim exemplum afferes, assignatas nominatim alicui scriptori nonnullas propositiones tanquam ex ejus libris ex­cerptas, nisi totidem verbis ab illo scriptae essent?

XXV.
Annati in assignandis aequivalentibus proposi­tionibus inconstantia.

FRustra igitur, mi Pater, ad aequivalentes pro­positiones confugis, omissis illis totidem verbis, quae nobis representare debebas. Verum in his quo­que, ne quid gravius dicam, parum felix es. Pri­mum enim illud explicare decuerat, quod multos diu torsit, & etiamnum torquet. Si revera in Jan­senio erant propositiones damnatis aequivalentes, cur non illae potius Jansenii verbis expressae sum­mo Pontifici oblatae sunt? Expediendum tibi ante omnina fuerat, mi Annate, intricatum istius consi­lii mysterium.

Sed quae tandem sunt illae tuae propositiones ae­quivalentes? Vagae, incertae, volaticae, sine certa sede ac domicilio: novae singulis annis priscis exclusis sese ostentant, mox, quasi partibus suis peractis, e proscenio se subtrahunt, & aliis locum dant. Itaque, mi Annate, anno 1654. alias plane propositiones aequivalentes attulisti, his depulsus ad alias nunc confug [...]s. Verum, ut tunc tibi me non de­buisse credere res ipsa docuit, sic nihil satis firmum video, cur tibi nunc credam. Quid si enim ad duos annos alia loca Jansenii proferas, an tunc quo que tecum sententia mutanda erit? Non omnibus, mi Annate, tam mobile ac desultorium jud cium con­tigit. Propria haec virtus tua, quam tibi non invide­mus. Praestat ergo diutius expectare dum in certis Jansenii locis constiteris: nec tu nobis hanc dilatio­nem denegare potes.

XXVI.
Vitiosae Annati argumentationes.

ESt aliud, mi Pater, quod valde in illo tuo in­lice eruditi homines reprehendunt; infirma scilicet & imbellis argumentandi ratio: nam si quis illud omne quod postulas tibi concedat, nihil ta­men omnino promoveris. Acc modari, inquis, po [...]est damnata [...]um propositionum significatus certis, ill [...]s Jansenii locis. M [...]lti negant. Sed quid tum, mi Pater? Accommodati potesi Arianorum haere­sis his Scriptura verbis: Pater major me est. Ergo revera illa Scripturae verba continent Arianam hae­resim. Accommodari potest sensus secunda pro­positionis damnatae, Gratiae interiori nunquam re­sistitur, his verbis S. Augustini, Gratia Christi a nullo duro corde respuitur, quia ideo tribuitur, ut cordis duritia primitus auferatur. Ergo accomodandus. Sen­tisne quam ista male colligantur? Nihil igitur ha­beres, etiamsi illud impetrasses, istis Jansenii ver­bis damnatarum propositionum sensum accommo­dari posse. Illud, illud, mi Annate, probandum est, hunc damnatum sensum verbis illis suis a Janse­mo accommodatum esse Quis enim scriptor Catho­licus tam accurate locutus est, ut nonnunquam ip­sius verbis non perversus aliquis sensus affingi possit?

Exemplo eritille locus Jansenii, quem ut quartae propositioni consentaneum affers, ex tom. 1. l. 8. c. 6. In hoc ergo, inquit, propr [...]e Massiliensium er­ror situs est, quod aliquid primaevae libertatis reliquum putarent, qua sicut Adam, si voluisset, p [...]terat perseveranter operari bonum ita la sus homo saltem credere p sset si vellet; neuter tamen absque interio­ris gratiae adjutorio, cujus usus vel abusus relictus es­set in un uscujusque arbitrio & potestate. Huic tu loco sensum quartae propositionis aptas, nempe Calvinianum, quasi Jansenius hic dicere voluerit, Semipelagianos ideo fuisse haereticos, quod gratiam talem [...]sse vellent, cui possit humana voluntas resiste­re vel obtemperare: Fatentur, mi Annate, adver­sarii tui, omni gratiae resisti & obtemperari posse, sive illa fit efficax, sive inefficax. Efficaci enim semper obtemperatur, & nihilominus semper re­sisti potest: inefficaci contra, cum sola est, sem­per resistitur, semper obtemperari potest. Hoc si neget Jansenius, errat. Sed unde concludis hoc ab ipso Jansenio negatum? Potest, inquis, illius verbis accommodari sensus Calvinianus. At po­test etiam accommodari sensus Catholicus, nempe gratiae usum vel abusum non esse voluntati Moli­niano modo subjectum: ita ut eadem gratia pro solo nutu voluntatis modo inefficax sit, modo efficax sine ulla alia Dei ope. Hic sensus, mi Annate, ita Ca­tholicus est, ut contrarium Semipelagiani erro­ris damnaverit tota Congregatio de Auxiliis in tuo Molina.

Haec propositio, inquit, & doctrina Patris Molinae, quatenus d cet efficaciam auxilii divini pend [...]re ab ef­fectu & libertate arbitrii humani, non autem ab ipso auxilio prout a Deo venit, & ex modo motionis divinae, videtur tradita a Semipelagianis, ut licet videre in Epistola S. Hilarii ad [...]. Augustinum: asseri­tur autem a Molina contra expressam sententiam. S. Augustini lib. de corr. & grat.

Demus, mi Pater, utrumque sensum admittere verba Jansenii. Sint ergo haeretica si cum Calvino potentiam dissentiendi negent: sed Catholica erunt si cum Congregatione de Auxiliis Molinisticam gratiam Semipelagiani erroris accusent. At tu cur tuo jure in pejorem partem accipis? Cur ad Calvi­ni sensum detorques? Debueras ergo aliqua loca proferre, ex quibus constaret Jansenium haec ver­ba Calviniano sensu usurpasse. Nihil enim certius hoc principio: Ex solis verbis quae duplicem sensum habere possunt, quorum alter verus sit, alter falsus, constare non potest, malo illa sensu accipienda.

Disce igitur [...], mi Pater, accuratioris dialecticae leges. Si velis hunc locum quem profers, haereti­cum probare, alia conquire, quibus doceas non solum hic Molinam rejectum esse a Jansenio, sed Calvini errorem comprobatum, quod ex solis illis locis, ut multum, ambiguis nunquam elicies. Om­nino enim in Semipelagianis solum videtur culpare Molinismum, ut cum tom. 3. lib. 3. c. 1. consti­tuta Molinianae gratiae notione, in eo praecise quod nullum aliud Dei auxilium requirat, sic deinceps Se­mipelagianorum exprimit errorem: Pro scripti sunt Massil [...]enses non aliam ob causam nisi quia tale auxi­lium homini sufficere putarent, adeoque Nullum ali­ud adjutorium ad credendum actu ex parte Dei esse necessarium.

XXVII.
Damnati quinque propositionum sensus genuinae notae.

FRustra sensum illum damnatarum propositio­num in Jansenio quaeris, mi Annate, nisi pri­us damnatum illarum sensum qualis sit, noveris. Hunc vero, ne erremus, quibusdam notis indica­runt tum summus Pontifex, tum Episcopi Galliae; quas notas ubi non repereris, ibi scito sensum illum damnatum minime reperiri. Has etsi jam delibavi prima Disquisitione, tamen iterum hic clarius indi­cabo, ut ex his eruditi lectores de tuo indiculo pos­sint statuere.

PRIMA NOTA.

In primis testantur Episcopi variis narrationis suae loci [...] praesertimque p. 15. hunc sensum dam­natum, esse proprium & germanum istarum Propo­sitionum sensum. Idem loquuntur Romani Consul. tores qui semper proprium & rigorosum sensum dam­nant. Hinc statuitur illud axioma:

Quaecunque propositio non continet rigorosum & proprium sensum alicujus ex propositionibus, haec non c [...]n [...]inet sensum damnatum illius propositionis.

TERTIA NOTA.

Declarant Episcopi Galliae sensum illum damna­tum esse Augustino contrarium. Hinc elice aliud axioma:

Nulla propositio Augustino & Jansenio communis co [...]tinet damnatum propositionum sensum.

Declaret Romana Inquisitio: assentiuntur Epis­copi: omnes Universitates consentiunt, Thomi­starum doctrinam Innocentii Constitutione nulla in re violatam. Inde collige tertium axioma:

Nulla propositio Thomastis & Jansenio commu­nis continet proprium & damnatum sensum propositi­onum

QUARTA NOTA.

Speciatim declaravit summus Pontifex Innocen­tius gratiae efficacis doctrinam, prout a Thomi­stis defenditur, minime decreto suo ulla auctoritate spoliatam, ac de hoc capite tota Ecclesia consentit. Hinc nascitur quartum axioma:

Quacunque propositio continet solam gratiae effica­cis, prout a Thomistis defenditur, assertionem, dam­natum illum seusum non continet.

QUINTA NOTA

Testantur Episcopi in narratione sua, hunc sensum damnatum a nullo ante Baium & Janse­nium esse traditum, adeoque illum omnibus Scholasticis adversari. Inde colligo quintum axi­oma:

Nulla propositio Scholasticis usitata, trita, & probata continet damnatum illum sensum propositio­num.

SEXTA NOTA.

Damnatus ille sensus a summo Pontifice repro­batur, ab Episcopis proscribitur, tota Eccle­sia hereticus judicatur. Sequitur inde sextum axio­ma:

Nulla propositio quam vulgo Theologi nemine improbante defendunt, continet damnatum illum sen­sum.

His notis, mi Annatae, probe perspectis, certius in explorando sensu Jansenii versabere: non per­spectis, semper errabis.

XXVIII.
CONCLƲSIO.

MActe igitur animo, mi Pater, & cursum pa­rum feliciter institutum felicius persequere. Non ingratam nobis, nec Societati tuae inutilem o­peram navaveris si fugitivas illas propositiones tan­dem elatibulis suis extraxeris. Nam quod simpli­citer & libere decendum sit, tu quoque, mi An­nate, jejunius adhuc in hoc argumento versatus es, magisque ad rudem imperitorum levitatem, quam ad eruditorum certum limatumque judicium elaborasse videris. Sed tu [...], credo, quae per in­curiam exciderunt, moni [...]us emendabis, & in­structior redibis in praelium. Quin ne tibi aulicis occupationibus vale districto, nimis oneris videar imponere, unum hoc a te contendo; ut quae de prima propositione in altera Disquisitione disputa­vi, refellenda suscipias: hanc enim ideo, caete­ris omissis, accuratius pertractavimus, quod ex ipsa reliquae necterentur. Ubi huic responde­ris, tum tibi de quatuor aliis responsio non de­erit.

Verum, si quid, ut vehementer aveo, rescribe­re dignetis, facito, quaeso, ut meos sensus impe­tas, non alienos affingas. Questionem illam ge­neralem, an propositiones sint in Jansenio, nec­ne, prorsus omitto. Sed loca illa quae profers, damnatis propositionibus esse aequivalentiae nego. Hinc sequitur, te propositiones in Jansenio non reperiste: non sequitur, neminem alium posse reperiere. Fortasse id praestabunt alii acutiores & diligentiores: non enim solus homo es, sed unus e multis. Non continebis te tamen, sat scio, quin me, si non haereticum, certe haereseos fautorem appelles. Ast ego hoc tibi in antecessum repono: Nemo haeresi favere potest quae nulla est: at nulla in Ecclesia nova haeresis: nulli ergo novae haere­seos fautores. Quorsum igitur tot decreta, tot E­pistolae, tot conciones, tot libelli? Nescio, mi Pater. Unum hoc scio, quaenam ista esset haere­sis, quam vos sensus Janseniani haeresim dicitis, ne­minem adhuc me reperisse qui nosset. Incredibile, inquis, fictitiae haereseos larva Ecclesiam jactari. In­credibilius, mi Pater, esse quandam haeresim, quam nemo verbis perspicuis nec ambiguis possit expri­mere, quam ignorent & qui accusant & qui accu­santur; cujusque tota vis sex syllabis, sensus Jansenii, sine ulla certa notione & sensu contineatur. At in hac opinione vehementer, erro. Omnino vehemen­ter mi Pater, si erro. Adde etiam ex vestris decretis, inculpate: invincibiliter enim erro, quippe qui om­nem adhibuerim diligentiam ad novam illam hae­resim detegendam, nec tamen detegere potu­erim. Ita si me inclementius objurges, vel E­scobario judice confutabitur reprehensor Anna­tus.

FINIS,

PAƲLI IRENAEI DISQVISITIO QVARTO.
Nullum fuisse inter Doctores ex utraque par­te Romam missos, legitimum controversiae caput.

PRAEFATIO AD FRANCISCUM ANNATUM.
Perstingitur ejus taciturnitas, occasio scripti­onis declaratur.

SIc est prorsus, mi Annate, insipienter spe­ravimus fore ut Disquisitionum nostrarum aculeis aliquid a te responsi eliceremus. Sed insipienter quoque illi judicant, qui etiam silentio tuo causam praetendunt, quod indignum auctori­tate tua sis arbitratus cum ignoto hoste confligere. Mihi vero & de te iniquius senti e videntur, qui tam insolens tibi fastidium tribuunt; & de ipsa re non recte, qui te parum decore in hoc certamen descensurum putant. Enim vero si honor specta­tur tuus, lacessito tibi & vehementur tum Gallice tum Latine exagitato, longe fuit honestius respon­dere, quam tacre; praesertim cum tam facilem vincendi conditionem tulissem tibi, & id modo a re, quo me victum faterer, exegissem, ut contro­versiae qua hodie conflictatur Ecclaesia, certum ali­quod caput assignares. Hoc, mi Annate, cur recu­saris, non alia cuiquam causa occurit, nisi quod id te praestare posse di [...]fisus es.

Praeterea non ignoras scriptiunculam nostram, ac multo magis celebrem illam decimam-octavam Provincialem epistolam, quae te, mi Pater, in magnas conjecit angustias, multorum manibus te­ri, nec paucis illud persuasisse quod volebant, nullam omnino de ullo fide dogmate contentio­nem in Ecclesia esse, totamque illam Janseniani sensus haeresim meram fabulam esse, a vobis in­ductam, ut adversariis vestris invidiam apud im­peritos faceretis. Quam opinionem cur ex animis hominum nolles evellere, si hoc a te fieri posse confideres?

Ergo illud propensius vero, si minus honorisi­cum tibi silentiam erat, utile certe Societati tuae fuisse, e cujus commodis & loqui tuum, & tacere metiris. Scilicet eam in non leve discrimen addux­erat incaute a te tradita Janseniani sensus explica­tio, de gratia necessitante, quae dissentiendi potesta­tem auferret. Actum erat de causa tua, si tam per­spicue loqui perstitisses. Nihil illa magis quam lu­cem timet: nihil illi insensius, quam si intelliga­tur. Unde te vehementius aiunt a Sociis tuis in­crepitum fuisse, quod praepostera & incalli­da defensione omnes penes defensiones suas dis­jecisses.

Igitur, mi Annate, non ita prae studio iniqui sumus, ut susceptum tibi prudentissimae taciturni­tatis consilium a te abjici contendamus. Novimus enim quam illud rationibus tuis opportunum, imo necessarium fuerit. Tu modo ne succenseas, si quando nobis non idem quod tibi conducit, non eandem quoque rationem ineamus. Tam nostra studet introspici causa, quam tua id causa reformi­dat. Ergo suae saltem utilitati servire cuique sit li­berum. Tibi silere sit jus: nobis saltem hactenus loqui, ut veritatis patefactione lucem ac pacem frustra turbatae Ecclesiae concilemus: abacto scilicet fictitiae haereseos terriculo, quo illam jamdiu sine causa tu caeterique Sodales tui commovetis.

Adeo aurem turbas hac scriptione contentiones­que non molimur, ut nihil aliud contendamus, quam nullam omnino de fide in Ecclesia turbam, nullam inter nos & adversarios nostros contenti­onem vel esse, vel fuisse. Quod argumentum cum jam in prima Disquisitione pertractarim, cur hic uberius pertractandum censeam, paucis a­perio.

Dilucidis, ni fallor, & necessariis rationibus evi­ci, nullum de quinque propositionibus dissidium in Ecclesia versari, nec causam esse cur ulli in suspici­onem hae eseos vocentur, cum de ipsis dogmatis omnes consentiant, omnes illum sensum qui di­citur Jansenianus, peraeque respuant. Illud ta­men, fateor, vehementius, mi Annate, mita­bar, cur ergo Romam disceptaturi Doctores ivis­sent. Nimis enim mihi ridiculum videbatur, ut vel Doctores inter se de nihilo animose pugna­verint, vel judices de nihilo pugnari non intel­lexe int.

Quamobrem hoc totum quale esset inquirendi consilium cepi; opportuneque nactus varia scripta quae utraque ex parte Consultoribus aut summo Pontifici oblata sunt, & praeterea multas eorum, qui tum Romae praesentes aderant, literas, non­dum peracto negotio scriptas, in quibus quaecunque illic facta, dicta, agitata sunt, sigillatim recen­sentur; cuncta diligenter perlustravi. Hic quae mihi ante obscura & implicata videbantur, expli­cata & aperta visa sunt. Intellexi solidam initio & Theologicam fuisse contentionem de gratia ef­ficaci & sufficiente Moliniana. Intellexi gravi & legitima a ratione Romam perfectos Augustinianos Doctores, ut eas calamitates averterent, quas ex confusa propositionum censura videmus accidisse. Reperi causae suae diffisos Molinistas, clam Romae totam controversiae faciam immutasse: efficacis gratiae oppugnatione deserta, abjectoque Molinia­nae patrocinio, veram disceptationis causam peni­tus sustulisse; aliamque commentitiam calumniis superextructam contentionem Consultoribus Ro­manis & summo Pontifici obtrusisse, nec in ve­ros Augustini discipulos, sed in quasdam Janse­nistarum larvas ab ipsis effictas impetum fecisse. Reperi postremo: tantum artibus & gratia valuisse Jesuitas, ut nec illae calumniae dilui, nec novae illius & fictitiae controversiae inanitas retegi & redargui posset.

Enimvero, mi Annate, non mediocriter in­dolui, tamdiu accurata istarum rerum cognitione fraudatum esse orbem Christianum; nec leviter succensui eorum lentitudini, qui haec cum optime noverint, tamen adhuc a conficienda illa narratione supersederunt. Sed quam recte ipsi in tanta veri­tatis caligine opportunum fugandis tenebris lu­men fidelibus subtrahant, ipsi viderint. Mihi certe licere non sum arbitratus ea tacere, quae a­bigendo fictitiae haereseos crimini, quo tot Catho­lici [Page 179] immeritissimo asperguntur, prorsus necessaris sunt.

Quod nos eo minus invidiose facturi videmur, quod hic nulla de Jansenio quaestio est, sed tan­tum de Augustini discipulis, quos falso Jansenista­tum nomine traducunt adversarii, a quibus quin­que propositionum errores removeri adeo a sum­mo Pontifici injurium non est, ut sit etiam hono­rificum & optabile. Quid enim ad probandum Pontifice Constitutionis aequitatem validius, quam ejusmodi esse illas propositiones, ut eas nemo in proprio sensu, & illo qui cicitur Jansenianus, un quam defenderit? Quid summo omnium Christia­norum parenti optatius, quam filios omnes suos id ipsum de fide sentire & dicere; nec modo nunc, sed semper circa damnata haec capita extitisse con­cordes?

ARTICULUS. I.
De primo statu controversiae, dum Parisiis agi­tabatur ante quinque propositionum exor­tum.

QUo pacto Romae inter se concordes reipsa Do­ctores extiterint, & falso discordes existima­ti sint qui Parisiis tam a criter inter se pugnaverant, hac quarta Disquisitione retegere, & in lucem pro­mere consilium est; quia hujus ignoratio magnas huic toti negotio tenebras offundit.

Norunt omnes, quibus contentiones illae, quae quinque propositionum ortum antecesserunt, audi­tae & perspecta sunt totam Augustinianos inter & Molinistas contentionum fuisse; Thomistasque in illa rixa nullatenus implicitos. Contendebant Augustiniani gratiam illam sufficientem Molinisti­cam, quae nihil aliud requirit ex parte Dei ut in a­ctam prodeat, merum Semipelagianismum esse. Contra Jesuitae & eorum gregales, nisi ejusmodi gratia versatilis & libero arbitrio subjecta sive ad o­randum, sive ad agendum admitteretur, fatum induci, necessitatem invehi, desperationem ho­minibus afferri, importunissime quiritabantur. Sae­pe Moinius in Scholis Sorbonicis hoc uno discri­mine Jansenium a Thomistis secrevit, quod Tho­mistae duriores, horridiores, & adversus hostes suos minus tuti. Saepe de Hallerio multi audie­runt: Si contentio fiat Jansenianae & Thomisticae opinionis, istam longe crudeliorem esse, quippe quae ad hominem innocentem acerba illa humanis sensibus gratuitae praedestinationis dogmata exten­deret, quae tantum in hominibus lapsis Jansenius admittit.

Quid vos in scholis vestris Claromontanis? Nonne apperte praedeterminationem physicam Calvinismi insimulastis, ut propterea Sedis Apo­stolicae Nuncius, ne Theses vestrae in quibus il­lud erat expressum, publice sustinerentur, inhi­buerit?

Quid tu ipse, mi Annate? Nonne cum in quo­dam de scientia media libro Calvinistis Thomistas aequiparasses, ab Academia Tholozana censura in­ustus es?

Quid Moinius? Nonne aliquot ante annis hanc Jansenii propositionem Romam miserat, in ejus censuram impetraret: Nullum jam dari hominibus lapsis adjutorium sufficiens juxta primum sensum, oc est, praeter quod nullum aliud ex parte Dei per mo­dum principii necessarium est, ut homo velit, aut ope­retur, quin simul efficax sit? Qui tum agebant ut haec propositio censura notaretur, quid aliud quam Molinianam gratiam Apostolicae Sedis judicio san ciri contendebant.

Ergo, mi Pater, si verum dicere velis, ante quin­que propositionum exortum, de sola efficaci gratia & sufficiente Moliniana tota erat controversia. Augustiniani pro efficaci contra Molinianam grati­am depugnabant. Vos cum vestris asseclis pro suf­ficienti Moliniana contra efficacem.

Erat alia de Sancti Augustini auctoritate conten­tio. Hujus doctrinam sartam tectam volebant ip­sius discipuli; vos eam non obscure vellic aba­tis.

Quid enim aliud tendebat vester Ex-Jesuita Cor­netus cum anno 1649. quo Syndici officio funge­batur, hanc conclusionem e thesibus jam impressis eradi jussit: Augustini doctrin m posse a quovis sine erroris periculo susti [...]e [...]i?

Quid Adamus ille vester concionator & scriptor, qui tunc temporis innumeris concidit conviciis S. Augustinum, tanquam obscutum, intricatum, & qui nimio Pelagianorum odio in Calvinismum im­pegisset: a quo scilicet discedendum erat, ut veritas Catholica Pelagianos inter & Calvinistas interjecta retineretur.

Quid caeteri passim vestri Sodales, quibus id temporis hoc unum studio fuisse videtur, ut Au­gustinum arroderent, ejusque auctoritatem eleva­rent?

ARTICULUS. II.
Quid de propositionibus questi sunt Augustiniani, cum primum a Corneto editae sunt.

HIc scilicet fuit rerum status, cum famosae illae propositiones in lucem prodierunt. Mitto re­ferre quo pacto Nicolaus Cornetus primo invitus ad istud inceptum adductus sit: quemadmodum secre­ta illa coitio coaluerit: tum quae Comitiis illis die 1. Julii anni 1649. habitis contingerint, ut totam fabulam prodiderit bonus senex, qui nomina In­quisitorum quos illi suggesseratis oblitus, schedulam e sinu protulit, Doctoris Moinii manu scriptam, in qua illa extabant. Quomodo Cornetus Docto­ri Jansenium subdole impeti conquerenti, ita re­sponderit: Non agitur de Jansenio, Domine mi. Postremo quo modo tantus apparatus, intercessione septuaginta Doctorum, supremi Senatus auctori­tate discussus sit. Conventio denique inter Doctores facta sit, ut de istis propositionibus tanquam a nullo prolatis auctore sileretur.

Unum dico, Doctores Augustinianos de istarum propositionem fabrica multa questos; atque illud inprimis, fictas ad arbitrium propositiones, ob­scuras, & ambiguas, in quibus veritas cum erro­re permixta esset: Hinc in scripto Facultati obla­to 1. Decembris 1649. à M. Petro Coppin omni­um Doctorum nomine qui huic apparatui interces­serant, propositiones vocanter ambiguae, aequi­vocae, a nullo auctore, in sensu quem prae se ferre vi­dentur, assertae.

2. Testati sunt veritatem illam, quam subdole involutam in quinque propositionibus quereban­tur, [Page 180] esse dogma gratiae efficacis. Hinc liber de Gratia victrice anno 1650. de hoc uno argumento conscriptus.

3. In praedicto sensu gratiae efficacis, propositi­ones istas verissimas & orthodoxas esse contende­runt: quod non est istas propositiones defendere, sed tantum dogma gratiae efficacis.

4. In multis aliis sensibus falsas erroneas, & haereticas esse confessi sunt, sed qui nemine susti­nerentur.

5. Detexerunt artificium Molinistarum, ambi­guam censuram obtinere molientium, quam de­inde in Augustini doctrinam & efficacis gratiae dogma torquerent.

Postremo multis scriptis id ostendere labora­runt, de aequivocis propositionibus sententiam ferri non oportere, priusquam evolutis illarum sensibus, in falsitatis damnatione veritas implicari non possit.

De Jansenio autem quid dixerint, constare po­test tum ex variis scriptis tunc editis, tum ex subjuncto loco qui habetur in scripto cui titulus est:

Quinque propositionum de gratia; quas Faculta­ti Theologicae Parisiensi M. Nicolaus Cornet subdole exhibuit 1 Julii 1649. vera & Ca­tholico expositio juxta mentem discipulorum S. Augustini.

Has propositiones, inquiunt, esse ab libitum fictas tamdiu constabit, quamdiu ubi, & à quo ut jacent assertae sint, demonstratum non fuerit; quod à nemi­ne hactenus nisi mendaciter praestitum est, nec prae­stari potest. Quam periculosum autem, quam ini­quum, quam inusitatum est, propositiones à nullo auctore assertas, à nullo auditas, ad libitum fictas, examini subjicere? Primam propositionem utcunque excipimus, quae iisdem quibus verbis in Iprensis Episcopi opere expressa, at tamen à praecedentibus & consequentibus verbis, quae apud Jansenium planum & rectum illius sensum declarant, dolose avulsa, sic exhibita est ut obscura & ambigua penitus perversae­que interpretationi obnoxia videatur: proptereaque non sine arte & consilio dissimulatus est locus Iprensis Episcopi, ne scilicet quo sensu ibi asseritur & expo­nitur, tota Augustiniana, hoc est, tota Catholica, tota non alio sensu, quam qui Gratiae per se effica­cis ad singulos actus necessitatem exprimit defensa deprehenderetur. Posterius est, quod spectat ad harum propositionum sensum, scilicet aequivocas esse penitus & ambiguas omnes; proptereaque hinc rectae, inde perversae; hinc Catholicae, inde erroneae & hae­reticae interpretationi obnoxias. Possunt enim ad gratiae victricis & per se efficacis, ad singulos piae voluntatis motus necessariae doctrinam singu­lae revocari; nec alio quam gratiae istius per se efficacis sensu, aut ab Episcopo prensi, quantum ex ejus operis lectione innotescit, aut à quovis alio B. Augustini discipulo defensae sunt nunquam ab iis, ut jacent (id est in proprio significatu) as­sertae, ut in libro de gratia Christi victrice satisfuse & perspicue demonstratur.

Sic Augustiniani loquebantur anno 1651. quo is libellus editus est, hoc est, duobus ante Constitutio­nem annis. Unde patet quam audacter viris pri­mariis imposuerint, qui hanc iis fabulam persuadere veriti non sunt: Ante Constitutionem editam, nec in Gallia, nec in Belgio dubitatum, quin quinque propositiones Jan senii essent. Dubitatum enim non est, quin quinque illae propositiones ad efficacem gratiam revocari possint: quod verum esse omnes agnoscunt. Sed secluso illo sensu, qui a Pontifice utique damnatus non est, cum a tota Ecclesia & ab ipso summo Pontifice quotidie probetur in Thomistis; in quocunque alio sensu apud Jan­senium extare nunquam agnoverunt illius defen­sores.

ARTICULUS II.
Censura quinque propositionum, ex Doctoris de Sainte-Beuve scriptis dictatis in Sorbona anno 1651. deprompta.

SEd ne generatim haec tantum ad declinandam offensionem ab Augustini discipulis dicta causari possis, mi Annate, mecum, quaeso, recognosce, censuram in illas propositiones latam longe ante Constitutionem a Doctore de Sainte-Beuve, notis­simae eruditionis, probitatis, sinceritatis viro. Hic vero, utpote scholastico more de his propositioni­bus in scholis agens, enucleatius sensum Augustiano­rum aperuit.

Censura primae propositionis. D sp. 1. sect. 3 [...].

ALii ad e [...]citandam invidiam in discipulos B. Augustini, alio modo contexuerunt propositi­onem suam, quam postea illis imposuerunt. Dix­erunt scilicet, quod hanc propositionem Augu­stiniani iuentur: Aliqua Dei praecepta hominibus justis volentibus & conantibus secundum praesentes quas habent vires, sunt impossibilia: deest quoque illis gratia qua possibilia fiant. De qua propositi­one diximus, quod conflata per adversarios Augu­stinanae doctrinae, una cum aliis quatuor, ex ter­minis ambiguis, aliquo sensu falsa est, & aliquo sensu vera; [quem tamen non esse proprium & germanum satis ipse declarat.]

1. Falsa est & haeretica, si vox ista, hominibus, supponat universaliter pro singulis hominibus, & sensus sit, quod aliqua praecepta omnibus, & sin­gulis hominibus, secundum praesentes quas habent vires, sunt impossibilia: nam certum est aliquos justos servare Dei mandata.

2. Falsa est & haeretica, si voces istae, secundum praesentes quas habent vires, significent vires quas habent justi in haec vita: nam de fide est, justos in hac praesenti vita posse servare Dei man­data.

3. Falsa est & haeretica, si vox illa, volentibus, significet plenam & perfectam voluntatem. Nam plene & perfecte velle servare mandata non po­test justus, nisi ea servet actu.

4. Prima ejusdem pars est etiam falsa & haereti­ca. Nam primo homines justi sunt liberi & via­tores, adeoque capaces auxiliorum quibus mandata observent. Illud autem non est impossibile sim­pliciter, quod est possibile per gratia. Secundo, Gratia sanctificans, & actualia auxilia quae habent, si parva sunt, sunt aliquod principium propinquius observationis illorum: si magna, sunt principium proximum.

Secunda autem pars falsa est & haeretica, intelle­cta de singulis justis, & de gratia qua possibilia fiant proxima Dei mandata. Nam cum sint aliqui justi in hac vita, qui Dei mandata observant, falsum est neminem esse justorum in hac vita qui habeat prox­imam ad implenda praecepta possibilitatem. Falsa etiam est & erronea, intellecta de aliquibus justis & de possibilitate remota: [sensu scilicet Moliniano, quam eadem proximam dici sensu Thomistico ni­hil vetet] Nam gratia sanctificans, & auxilia actualia quae habent, sunt quoddam principium mandato­rum observationis.

Est autem vera eo sensu, quod aliqua Dei prae­cepta aliquibus hominibus justis, non plane ac per­fecte volentibus & conantibus, secundum vires quas habent in via, cum non plene ac perfecte vo­lunt atque conantur sunt illis impossibilia potestate proxima, [id est, quae complectitur omnia ad agendum necessaria, & excludit necessitatem effi­cacis auxilii ad agendum,] deest quoque gratia [efficax scilicet, nam sufficientem: Thomisticam in istis justis supra agnovit] qua possibilia proxime fiant.

Proximam enim potentiam quam negat, intel­lige semper Moliniano modo, praeter quam nihil aliud requiritur; nam hoc sensu hanc vocem semper usurpat. Aliam enim potentiam, quam Thomi­stae etiam completam vocant, cur cum ipsis non admitteret, cum illa nihil obsit gratiae efficacis ne­cessitati, quam solam ille & caeteri Augustiniani tuenter? Praesertim cum idem Doctor infra ni­hil virtutis deesse gratiae excitanti ad effectum pro­ducendum fateatur, & ob solam resistentiam effe­ctu carere: quod est illam asserere in actu primo completam.

Censura secundae propositionis. Ex eadem sectione.

QUod spectat ad istam propositionem: Interio­ri gratia nunquam resistitur, quae secunda est ex quinque quas composuerunt adversari doctrinae S. Augustini, & discipulis ejus tanquam auctoribus objecerunt, idem dico quod de aliis, scilicet aequi­vocam esse; secundum aliquem sensum falsissimam, secundum alium verissimam.

Falsissima est sub aliquo sensu; quia sub aliquo sensu verum est, quod interiori gratiae semper re­sistitur. Prob. Omnis gratia interio est habitualis vel actualis; & omnis resistentia est cum victoria vel sine victoria. Resistitur habituali gratia ab ho­mine cum victoria supra gratiam, quando peccat mortaliter: nam qui peccat mortaliter, agit con­tra gratiam habitualem, adeoque illi resistit. Re­sistitur gratiae habituali sine victoria super illam, quando concupiscentia insurgente & tentate, vo­luntas non consentit.

Gratia actualis vel est intellectus, vel voluntatis. Gratiae interiori intellectus resistitur cum victoria quae de illa reportatur, quando sola est: quia e­jusdem est conditionis quoad hoc cum gratia exteri­ori legis, quae si sola est, obest occasionaliter, &c. Gratia voluntatis vel est parva, vel magna: parva resistitur, sed ita ut aliqua ex parte, sed ma­jori superetur, minori superet. Superatur, quia non ponit effectum, quem in subjecto minus resisten­te ponerit: superat, quia ponit omnem effectum ad quem ordinatur a Deo: facit velle, licet non plene, sed imperfecte. Verissima autem est haec propositio, intellecta de gratia quantumlibet mag­na vel parva, si per hanc vocem, resistere, intel­ligatur ea resistentia qua conatus omnis gratia ita inanis & vacuus fiat, ut impediatur a ponendo effectu ad quem ordinatur a Deo, [per voluntatem nempe absolutam, ut idem Doctor indicat alio lo­co. Nam gratiam frustrari eo effectu ad quem or­dinetur per voluntatem antecedentem, libenter dabunt quicunque sentiunt istam voluntatem in Deo esse formaliter.]

Censura tertiae propositionis. Eodem sectione.

EX dictis judicium patiter facile fiet de tertia propositione, ab iisdem auctoribus eodem spi­ritu fabricata ex equivocis, & calumniose imposita Augustinianis. Talis est: Ad merendum & demeren­dum in statu naturae lapsae non requiritur libertas a necessitate, sed sufficit libertas a coactione.

Scilicet prima pars ejus, procedens de homine puro viatore, & non comprehensore, falsus est, & haeretica. Nam libertas voluntatis in genere, est libertas a necessitate extrinseca: quod au­rem convenit superiori, convenit ejus inferiori­bus.

2. Intellecta de libertate electionis, quae est li­bertas per quam meremur in via, & eadem intel­lecta de necessitate ab interiori inclinatione proce­dente, sive intrinseca, quae sit absoluta, est falsa. Nam libertati electionis essentialis est indifferentia ex parte potentiae: [activae scilicet, non passivae, ut late idem Doctor probat:] talis autem indiffe­rentia opponitur necessitati inte iori absolutae, qualis est ea necessitas qua Deus amatur a Bea­tis.

Verissima est autem de libertate electionis, & necessitate procedente ab interiori inclinatione, quae sit duntaxat hypothetica. Ratio est, quia posita motione divinae gratiae, sequitur necessario [hypo­thetice scilicet] agere voluntatem, sed suo modo, & absque essentialis libertatis suae indifferentiae no­cumento; sed tantum cum defectu indifferentiae ex parte actionis, quae est illi accidentalis duntax­at.

Posterior vero pars propositionis istius falsissima est eo sensu, quod omnis actus voluntatis non coactus, sed spontaneus, sit sufficiens ad meritum & demeri­tum: alias motus primo primi essent demeritorii. Secundo, Eo sensus quo coactum dicitur, quod fit a principio externo non concurrente, sed reniten­te passo: alias eo ipso quo vis ista inferretur vo­luntati, ut tamen ageret in bono sive in malo, posset demereri: quod absurdam esse docet Augusti­nus, ubi de fato Mathematicorum, & vi illata bo­nae naturae per malam in haeresi Man chaeo­rum.

Verissima autem est, si liberum esse a coactione sit aliud, non tantum quod vim non pure pariter, quae prima species est coactionis, ut in lapide cum sursum projicitur: non tantum quod vim patiter & agit; sed modo praeternaturali, ut in lapide deci­dente sponte cum propellitur, ut majori decidat impetu, que est secunda species coactionis: sed eti­am quod non est determinatum a natura, sed se suo modo determinat, quae est tertiae species coactio­nis. [Page 182] Nam apud SS. Patres quod est determinatum a natura, aliquando coactum appellatur. [Vides quam in aliena tantum, & minime propria sig­nificatione veram esse agnoscat, in aliis falsam con­cedat.]

Censura quartae propositionis. Ex. 1. disp. sect. 1. art. 2.

EX dictis patet, quale judicium ferendum sit de hac propositione: Semipelagiani admittebant praeve [...]ientis gra ie interi [...]ris necessitatem ad singulos actus, etiam ad initium fidei, & in hoc erant haereti­ci, quod vellent eam gratiam talem esse, cui posset hu­mana voluntas resistere, vel obtempe [...]are. Quam pro­positionem una cum aliis quatuor B. Augustini discipulis calumniose imputant aliqui Molinae fau­tores.

Dicimus igitur, quod ista propositio quibus li­buit ab ipsis contexta terminis aequivoca est, sub qui­busdam sensibus vera, & falia sub aliis. Prior ejus pars absolute falsa est, intellecta de Semipelagianis omnibus: quia certum est ex S. Prospero, Episto­la ad Augustinum, quod aliqui ipsorum pelagiani­zabant, non agnoscentes illam gratiam ad initium fidei a gratia exteriori legis atque doctrinae. Ea­dem prior pars est vera de alio genere Semipe­lagianorum, intellecta de gratia interiori intelle­ctus; hanc enim a Semipelagianis istis non nega­tam fuisse sole clarius est.

Rursum vera est, intellecta de gratia voluntatis, quae commissa sit, seu subdita libero arbitrio; seu de auxilio sin [...] quo non, quod dat homini posse si ve­lit, sed non velle quod possit, ut probationes no­strae evincunt. Sed falsa est, intellecta de gratia voluntatis, cui sit commissum seu subditum libe­rum arbitrium; seu de auxilio quo, eo scilicet quod dat homini velle quod possit, & non tantum posse si velit. Talis siquidem gratiae necessita­tem ad initium fidei non admittebant Semipelagi­ani.

Quod ad posteriorem vero ejus partem, scilicet quod in hoc erant haeretici, quod vellent tam gratiam talem esse, cu [...]p sset human, voluntas resistere, vel obtemperare; dicimus illam simpliciter lo quendo falsum esse & haereticam. Nam de side est ex Conc. Trid. homines posse gratiae interiori voluntatis resistere, vel obtemperare. [Quid plenius quid, Pontificiae Constitutioni congruentius.]

Censura quintae propositionis. Ex disp. 5. art. 7.

REcenset primo v [...]rios sensus istius propositio­nis, Christus pro omnibus mortuus est; sep­tem videlicet Catholicos, & unum Semipelagia­num.

Primus est, quod Christus pro omnium homi­num salute mori voluerit, voluntate quadam an­tecedente, seu velleitate, u [...] colligitur ex S. Tho­ma.

2. Quod mortuus sit pro omnibus & singulis, quoad sufficientiam pretii.

3. Quod mortuus sit pro omnibus & singu­lis hominibus, ratione causae & naturae commu­nis.

4. Quod mortuus sit non pro singulis generum, sed pro generibus singulorum.

6. Quod mortuus sit pro omnibus fidelibus, co sensu, quod nullus est fidelium qui non sit particeps alicujus effectus mortis Christi, maxime que redemp­tionis a peccato originali.

7. Christus mortuus est pro singulis hominibus, modo ipsi credant, & se disponant ad gratiam adop­tionis recipiendam.

Sensus Semipelagianus est, ita mortuum esse pro singulis hominibus, modo ipsi credant, ut fides in omnium nutu sine efficaci gratia sit posita; quod re­fellit eruditus Professor variis locis & praesertim ar­ticulo praecedente.

His positis, suam de quinta propositione censu­ram subjungit his verbis:

Ex his patet quale judicium ferendum sit de hac propositione quam objiciunt Molinae defensores Augustini discipulis quasi suam, cum tamen ipsi ad excitandum invidiam ad libitum eam composuerint: Semipelagianum est Christum pro omnibus ommnino hominibus mortuum esse aut sanguinem fudisse. Sci­licet Semipelagianum non est; imo maxime Catho­licum id dicere in sensibus Catholicis a nobis pro­positis, licet id sit Semipelagianum dicere in sensu Semipelagianorum.

En Professoris eruditi sincerum de quinque pro­positionibus judicium, ante Constitutionem In­nocentii decimi editum, cui congruunt omnia il­la scripta tunc temporis ab Augustinianis evulga­ta & maxime istarum propositionum explica­tio Catholica excusa Parisiis anno 1651. item­que sensum distinctio summo Pontifici exhibi­ta.

ARTICULUS IV.
De gratia sufficiente Thomistica quomodo locuti sint Augustiniani Doctores.

SEcunda Disquisitione planum feci quo pacto nanc gratiam universim Jansenius e disputatione removerit, & speciatim in volentibus & conanti­bus admiserit. Operae pretium est hic ostendere quomodo illi quos Jansenistas Moliniani dicunt, hanc quaestionem ante Constitutionem omnino se­posuerint & attingere noluerint.

Inprimis Auctor Apologiae Patrum diserte te­statur quam gratiam sufficientem impugnat, eam Molinianam esse, non Thomisticam, graviterque castigat Doctorem Morellium, quod Thomistas quasi gratiae sufficientis patrones auxilio accersivisset cum illi aliusmodo gratiam sufficientem admittant a Moliniana, quam Augustiniani aversabantur, longe diversam.

Clarius adhuc Auctor libri de Initio piae volunta­tis cap. 1. pag. 2. Non hic impugno, inquit, eam gratiam sufficientem, praeter quam alia ex se efficax necessaria dicitur ad singulos pietatis actus sed gratiam versatilem, in manu liberi arbitrii positam, ut a S. Augustini & Ecclesiae doctrina omnino alienam rejicio. Nullum esse talem ut a liberi arbitrii consensu effe­ctam sortiatur contendo. Aliquam autem necessari­am ad singulos pietatis motus, conatus, & actus, quae ex se sit efficax, assevero. Intellige ergo me, cum gra­tiae sufficientis, flexibilis, vel aequilibris, versatilis, anticipitis, in manu liberi arbitrii positae, nuncupati­one utor, gratiam eam Mlcinisticam designare, quae effectum suum a voluntatis consensu Deo efficaciter non praemovente, fortiatur.

Ubinam igitur totam reponit controversiam? Audi, quaeso, Lector, & intellige de quo tunc certa­retur. ‘Constat totam Molinistas inter & sancti Augustini discipulos controversiam in hoc sitam esse: An dentur aliquae gratiae actuales internae, cor & voluntatem intus afficientes, quae vi sua bo­nam voluntatem non efficiant: sed quas secundum se indifferentes & aequilibres, liberum lapsi homi­nis arbitrium ad effectum seu ad profectum operis perducat.’

Vides, mi Annate, Augustinianos semper seposu­isse illam de generali gratia sufficiente quaestionem, nec omnino prompsisse quid de ea sentirent, excep­to quod Iansenius ab Augustino illam non difficile admissum iri proficetur. Hujus autem cautionis ea causa fuit, quod semper eas quaestiones a [...]tingere veriti sint, ex quibus parum fructus posset in Eccle­siam redundare. Talis erat haec de generali gratia sufficiente quaestio, qualem omnibas etiam infide­libus nonnulli Thomistae concedunt. Nam quae cun­que demum sit ea gratia, non ea certe est quam o­rant sibi fideles, & quam infidelibus petunt. Non enim petunt sterilem quandam bene agendi potesta­tem, sed perunt omnino ut bene agant, ut saepe ait Augustinus.

Accedit quod talis gratiae explicatio parum ad­modum prodest ad compescendas hominum voces, divinae legis implendae potestatem sibi defuisse que­rentium. Nihil enim querulos illos consolatur po­testas alterius auxilii ad agendum indiga. Unde Syl­vius insignis Theologus Academiae Duacensis 1. 2. q. 109. a. 4. Sive detur aliqua gratia, quae tantum est sufficiens, non efficax, sive non detur; ea secundum rei veritatem est impertinens ad salvandum; quod homo possit divina mandata servare: partim quia ut ipse illa servet, ea gratia sola non sufficit; sed oportet quod etiam adsit gratia efficax quae a solo, Deo pendet, & gratis seu sine merito tribuitur: partim quia juxia communem sententiam gratia sufficiens non semper datur, & tamen homines viatores semper possunt divina mandata servare; ac per consequens etiam tunc quando non habent gratiam sufficientem. Ergo ut observatio praeceptorum dicatur esse possibilis, non est necesse venire eo ut dicatur quod habeant grati­am sufficientem. Haec ille longe ante natas ex occa­sione libri Janseniani de gratia contentiones.

Erat aliud in istius gratiae tractatione periculo­sum, ipsum scilicet vocabulum sufficientis gratiae, quod facillime maximeque ab imperitis in perver­sum sensum detorquetur. Unde liquet apud Patres & S. Thomam nunquam illud illa notione usurpa­tum qua usurpatur a nonnullis Thomistis; nec suffi­ciens olim dictum, nisi quod ad agendum reipsa sufficeret. Quam ob causam Lovaniensis Facultas hoc nomen soli demum efficaci gratiae impertit. Gratia, inquiunt in justificatione censurae, ad conver­sionem sufficiens, ipsa convertit; quae vero non con­vertit, non sufficit.

His de causis istam gratiam prorsus omittere sati­us plerique Augustiniani duxerunt; adeoque talis gratiae defensio vel impugnatio nunquam capitalis Augustinianae doctrinae pars ab ipsis constituta. Ad­strueres illam vel non adstrueres, nihil ad cardinem causae, nec ad Augustinianae doctrinae summam.

Sed illud animadversione dignissimum, Iesuiticae causae defensores, Hallerium scilicet, & socios diser­te in scriptis Romae oblatis esse testatos, nolle se gratiam sufficientem generalem adstruere, sed pror­sus intactas relinquere has quaestiones, utrum Chri­stus morte sua gratiam sufficientem infantibus, ob­duratis, infidelibus, promeruerit. Sic enim loquun­tur super quinta propositione in scripto Consultori­bus oblato, quod tandem cum quibusdam aliis in Augustinianorum manus venit: Hoc sensu exami­nata propositione, intactae relinquuntur difficultates quae occurrunt circa infantes sine baptismo decedentes, aut infideles, aut obduratos. Nam qui dicit Christum non pro solis praedestinatis esse mortuum, non dicit conse­quenter pro quolibet reprobo in particulari mortuum esse: sed sufficit quod pro aliquibus saltem reprobis.

Atque haec de gratia generali, quatenus infide­libus, obduratis, generatim conceditur, Augusti­nianorum circumspectio fuit: sed aliter se gesse­runt in asserenda eadem gratia respectu justorum. Multi enim gravissimique Doctores eam gratiam in infidelibus non admiserunt. At fidelibus eam prorsus negare, quod ad rem ipsam nemo potest, qui intelligat quid eo nomine Thomistae significant. Intelligunt enim motionem Spiritus Sancti, cujus instinctu volunt is imperfect as quasdam voluntares seu velleitates eliciat, quibus ita ad perfectiores a­ctus disponatur, ut nisi ipsa resisteret, plenum illae gratiae effectum obtinerent. Resistit a [...]tem semper, inquiunt Thomistae, nisi voluntas ad perfecte con­sentiendum [...]fficaciter applicetur. Talem gratiam qui prorsus respuat, omnino non dicam Catholicus, sed sanus non sit, cum eam experiri quisque saepe potuerit.

Certum igitur talem gratiam admisisse Augusti­nianos, quam tamen libentius inefficacem appella­bant quam sufficientem, ut videre est in secunda Apologia Iansenii lib. 2. cap. 22. pag. 273. Ideo autem non appellabant sufficientem; quia eo nomi­ne vulgus intelligit eam gratiam praeter quam nihil aliud praere quiritur ex parte Dei ad bene agendum & plene consentiendum: non quo negaverint un­quam talem gratiam sensu Thomistico sufficientem dici posse. Quare Professor Sorbonicus D. de Sain­te-Beuve, tametsi ut qui maxime Augustinianus, non dubitavit tamen hanc gratiam in justis, seclusa nominis ambiguitate, admi tere; Ejus verba de­scribam, ne tu, mi Annate, causari possis, post Con­stitutionem demum de hac gratia admittenda Au­gustinianos cogitasse. Sic ergo ille in scriptis dicta­tis anno 1651. disp. 5. a. 6.

Legitima est divisio gratiae voluntatis propriae sta­tus naturae lapsae per Christum Dominum reparatae, in gratiam sufficientem & efficacem, si per gratiam sufficientem intellig [...]tur gratia parva, ea scilicet quae cum sit efficax ejus effectus ad quem proxime or­dinatur, & quem Deus ABSOLUTA VOLUN­TATE [audi absolutam voluntatem] intendit; non est tamen efficax ejus effectus quem Deus ab­soluta voluntate non intendit, & ad quem ordina­tur, quantum est de se [& antecedente si velis vo­luntate] & si per gratiam efficaem intelligatur gratia magna, ea scilicet quae est efficax ultimi effectus, quem Deus absoluta sua voluntate inten­dit. Sic gratia sufficiens ea est quae verbi gratia pa­rit desideria parva; & parvam voluntatem conver­sionis; efficax, quae convertit perfecte.

Probatur, quia legitima est divisio gratiae volun­tatis status praesentis, in parvam & magnam. Au­gustinus illam agnovit l. de gr. & lib. arb. c. 17. sen­sit in sua conversione, expressit in confessionibus suis clarissime & eloquentissime. Haec autem quae [Page 184] parit desideria parva, & imbecillem dat volunta­tem, licet sit efficax ratione hujus effectus, est ta­men SUFFICIENS RESPECTU ULTERIORIS EFFECTUS; quia quod eum non ponat, NON EST DEFECTU VIRTUTIS, [audi virtutem cui nihil deest, id est, completam in actu primo] quae de se habet omnia quae requiruntur ad effectum illum ponendum, sed ratione resistentiae subjecti; quia scilicet gratia victrix est, non absolute, sed comparate duntaxat ad minorem concupiscentiam. Deus vero non intendit sua absoluta voluntate ulti­mum hunc effectum poni in subjecto sic resistente. Atque haec acceptio gratiae sufficientis pro gratia parva efficaci ejus effectus ad quem proxime ordi­natur a Deo, & efficacis sumptae pro gratia magna, est insigniorum e Schola S. Thomae Doctorum, ut constat ex Sylvio 1. 2. q. 111. a. 3. scribente; Re­vera omnis gratia est efficax alicujus effectus, ejus ni­mirum ad quem proxime ordinatur, & quem Deus ab­soluta voluntate intendit. Laudat idem Doctor in e­amdem sententiam Alvarem & Medinam, potuis­setque omnes omnino Thomistas adjungere.

ARTICULUS V.
De potestate justorum ad observanda mandata, & de possibilitate proxima, quomodo ante Consti­tutionem Augustini discipuli locuti sint.

BReviter dicam, una possibilitate excepta, caete­ras omnes concesserunt. ‘Non aliam,’ inqui­unt in expositione propositionum ann. 1651. supe­rius citata, ‘impotentiam aliquando inesse justo alicui dicit Jansenius, nisi eam quae a gratiae per se efficacis absentia oritur, quae simul & posse prox­imum & velle donat. Et paulo supra: Atque ita aliquando justus aliquis non habet gratiam quae proximam & completissimam praecepti ut oportet observandi potentiam donat.’

Verum quia voces illae, potentiae proximae & com­pletae, ambiguae sunt, alioque a Thomistis, alio a Molinistis sensu accipi [...]ntur, dispiciendum praete­rea quid illi nomine potentiae proximae & comple­tissimae, quam negabant justis, intellexerint: ne­que enim hoc ambi [...]uum reliquerunt. Sed multis locis vocibus his, posse proximi, intelligi a se signifi­carunt possibilitatem cum effectu; possibilitatem cum ipso velle conjunctam, ut in ista expositione videre est; vel adhuc clarius; vel posse cui nihil necessarium deest ad operandum; potentiam quae non indiget alio auxilio, ut in opus suum exeat. Sic aperte Auctor scripti super quinque propositioni­bus, quod incipit: ‘In nomine Domini nostri & Dei Servatoris Christi, anno 1649 editi. In hac i­gitur Christi schola faciunt profecto, quotquot pos­sunt; non possunt vero quotquot non faciunt, hoc est, potentia proxima & directa, QUAE A­LIO INSUPER AUX LIO NON INDIGET UT IN OPUS SUUM EXEAT. Quod identi­dem advertendum censeo, ne qua hic Thomista­rum sufficienti gratiae, quam admitto lubens, fiat injuria.’ Ex quo liquet solam illos proximam pote­statem Moliniano sensu justis negasse; & cum aliam qualemlibet concesserint, etiam proximam potesta­tem sensu Thomistico reipsa non impugnasse: licet eam remotam congruentius dici ea re sentirent, quod alterius gratiae auxilio ad operandum indigeret.

ARTICULUS. VI.
De indifferentia quomodo locuti sint.

HIc etiam brevissime sententiam suam complexi sunt. Ex quibus patet, inquiunt in expositi­one quinque propositionum, ‘indifferentiam qua­lemlibet in hoc lapsae naturae statu, ab Augustini discipulis in his quae ad salutem & finem superna­turalem pertinent, admitti, praeter Molinisticam, quae gratiae ad singulos pios actus necessariae effica­ciam & vim propriam destruit.’

Et speciatim de indifferentia Thomistica: ‘In statu naturae laplae, inquiunt, ad merendum & de­merendum adest semper, & etiam requiritur in puris viatoribus, indifferentia potentiae, non modo circa media, verum & circa rectum finem, non quidem ratione libertatis aut meriti secundum se, sed ratione status hujus & condi [...]ionis.’

Sed quia peccandi facultas Christo prorsus abfuit, cujus statui omnino repugnabat, ideo negarunt ad libertatem meriti & demeriti generatim & in alio quocumque statu requiri potentiam peccandi vel ullam indifferentiam potentiae, non ut in hominum lapsorum merito eam indifferentiam reperiri & re­quiri negarent; sed ne Christus Dominus qui pec­care, qui Dei praeceptis non obsequi, qui opera sua ad Patris sui gloriam non referre non poterat, in actibus obedientiae & dilectionis Dei, vel liber non fuisse, vel non meruisse dicatur.

ARTICULUS VII.
Ʋtrum ante Constitutionem necessitantem grati­am admiserint Augustiniani.

NEcessitatis vocem non exhorret quodam sensu S. Thomas. Sic enim 1. 2. q. 112. a. 3. ‘Si praeparatio ad gratiam consideretur, secundum quod est a Deo movente, tunc habet necessitatem ad id ad quod ordinatur a Deo, non quidem coacti­nis, sed infallibi itatis; quia intentio Dei deficere non potest.’ Eodemque nomine frequenter utitur schola Thomistarum; sed Augustiniani raro admo­dum, nec fere unquam sine explicatione subjecta.

Necessitantis vero gratiae voce, quia malo animo ficta & composita est, nusquam illos usos reperies: ac multo minus perversum illum sensum admise­runt qui sub illa fictitia voce solet ab illius artifici­bus inc [...]udi: Necessitantis enim gratiae voce eam intelligunt Moliniani, non modo quae infallibiliter habeat effectum, & physice praedeterminet, sed quae tollat dissentiendi potentiam, etiam in sensu divi­so, id est, quae impedit quominus cum actu contra­rio potestas remaneat. Quisquis igitur resisti & dis­sentiri posse gratiae confitetur, is necessitantem gratiam repudiat. Hoc vero tam clare, tam crebro, tam sine ambagibus Augustiniani passim praedicave­runt, ut monstro simile videri possit ipsos in hoc ca­pite columniam passos.

Inprimis ante exortas propositiones, Auctor se­cundae Apologiae pro Iansenio ann. 1645. in lucem editae, lib. 2. cap. 18. ejus adversus quem scribit criminationem his verbis refert: Docet Jansen [...]us gratiae resisti non posse, quia necessitatem imponit. Quid ipse igitur? An ita sentire Iansenium agnoscit? [Page 185] Nihil minus. Ex Iesuitarum Thesibus hanc calum­niam ab ipso mutuatam ostendit; mox ex ipso Ian­senio late refellit, atque ex ejus doctrina tradit, dissentiendi a gratia potentiam non subtracta gratia supervenire, sed cum ipsa gratia consistere: quia actus opponitur non-actui, non autem potentiae ad contrarium.

Nec minus clare Auctor expos. 5. propos. jam saepe laudatus: Etsi, inquit, efficiat haec Christi gra­tia, ut homo illi non dissentiat, nec dissentire velit, semper tamen dissentire potest, si vult, ut sacro Tri­dentino Concilio definitum est.

Ac ne quis causari posset ipsos hanc dissentiendi potentiam admittere tantum subtracta gratia, non simul cum ipsa gratia, hanc malignam criminatio­nem submovet his verbis: ‘Licet in justis, etiam cum per divinam gratiam efficacissimam ad pie a­gendum moti, pie a [...]unt, peccandi seu male agendi potentia semper perseveret, propter quam dissen­tire possunt Deo moventi, hoc est peccare, & a justitia excidere: nunquam tamen stat ut tunc actu dissentiant.’

Et expressius adhuc Doctor de Sainte-Beuve in praelect. de gratia disp. 5. art. 7. super eodem Trid. Synodi loco: ‘Respondeo, inquit, Concilium desi­nire, quod voluntas potest dissentire, stante divi­no auxilio; sed non definire quod actu dissentit, quando per gratiam omnem necessariam antece­denter ex parte Dei ad conversionem perfectam praemovetur, de quo tamen solo quaestio est; seu quod aliis terminis dicunt Theologi, potest in sensu diviso, non potest in sensu composito. Cujus distinctionis sensus non est, quod si voluntas non moveatur per gratiam, potest dissentire: sed quod etiam mota per gratiam conservat potentiam ad dissensum; quamvis nunquam contingat dissensus cum ejusmodi actuali Dei motione. Nam actus opponitur non actui; non opponitur potentiae ad non-actum.’

Sic illi quidem distinctionem illam vul [...]o accepe­runt & vulgo interpretati sunt. Monendi sunt ta­men Molinistae, explicationem illius sensus, quae a nonnemine per flexibilitatem liberi arbitrii tradita est, nullo modo repugnare huic Thomisticae: sed ea supposita aliquid ipsi superaddere, ut infra de­monstrabitur.

ARTICULUS VIII.
Quid Romae circa propositiones contenderint Au­gustiniani Doctores.

SIc illi quidem enucleate & distincte quid de pro­positionibus, quid de controversiae summa, quid de gratia sufficiente, quid de aliis capitibus sen­tirent, aperuerunt. Vestri autem etsi initio retecta fronte gratiam Molinianam a summo Pontifice san­ciri voluissent, ut jam ostendimus, postea tamen obscurius agere coeperunt. Et quanquam propositi­ones generatim haereseos inconditis clamoribus ac­cusarent, quamvis Augustini discipulos, solius, ut probatum est, in istis propositionibus gratiae efficacis defensores, omnibus maledictis concerperent, ta­men sensum quo illas propositiones proscribi vole­bant, omnibus modis occultare conati sunt, maxi­me postquam Haberti Episcopi Vabrensis epistola Dineti Iesuitae concursatione ab Episcopis complu­ribus subscripta, totam rem ad summum Pontificem deferri curarunt, ut generalem quandam proposi­tionum censuram ab eo impetrarent.

Ad eam arcendam ab aliis Episcopis, numero qui­dem paucioribus, sed, ut omnes norunt, eruditione, dignitate & vitae sanctimonia non postremis, missi sunt Romam quidam Doctores; quibus quid man­datum sit ab illis Episcopis, & quid ipsi toto bien­nio quod Romae traduxerunt apud summum Pontifi­cem egerint, ante omnia nosse, operae pretium est. Sic enim statim ut Romam appulerunt ex Episcopo­rum mandato summo Pontifici postulatorum suo­rum summam exposuerunt in Memoriali Sanctitati suae exhibito 21. Ianuar. ann. 1652. ‘Iuxta literas a pluribus illustrissimis Ecclesiae Gallicanae Antistiti­bus ad Beatitudinem vestram missas, illorum nomi­ne Doctores Parisienses infra-scripti Sanctitati ve­strae humillime supplicant ut distingui & sigillatim examinati jubeat varios sensus quinque propositio­num aequivoca [...]um & ad fraudem fictarum, quae ve­strae Beatitudini exhibitae sunt: de praedictis sensi­bus, prout exiget illorum veritas ac aliorum falsitas, sententiam ferre velit, partibus prius in Congrega­tione, tum voce, tum scripto coram auditis, & omnibus illorum scriptis mutuo communicatis, si­cut postulat negotii magnitudo, in similibus occa­sionibus Ecclesiae consuetudo, ipsiusque sanctae Se­dis Apostolicae usus, non ita pridem a felicis me­moriae Clemente VIII. & Paulo V. vestrae Sancti­tatis spraedecessoribus observatus.’

Qui hanc supplicationem viderit, simul videt quid per totum fere biennium Romae Augustiniani Doctores fecerint. Innumeris enim supplicationi­bus, obsecrationibus, libellis, nil aliud apud Cardi­nales & summum Pontificem egerunt, nisi ut Con­gregatio solemnis institueretur, in qua auditis parti­bus, communicatis scriptis, tota controversia claro, nec ambiguo judicio dirimeretur. Quod cur non impetrarint, in altera Disquisitione narrabitur.

ARTICULUS IX.
Quid mali ex ambiguo decreto, non auditis co­ram partibus facto, eventurum Augustiniani Doctores multo ante praenunciarint.

NOn difficile fuit ex Iesuitarum moribus conji­cere, quorsum illi generalem censuram nullo nominatim expresso sensu a summo Pontifice elice­re tenderent. Itaque quaecunque postea contigisse videmus, tam distincte & accurate ante a Doctori­bus praedicta sunt, ut id Iesuitis studio fuisse videa­tur, illorum vaticinia ad amussim implere. Ecce quo pacto illorum consilia explicet Auctor expositionis 5. prop. ‘Per aequivocarum assertionum censuram ancipitem & variis interpretationibus obnoxiam, in animo habuerunt invidiam & odium in Episco­pum Iprensem & S. Augustini discipulos concita­re; vera falsis involvere; Pelagianum errorem cum Catholica simul fide commiscere; perturbare om­nia; censuram ipsam ancipitem, hujus sibi judicium & interpretationum arrogando, in quos libebit sensus inflectere; sibi hujus censurae tuendae praetextu, quidvis audendi licentiam facere; apud imperitam multitudinem, cui u­ni fallendae & deludendae student, totum I­prensis Episcopi opus, ut de errore vel haeresi notatum conclamare.’ Idem augurium videri po­test [Page 186] late explicatum in praef. & concl. libri de gra­tia victrice.

Multo etiam gravius Episcopi, cum pro illa so­lenni quam postulaverant Congregatione, aliam longe diversam institutam accepissent, inter Regu­lares tredecim & quinque Cardinales, in qua om­nia clam peragerentur; nulla fieret scriptorum com­municatio, nulla partium institueretur collatio: E­piscopali libertate summum Pontificem monue­runt, fore ut ex tali agendi ratione infinitae turbae, contentiones, scandala oritentur, & magna Augu­stinianae doctrinae, magna Pontificiae Sedi labes a­spergeretur. Ipsorum epistolam divinae prudentiae plenissimam, in sequenti Disquisitione recitabimus.

ARTICULUS X.
Jesuitarum calliditas in excipiendis Thomistis ex propositionum accusatione.

ID igitur metuentes Doctores Augustiniani, ex E­piscoporum, a quibus missi erant, mandatis, ut regia via res tractaretur, ante omnia solennem Congregationem institui postulabant, cum aliter calumniis, quibus potissimum Augustiniana causa premebatur, prorsus occurri & resisti non posset. Jesuitae contra ac Jesuitici Doctores, qui hoc causae [...]uae capitaliter adversum esse sentiebant, devium quoddam ac tortuosum iter ingredi coeperunt, ut optato exitu potirentur. Hujus consilii, mi Pater, ne nega, auctor praecipuus extitisti; Neque enim in homines Sorbonicos cadebat tanta versuties. Sed tu tunc temporis Romae eras totius negotii modera­tor & rector, qui illos Doctores assidue tecum ver­santes ad hanc calliditatem instrueres. Patere igi­tur tibi breviter in memoriam redigi tuas palmas, id est, subtiliter excogitatas fallacias.

Harum prima & maxime necessaria fuit, ficta cum Thomistis ad tempus consensio; quam tu propterea assimulare coactuses, quod cum illorum doctrina magna Romae auctoritate floreat, si pau­lummodo ipsos lacessivisses, certam tibi repulsam paratam esse sagaciter odorabaris. Illico enim in­surrexissent in te Romani fere omnes Theologi; convolassent ex toto orbe Dominicani, ac multae a­liae familiae Augustinianis subsidio venissent.

Ergo ad auxiliares illas copias submovendas, ne­cessario prae se ferendum, palamque denunciandum erat, nullum Thomisticae doctrinae caput in quinque propositionibus agi: totam hanc controversiam a disputatione de Auxiliis sub Clemente VIII. insti­tuta esse alienissimam: gratiae praedeterminanti & Thomisticae Scholae nullum omnino imminere ex illarum propositionum damnatione periculum; Ie­suitarum sententiae nihil penitus firmamenti acces­surum. Haec, mi Annate, in ipso limine pleno ore praedicanda; alioquin statim exclusus esses.

Verum hic tibi minime defuisti, ac ne quis dubi­taret, ipse tantus Thomistarum hostis, fucati illius cum Thomistis super quinque propositionibus foede­ris praeco & buccinaror esse voluisti. Hoc consilio liber a te primum Hallerio Romae ad usum commo­datus, mox tuo nomine editus est cum hoc titulo; Jansenius a Thomistis damnatus. Hic liber totus prae­claris Didaci, Alvaris, Nugnez, Cabesudo, Le­desmae, Nazarii, Gonzalis, Navarrettae, atque aliis ejusmodi nominibus personat.

Quin ut Thomistis omnem omnino suspicionem demeres, sic eos in Praefatione metu & periculo li­beras: Interesse puto, inquis, tum communis boni ve­ritatis, quam omnes quaerimus, tum privatae Thomi­starum dignitatis, auctoritatisque, quam non expedit in censura damnabilium sententiarum implicari, ut omnes intelligant pracipuos defensores gratiae praedeter­minantis, & qui causam illam ardentius egere circae tempora disputationum, contraria prorsus posuisse prin­cipia principiis Jansenianorum. Quod, ut spero, lector perspicue intelliget ex oppositione doctrinae Thomista­rum ad quinque propositiones, quae modo ad examen vocantur, ut non dubitem quin mecum dicturus sis eos qui tam facile sibi patiuntur imponi, alterutram The­ologiam necessario nescire, nempe vel Thomisticam vel Jansenianam.

Potuisti-ne amantius & benignius pro Thomi­starum dignitate sollicitari? Parum tamen fuisset, nisi ad eum modum tuos etiam defensores institu­isses. Hallerium loquor, Lagautium, Mulardum, Jossellium. Verum illi in ludo tuo ad calliditatem edocti, praeclare magistri sui artes retulerunt. Nihil enim magis laborarunt, quam ut alieni in Thomistas animi a se suspicionem averterent. Itaque Halleri­us non obscure sese dictitabat efficacis gratiae patro­num, & versatilis gratiae hostem, cum tu has inju­rias non iniquo stomacho concoquetes. Sic enim Romae faciendum fuit, & tempori serviendum. Haec cum ipsi, ubicumque tulerat occasio, praecipue co­ram Dominicanis sine dubitatione jactarent, tum vero in scriptis quae Consultoribus & Dominicanis obtulerunt, luculentissime expressere. Ex quibus quoniam omnia fere nactus sum, licet hic pauca describere, quae tu, credo, facile agnosces. Pleraque enim, aut potius omnia, ex Iesuitica officina prodie­runt, eademque etiam Romae in multorum mani­bus versantur.

In scripto cui titulus est, ‘An sit sopienda quae jam fervet Jansenistarum controversia, imposito utrique parti silentio? sic loquuntur: Non est si­milis haec controversia controversiae de Auxiliis. In illa enim disputabatur de rebus nondum deci­sis, & ita disputabatur ut ipsa disputatione magis dubium fieret an & quid esset decidendum; & i­deo facta est utrique parti copia suam defendendi sententiam. Hoc autem fieri non potest de con­troversia Janseniana.’

Item in fine: ‘Hanc esse causam Thomistarum & Jesuitarum qui dicunt, errant toto caelo. Nihil proponitur summo Pontifici de quo fuerit contro­versia inter i [...]los Ordines: nihil quod non sit inter ambas familias communi consensu constitutum.’

Item in alio scripto Dominicanis conciliandis fa­cto, ‘Cum Iansenistae per se ipsos stare non pos­sint, alios sibi adjungere conantur, quibus innitan­tur, praesertimque reverendissimos Patres Domini­canos, quasi utrisque communis sit causa, cum ta­men una toto caelo ab alia discrepet; quod, ni fallor, ipsa causarum expositione demonstrari po­test.’

Ibidem: ‘Quod autem res seu causa praedeter­minantium in integro relinquatur, etiamsi quin­que illae propositiones decreto Pontificio damnen­tur, vel quia jam damnatae sunt, damnatas esse de­claretur, manifestum est; nempe ex hoc decreto non magis urgeri poterunt, quam modo urgentur ex Tridentino.’

Ibidem: ‘Nullum ex Thomistis invenio, qui vel unam e quinque propositionibus admittat vel de­fendat. Ibidem: Nec quidquam ponderis ac­cedet Jesuitarum hypothesi ex novo Pontificio decreto.’

Item in quodam scripto longiore super quinta propositione: ‘Colligitur secundo, quid dicen­dum fit illis, qui hanc esse putant controversiam de auxiliis divinae gratiae tamdiu olim dissertatam sub duobus Pontificibus inter Thomistas & Jesui­tas, hocque jam praetextu Janseniani utuntur, ut censuras eludant, ut cum non putent posse Tho­mistas in eamdem ruinam trahi cum illis, ipsi com­munione sententiarum & connexione erigantur & stent. Sed in eo quoque latius aberrant quam to­to caelo. Nihil omnino illis exprobratur, de quo Thomistae cum Jesuitis contenderint: Nihl exi­gitur quam quod fuerit concordissimo duorum il­lorum Ordinum consensu atque suffragiis consti­tutum.’

Videsne quam instanter illud urgeant, nihil se omnino in judicium vocare quo vel tantillum Tho­mistarum sententia laedi possit, & Jesuitarum causa robotari.

ARTICULUS XI.
Conciliandorum cum Thomistis Molinistarum quanta fuerit difficultas. Summa in hoc An­nati solerita.

VErum pinguior istorum Doctorum calliditas extitisset, si universim tantum juravissent nol­le se Thomistis injuriam factam; indignos esse tam graves Theologos, qui in quinque propositionum damnatione implicarentur. Merito non tam sto­lidos homines Romae putaverunt, ut haec sua spon­te absurda ipsis tantum affirmantibus crederent. Er­go speciatim ostendendum fuit quo pacto ipsi a Thomistis alieni non essent, nec quidquam omnino contenderent, quod ipsorum causae obesse aliquate­nus posset.

Arduum profecto negotium; in quo tamen sic te nobilitasti, ut nusquam magis cognitum sit quantum esset in solertia tua. Quamobrem pa­tientem, quaeso, nobis au [...]em accommoda, dum paulo latius mirabile illud commentum, cui tu praecipuam laudem procul dubio inter omnes calli­ditates tuas tribuis, & tuis & lectorum oculis subjici­mus.

Omnium dissidiorum quibus Molinistae a Tho­mistis distrahuntur, unicus pene fons est praedeter­minantis & per se efficacis gratiae doctrina, quam hi tuentur, illi respuunt. Asserunt Thomistae ex Scripturae oraculis & Conciliorum Decretis sine gratia efficaci & praedeterminante nullum bonum opus fieri, nullum praeceptum impleri ut oportet: sive ut loquuntur, motionem Dei efficacem, cui voluntas infallibiliter consentit, ad omnia pietatis opera necessarium esse. Hujus opinions rigorem Molina non ferens, abjecta efficaci gratia quasi li­bertatis inimica, aliam excogitavit versatilem & sufficientem, quae daret posse, non velle: sed pro nutu voluntatis modo efficax, modo inefficax es­set. Hae duae sententiae ex adverso sibi oppositae sunt: Perimit versatilem gratiam efficax ad om­nia pietatis opera necessaria; abjicit effica­cem versatilis & sufficiens Moliniano sensu gra­tia.

Ex capitali illa opinionum distractione, aliae de­inde Thomistas inter ac Molinistas contentiones na­scuntur. Et primo circa possibilitatem praecepto­rum longissime a Molinistis Thomistae dissident. Nam cur certum sit non omnes actu implere prae­cepta, certum est etiam non omnibus adesse effi­cacem gratiam ad illorum observationem necessa­riam: Hac enim praesente semper i [...]plentur, ab­sente nunquam. Viderunt igitur Thomistae non omnibus talem implendorum praeceptorum pote­statem concedi posse, quae cum actu aliquando con­jungeretur. Potestas enim quam habent gratia ef­ficaci destituti, nunquam cum actu conjungitur. Itaque distinctionem in scholis traditam ad hoc ex­plicandum advocaverunt, sensus nimirum compo­siti & divisi. Quibus adest gratia efficax, his pos­sibilia dicunt mandata in sensu composito, quia actu­alis observatio mandatorum cum illa gratia semper componitur: quibus autem non adest, hos negant mandata observare posse in sensu composito. Nun­quam enim actualis observatio mandatorum, cum gratiae efficacis absentia componitur: posse tamen aiunt in sensu diviso: quia potestas observandi man­data cum illorum contemptu & omissione consistit, qui vocari etiam sensus compositus potest, si non a­ctus cum actu contrario, sed potentia cum actu com­poni intelligatur. Hinc Alverez disp. 23. de Auxil. [...]. 33. In sensu composito nihil velle possumus sine praedeter­minatione divina: quia haec duo non possunt simul consi­stere, quod scilicet nos velimus in particulari aliquid, & quod Deus non praedeterminaverit quod velimus illud.

Molinistae contra hanc sensus divisi potestatem ir­rident, omnibusque volunt mandata esse possibilia in sensu composito, ita ut actualis observatio semper cum illa potestate, actu & effective possit consistere, & aliquando consistat.

ARTICULUS. XII.
Fons discordiae sedatus, seposita quaestione de Gratia praedeterminante. Et contentio cir­ca possibilitatem praeceptorum composita per possibilitatem abstractivam.

VIdeamus, mi Pater, quo pacto tantam dis­cordiam sedaveris; scilicet ut bonus medicus statim ad illius fontem remedium apposuisti, totam hanc de gratia praedeterminante contentionem e medio tollens. Non agitur de gratia praedeter­minante, inquiebant tuo monitu Doctores Augustinianis adversi in scripto adjungendis Domi­nicanis facto. Item alio loco: Non agitur de mo­do quo gratia efficax est. Et infra; In hac causa nullo modo includitur celebris illa quaestio de Auxiliis, tam acriter olim sub Clemente VIII. & Paulo V. Tho­mistas inter & Jesuitas agitata. Eodem pertinent loca superius adducta de Thomistarum dogmatis in damnatione propositionum nullo modo periclitan­tibus.

Liberalius etiam Hallerius in celebri collatione apud Dominicanos habita coram Generali & prae­cipuis Religiosis illius O [...]dinis, paratum se professus [Page 188] est subscribendae suo nomine gratiae efficaci, ut post­modum dicemus.

Verum hac quaestione seposita de mandatorum possibilitate, quomodo potuerunt illi cum Tho­mistis concordes se fingere? Famosa nempe ab­stractionum methodo; quandam enim abstractivam possibilitatem postulaverunt, quae neutri opini­oni officeret, sed utriusque scholae calculis compro­baretur: quae non esset possibilitas sensus com­positi: hanc enim rejicit schola Thomistica; nec possibilitas sensus divisi; hanc enim subsannat Scho­la Moliniana; sed nescio quae ab utraque praecisa pos­sibilitas.

Nihil fingo, mi Annate, nec jocor. Ex te ip­so sciscitor, Potentia illa observandi mandata, quam in justis praecepta transgredientibus semper reperi­ri contentebant tui Doctores, cujusmodi esset? Talisne ut sola nonnunquam sine efficaci auxilio operetur? Jacent ergo Thomistae, jacet pollicita­tio tua praedeterminantis gratiae minime laesae, jacet ipse Hallerius efficacis gratiae, ut ipse ferebat, de­fensor. Talisne ut sine auxilio efficaci in actum nunquam prodeat? Jacet Molina tuus. Igitur ut Molinae ac Thomistis sua jura serventur, statuen­da fuit in justis illis peccantibus possibilitas, genera­lis quaedam abstrahendo ab ea quae aliquando opera­tur, & ea quae iners perpetuo remanet sine efficaci auxilio.

ARTICULUS XII.
Dissidium Thomistarum & Molinistarum de potentia proxima, abstractione ab Annato compositum.

NUnquam majori cuiquam usui abstractiones fuere quam tibi in hac causa. Protinus enim nova abstractio fuit tibi necessaria, ut te cum Tho­mistis nonnullis in proximae & completae potesta­tis vocibus conjungeres. Mirifice tibi illae placebant; eo magis, quod eas ab Augustinianis vulgo repudiari, & a quibusdam Thomistis admitti videbas, rem consiliis tuis opportunissimam, cum id ageres ut cum Thomistis consentire, cum Augustinianis pug­nare videreris. Verum nescius non eras has voces alio sensua Thomistis, alio a vobis usurpari. Tho­mistis enim potestas proxima dicitur, etiamsi indi­geat auxilio efficaci ad operandum antecedenter ne­cessario. Vobis ea demum potestas proxima, quae nihil aliud requirit ad agendum. Itaque vos pote­statem proximam Thomistarum irridetis, illi con­tra proximam potestatem vestram promiscue omni­bus concessam, haereticam censent: quia tollit efficacis gratiae necessitatem. Non te fugiebat nec Doctores tuos, tanta in illa voce aequivocatio & fallicia. Imo & tu in Jansenio a Thomistis dam­nato, & Doctores tui in quadam propositionum censura, Consultoribus oblata, locum Alvaris retu­lerunt in quo hujus nominis aequivocatio luculenter explicatur.

Is locus petitur ex disp. 117. n. 11. Potentia po­test dupl [...]citer dici proxima & expedita ad operandum. Primo, quia nihil al ud requiritur ex parte ipsius potentiae, quo in actu primo co [...]stituatur ad actualiter operandum, sive ad volendum & nolendum. Et hoc modo liberum arbitrium, positis omnibus requisitis ad operandum, potest potentia proxima & expedita ope­rari & non operari, velle & nolle. Secundo modo po­test dici facultas proxima & expedita ad operandum, quia in sua operatione non dependet ab alia priori c [...]u­sa tribuente ipsam cooperationem, vel actualiter con­currente, & in hoc sensu nulla causa secunda, quan­tumvis ponatur perfecta secundum se, & seclu­sa praemotione divina, est exped ta ad operand­dum.

Videsne igitur duplicem hujus vocis significatio­nem ab Alvare distinctam? Alteram Thomisticam, alteram Molinianam: alteram quae adest gratiam efficacem non habentibus; alteram quae deest om­nibus ista gratia carentibus? jam quaero quam sta­tuere Romae volueritis? Non Thomisticam, credo; nam hanc irridetis; nec Molinianam etiam, nam illam respuit Alvarez quo tum nitebantur, & to­ta Thomistarum schola. Stultum est autem ex Al­vare & Thomistis probare velle, quod negat Al­varez, negant omnes Thomistae. Quam igitur nisi possibilitatem proximam in genere, sive abstra­hendo a possibilitate proxima Thomistarum, & possi­bilitate proxima Molin starum?

ARTICULUS XIV.
Dissensio de gratia sufficiente Thomistas inter & Molinistas, compressa per gratiam sufficien­tem abstractivam.

MActe abstractionibus, mi Annate, bellissi­me enim procedunt. Ecce alia gravis Tho­mistas inter & Molinistas de gratia sufficiente discor­dia. Sufficientem gratiam admittunt Thomistae, quae producit actus quosdam imperfectos, & po­testatem largitur ad perfectiores: Sed iidem do­cent nunquam isti gratiae plene consentiri: i­mo contingere non posse ut illi consentiatur sine efficaci.

Contra Molinistae gratiam admittunt versatilem, cui sine efficaci auxilio aliquando consentitur. Quid ages? quo te vertes? Molinianam adstruere tutum non erat; Thomisticam admittete alienum a rati­onibus tuis. Quid igitur? Nec illam adstrues, nec istam, sed quandam gratiam sufficientem in abstra­cto. Audi Sorbonicos Doctores a te eruditos in quodam brevi scripto super quinque propositioni­bus, ubi pugnant; Justis volentibus & conantibus non deesse gratias sufficientes. At ne Molinani vi­derentur, quod nescio quomodo semper probro­sum est, illud adjungunt; Nota, per has voces, auxilii sufficientis, non intelligi gratiam illam versa­tilem, quae modo effectum habet, modo non habet, quae a Multis Doctoribus Catholicis Refutatur: sed intelligi gratiam quae vere sufficiens sit, quocunque tandem modo: seu quae vere facultatem tribuat justo aut implendi praeceptum, aut petendi gratiam necessa­riam ad illud implendum, ita ut per eam justus inex­cusabilis reddatur, quando praeceptum transgreditur. Et in explicatione, 2. propos. Non hic agitur de gratia sufficiente versatili statuenda, quae modo effe­ctum suum habeat, modo non habeat; sed tantum in genere quaeritur, utrum verum sit in statu natu­rae lapsae nullam dari gratiam quae vere suffic [...]ens sit.

Dixeramne tibi Doctores tuos Romae sufficien­tem gratiam in abstracto defendisse, & ne se cum [Page 189] Thomistis committerent, sufficientis Molinianae defensionem longe a se removisse? Perierat vide­licer Catholica fides, si abstractionum methodus in­tercidisset. Sed reliqua videamus.

ARTICULUS. XV.
Dissensio Thomistarum & Molinistarum circa indifferentiam libertatis, absractione item ab Annato composita.

SEquitur alia non levis inter Thomistas & Moli­nistas pugna ex eodem praedeterminantis gratiae fonte profecta. Ex Thomistarum dogmatis, cum adest efficax praedeterminatio ad aliquem actum, fieri nequit ut voluntas in istum ad quem praemo­vetur actum, non consentiat. Hinc illi conse­quenter philosophantes negant, ad libertatem re­qui i, ut positis omnibus ad agendum praerequisitis voluntas possit agere & non agere in sensu composi­to, ita scilicet ut cum istis antecedenter praerequisitis possit componi tam actus quam carentia talis actus. Praemot [...]o enim, inquiunt, est unam ex anteceden­t [...]r praerequisitis, cum qua tamen componi non po­test carentia actus ad quem praemovet. Ergo alius­modi indifferentiam admisere, quam indifferen­tiam potentiae appellant, oppositam determinati­oni naturali; hac fit ut quantacunque praemotione afficiatur voluntas, possit tamen agere, & non a­gere in sensu diviso, qui quatenus compositus dici possit, supra diximus. Quia, inquiunt, tamet­si non possit contingere ut voluntas non el [...]ciat actum illum ad quem a Deo praemovetur, retinet tamen illi­us non eliciendi potentiam. Non enim potentia opponi­tur actui contrar [...]o, sed tantum actus contrarius. Sed praestat hoc ex ipso Alvare condiscere.

‘Liberum arbitrium creatum, inquit. disp. 115. n 3. & 4. non solum antequam determinetur ad unum actum, sed etiam in ipso instanti in quo determinatur a Deo, & seipsum determinat ad eundem actum, simul habet potentiam qua potest libere producere actum contrarium, non tamen ha­bet potentiam ad actum contrarium simul ha­bendum. Nam duo actus contrarii simul in ea­dem potentia esse non possunt, sed solum succes­sive. Hinc habuit ortum illa distinctio commu­niter a Theologis & Metaphysicis recepta, de si­multate potentiae, & potentia simultatis. Est e­nim in libero arbitrio simultas potentiae ad ope­randum & non operandum. Nam per hoc quod operetur unum actum, non destruit liberam fa­cultatem & potentiam quam habet ad operandum actum contrarium si velit, vel non operandum. Ad hoc igitur explicandum deservit illa distinctio sen­sus compositi & divisi, qua utuntur communiter Doctores, ut disp. 25 visum est.’

‘Notandum secundo, quod cum dicitur potenti­am liberam esse, quae positis omnibus requisitis ad operandum, potest operari, etiam in sensu composito, hoc dupliciter intelligi potest. Pri­mo ita ut compositio fiat inter praerequisita ad o­perandum, & potentiam ipsam operandi & non operandi, & tunc sensus est quod potentia ad ope­randum & non operandum stat simul in eodem subjecto cum antecedenter praerequisitis ad talem operationem; & hic sensus verissimus est, ut postea explicabimus.’

‘Secundo modo potest intelligi, ita ut composi­tio fiat inter antecedenter praerequisita etiam ex parte Dei ad operandum talem actum, & caren­tiam talis actus, seu actum ipsum contrarium. Et tunc sensus est quod omnia praerequisita etiam ex parte Dei operandum talem actum particularem ad, & carentia ejusdem actus, seu actus contrarius possint esse, aut aliquando sint simul in eodem subjecto. In hoc ergo intendimus praedictam definitionem impugnare. Sic Alvarez, & cum eo Thomistae.

Imo quidam rigidiores definitionem vulgarem li­bertatis, quia dicitur id demum esse liberum, quod positis omn [...]bus ad agendum praerequisitis, potest agere & non agere, funditus repudiant. Haec defini­tio, inquit Lece ma disp. de Auxiliis, contra. 7. art. 1. neque apud Aristotelem neque apud S. Thomam, neque apud gravem auctorem nisi apud Al­mainum & alios nominales invenitur.

Et ante Ledesmam Medina 1. 2. q. 10. art. 4. de Almaino loquens: Dat, inquit, definitionem li­bertatis su liberi pro sua phantasia, d cens, quod ad libertatem sufficit ac requiritur, quod posi­tis omnibus praeviis necessario requisitis ad agendum, sit in potestate voluntatis agere & non agere. Et paulo infra vocat definitionem libertatis ab Almaino co [...]fictam. Cum his Cabezudus praedictam definiti­nem libertatis omnino negat, tract. de Auxil. q. 2. paulo ante finem, & Navarrettus tom. 2. contr. 12. S. 2.

Sed quidquid demum de illa sentiant, certum est omnes Thomistas indifferentiam illam in sensu composito, cum scilicet componitur actus dissen­sus cum gratia efficaci, penitus rejicere, licet ali­am admittunt, quam vocant indifferentiam poten­tiae & sensus divisi.

Quid vos Molinistae? de ista indifferentia potentiae quid sentitis? Non aegre illam a Calvino admis­sum iti, prorsusque ad libertatem requiri indiffe­rentiam ad agendum & non agendum in sensu com­sito, quo possit componi uterque actus cum poten­tia. Sic tu in tractatu de scientia media, sic tecum caeteri Molinistae. Quo pacto igitur tu tam longe a Thomistis discrepans in indifferentiae notione, cum iis tamen super hoc capite foedus inibis? Rem conficient pacificae illae abstractiones. Ad liberta­tem requiri quandam indifferentiam dixisti, dixe­runt Jesuitici Doctores, sed cujusmodi esset ista indifferentia, non explicasti, nec illi item. Iam si te rogem, quam indifferentiam intellexeritis, nec Molinianam dices; quomodo enim illam, Tho­mistarum, ut ubique fecistis, testimoniis confirmas­setis? nec etiam Thomisticam; jam enim aperte Molina repudiatus foret. Ecquam igitur nisi gene­ralem indifferentiam & abstractivam? Habes com­positionis tuae super indifferentia subtilem ratio­nem.

ARTICULUS XVI.
Pugnam Thomistarum & Molinistarum super necessitate antecedente abstractione diremit Annatus.

SUperest modo una de necessitate pugna, ex gra­tia item praedeterminante derivata. Hac posita quia semper consentit voluntas, in Thomistas isti­us gratiae defensores acriter insurrexerunt Molinistae hoc argumento, quod refert Alvarez disp. 22. n. 5. Necessitas antecede s liberum consensum creatae vo­luntatis, seu quae provenit ex causis prioribus, tollit libertatem. Sed necessi [...]as operandi habens ortum ex àbsoluto decreto voluntatis divinae praedeterminantis liberum arbitrium ad omnem suam actionem in parti­culari, est necessitas ex causis prioribus proveniens. Ergo, &c.

Quid ad hoc Alvarez? distinguit duplicem sen­sum necessitatis antecedentis, dicitque hoc nomine ab Anselmo, unde fluxit, non intellectam esse om­nem necessitatem a priori, ut Molinistae opinantur, sed tantum necessitatem absolutam; atque adeo necessitatem quae provenit ex voluntate divina, ne­gat esse antecedeutem, quia non est absoluta, sed condi­tionata. Ʋoluntas enim divina non tollit contingenti­am a rebus.

Respondet secundo, necessitatem ex suppositi­one voluntatis divinae non esse necessitatem ante­cedentem, sed potius consequentem causam rei. Licet enim antecedat causam creatam, non tamen antecedit causam primam simpliciter, quae est volun­tas divina, quae magis influit in effectum quam cau­sa secunda.

Vides igitur Alvarem ideo negasse antecedentem necessitatem inferri a gratia vel praemotione, quia hoc nomine intelligit vel necessitatem absolutam, vel necessitatem quae omnem causam rei antecedat. Iesuitis autem omnis necessitas a priori causa dici­tur antecedens: ideo cum utrique dicitis necessita­tem antecedentem destruere libertatem, non idem tamen dicitis, quia non idem intelligitis. Quaero igitur ut in aliis, cum tui Doctores Romae clamita­bant necessitate antecedente perimi libertatem: quid illo nomine significarent? an quod Thomi­stae, nempe necessitatem absolutam quae tollat con­tingentiam? quid inde ad ipsos utilitatis redire possit? An quod Molinistae, nempe omnem necessi­tatem a priori? Ergo illi omnibus Thomistis eversae libertatis crimen intendissent, quod sedulo semper caverunt. Neutram ergo proprie intellexerunt, sed quandam duntaxat in abstracto necessitatem ante­cedentem impugnarunt. Verum ut magis hoc ab­stractionum commmento fruare, juvat hic abstra­ctivam illam compositionem, quo melius percipia­tur, brevi tabella delineare.

TABƲLA Compositionis inter Thomistas & Jesuitas factae, sex abstractionum operâ.
Thomistae.Abstractivi Jesuitae.Molinistae.
I.

GRatia praedeterminans & per se efficax, ad omnia pretatis opera est necessaria.

I.

ABstrahitur à quaestione de gratia per se efficaci & sufficiente versatili.

I.

GRatia praedeterminans & per se efficax, non est necessaria ad omnia pietatis opera: sed est tantùm neces­saria gratia sufficiens quae pro nutu voluntatis modò efficax, modò inefficax sit.

II.

Justis volentibus & conantibus, sed gratiam efficacem non habentibus, mandata Dei sunt possibilia tantùm in sensu diviso, non autem in sensu com­posito, quo observantia mandatorum cum potentia illa observandi aliquan­do componatur.

II.

Justis volentibus & co­nantibus mandata Dei sunt semper possibilia, abstrahen­do à sensu composito & di­viso.

II.

Justis volentibus, & co­nantibus mandata Dei sunt semper possibilia in sensu composito.

III.

Justis peccantibus suppetit proxi­ma non peccandi facultas, quae nun­quam in actum prodit sine gratia effi­caci.

III.

Justis peccantibus suppetit proxima non peccandi fa­cultas abstrahendo ab ea quae prodit, & ea quae nun­quam prodit in actum sine alio auxilio.

III.

Justis peccantibus suppe­tit semper proxima non pec­candi facultas, quae non in­diget ut in actum prodeat efficaci auxilio.

IV.

Datur gratia sufficiens, sed praeter quam aliud auxilium praerequiritur, ut voluntas ipsi plenè consentiat.

IV.

Datur gratia sufficiens quomodocunque, sive ab­strahendo à Moliniana & Thomistica.

IV.

Datur gratia sufficiens ex­tra quam nihil aliud praere­quiritur ex parte Dei.

V.

Indifferentia quâ positis omnibus antecedenter praerequisitis ad agen­dum, potest quis agere vel non agere in sensu composito, non requiritur ad libertatem meriti & demeriti, sed tantùm ut possit quis agere vel non agere in sensu diviso.

V.

Requiritur ad libertatem indifferentia, quocunque tandem modo, sive abstra­hendo à sensu composito & diviso.

V.

Requiritur ad libertatem indifferentia agendi vel non agendi in sensu composito.

VI.

Necessitas antecedens sumpta pro necessitate absoluta, quae tollit con­tingentiam effectus, destruit liberta­tem: non autem si sumatut tantùm pro necessitate orta à causa prima quae praemoveat infallibiliter voluntatem, nec tamen tollat contingentiam.

VI.

Necessitas antecedens tol­lit libertatem abstrahendo ab utroque istius vocis sen­su.

VI.

Omnis necessitas à priori est antecedens & tollit liber­tatem.

ARTICULUS XVII.
Annatum hoc inito cum Thomistis foedere, nullam sibi dissensionem reliquisse cum Augustini­anis.

NOn omnia sunt in astutia, mi Annate; habet illa suum modum, nec unquam praetergredi­tur naturae fines. Hâc tua fucatâ cum Thomistis consensione nil fieri potuit solertius, fateor. Est tamen magnum in ea re vitium, non tuâ quidem culpâ, sed ipsius rei. Non ignoras, credo, axioma Geometris pariter ac Philosophis tritum: Quae sunt eadem uni tertio, sunt eadem inter se. O si illud ex libris omnibus, vel potiùs è communi sensu de­levisses! Nam velis nolis, unicum illud pronuncia­tum omnes tibi machinas disturbabit.

Quo pacto, inquies? Audi, mi Pater? Habet hunc finem suscepta tibi cum Thomistis concordiae species, ut illorum auxilio fretus Augustinianos fa­ciliùs expugnares. Sed frustra cum Thomistis coi­tionem facis, si hâc cum illis coitione cum Augusti­nianis pariter in gratiam rediisti, nec ullas tibi reli­quisti certandi causas. Dicam planius. Cum eadem prorsus sit Thomistarum & Augustinianorum in illis 5 capitibus doctrina, non potuisti super illis cum Thomistis foedus inire, quin pariter cum Augusti­nianis inieris. Nam quae naturâ eadem sunt, ut ea divellas, natura non patitur. Ergo ut te brevi constringam argumento: De possibilitate praecep­torum, de gratia sufficiente justorum volentium & conantium, de indifferentia, de gratia necessitante, idem sentiunt prorsus Augustiniani atque Thomistae. Atqui cum Thomistis nulla tibi lis est, nec Romae fuit, ut tute confiteris. Ergo cum Augustinanis nulla est, nec fuit. Recurrit enim suprapositum axioma: Quae sunt eadem uni tertio, sunt eadem inter se. Id nobis paulo latiùs explicandum.

ARTICULUS XVIII.
Cùm de gratia praedeterminante Romae non actum sit, nulla fuit pugna inter utriusque partis Doctores.

TOti, ut dixi, in gratia efficaci defendenda Au­gustiniani fuere. Hic unus ipsis amor, hic thesaurus est. Hunc ipsis qui relinquit, nihil eripit. Gratulantur ergo tibi, quod tuo monitu hanc adeo se venerari Hallerius & socii finxerint. Jure enim illas Pauli voces usurpare possunt: Dum omnimodo, sive per occasionem, sive per veritatem Christus annun­cietur, & in hoc gaudeo, sed & gaudebo. Ergo quia nihil aliud circa quinque propositiones sentiunt, qui de eo capite non pugnat, ut nemo pugnavit, cum illis reipsâ non pugnat. Rursus cùm illi solam gratiam Molinianam & Parisiis & Romae impugna­verint, ut jam ostendimus, quando illam adstruere nec vos nec vestri Doctores voluistis, nec Augusti­niani vobiscum pugnaverunt.

Ostendimus totam controversiam Parisiis in eo sitam, an ad singulos actus gratia efficax require­retur, an daretur Moliniana & versatilis gratia, quae nihil aliud requirit ad agendum actu & effect [...] ­ve. Num ergo illi aliud Romae egerunt, aliud defen­dendum aut impugnandum susceperunt? Num se operosis de gratia sufficiente Thomistarum contro­versiis implicarunt? Imo vero legantur ad unum omnia scripta quae summo Pontifici paulo ante edi­tam constitutionem obtulerunt, nihil aliud in illis reperies, quam gratiae efficacis confirmationem, Molinianae gratiae impugnationem; ac ne unum qui­dem verbum quo Thomistarum gratia sufficiens vel minime violata sit.

Ecce quàm cautè clarus ille Des-mares coram Summo Pontifice quaestionis summam constituerit: Ʋt ab ipso sermonis exordio omnis prorsus aequivocatio toll [...]tur, ac citra omnem ambiguitatem nostra decurrat oratio, operae pretium existimavi breviter insinuare Sanctitati Vestrae, quid nomine gratiae per se efficacis, quid gratiae sufficientis & MOLINISTICAE intelligendum sit. Per gratiam ex se efficacem intelli­gimus gratiā quae sua vi ac virtute primâ interrâque, &, ut utar verbis Apostoli, [...], non solùm dat homini posse si velit, sed etiam facit certissimè ac invi­ctissimè ut velit. Haec autem vis ac virtus gratiae, nihil aliud est quàm, ut docet Augustinus contra Pelagianos, suavitas quaedam caelestis ac delectatio dilectionis, seu infusio in animos caritatis, quae diffunditur in cordi­bus nostris per Spiritum Sanctum, quâ cognita sancto amore facimus. En gratiae efficacis descriptionem ex Augustino. Ubi illud somnium gratiae necessi­tantis? Ne umbra quidem.

Videamus contra, quam gratiam sufficientem impugnent: Verùm, inquit, ex opposito, per gratiam indifferentem & Molinisticam intelligunt ejus asserto­res illuminationē quandam intellectus, & pium motum in voluntate, indeliberatum tamen & non liberum, quo mediante possit homo velle vel agere bonum aliquod: ut autem velit, id relictum esse in suo libero arbitrio, quod nutu suo quandoque vult, quandoque non vult, modóque in unam partem se flectit, modò in alteram. Itaque haec inter nos & istos est quaestio: An gratia regnet in voluntatem, an voluntas in gratiam: An gratia sibi subjiciat liberum arbitrium, an liberum arbitrium sibi subjiciat gratiam. Nos dicimus gratiam esse victri­cem liberi arbitrii, eamque esse necessariam ad singu­los actus.

Vides-ne, mi Annate, quàm constans Augusti­nianorum ut sententia, sic oratio fuerit? ut adver­sus cavillationes vestras tuta atque munita? Qua­re nec ullum quidem aut verbum aut scriptum ip­sorum proferre potes, in quo vel tantillum ex istis finibus quos sibi circumscripserant, egressi sunt. At tu quid habes ad haec? Quid tui Doctores? Gratiam, inquiunt, praedeterminantem non impugna­mus. Bene est. Versatilem & Molinianam non ad­struimus. Sat est, dormiamus in utramque aurem, veritas enim in vado est: vel potiùs, alacres, jam quaesitas à te dissensionis causas, futiles & inanes esse probemus.

ARTICULUS XIX.
Explicantur calumniae quibus Annatus fal­sam haeresim, falsam contentionem, ficti­tios in quos pugnaret adversarios extruxit.

SI quis vincere velit mi Annate, ut tu certe volebas, nec ullum habeat adversarium, ut tibi, hac de gratia efficaci quaestione seposita nul­lus erat, restat ut is ludicrum certamen instituat, ludicros fingat adversarios de quibus possit trium­phare. Hanc tu viam, mi Pater, hanc tui Docto­res arripuerunt, non enim alia supererat.

Pro veris Augustini discipulis, nescio quos a­dorti sunt Jansenistas, qui nemini praeterquam ip­sis visi, auditi, cogniti forent. His stramineis Jansenistis quae voluerunt commenta, quas li­buit haereses tribuerunt. Joculare figmentum, & tantum ridendum, nisi haec ipsa crimina, has hae­reses in Augustinianos Theologos, qui nunquam de his vel sommaverant, conferre voluissent. Illas igi­tur fictitias haereses seu veras potius calumnias ope­rae pretium est hic ex sociorum tuorum & illorum Doctorum quos tuis artibus instruxeras, scriptis explicari. Non enim aliunde, credo, erui possunt. Audiamus itaque Jesuiticos Doctores, suae cum mentitis illis Jansenistis contentionis summam ex­ponentes.

In scripto de adjungendis Dominicanis instituto ita loquuntur: ‘Non agitur de modo rei in hac cau­sa, sed de ipsa re. Non agitur de modo quo gratia efficax est, de quo Thomistas inter & Jesuitas controvertitur, sed de gratia ipsa sufficiente, quam tam hi quam illi admittunt; & de effica­ci, utrum scilicet NECESSITET ABSO­LUTE ET ANTECEDENTER VO­LUNTATEM, quod certe utrique negant, & soli ADSTRUUNT JANSENISTAE (habes Jansenianam haeresim.) Non agitur de modo quo gratia cum libertate concilianda est: sed de libertate ipsa, quae revera per neces­sitatem antecedentem destruitur. Ergo in hac causa nullo modo includitur CELEBRIS ILLA QUAESTIO DE AUXILIIS tam acriter olim sub Clemente VIII. & Pau­lo V. Thomistas inter & Jesuitas agitata. Nem­pe utrique concedunt divinae gratiae humanam voluntatem CONSENTIRE ET DIS­SENTIRE POSSE. HOC IPSUM JANSENISTAE NEGANT. Igitur diversa causa est, nec quidquam ponderis ac­cedet Jesuitarum hypothesi ex novo Pontificio decreto.’

Item in scripto super quinta prop. ‘Qui hanc esse putant controversiam de Auxiliis ....... LATIUS ABERRANT QUAM TOTO CAELO. Nihil omnino illis exprobratur de quo Thomistae cum Jesuitis contenderent. Nihil exigitur quam quod fuerit concordissimo duorum illorum Or­dinum consensu atque suffragiis constitutum; id est, quod possibilia sint Dei praecepta trans­gressoribus; Quod detur Auxilium sufficiens atque internum, a quo homines dissentiunt; Quod indifferentia ad agendum & non agen­dum, a libertate arbitrii quae requiritur ad me­rendum & demerendum, SIT INSEPARA­BILIS; Quod non sint haeretici qui dicunt libe [...]um arbitrium Deo moventi per GRA­TIAM EFFICACEM, (nota efficacem) dissentire posse: Et quod sensus divisus quo id posse dicitur, non idem sit quod ex hypothesi mutationis & subtractionis gratiae, ita ut cum illa sit expedita ad dissentiendum potentia.’

Observa, quaeso, mi Annate, quoties hic nomi­ant vel tu vel isti Doctores, gratiam sufficien­tem, possibilitatem; indifferentiam, haec omnia intelligi debere in abstracto; abstrahendo scili­cet a notione Molinistica & Thomistica. His positis, pergamus, & nos in istis liberales expecta; imo tibi in expugnandis tuis illis Jansenistis fidissimos adjutores.

ARTICULUS XX.
Expurgantur priora ex fictitiis illis dissenssionis capitibus ab Annato ejusque Doctoribus Romae excogitatis.

NOn leviter certe tibi ac Doctoribus tuis suc­censeo, mi Pater, quod tantum frustra laborem ceperitis. Idcircone Romam petere o­portuit, ut possibilitates abstractivas, gratias suf­ficientes abstractivas, indifferentias abstractivas obtineretis? Poenitet me operae tuae tam male col­locatae. Quin tu nobis ista praedicebas? Certe si­ne sumptu, sine labore hic ab Augustinianis non minus satisfactum foret, quam a Thomistis, omni­noque ipsos in insectandis ac delendis nescio qui­bus illis Jansenianis necessitantis gratiae assertori­bus, socios vel promptissimos habuissetis. Quid enim, mi Annate, hic petierunt tui Doctores, quod non ipsi Augustiniani, & ante Romanum ju­dicium, & in ipso Romano judicio, & post istud denique judicium, tam prolixe quam ulli Tho­mistae detulerint? Petierunt ut possibilia dicantur Dei mandata. Quis hoc unquam Augustiniano­rum negavit? Ut vero possibilia dicantur. Bene est. Sed dic, quaeso, an satis sit possibilitas Tho­mistica actus primi & sensus divisi. Nempe illam sa­tis esse fatearis necesse est, aut jam tibi cum Thomistis pugnandum, quod jure detrectas. Er­go illam tibi ac sociis tuis, quantacunque est, tra­dunt, concedunt, largiuntur Augustiniani. Ec­quid beant te? At forte id meo nomine facio, quod nullum est? Imo vero sat scio, me nemo teme­rarium dicet, si hoc pro omnibus spondeam. Hoc certe concessit Arnaldus in Apologeticis epistolis: hoc caeteri quotidie Augustiniani largiuntur. Ita­que cum expeditissimas, completissimas, suffici­tissimas, proximas potentias, sine efficaci auxilio nunquam in actum prodeuntes plenis manibus ter­tia Disquisitione in sinum tuum congerebam, nemo Augustinianorum reclamavit, aut me questus est liberialiorem esse quam par erat. Ergo de possi­bilitate ipsa conveniat tibi nobiscum necesse est, quando cum Thomistis convenit.

Nec de gratia sufficiente difficilior consensio est. Vide enim quam liberaliter Arnaldus in Dissertati­onis de propositione sua praefatione: Speciatim vero, iniquit, in justis volentibus & conantibus, gratias excitantes admittendas fateor, easque Tho­mistico sensu sufficientes. Quamobrem quaecunque [Page 194] demum sententia Constitutioni Innocentii subjiciatur, fateor verum esse illum sensum, quo vulgo a Thomistis accipitur, nimirum omnibis justis volentibus & co­nantibus adesse gratias excitantes sufficientes Tho­mistico sensu, neque deesse illis gratiam qua possibi­lia fiant praecepta, tum quia jam habent excitantem, qua possunt sensu praedicto: tum quia si illi gratiae plene consenserint (quod possunt si velint, quod si non fecerint, in culpa sunt) gratiam efficacem non jam habituri sunt, sed jam habebunt: quia si quis gra­tiae sufficienti consenserit, ut iidem docent, signum est a posteriori affuisse illi gratiam efficacem.

Haec post costitutionem Arnaldus, quod idem, ut vidimus, ante Constitutionem varii dixerant, imprimisque Doctor de Sainte-Beuve, cujus lo­cum ante retulimus. Nec aliter locuti sunt Romae Augustiniani Doctores, cum tandem casu nescio quod Hallerii scriptum nacti essent, cujus illi con­futationem brevi confectam non Consultoribus, sed summo Pontifici obtulerunt ipso quo auditi sunt die, id est jam confecta Constitutione, ut fate­ris. In hoc scripto verba Hallerii referunt ita sensum Jansenii super prima propositione com­plectentis.

SCRIPTUM ADVERSARIORUM.

Constat vero ex Jansenii doctrina, ex principiis toto isto libro tertio, & alibi, etiam justis quoties­cunque transgrediuntur mandata Dei, deesse gra­tiam, tum illam qua eadem implere possunt, tum istam qua auxilium ad praecepta implenda sufficiens impetrare queant. Hoc illi, qui de Jansenio nomi­natim Romae agi non putabant, obiter tamen & quasi aliud agentes ita refellunt.

RESPONSIO.

Imponunt gravissime Jansenio, nisi per auxili­um sufficiens intelligant Molinisticum, quod re­vera nunquam adesse in hoc statu docet Janseni­us, quia per illud vera Christi gratia destruitur, & Pelagianus error restituitur. Nunquam vero dixit justos, quotiescunque transgrediuntur prae­ceptum, nullam habere gratiam. In hac ipsa propositione de qua agitur, quaestio est de JUS­TIS VOLENTIBUS UTIQUE PER GRATIAM ALIQUAM. Dicuntur enim volentes, imperfecte scilicet & invalide, per hanc parvam gratiam, ut docet S. Augustinus de grat. & lib. arb. in testimoniis quae Jansenius praecipue citat in locis ubi de propositione agit. Dum ergo dicit Jansenius non adesse gratiam qua possint praecepta implere, intellgit de gratia dante posse ita completum, ut det simul ipsum velle; sed non excludit aliam parvam gratiam. Legatur de gratia Salvatoris lib. 2. c. 27. lib. 4. c. 16. 17, 18. lib. 8. c. 2. & postea de adver­sariorum fide judicetur. Hanc autem gratiam parvam non vocavit quidem gratiam sufficientem ad operandum, quia non existimavit illud auxili­um ad aliquid sufficiens dici, praeter quod aliud auxilium necessarium est: sed reipsa gratiam suf­ficientem sumptam pro parva & imperfecta, quae tanta non est, quanta sufficit ut volendo facia­mus, sed quae sufficit ut imperfecte velimus, non solum non negavit, sed in locis citatis & ubique SICUT VERAM CHRISTI GRATI­AM adstruxit.

En quid illi tum obiter de Jansenio quem nus­quam alias nec in scrptis nec in orationibus suis appellaverunt. Ergo, mi Annate, & ante & post Constitutionem, & Romae & Parisiis de gra­tia sufficiente justorum volentium tibi semper sa­tisfecerunt Doctores Augustiniani. Non postulas Molinianam, concedunt Augustiniani Thomisticam. In hac includitur abstractiva illa tua gratia suffici­ens, ut in specie genus, si sit aliquid; aut si ni­hil est illa gratia sufficiens in abstracto, ut longe probabilius est, & si hanc negarent Augustiniani, mi Annate, nihil negarent.

Si nil Cinna petis, nil tibi Cinna nego.
ARTICULUS XXI.
Alia fictitiae altercandi causae explo­duntur.

QUi vestram in calumniando audaciam igno­ret, suspicetur necesse est, esse quosdam Hyperboreos Jansenistas, vulgo hominum igno­tos, quorum nomina Romae detuleritis. Plane enim incredibile est vos iis qui vel in Gallia, vel in Belgio ac caeteris Europae locis versantur, tam inepta & absurda commenta affingere ausos, qualia his fictitiis Jansenistis ascribitis.

‘Agitur, haec vestra sunt atque Hallerii verba superius relata, de gratia efficaci; utrum scili­cet necessitet absolute & antecedenter volunta­tem, quod certe utrique, id est, Thomistae & Molinistae negant, & soli ADSTRUUNT JANSENISTAE. Et infra: Utrique conce­dunt divinae gratiae humanam; voluntatem con­sentire & dissentire posse: hoc IPSUM JAN­SENISTAE NEGANT. Item: Exigitur ab ipsis ut fateantur QUOD NON sint hae­retici qui dicunt liberum arbitrium per gratiam EFFICACEM MOTUM DISSENTI­RE POSSE; & quod sensus divisus, quo id posse dicitur, non idem sit quod ex hy­pothesi mutationis & subtractions gratiae, ita ut cum illa sit expedita ad dissentiendum po­tentia.’

Age dic, mi Pater, quinam sunt illi Janseni­stae qui id negant vel negaverunt? Quibus in ur­bibus, quibus in locis habitant? Quibus in libris id docuerunt? Quem testem adducis qui hoc de ip­sis audierit?

De Jansenio non agitur, de quo in hac tota Disquisitione non disputo; quanquam ipsius sen­tentia ex ejus locis tertia Disquis. adductis, item­que ex toto cap. 4. lib. 8. de gratia Christi facile pervideri possit. Agitur de Augustini dis­cipulis, in quos sub Jansenistarum nomine hanc calumniam contulistis; quam ergo in antecessum ex tot illorum locis art. 5. 6. & seq. allatis elisi. Hanc si Romae refellere potuissent Augustiniani Doctores, quis sociorum Doctorumve tuorum pudor? Quae angustiae fuissent? Quanta in illos summi Pontificis indignatio exarsisset, cum se tam aperte ab illis cognovisset illusum? Verum sedulo providistis, ut vobis haec objicere impune liceret; adversariis vestris haec non modo repellere, sed [Page 195] vix nosse quidem l [...]ceret: gratia siquidem vestra, perfectum est; ut Augustinianis & scriptorum communicatio, & tanta contentione postulata col­latio negaretur, uti mox narrabimus. Divino ta­men nutu factum est, ut in scriptis summo Ponti­fici oblatis, sed quae nullus omnino legit, ut pote Constitutione jam confecta, hanc calumniam, aliud agentes confutarint, illud ipsum asserentes, quod negare arguebantur. Sic enim illi in scripto de gratia efficaci, paulo ante Constitutionem editam summo Pontifici oblato: Ex ratione status, reperi­tur semper indifferentia potentiae, qua voluntas etiam sub gratia proxime necessaria ex se efficace, potest nolle. Et infra: Quod ad haec verba, SƲFFI­CIT LIBERTAS à CO ACTIONE, non intelligitur nullam esse in hujus status merito & demerito indifferentiam potentiae, hoc enim haere­ticum esset, & a nullo Catholico assertum est. Et in­fra: ista indifferentia ratione status hujus semper re­peritur.

Abeant nunc quicunque jactare Romae non erubuerunt, gratiam efficacem talem ab Augusti­nianis adstrui, quae necessitet absolute: negare il­los gratiae efficaci posse dissentiri, omnem omni­no indifferentiam amovere, sensumque divisum tantum statuere ex hypothesi subtractionis gratiae, quod somnium coram adversariis suis ne minima quidem potuissent probabiltatis specie praetexere. Hi fere sunt sensus illi quos sub quinque proposi­tionibus ab adversariis suis defendi criminabantur, ut ex te ipso, mi Annate, dicere est in praefati­one Jansenii à Thomistis damnati ita loquente: ‘Cum Thomistae, inquis, censeant intrinsecam omnino libero arbirio indifferentiam, eamque proximam & expeditam, (scilicet in sensu divi­so) tertiam propositionem Jansenii penitus con­terunt: unde sequitur etiam destructio quartae: quia fi gratia efficax non tollit libertatem, con­sequenter nec tollit indifferentiam qua fit ut pos­sit dissentire; quod dicere, judicatur haereticum in illa propositione. Similiter Hallerius in expli­catione quartae propos. Quaeritur, inquit, utrum haereticumsit dicere gratiam actualem Christi ta­lem esse cui possit humana voluntas consentire vel dissentire — Neque etiam attingitur quae­stio hic de gratia efficaci, a se aut a consensu, qui utriusque opinionis assertores fatentur quod gratiam Dei possumus abjicere, juxta Concili­um Tridentinum, sess. 6. c. 5. sed tantum quaeri­tur utrum gratia in statu naturae corruptae talis sit, UT NECESSITATEM INFE­RAT VOLUNTATI ADEO UT NON POSSIT EI DISSENTIRE: quod nullus Catholicus unquam admisit.’

Primam & secundam propositionem eodem mul­ti Moliniani referunt, nec quintam revocare dif­ficile est. Ita ex unica illa necessitantis gratiae criminatione omnes pene propositiones conflatae sunt.

Sed ut haec etiam magis dilucescant, non abs re erit, quemadmodum in abstractiva tua cum Tho­mistis pacificatione feci, itidem tuam hanc cum Au­gustini discipulis consensionem & fictam cum ficti­tiis Jansenistis pugnam exigna tabella hic repraesen­tari: In qua etiam adjicietur ad cumulum, verum & solidum inter Augustinianos & Molinistas de gratia efficaci vobiscum certamen, ne quid ad plenam totius hujus causae cognitionem desit.

Vera pugnaFucata concordia [...]
Molinistas inter, & Augustinianos ac Thomistas.Inter Thomistas, & Molinistas abstractivos.Inter Molinistas abstracti­vos, & fictitios Jansenistas.
Veri Molinistae.Augustiniani & Tho­mistae.Molinistae abstra­ctivi.Fictitii Janse­nistae.
    
I.

NOn datur gratia nec per se efficax, nec necessitans, sed tantum sufficiens.

I.

DAtur gratia per se efficax non necessitans.

I.

NOn datur gra­tia necessi­tans, sed alia ab­strahendo ab effi­caci & sufficiente.

I.

DAtur gratia necessitans si­ve dissentiendi po­testatem tollens.

II.

Mandata Dei justis vo­lentibus & conantibus sunt possibilia semper in sensu composito.

II.

Mandata Dei justis volentibus & conantibus, sed gratia efficaci ad ple­ne conandum necessaria carentibus, non sunt possibilia in sensu composito, sunt tamen iisdem possibilia in sensu diviso, & in actu primo, ea pote­state quae nunquam in actum prodit sine efficaci auxilio.

II.

Mandata Dei justis volentibus & conantibus sunt possibilia, abstra­hendo a sensu di­viso & composito.

II.

Mandata Dei justis volentibus & conantibus sunt ab­solute impossibilia tam in sensu diviso quam composito.

III.

Datur gratia sufficiens versatilis quae pro nutu voluntatis modo est inef­ficax, modo est efficax, sine novo auxilio. Non datur autem ejusmodi gratia sufficiens quae aliud insuper requirit auxilium ut in actum prodeat.

III.

Non datur gratia sufficiens versa­tilis, quae sine alio novo auxilio modo efficax sit, modo inefficax pro solo nutu voluntatis. Datur tamen gratia sufficiens, si per eam vocem ea intelli­gatur quae cum imperfectam volun­tatem inspiret (qua ratione efficax est, potentiam dat ad plenam volun­tatem, quam tamen nunquam produ­cit sine efficaci auxilio.

III.

Datur gratia suf­ficiens quomodo­cunque, sive ab­strahendo ab ea quae nunquam, & ea quae aliquando in actum prodit si­ne efficaci auxi­lio.

III.

Nulla datur pror­sus gratia suffici­ens nec versatilis, ne [...] Thomistioa: sed omnis gratia effi­cax est pleni consen­sus.

IV.

Ad merendum & deme­rendum in statu naturae lapsae, requiritur indiffe­rentia in sensu composito, sive qua quis ita agat, ut contingere potuerit eum actu & effective non age­re. Non sufficit autem in­differentia potentiae, sive in sensu diviso, qua ita vo­luntas dicitur posse non a­gere, ut nunquam reipsa non agat.

IV.

Ad merendum & demerendum in statu naturae lapsae non requiritur in­differentia in sensu composito: sive non requiritur ut voluntas, positis omnibus ad agendum praerequisitis, ita sit ad agendum aut non agendum indeterminata, ut utrumlibet actu & effective contingere possit, & ali­quando reipsa contingat, sufficit au­tem indifferentia in sensu diviso, qua ita dicitur voluntas posse non agere, ut tamen posito efficace gratiae divi­nae auxilio, nunquam ipsam non a­gere contingat.

IV.

Ad merendum & demerendum in statu naturae lapsae requiritur indiffe­rentia abstrahen­do ab indifferentia sensus compositi vel divisi.

IV.

Ad merendum & demerendum in sta­tu naturae lapsae, nulla requiritur in­differentia, nec in sensu diviso, nec composito, nec actus nec potentiae.

V.

Cuilibet gratiae in sen­su composito obtempera­ri & resisti potest.

V.

Cuilibet gratiae in sensu diviso ob­temperari & resisti potest; sed in sensu composito gratiae efficaci semper ob­temperatur, nunquam resistitur. In­efficaci autem vel sufficienti, ratio­ne illius effectus, respectu cujus dici­tur sufficiens, semper resistitur, cum sola est nunquam obtemperatur.

V.

Gratia cuilibet obtemperari vel resisti potest, ab­strahendo a sensu composito vel divi­so.

V.

Gratiae efficaci resisti omnino non potest, nec in sensu diviso, nec in sensu composito.

ARTICULUS XXIII.
Conclusio cum exhortatione ad concordiam.

SEd jurgiorum satis, mi Annate, praestat in con­cordiam redire, condonatis injuriis. Vides de necessitante illa gratia nullum unquam Augustini discipulum cogitasse. Desine ergo in illo figmento concertationis causas quaerere. Et quando abjecta Molinianae indifferentiae Molinianae (que) gratiae defen­sione, nullum tibi esse cum Thomistis certamen ag­noscis, agnosce itidem nullū cum Augustinianis vel esse vel fuisse. Fratres in se pugnare, miserū est; sine causa pugnare, miserrimum. Nullam autem causam fuisse cur Augustinianis illos errores impingeretis, ita perspicue planum feci, ut id nec palam negare audeas, si quid eruditorum judicium vereris; nec tacitus apud te, si quid vereris conscientiam tuam. Saltem ergo convictus define, & hanc discordiae stammam qua sine causa flagrat Ecclesia, compone. Bono zelo fortasse nescio quam illam gratiae neces­sitantis haeresim insecutus quibusdam videbere, si ea evanescente turbare desistas. At si postquam omnes insuperabili, indeclinabili, invicta gratia constantissime retenta, hanc tuam gratiam necessi­tantem propalam exploserint, tamen haereseos for­midines intentare non desistas: tunc vel caecis pate­bit qui te spiritus agat, non eum pacis, sed discordiae; non veritatis, sed calumniae spiritum esse.

FINIS.

PAƲLI IRENAEI DISQVISITIO QVINTA, HISTORICA & THEOLOGICA.
Qua ratione Jesuitae effecerint, ne Romae in­telligeretur de nihilo pugnari. Ubi brevis historia Romani judicii.

ARTICULUS I.
Scopus hujus Disquisitionis. Annati Con­silia.

QUo clarius demonstravimus nullam reipsa inter Doctores ex utraque parte Romam missos controversiam fuisse, eo videtur obscurius, cur hoc Romae sit ignoratum; curve tam facile Jesuitarum & Hallerii calumniis creditum sit. Hoc illud est, quod hâc Disquisitio­ne explanandum aggredimur. Sed ad id necesse est brevem totius Romani Judicii historiam prae­texi: quam etsi in totum comprimi maluissemus, extorquet à nobis adversariorum in objectando haereseos crimine pervicacia, quod pro viribus de­pelli, nemo non iniquus aegre ferat.

Tu vero, mi Annate, quando in quarta Disquisi­tione tam benignam nobis operam navasti, & ubi­que scriptis tuis orationi nostrae fidem adstruxisti, hic etiam, obsecro, noli te subducere. Consilio­rum enim tuorum profundam calliditatem oculis omnium, tuisque subjecturi sumus, quâ te vel potissimum frui decet. Nolo ingredi in interiora mentis tuae; facta per se ipsa loquuntur & mentem produnt. Liceat ergo perfacili quodam divinatio­nis genere ex eis quae fecisti, colligere quae cogi­taris, initioque hic repraesentare consiliorum tuo­rum summam quae postmodum ex iis quae acta sunt, luculenter patuere.

Rerum tuarum, mi Annate, status hic erat. Ob­lata Thomistis pacificatio nullam pugnandi cum Augustinianis solidam tibi in propositionum nego­tio relinquebat causam. His tamen alienissima commenta affingere decreveras, ut quocunque tandem modo aliquam auferres propositionum cen­suram. Huc ut pervenires, ea tibi opportunissima visa est via.

Imprimis destinatum fuit variis calumniis ab hoc quidem negotio alienis, suum tamen in animo morsum relinquentibus, Augustinianos adoriri, potissimumque inimici in Sedem Romanam animi labe aspergere. Sic futurum sperasti, ut eos Roma­ni in propositionum controversia nocentes opta­rent, eoque facilius crederent.

Jam vero non modo singularis in Sedem Roma­nam veneratio vobis prae se ferenda fuit; sed de­forme ac degener in singulos Curiae Romanae mini­stros obsequium simulandum. Haec Romae virtutum non postrema censetur.

Sed enim occurrebat hic grandis scopulus, ad quem tua coepta allisum iri pene certum erat: ex­petita illa nempe Augustinianis, & à summo Ponti­fice promissa collatio: quae si constituta fuisset, jam tuum cum illis consensum, & calumniarum tuarum vanitatem ad oculum demonstrari necesse erat. Hujus tam certi naufragii vitandi, mi Annate, una ratio erat, ut nervos omnes tuos intenderes ad summum Pontificem ab instituendae collationis con­silio deterrendum.

Magnum erat hoc impetrasse, non sufficiebat tamen ad victoriam. Quid si enim scripta mutuo communicarentur inter Doctores, & tui cogeren­tur explanate & distincte quid peterent & vellent, aperire? Scilicet abstractionum commentum nuda­tum esset, quod metus erat, ne sibilis à Romanis exciperetur. Quid tu igitur commodius hic ageres, nisi ut ne scripta communicarentur, pugnares, illudque pervinceres, ut soli tam voce quam scrip­to Doctores tui loquerentur, nec illorum mendacia ulli liceret refellere?

Hoc assecutus poteras tu quidem esse superior, non tamen certo. Quid si enim Consultores Jan­senii sensum circa quinque Propositiones explanas­sent, & cum Thomistis convenire docuissent? Fortasse illorum auctoritate motus esset summus Pontifex. Enitendum igitur fuit ut neminem audiret pro Jansenio loquentem, multos contra Iansenio obloquentes.

Unum restabat non minus difficile, sed quoquo­modo tamen conficiendum: Augustinianos Docto­res & omnino non audiri, & plane audiri, peraeque causae tuae noxium. Arripiendum ergo medium quoddam iter, ut sic audirentur, quatenus tibi utile erat, non quatenus ipsis. Audirentur ad pompam, non audirentur ad hanc controversiam penitus explicandam.

Haec cogitare potuisti, mi Annate, ipsâ ejus quod gerebas, negotii naturâ & terrenâ prudentiâ quâ vales, admonente. Haec certe fecisse te ex conse­quenti narratione patebit.

ARTICULUS II.
Quàm praeclarè calumniis Romae Jesuitae pugna­verint in Augustinianos.

NIhil unquam tantis studiis Jesuitae expetiere quàm Augustinianorum excidium. Nulla in causa tantopere Societatis suae existmationem imo salutem verti putarunt. Quantum igitur in illa contenderint, ex ipsorum cupiditatis magnitudine conjici licet. Quibus autem potiùs armis uteren­tur quàm iis quae ut sibi semper paratissima essent, diligenter curarunt? Calumniam & maledicentiam loquor, quam alii vitiorum capitalium numero subduxerunt, cum Jesuiticis utilitatibus inservit, & in illos exeritur, quos suae Societati infensos pu­tant. Hanc cùm in levissimis rebus adhibere soliti sint, si in tanto rerum cardine negligerent, stultos seipsi deputarent.

Itaque nusquam illi laxiores calumniae habenas admisere quàm cùm Romae 5 propositionum causa expenderetur. Mitto illas quibus novam haeresim Augustinianis affinxerunt, superiori Disquisitione confutatas. De his loquor quibus Romanorum a­nimos praepararunt ad illa ipsa novae haereseos com­menta procliviùs accipienda.

Toto ex orbe, id agentibus ipsis, sinistri de Jan­senistarum molitionibus rumores Romam afflue­bant. Illi a quadringentis Jesuitis per urbem differe­bantur, ipsique nominatim Pontifici clam a cer­tis insusurrabantur hominibus. In his putida illa de negata Transubstantiatione, deletis imaginibus, negato purgatorio, spreta Sanctorum invocatione, explosis indulgentiis, mendacia quae jam in Gallia frigebant, Romae, quanto major hic Iesuitis quam illic fides, maxime calebant.

Haec ipsi quidem Jesuitae, magna Romae gratia pollentes. Sed plus etiam auctoritatis habebant il­lae calumniae quae per alios Romae disseminabantur. Quam ad rem multi operam suam Jesuitis commo­darunt, ac praecipue Hallerius, & duo quidam Re­ligiosi, de quibus infra dicetur. Hi praesertim eas sibi ceperunt dissipandas, quae graviorem Au­gustinianis invidiam conflare apud Romanos pos­sent.

Hoc consilio Hallerius, dum adhuc Parisiis es­set, longas ad Albizium, ad Cardinalem Barbe­rinum atque ad alios Romanae Curiae proceres mit­tebat epistolas, quibus, ut ex illo multi in ipsa Sor­bona audierunt, Jansenistas confodiebat, hoc est calumniis conscindebat. In quibusdam, ut ex illo specimine hominis istius fides cernatur, scripserat, ‘certa se habere documenta quibus convinceret e­os qui S. Augustinum sequi se profitentur, innu­meros errores docuisse, & istos nominatim: Christi­anos qui peccant mortaliter, baptismi characterem amittere neque Sacerdotes & Episcopos, si le­thale crimen admiserint, privari suo characte­re, neque Sacerdotes & Episcopos amplius esse: summum Pontificem esse tantum primum inter pares.’

Haec & alia multa in illas epistolas congessaret Franciscus Hallerius. Quod cum Parisiis rescissent Augustiniani Doctores, 1 die Decemb. 1651. in ipsis Facultatis Comitiis praedictum Hallerium in­terpellavere, ut ista quae se habere jactavisset docu­menta proferret, quo Facultas pro merito in isto­rum auctores animadverteret. Sed ille tum per­culsus pudesactusque conticuit.

Ar postquam Romam v [...]nit, quo Jesuitis ibi con­junctior erat, eo ad calumniandum effraeuatior fuit, cum ipse Curiae Romanae Primores quotidie inviseret, & tanquam unus e priscis illis Doctori­ribus ab ipsis audiretur. ‘Itaque mirum quam stulta multis persuaserit, tam apertum esse Jansenista­rum schisma, ut jam vulgo differentem a caeteris habitum induerent: Frequenter mulieres sic adul­teria sua in confessione explicate, Toties defuit mihi gratia: Esse nonnullos quos ad desperatio­nem illarum opinionum crudelitas adegisset. His fabulis Romanorum credulitate abutebatur Halle­rius.’ Mox eas Jesuitae ac multi alii Monachi accep­tas Hallerio referentes, in vulgus spargebant, quasi irrefragabili auctoritate munitas.

Horum quos dixi Religiosorum, unus Morellius appellabatur, Theologus Parisiensis. Hic cum Ro­mae tum adesset, & voce & scripto Augustinianos insectari non destitit. Voces praetereo, scriptum unum mihi in manibus est, e quo nonnulla hic at­texam, ut omnes intelligant qualia Romae de Jan­senii defensoribus jactarentur. Hujus scripti titulus est: De c [...]ntroversia inter Jansenistas & Anti-Jansenistas. Hominis ingenium sequentia indica­bunt.

‘In Gallia & Belgio, inquit, orti sunt viri politici ac partiarii ex fontibus haereticorum, illam odii vel aversionis a summa sanctae Sedis potestate men­tem perniciosius ebibentes, inter quos aliqui sunt e­tiam Facultatum Doctores erga ipsam minus be­ne affecti: qui mediis omnibus nituntur ipsam la­befactare. En finis illorum qui Jansenistae ap­pellantur; quia per fas & nefas etiam contra Bullas Pontificias Jansenii dogmata tuentur, tanquam obtinendo suo fini aptiora. Ut vero finem facili­us assequi possint, his artificiis utuntur: & in­primis operae pretium aestimant praecipuos SAN­CTAE SEDIS ZELATORES tam seculares quam Regulates debilitare, ac, si possint, opprime­re; quod hujusmodi viri multis modis semper ten­tarunt. Et infra: Secretioribus viis diabolicam intentionem magis apte dissimulantes, id moliti sunt, videlicet scriptis impugnando communes a­liorum Doctorum & Regularium SANCTAE SE­DI ADDICTORUM sententias, selegerunt ma­teriam de gratia & praedestinatione, utpote im­plicandis animis commodiorem.—Hoc artifi­cio Jansenistae usi sunt, ut Doctorum sacrae Fa­cultatis tam Secularium quam Regularium S. SE­DIS ZELATORUM conceptam apud omnes exi­stimationem convellant, ut facilius deinde po­ssint suae machinationis venenum respergere. Et infra: In perniciem ZELATORUM S. SEDIS conducunt pecuniis Doctores & Concionatores qui virus idem effundant in pulpitis scholarum & templorum: Baccalaureos in Facultate, ut suis in conclusionibus eorum placita sustineant, imo studentes in omnibus Galliae & Belgii Universita­tibus & Facultatibus venales habent: nec non om­nis conditionis viros in urbibus fere singulis, ut [Page 199] pestiferam eruditionem in scholis & in privatis domibus disseminent, & simpliciores etiam insti­tuant privatis colloquiis, in quibus miscent cum rebus de gratia & praedestinatione RES HOR­RENDAS de Sacramento Altaris & poenitentiae, contra auctoritatem Concilii Tridentini, & per­petuas interserunt calumnias adversus Doctores & viros quoscunque S. SEDISZ ELATORES prae­cipuos. Et eo fine Magnates aliquos ditissimos suam in partem artificiose deduxerunt, a quibus ingentes pecuniarum summas habent, ad perfi­ciendas hujusmodi nefarias molitiones. Et mi­rum est, quos conatus efficiant ad finem asse­quendum. Habent aliquot in locis sectariorum suorum seminaria & congregationes his tantum machinationibus intentas. Deinde quia viderunt Jansenistae non satis promoveri votum suum con­tra ZELATORES S. SEDIS per solas materias de gratia, & praetextatum in his D. Augustinum, non potuerunt diu conceptum adversus S. SE­DEM & Ecclesiam venenum retinere. Quare il­lud foras evomuerunt per libros & scripta de fre­quenti, vel melius de infrequenti communione, accusantes Ecclesiam corruptelae, cujus se medi­cos & reformatores ventilant, & etiam apertius per scripta de duobus capitibus.’

Haec si Religiosus ille confidenter & cum laude ac plausu multorum Romae spargebat, quid censes Je­suitas? Itaque inanissimae illae calumniae tam altas egerunt in Romanorum mente radices, ut nihil mi­rum inde opprimendae Jansenianae, ut putarunt, fa­ctionis consilia fruticasse.

ARTICULUS. III.
Mulardi Franciscani, Regis Christianissimi no­mine, cujus se Legatum ferebat, ad sum­mum Pontificem in Augustinianos calum­niae.

SEd Jesuitis parum suit omnium sodalium suorum singuas in Augustini discipulos armare. Parum fuit Religiosorum maledicentiam in illos distringe­re. Parum denique Episcoporum Legatum falsa sed magna doctrinae opinione Romae florentem Halleri­um in ipsos immittere, nisi etiam Regis Christiani­ssimi ridiculum quendam Legatum adornassent, qui ingentia crimina coram summo Pontifice, quasi Regis ipsius mandato, illis imponeret. Hic qua­lis fuerit, operae pretium paucis aperire, ut no­rit indigneturque posteritas, tam despectam Mo­linistis fuisse Regis Christianissimi Majestatem, ut ipsi tam infamem Legatum obtrudere non dubita­rint.

Huic Legato nomen fuit Mulardo. Erat autem origine Carnotensis, genere Hallerii consobrinus. Ille primum Capucinorum institutum professus; mox desertor & transfuga & Ordinis & Catholicae Religionis, Montis-Pessulam Calvinistam egit, uxorem duxit, & Medicinam factitavit. Deinde conjugalis vitae pertaesus, Romam petit, summo Pontifici obrepsit, & ab ipso cum absolutione, mutandi Ordinis, & ad minus asperum transeundi licentiam impetravit. Fit igitur ut pridem ex Ca­pucino Calvinista, sic ex Calvinista Franciscanus, laxioris, vel nullius potius observantiae, parasiti­cam potius quam religiosam vitam agens, ubique turbans, & se vel alios prae animi vaga mobilitate exagitans.

Hic, cum illa in Augustini discipulos invidiae flamma exarsisset, avide hanc occasionem arripu­it, non tam ut sibi gloriam, quam ut huc illuc cur­sandi licentiam compararet. Itaque Hallerii ope­ra delectus est, qui Romae Jansenistarum damnati­onem Facultatis ac Regis nomine deposceret, dig­nus a Molinistis judicatus, qui talem legationem obiret. Dedit etiam ipsi Hallerius ad Albisium alios­que literas, quibus eum a Facultate Theologica Pa­risiensi ad summum Pontificem missum fuisse men­tiebatur. Post commendatam enim ipsius summam fidem, curam, experientiam: Audies igitur il­lum, inquiebat, plura nostro nomine, hoc est. Fa­cultatis nomine loquentem. Denique quo Romae com­mendatior esset, adjuncta est Episcoporum literis, Reginae Regni tunc moderatricis ad summum Pon­tificem Epistola, qua ut hanc causam brevi decide­ret, orabat.

His ille mandatis superbus Romam venit, nec modo quinque propositionum judicium petivit, sed infandas etiam calumnias tanquam regio jussu in Augustini discipulos contulit. Has nihil necesse est ex manuscripto erui, cum eas Jesuitarum assecla nomine F [...]leau nuper publicave it in illo etiam Jesuitis pudendo libello quem inscripsere, Relation juridique, Narratio jur dica. Ibi Mulardi oratio, tanquam insigne Molinisticae causae firmamentum typis sic edita est, pag. 177:

Oratio ad summum Pontificem Innocentium divi­na providentia Papam X. habita Romae die. 25. Septembris anni 1651. a Patre Francisco Mu­lard, Praedicatore regio Ordinis Minorum, pro negotiis controversiae Jansenianae a Christi­anissimo Rege Romam misso.

Missus a Christianissimo Rege, & a Syndico Sor­bonae deputatus, romine Facultatis Theologiae Parisiensis, ad Sanctitatis Vestrae pedes, ut secun­dum antiquae Ecclesiae formam super dubiis rebus ac controversis Jansenianorum propositionibus Sedem Romanam consuleremus, & de ore San­ctitatis Vestrae Apostolico fonte responsa tandem aliquando per omnes Regni nostri provincias e­manent. Hoc postulat, Beatissime Pater, apud nos Reipub. Christianae necessitas. Non enim a­pud eos qui Jansenianas partes sequuntur, do­ctrinae duntaxat consensio est, seu potius erroris uniformitas, sed & consiliorum communicatio. Jam ista doctrina in Sectam coaluit: conspiratio est hominum temerariorum, qui omnes spernunt praeter suos, sibi non faventibus quoque modo maledicunt, & Adversus summi Pontificis digni­tatem atque auctoritatem vexillum erexerunt, ju­niorum Doctorum ac scholasticorum manipulos conducentes pretio, quod a mulieribus & laicis quibus poenitentiae publicae necessitatem inculcant, facile corradunt blanditiis, factione, novitatis dulcedine. Ab hominibus istiusmodi, Beatissi­me Pater, quid sperandum, vel potius, quid ti­mendum praeter turbas, quas jam miserrime in Gallia excitarunt, & Ecclesiae turbationem quam pro certo moliuntur? Opus est igitur celeri ac potenti manu Sanctitatis Vestrae qua compriman­tur. [Page 200] Nisi enim eorum dogmata erronea, quibus tanquam tessera ac sacramento confoederatio ista constringitur, certa ac singularia damnentur cen­sura Pontificiis irrefragabili, quam alio nomine elevare nequeant, quasi sit Congregationis Inqui­sitionis, aut a certis hominibus dictata, non a Pontifice ipso lata, nunquam ad plenum debella­ri poterit ista factio. Ista, Beatissime Pater, non tam meo nomine, neque enim, si meo no­mine tantum loquerer, adeo confidenter loque­rer Sanctitati Vestrae, Sed nomine Christianissimi Regis, nomine Plurimorum Episcoporum, nomine multorum Doctorum & Sorbonicorum & Aliorum, imo omnium fere quotquot in Regno nostro sunt Catholicae fidei zelo aestuantium, & prudentia in­signium ore loquor; aequi boni ut consulas hanc o­rationem nostram precamur. Et Sanctitati Ve­strae plurimos ac felices annos optamus, ut Eccle­siae Dei & orbi universo pacem & spiritualem & temporalem tandem aliquando reddere possit & valeat.

Sic ille & Regis Christianissimi Majestate, & summi Pontificis apice indignissime abutebatur. Sed quo effraenatior ejus audacia, eo minorem fraudis suspicionem praeferebat. An enim Christianissimi Regis Legato non credidisset Innocentius, octo­ginta praeterea Episcoporum & Facultatis Theolo­giae quasi suffragium proferenti? Si ergo credidit, credidit misere potius quam temere; atque eatenus erga fictitiam illam conspirationem & sectam pejus in dies animatus fuit.

ARTICULUS IV.
Collationis inter Hallerium & Dominicanos bre­vis historia.

ROmanorum animisita per illas calumnias prae­paratis, tota deinde vestra contentio fuit, ut collationis consilium disturbaretis. Quam id cau­sae tuae capitaliter infestum esset, tu quidem ab ipsis initiis solertia tua sensisti: Hallerius autem non modo ratione, sed etiam quodam experimento, cujus narrationem placuit praemittere, ut omnibus pateat tam male compactam fuisse sententiam ve­stram, ut ne minimum quidem in legitimae colla­tionis luce posset consistere. Hoc Hallerius, ut dixi, expertus est in brevi colloquio quod cum Do­minicanis habuit, cujus historiam Romae tunc tem­poris fidelissime conscriptam, & mox in Galliam missam, nos hic compendio summa cum fide nar­rabimus.

Die Martis undecima Februarii anni 1653. Ge­neralem Dominicanorum convenit Hallerius. Dix­it se cum Thomistis congruere, gratiam efficacem ultro admittere, non hoc sensu impeti a se Janseni­um, sed alio qui Thomistas nil prorsus attingeret. Respondet Generalis gravius esse negotium quam ut brevi decidi possit, illud prius cum Theologis Ordinis sui communicandum. Res ergo ad feriam sextam rejicitur; interim cum Theologis suis con­silium habet Generalis, quorum praecipue erant Nolano, Reginaldus, Galassinus, Alvarez, Li­belli, quibus visum est sequentes propositionis con­texere, quas Hallerio subscribendas offerent, ad id explorandum num vere & ex animo secum sentiret.

I.

Gratia efficax vere, realiter ac physice praemovens & praedeterminans immutabiliter, infallibiliter, in­superabiliter, ita est necessaria ad singulos actus, eti­am initium fidei & ad orationem, ut sine illa homo, etiam justus, non possit adimplere Dei praecepta, eti­amsi velit & conetur affectu & conatu imperfecto; quia deest illi gratia qua possit, sive qua siant illi pos­sibilia possibilitate cum effectu, ut loquitur Augusti­nus de natura & g atia, capite 42.

II.

In natura lapsa nunquam resistitur gratiae interi­ori, id est efficaci, in sensu explicato in prima propo­sitione, quae secundum phrasim Augustini vocatur interior.

III.

Admerendum & demerendum iu statu natura la­psae, non requiritur libertas ab omni necessitate, sed sufficit libertas ab omni coactione, hoc est, a violentia & naturali necessitate.

IV.

Admiserunt Semipelagiani gratiae interioris ad sin­gulos actus necessitatem; & in hoc erant haerettci, quod vellent eam gratiaus talem esse cui posset humana voluntas resistere vel obtemperare; id est, in hoc e­rant haeretici, quod vellent gratiam illam non esse effi­cacem modo explicato in prima propositione.

V.

Error est Semipelagianorum dicere Christum pro omnibus omnino hominibus mortuum esse, aut sangui­nem fudisse: quia videlicet Christus est quidem mor­tuus pro omnibus quoad sufficientiam pretii sufficienter, non tamen efficaciter, quia non omnes participant be­neficium mortis ejus.

Die dicta, scilicet Februarii 14. Valentino Mar­tyri sacra, Hallerius & socii cum Dominicanis col­laturi adveniunt, ac post prima illa quae in con­gressu solent, demonstrare conatus est Hallerius quinque propositiones a controversia quae inter Dominicanos & Jesuitas viget, omnino esse alie­nas. Hic de Baianis propositionibus agi, quas Jan­senius renovarat. Nominatim esse cautum in iis Congregationibus quae propositionibus excutiendis jam habitae erant, ut tota de Auxiliis controversia prorsus intacta relinqueretur, nihil omnino cum illa implicatas esse propositiones, nec enim eas a se impugnari, quatenus ad gratiam efficacem revocan­tur, sed tantum in sensu Jansenii, sicut ex omni­bus libellis summo Pontifici oblatis planum erat; qui sensus prorsus a Dominicanorum sententia ab­horreat. Hoc breviter ille in singulis propositio­nibus probare conatus est, his tantum duobus prin­cipiis nitens; admissam semper esse a Thomistis gratiam sufficientem, rejectam ab iisdem esse ne­cessitantem gratiam quae tolleret dissentiendi poten­tiam; contra a Jansenio necessitantem gratiam ad­strui, rejici funditus sufficientem, & tanquam monstrum exagitari.

Ubi peroravit, jussu Generalis Pater Reginal­dus sic exorsus est: Tria in hac quaestione suppo­nenda; Primo, pro fidei decreto haberi non posse gratiam sufficientem omnibus communem. Secun­do, ex Thomistis gratiam sufficientem semper esse ad imperfectos actus efficacem, neque hoc sensu à Iansenio negatam, eandemque longe diversam esse à Moliniana quae sit efficax per consensum, utpote quae nunquam in actum prodeat, nisi ef­ficaci auxilio ad opus applicetur. Tertio, gratiam efficacem, quâ insuperabiliter & indeclinabiliter voluntas ad actum impellitur, ad omnem pietatis actum, adeoque etiam ad fidei & orationis initia esse prorsus necessariam.

His positis, facile est, inquit, probare in sensu gratiae efficacis omnes propositiones veras esse. De possibilitate praeceptorum in Congregationibus de Auxiliis disputatū est. Urgebant Jesuitae in sententia Dominic. praecepta esse impossibilia justis gratia effi­caci carentibus. Respondebant nostri esse impossibi­lia, in sensu composito, non in sensu diviso; sive pos­sibilia esse possibilitate simplici, non autem possibi­litate, cum effectu: adeoque verum est ex nostra do­ctrina justis volentibus & conantibus mandata Dei esse impossibilia in sensu composito, licet sint pos­sibilia in sensu diviso per illam gratiam quae satis indicantur his vocibus volentibus & conantibus, id est, per gratiam sufficientem Thomistico sensu, quae nihil aliud est, quam voluntas & conatus quidam imperfectus. Caeteras eo modo ad gratiam effica­cem revocavit, quo explicatur in Propositionibus supra memoratis.

Postquam Reginaldus conticuit, excepit Halle­rius: Gratiae efficacis doctrinam olim à se in scholis traditam dixit, nec se minus ad eandem profiten­dam paratum esse; & ita se in publica oratione coram Cardinalibus & Consultoribus testificatum. Verum hâc absente nequaquam praecepta esse im­possibilia, nec hâc praesente potestatem dissenti­endi eripi, ut Concilium Tridentinum desinierat, nec ipsi ex necessitate consentiri. Porro illam quam attulerat Pater Reginaldus diistnctionem possibilitatis simplicis & possibitatis cum effectu à nemine unquam esse traditam. Respondit Regi­naldus eam extare apud Augustinum cap. 41. de nat. & grat. Tum Hallerius: Nusquam in Augustino re­perire est haec verba: possibilitas cum effectu. At­qui, inquit, Reginaldus, hae ipsae Augustini sunt voces, & eo quo dixi loco. Convictus Hallerius alio sermonem detorsit, iterumque conformavit in sensu efficacis gratiae nullo modo propositiones à se impeti, quod ipsum asseverarunt sodales ejus Lagautius & Iosselius, idque à se expresse in om­nibus supplicibus libellis suis esse declaratum. Non igitur, inquit Generalis, sine causa doctrinae nostrae timemus, quando vos ipsi illi timuistis. Tum Hal­lerius: sed nihil est jam quod illi timeatis. Insere­tur enim in Bulla oratio nostra, quâ illa nomina­tim e discrimine tollitur.

His dictis, Pater Alvarez Theologiae Professor sententiam dicere jussus: ut video, inquit, facilis inter nos compositio. Conceditis gratiam effi­cacem à praevisione Dei minime pendentem. Ergo etiam in sensu gratiae efficacis propositiones esse veras concedatis necesse est. Ergo fatendum est vobis, gratiae efficaci carentibus praecepta esse impossibilia impossibilitate consequenti, non an­tecedenti. Ergo etiam illud dabitis, gratiae efficac nunquam resisti, nec ista necessitate meritum tolli. Hoc igitur tantum facto opus est. Distinguendae sunt propositiones in varios sensus: mox a summo Pontifice communiter petendum, ut illas san­ciat in sensu gratiae efficacis, damnet in aliis sensibus.

Hic Patrem Alvarem interpellavit Hallerius. Quam tu, inquit, gratiam efficacem postulas, eam libenter concedo. Fateor itidem ea carentibus prae­cepta esse impossibilia impossibilitate consequen­ti. Hoc privatim subscribere paratus sum, non tanquam Episcoporum Legatus. Vos vicissim damnationi propositionum in sensu Iansenii sub­scribite. Hallerio ita loquenti caeteri Doctores palam assensi sunt. Tum Reginaldus: Quid si, in­quit, nobiscum vel in omnibus propositionibus, vel in quibusdam sentiat Iansenius? An sic quoque a nobis damnabitur? Hoc illud est, inquit Genera­lis, quod inquirendum est: cur igitur hunc sensum Iansenii explicare detrectatis? Enimvero, inquit Reginaldus, ante omnia explicandus est ille sensus Iansenii, quem si pateat a Thomistis esse diversum, tum ejus damnationem communibus votis a sum­mo Pontifice postulabimus. Hic Hallerius ac so­cii uno ore negarunt, hunc se Jansenii sensum ex­plicare posse, ne a Mandatis Episcoporum disce­derent. Tum Pater Alvarez: Quando hunc Ian­senii sensum explicare non potestis, nos vobiscum convenire non possumus. Volumus, inquit Hal­lerius, damnati Iansenium, quatenus negat gra­tiam sufficientem. Atqui, inquit Pater Alvarez, in hac ipsa propositione quam impugnatis, eam admit­tit. Quid est enim volentibus & conantibus, nisi gratiam sufficientem habentibus? Imperfecta e­nim voluntas & imperfectus conatus est gratia suf­ficiens Thomistarum.

Illi autem: Si gratiam sufficientem, inquiunt, admittit Iansenius, sibi ipse repugnat. Tum Alva­rez; Si sib contradicit Iansenius, ob noc ipsum explicandus est ejus sensus: alioqui damnato sen­su Ianseniano, utra tandem contradictionis pars damnata dicetur? Sed vos q [...]id tandem admittitis, quod Iansenius non admiserit? Admittitis in justo gratiam habitualem; admittit Iansenius. Admit­titis virtutes infusas; admittit Iansenius. Admit­titis inspirationes & illustrationes; admittit Ian­senius. Admittitis desideria bona; admittit Ianse­nius in hac prima propositione. Bona enim volun­tas de qua loquitur, ex hac gratia est, & ista gratia ipsissima est gratia sufficiens Thomistarum. Quid ergo Thomistae, quid vos supra Iansenium? Ut illi nihil respondebant, idem argumentum ter itera­vit Pater Alvarez. Ad extremum respondit e tri­bus Doctoribus postremus; praeter haec omnia ad­mittendam esse gratiam sufficientem, extra quam nihil homini deeft, praeter ipsum actum qui a gratia efficaci confertur. Negarunt Dominicani aliam a Thomistis admitti gratiam sufficientem, ab ea quam supra exposuerant, lateque probarunt ex sancto Thoma, sine efficaci Dei gratia nihil bene fi­eri posse: itaque damnata prima propositione dam­nari duos Sancti Thomae articulos. Non aliam igi­tur compositionis viam inire posse, quam si accu­rate veri istarum propositionum sensus secerneren­tur a falsis, ut falsorum damnationem simul prose­querentur. Tum Doctores: Nobis, inquiunt [Page 202] Sensus illos distinguere non licet, ne a mandatis E­piscoporum desciscamus, nec nos, inquit Pater Al­varez, possumus consentire vobiscum.

Haec ubi dixit; Generalis assurgens, Videtis, in­quit, quantum e re nostra sit, ne propositiones si­ne explicatione damnentur. Boni ergo consulite, si, ne hoc fiat, pro viribus elaboremus. Quae cum dixisset, Hallerius & socii non multum alacres dis­cesserunt.

Postea Generalis totius familiae suae nomine decem & septem vicibus audientiam a summo Pontifice postulavit, nec impetravit tamen: adeo summo Pontifici illud haeserat de gratia efficace & de tota controversia de Auxiliis nullam hic verti questio­nem; & ideo non audiendos qui gratiae tantum ef­ficacis defendendae causa audire postularent.

ARTICULUS V.
Qua pacto Jesuitarum gratia Auoustinianis Doctoribus solennis Congregatio scriptorum­que communicatio negata sit.

QUam bona fide Augustiniani in hac controver­sia versarentur, hinc perspici licuit, quod om­ni studio ac contentione semper egerunt, ut solen­ni congregatione institura, facta scriptorum com­municatione, fraudis omnis amoveretur suspicio: Quam vos mala, inde potuit intelligi, quod omni arte semper tenebras & clandestina judicia captastis. Utrique prudenter; sed illi Christiana prudentia; vos seculari atque terrena.

Nimirum si haec solennis, quam postulabant, Congregatio esset instituta, illi vicerant, vos pe­rieratis. Quid enim fieret putidis illis abstractioni­bus vestris, si adversarii vultum, si disputationis lu­cem subiissent? Quid illa gratiae necessitantis larva, ac caeteris vitreis calumniis? Recte igitur ad illam Congregationem arcendam omnes vestrae Societa­tis artes, gratiam, potentiam contulistis. Hanc propria ductus aequitate summus Pontifex Episco­porum Doctorumque precibus initio concesserat: sed ad eum ab hac mente deducendum, quae non ad­motae sunt machinae? Qui non terrores allati?

Quoties longaevo seni per homines familiares ac vobis addictos insusurratum, ne extremam sene­ctutem superfluis curis oneraret, neve disputatio­num illarum molestia festinam sibi arcesseret mor­tem? Id Clementi VIII interitus causam fuisse ci­tra fructum. Ad Sedis Apostolicae majestatem id quoque pertinere, ut inauditis partibus res fidei di judicare possit. Sic Pii V. sic Gregorii XIII. Bullas in Baium, sic novissimam Urbani in Ianseni­um nemine audito confectam. Si semel istius Con­gregationis fama in exteras manaret provincias, ad­volaturos undique Doctores, & plura fortasse po­stulaturos Abunde odiosos esse qui jam Romae a­derant; quid si rursum alii adjungerentur? Audiri jam non nullorum susurros de celebrandi Concilii necessitate. Asserendum omnino jus illud summo Pontifici de dogmatis sine ullis judiciorum dilatio­nibus, & nullis partibus auditis decernendi; uten­dumque ad id ea temporum inclinatione qua nulla opportunior contingere poterat. Nunc Aulam Gallicam, nunc longe numerosissimam Episcopo­rum partem, nunc praecipua Senatus Parisiensis ca­pita (ficenim de illorum voluntate largiebami­ni) ad accipiendam Pontificiam Constitutionem parata. Periculum in mora esse, hac confirmari Ian­senianam factionem, reformationis specie toti Ecclesiae imminentem, novandae Religionis avi­dam, de summi Pontificis infallibilitate male sen­tientem, cujus opprimendae tempus idoneum non omittendum, sed quam celerrime occupandum esset.

Sentis, ml Annate, quam nihil mentiar: sed ne me putes divinatione verum assequi, sic habeto, nihil me conjecturis hic indulgere; nec quidquam scribere quod non tibi certis argumentis aliquando probetur. Erat summus Pontifex ob multa ab Ian­seniana causa alienus, & maxime quod Urbani VIII. Bullam falsi accusaverant Iansenii defensores, in qua conficienda ipse, dum Cardinalis esset, af­fuerat: nec adhuc abscesserat ex ejus animo bicipi­tis illius capitis terror, initique olim, ut Romae jactatum erat, ab Iansenianis cum Cardinali Riche­lio foederis de duplici summo Pontifice constituen­do: quo rumore praesertim adducta est Inquisito ad librum illum de auctoritate Petri & Pauli suo decre­to profligandum.

Hoc ergo timore perculsus, & praeterea variis rumoribus undique pulsatus Innocentius, quampri­mum illa se molestia, illa suspicione exolvere statu­it. Itaque pro solenni quam promiserat Congre­gatione, rem totam Inquisitioni, seu potius non­nullis ex Inquisitione selectis Cardinalibus & Con­sultoribus excutiendam remisit, ratus id & brevius, & ad auctoritatem Romanae Sedis ampliandum op­portunius.

Nihil laetius & exoptatius Iesuitis poterat accide­re: si quidem inter Cardinales Inquisitionis prae­fectos erat Spada, ipsis pridem conjunctus, durius­que olim in nescio quibus notis a nonnullis Augusti­nianis habitus. Erat etiam inter ministros Inquisi­tionis Albisius ejusdem S. Officii assessor, pro­fessas cum Augustini Discipulis inimicitias exercens, quae Romae etiam vehementius ob multas ipsius injurias recruduerant. E. Consultoribus multi Iesu­itis addicti, imo unius etiam Iesuita. Accidit prae­terea ut Abbas Hilarion & Pater Ubaldinus e Con­sultorum numero se subducerent. Ille a Cardinali Spada monitus ne adesset, hic nihil super ea re a summo Pontifice decretum iri arbitratus, ideoque inutilem contentionis invidiam fugiens. Quibus a­motis, quos Iesuitis minime deditos esse certum e­rat, illico in eorum locum intruduntur Tartaglia Dis­calceatus Carmelita, & Celestinus Brunus, ambo Molinistis obnoxii.

Non statim tamen Augustinianis Doctoribus inno­tuit hujus controversiae judicium ad Inquisitionem delatum. Tacitis enim Consultorum nominibus soli demum Cardinales huic negotio praefecti ipsis indi­cati sunt, quibus deinde tanquam impetrata quam postulabant Congregatione, praeambula quaedam scri­pta obtulerunt de auctoritate sancti Augustini, & de rebus in Sorbona gestis.

At postquam & Consultorum nomina rescivere, &, quod nunquam credidissent, nom modo cum adversariis collationem, sed & mutuam scriptorum communicationem sibi negari; tum vero desti­tutos se & illusos graviter apud Cardinales expo­stulavere; cum fraudulentis adversariis sibi rem esse dixerunt, quorum scripta & sermones innumeris mendaciis scaterent: haec a se nisi communicaren­tur, refelli non posse: nihil habere aequitatis ut [Page 203] accusatori liceret pro libito crimina confingere, reo negaretur haec saltem crimina de quibus accusare­tur, nosse: hanc materiam ambiguis verborum no­tionibus sic implicatam, ut nihil facilius sit quam ad­versarii mentem in alienos sensus detorquere, & perversa interpretatione corrumpere; totam hanc concertationem meram [...] fore, nisi par­tibus coram auditis utriusque sententia ex mutuo illo conflictu liquido pernosceretur.

Haec illi super ipsa judicii forma; mox de perso­nis quibus illa Congregatio constabat. Omisso ho­noris causa Cardinali Spada, quanquam hunc sibi manifeste infensum judicis partes obtinere aequum non esset, Albisium violentas cum ipsis & apertas inimicitias gerentem, omnesque adversus ipsos so­licitantem; item Patrem Modestum Annatini li­belli approbatorem; Patrem Palavicinum Rei per­sonam sustinentem e Congregatione removeri pe­tierunt.

Nihil justius ea postulatione videbatur, nec ullus in Gallia judex qui ob istas recusationis causas non se ipse sponte de judicio subduceret. Alii Romae mores vigent. Ergo extrema haec postulatio statim explosa, aegre id quidem ferentibus Augustinianis, sed injuriam tamen istam ad tempus mussitantibus, ut saltem scriptorum communicatio & mutua colla­tio non negaretur.

Verum ad hoc eludendum varias causationes at­tulerunt delecti Cardinales; alienum ab Inquisitio­nis more id esse, quae ne ad homines quidem morti addicendos, testes coram reis adesse necessarium censet: non privatorum esse Doctorum leges summo Pontifici dicere, tantamque ipsorum con­tentionem contumaciae vicinam: an dubitarent summum Pontificem de rebus fidei sine ullis dispu­tationibus, sine ullis collationum ambagibus posse judicare? An vererentur ne si partes inter se con­tendentes non audisset, S. Spiritus afflatu in judi­cando privaretur? Longe ipsis modestiores & sub­missiores esse adversarios suos, qui nihil mallent, quam ut totares sine ulla scriptorum communicati­one, sine disputatione, pro summi Pontificis arbi­trio brevissime decideretur: denique non satis de­coram Theologis illam pugnis cum adversariis suis decertandi cupiditatem.

Opponebant Augustiniani longe majorem huic judicio fidem futuram, si solita majorum, non illa inusitata & clandestina via perageretur; longe ex­ploratius omnibus fore affuisse summo Pontifici in judicando Spiritum Sanctum, si idoneas veritati aperiendae vias amplecteretur. Id enim jubere Spi­ritum Sanctum, humanas inquirendi veri rationes non respui, Traditionem consuli, doctos homines adhiberi, calumniae & fraudibus aditum obsepiri. Ad discutiendam illam aequivocationum mendaci­orumque caliginem, qua totam hanc controversi­am adversarii sui involvere studerent, mutuam di­sputationem plane necessariam: nihil esse cur Hal­lerii, ipsiusque sociorum obsequium Cardinales laudibus ferrent, non illos Romanae Curiae, sed rationibus suis obsequi: videre homines astutos a­ctum esse de causa sua, si sententiam suam coram adversatiis promere & defendere cogerentur: Ideo quidvis ad hoc amoliendum moliri: unum illis esse praesidium in calumnia: haec vero in tenebris exul­tat, in luce jacet & evanescit: ita nihil mirum si in declinanda collatione tantopere se morigeros prae­stent. At stillorum obsequium concessa collatione periclitari velint, fore ut illos tam inobsequentes offendant, quam Augustinianos contra hac in parte ad parendum promptos & expeditos. Haec si Inqui­sitionis mos non ferret, argumento esse res tantas a­lio quam Inquisitionis judicio disceptandas: nec se Romam ab Episcopis missos, ut aliquod Inquisitio­nis decretum otiosi expectarent, sed ut solennem Congregationem efflagitarent, in qua sancti Augu­stini doctrinam adversus eos omnes tueri possent, qui eam vel palam, vel subdole impugnare aude­rent. Contumeliosum esse in Episcopos Gallos, si ipsis postulantibus in Augustini causa negaretur, quod olim Jesuitis in Molinae causa tam prolixe conces­sum erat. Caeterum non pugnis se sed rationibus, sed Patrum auctoritate certare velle, nec pugnis certe coram Clemente VIII. decertatum, nec pug­nis in Concilio Tridentino pugnatum, quamvis u­trobique multae Theologorum rationes habitae sint: Nil injuriae fieri summo Pontifici, nec quidquam juris ipsi detrahi, si d ab ipso postuletur, quod a Conciliis Oecumenicis studiose servari solet: sed gravem Theologis Catholicis, gravem Episcopis injuriam fieri, si hoc ipsis negetur, quod haereticis negari nec solet, nec potest.

Dura haec Romanis autibus oratio visa, incen­dentibus odia Jesuitis & Hallerio, tantoque demissi­us Tribunal Inquisitionis venerantibus, quanto illi­us auctoritatem agnoscere constantius Augustiniani detrectabant. Itaque tota res astute in honoris con­tentionem versa. Ostendere voluerunt Romani Inquisitores, decreta fidei, non auditis contradicto­rie partibus, tametsi auditi flagitantibus, a summo Pontifice condi posse. Ad extremum doctoribus semper libellis supplicibus solennem Congregatio­nem urgentibus, & cur nega [...]etur poscentibus, sim­pliciter responsum est: Negatur quia postulatis. Hac spe illi dejecti nullum deinceps scriptum Car­dinalibus obtulerunt; omninoque ex Episcoporum, quorum Legati erant, mandato, & de more Callicae gentis, quae Inquisitionis tribunal non agnoscit, cau­sam dicere in hoc judicio defugerunt.

Exinde res ad voluntatem Iesuitarum fluere coe­pit. Semotis adversariis causam Iesuiticam in illa Congregatione egit Hallerius. Augustinianos qui­bus voluit criminibus & maledictis oneravit. Suas de gratia necessitante, de erepta dissentiendi liberta­te, de impossibilitate praeceptorum, etiam in sensu diviso, naenias decantavit: patulis judicum auribus quas voluit fabulas instillavit. Sic institutum, sic per­actum illud judicium Romanum fuit, in quo Hal­lerius & socii quae voluere nemine refellente, dixe­runt: nullus pro altera parte locutus est: ita nullam serendis calumniis opportuniorem judicii formam, ne si vellent quidem, Iesuitae optare protuissent.

ARTICULUS VI.
Episcoporum literae ad summum Pontificem.

POstquam hoc Romanae Congregationis institu­tum Gallis Episcopis pro Augustino laboranti­bus auditum est, non mediocriter illi in tanto rei Christianae periculo commoti, statim literas expostu­latorias ad summum Pontificem misere, in quibus quae consecuta vidimus mala, praesaga prudentia de­nunciant. Harum partem aliquam subjici non erit alienum.

BEATISSIME PATER,

Cum famosas illas quinque propositiones, stru­ctura ancipites, sensu aequivocas & subdolas, per homines sibi addictos ideo tantum ad libitum su­um providissent Iesuitae, ut S. Augustini auctoritas funditus convelleretur, neoterica Ludovici Moli­nae opinio de Romanae Sedis judicio, de tot retro seculorum consensu, de orthodoxa veterum Theo­logiae familiarum doctrina triumpharet; sancti divinae gratiae Doctoris existimatio in tuto jam es­se videbatur, postquam ad illud tribunal devoluta erat, ex cujus gloriosa commendatione publicam obtinet toto orbe celebritatems. Verum, Beatissi­me Pater, quanta fuerat hactenus ad hujus Con­gregationis tumorem exultatio nostra, tanta nos repentinae mutationis admiratio percellit. Ex quo illi ipsi Doctores Theologi, quibus ad Sanctitatem Vestram Deputatis utimur, postremis literis sig­nificarunt contraria longe via totum negotium procedere coepisse: Non haberi promissam Con­gregationem, in qua partes oppositae mutuo con­grederentur, viva voce coram inter se contende­rent, & scriptis ultro citroque communicatis, omnem fraudis suspicionem amolirentur: sed a­liud jam penitus institui, quam quod annuente Vestra Sanctitate jam se consecutos esse rescripse­rant. Quod quidem ut a speratae pacis ratione alie­num est, sic a nobis sine intimo moeroris sensu disci non potuit, cum attendimus quanta inde publicis S. Augustini adversariis accederet audacia, quae malorum seges excresceret, quam opportuna inquietis hominibus praeberetur occasio novos longe lateque tumultus excitandi: quanta deni­que Romanae Sedi, adeoque ipsi Ecclesiae labes a­spergeretur, si quod Molinae fautores tot callidis molitionibus ambiunt, maxima hujus aetatis con­troversia ambiguo tantum & obscuro judicio diri­meretur, quo illi non in sanctum modo Augusti­num ejusque discipulos, sed in ipsius etiam Apo­stolicae Cathedrae auctoritatem ac famam impune abuti possent imposterum.

En quid illi futurum praesagiebant ex clandesti­nis illis obscurisque Congregationibus. His autem malis antevertendis plenum prudentiae, plenum charitatis summo Pontifici consilium deinde sugge­runt.

Patiatur Sanctitas vestra, Beatissime Pater, non tam pietatis ac reverentiae quam doloris ac gemituum plenam admonitionem. Exiguae scin­tillae latum jam undique sparserunt incendium; mali vis improba non uno loco grassatur: litigant filii, gemit mater: in Patris providentia totius remedii summa posita est. Magno aestu res geri­tur, sed quem Pontificia restinguat auctoritas, si nullis aequivocorum sensuum involucris obtectum proferatur, judicium, si secundum solitas Eccle­siasticorum judiciorum formas ac regulas pro­nuncietur; si denique tam omni ex parte absolu­tum sit, ut illi tanquam caelesti oraculo acquiesce­re debent, qui contrarias hactenus sententias propugnarunt: quod ut ipso even [...]u ratum fiat, neque ullus supersit justae exceptionis locus, quae­dam imprimis videntur necessaria. Primum ut nostris ad Sanctitatem Vestram Delegatis facultas fiat libere coram adversariis, qui praesentes sunt, aperiendi quod sentiunt, & omnes illorum tech­nas retegendi. Deinde ut quae ultro citroque ad sententiae defensionem prolata erunt, fida & ac­curata manu in publicos commentarios referan­tur: rerum in commentarios relatarum apogra­pha concedantur disceptantibus, ipsique inter sese mutuo ac bona fide communicent, quae vel ad su­am stabiliendam, vel ad impugnandam oppositam exhibuerint. Praeterea ut Iesuitae, quibus tanquam Molinianae novitatis assertoribus, & apertis Augu­stinianae doctrinae hostibus praecipua contentionis ineundae moles incumbit, in judicium tanquam primariae partes accedant, praesertim cum scripta jam produxe [...]int, quae Franciscus Annatus ex hac Societate Theologus suo nomine Paris [...]s palam e­dere ausus sit. Demum ut Dominus Albisius a Congregatione abstineat, ob eas recusationis cau­sas, quarum aequitas ipsa per sese satis elucescit. Denique Frater Modestus qui Francisci Annati li­brum a praelo recentem approbate veritus non est, neque ullis ab hac audacia prohibitionibus potuit deterreri, ab eodem judicio semoveatur, nec fe­rendae sententiae jus obtineat, qui tam evidenti praejudicio mentem Molinae patronis obnoxiam declaravit. Haec sunt, Beatissime Pater, non de­clinandi judicii consilia, sed subsidia stabiliendae pacis. Speramus Sanctitati Vestrae acceptas fore preces nostras in hoc rerum cardine necessarias, justitia commendabiles, pietatis ac venerationis plenissimas— Postulamus ut non impar malo re­medium adhibeat, eoque judicio lis tanta dirima­tur, quod omnes admittant Catholici, regiones omnes venerentur. Atque illud profecto futurum est, si qualem Congregationem Clemens VIII. & Paulus V. instituerant, talem Sanctitas Vestra nobis annuat, disceptaturis apertam & liberam, omni carentem invidia, celebritate solennem.

Ita loquuntur, ita monent, quos sincerus pacis ac veritatis amor incendit: Sed quibus artibus Iesuitae tam justa Episcoporum vota, tam summissas pre­ces frustati sint, in hujus narrationis serie pate­bit.

ARTICULUS VII.
Nova Episcoporum Legatio pro obtinenda Congre­gatione.

NEc vero hac libera admonitione contenti, du­os rursus Legatos ad summum Pontificem mittunt, qui novis obsecrationibus Congregatio­nem solennem ab ipso impetrare conarentur. Ad­missi in conspectum summi Pontificis novi Legati exponunt Episcoporum vota, collationis habendae necessitatem, pro ea obtinenda demisse suppli­cant, nec aliam certe pacis stabiliendae viam esse demonstrant. Ad omnia respondet summus Ponti­fex, supremum Christi Vicarium ad illas collatio­nes concedendas nulla lege teneri. Congregatio­nem a se institutam, qualem praesenti rerum sta­tui convenire judicaverat: auditos a se Consulto­res diligenter de propositionibus disputantes; nec defuturam sibi S. Spiritus inspirationem ad illarum veritatem aut falsitatem pernoscendam, prorsusque Pontificiorum decretorum veritatem ab hac solum Spiritus S. inspiratione pendere: velle se totum negotium brevi transigere; disputationibus rem extrahi: affuturos toto orbe Doctores: inde con­tentiones infinitas: has se matura Constitutione velle componere. Multa illi contra suppliciter sum­mum [Page 205] Pontificem obtestati sunt, ut illi diligentiae quam se in excutiendis propositionibus adhibuisse dictitabat, aliam etiam instituendae Congregatio­nis diligentiam addere dignaretur. Hoc quoque divinae providentiae, Romanae Sedi tuendae sem­per invigilantis indicium esse, quod talem Episco­pis Gallis mentem immisisset. Non enim afflatu prophetico veritatem summis Pontificibus innote­scere; sed sacra Traditione consulenda, rebusque controversis humana & Ecclesiastica diligentia ex­pendendis. Tum summus Pontifex, cujus aures sua sponte placidas Iesuiticae criminationes & Albisii ar­tes prorsus obstruxerant, saepius ista sibi ingesta dix­it, eademque toties iterari superfluum: sibi consti­tutum esse nullam scriptorum communicationem, nullam disputationem concedere. Sed si audiri, in­quit, sine adversariis vultis, ad vos quantum volueri­tis (quanto tempore) audiendos paratus sum. Nec pluta hac de re prae summi Pontificis reverentia ad­jicere ausi sunt.

ARTICULUS VIII.
Quomodo quaestio facti, seu Jansenii causa Ro­mae tractata: quanta versutia Jesuitae effece­rint ne quisquam pro eo loqueretur.

VIsum est hanc totam pro impetranda solenni Congregatione altercationem, quo magis appareret, simul referre, tametsi per biennium ferme duraverit. Nunc uberius explicandum quo pacto in arcana illa Congregatione Iansenii causa, sive facti quaestio tractata sit. Quam narrationem paulo altius repetere non erit inutile.

Non novum erat Romae Iansenii nomen: sed primo in bonam partem, deinde in malam clarissi­mum. Magnam enim initio apud Romanos famam ipsi conciliarant nobilia ejus pro fide Catholica ad­versus haereticos certamina: adeo ut Iprensis Epis­copatus Bullae gratis ipsi omnium consensu Cardina­lium concessae sint. Sed liber ipsius posthumus, ta­metsi eruditissimorum virorum laudes etiam Romae promeritus, tamen Jesuitarum potentia in gravem invidiam vocari coepit. Magna, & merito quidem, Romanis cura, ne quis Ecclesiae pacem solicitet. Sed non eadem semper ipsis felicitas in detegendis turbarum auctoribus. Quod cum apprime Iesuitae nossent, tota Europa in Iansenium & Iansenistas tumultuari coeperunt. Tumultum exaudiere Roma­ni, unde oriretur non sensere. Iesuitae enim toto orbe dispersi sedulo operam dabant, ut undique si­nistri de Jansenii defensoribus rumores Romam afferentur, quod ipsis adversus incautos adversari­os non difficile fuisse, quisquis eorum potentiam, & magnam asseclarum multitudinem cogitabit, fa­cile perspiciet.

His assidue verberatus Urbanus VIII. statuit quam mitissimo remedio gliscens incendium extinguere, libro scilicet Jansenii, aliisque adversus eum scriptis eo tantum nomine prohibendis, quod adversus Pon­tificum decreta, inconsulta Romana Sede, de gratia scribi vetantium, in lucem editi essent. Deinde quoniam nescio quas Baii sententias renovasse ar­guebatur Iansenius, placuit Urbano Pii V. & Gre­gorii XIII. Bullas renovare, non nominato Ianse­nio: Neque enim fas esse censebat sugillare hominem quemquam inaudita parte, ut ex ipso in hac ipsa Iansenii causa multi audierunt. Sed quid Iesuitis proderat renovata Baii Bulla? Damnari, aut certe perstringi Iansenium volebant, ut hoc colore ipsius defensores vexarent, & Romanam cum ipsis Curi­am colliderent. Estecerunt igitur Albilii praeser­tim opera, ut Iansenii nomen, quasi qui Baianas Propositiones renovasset, inscio Pontifice in Bullam insereretur.

Tametsi vero nullum de Iansenii doctrina judici­um, sed tantum libri prohibitionem haec Bulla contineret, ubi tamen in exteras missa est provin­cias, magnas ubique eruditorum querelas excivit, praesertim in Belgio & Academia Lovaniensi, cujus doctrinam, sicut Augustini, toto suo volumine Jansenius illustrarat. Ergo haec Doctores duos Ro­mam misit, qui Iansenium coram summo Ponti­fice defenderent, quorum unus erat clarus ille Sin­nichius, vir doctissimus quidem, sed amiqua mo­rum simplicitate, non hac recenti versuti [...].

Hic cum suae Facultatis de praedicta Bulla quetelas summo Pontifici exposuisset, responsum accepit, Bullam Pii V. & Gregorii XIII. se tantum renovari veluisse; sed ne quisquam nominatim carperetur, ex­presse vetuisse. Hoc responsum & ipse statim ad Academiam suam scripsit, & aliquanto post in Memo­riali Cardinalibus oblato nominatim expressit; quod ab homine gravi factum nemo suspicabitur nisi ve­rum esset. Sed cum nihilominus multis calumniis Romae lacerari Iansenium videret, paratum se pro­fessus est ad ipsius Augustinum in campo Florae com­burendum, si quid in eo ostendi posset ab Augustini & Ecclesiae doctrina dissonum.

Sic ille annum & amplius Romae exegit, quoridie deposcens examen Iansenii, ipsius adversarios quo­tidie lacessens; nec illo toto tempore quisquam qui cum eo congredi vellet, inventus est: nec inju­ria quidem. Vix enim alium reperire erat in Augu­stini doctrina peritiorem, ut testatur eximium illud opus Triados SS. Patrum, Romae ab ipso vacivis horis compositum.

Urbano vita functo Cardinales Bullae confectores hunc Doctorem sibi jampridem odiosum amoliri volentes, sesquihora post obitum summi Pontificis eum accersunt, & omnis loco responsionis, Bullae anti-Iansenianae exemplar authenticum tradunt. Mansit tamen Romae adusque Innocentii Pontifi­catum; examenque Iansenii, & Bullae abrogationem petere perstitit; sed ut nihil impetrari posse vidit ab eo Pontifice qui in ea conficienda affuerat, domum reversus est.

Hic fuit primae in Iansenium velitationis exitus: sed non multo post longe gravior in illum belli mo­les incubuit, cum plurimorum Episcoporum Gal­liae literis quas Iesuitarum concursationes extorse­rant, quinque Propositiones a Corneto fabricarae, quae oblique in eorum epistola Iansenio tribueban­tur, ad summum Pontificem delatae sunt. Missi sunt Romam, ut jam diximus, ex utraque parte Doctores dissimillimo consilio. Alii Propositiones sine distinctione damnati nolebant; alii eas confuse cum Iansenio censura notari deposcebant. Institu­ta est ab Innocentio X. Congregatio ad hanc con­troversiam examinandam, qualem optabant Ie­suitae, qualem Augustiniani Doctores sugieb [...]nt. In hac omnia clam peracta; nulla colla­tio, nulla scriptorum communicatio, permissa est. Erat autem haec ipsissima Inquisitionis Con­gregatio. Hinc quibus habebatur diebus, pro fori­bus [Page 206] extabat charta cum hac inscriptione: Die N. habebitur Congregatio S. Officii. Ejusmodi inscriptio inde avulsa etiamnum Parisiis asservatur.

Praeterea jam Romae percrebuerat Legatos ab A­cademia Lovaniensi ad Jansenium defendendum Doctores duos Madritum petiisse, ut commenda­torias Regis Catholici literas obtinerent: indeque Romam brevi venturos. Consultius & providen­tius visum Jansenio in speciem parcere, ut eo secu­rius oppugnaretur, quo tectius. Igitur ne quis aperte ipsi patrocinari posset, percrebuit inter Consultores odiosissimum quidem esse summo Pon­tifici Jansenium, utpote jam damnatum in Urbani Bulla; non tamen proprie causam ipsius in Con­gregatione tractari: sed de quinque Propositio­nibus inquiri. Ipsae Propositiones Inquisitioni oblatae sunt, abstrahendo ab omni proferente, mandatumque Consultoribus, ut de iis prout ja­cent, sententiam ferrent; quod expresse testatur in suffragio suo Commissarius S. Officii, qui certe quid in nac Congregatione factum sit, vel optime noverat.

Inde consecuti sunt Jesuitae. Primum quidem, ut non iniqui Jansenio Consultores, cum inutilem sibi invidiam ex ejus defensione nollent accersere, de Jansenio silerent, Propositiones in abstracto consideratas, in sensu gratiae efficacis tueri satis habentes.

2. Ut Iesuitici Consultores, impune quidvis de Iansenio, nemine reclamante dicerent, cum eorum commenta, quasi à causa quae tractabatur aliena, refellere nemo curaret.

Habes igitur istius judicii formam qualis fuerit, Iansenii sensum nonnulli Consultores, tametsi non ex mandato summo Pontificis, voluntate tamen suâ acriter insectati sunt, atque illi quas voluere fabulas imprimisque illud necessitantis gratiae, & sublatae dissentiendi potentiae figmentum affinxere. Contra Augustiniani Iansenii mentem nil ad rem pertinere rati, Augustinianam tantum de gratia ef­ficaci doctrinam optime defenderunt. Unus Wa­dingus negavit Propositiones esse Iansenii; sed id obiter & aliud agens. Ita summus Pontifex & Car­dinales multos contra Iansenium loquentes audie­runt, vix ullum pro ipso, quamvis e Consultori­bus quatuor aut quinque, & quandoque sex ab ipso starent, ut ex ipsorum suffragiis pa­tuit.

Atque haec sic esse gesta quemadmodum diximus, & certum est omnibus qui Romae tunc erant, & istorum Theologorum suffragia nuper edita planis­sime demonstrant. Nam si jussi essent Consulto­res de quaestione facti, utrum necne Propositio­nes in Iansenio sint, sententiam promere, utique omnes de hac ipsa sententiam dixissent; & tamen Consultorum pars maxima de Iansenio silet, & Propositiones in abstracto considerat. Imo, ut dixi, Commissarius S. Officii disette testatur proposita fuisse haec quinque capita ut praescindunt ab omni proferente.

Sic igitur votorum tuorum factus es compos, mi Annute, nec aegre tibi fuit Propositiones ipsas in sensu gratiae efficacis ab omnibus fere Consultori­bus orthodoxas & ab omni censura immunes esse judicatas. Sperasti enim fore quod contigit, ut adversarios sub Augustini & gratiae efficacis defen­sione elapsos sub Ianseniani sensus nomine inse­quereris.

Restabant adhuc amovendi molesti illi Doctores Lovanienses, qui si Roman venissent, cuncta for­tasse Iesuitarum consilia turbassent, sed ne venirent, sedulo allaboravit Cardinalis Spada. Scripsit quippe ad Hispaniensem Nuncium, ut anniteretur quo minus illi Doctores literas commendatorias à Rege Catholico pro Jansenio impetrarent. Ne­que enim de Iansenio Romae, sed tantum de quin­que Propositionibus examinandis agi, nullâ habitâ auctoris ratione. Paruit Nuncius: interposuit auctoritatem suam: literas commendatorias pro Jansenio diu impediit tanquam inutiles. Hac spe illi dejecti, & praeterea memores quam Romae ni­hil paucis ante annis profecissent, in patriam re in­fectâ regressi sunt.

Quis igitur jam mirabitur de Iansenio summum Pontificem & illos Cardinales incommodius sen­sisse? Habitabat in illorum auribus Hallerius, tam magnae illic fidei, quam istic parvae, sive nullius. Venditabatur octoginta Episcoporum numerus, tanquam Iansenio adversus, nec Romae cognitum erat quibus artibus hae subscriptiones extortae essent. Hibernorum declaratio, atque aliae ejus­modi tantopere Parisiis irrisae, hic quasi magni ponderis testimonia summo Pontifici clam osten­debantur. Ad haec Iesuitarum magna Romae gra­tia, magna fides. An illi tantae pietatis Religiosi, fidei Catholicae columina, falsa Iansenio crimina vellent imponere? Porro Augustiniani Doctores haec omnia occulte misceri ignorantes aut parvi­facientes, & praeterea Propositionum, non Ianse­nii causâ Romam ab Episcopis missi, secretis illis molitionibus nihil opponebant, nec ullum pro Ian­senio suffragium proferebant (poterant autem quamlibet numerosa proferre,) quod nec ejus causam acturi Romam venissent, nec de eo omnino agi existimarent. Nemo ergo aderat qui Ianseni­um defenderet, nemo qui se Ianseniani hominis invidiâ vellet onerare; contra innumeri Iansenio nemine prorsus refellente obtrectabant, & ipsum variorum errorum reum agebant. In his tenebris quis Innocentio, qui quicquid in rebus Theologi­cis noverat, per alios noverat, succensere possit, quod aliquid in Iansenio vitii esse crediderit? Quem non humanae potius miseriae cogitatio sub­eat, quâ fit ut istiusmodi errores etiam bonis ac cautis saepe obrepant? Prorsus enim de Iansenio auditis tot accusatoribus, non auditis defenso­ribus, judicans Innocentius, vix aliter judicare potuit; poterat tamen, ut optabant omnes pacis amantes, vel omnino non judicare, vel ejus defensoribus locum dare. Quod si non fecit, Hallerio & Iesuitis imputandum est, qui nul­lam de sensu Iansenii controversiam esse, talemque omnino esse qualis ab ipsis exhibebatur, constanter affirmarunt. His ergo credidit Innocentius, cum illos calumniari non crederet. Inde haud dubie conficiendae Constitutionis consilium cepit, in cujus praefatione, de qua certe Consultores judicium minime tulerant, nomen Iansenii insereretur, eo­que temperamento, ut dubium esse posset, judi­cansne, aut sententiam suam, vel potius Episco­porum Galliae opinando interponens, de Iansenio meminisset: quo progredi vel regredi posset utcun­que Constitutio sua populos ac Theologos offende­ret vel morigeros vel repugnantes.

ARTICULUS IX.
Audientia Doctorum Augustinianorum.

UNum hoc tantum conficiendae Constitutionis auctores male habebat, quod Augustiniani Doctores constanter causam dicere, nisi praesenti­bus adversariis, renuebant. Hinc valde imminu­tum iri cernebant Constitutionis auctoritatem, si alterâ tantum parte auditâ factum esse percrebre­sceret.

Ergo cum Augustinianorum constantiam pervin­cere illosque ad quandam audientiae speciem per­trahere illis potissimum superesset, opportune ac­cidit, ut Christianissimi Regis Legatus bono ani­mo Augustinianos Doctores obtestatus sit, ne au­dientiam pollicenti summo Pontifici se sistere de­trectarent; alioquin fore ut multi suspicarentur ipsos causae suae parum fidere, eludendi judicii cau­sas captare: simul injuriam fieri summo Pontifici, si oblata ab ipso causae audiendae facultas respuere­tur: postremo hâc viâ longe melius expetitam ab ipsis collationem impetrari posse, si ejus necessi­tatem ex eorum oratione summus Pontifex ipse condisceret: Eos esse Romae mores, ut quae po­scuntur malint à se beneficii loco tribui, quam vio­lentis precibus extorqueri.

Haec atque alia, praecipue vero summi Pontificis reverentia, de cujus promissis dubitare pietas & Religio non sinebant (Promiserat autem, ut dixi­mus quantam vellent, ipsis audientiam se praestitu­rum,) Augustinianos Doctores impulerunt, ut sibi solis atque extra adversariorum conspectum locuturis oblatam à summo Pontifice audientiam amplecterentur. Ergo se sistunt summo Pontifici 19. Maii anno Domini 1653. De gratia efficaci disserit Lalanius Vallis-crescentis Abbas, omnes­que Propositiones ad eam revocari posse, & hoc sensu veras esse perspicue demonstrat, in aliis sen­sibus falsas & haereticas docet. Eandem materiam fusius prosequitur P. Des-mares, & ex Augustino confirmat gratiae efficacis ad singulos pietatis actus necessariae doctrinam ad fidem Ecclesiae pertinere. De Iansenio ne verbum quidem dixere, tum quia ejus defendendi causa Romam non venerant, tum quia apud omnes Romae notum erat, non de Ianse­nio sed de Propositionibus agi.

Primâ illâ audientiâ, necessaria quidem suae cau­sae fundamenta jecerant: sed vix adhuc illam in­gressi, nullâ Propositionum sigillatim excussâ, nul­lis adversariorum argumentis dilutis, cum aliis rursum accerserentur diebus, id se praestituros spe­rabant. In quo te habemus assentientem, mi An­nate, qui sic in Cavillis pag. 35. Cum dicturi, inquis, essent de quin (que) Propositionibus, coeperunt dicere de Jesu­itis.— Satyram illam excepit effusa in commendatio­nem S. Augustini & gratiae per se efficacis oratio, DE QƲIBƲS NULLA ERAT CONTROVER­SIA, & post long a quatuor horarum fastidia com­pertum est nondum coepisse dicere de tribus capellis. Sic igitur finem faciunt, ut qui se ad prosequen­dam multis aliis diebus causam adornarent. De­cedentes summo Pontifici varia scripta offerunt: unum de prima Propositione: alterum de gratia efficaci: tertium de Iesuitarum in Augustinum pe­tulantia: quartum de variis Propositionum sensi­bus: quorum alii haeretici essent, alii Catholici; in quo palam contestantur semper illum sensum gratiae efficacis, quo Propositiones tuebantur, a se defensum iri; ni diserte a summo Pontifice pro­scriberetur. Accepit omnia gratanter summus Pontifex, illisque digressis collaudavit ipsorum erud tionem & pietatem, & circumstantrbus Car­dinalibus dixit: HI DOCTORES NON SUNT HAERETICI, ut jactabatur. Itaque inflecti non nihil, & ad causam diligentius cognoscendam adduci plerisque visus est. Contra tamen exultare Iesuitici Doctores, quod adversarii sic tandem ad audientiam pertracti essent, nec obscure illorum simplicitatem irridere coeperunt, qui alias audien­tias expectarent; sive hoc praesensione quadam & augurio conjectarent, sive consilia pridem fixa incautius enunciarent.

ARTICULUS X.
Quibus rationibus adductus summus Pontifex Constitutionem statim promulgari jusserit.

MUltum plerisque Consultoribus, multum summo Pontifici arriserat Augustinianorum oratio: sed hoc ipsum Iesuitarum fautores callidissi­mâ oratione in perniciem verterunt. Facile, inquie bant, illi Theologi in vulgari ac tralatitio argumento se jactarunt: In gratiae efficacis sensu Propositiones innoxias probant, quasi vero haec res agatur; ac non ipse summus Pontifex, ipsi Consultores, ipse Hallerius hanc de gratia efficaci quaestionem sepofuerint. At quod eas in aliis sensibus damnant, discat hinc Pontifex quam juste accusentur, quam tuto damnentur, nec se pingui artificio ab istis Jansenistis deludi patiatur. Defendunt hic quidem Augustinum, at in Gallia Calvinum: Pro sola efficace gratia laborare se simulant: at ipsorum asseclae nil istis simulationibus utuntur, sed plenis buccis necessitantes gratias, ereptam dissentiendi potestatem, absolutam prae­ceptorum impossibilitatem in Gallia crepant. An si ut isti Pseudo-Jansenistae meticulosi Romae nunc­faciunt, gratiā tantū efficacem in Gallia Jansenistae docerent, quisquam in eos tumultum concitasset? An eas Propositiones accusavissent octoginta Galliae Episcopi efficacis gratiae magna ex parte defensores? An earum damnationem postulaturus Romam venisset Hallerius, idem gratiae efficacis propugnator, & Jansenianorum hostis acerrimus? Nimirum haec ficta Iansenistarum professio, quae Propositiones in solo sensu gratiae efficacis tuetur, nec promulgandae Constitutionis causam tollit, cum aliter in Gallia loquantur: & periculum tollit, cum ipsos ostendat jam in sententia nutare & viri­bus ad repugnandum carere. Cur igitur propter unum sensum, orthodoxum quidem, sed a nemi­ne impetitum, nec in damnatione periclitantem, dubitet summus Pontifex noxias Propositiones proscribere; gliscentem slamman extinguere, Ecclesiae turbas componere; Sedis Romanae aucto­ritatem amplificare; inimicam potestati suae fa­ctionem ulcisci? Incolumem tantum volunt gratiam efficacem; age, age, in tuto est; nec est cur illi timeant, quam impetit nullus. Sed quando hoc folum petunt, nihil est cur illos iterum accersat [Page 208] summus Pontifex, ut ipsos rursum audiat frustra die gratia efficaci declamantes. Damnant Proposi­tones ut haereticas in aliis sensibus; satis est; non repugnabant igitur Constitutioni, quâ perversi illi sensus proscribentur. Cur non igitur summus Pontifex quamprimum se hâc molestiâ & Ecclesiam hoc metu liberet? Cur non hanc opportunitatem arripiat ut publicae tranquillitati & Romanae Sedis amplitudini simul inserviat?

His persuasus est Innocentius: Augustinianos Doctores ultra non accersivit: nullam Consulto­rum congregationem habuit (ut ipse fateris in Cavillis pag. 37.) in qua saltem ex ipsis quaereret quid de Augustinianorum oratione sentirent. Ob­lata scripta nemini communicavit, nec omnino inspexit: sed continuo conceptam antea (ut ipse ibi­dem scribis) Constitutionem publicari jussit. Hâc Propositiones sine sensuum distinctione damnaban­tur: Jansenius oblique earum auctor asserebatur.

ARTICULUS XI.
Augustinianos Doctores Roma digredientes multis Officiis prosequitur summus Pontifex, iterum­que confirmat de efficaci gratia & auctoritate S. Augustini violanda nunquam se cogitasse. Quaedam aliae probationes afferuntur.

NOn minimum perculit Augustinianos Docto­res tam imsperatus eventus. Nunquam enim sibi in animum induxissent quatuor horarum spa­tio, quo vix insinuare controversiae caput potue­rant, conclusum iri promissam illam audientiam quantam vellent. Certe enim longe ampliorem vo­lebant; nec est ullus qui in tam perplexa causa non malit omnino non audiri, quam sic audiri.

Ut in malis tamen, hâc se consolatione * recre­arunt; si minus illo judicio certa Ecclesiae pax esset allata, certe violatam non esse veritatem, cum apud omnes constaret summum Pontificem non attigisse materiam de Auxiliis, nec gratiam effi­cacem, nec particulares illos sensus, ad quos quinque Propositiones revocaverant, qui nihil aliud quam efficacis gratiae doctrinam complecte­bantur. Praeterea cum summo Pontifici & scripto & voce denunciassent, nunquam se à quinque illarum Propositionum particularium defensione disceffuros, nisi nominatim ab ipso & conceptis verbis proscriberentur, manifestum erat damna­tis tantum generali censurâ Propositionibus, par­ticulares illos censurâ probatos potius quam dam­natos fuisse.

Ne quid tamen dubitationis superesset, ipsum Constitutionis auctorem, antequam Româ disce­derent, adiret statuerunt, quo certius ipsius mentem cognoscerent. Accersiti sunt ad salutan­dum Pontificem die 13 Junii anni 1653. Ille vero eos, non quasi damnatorum dogmatum defenso­res, sed quasi veritatis & Augustinianae doctrinae vindices excepit, amplexus est, ornavit. Dixit summam cepisse se voluptatem ex orationis ipso­rum vigore, modestia, prudentia, doctrina. Ho havuto gran sodisfattione del vigore, della modestia, prudenza è doctrina col laquale havete parlato. An docte, an prudenter loquuntur qui haereses adstru­unt? Dixit illos plane persuasisse quod vole­bant. An porro haeresim persuaserant summo Pon­tifici?

Quid multa? Generalibus illis testimoniis non contenti Augustiniani Doctores, nominatim quae­sierunt, an efficax, quam defenderant, gratia Constitutione illa proscriberetur? Quid igitur ad hoc summus Pontifex? Audiant Moliniani. Cer­tissimum esse dixit: Qu sto è certo, nec Augusti­ni doctrinam, nec gratiam efficacem illo judicio violatam. Quid tibi videtur, mi Annate, an sic loqueretur Pontifex cum iis quos aliquo errore crederet implicatos? non eos potius ab haeresi retrahere studeret, praesertim cum palam pro­fessi essent in eadem se semper sententia per­stituros?

At forte haec omnia fingimus. Cave ne istud Romae dicas, ubi eorum quae dico veritatem nullus ignorat. Cave ne apud doctos & eruditos qui haec inquirere curarunt. Ecquod enim istorum testi­monium illustrius, quam ipsius Christianissimi Re­gis Legati epistola, cujus multa exempla in vul­gus manarunt, quam hic etiam attexi non erit inutile?

Excerptum ex Epistola Christianissimi Regis Le­gati, ad Comitem de Brienne, qui Regi est ab interioribus secretis. Dat. Romae 16 Junii anni 1653.

Die Jovis 12 Junii, summo Pontifici dixi, Docto­res qui vulgo Augustini defensores dicuntur, multum cupere, antequam in Galliam revertantur, ad oscu­lum pedum admitti, & Apostolica benedictione donari. Respondit Sanctitas sua sequenti die quibus­cunque tandem negotiis distringeretur, tamen audi­entiam ipsis sese daturum. Nec vero promisso defu­it. Honorificentissimis verbis Doctores istos prosecu­ta est, Sancti Augustini ac Sancti Thomae doctrinam, necnon effieacis grutiae dogma decreto suo minime dam­nari confirmavit, omnesque controversias eodem loci relictas dixit, quo sub Clemente VIII. & Paulo V. relictae sunt: sed eum ipsimet declarassent de Proposi­tionibus vel Calvinistice, vel Pelagiane, vel Catho­lice sentiri posse, erroneas ac temerarias judicari ideo debuisse, cum certo sensu haereticae essent. Omnis enim Propositio in qua latere potest venenum, populis instillari nou debet, ut nee in pascua ducuntur oves quae bonis & venenatis herbis permixta sunt, ne in­caute ab ovibus venenum hauriatur. Postre­mo summus Pontifex ipsos collaudavit & gratias egit.

Cur igitur, mi Annate, quos collaudat summus Pontifex, lacerant tui? Cur summi Pontificis Con­stitutione ad stabiliendum Molinam tam saepe ab­utuntur, vix memores quam hoc severe summus Pontifex interdixerit? Nam cum paulo post Con­stitutionem [Page 209] Jesuita Romanus tertiae propositionis censuram in Molinae favorem detorqueret, per E­minentissimum Cardinalem Baberinum mandari cu­ravit Innocentius ipsi Generali Iesuitatum, ut talem suorum compesceret audaciam, omnibusque Profes­soribus suis ediceret, ne quid e postrema Constitutio­ne adversus Sancti Thomae doctrinam, & efficacis gratiae ad omnia pietatis opera necessariae dogma, e­licere tentarent.

ARTICULUS XII.
Allata in Galliam Constitutione silent turbae, sed ad breve tempus. Nova rursum conten­tio callide procuditur a Jesuitis de facto Jan­senii. Haec controversia in duobus capitibus sita. Fundamenta negatium propositiones esse in Jansenio.

HAec fuit, mi Annate, victoriae tuae ratio, in qua paranda, praesto fuisse tibi videtur Virgilia­num illud:

—Dolus an virtus quis in hoste requirat.

Nunc operae pretium est attendere quo pacto cur­sum illius prosecutus sis, & hoc Pontificio decreto adversarios tuos irretieris.

Adfertur in Galliam Constitutio tanto ambitu pe­tita, tanto data recipitur ab omnibus, siletur, pro­positiones ab omnibus rejiciuntur. Quid multa? Pacis imaginem quandam vidimus. Interim missa a Doctoribus ab Episcopos a quibus legati erant, di­stinctio illa sensuum summo Pontifici oblata, & a nemine Romae improbata, ante Constitutionis pro­mulgationem in lucem edita fuerat, ut omnibus innotesceret quam illi nihil Romae nisi gratiam effi­cacem defendissent. Hic si vos ullum concordiae studium, si qua fraternae caritatis cura tangeret, tam promptam Augustinianis in damnandis propositioni­bus obedientiam gratularemini, pacem Ecclesiae redditam gauderetis. Sed nusquam magis aperuistis, nihil vos aliud in Constitutione ambienda spectasse, quam ut ejus specie vobis adversarios vestros liceret ulcisci.

Supererat una de facto Jansenii contentio, quam multi in Constitutione Innocentii nondum decisam existimabant. Quam levis, mi Annate, quam ni­hil fidem attingens, quam nullo modo ad Ecclesiae aedificationem pertinens! Haec ipsa privatis potius sermonibus, quam libris agitata statim evanuisset, nisi fuissent qui foverent & exsuscitarent. Dem ti­bi in ea Augustinianos erravisse; tamen erat, aut nusquam veniae locus. Ubi enim nisi in ejusmodi re­bus locum habebunt Apostolicae voces: Veruntamen si quid aliter sapitis, hoc quoque vobis Deus revela­bit; quas toties usurpat Augustinus, ut id doceat: Qui de capitalibus dogmatis consentiunt, in mi­nutiorum controversiarum ramis, non esse pressius urgendos, sed hortandos potius, ut eorum quae non­dum capiunt, intelligentiam a Deo poscant?

Hic fuit Apostoli, hic Patrum animus. At soci­orum tuorum longe dissimilis. Dolebat illis adver­sarios suos accepta Constitutione, ipsorum se ma­nibus subduxisse. Ergo ut eos jam elabentes suis rursum casibus irretirent, inani illa controversia a­vide arrepta tota Gallia clamitare coeperunt inuti­lem reddi Constitutionem, & Jansenistarum artibus Pontificem eludi.

Sed obsecro, mi Annate, quid sibi volebant isti clamores, aut quid aliud quam pravum sociorum tuorum animum indicabant? Quid enim? An in­utilis est Constitutio quae turbas componit haeresim­que, si quae fuit, prorsus extinguit? Ita prorsus vobis inutilis erat; hoc que rebamini; unum enim in illa petebatis utilitatem, ut odii exsaturandi vobis facultas esset, Quod hanc vestram cupiditatem non explet inutile dicitis. Igitur ex nugatoria con­tentione brevi ingentem excitastis controversiam, dignamque quae Episcoporum conventus exerceret. Haec quoniam clamoribus vestris in tantum abiit ce­lebritatem, paulo diligentius explicanda est.

Augustiniani Theologi quo pacto totum hoc ne­gotium Romae tractatum esset non ignari, in illa facti quaestione duo contendebant: I. Verba illa Constitutionis quibus Jansenio propositiones obli­que tribuebantur, judicii Pontificii vim non habe­re; sed ad summum Pontificiae opinionis, quam ipse octoginta Galliae Episcopis, vel potius Jesuitis cre­dens, re indiscussa obiter significasset.

II. Ex Hallerii & Jesuitarum sermonibus, sum­mum Pontificem durius Iansenii mentem interpre­tarum esse, & quasdam sententias Iansenius pu­tasse, quae revera Iansenii non essent; ideoque in Iansenii quidem sensu propositiones damnare vo­luisse, non tamen revera damnavisse; quia verus Iansenii sensus longe diversus esset ab eo quem tan­quam Iansenii sensum in propositionibus proscrip­serat.

Cur potius opinionem, quam judicariam sen­tentiam in Constitutione de Iansenio interpositam censerent, his argumentis movebantur.

Primo, Quod novum prorsus & inauditum in Ecclesia esset, alicui Scriptori propositiones tribui, tanquam ex ipsius libro extractas, nisi totidem ver­bis apud ipsum extarent. At quatuor saltem pro­positionum verba in Iansenio non extare, cuivis in­spicienti patet.

Secundo, Quod in singulis propositionibus dam­nandis nullum Iansenii mentionem faceret, sed tan­tum in prooemio & clausula Constitutionis, quae ad narrationem potius quam ad decisionem spectant.

Tertio, Quod nullum sine examine judicium fi­eri solet. At nemini Iansenii excutiendi provinciam Romae mandatam; neminem de ejus sensu dicere jussum: [...]opositiones ipsas in abstracto spectatas cer­tissimum erat. Nil igitur probabilitatis habere vi­debatur, ut de tanti viri tantique Episcopi libro & grandi & ad intelligendum operoso, nemine au­dito qui in ejus defensionem loqueretur, ex pau­corum Regularium ociosis sermonibus pronunciare voluisset Innocentius, praesertim cum Constitutio­onis suae voces ita consulto temperasset, ut non vio­lenter in alium trahi possent.

Falsum vero sensum Iansenio Romae affictum, i­deo sibi persuaserant, quod nihil aliud in Iansenio deprehenderent circa propositiones quam gratiae ef­ficacis doctrinam a Pontifice non damnatam, sed potius probatam. Quare cum pateret Innocenti­um in quinque propositionibus Jansenii sensum vo­luisse damnare, nec minus certum esset, non dam­natum esse gratiam efficacem, consequens erat In­nocentium per Iansenianum illum sensum aliud quoddam dogma intellexisse a gratiae efficacis do­ctrina longe diversum, cum illum rejeceret sum­mus Pontifex istam probaverit. Ergo cum exoticum illud dogma in Iansenio, tametsi ac [...]i studio quaesi­tum [Page 210] deprehendere non possent, in eam opinionem venerunt, hoc potius ex Hallerii Iesuitarumque commentis haustum quam in Iansenio inventum esse.

Harum quaestionum nullum ad fidem pertinere pa­lam est. Quid enim refert ad fidem, an Pontificem censeam recte de Auctoris sensu judicasse, dummo­do existimem de fide ipsa recte sensisse, & cum ipsis fide prorsus consentiam? Quid refert, credam nec­ne, sensum illum quem damnavit Pontifex, in Ian­senio reperiri, dummodo idem atque ipse dogma, eundem sensum, eundem errorem quem Iansenia­num appellat, pariter damnem? Quid refert, an in Iansenio sensum illum a gratia efficaci diversum possim detegere, dummodo illum, quicunque est, & ubicunque sit, proscribam & execrer? Haec ta­men & tu, & Iesuitae gregales tui non intelligere si­mulantes, inde rursus novae dissensionis flammam excivistis & hoc colore de integro adversarios ve­stros, tanquam manifestos haereticos insectari vehe­mentius coepistis.

ARTICULUS XIII.
Alexandro VII. statum hodiernae de facto Janse­nii quaestionis perverse & mendaciter exposi­tum. Hinc novissima ejus Constitutione prae­cipuum controversiae caput omissum; illud de­cisum quod ad rem nihil pertineret.

MOrtuo Innocentio successit Alexander hujus nominis septimus, cujus magnae in conficien­da Constitutione partes fuerant. Hic suopte ingenio in Jesuitas propensior, quanto plus ipsis fidei habuit, tanto ab istarum controversiarum veritate cognos­cenda longius absuit. Indico esse potest decretum ipsius, quo Inocentii Constitutionem confirmare & facti quaestionem dirimere voluit. Ex hoc enim perspici licer, statum hujus quaestionis prorsus igno­tum ipsi fuisse. Nam si postremam illam Consti­tutionem diligentius expendamus, & qualis Pon­tificis in ea condenda sensus fuerit, exploremus, re­periemus ita putasse summum Pontificem, Jansenii sensum esse certum aliquod dogma erroneum, de quo inter utramque contendentium partem consta­ret. Hunc quosdam tueri, & damnatum a sum­mo Pontifice pernegare, quo sibi illum perpetuo­tenere liceat; atque ita illos, dum de quaestione fa­cti tantum litigare se simulant, revera tamen de jure litigare, cum illud ipsum dogma adhuc defende­rent, quod ab Innocentio damnatum esset.

Hac opinione imbutus Alexander, nihil aliud sibi faciendum judicavit, quam ut declararet, utpote intimarum Innocentii cogitationum conscius, ipsi propositum fuisse ut Jansenii sensum damnaret, ac propositiones proscriberet, veluta Iansenio excerp­tas, tanquam in Gallia de Innocentii voluntate ambigeretur. Et quoniam in ea facti quaestione, qualis ipsi exhibita est, juris etiam quaestio involveba­tur, ideo durius increpavit illos qui de facti quaestione dubitarent, filios iniquitatis appellans. Quo sane verbo nunquam mitissimus Pontifex in eo uteretur, qui in mera facti quaestione nihil ad jus, nihil ad fidem pertinente, in qua toties decepti sunt summi Pon­tifices, ab ipso modeste dissentirent.

Talem fuisse summi Pontificis mentem tota cla­mat Constitutio, de qua tria dicere habeo.

Primum si probe intelligatur, nihil illam defini­re non modo si jus, sed etiam si factum spectetur, quod non al qua ratione sit verum.

Secundo, Falsum prorsus esse, & maligne a ma­levolis hominibus instillatam summo Pontifici eam opinionem, qua ad condendam Constitutionem ad­ductus est.

Tertio, Totam controversiam de facto Iansenii integram nec decisam esse relictam.

I. Nihil falsi definivisse summum Pontificem, si jus & fidem spectes, manifestum est. Damnat e­nim propositiones, & earum proprium sensum sed ita ut gratiae efficacis doctrinam relinquat intactam. Secluso vero gratiae efficacis sensu, omnes illae pro­positiones in al iis sensibus merito damnari possunt.

Ne in facti quidem quaestione quicquam dixisse mihi videtur, quod non omnes verum agnoscant si quid voluerit Pontifex, altius inspiciatur. Nam cum putaret in Gallia litigari, utrum Innocentius Iansenii sensum damnavisset, & propositiones ex ipso excerptas credidisset, rectissime & vere decla­ravit, propositiones in sensu Iansenii esse damnatus, ab Innocentio scilicet, qui revera propositiones tan­quam Iansenianas damnare voluit, sensumque Ian­senii in iis volutum credidit.

Veriorem & benigniorem hunc Alexandrinae Constitutionis intellectum puto. Non enim ullam ad hanc facti quaestionem dirimendam Congregati­onem habuit, ut in novis decretis condendis ob­servari solet: sed ea tantum quae sub decessore suo sacta sunt, tanquam testis fidelissimus narrat, cui sane ea quae vidit novitque testanti fidem abrogari par non est. Vidit autem excuti propositiones: fateamur excussas. Novit Innocentio mentem fu­isse damnare Iansenium; fateamur tale fuisse Inno­centii consilium, & Alexandro prorsus succinemus. At si de eo ambigi in Gallia putasset utrum ab Inno­centio recte examinatus fuisset Iansenius, utrum be­ne a Consultoribus ipsius intellectus, utique decre­to suo haec controversiae praecipua capita decidisset; quod tamen Alexander omnino non facit. Magna enim diligentia propositiones examinatas testatur, Jansenium excussum non dicit, nec dicere potu­it. Quam cautionem nemo fortuitam putet, & ex­ceptum agnoscat quod non expressum est.

Quia tamen haec interpretatio, etsi, ut dixi, re­ligiosior, ac, si mentem Pontificis penitus introspi­cias, verior; tamen ab approbatione populari non­nihil abhorret; non existimem licere Theologo, qui Jansenium male Romae intellectum putet, huic de­finitioni ita simpliciter subscribere, ut non mani­feste appareat eum de facti quaestione adhuc dubita­re; ne, si postmodum urgeatur, ac dubitationem suam promere cogatur, in perversae calliditatis & perfidiae suspicionem veniat; quam opinionem Sa­cerdotes ac Theologi omnes longissime a se debent amoliri.

II Nec vero difficilius probatur, opiniones a verita­te prorsus alienas summo Pontifici de controversiis Gallicis instillatas. Nam ut ex ejus Constitutione cernere est, credidit Jesuitis summus Pontifex esse nonnullos, quos idcirco filios iniquitatis appellat, qui fidem ut testatur ipse, labefactent; illo ipso videlicet dogmate defendendo, quod Janseniani sensus nomi­ne damnavit Innocentius. Hinc ad condendam Con­stitutionem ea se potissimum ratione profitetur ad­ductum, ut omnes fideles in unitate, non alicu­jus facti, sed fidei, contineantur, quam ab illis Iansenii defensoribus callide violari credidit. At­qui hoc falsissimum esse Augustiniani omnes facilli­me [Page 211] convincunt, dum se profitentur cum summo Pontifice prorsus in fide congruere, & quidquid in propositionibus damnavit, pariter rejicere: dum­que adversarios suos compellant ut vel unum assig­nent circa propositiones dogma, in quo a summi Pontificis sensu dissideant.

Praeterea credidit Jesuitis Pontifex sensum Jan­senii esse certum aliquod dogma, quod prolatis his voc [...]bus eodem modo ab omnibus intelligatur. Hinc de illo sensu quasi certo & minime dubio explicando non laborat. At hoc plane falsum esse perspicuum est, cum in sensu Iansenii interpretando tota nunc facti controversia posita sit, quem Hallerius & Con­sultores nonnulli ad necessitantem gratiam & alia ejusmodi monstra pertrahere nituntur: contra Au­gustiniani ad simplicem gratiae efficacis doctrinam revocant.

Postremo credidit, dubitari hic in Gallia, an Iansenium damnare voluisset Innocentius: at de hoc nullus unquam dubitavit.

III. Ex omnibus autem clarissime demonstratur quod tertio loco posui, veram facti quaestionem prorsus ab Alexandro non decisam.

Ambigebatur enim primo, num Innocentius o­pinando, an judicando propositiones Jansenio tri­buisset, quia judicii loco vulgo non habetur, quod sine praevio examine summi Pontificiis obi [...]et pro­nunciant. At hanc dubitationem nullo modo su­stulit Alexander. Non enim docuit nec docere po­tuit Jansenii librum legitime ab Innocentio exami­natum; quo tamen omisso, omnis declaratio sum­mi Pontificis, opinionis, non judicii locum ha­bet.

Ambigebatur secundo, an Iansenius revera docu­isset, gratia necessitatem afferri voluntati, dissen­tiendi potestatem tolli, justis mandata esse simpli­citer impossibilia, etiam in sensu diviso, &c. Quemadmodum volunt Hallerius & Iesuitae. An intra vulgarem efficacis gratiae ac Thomisticae scholae doctrinam hac in parte stetisset, ut volunt ipsius de­fensores. Hanc dubitationem quomodo aufert ea Constitutio, quae Iansenii sensum omnino non ex­plicat, nec innuit?

Si quaeras igitur, mi Annate, quomodo hanc facti quaestionem dirimere possit summus Pontifex? Responsum habe: si Iansenii librum legitime exa­minari curet, ac patienter audiat Theologos qui pro Iansenio loquivoluerint. 2. Si perspicui & sine ambagibus assignet quid Ianseniani sensus nomine intelligendum sit, & quid ille ab Augustino discre­pet. Hoc donec ab ipso impetretur, semper erit non injustae querelae locus adversus eos qui Ianseni­anum sensum explicare detrectent, damnari sine ex­plicatione imperiose praecipiant.

En tibi, mi Annate, caecae illius contentionis, qua jamdiu sine causa jactatur Ecclesia, historiam pro rerum abundantia brevem; pro Disquisitionum no­strarum modo, longiorem. Nec enim sum eam quam potui copiam consectatus, nec rursus ea o­mittere volui, quae ad id probandum pertinebant, quod tota hac scriptione specto, nullam de quinque propositionibus, seposita utrinque efficaci gratia, vel esse vel fuisse controversiam. Et quoniam non­nullae adhuc cavillationes supersunt, quibus simpli­cioribus imponere foletis, visum est, ne qua restet difficultatis umbra, brevibus illas responsionibus ad hujus Disquisitionis calcem elidere.

ARTICULUS XIV.
Quibusdam Molinisticis cavillis occurritur.
QUAESTIO I.

CUr ante damnationem quinque propositionum, eas Augustiniani ambiguas tantum, uno sensu veras, altero haereticas dixere, nunc vero simpli­citer haereticas fatentur?

RESPONSIO.

Verborum significatio ex usu hominum; Eccle­siasticorum verborum intelligentia ex usu Eccle­siae pender. Si quae sua sponte ambigua sunt, tota Ecclesia in aliquam significationem confluente, ambigua esse desinunt. Vocem Consubstantialis olim damnarat Synodus Antiochena contra Paulum Sa­mosatenum: eandem contra hac haeresi oppressa pro fidei tessera habuit Ecclesia contra Arianos. Neque tunc causa [...]i licuisset hanc vocem per se ambiguam esse: consensu enim Ecclesiae amotus erat malus ille sensus, cujus ex se erat capax, omnisque am­biguitas dempta. Idem de propositionibus judici­um fieri debet. Ambiguae secundum se & aequivo­cae sunt, ut ipsa Consultorum vota demonstrant. Possunt ad rectum sensum gratiae efficacis trahi pos­sunt in malo & heretico sensu; & quidem, ut ju­dicavit summus Pontifex, congruentius accipi. Sic autem illas damnavit Innocentius X. ut expresse efficacis & praedeterminantis gratiae doctrinam cen­surae subduceret. Sic ipsius Constitutionem suscepit Ecclesia, ut istiu [...] doctrinae auctoritas, etiam faten­tibus Iesuitis, maneret intacta. Non igitur illa includi jam potest in propositionum sensu; quia damnatas voces ad damnatum sensum aligat Eccle­siae consensus. Sublata est ergo omnis prorsus am­biguitas. Excerpta enim ex illarum propositionum sensibus efficacis gratiae doctrina, nihil jam in iis remanet nisi noxium & virulentum. Ergo ante damnationem quia ambiguae erant, partim verae, partim falsae merito dicta sunt, non ab Augustinia­nis modo, sed ab ipsis Romanae Inquisitionis The­ologis, ab omnibus Dominicanis, imo ab ipso Hallerio & sociis qui in collatione cum Dominica­nis contestati sunt, propositiones a se non impugna­ri in sensu gratiae efficacis, ut supra vidimus. Post damnationem vero, quia sublata est ambiguitas, recte item simpliciter haereticae dicuntur.

QUAESTIO II.

Cur nonnulli confessi sunt ante illarum propo­sitionum damnationem, Iansenii sensum in illis involvi posse, nunc iidem istud simpliciter ne­gant?

RESPONSIO.

Etsi injurium sit ut singulorum dicta premant uni­versos, facile tamen ex dictis cerni potest, quam non ista inter se pugnent. Ianseniinus ille sen­sus qui involvi in damnatione quinque proposi­tionum [Page 212] poterat, nihil aliud erat, ut ab Augu­stinianis pulchre explicatum est, quam gratiae effi­cacis doctrina. Quid mirum igitur, fi subducto ex propositionum sensibus illo dogmate gratiae efficacis Jansenianus pariter sensus subductus sit? Constant igitur illi sibi pulcherrime; & qui ante damnatas propositiones, gratiae efficaci, sive Janseniano sensui metuebant, nunc ipsi nihil omnino timent. Quomodo enim Janseniano sensui metuerent, cum videant gratiam efficacem in tuto collocatam, quam nomine Janseniani sensus intelligebant?

QUAESTIO III.

An sensus divisus per mutabilitatem liberi arbi­trii explicatus, excludat vulgarem ejus explicatio­nem a Thomistis traditam?

RESPONSIO.

Cum negare non possent Moliniani, saepe ab Augustinianis usurpari vulgarem illam distinctio­nem Thomistarum, sensus divisi & sensus compo­siti, hoc fuco apud ignaros nostrarum rerum Con­sultores usi sunt, his vocibus, sensus divisi, ab ip­sis non designari idem quod vulgo Thomistae intel­ligunt, sed quandam duntaxat flexibilit atem liberi arbitrii, quod substracta gratia possit male agere, cum hoc durante gratia non possit. Hic fucus ita facile abstergitur: Maxima Augustinianorum pars, non alio modo quam Thomistae interpretati sunt sensum divisum: in iisque ipse Jansenius, & ejus Apologistae, Doctor Sanbovius & omnes illius di­scipuli, ipsidemque Augustiniani Doctores Ro­mam missi. Unus quem viderim, vir quidem doctissimus eam flexibilitatem liberi arbitrii uberius persecutus est, non ut aliquid Thomisticae explica­tioni detraheret, sed ut aliqiud superadderet. Non aegre fatetur ille cum ipsa gratia efficaci pacifice co­haerere dissentiendi potentiam, nunquam actu dissen­tientem, quod Thomistis ad sensum divisum suf­ficit. Sed cum hoc minus haereticis satisfaciat, plus aliquid dicere voluit, & id ostendere, quo­modo gratiae non modo in sensu diviso sic expli­cato, sed etiam magis proprie & quasi in sensu composito resisti possit. Hoc sic ille confecit.

Gratia efficax ex Augustino est delectatio victrix. Victrix autem dicitur quatenus aliam delectatio­nem vincit. Vincit autem, quia validior & for­tior est. Sed fortior est comparata ad concupis­centiae vires, cum quibus confligit. Ita si auge­rentur illae concupiscentiae vires, non jam superior, sed infirmior esset; ideoque non vinceret, sed vince­retur. Ergo quia concupiscentia semper augeri potest & inflammari vehementius, nullus est gratiae gradus in hac vita, in quo non possit gratia vinci per validi­orem concupiscentiam. Cur igitur non vincitur? Quia, inquit, Deus hoc concupisentiae augmen­tum in iis quos tentationis victores facere constitu­it, vel reprimit, vel pro majori concupiscentiae ardore majorem charitatis ardorem accendit. Ita semper resisti potest gratiae efficaci, nunquam ta­men resistitur. Hanc explicationem quae Thomi­sticae aliquid superadstruit, ideo magis amplectitur vir eruditus, quod eam haereticis quodammodo ma­gis censet oppositam. Illi enim gratiam semel datam nunquam extingui in animo semel justifi­catorum censet: & sic salutarem hominibus ti­morem detrahunt a gratia excidendi.

Hanc autem resistendi potentiam vocat ille qui­dem in sensu diviso, potuisset tamen aliquatenus vocare in sensu composito, cum per istud concupi­scentiae augmentum, gratiae quae efficax ante fuit, aliquando reipsa resistatur. Sic enim infirma Petri charitas victrix erat in ipso antequam mortis me­tu percelleretur: accedente hoc timore victa est. Manifestum est autem sensum divisum sic explica­tum, Thomisticam notionem involvere, & aliquid amplius.

QUAESTIO IV.

An qui indifferentiam sensus divisi non adhibet ad conciliandum liberum arbitrium cum gratia, i­deo illam rejicere dicendus sit?

RESPONSIO.

Hoc arugumento nititur imperitissime Ricardus, ut probet indifferentiam Thomisticam sensus divisi a Jansenio negatam. Recurrit, inquit, ad aliam ra­tionem conciliandae cum gratia libertatis. Quid tum? Ergo priorem tanquam falsam repudiat. Ubi logi­cum illud acumen? Quam multa vera aliis veris explicandis inservire non possunt! An quicunque sensus, quibusdam Scripturae verbis accommodari non potest, ideo falsus in se & erroneus? Certum est igitur in libertate hujus vitae reperiri indifferen­tiam illam potentiae a Thomistis explicatam. Ag­novit id Jansenius & lib 8. cap. 4. & uberius cap. 20. & 21. Sed utrum ad libertatis cum gratia con­sensionem adhibita sit ab Augustino, alia quaestio est. Negat id Jansenius, sed non ideo indifferentiam illam rejicit. Vult esse proprietatem inseparabi­lemlibertatis hujus viae; aut si velis, esse de essentia libertatis, quatenus hoc nomine sola electionis sig­nificatur libertas. Sed non vult esse de essentia generali libertatis, sicut ab Augustino spectata est. Sed sive sit proprietas, sive essentia, certum est, ut Jansenius agnoscit, eam & reperiri & requiri in hoc statu naturae lapsae ad merendum & demeren­dum.

QUAESTIO V.

An gratiam sufficentem in abstracto, potentiam proximam in abstracto, &c. definivisse censen­dus sit summus Pontifex?

RESPONSIO.

Aliquis fortasse sibi in mentem induxerit, id Anna­tum abstractionibus suis esse consecutum, ut saltem a summo Pontifice gratiae sufficientes in abstracto, potentiae proximae in abstracto, indifferentiae in abstracto sancirentur. Verum etsi nihil hoc ad Au­gustinianos, tamen falsum est. Absit enim ut tali­bus ineptiis fidem Catholicam inquinarit summus Pontifex, summus idem Catholicae fidei vindex. Et certe cur eas ipsi tribuatis, causa nulla est. Pri­mum verborum istorum nulla in Constitutione mentio: Ergo ista verba nullo modo usurpanda de­crevit. Restat ut rem significatam ad fidem per­tinere decreverit. Sed quae tandem est res significata per gratiam sufficientem in abstracto, & cetera ejusmodi? Vis dicam? Nulla. Vis probem? Nil [Page 213] facilius. Nomen enim illud sufficiens, & cetera id genus, non univoce Thomisticis notionibus & Mo­linisticis conveniunt; sed tantum aequivoce. At si­cut univocorum una est notio quae potest praescindi & in abstracto definiri: ita aequivocorum nulla com­munis notio quae possit abstrahi & definiri. Exemplo­sit nomen, Taurus, quod aequivoce convenit Phi­losopho, monti, astro, animali: Iam quaero, quid est Taurus, quatenus abstrahit a singulis illis significationibus? Nihil omnino praeter syllabas Tau, rus. Similis de gratia sufficiente ratio est. Sua constat significatio gratiae Molinianae, quam sufficientem dicunt; sua item Thomisticae. At u­trique, ut fatentur omnes, vox suffic [...]ens aequivoce convenit. Abstrahe ergo illam ab utroque significa­tu, nihil remanet praeter sonum sensu vacuum, quem ne quidem tibi reliquit summus Pontifex, qui ejusmodi verba in Scholarum angulos relega­vit, a fidei decretis longissime arcuit. Ridiculum ergo ut summus Pontifex gratiam sufficientem qua sufficientem in abstracto definierit, quia gratia sufficiens qua sufficiens, in abstracto nihil prorsus est.

Quid igitur, inquies, definivit? Idem quod Concilium Tridentinum in illis decretis quae a Jan­senio violata querebamini. Non ergo vetat, imo jubet & Religo & pietas, ut Innocentii Constitu­tionem omnes venerentur, & probent, pariter­que Alexandri VII. decretum amplectantur, qua­tenus nihil superadstruit, & illos quos putavit In­nocentius Jansenianos, cum ipsis proscribit erro­ribus. Verum ut hoc damnare proclive est, ita in iis, quibus tribuuntur, invenire difficillimum. Ut­ut sit, nihil est quod de iis inveniendis laboremus. Haec ad te proprie cura pertinet, mi Annate, tu Jan­seniani errories, Janseniani sensus, fidejussor es, quandoquidem tibi Romae de eo creditum est.

Deteges igitur quando voles Jansenistas illos qui negarunt gratiae efficaci posse dissentiri, qui neces­sitantem gratiam invexere. Nobis interim & caeteris Ecclesiae fidelibus sufficit ut illos tuos Jansenistas, & illum Jansenium tuum, quisquis fuit, ex animo damnemus, ut facimus.

PAƲLI IRENAEI DISQVISITIO SEXTA; SIVE VERA METHODƲS DISQUIRENDI An quinque propositiones damnatae sunt in Jan­senio.

PRAEFATIO.

QUaestionem per se levissimam, utrum pro­positiones sint in Jansenio, necne, cele­berimam hoc tempore fecit altercantium utrinque Theologorum tanta contentio. Hanc etsi utilius fuisset vel ab initio non moveri, vel com­motam statim extingui: tamen illa in praesens prop­terea jam omitti non potest, quia ex ipsa crimen haereseos, aut saltem inobedientiae, multis caetero­quin probatissimis viris, conflatur. Atque illud quidem crimen sic quinque Disquisitionibus depuli, ut confidam fore, tum ut mihi assentiantur aequi, tum ut saltem taccant vel iniqui, ac mihi causam si­lentio tradant. Superest nuda & ab omni dogma­te avulsa facti quaestio, de qua non nisi primam propositionem attigi, utinam etiam non attingere licuisset. Sed quoniam litem ut cum maxime fer­vere perspicio, & tamen ea ratione a quibusdam tractari, ut finis contentionis nullus sit, visum est saltem brevem & certam methodum tradere, qua in alterutram partem expediti & ad exitum perduci queat. Omnino enim ejusmodi sunt facti quaesti­ones, ut de iis diu nisi vitio disputantium contendi non possit,

Verum in tradenda certa illa methodo invenien­darum, si modo sint in Jansenio, propositionum, necesse fuit, falsas & fallaces methodos refellere; quarum omnium quoniam in Morelliano libello nu­per edito exempla reperi, ea non aliunde quaesivi­mus. Itaque tam crebro bonum hunc Doctorem castigabimus, ut haec Disquisitio, libelli ab eo nuper conscripti confutatio haberi possit; tantum convi­tiis ejus nihil reponemus, saniorem ipsi mentem tare contenti.

ARTICULUS I.
Regulae generales verae methodi; fallacis notae. Principia per se nota vel ab utraque parte con­cessa.

IN omni disputatione primum videre est quid u­trinque concedatur. Deinde quid primum Reo ab Actore objiciatur, quod Rhetores intentionem vocant. Tum qua ratione praecipuam illam accu­sationem depellat Reus, quod appellant depulsionem. Ex hoc vero intentionis depulsionisque conflictu, status exurgit, qui primam clare & enucleate consti­tuendus, & resecatis omnibus istis capitibus de quibus non certatur, quam accuratissime definiendus. Objicit Miloni Appius; Clodium occidisti. Intentio est. Respondet pro Milone Cicero: Occidi; sed recte, quia insidiatorem. Depulsio est. Hinc duae nascuntur quaestiones, quibus continetur status: An liceat oc­cidere insidiatorem? An Clodius insidiator? Illa juris, haec facti.

Hoc posito, jam facile a fallaci dignoscitur vera & certa methodus. Illa, unica tantum est, quae illud de quo quaeritur certis argumentis conficit, & quae ex adverso opponuntur firmis probationibus re­pellit.

Falsa autem; non una, sed duplex. Nam vel il­lud probat de quo non quaeritur; ut si non aliud tota oratione probasset Appius, nisi Clodium a Milone occisum: vel de quo quaeritur fluxis & vanis argu­mentis adstruit.

Constituta methodo, ne disputatio fluctuet, certa & utrinque concessa principia figi necesse est. Ejus­modi sunt quae sequuntur, de quibus tam Molinistae quam Jansenii defensores facile convenient.

I.

Cum Augustino, Patribus, & antiquis Scholasti­cis, ut sentire nefas non est, ita nec loqui.

II.

Augustini & Patrum, necnon S. Thomae & anti­quorum Scholasticorum locutiones, sensum habent a damnato propositionum sensu diversum.

III.

Ex sola locutioni Augustini vel antiquorum Scho­lasticorum non potest argui quisquam vel ab Augu­stino, vel ab antiquis Scholasticis dissentire, vel ul­lum haereticum dogma docuisse.

IV.

Scriptoris Catholici ambiguam locutionem, or­thodoxi sensus & erronei capacem, erroneo inter­pretari nefas est, si erroneus ille sensus expresse sit amotus.

V.

Ambigua locutio bono sensu interpretanda est, si ab ipso scriptore ad bonum sensum alligata sit: ut enim eg [...]egie Dionysius Carth. de sim. lib. 2. art. 8. Cum verba alicujus Doctoris in uno loco inducta pote­runt sic & sic exponi, trahi, intelligi; videndum est ad quem intellectum ipsemet Doctor hujusmodi verba sua alibi redigat & coarctet.

VI.

Nullus locus Jansenii reprehendi potest, nisi vel propter verba, vel propter sententiam vocibus subjectam.

VII.

Damnatus in propositionibus sensus ante exor­tas propositiones scholis Catholicis ignotus, ut in narratione sua testantur Episcopi.

VIII.

His principiis aliud addi potest, de quo jam dixi­mus in secunda Disquisitione, nimirum, non mutari propositionis sensum, cum definitiones vocum pro ipsis vocibus subjiciuntur.

ARTICULUS. II.
Methodus imveniendae in Jansenio primae propo­positionis.

QUia jam istam propositionem accurate secunda Disquisitione excussimus, unum nobis hoc loco praestandum, ut tum impugnatoribus, tum defenso­ribus Jansenii, ineundam sibi ad causam obtinendam methodum demonstremus.

Ʋtrinque concessum.

Convenit orthodoxam, & nullo modo Pontifi­cia Constitutione violatam Thomistarum doctrinam, qui docent, Justis quibusdam gratiam sufficientem habentibus, sed ei renitentibus, non adesse grati­am efficacem, sine qua tamen non habent omnia ad agendum necessaria, sive non possunt implere prae­cepta ejusmodi potestate, cui nihil defit ad agen­dum necessarium.

Intentio Molinistarum.

Tradit primam propositionem disertis verbis Jansenius tom. 3. lib. 3. cap. 13: Aliqua Dei prae­cepta. &c.

Depulsio Augustinianorum.

Verba primae propositionis damnatae habet Janse­senius loco citato, sed sensum illius damnatum non habet: quia locus Jansenianus ex circumjectis & annexis ad eum sensum alligatur, qui nil contineat praeter vulgarem Thomistarum doctrinam, toti Ecclesiae, praecipue vero summo Pontifici proba­tam, istam nempe: Quibusdam justis gratiam suf­ficientem Thomistico sensu habentibus, sed ei reni­tentibus, praecepta non sunt ita possibilia, ut ea sine alio auxilio implere actu & effective possint, & de­est illis gratia efficax, sine qua non habentur omnia necessaria ad implendum praeceptum.

Cum certum sit hunc sensum esse orthodoxum; hinc exurgit

Unica quaestio.

Utrum hic sit verus Jansenii sensus, an alia huic loco sententia ab ipso subjecta sit?

Vera methodus Augustinianis ineunda.

Postulat ut ipsi hunc & non alium esse sensum Jansenii comprobent; quod nos, ni fallor, geome­trica demonstratione conclusimus Disquisitione se­cunda. Contra

Vera methodus Molinistis ineunda.

Postulat ut p [...]obent non hunc, sed alium quen­dam erroneum sensum his vocibus a Jansenio sub­jectum. Id nisi faciant, nihil agunt, nec quicquam omnino promovebunt.

Exigitur Morellius ad istam methodam.

Iam videamus quid egerit Morellius, & quomo­do primam propositionem in Jansenio esse proba­verit. Verba, inquit, illius in Iansenio reperiun­tur. Quid tum? Quis unquam hoc negavit? Quis non ultro concessit? De sensu solum quaestio est. Quae­ritur an damnatus a Pontifice sensus (quem certum est ex 7. Principio * a Thomistarum doctrina alie­num [Page 215] esse) in Jansenio sit? De hoc quid dicis, bone Morelli? Nihil. Quorsum ergo abit dispu­tatio tua? in sumum. Quid meretut? R [...]sum. Quis credetet hominem qui se Magnatibus venditat qua­si doctum, & istius praesertim controversiae peritum qui adversarios singulis versibus probris & convi­tiis onerat, tantae incuriae esse, [...]ut cardinem diffi­cultatis prorsus ignorat, & magno conatu quasi re­conditum aliquod mysterium afferat, quod centies ipsi, ne postulanti quidem, concessum sit: ip­sum vero controversiae caput ne verbo quidem at­tingat?

ARTICULUS III.
Methodus inveniendae in Jansenio secundae propositionis.

REsecanda primum & a disputatione amovenda quae inter utrosque litigantes constant.

1. Verba ipsa secundae propositionis non sunt in Iansenio.

2 Orthodoxa est Thomistarum sententia qui docent efficaci gratiae nunquam resisti; sufficienti, cum sola est, semper resisti in eo effectu ad quem excitat. Hanc ipsam tamen gratiam quam suffici­entem vocant, esse secundum quid efficacem, & nunquam carere eo effectu ad quem divina volunta­te ordinatur. Sic enim omnes Thomistae, e qui­bus Alvarez disp. 80. Omne auxilium, inquit, sufficiens comparatione unius actus, semper est ef­ficax respectu alterius, ad quem efficiendum decreto absoluto divinae voluntatis ordinatur: V. g. auxili­um sufficiens ad actum fidei producit efficaciter pias cogitationes & notitias credendorum, & pia desideria habendi fidem. Et Silvius in 2. 2. q. 111. art. 3. Revera omnis gratia est efficax alicujus effectus ad quem proxime ordinatur, & quem Deus absoluta voluntate intendit.

His positis, videndum quid afferant Iansenii im­pugnatores, quid reponant defensores, ut ex illo­rum intentione & illorum depulsione constituatur quae­stio.

Intentio Morellii & Molinistarum.

Docet, inquit, Iansenius variis locis omnem gratiam esse efficacem, gratiam aegrae voluntatis non relinqui in libero arbitrio, sed invictissime facere ut velit bonum; tollere omnem resistentiam; oppo­sitos obices voluntatis perrumpere; hominem Deo operanti per gratiam non posse resistere; nullam gratiam effectu carere; gratiam & effectum recipro­cari; hoc ipso quo effectu homo destituitur, sequi nullam ei gratiam esse collatam.

Depulsio Jansenii defensorum.

Reponunt Iansenii defensores haec loca repre­hendi non posse, nec propter verba, quia tota Augustinianis locutionibus constant, etiam apud Scholasticos usitatis; nec propter sententiam; quia talis est, ut etiam Iesuitis eam probari faltem ut or­thodoxam necesse sit: nempe: Quamvis sint gra­tiae quaedam inefficaces, & quibus vere resistitur; tamen omnem gratiam eo sensu efficacem dici posse quia nulla caret eo effectu ad quem absoluta Dei vo­luntate ordinatur.

Hinc colligunt ex a sexto principio articuli pri­mi nihil in iis esse reprehendendum, prorsusque secundae propositionis nec verba nec sensum in Iansenio contineri. Recta quidem ad metam ista tendunt, & nisi obstent Molinistae, etiam perve­nient.

Quaestiones duae.

Duplex inde quaestio tantum exurgit.

Alia minus praecipua: An ista loca Augustinianis vel apud Theologos usitatis locutionibus constent.

Alia capitalis: An sensum in Iansenio contineant toti probatum Ecclesiae, saltem ut orthodoxum.

Methodus ineunda Molinistis.

Prorsus alterutrum conficiendum est Molinistis; vel voces illas non esse Augustinianas, nec ullis The­ologis Catholicis probatas: quod si effecerint, Ian­sen [...]um tantum temeritatis & incuriae coarguerint: vel non habere in Iansenio sensum illum quem ipsi tribuunt ejus defensores, sed alium quo nulli pror­sus gratiae ullo modo resisti statuatur: quod si prae­sterint, etiam haereseos reum tenebunt Ianseni­um.

Expenditur ex illa methodo Morellius.

Quid ibi Morellius; quo pacto utramque quaesti­onem tractat? Quo pacto probat ex Iansenio nul­lam esse gratia inefficacem; non resisti gratiae in eo effectu ad quem disponit, ad quem excitat, ad quem allicit, ad quem dat posse quod nunquam in actum exit sine gratia uberiore, eo modo quo Thomistae docent. Audiamus quid afferat. Tacet, obmutescit, quaestionem ne cernit quidem. O praeclarum patronum! O dignum Pontificiae Con­stitutionis vindicem!

Methodus Augustinianis ineunda.

Nunc lustremus an melius in causa sua stent Ian­senii defensores, quibus hoc efficiendum est:

  • 1. Loca Iansenii quae arguuntur, Augustini aut aliorum Patrum gratiae defensorum locutionibus constare, aut certe apud Theologos usitatis.
  • 2. Nullo modo sensum damnatum secundae pro­positionis continere.
  • 3. Eo sensu accipi debere qui toti Ecclesiae pro­betur.
Objecta a Molinistis Jansenii loca cum Augu­stini & Prosperi locis comparantur.

Ad primum obtinendum solis se oculis advocatis egere dicunt Iansenii defensores; adeoque objecta Iansenii loca cum aliis Augustini aut aliorum Pa­trum locis e regione ita componunt.

JANSENIUS tom. 3. lib. 2. cap. 4.

Gratiae sanae voluntatis in primi hominis libero relinquebatur arbitrio, ut eam si vellet desere­ret, aut si vellet utere­tur: gratio vero lapsae ae­grotaeque voluntatis nul­lo modo in hominis re­linquitur arbitrio, ut eam deserat aut arripiat si voluerit; sed ipsa est potius illa postrema gra­tia, quae invictissime fa­cit ut velit, & a volunta­te non deseratur.

AƲGƲSTINƲS de corr. & gr. cap. 11.

Nec illa gratia sani ho­minis parva erat, qua de­monstrata est etiam po­tentia liberi arbitrii, quo­niam sic adjuvabatur ut sine hoc adjutorio in bo­no non maneret, sed hoc adjutorium si vellet desereret: haec autem tanto major est, ut pa­rum sit homini per illam reparare perditam liber­tatem; parum sit denique non posse sine illa vel apprehendere bonum, vel permanere in bono, nisi etiam efficiatur ut velit. Prima gratia est qua fit ut habeat homo justitiam si velit; Secunda plus potest, qua etiam fit ut velit. Si in tanta infir­mitate vitae hujus ipsis Relinqueretur voluntas sua, nec Deus in eis ope­raretur ut vellent, inter tot & tantas tentationes voluntas ipsa succumbe­ret. Subventum est infir­mitati voluntatis huma­nae, ut divina gratia insu­perabiliter & indeclina­biliter ageretur.

Notae quaedam.

NOTA. I. Insuperabilem, indeclinabilem illam gratiam quae dat velle, quae non relinquit homini vo­luntatem suam, sed facit velle: quae non est similis gratiae Adamicae, quam ipse deserebat cum vellet, ita necessariam ab Augustino statui, ut sine ea di­cat non posse hominem lapsum vel apprehendere bo­num, vel permanere in bono.

NOTA. II. gratiam quae relinquitur libero arbi­trio, quam deserit homo cum vult, nihil aliud esse Augustino & Jansen [...]o quam gratiam versatilem & Molinianam. Semper enim eam opponit Augusti­nus efficaci quae facit velle; sed hoc late infra pro­babitur.

NOTA. III. Non id nunc agi, utrum Janseni­us cum Augustino sentiat, sed utrum cum [...]ugusti­no loquatur; quod certe qui haec loca inspexerit, negare nemo potest. Fieri tamen posse non diffi­temur, ut alienum ab Augustino sensum in his voci­bus inc [...]userit. Sed hoc factum probare debent Mo­linistae. Non factum vero probant Jansenii defen­sores, ut infra ostendetur.

JANSENIƲS tom. 3. lib. 2. cap. 14.

Tota doctrinae Augusti­stini moles eo collimat, ut Christiani credant, & qui possunt intelligant, non liberum arbitrium esse quod reddat auxilium efficax, vel inefficax, & quod sit causa cur hic & nunc Deusinfluat in opus, quod possit gratiae effici­entiam seu influxum in opus impedire, quod li­bertas illius causa sit, ut actus singuli hic & nunc fiant.

Et in margine, Moli­nam, Lessium, Sua­rem, adscribit, quorum sunt verba quae distinctis hic characteribus excusa sunt.

S. PROSPER carm. de Ingratis.
At vero omnipotens ho­minem cum gratia sal­vat.
Ipsa suum consummat o­pus cui tempus agendi
Semper adest, quae gesta velit, non moribus illi
Fit mora, nec causis an­ceps suspenditur ullis,
Nec quod sola potest, cura officioque mini­stri.
Exequitur, famulisque vicem committit a­gendi.
AƲGƲSTINƲS de gr. & lib. arb. c. 16.

Certum est nos velle cum volumus; sed ille fa­cit ut velimus bonum. Certum est nos facere cum facimus; sed ille fa­cit ut faciamus, praeben­do vires efficacissimas voluntati.

Ibidem.

Ut in Deum credamus & pie vivimus, non vo­lentis neque currentis, sed miserentis est Dei: non quia velle non debe­mus & currere, sed quia in nobis & velle opera­tur & currere.

Nota.

Morellium adhuc ut potui tuli, sed hic prorfus ferri potest, quem non puduit Lessi & Molinae loca, distinctis apud Jansenium characteribus expressa, solam gratiae versatilis doctrinam complexa, quasi fidem Catholicam a summo Pontifice consecratam proferre, & in hoc Jansenium erroris arguere, quod Molinae doctrinam dicat ab Augustino im­probari. Nec est quod causetur commune esse Thomistis ac Molinistas dogma: Posse liberium arbitrium gratiae influxum impedire. Alio enim longe sensu a Molinistis asseritur, alio a Thomi­stis. Isti duplex genus gratiae admittunt, unum cui nunquam resistitur, aliud cui semper resistitur in secundario effectu, id est, plena conversione, quam ista gratia nunquam operatur sine uberiore auxilio. Hoc nunquam negavit Jansenius, imo multis locis admisit. At vero Molinistae uniusmodi gratiam admittunt, quae cum possit actu & effecti­ve sortiri effectum, nunc a libero arbitrio impe­ditur, nunc non impeditur. Itaque a libero arbi­trio pendere volunt quod gratia nunc sit efficax, nunc inefficax. Hoc negat Jansenius, hoc ab Augustino improbati dicit; hoc tota olim Congre­gatio de Auxiliis in Molina damnavit his verbis: Hac propositio & doctrina Patris Molinae, quatonus docet efficaciam auxilii divini pendere ab effectu libe­ri arbitrii humani, non autem ab ipso auxilio, prout a Deo venit, & ex modo motionis divinae, videtur tradita a Semipelagianis; ass [...]ritur autema Molina contra expressam sententiam sancti Augustini lib. de corr & grat. Hoc negant omnes pene Romani Theologi, quibus ut blandirentur qui Romae quin­que propositiones impugnarunt, & ne gratiam [Page 217] versatilem & Molinianam adstruere viderentur, multis locis providerunt in schedulis Consultoribus oblatis; & nominatim in hac propositione, de qua sic loquuntur.

Non agitur de gratia sufficiente versatili statuen­da, quae modo effectum suum habeat, modo non habeat; sed tantum in genere, utrum verum sit in statu na­turae lapsae nullam dari gratiam quae vere suffici­ens sit.

JANSENIUS tom. 3. lib. 2. cap. 24.

Gratia tollit omnem voluntatis resistentiam.

AƲGƲSTINƲS de praed. SS. cap. 8.

Haec gratia quae occulte humanis cordibus divina largitate tribuitur, a nul­lo duro corde respuitur; quia ideo tribuitur, ut cordis duritia primitus auferatur.

Lib. ab Simpl. q. 2.

Nescio quomodo di­catur frustra Deum mise­reri, nisi nos velimus. Si enim Deus miseretur, ergo jam volumus: ad eandem quippe miseri­cordiam pertinet ut veli­mus.

JANSENIƲS tom. 3. lib. 2. cap. 24.

Gratiam Dei ita victri­cem statuit Augustinus, ut non raro dicat homi­nem operanti Deo per gratiam non posse resi­stere, sed e contrario Deum non quicquid vo­luntatem facturam prae­videt, sive absolute, sive conditionate, sed quic­quid omnino voluerit in voluntate operari, quam ipse magis habeat in sua omnipotentissima pote­state, quam ipsa voluntas. Quod probat illis locis quae hic è regione posita sunt.

AƲGƲSTINƲS do cor. & grat. c. 14.

Deo volenti salvum fa­cere, nullum hominis re­sistit arbitrium. Sic enim velle & nolle in volentis aut nolentis est potesta­te, ut divinam volunta­tem non impediat, nec superet potestatem. De his enim qui faciunt quae non vult, facit ipse quae vult. Non est itaque du­bitandum voluntati Dei qui in caelo & in terra omnia quaecunque voluit fecit, & qui etiam illa quae futura sunt fecit, huma­nas voluntates non posse resistere, quominus faciat ipse quod vult.

JANSENIƲS tom. 3. lib. 2. cap. 25.

Nulla prorsus effectu caret, sed eum in omni­bus in quibus datur, in­fallibiliter operatur.

AƲGƲST. serm. 44. de verbis Domini.

Agis si ageris, & bene agis si a bono ageris.

Ibid.

Gratiam tanquam cau­sam & operationem vo­luntatis bonam velut ef­fectum esse, ut Philoso­phi loquuntur, converti­biles & a se mutuo inse­parabiles.

Lib. ad Simpl. q. 2.

Nescio quomodo dica­tur frustra Deum misere­ri nisi nos velimus. Si enim Deus miseretur, jam volumus.

Ibid.

Hoc ipso quo effectu bono destituitur, nullam ei gratiam collatam esse.

De praed. SS. c. 8.

Si omnis qui audivita Patre & didicit venit, om­nis qui non venit non au­divit a Patre nec didicit. Absit ut quisquam non veniat, qui a Patre audi­vit & didicit.

Ibid.

Qui credunt Praedica­tore forinsecus insonan­te, intus a Patte audiunt atque discunt. Qui autem non credunt, foris audi­unt, intus autem non au­diunt, neque discunt.

Lib. de gr. Chr. c. 13:

Qui novit quod fieri debeat & non facit, non­dum a Deo didicit secun­dum gratiam, sed secund­dum legem; non secun­dum Spiritum, sed se­cundum literam.

Ibid.

Quando Deus docet, non per legis literam, sed per Spiritus gratiam, ita docet, ut quod quisque didicerit, non tantum cognoscendo videat, sed etiam volendo appetat, agendoque perficiat.

Lib. 2. operis ult: in Julianum.

Cum verbis Doctor plantat & rigat, possumus dicere, forte credit audi­tor; cum vero Deus dat incrementum, sine dubio credit & proficit.

JANSENIƲS tom. 3. lib. 2. cap. 32.

Quae agit & peragit ef­fectum.

S. Prosper.

Ipsa suum consummat opus.

Ex his omnibus conficiunt Jansenii defensores, nihil in ipsis Jansenii locutionibus esse reprehen­dendum, omnesque bono sensu accipi posse, eo scilicet quo ab Augustino acceptae sunt: inde ejus­modi argumentum concinnant.

Argument I.

Omnes Jansenii locutiones quae circa secundam propositionem proferuntur, ex Augustino desum­ptae, vel manifeste Augustinianis aequivalentes sunt, tantumque aliquanto molliores, ut patet ex ipsa inspectione.

Sed ex Augustinianis locutionibus nemo argui [Page 218] potest secundam propositionem tradidisse, per * tertium principium articuli primi. Ergo ex istis locutionibus argui non potest Jansenius tanquam secundae propositionis auctor: quod erat proban­dum.

Geminae notae in hoc argumentum.

Hoc argumentum duabus notis suffulciunt: pri­ma est, Augustini locutiones esse Jansenianis per se duriores. Nihil enim durius, si Molinistas au­diamus, in hac materia dici potest, quam gratiam à nullo duro corde respui; eumque qui non facit quod non novit, nondum à Deo doctum esse per gratiam: sed per literam & legem.

2. Augustinianas illas locutiones feres nusquam ab Augustino circumscribi & contrahi, contra au­tem a Jansenio easdem phrases saepe ad sensum omnibus probatum expresse alligari, ut infra pro­babitur. Rursus ab eodem haereticum sensum ab iisdem expresse removeri: unde sequi aiunt longe iniquius in Jansenium secundae propositionis in­vidiam conjici, quam in ipsum Augustinum conji­ceretur.

Lemma Praeambulum.

Atque ita quidem illi summovent eos qui ex istis locutionibus secundam propositionem eruunt. Sed ipsum sensum Jansenii validius adhuc damnato se­cundae propositionis sensu segregant duobus argu­mentis, praeter alia superius posita principia, hoc item lemmate subnixis.

Omnes superius allatae locutiones, in quibus contineri secundam propositionem putant, ut mul­tum ambiguae sunt. Possunt enim ad illam re­vocari doctrinam, toti Thomistarum Scholae pro­batam: omnem gratiam tam efficacem quam suffi­cientem, esse efficacem respectu proximi istius effectus ad quem ordinatur voluntate Dei absoluta.

Sic enim explicati possunt omnes superius allatae Jansenii locutiones: Gratia tollit omnem resisten­tiam, nempe quae impedit proximum effectum, non quae remotum. Item nulla gratia effectu caret, nimirum proximo illo ad quem destinatur volun­tate absoluta, non remoto ad quem excitat: Gra­tia omnis agit & peragit effectum proximum, non remotum.

Gratia est convertibilis cum effectu; distinguo, proximo non remoto, sive eo propter quem datur voluntate absoluta, non eo ad quem natura sua tendit & refertur voluntate Dei antecedente.

Omnis gratia est efficax, nempe proximi effectus ad quem ordinatur voluntate absoluta, non ejus ad quem ex natura sua tendit.

Nulla datur gratia sufficiens, nisi sit efficax; di­stinguo, sufficiens omnibus modis & ad agendum actu, sive Moliniane, verum est; sufficiens Tho­mistice, cui semper dissentiatur, nisi adsit efficax, falsum.

Hinc claret omnes istas locutiones boni sensus capaces. Demus Molinistis etiam malum admit­tere, quod jure negari posset, quia Augustinianas phrases, quales istae sunt, ad bonum sensum Ec­clesiae consensus alligat: Sed demus tamen includi posse sub omnibus illis vocibus, & Catholicum sen­sum Thomistarum, & haereticum damnatae propo­sitionis, tamen concedant necesse est Jansenii ad­versarii, nil in eis esse reprehendendum, si pateat ab ipso Orthodoxo tantum sensu intellectas; hoc vero duplici argumento conficiunt ipsius defenso­res.

Argument. II.

Jansenius malum sensum qui in istas propositio­nes cadere poterat, expresse removit, cum variis locis asseruerit, gratiae nonnumquam dissentiri: gratias quasdam inefficaces esse: gratias quasdam in solis desideriis inefficacibus haerere, & a concupi­scentia superari. Loca in promptu sunt.

Primus locus.

Delectatio victrix (inquit tom; 3, lib. 8. c. 2.) quae Augustino est efficax adjutorium, relativa est. Tunc enim est victrix, quando alteram superat: quod si contingat alteram ardentiorem esse, in solis ineffi­cacibus desideriis haerebit animus, nec efficaciter un­quam volet quod volendum est. En gratiam, qua accepta in solis desideriis inefficacibus haeret ani­mus.

Secundus locus.

Initio autem capitis 27, libri 2 de gratia Christi Salvatoris: Nec vero, inquit, moveat quenquam quod CONSTET multos divinitus mente col­lustrari, imo vero & in ipsa voluntate motibus divi­nae gratiae percelli, qui tamen ab ejus interna suasione & inclinatione dissentiunt, ut propterea falsum pu­tet gratiam in eo cui datur, semper operari effectum ob quem datur.

Nota.

Locus iste ita manifestus Annato visus est, ut a­liter elabi non potuerit, quam causando non hanc esse Jansenii doctrinam, sed potius objectionem ab ipso propositam quam refellat. Agnoscit igitur hanc doctrinam esse Catholicam, & secundae proposi­tioni contrariam. Restat inquirendum an hic lo­cus contineat Jansenii doctrinam. Hoc vero ita perspicuum est, ut mirum videri possit tam absur­dam cogitationem cuiquam incidere potuisse. Cui­vis enim inspicienti patet hoc afferri a Jansenio quasi Catholicum dogma cum sua sententia conci­liandum, cui repugnare in speciem videbatur. Ex­plicare enim toto hoc capite contendit quomodo utrumque verum sit, & a gratia saepe dissentiri, & tamen illam semper eum habere effectum ad quem datur: velut si quis ita adversus Calvinistas dispu­taret: Nec vero moveat quenquam quod con­stet Christum in coelo nunc esse, nec inde exitu­rum ante supremum judicium, ut propterea fal­sum putet eum in Eucharistia esse. His verbis uti­que non negaret Christum in coelo esse, sed nega­ret ex eo sequi ipsum in Eucharistia non esse.

Talem esse Jansenii mentem & per se patet, & ex sequentibus verbis omnino constat. Quemad­modum, inquit, inundatio divinae gratiae totam ho­minis voluntatem secum instar impetuosi cujusdam torrentis rapit, sic ut omnia humani cordis retinacu­la, quibus terrenis rebus irretitur, velut violenta [Page 219] quadam tempestate dirumpat; ita lenis ille velut au­rae tenuis afflatus, complacentiam quandam volun­tatis tenuissimam, rei tam pulchrae, quae simul obji­citur contemplanda, contemperatam suaviter impe­trat, & celerrime quasi furtim post se rapit.

Non potuit gratiam sufficientem Thomistarum clarius & significantius exprimere. Hanc enim illi in istis velleitatibus, excitationibus, complacentiis sitam docent. Nec refert quod negat Jansenius istam gratiam sufficere. Semper enim hoc ver­bum, ut ipsemet monet initio libri 3, pro eo u­surpat; quod sine alio auxilio sufficit ad actu & ef­fective agendum, nec gratiam efficacem requirit. Ita cum ait, Haec gratia nullo modo sufficit ut ho­mo Dei mandatum operetur, idem est ac si dicat, cum hac gratia nunquam hominem Dei mandatum o­perari sine uberiori auxilio; cum dicit, Non enim quaevis gratia ad quosvis effectus inserendos sufficit, idem est ac si dicat, non quamvis gratiam ad quem­vis effectum reipsa actu & sine uberiore auxilio in­serendum satis esse. Quae phrasis tametsi ex usu communi & ex Augustino petita, & a Jansenio multis in locis explicata, praecipue tamen Sholasti­cos induxit, ut ab eo omnem gratiam sufficientem rejici putarent.

Postremo si quis inefficacis gratiae verbum ex Jansenii ore velit audire, habes illud lib. 4, cap. 10; Gratia, inquit; nunquam est sufficiens (Mo­liniano scilicet sensu' ut saepe monuimus) sed vel efficax vel inefficax. Satin hoc est? Addit Janse­nius: Ex inefficaci gratia operationem sequi non posse: id est, ex perpetuo ejus loquendi more, su­perius a nobis in secunda Disquisitione stabilito, fieri non potest ut ex auxilio inefficaci solo sequa­tur operatio; quod de sufficiente sua gratia mil­lies Thomistae testantur. Cum igitur, ut patet, erroneum illum sensum Jansenius excluserit, se­quitur ex * quarto principio, ambiguas ejus locutiones non posse ad illum detorqueri, sed or­thodoxo potius sensu accipiendas. Quod erat pro­bandum.

Argumentum III.

Idem Jansenius easdem locutiones aperte ad bo­num & Catholicum sensum alligavit, additis restri­ctionibus Thomisticis.

1. Fatetur non omnem gratiam plenum & inte­grum effectum obtinere; sed tantum aliquem. Nul­la, inquit, Christi gratia effectu suo caret. En pro­positionem generalem: Sed omnis efficit ut volun­tas velit & aliquid operetur. En restrictionem.

Nomine autem voluntatis illius quam semper operatur gratia, non est intelligenda plena volun­tas, sed nonnunquam sola velleitas & desideri­um inefficax. Si contingat, inquit, cupiditatem ardentiorem esse, in solis desideriis inefsicacibus haerebit animus. Addit Jansenius, effectum illum quem semper efficit gratia, esse illum ob quem da­tur. Gratia, inquit, in eo cui datur, semper opera­tur effectum ob quem datur.

Jam vero per voces illas, ob quem datur, ma­nifeste intelligit Jansenius eum effectum ad quem destinatur voluntate Dei absoluta. 1. Quia cum voluntas Dei nominatur, nisi quid obstet, intelli­genda est absoluta, non antecedens, quae nonnisi improprie dicitur voluntas, cum sit tantum vellei­tas, ut ait Sanctus Thomas. 2. Quia gratiae dan­tur voluntate absoluta, non antecedente, ut ait Jansenius lib. 3 de gratia Christi cap. 20. Hinc patet sententiam Jansenii his verbis concludi posse: Gratia semper aliquem effectum operatur, eum nempe ad quem ordinatur Dei voluntate absoluta.

Ergo debent eo sensu accipi omnes superius al­latae ambiguae locutiones, ex * quinto princi­pio articuli primi. Sed hic sensus est Catholicus, quia Thomistis omnibus communis, ut supra con­stituimus. Ergo sensus Jansenii in omnibus illis lo­cis est Catholicus. Quod erat demonstrandum.

Corollarium.

Ex his omnibus constat, inquiunt, unam ean­demque esse sententiam Jansenii & Thomistarum circa gratiam tum efficacem, tum inefficacem, seu sufficientem.

Utrique admittunt gratiae efficaci proprie dictae semper consentiri; utrique asserunt ex gratia inef­ficaci nunquam operationem sequi.

Utrique asserunt tam gratiam efficacem quam in efficacem, esse efficacem respectu ejus effectus quem vult Deus.

Utrique gratiam inefficacem in imperfectis acti­bus positam docent.

Hoc tantum inter se differunt, quod cum duo in gratia inefficaci consideranda sint, unum quod sit efficax respectu ejus effectus ad quem ordinatur voluntate absoluta; alterum quod sit Thomistice sufficiens, & det posse a gratia efficaci applican­dum & determinandum respectu alterius effectus ad quem excitat: frequentius illam Jansenius con­siderat, quatenus resertur ad illum effectum re­spectu cujus efficax dicitur. Contra Thomistae frequentius eam spectant quatenus refertur ad il­lum effectum respectu cujus dicitur sufficiens vel inefficax.

Rursus Jansenius inefficacem gratiam vix un­quam appellat sufficientem, non quod eam neget sufficere notione Thomistica; sed quia semper hoc verbum usurpat Moliniana & vulgari ratione apud omnes Patres usitata, & praecipue in Schola sua Lovaniensi recepta, ubi id demum sufficere dicitur, quod complectitur omnia ad agendum necessaria. Sic enim illi in justificatione Censurae ann. 1586. cap. 13. Gratia ad conversionem sufficiens ipsa convertit; quae vero non convertit, non sufficit. Hac notione recte Jansenius gratias inefficaces sufficere negavit, quamvis id nunquam Thomistarum no­tione negasset, ut testatur initio libri 3 de grat. Christi cap. 1. At vero Thomistae ad vitanda, cre­do, Molinistarum convitia, crebro gratias ineffi­caces sufficientes dicunt.

3. Thomistae frequentissime cum gratia ineffi­caci hominem posse asserunt, in actu primo scilicet, & in sensu diviso.

Contra Jansenius aliquando quidem dicit homi­nem cum illa posse. Nam de illa voluntate inchoa­ta loquens tom. 3, lib. 8, cap. 20. Velle, inquit, dat posse; & fortiter velle, fortiter posse. Frequen­tius [Page 220] tamen hoc negat: quae verbi, non rei discre­pantia est. Affirmat enim posse, cum hoc verbum usurpat pro potentio actus primi. Negat posse, cum accipit pro ea potentia cui nihil deest ad a­gendum actu necessarium.

Quaeres, an concedi possit ex Jansenii princi­piis gratiam inefficacem dare posse proximum & completum, itidem ut quidam Thomistae de gra­tia sufficiente docent? Distinctione hic opus est, quam multoties attulimus. Si posse proximum ac­cipis pro eo cui nihil deest necessarium ad agen­dum, ne quidem impulsio & applicatio ad agen­dum: sic non dat posse proximum gratia ineffi­cax, nec apud Jansenium, nec apud Thomistas: at si accipis pro eo quod continet virtutem inte­gram, applicandam tamen auxilio efficaci; sic ni­hil vetat quominus illaesa Jansenii doctrina, [...]imo accurate vestigiis ejus insistendo, gratia illa inef­ficax posse completum largiri dicatur. Docet enim ille gratiam efficacem largiri tantum actum secun­dum; docet largiri tantum posse completissimum, quod complectitur omnia ad agendum necessaria; docet largiri posse cum effectu; docet ab Augusti­no gratiam Thomistarum facile admissum iri.

Diluitur Annatinum sophismae.

Ex his facile patet quo pacto retundendum sit Annati argumentum, quo Jansenium a Thomi­stis voluit segregare. Gratia, inquit, sufficiens a­pud Thomistas caret eo effectu ad quem dat posse proximum.

At nunquam gratia Jansenio caret eo effectu, ad quem dat posse proximum.

Ergo discrepat a Thomistis Jansenius.

Fallacia enim laborat minor propositio, quae ex­posito duplici hujus vocis, posse, sensu detegitur. Nunquam caret gratia eo effectu ad quem dat posse proximum, quod nihil aliud requirat ad agendum; verum est ex Thomistis & Jansenio: nunquam ca­ret eo effectu ad quem dat posse proximum actus primi, & semper ab actu divisum; plane falsum est ex utrisque.

Sed ad istas argutias & similes alias semel & uno verbo incidendas, in promptu habendum est quod superius secunda Disquisitione & tertia annotavi; potentias illas non agentes in quo voluerint gradu adversariis esse concedendas, dummodo nunquam sine uberiori auxilio in actum prodeant. Nec minus illud ex Jansenio concedi potest, gratiam nonnunquam carere eo effectu ad quem destinatur voluntate Dei antecedente. Cum enim ea volun­tas semper feratur in bonum absolute spectatum, consentire autem gratiae habeat rationem boni, utique semper illa voluntate Deus velle censen­dus est homines suae gratiae non resistere, sed illi plene consentire: improbat enim homines gratiae suae resistentes, velletque illos ad se converti, quod quidem si non praestant, in ipsis causa est, non in Deo. Prorsus autem sicut Thomistae docent, e­tiamsi gratiae efficaci nunquam dissentiatur, dissen­tiendi tamen potentiam in voluntate manere: sic instructa infirmioribus illis gratiis voluntas, etsi nunquam iis plene consentiat, tamen vere consen­tire potest, nec defectu physicae potestatis iis non consentit, sed quia mavult alii objecto; quo ma­gis delectatur consentire. Ille tamen status ani­mae oreaturam magis quam Deum amantis recte propterea vocatur infirmitas, imbecillitas, & im­potentia, quia nunquam contingit ut in eo statu sine ampliori auxilio recte agat, & quia hic ipse status animae voluntarie malo consentientis, & ideo bonum respuentis, magna est infirmitas & impo­tentia respectu boni, non quidem antecedens, sed consequens liberum consensum voluntatis malo amplius delectanti.

ARTICULUS IV.
Methodus inveniendae in Jansenio tertiae propo­sitionis. Quae conveniant.

NEmo fere tam pertinax inter Molinistas quin libenter agnoscat summum Pontificem neu­tiquam sua Constitutione generalem illam attigisse quaestionem; Utrum libertas quatenus Deo com­petit, Christo, Beatis, hominibus & daemonibus, postulet indifferentiam. Nam & Philosophica po­tius quam Theologica est, & nominis plus fortasse quam rei, ut primarios Molinistas sentire novi.

Rursus nec illud definivit Innocentius, Christum in iis actibus in quibus fuit determinatus ad unum, ut ad diligendum Deum, non meruisse, contra quam statuitur a Sancto Thoma. Non definivit, inquam, vel Christum Patrem non amare potuisse, vel amando non meruisse, adeoque de quaestione illa generali neutiquam pronunciavit, an libertas meriti & demeriti generatim quatenus hominibus lapsis & Christo competit, postulet indifferentiam, & excludat determinatam ad unum voluntatem. Hinc nominatim in propositione ad resecandas il­las generales quaestiones, fit mentio status naturae lapsae.

Constat 3. nec illud sanxisse summum Pontifi­cem, ad merendum & demerendum requiri indif­ferentiam Molinianam, quae potentiam ita expe­ditam ad utrumlibet postulat, ut alterutrum possit reipsa & actu arripere sine novo auxilio. Late hoc Disquisitione quarta probavimus ex scriptis Molinistarum. Hic sufficit annotasse indifferenti­am illam ab omnibus Thomistis rejici, quos sequi duces in Theologia licet,

Constat postremo, satis esse ad omnem erroris suspicionem vitandam, illam indifferentiam admit­tere, quam admittunt Thomistae.

Intentio Molinistarum.

Docuit, inquiunt; tertiam propositionem Jan­senius tom. 3, lib. 6, ubi dicit, nullam omnino voluntatem, quantumcunque ad unum determina­tam, amittere libertatem. Hoc enim intelligen­dum de libertate meriti & demeriti & de statu na­turae lapsae, a quo indifferentiam amovet, ut ne­cessitatem invehat.

Depulsio Jansenii Defensorum.

Nec verba Jansenii reprehendi possunt, quia ex Patribus & Sholasticis petita; nec sensus, quia hoc tantum in illis locis docuit Jansenius: 1. Liber­tati in genere solam repugnare coactionem, qua­tenus hac etiam comprehenditur necessitas natura­lis. 2. Ad libertatem meriti & demeriti, qua­tenus [Page 221] Christo convenit, non requiri indifferen­tiam. Non docet autem ad libertatem meriti & demeriti in statu naturae lapsae non requiri indif­ferentiam, imo potius statuit indifferentiam a li­bertate & a merito hujus viae in hominibus lapsis esse prorsus indivulsam. Ergo non docuit tertiam propositionem. Hinc oriuntur.

Quaestiones duae.

Alia minus praecipua: Utrum Jansenii locutio­nes de libertate e Patribus & Scholasticis petitae sunt.

Alia capitalis; Utrum erraverit in sensu, sive utrum ab hoc statu indifferentiam amoverit, etiam Thomisticam in sensu diviso.

Methodus ineunda Molinistis in tertia propositione.

Debent ostendere 1. Jansenium hic usum du­rioribus locutionibus, nec apud Patres & Schola­sticos usitatis: quod si evicerint, ipsum tenebunt imprudentiae reum.

2. Omnem omnino indifferentiam ab ipso sub­latam, etiam illam quam Thomistae concedunt; hoc modo poterit in errore teneri. In quo ea danda laus est Annato, quod unicam illam affricandae Jansenio tertiae propositionis viam non ignorarit. Hinc in Jansenio à Thomistis damnato propterea docet ab ipso traditam tertiam propositionem, quia tollit omnem indifferentiam, quam Thomistae concedunt. Nec minus clare Hallerius & socii in eo summam quaestionis recte constituunt, quod, inquiunt, indifferentia a statu naturae lapsae sit inseperabilis, ut supra vidimus.

Expenditur ex ista methodo Morellius:

Aliquanto item proprius in hac propositione Morellius ad controversiae caput accedit. Intel­lexit enim quaestionem esse scholasticam, utrum libertas in genere postulet indifferentiam: quam definire summus Pontifex ne cogitavit quidem. Er­go ut causam obtineat, illud adjicit: Jansenii di­scipuli, inquit, consentiunt toto libro sexto agi de libertate naturae corruptae. Laudo quod viam in­tellexit; in hoc non laudo, quod suo jure sumit illud ipsum quod probari decuerat, non laudo quod id adversariis suis affingit, quod ipsi tam di­serte negant. Legat, quaeso, libellum qui anno 1654. adversus Annatum editus est, videbit in eo late comprobari Jansenium hoc libro non de liber­tare hujus status, sed de generali & naturali tan­tum disputasse, atque ut a generali indifferentiam exclusit, sic ad statum hujus vitae prorsus necessa­riam docuisse.

At forte reipsa convictus dabit non hoc a Jan­senii defensoribus agnitum, quod ab ipsis agnosci fidentius quam prudentius affirmavit: sed tamen contendet id ipsis agnoscendum. Verum id qui possit ab ipsis impetrare, cum tam asseveranter a Jansenio negetur? Ex Augustino, inquit tom. 3, lib. 7, cap. 5, & Bernardo asseruimus libertatem arbitrii (sed quam? An hujus status, an vero ge­nericam?) generalem, inquit, & naturalem non esse aliam, nisi à necessitate, per quam patet eo [...] solam coactionem intellexisse. At cum idem agit de libertate hujus vitae, aliter se sentire profitetur. Sic enim inquit lib. 6, cap. 34. ‘Inter actum li­berum & statum libertatis permagna differentia est: aliter Deus, aliter Angeli viatores, aliter Beati, aliter damnati, aliter Christus Dominus in via constitutus liber fuit, nec ullo pacto quae in uno statu libertatis adsunt, aut etiam requisita sunt, ad alterum extendenda sunt. Hominum igitur viatorum non solum coactionis expertem esse libertatem, sed etiam necessitatis immutabilis voluntariae, cum Scriptura & Patribus & Catho­lica fide fatemur perlibenter.’

Quorsum ergo, inquiet Morellius, tam multis agit de libertate Jansenius, nisi ut naturae lapsae li­bertatem explicet? Facilis nodus, sed in quo ta­men non miror Morellii ingenium haesisse, Genus praescindit quidem a speciebus, sed tamen in specie­bus est, Gradus sentientis, ut vulgo in scholis philo­sophantur, rationem non involvit, & tamen senti­ens in homine est, qui rationem habet, non quate­nus sentiens, sed quatenus homo. Similiter generica illa libertas quam tractat & evolvit Jansenius, ut in Deo & in Beatis, sic etiam in homine lapso est, nec involvit etiam in homine lapso indifferentiam quatenus libertas est, sed illam aliunde individuo nexu habet adjunctam, quatenus libertas est ho­minis lapsi & viatoris: sicut sentiens, cum non in­volvat in se rationem, eam tamen quatenus in homine est, indivulso nexu habet annexam. Quam­obrem qui negatae in hoc statu indifferentiae Jan­senium propterea reum agat, quod indifferenti­am ad genericam libertatis rationem pertinere ne­get, tam sit absurdus, quam si quis a Philosophis hominem fingi criminetur rationis expertem, quia negant eum quatenus sensu praeditus est, esse ra­tionalem; five quia rationem, specificum esse gradum volunt, non genericum. Atque ut illi hanc criminationem facillime hac responsione de­pellerent [...] Non dicimus hominem esse rationis expertem, sed negamus esse rationalem quatenus animal, quia hic gradus in aliis invenitur sine ra­tione: Sic item Jansenius nullo negotio eos re­pellit, qui negatam ipsi indifferentiam objiciunt. Non nego, inquit, hominem esse indifferentem, at nego indifferentiam ipsi convenire per generi­cam rationem libertatis, sed per specialem hujus status & viae conditionem, qua fit ut nihil ipsi pro­ponatur ad merendum & demerendum nisi per ju­dicium indifferens, ut aiunt Thomistae. Habet Morellius genuinam Jansenianae mentis explica­tionem, qui hanc viam explicandae libertatis prop­terea arripuit, quod Augustini interpretem profes­sus, quae apud ipsum inveniebat, simpliciter debuit exponere.

Methodus ineunda Jansenii Defensoribus.

Primo docendum in objectis Jansenii locis ni­hil esse a Patrum & antiquorum Scholasticorum loquendi modo alienum. 2. Sensum illorum lo­corum non excludere indifferentiam, nec quic­quam nisi Catholicum & orthodoxum complecti. Primum exequuntur comparatis inter se Janse­nii & Patrum Scholasticorumque locis ad hunc modum.

Locus Jansenii objectus a Morellio t. 3. lib. 6. c. 6.

Aperte consectaneum est omnem omnino vo­luntatem, quantum cun­que ad unum determina­tam, nulla tali necessita­te, qua dicitur necesse ut velit, desinere esse li­beram, quia non desinit esse voluntas quae non nollemus.

Augustinus de Civitate lib. 5. c. 10.

Si autem definitur ista necessitas secundum quam dicimus necesse esse ut i­ta sit aliquid, vel ita fiat; nescio cur eam timea­mus ne nobis auferat li­berratem.

S. Thomas q. 10. de po­tent. a. 2. ad 5.

Dicendum quod natu­ralis necessitas secundum quod voluntas aliquid ex necessitate velle dicitur, ut felicitatem, libertati voluntatis non repugnat, ut Augustinus docet in 5. de Civitate. Libertas e­nim vol ntatis violentiae aut coactioni opponitur.

Et 1. part. qu. 88. ad 1.

Verbum Augustini est intelligendum de neces­sitate coactionis, ne­cessitas autem naturalis non aufert libertatem voluntatis.

Bernardus libro de libero arbitrio.

Nec Deus caret libero arbitrio, nec diabolus, quoniam id quod ille esse non potest malus, non infirma facit necessitas, sed firma in bono voluntas, & voluntaria firmitas; quod­que hic non vult in bo­num respirare, non ali­ena facit violenta op­pressio, sed sua ipsius in malo obstinata voluntas.

Jansenius lib. 16. cap. 24.

Docet Sanctus Tho­mas opus esse laude vel vituperio dignum, ex hoc quod est voluntari­um, non coactum, ta­metsi sit determinatum ad unum. Nam dispu­tans utrum Christus pec­care potuerit, cum sibi objecisset ex Augustino, quod nullus peccat in eo quod vitare non potest, & proinde nullus etiam mereatur, vel laudetur de hoc quod dimittere non potest.

Deinde subjicit loca S. Thomae quae habes e regio­ne.

S. Thomas.

Impotentia coactionis quae opponitur volunta­rio, tollit rationem meri­ti & demeriti, non impo­tentia quae est ex perfe­ctione in bonitate & ma­litia, quia hoc volunta­rium non tollit, sed po­nit voluntatem determi­natum ad unum. Quod posse pecare pertinet ad laudem, est per accidens, in quantum ostendit o­pus quod laudatur ex ne­ssitate factum non esse. Sed quamvis removeatur a Christo potentia pec­can [...]i, non tamen po­nitur coactio que volun­tario contrariatur, & laudis rationem tollit.

In 3. dist. 23. art 4.

Cum explicaret quomo­do Christus mereri potue­rit per liberum arbitrium determinatum ad unum.

Dicendum, inquit, quod etiamsi esset De­terminatum ad unum nu­mero, sicut ad diligendum Deum, quod non facere non potest; tamen ex hoc non admittit libertatem aut rationem laudis sive meriti; & ita est actus sui dominus.

Jansenius lib. 6. de gr. Chr. cap. 38.

Cum recensuisset Jan­senius multa Scholastico­rum loca, summam ipso­rum breviter ita colligit:

Habes, Lector, con­sensum admirabilem tot sanctissimorum & erudi­tissimorum virorum, de quibus nulla unquam er­roris in hoc argumento suspicio fuit. Unanimiter constantissimeque docent voluntatem, hoc ipso quo rationalis voluntas est, esse liberam, sua non posse privari liberta­te, nec voluntatem, id est, vilitionem futuram nisi esset libera & in po­testate, nullam immu­tabilitatis, inevitabilita­tis, vel quocunque vo­ces nomine, sed solam coactionis libertatem ei repugnare.

Loca e quibus Jansenius hanc conclusionem elicit.
Petrus Capulcius in 2. disp. 7.

Respectu amare De­um in Beatis, est sem­piterna & libera electio.

Gabriel Biel dist. 18. ad. 3.

Actus beatitudinis est libere elicitus, & ita contingens, etsi immuta­bilis & perpetuus.

Marsilius ab Inghen.

Necessarium & inevi­tabile, non per naturam, sed per gratiam non tol­lit rationem laudabilis.

Thomas de Argentina in 3. d. 12.

Necessitas coactionis tollit rationem meriti, ne­cessitas immutabilitatis, proveniens ex perfectione virtutum, non tollit, sed auget.

Scotus quodl. 16.

Cum necessitate ad volendum stat libertas in vo­luntate. Nam in eo est libertas volendi, quia de­lectabiliter & eligibiliter aliquid agit.

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Richardus de Media-Villa in 2. dist. 25. art. 3.

Non obstante illa necessitate qua Angeli diligunt bonum liberrime, motu dilectionis movent se.

S. Thomas.

Etiamsi esset liberum arbitrium determinatum ad unum numero, ficut ad diligendum Deum, quod non facere non potest, tamen non amittit liberta­tem aut rationem laudis, sive meriti.

Alexander de Hales.

Necessitas coactionis tollit liberum arbitrium, sed non necessitas inevitabilitatis.

Guillelmus Parisiensis.

Necessitas vel impossibilitas quae non aufert o­peri quin sit voluntarium, hoc est, ex voluntare, quam impossibile est non esse liberam, nec culpam aufert.

Petrus Lombardus.

Ubi non est libertas, nec voluntas.

Hugo de Sancto Victore tract. 2. cap. 4.

Ex quo voluntas est, libertas est, quia volunta­tis est libertas; ubi autem non est libertas, nec vo­luntas.

Bernardus de libero arbitrio.

Ubi voluntas, ibi libertas, & hoc est quod puto dici liberium arbitrium. Ipsam enim voluntatem, quia impossibile est de se ipsa sibi non obedire, eti­tiam impossibile est sua privari libertate.

Johannes Damascenus lib. 3. fidei orthod. cap. 14.

Arbitrii libertas nihil aliud est quam voluntas.

Augustinus 22. de Civit. Dei. cap. ult.

Erit una in omnibus, & inseparabilis in singulis voluntas libera, fruens indeficienter aeternorum jucunditate gaudiorum.

Cerni licet nihil in summa istorum locorum a Jansenio collecta reperiri, quod non istis locis ex­tet; nihil ab illo additum de suo, multa etiam re­secata duriora; & tamen tam parum Ecclesiae, tam parum honori summi Pontificis consulit Morel­lius, ut his non Jansenii, sed Patrum Scholastico­rumque verbis tertiam propositionem contineri contendat. Verum quid ipse sequensibus argumen­tis respondere possit, haud satis video.

Argumentum. I.

Ex solis Augustini & Patrum & antiquorum Sho­lasticorum verbis, nemo potest argui haereticam tertiae propositionis tradidisse doctrinam, ex a tertio principio arriculi primi.

Sed haec quae profert Morellius, ipsissima sunt Pa­trum & Scholasticorum loca & verba, sine ulla in­flexione, quae fensum mutare vel tantillum possit, a Iansenio repetita. Ergo &c.

Argumentum. II.

Doctrina in tertia propositione damnata, nulli, ut testantur Episcopi, ante Jansenium cognita est. Atqui istorum locorum doctrina ab omnibus pene antiquis Scholasticis tradita est, utpote ex ipsorum libris ne verbo quidem addito, ducta. Igitur haec lo­ca non continent tertiam propositionem.

Argumentum. III.

Vt detur ambigua esse locorum Jansenii verba, certe negari non potest quin commode explicari possit sensu orthodoxo, adhibita levi distinctione. Nam quod ait nullam inevitabilitatis, immutabili­tatis, solam coactionis necessitatem libertati re­pugnare, intellige de libertate generali, quatenus Deo, Beatis, & hominibus convenit, non de pro­pria hujus status. Iam extra aleam hic locus e­rit.

Quod ait docere Sanctum Thomam opus esse laude vel vituperio dignum ex hoc quod est volun­tarium, non coactum: Iam non metuet Molini­starum impetum, si addideris, spectare hic ratio­nem laudis & vituperii generatim, quatenus etiam Christo convenit, qui caruit indifferentia in Deo diligendo, quo tamen ille actu meruit; non autem proprium & specificum meritum hujus status, quod nunquam ab indifferentia disjungitur.

Quod ait voluntatem non amittere libertatem ulla tali necessitate, quia dicitur necesse est ut ve­lit, tam orthodoxum erit si de libertate generali in­telligatur, quam si de statu libertatis in hac vita falsum.

Atqui Jansenius ambiguas istas locutiones ipse sano illo & orthodoxo sensu interpretatur, ipse de generali se tantum libertate, non de statu libertatis in hac vita agere testatur. Asseruimus, inquit tom. 3. lib. 6. cap. 5. libertatem arbitrii Generalem & Naturalem, non esse aliam nisi a necessitate, per quam intelligitur a Patribus sola coactio.

Et statim initio libri septimi: Hactenus, inquit, delaravimus Generalem libertatis rationem, a qua dictum est l berum arbitrium in eo situm esse, quod immune sit a necessitate coactionis. Ipse inseparabi­lem esse ab hoc statu asserit indifferentiam poten­tiae, ut Morellio jam ostendimus.

Ergo haec loca malo sensu interpretari nefas est, per b quintum Principium articuli primi. Quod erat demonstrandum.

Argumentum. IV.

Malum istum sensum qui in istas locutiones in­trudi posset, nempe quod a libertate hujus vitae om­nem indifferentiam excluserit, removit expresse Jansenius, ut jam probavimus Disquitione tertia. Igitur h [...]c sensu illas explicari injurium est, per a quartum Principium articuli primi.

Ergo nec verba, nec sensus Iansenii possunt re­prehendi; atque ita nil in eo nisi orthodoxum, per b sextum Principium articuli primi. Quod erat demonstrandum.

Videat, quaeso, Morellius quam recte isti ad controversiae caput colliment, non ipsius more inaniter sibi ipsi plaudentes, nec ridicule de pro­stratis hostibus, quos ne attigerint quidem, mo­re ipsius gloriantes, sed Iansenium claris & mani­festis ipsiusmet Iansenii locis ab ipsius calumniis vindicantes.

ARTICULUS V.
Excursio in Annatum super Iansenii sententia de libertate.

NE quid in hac materia difficultatis relinquamus, ad istius propositionis calcem, breviter quae­dam perlustrabimus, dum Molinismi res adhuc flu­ctuarent, ab Annato scripta libro de incoacta li­bertate. Ibi enim futurae sortis ignarus, & quid po­stulatura esset Societatis causa non praescius, alie­niora nonnulla ab illius utilitatibus posuit, illud que praesertim quod ait pag. 175. Iansenium admittere Thomistarum indifferentiam: sed in eo sibi contra­dicere. Fatetur, inquit, Jansenius ita convenire indifferentiam libero arbitrio, ut quibuscunque posi­tis quae ad agendum bonum & malum requisita sunt, possit liberum arbitrium in hac vita facere bonum & malum, facere alterutrum & non facere. Et iterum: Dicimus liberum arbitrium quantumcunque vehe­menti atque efficaci gratiae delectatione praeventum at­que determinatum ad faciendum bon [...]m, adhuc tamen posse bonum non tantum non f [...]cere, sed etiam malum. Verum est enim istud non in sensu composito, ut vul­go dici solet, sed in sensu diviso. Adde quod dicit eodem libro dum putat suam sententiam defendere pos­se eadem ratione qua Thomistae: In libero arbitrio quantum cunque per gratiam praeparato atque deter­minato reperi [...]i simultatem potentiae ad operandum & non operandum: esto, non sit potentia simultatis. Et quod idem est: Qamvis duo actus contrarii sint, & in eadem voluntate simul esse non possint; potestates tamen ad op­posita non sunt oppositae, nec sibi invicem, nec actibus oppositis; sed in eodem simul subjecto sive quiescente, sive agente, simul commorantur. Ʋsitata est ista dis­sidentium cogitationum pugna in Janseniana Theolo­gia.

Hic primo animadverti velim fateri Annatum non usque adeo firmum in neganda indifferentia Ian­senium, ut non eam disertis verbis aliquando agno­verit. Contradicit, inquit, sibi Iansenius, nunc admittit indifferentiam, nunc negat. Igitur ex ipso Annato non minus probabilis est eorum sententia, qui agnitam a Iansenio indifferentiam voluut, quam Annati qui sublatam contendit. Quodsi non minus probabilis, hoc ipso fit etiam probabilior, quia benig­nior, quia in Episcopum Catholicum religiosior est. Nam cum duae sunt de Scriptoris Catholici sensu o­piniones, quarum unâ reus erroris alicujus asseritur, aliâ errore liberatur, nisi manifesta sit disparitas ra­tionum, semper in judicando amplectenda est be­nigna sententia; quod nisi fit, in illud Domini prae­ceptum impingitur: Nolite judicare & non judicabi­mini.

2. Notandum admitti a Iansenio indifferentiam certis & conceptis verbis: at nullum locum profert Annatus, quo sic clare negatam in hoc statu indiffe­rentiam vel ipse possit contendere. Quis igitur du­bitet potiorem clarae & non ambiguae affirmationis fidem ad purgandum erroris suspicione Iansenium esse debere, quam obscurioris alicujus locutionis ad eundem crimine innectendum?

3. Non aliter fere probat Annatus tolli a Ianse­nio indifferentiam, quam consecutionibus quibus­dam, ex quibus indifferentiae excidium sequi dicit. At contra claram & apertam Scriptoris testificatio­nem afferre consecutiones, ridiculum & injurium. Ecquid enim non tam saepe ejusmodi consecutioni­bus Thomistas cum Calvino sentire arguit? Et ta­men ipse negat Thomistas ideo pro Calvinistis, pro libertatis inimicis habendos. Aliud est, inquit, videre quid sentiant, aliud quid contra eos objicia­tur.

Postremo, quod vel praecipuum est, pueriles, ridiculae, nullius roboris sunt consecutiones illae, ex quibus negatae indifferentiae accusationes conflat Annatus, ut ex illarum confutatione ad oculum de­monstrabitur.

Annatinus Cavillus.

Non potest, inquit Annatus, a Iansenio admitti simultas potentiarum, quia potestatem agendi con­ferri docet per victricem delectationem, sive in bono, sive in malo: At simul non sunt victrices delectationes: Ergo nec agendi potentiae. Re­spondeo, ludere Annatum in voce posse, & vulga­tissimam in Scholis doctrinam dissimulare. Duplex est enim potestas, duplex posse: alia actus primi, alia actus secundi; alia quae interiorem virtutem notat, alia quae etiam impulsionem & applicatio­nem ad agendum involvit: ex hoc postremo gene­re est victrix delectatio; impellit illa ad agen­dum, admovet, applicat, eo prorsus modo quo Thomistae de physica predeterminatione senti­unt.

Dat ergo proprie dicendo actum secundum, pri­mum supponit, tollit simultatem sensus compositi, quo componuntur actus inter se, relinquit simul­tatem potentiarum in actu primo, eo prorsus modo quo praedeterminatio physica. Eam ob rem Jan­senio gratia efficax dicitur adjutorium actus secundi, non primi; nec dat posse alia ratione, nisi quia dat velle; dat ipsum actum, non quandam separatam abactu potentiam,

Igitur si sermo sit de ipsis potentiis in actu primo spectatis, plena est apud Jansenium simultas poten­tiarum; si de actu secundo, nec apud Jansenium, [Page 225] nec apud Thomistas ulla simultas est, sed tantum successio: atque hoc est quod aliquando Jansenius ait, non nisi subtracta gratia efficaci hominem posse male agere, nimirum in sensu composito. Nunquam enim continget ut reipsa male agat, dum aderit efficax gratia; at potentia ipsa male agendi prorsus eodem tempore cum gratia efficaci consistit. Habet enim homo, etiam cum bene agit, male a­gendi potestatem, sed non habet male agendi vo­luntatem. Videat Annatus quam facile fuerit illud ipsius, quo maxime se jactat, argumentum refellere.

Aliae Annati ratiunculae confrin­guntur.

Quid est, inquit, quod dicit Jansenius, non admittere se indifferentiam, qualem admittunt recen­tiores Scholastici? Vin dicam, mi Pater? Non admittit Jansenius indifferentiam qualem Jesuitae, quos molli recentiorum Scholasticorum nomine ap­pellat; Vide libri oras, non alios videbis quam Je­suitas adscriptos.

Pergit Annatus, & ita disputat: Admittunt ne illi aliam indifferentiam, quam illa quam admittit Ecclesia? Ita prosus: admittunt Moliniani indiffe­rentiam recta fronte cum gratia efficaci pugnau­tem; admittunt indifferentiam quae postulet non modo ut semper positis omnibus ad agendum requi­sitis possimus agere & non agere, sed etiam qua cum omnibus illis ad agendum requisitis, etiam cum ipsa gratia oppositus actus aliquando componatur. Hanc nunquam agnovit Ecclesia. Sed solennis Annati mos, quae proprie in Societatem suam dicta sunt, in omnes Theologos spargere, ad concitandam Iansenio apud omnes invidiam.

Expressa est apud Jansenium, inquit Annatus, indifferentiae negatio, parall. not. 79. dum Sua­rem, Bellarminum & Vasquez eo nomine accusat, quod gratiam a imittant qua stante in libero arbitrio, possit arbitrium, indifferenter velle & nolle. Nunquamne intelliget Annatus solos hic Molinistas a Jansenio carpi, qui praesente sua gratia sufficien­te, non certo in alteram partem vergere volunta­tem dicunt, sed nunc gratiam rejicere, nunc ac­cipere versatili & instabili motu, sine ullo alio Dei auxilio? Hanc indifferentiam negat, rejicit, dam­nat Jansenius, & quicunque cum Iansenio vestram illam gratiam versatilem detestantur: atque ut ille Molinisticam respuit gratiam, sic illas locutiones quibus a Molinistis exprimi solet, nempe ejus u­sum vel non usum in libero relinqui arbitrio, posse illam arripi vel repudiari pro nutu, posse ei volun­tatem consentire vel dissentire, velle & nolle: quae locutiones licet rectum habeant sensum in do­ctrina Thomistarum, & ideo determinatae & alli gatae ad illorum sensum, saepe, ut jam late proba­vimus, a Jansenio probentur, tamen quia in Mo­linistarum ore, imo in ore vulgi, nihil aliud sig­nificant nisi gratiam versatilem quam pro nutu nunc accipit, nunc abjicit voluntas, nullo, cum accipit, uberiore instructa auxilio quam cum abjicit; hinc merito sensum istis locutionibus a Molinistis expressum explodit Iansenius.

Equidem miror tam tardum Annato ingenium fuisse, ut tam facilem verborum disctepantiam con­ciliare nequiverit. Admittit indifferentiam Jan­senius: negat indifferentiam Jansenius: fatetur gratiae quamlibet efficaci vel consentire vel dissen­tire posse voluntatem; negat idem in libero arbitrio relictam gratiam; negat eam pro arbitrio recipi vel repelli. Si non ipse mentem suam interpretatus es­set, tamen injurium erat pugnam illam verborum non aliqua, praesertim expedita & ad manum distin­ctione componere: sed prorsus excusatione carent qui in illa ambiguita [...]e cavillantur, cum ipse sic prae­cise definierit, quam indifferentiam oppugnet, quam admittat, ut nullum disputationi locum reli­querit.

Definit indifferentiam quam oppugnat lib. 8. de gr. Christi cap. 20. Quandiu, inquit, hic vivi­mus, semper inest indifferentia libero arbitrio, sed non eo modo quo isti Scholastici (Jesuitae) putant, quos supra diximus, qui quocunque modo arbitrium, sive gratiae, sive peccati delectationibus imbuatur, sem­per existimant cum utravis ejus dispositione posse fieri ut utrumlibet velit, sive bonum, sive malum, pro il­la sola scilicet innata idifferentia voluntatis, quae sub quacunque dspositione actum praeveniente sese sua liber­tate in utramvis partem flectit.

Non potuit clarius Molinianam indifferentiam significare; quae cum quacunque gratia non nudam potestatem actus expertem, sed ipsum contrari­um actum componit, qua voluntas ita potens fin­gitur, ut instructa sufficienti auxilio, nunc se in al­teram partem flectat, nunc in aliam reflectat. Hanc indifferentiam oppugnarunt quotque in disci­plina Thomistarum floruere Theologi; hanc reve­ra tanquam humanae superbiae inventum insectatur passim Jansenius: at illam alteram Thomistarum, qua voluntas ita potest dissentire gratiae efficaci, ut nunquam dissentiat, ibidem ultro fatetur admit­titque, & late explicat Jansenius.

Eodem, inquit, tempore quo voluntatis arbitrium sub gratia efficaciter eam movente positum est; imo quo etiam actum voluntatis bonum facit, est in eadem vo­luntate potestas illud non faciendi, imo peccandi: non quod cessatio ab actu quem tunc elicit, aut actuale peccatum cum gratiae delectantis influxu possit consiste­re, quod sensus compositus postularet: sed quia ces­sandi & peccandi potestas cum eadem gratia simul in eodem volunnatis arbitrio conjungi potest. Sic ergo vo­luntas quantumcunque gratiae suavitate capiatur, po­test non agere id quo rapitu [...], quia veram non agendi potentiam etiam sub gratia rapiente retinet, quamvis fieri nequeat ut ipsa non actio cum gratiae operatione in eadem simul voluntate copuletur.

Habet Annatus ad suas argutias. Habet Lector unde judicet, utrum aequius sit eam Jansenio haere­sim tribui, quam disertis verbis ipse rejiciat; an vero illius verba, ut multum ambigua, eo sen­su intelligi quo ab ipsomet explicata esse demon­stratur.

ARTICULUS VI.
Methodus in veniendae in Jansenio quartae propo­sitionis.

COnvenit inter omnes Theologos licere fine ul­la erroris nota gratiam vetsatilem rejicere, quae modo effectum habet, modo non habet. [Page 226] Constat 2. orthodoxam esse Thomistarum doctri­nam, qua negant gratiae efficaci unquam resisti, licet semper resisti possit.

Intentio Molinistarum.

Docet Jansenius haereticos in eo fuisse Semipe­lagianos, quod dicerent gratiae resisti posse vel ob­temperari, quia vult gratia efficaci necessitatem af­ferri voluntati, & dissentiendi potestatem aufer­ri; quam doctrinam tradit lib. 8. de haeres. Pelag. cap. 6.

Nota.

Nuspiam Molinistae quam in hac Jansenii accusa­tione, & in quartae propositionis sensu sic expli­cando constantiores. Docent enim unanimi con­sensu in hoc errorem Jansenii situm, quod gratiae efficaci dissentire posse negaverit, quia necessita­tem affert. Sic Hallerius & socii in illis scriptis quae Romae Consultoribus obtulerunt; Thomistae, in­quiunt, & Jesuitae concedunt divinae gratiae huma­nam voluntatem consentire & dissentire posse; hoc ip­sum Jansenistae negant. Alibi: Exigendum a Jan­senii defensoribus, inquiunt, ut fateantur quod non sint haeretici qui dicunt liberum arbitrium Deo moven­ti per gratiam efficacem dissentire posse. Et Annatus in praefatione libri cui titulus est, Jansenius a Tho­mistis damnatus: Si gratia efficax, inquit, non tollit libertatem, consequenter nec tollit indiffe­rentiam; quod dicere judicatur haereticum in il­la propositione. Idem in responsione ad Ludovici Montaltii Epistolam 17. praecipuum Iansenii erro­rem in eo collocat, quod velit gratia necessitatem afferti voluntati. Postremo Morellius in eo etiam collocat Jansenianum errorem circa hanc propositi­onem, quod haereseos accuset eos qui dicunt gra­tiae resisti posse.

Depulsio Jansenii Defensorum.

Nec in verbis Iansenii quicquam reprehenden­dum, quia Augustiniana sunt; nec in sensu, quia fatetur gratiae etiam efficaci resisti posse; fatetur ab ea liberum arbitrium posse dissentire, licet nun­quam dissentiat: fatetur non esse haereticos qui hoc asserunt, imo haereticos asserit qui hoc negant. Sed eos tantum Semipelagiani erroris insimulat, qui eidem gratiae nunc consentiri nunc dissentiri pro solo nutu arbitrii volunt, sive qui gratiam Molini­anam & versatilem in Ecclesiam invehunt; nec ali­us est sensus omnium locorum quae ab ejus adver­sariis proferuntur.

Quaestio.

An culpanda fuerint Iansenii verba, an sensus, si­ve an Iansenius gratiam necessitantem admiserit, cui resisti non possit, quod improbandum: an vero so­lam gratiam versatilem, quae modo effectum ha­bet, modo non habet, rejecerit; quod non modo licitum, sed laudandum est.

Methodus Molinistis ineunda.

Debent ad arguendum imprudentiae Iansenium ostendere duriora illius verba, & minime Augusti­niana. Ad eum vero haereseos accusandum docere debent gratiam necessitantem, cui resisti non pos­sit, a Iansenio admissam, nec solam Molinae gra­tiam repudiatam, sed & efficacem cui resisti pos­set.

Expenditur ex hac methodo Morellius.

Sedulo cavit bonus Doctor ne quid nobis uspiam in se refellendo laboris daret. Vix enim unquam ad usque controversiae caput pervenit. Quaere apud illum argumenta quibus probet admitti a Iansenio gratiam necessitantem: quaere rationes quibus ad­struat non solam a Iansenio rejici Molinae gratiam, sed omnem omnino cui resisti possit, etiam effica­cem. Altum ubique silentium reperies, & Morel­lium inepti illius patroni semper similem esse, qui multis laboraret ostendere Clodium a Milone occi­sum, nec ultra progrederetur.

Methodus Jansenii defensoribus ineunda.

Ut verba Iansenii innoxia esse demonstrent, osten­dere sat est Augustiniana esse: Ut sensum, doce­ant oportet solam in allatis locis gratiam Molinisti­cam rejici, nec negari dissentiendi potestatem cum efficaci gratia cohaerentem. Utrumque autem ita praestant: ac de verbis primo.

Locus qui objicitur Iansenio, extat lib. 8. de haeres. Pelag. cap. 6. In hoc inquit, ergo proprie Massiliensium error situs est, quod aliquid primaevae libertatis reliquum putant, quo sicut Adam, si vo­luisset, poterat perseveranter operari bonum; ita lapsus homo saltem credere posset si vellet, neuter tamen absque interioris gratiae adjutorio, cujus usus vel abu­sus relictus esset in uniuscujusque arb [...]trio & pote­state.

In hoc loco ea demum verba culpantur, quod er­roneum esse [...]icat Iansenius in hoc statu admittere gratiam, cujus usus vel abusus relictus sit libero arbitrio: atqui haec verba purgare nullius negotii est. Asserit enim Sanctus Augustinus gratiam na­turae lapsae non relinqui libero arbitrio. Nec ipsum, inquit lib. de corr. & grat. cap. 11. Adamum De­us esse voluit sine sua gratia, quam reliquit in ejus libero arbitrio: tale quippe erat adjutorium quod de­sereret cum vellet, & in quo permaneret si vellet, non quo fieret ut vellet. Ecce quid sit gratiam relin­qui libero arbitr [...]o, non dare velle, non esse effi­cacem, pendere ab ipsius nutu, nunc deseri, nunc arripi, sine alio auxilio quod det ipsum velle. Hujusmodi gratiam amoliri ab hoc statu nihil aliud est quam damnare Molinae versatilem gratiam. At vero talem non esse gratiam hominis lapsi, nec re­linqui illam libero arbitrio, ostendit Augustinus se­quentibus verbis: Si in tanta infirmitate vitae hujus ipsis relinqueretur voluntas sua ut vellent, inter tot & tantas tentationes voluntas ipsa succumberet. Sub­ventum est igitur infirmitati voluntatis humanae, ut divina gratia insuperabiliter & indeclinabiliter agere­tur.

Sed ut ipsam locutionem omittamus, quam satis patet ex Augustino sumptam, sensum ejus ita vin­dicant: Verba illa Jansenii quae arguuntur, ut du­rissime de iis sentiatur, ambigua sunt, & sensum tum Catholicum, tum erroneum admittunt. Ca­tholica erunt si sic accipiantur: Errabant Massilien­ses, quod admitterent gratiam versatilem, cujus u­sus & non usus ita libero relinquebatur arbitrio, ut sine alio auxilio eidem gratiae nunc consentiret vo­luntas, nunc dissentiret.

Rursus heretica erunt si sic accipiantur: Errabant Massilienses, quod dicerent gratia non necessitari voluntatem, & dissentiendi potestatem ab eo non auferri.

His positis, orthodoxum esse Janseniani loci sen­sum hoc duplici argumento concludunt.

Argumentum. I.

Excludit & amovet diserte Iansenius malum il­lum sensum qui includi in his verbis posset. Sic e­nim loquitur de grat. Chr. lib. 8. cap. 21. Ecclesia reprehend t in Calvino quod doceat gratiam ita movere voluntatem, ut non sit ei liberum resistere: Augusti­no vero ita Deus m [...]vet voluntatem, ut quamvis in­fallibiliter convertatur & operetur, posset tamen mo­tioni Dei refragari, aut obtemperare, seu, ut Con­cilium Tridentinum loquitur, illi dissentire si velit. Multa alia loca jam attulimus, quibus illam dissen­tiendi potentiam cum gratia efficacisimul consistere tradit Iansenius.

Itaque per a quartum principium articuli pri­mi ambiguus ejus locus haeretico illo sensu accipi non potest; igitur orthodoxo, qui solam Molinae gratiam erroris accusat, accipi debet. Quod erat pro­bandum.

Argumentum. II.

Verba quibus constant hic locus, saepe ab ipso Ian­senio explicata sunt.

Primaeva libertas.

Passim enim declarat Iansenius, per primaevam libertatem a se intelligi libertatem qualis in Ada­mo fuit, nempe voluntatem ita sanam ac robustam, ut gratia efficaci quae daret velle, quae voluntatem impelleret ad opus, non indigeret. En quomodo hunc primaevae libertatis statum expresserit, lib. de grat. primi hominis & Angel. cap. 14. In illo feli­citatis statu velle & nolle non ab ipso adjutorio, sed ab arbitrii libertate Deus peti voluit, ut quocunque videretur se flecteret, sive applicando ipsum adjutori­um ad influendum secum, si vellet; sive non applican­do, si nollet.

Adam per primaevam libertatem poterat perse­veranter operari bonum.

Posse intelligit Iansenius, non illud Thomisticum a gratia efficaci applicandum: sed hoc tantum quod omnia ad agendum necessaria complecteretur, quodque in actum prodire sine novo auxilio non re­pugnaret. Hinc cum solo illo adjutorio Angelos asserit in bono permansisse. Videndus totus liber de gratia primi hominis & Angel. & praecipue cap. 14.

Ita lapsus homo per reliquias primaevae liberta­tis, posset saltem credere si vellet.

Id est, homo lapsus sine gratia efficaci poterat ex Se­mipelagianorum mente per solum illud adjutorium innocentiae & reliquias libertatis actu credere. Hinc eorumdem errorem definiens tom. 3. lib. 3. cap. 1. Proscripti sunt, inquit, Massilienses, non ob ali­am causam, nisi quia tale auxilium s [...]fficere putarent, adeoque nullum aliud adjutorium ex parte Dei esse necessarium.

Neuter tamen sine interioris gratiae adjutorio, cu­jus usus vel non usus relictus esset in cujusque libero arbitrio & potestate.

Id est, gratia quae velle non dabat, tom. 1. lib. 8. cap. 6. Talis f [...]it illa gratia, ut ejus usus in sua cuique voluntate relinqueretur. Non enim dabat velle vel agere. Gratia quae non admoveret vo­luntatem ad opus. De gratia primi hominis cap. 14. Non enim adjutor [...]um fac ebat influendo ut arbitrium vellet, sed arbitrium volendo ut adjutor um influeret: Gratia cujus effectum saepe actu impediebat volun­tas, rursus eandem quoque reddebat efficacem. Applicatio, inquit, ad influendum (statu innocen­tiae) libero arbitrio tribui debet, cujus nutus facit ut istud adjutorium si nul influat, cujus nutu plerum­que fit & semper fieri potest ut non instuat.

Ita ad verum Iansenii sensum inveniendum nil aliud opus est, quam varias illas colligi notiones, & una proposi [...]ione concludi. ‘Errabant Massili­enses, quod docerent non sic pec [...]ato originali laesam esse naturam, ut non aliqua illi pars super­esset robustae illius libertatis, a qua peteretur ip­sum velle, non ab ipso injutorio. Et ita sicut A­dam poterat primae illius libertatis viribus actu in justitia sine efficaci auxilio perseverare; sic ho­minem lapsum posse saltem actu credere, nulla alia adjutum gratia, quam ea quae primo homini collata est, quae non erat efficax, quae non dabat velle, quae voluntatem ad opus non admovebat, sed contra ab ipsa libertate applicanda erat, ita ut pro nutu dominantis voluntatis, nunc careat effe­ctu, nunc fortitetur effectum.’

His constitutis, sic breviter demonstratio confi­citur: Haec propositio solam carpit & rejicit gratiam Molinianam, quod sine errore fieri licet, ex posito initio hujus articuli principio. Atqui haec propositio verum continer Ianseniani loci sensum, ut ex sub­jecta explicatione istorum verborum ab ipso Ian­senio petita patuit. Igitur Iansenii locus solam re­jicit gratiam versatilem & Molinianam, quod ortho­doxum est. Igitur ejus loci sensus orthodoxus est ex 211 quinto articuli primi principio. Quod erat de­monstrandum.

Secundum locum quem affert Morellius, omit­to, quia facilior est, & ex hac methodo nullo ne­gotio repelli potest. Manifestum est enim per illa verba quibus abutitur, Cujus influxus in eorum li­bero relinqueretur arbitrio, solam designari versa­tilem Molinae gratiam, non vero gratiam efficacem, quae facit liberum arbitrium influere.

ARTICULUS VII.
Methodus inveniendae in Jansenio quintae Propositionis.

GRaviter & verè nobilis Scriptor quaestionem illam; An Christus pro omnibus mortuus sit, factiosam vocat, & commovendis quidem im­peritae plebeculae animis idoneam; reipsâ tamen apud eruditos futilem, imo nullam. Praecisis enim quae utrimque conveniunt, nihil jam restat de quo certari possit, aut, si quid restat, ita vanum ac ina­ne est, ut de eo altercari ridiculum sit.

Quae conveniant utrinque.

Convenit orthodoxam esse eorum sententiam, qui praedestinationem statuunt sine praevisione me­ritorum factam. Et quidquid cum ea opinione, quam de fide esse asserit Bellarminus, necessario cohaeret; cujusmodi sunt illae Propositiones con­sectariae.

Deus solis electis efficaci & absolutâ voluntate ante praevisionem meritorum regnum caeleste de­stinavit.

Illis solis Christus, cujus voluntas divinae semper consentiens fuit, aeternam beatitudinem efficaci & absolutâ voluntate optavit, oravit, meruit.

Nec Deus nec Christus ullam habuit efficacem & absolutam voluntatem salutis reproborum.

Solis electis Deus & Christus efficacia adjutoria conferre decrevit, quibus certissimè liberantur quicunque liberantur.

Nullis reprobis largiri Deus constituit efficax perseverantiae donum, sine quo nemo salvatur.

Nullis reprobis conferre Deus constituit gratias illas versatiles & Molinianas, quibus ad salutem sine efficaci auxilio aliquando perveniatur, quia nullae ejusmodi dantur in hoc statu.

Potest agnosci in Deo antecedens quaedam vel­leitas salutis reproborum, potest item in Christo.

Christus voluit efficaciter morte suâ multis re­probis gratias quibus abutuntur, promereri.

Non necesse est ad sidem, fateri omnibus repro­bis collatas esse gratias sufficientes: patet exemplo excaecatorum & infantium, quibus tot Theologi gratias sufficientes negant, ut agnovit ipse Halleri­us & ejus socii in scripto Consultoribus oblato su­per hac ipsa Propositione: Intactae relinquuntur, inquit, difficultates quae occurrunt circa infantes sine baptismo decedentes, aut infideles, aut obduratos. Nam qui dicit Christum non pro solis praedestinatis esse mor­tuum, non dicit consequenter pro quolibet reprobo in particulari mortuum esse; sed sufficit quod pro ali­quibus saltem reprobis.

De prima parte hujus Propositionis.

Duplex in quinta Propositione pars est: alia falsa, scandalosa, &c. pronunciatur; alia etiam haeretica: utraque Jansenio tribuitur ab ejus aemu­lis, utraque à Jansenio removetur ab ejus defenso­ribus. Nos, ut res tota magis dilucescat, utramque partem separatim tractabimus, ac primo de ea parte quae falsa à Pontifice dicitur.

Intentio Molinistarum.

Docet hanc partem Jansenius, cum ait lib. 3. de grat. Christi cap. 20. Nec enim juxta doctrinam antiquorum, pro omnibus omnino passus & mortuus est, cum potius hoc tanquam erroneum rejecerint.

Depulsio Jansenii defensorum.

Nec verba, nec sensus istius loci reprehendi po­test; non verba, quia à Sancto Augustino & Con­ciliis consecrata sunt; non sensus, quia negat tan­tum Christum esse mortuum pro omnibus in sensu Moliniano & Semipelagiano, nempe quod Deus det omnibus gratias sufficientes versatiles, à liber­tate arbitrii applicandas, nec singulari quodam modo pro electis mortuus sit, quo non est mortuus pro reprobis.

Methodus Molinianis ineunda.

Debent docere vel verba Jansenii auctoritate Ecclesiae carere, ut eum imprudentiae incusent; vel alio sensu à Jansenio intellecta, quam quo ab ejus defensoribus intelliguntur, nempe quod er­roris etiam illam S. Prosperi expositionem argue­rit, qua dicitur Christus mortuus pro omnibus, quantum ad sufficientiam pretii.

Expenditur ex ista methodo Morellius.

Utinam tam modestus esset Morellius quam pa­rum molestus est! Nunquam enim vidi hominem minus litigiosum. Ergo si quaeras quid de ea dicat controversia, uno verbo accipe: silet.

Methodus Jansenii Defensoribus ineunda.

Debent vindicare tum verba, tum sensum istius loci Janseniani; quod illi sic praestant: Primum ostendunt è regione Jansenianae laciniae loca Pa­trum & Conciliorum easdem aut manifestè aequi­valentes locutiones complectentia.

Locus Jansenii tom. 3. lib. 3. cap. 20.

Ex quibus omnibus jam satis arbitror pate­re, argumentum istud quo Christus pro omni­bus passus & mortuus est, vel redemptionem se pro omnibus dedisse dicitur, nihil omnino pro auxilio sufficienti suppe­ditando facere. Nec e­nim juxta doctrinam an­tiquorum pro omnibus omnino Christus passus [Page 229] aut mortuus est, aut pro omnibus omnino tam generaliter sanguinem fudit, cum hoc potius tanquam errorem a fide abhorrentem doceat esse respuendum.

Loca antiquorum ex qui­bus haec verba Jansen. mutuatur.
Ecclesia Lugdunensis.

Catholica fides tenet, & Scripturae sanctae veri­tas docet, quod pro om­nibus credentibus & per gratiam baptismi ex a­qua & Spiritu Sancto re­generatis & Ecclesiae in­corporatis verè Domi­nus & Salvator noster sit passus. De infidelibus eàdem constantiâ defi­nit. [Page 229] Cesset haec nova & inaudita praesumptio, ut nullus hominum, etiam impiotum, & apud in­feros irrevocabiliter da­mnatorum fuerit, pro quo Christus passus non fuerit. Cum pro solis illis defunctis passionem sustinuerit, qui eum dum in corpore viveret, fide­liter venturum, & mun­dum sua passione redem­pturum crediderunt. Hoc itaque est Catholicum, hoc fidei Ecclesiae ab ini­tio commendatum.

Et utramque partem iterum inferius tangens, ac disputationem prolixiorem concludendo comple­ctens: Ex his igitur, inquit, d ligenter ac fidel ter consideratis certissime ac clarissime ostenditur pro om­nibus fidelibus Christi qui fuerunt, aut sunt, velerunt, factam esse passionem Christi; pro corpore Christi im­molari corpus Christi. De his vero qui adhuc in infi­delitate atque impietate detinentur, manifestum est ex hac regula fidei, quod quicunque ex ipsis per Dei gratiam fuerint ad fidem conversi & in Christo regene­rati, e [...]iam pro ipsis confitendum sit factum esse, quod pro omnibus fidelibus factum constat. De caeteris vero qui in ipsa imp etate sua perserverantes sunt perituri, si de Scripturae sacrae auctoritate, quod etiam pro ali­bus Dominus passus sit, certissimis & clarissimis te­stimoniis nobis demonstrare potuerint boni viri, qui ta­lia definierunt, dignum omnino est ut credamus & nos. Si vero non potuerint, cessent contendere pro eo quod non legunt. Pudeat eos definire quod n [...]sciunt. Timeant statuere quod nullum Sanctorum Patrum, nul­lum Concilium, nullum Apostolicae Sedis Ponti m, nullum Ecclesiasticorum dogmatum decretum hacte­nus inveniant statuisse.

Et Concilium Valentinum cap. 4. ‘De redemp­tione sanguinis Christi propter nimium errorem qui de hac causa exortus est; ita ut quidam, sicut eorum scripta indicant, etiam pro illis impiis qui a mundi exordio usque ad Passionem Domini in sua impietate mortui & aeterna damnatione puniti sunt effusum definiant, contra illud Propheti­cum: Ero morstua, o mors; ero morsus tuus, inferne; illud nobis simpliciter & fideliter tenen­dum ac docendum placet, juxta Evangelicam & Apostolicam veritatem, quod pro illis hoc datum pretium teneamus, quibus ipse Dominus noster dixit: Sicut Moyses exaltavit serpentem in de­serto, ita exaltari oportet filium hominis, ut om­nis qui credit in ipso non pereat, sed habeat vi­tam aeternam.’

Qui neget Iansenii verba e Patribus sumpta, non stultus, sed plane caecus sit. Hinc ejusmodi demon­stratio conficitur.

Argumentum. I.

Ex solis Patrum verbis nemo argui potest scanda­losam & falsam circa mortem Christi doctrinam docuisse, ex tertio Principio. Sed hic Iansenii lo­cus verbis Patrum totus constat, ut inspicienti pa­tet. Ergo ex illo non potest argui falsam tradidisse doctrinam. Quod erat demonstrandum.

Sensum autem solita methodo tuentur. Ambi­gua, ut multum, aiunt esse Iansenii verba. Bo­ni enim sensus capacia sunt si sic explicentur: Christum non habuisse voluntatem absolutam pro­merendi per mortem suam omnibus reprobis grati­as sufficientes Molinianas aut efficaces, quibus ab aeterno interitu liberari actu & effective pos­sent.

Falsum habebunt sensum si quovis modo expli­catum de omnibus omnino hominibus istam senten­tiam, Christus pro omnibus mortuus est, erroneam esse statuat.

Atqui, inquiunt, bono & Catholico sensu sua verba intepretatus est ipse lansenius. Primum enim aperit quid intelligat per illa verba, pro aliquo mor­ri, & sanguinem fundere. Pro aliquo mortuum esse, inquit eodem capite, insinuat voluntatem Christi quam habet ut ei mori sua Patrioblata & sanguis pro­sit. Et clarius ibidem: Esse passum, crucifixum, mortuum, se redemptionem dedisse, vel propitiatorem esse pro omnibus, plus aliquid dicit, quam nude pre­tium sufficiens obtulisse pro iis. Illud enim indicat intentione morientis pretium pro illis oblatum esse, ut ejus oblatione placatus Pater eos reipsa deservitute li­beraret, non sub ista conditione, si ipsi velint, qui nisi Deo donante non possunt, sed ut velint & credant, potenter in eorum voluntatibus operando.

Voluntatem autem illam Christi quam requirit ut pro aliquibus mortuus esse dicatur, significat esse veram & absolutam, ut patet 1. ex remotione con­ditionis, Si & ipsi velint. 2. Quia sic se ipse in­terpretatur: pro veris ovibus, vero populo suo absolute salvando semetipsum ded [...]t ac tradidit. Et infra; Ipsorum liberationem a massa perditionis & salutem absolute voluit. 3. Quia cum generatim nomina­tur voluntas, intelligitur absoluta: hinc generalis Theologorum sententia: Christum nihil inaniter voluisse, nihil inaniter orasse; quod ita apud The­ologos certum, ut inter errores a Facultate Parisi­ensi damnatos, qui in calce Magistri Sententiatum recensentur relata sit haec propositio: Quod sa­tis erat possib [...]le quod per voluntatem aut volitionem creatam Christus aliquid voluit, quod nunquam debu­it coenire.

Sufficiens autem illa gratia, quam negat omni­bus esse collatam, est Moliniana; quia initio hujus libri hoc sensu verbum istud semper se usurpaturum esse professus est. Hoc posito, ita demonstratio concluditur.

Argumentum. II.

Haec propositio, ‘Christus non est mortuus pro om­nibus omnino hominibus, cum intentione & vo­luntate absoluta ut eis mors sua prosit; ut ejus ob­latione placatus Pater eos reipsa de servitute libe­taret, potenter in eorum cordibus voluntatem ip­sam operando, vel ut eis largiretur gratias suffici­entes, quae nihil aliud ad agendum requirerent.’ Haec propositio, inquam, est orthodoxa ex suppo­sitis principiis initio hujus articuli. Sed haec propo­sitio continet verum sensum loci Janseniani; ut­pote expositione vocum ab ipso Jansenio facta tota constans, per a octavum principium. Ergo ver­ba ejus ut multum ambigua, hoc sensu orthodoxo sunt interpretanda. Quod erat demonstrandum.

Argumentum. III.

Malus sensus qui cadere in haec verba poterat, e­jusmodi est: ‘Quocunque sensu erroneum est di­cere Christum pro omnibus omnino hominibus mortuum esse.’ Hunc sensum amovet Jansenius, cum Prosperi expositionem qua Christus dicitur mortuus pro omnibus, quantum ad potentiam pre­tii, sive sufficientiam; non autem quantum ad ap­plicationem & efficientiam, etsi Augustinianis ex­positionibus minus appositam sentiat, tamen ut Catholicam & orthodoxam & Semipelagianis op­positam esse testatu [...]. Nam hanc ipsam Prosperi do­ctrinam allaturus hoc praemittit: ‘Fabricarunt, in­quit ibidem, Massilienses adversus rigidum illud & peculiare propositum Dei, quandam genera­lem & indifferentem erga universos voluntata­tem: deinde ex illa sufficientem omnibus gratiam derivarunt. Quare nihil mirum est si iisdem ver­bis idem proponamus antidotum, hoc est, si iis­dem argumenris quibus Massilienses usi sunt, eas­dem Augustini & Prosperi solutiones opponamus.’ Et continuo ab illa ipsa Prosperi solutione orditur, ad omnes homines pertinente. Ergo cum nihil absurdius sit quam Prosperum a Jansenio Semipela­gianum habitum esse, & Prosperi solutionem quam ipse Semipelagianis opponit, Semipelagiano errore infectam, patet Jansenium non omnes istius loci expositiones ad omnes homines pertinentes, erroris Semipelagiani damnavisse.

Varias item sub finem istius articuli rationes qui­bus Christus dici possit mortuus pro omnibus omni­no hominibus a Jansenio non abhorrentes indica­mus.

Nota.

Si quaeras vero quam expositionem istius loci Se­mipelagiani erroris accuset, breviter ex ipso Janse­nio ibidem disce, eam esse qua sub vertitur divinae benevolentiae propositum erga electorum salutem, tan­quam Gentilium fatum, libertatis excidium, necessi­tatis azylum, desperationis ignaviaeque barathrum, praecepti, exhortationis, orationis interitus; illam esse, qua amoto peculiari proposito erga electos, fabri­catur generalis & indifferens erga universos Dei vo­luntas: non illa antecedens quae cum gratuita prae­destinatione cohaeret, & ab ipso Jansenio ad­mittitur, sed illa conditionata, qua Deus ip­sos salvos vult, si homines velint, per liberum ar­bitrium sufficienti quidem gratia motum, sed a gra­tia efficaci non determinatum.

Illam esse qua sufficiens gratia in omnes deriva­tur, non ill [...] Thomistica quae cum praedestinatione gratuita, cum efficaci gratia placide consistit, sed Moliniana, quae utramque destruit, & pro solo nutu liberi arbitrii sine auxilio efficaci, nunc effectum habet, nunc non habet. Verum est hujusmodi expositionem propriam Massiliensium a Jansenio esse existimatam. Verum est a me quoque existima­ri; sed ita id existimo, ut non metuam ne Morel­lius & tota Molinistarum natio hanc propositionem vel falsitatis vel scandali a summo Pontifice notari curent; Semipelagianum est dicere, ita Christum pro omnibus mortuum, ut nullum peculiare propositum & voluntatem habuerit salutis electorum, sed omni­bus citra delectum generatim salutem voluerit sub con­ditione, quae posset a libero arbitrio actu sine efficaci gratia impleri, atque omnibus sufficientes gratias ver­satiles, quae modo effectum habent, modo non habent, promeritm sit.

De secunda parte quintae propositionis. Intentio Molinistarum.

Tradit Jansenius quintam propositionem, etiam quatenus haereseos damnata est; quia vult, Christum pro solis electis mortuum esse, & pro nullis repro­bis, tom. 3. l. 3 c. 27.

Depulsio Jansenii Defensorum.

Loca quae objiciuntur Iansenio, ex Augustino & S. Thoma manifeste mutuata sunt: sensus item illorum orthodoxus est, & a quinta propositione disjunctus, nempe solis electis absolata voluntate Christum bea­tudinem optasse, orasse, meruisse: adeque ex b sex­to principio, nihil in iis est reprehensione dignum.

Quaestio duplex.

1. An locutus cum Augustino & S. Thoma Ianse­nius? 2. An senserit Iansenius Christum nullo mo­do pro reprobis mortuum esse, nec ullum in ipsos ex morte Christi gratiam defluere docuerit.

Methodus ineunda Molinistis.

Debent verba Jansenii ab Augustini verbis abjun­gere, ut verba reprehendant; debent ostendere nul­lo modo ex Iansenii mente Christum pro reprobis mortuum, ut sensum incusent.

Expenditur ex hac methodo Morellius.

Semper sui similis Morellius, paris ubique levitatis, affert tantum quaedam loca Iansenii, sensum eorum non assignat, nec damnatae propositionis sensu ac­cipienda comprobat, cum manifeste alio accipi pos­sint. Ita que aerem verberat, & ut simpliciter di­cam, plane nugatur. Verum insigni hic argumen­to cerni licet quam malâ fide in hac contentione versetur. Nunc enim ex aequo & Iansenium & Ian­senii defensores insectatur, nec minus erroneum quintae propositionis sensum ab ills defendi conten­dit, quam ab ipso Jansenio, & tamen olim tam longe ipsos hac in parte a Iansenio segregavit, ut, cum quintam illam propositionem in Iansenium conferret, immunes ab hoc errore ipsius defensores agnoverit. Sic enim loquitur in libro quem in­scripsit, Augustini de gratia sententia, pag. 37. Ipsi, inquit, evidentia permoti, fatentur Chri­stum esse mortuum pro multis qui pereunt. Credunt [Page 231] enim ipsum mortuum esse pro omnibus semel sanctifica­tis, etsi ad tempus tantum, nec in justitia perse­verantibus. Itaque patet ipsos sine ratione contra mentem Augustini & contra suam hunc locum oppo­nere.

Methodus Jansenii defensoribus sequenda.

Debent ostendere cum Augustino & Sancto Tho­ma loqui Iansenium, deinde sensum ejus hunc esse in locis objectis, pro solis electis salvandis efficaci & absoluta voluntate mortuum esse Christum, quod constat orthodoxum esse.

Primum igitur dicunt, allata ex Iansenio loca, quasi sensu cum quinta propositione congruentia, manifeste, si verba spectes, Augustinianis lo­cutionibus constare. Quod sic ad oculum demon­strant.

De primo loco Jansenii a Molinistis allato.

Postquam, aiunt, probasset Iansenius late, cap. 20. lib. 3. de grat. Christi, Christum esse mortu­um pro tota Ecclesia toto orbe dispersa, pro peccatis omnium fidelium, pro justificandis temporaliter mul­tis reprobis; ad jungit, quia solis praedestinatis salu­tem aeternam Christus absolute voluit. Ideo saepe ab Augustino locutiones illas Scripturae ad solos praedesti­natos contrahi; quod his Augustini locis confirmat Epist. 48. Christus propitiator est peccatorum no­strorum, non tantum nostrorum, sea totius mundi; propter triticum quod est per totum mundum. Et lib. 21. de Civit. cap. 24: ‘Quid est omnium? Et eorum scilicet quos ex Gentibus, & eorum quos ex Iudaeis praedestinavit, vocavit, justi­sicavit, non omnium hominum. Et lib. 22. cap. 24. Apostolus de ipsis in illud regnum praedestinatis loquens, qui proprio, inquit, Fo­lio non pepercit, sed pro nobis omnibus tradidit il­lum. Et mox illud addidit ex quo calumniandi cau­sam arripuit Morellius & Molinistae, Ne quis, inquit, forte suspicaretur ita phrases hujusmodi af­firmativas de praedestinatis intelligendas esse, ut tamen alii justi, qui de beato illo numero non sunt, non excludantur, non uno in loco invertit istius­modi locutiones, ita ut eas negative efferendo di­cat Christum pro caeteris qui non sunt praedestina­ti, non esse mortuum, non semet ipsum dedisse redemptionem. Hoc enim in Epistola ad Evodi­um sine ambiguitate pronunciat: Non perit unus ex illis pro quibus mortuus est Christus: quod, si nullus ex illis perit, inquit Janseniut, pro qui­bus mortuus est, profecto quisquis perit, sive a­liquando justus fuerit, sive non, non est pro illo mortuus Christus.’

Haec postrema verba arripit Morellius ut Ianse­nio quintam propositionem affingat: sed facile uni­co illo argumento refellitur.

Haec propositio, quae Augustini est: Non perit unus ex illis pro quibus Christus mortuus est; & il­la Iansenii, Qui perit, non est pro illo mortuus Christus; non duplex, sed una propositio est ex Lo­gicae regulis conversa, quibus pueri docentur pro­positiones negativas universales posse simpliciter converti. Ergo locus Iansenii Augustiniana locu­tione constat. Ergo nihil in ipsis verbis reprehen­dendum ex a primo principio articuli primi. Inde vero ad repellendam Morellii accusationem, ejus­modi etiam argumentum conficitur.

Argumentum. I.

Iansenii locutio Augustiniana est; ut per se pa­tet, sed ex solis Augustini verbis nemo argui potest quintam propositionem tradidisse ex b tertio prin­cipio, quia illae locutiones sensum habent a propo­sitionibus diversum, ex b secundo. Quod erat demonstrandum.

De secundo loco Iansenii a Molinistis allato.

Simili modo repellitur secundus locus, qui prae­terquam quod Sancti Thomae est, nihil aliud quam evidentem ex Augustini loco, & legitime ductam consecutionem continet.

Affert enim primum ibidem Iansenius hunc Au­gustini locum:

‘Si de aliquibus ita Ecclesia certa esset, ut qui sunt illi etiam nosset, qui licet adhuc in vita sunt con­stituti, tamen praedestinati sunt in aeternum ig­nem ire cum diabolo, tam pro eis non oraret, quam nec pro ipso. Ex hoc loco & alio simili ex lib. de corr. & gr. c. 15. hoc colligit Jansenius: Scivit Christus quo quisque ab aeterno praedestinatus erat; scivit hoc decretum neque ullius pretii oblatione mutandum esse, nec se ipsum velle mutare. Ex quo factum est ut juxta sanctissimum Doctorem non magis Patrem pro aeterna liberatione ipsorum quam pro diabolo deprecatus fuerit. Sed si quid pro illis rogavit Patrem, pro temporalibus qui­busdam justitiae effectibus rogavit, & pro iisdem obtinendis obtulit pretium, fuditque sanguinem suum. Cujusmodi oblatio, quia valde diminu­ta est, parumque reprobis, multum vero praede­ninatis p [...]odest, ut infra declarandum est; hinc fluxit ut passim in scriptis suis Augustinus oblatio­nem sanguinis & mortis, & orationem Christi fere ad solos electos restringere soleat.’

Hanc consequentiam rectissime ex Augustino du­ctam quis negare posset, aut quis illarum propositi­onum catenam abrumpere? Si Christus oravit pro reproborum salute, cum eos nosset ab electorum numero exclusos, pro iisdem oraret Ecclesia, etiamsi illorum reprobationem nosset. Sed ex Augustino Ecclesia non oraret pro reproborum salute si eos nosset. Ergo non oravit pro eorum salute Christus qui noverat.

Sed verba ipsa Iansenianae propositionis, quatenu [...] arguitur, habemus apud Sanctum Thomam 3. par­te, q. 21. art. 4. ‘Secundum voluntatem rationis Christus nihil voluit, nisi quod scivit Deum velle. Et ideo omnis absoluta voluntas Christi, etiam [Page 232] humana, fuit impletae, quia fuit Deo conformis; & per consequens omis ejus oratio fuit exaudita. Hic cum occurret Christum orasse ut peccatum crucifix­oribus suis ignosceretur, ita respondet: Dicendum quod Dominus non oravit pro omnibus crucifixoribus suis, sed pro his solum qui eraent praedestinati, ut per ipsum vitam consequerentur aeternam.

Sed quid ad purgandum omni erroris labe istam locutionem Iansenii aliam auctoritatem querimus quam ipsiusmet Christi, qui se non pro mundo rogare affirmat, sed pro his quos ipsi dedit Pater? Ex quibus ejusmodi demonstrato con­ficitur.

Argumentum. II.

Haec verba Christ: Non pro mundo rogo, &c. Haec verba Sancti Thomae: Christus oravit pro his solum qui ex ipso vitam consequuntur aeternam. Haec Augustini doctrina: Non orandum pro eorum salute, qui ad aeternum interitum praedestinati noscerentur, recatuum habent sensum; Catholicum, orthodox­um, a quinta propositione diversum.

Sed Iansenii verba, utpote aequivalentia locis Au­gustini, Sancti Thomae, imo Evangelii, eodem ac­cipi sensu possunt. Ergo ex illis solis non potest e­lici sensus haereticus quintae propositionis, ex III. PRINC. Ex sola Angustini vel S Thomae locu­tione nemo argui potest ullum haereticum dogma docuisse, tertio principio articuli primi. Probent igitur Moliniani ex aliis locis haec verba alium in Augustino & Sancto Thoma, alium in Iansenio sensum habere, vel fateantur se nihil agere.

Sic quidem Iansenii defensores quadam veluti ex­ceptione adversarios suos sum movent, sed ad cau­sam penitus obtinendam solita methodo haec loca tum ad bonum sensum expresse a Iansenio alligari, tum malum sensum qui in ilia iutrudi posset ex­presse ab eodem removeri duplici argumento con­firmant.

Argumentum. III.

Haec verba: Quisquis perit, non est pro illo mor­tuus Christus. Et illa item: Non magis Partem pro aeterna liberatione reprobarum, quam pro diaboli oravit, rectum & Catholicum habent sensum, si i­ta accipiantur:

Quisquis perit, eum ab aeterna perditione per mortem suam liberare non voluit Christus absolu­ta volantate, nec aeternam illius salutem sanguine suo promereri absolute voluit, uti nec eam a Pa­tre absoluta oratione petiit; hunc sensum rectum esse patet ex iis quae constate diximus initio hujus articuli.

Sed ad hunc sensum alligavit verba sua Iansenius, ut jam ostendimus. Primum enim explicat quid intelligat per illa verba, Pro aliquo mori. Pro ae­liquo, inquit, mortuum esse vel fudisse sanguinem suum, insinuat voluntatem Christi quam habet ut & mors sua Patrioblata & sanguis profit. Volun­ [...]tem autem illam ibidem indicat esse absolutam. Electorum, inquit, liberationem ex massa perditio­nis absolute voluit. Et paulo superius: Pro vero populo suo Absolute salvando semtipsum dedit & tra­did [...]t.

Igitur in Iansenii sententia Christum non esse mortuum pro aeterna salute reproborum, nihil est aliud quam Christum non voluisse absoluta volun­tate ut per mortem suam reprobi salvarentur. Hic autem sensus orthodoxus est ex supradictis. Igitur sensus verborum Iansenii est orthodoxus & a quin­ta propositione alienus. Quod erat demonstran­dum.

Argumentum. IV.

Malum sensum qui in illa verba includi posset, nempe quod non sit mortuus ad ullam reprobis gra­tiam conferendam, expresse removet Iansenius. Testatur enim mortuum esse Christum pro univers [...] Ecclesia toto orbe dispersa, pro omnibus fidelibus. Dicit, fideles omnes sanctificatos in sanguine Christi, redemptionem assequi; five in accepta redemptione perseverent, sive ab ea excidentes, saenguinem Testa­menti pollutum duxerint, in quo sanctificati sunt: Dicit omnes temporales quibus exornantur reprobi gratiae effectus morte Christi promeritos. Igitur ex IV. PRINC. Scriptoris Catholici ambiguam locutionem, orthodoxi sensus & erronei capacem, erroneo interpretari nefas est, si eroneus ille sensua expresse sit amotus. quarto principio eus verba malo illo & per­verso sensu explicari nefas est. Quod erat demon­strandum.

ARTICULUS. VIII.
Notae ad majorem intelligentiam Jansenianae doctrinae circa mortem Christi.

DIximus summam doctrinae Iansenianae circa mortem Christi, hanc esse, pro redemptio­ne totius Ecclesiae Christum semet obtulisse, & pro gratiis temporabilis multis etiam exreproborum nu­mero promerendis, solis tamen praedestinatis ae­ternam salutem, & quae cum salute necessario con­nexa sunt, nempe efficacem perseverantiam abso­luta voluntate promereri voluisse.

Haec sententia ex iis quae vulgo in Scholis ven­ditantur opinionibus aliam rejicit, alterius partem praecipuam amplectirur, minus praecipuam omittit intactam.

Rejicit Molinianam quae Christum statuit sic om­nibus reprobis gratias sufficientes promeruisse, ut quod eas alii respuant, alii accipiant, non discer­nenti gratiae efficaci, sed libero tantum arbitrio at­tribui debeat. Haecilla sententia est, quam ut Se­mipeligianam exagitat. Ad hanc stabliendam di­cit afferri solitum, a Semipelagianis argumentum a generali redemptione petitum, quod quidem er­roris accusat in sensu Semipelagianotum; quatenus videlicet volebant ex morte Christi ita generalem in bonos & malos gratiae abundantiam defluere, ut reproborum electorumque discrimen ex liberi at­bitrii nutu, non ex divina praedestinatione pen­deret.

Amplectitur recentiorum Thomistarum senten­tiae partem longe praecipuam, nempe Christum ab­soluta voluntate solis electis salutem voluisse, me­ruisse, petiisse; quatenus item fidelibus justis suf­ficientem suo sensu, sed indigam efficacis auxilii po­tentiam, [Page 233] gratia interiori instructam conferri sentiunt: sed quatenus ex iis nonnulli gratias suffi­cientes efficacis egenas in omnes homines spar­gunt, nec probat nec improbat.

Rursus quod iidem in Deo antecedentem quan­dam voluntatem salutis omnium admittunt; agno­scit & ipse. Ex quo consequitur longe potiori jure admissam in Christo.

Potro ista antecedens voluntas non eo solum per­tinet, ut Deus abstrahendo ab hominis lapsu, sa­lutem omnium, quatenus homines sunt, optare dicitur; sed generatim antecedens Dei voluntas fer­tur in id quod rectum, quod justum, quod bo­num secundum se est; ita quia rectum est hominem converti, poenitentiam agere, bonitatem Dei non contemnere, gratias ejus non respuere, ad Sacra­menta accedere; haec omnia antecedenti volun­tate censetur Deus velle, licet spectatis fingulis cir­cumstantiis, non decreverit singulis efficaces gratias conferre, quibus ad salutem certo perveniunt, si­ne quibus certo ab salute excidunt. Ergo non eo solum nomine antecedenti voluntate Deus omni­um hominum salutem optat, quia omnes creaturas rationales ad beatitudinem fecit; sed etiam quia cum permultas gratias vel externas vel internas in reprobos diffundar, quibus injustum est ipsos abuti, iisdemque aditum ad Ecclesiam suam patere velit, antecedenti voluntate velle censetur omnes ad sa­lutem pervenire, quia vellet ipsos obstinatos in malitia non manere, & oblatis sibi praesidiis bene uti; licet aliunde justitiae voluntate, spectatis om­nibus circumstantiis, melius esse judicavit illos ma­litiae suae relinquere, nec efficacia adjutoria conce­dere, quibus solis humani cordis pravitas supera­tur. Hinc patet Deum antecedenti voluntate & daemonum & hominum reproborum salutem velle; longe tamen aliter hominum quam daemonum. Cum enim nulla jam gratiae praesidia daemonibus of­ferat, nec Ecclesiae aditum illis patere velit, aut sacramentorum opem; consequenter nec illos gra­tia sua bene uti vult, quam nullam ipsis hoc tem­pore largitur. Contra vero, cum homnines adhuc in via sint, conversionem illis & fincerum ad se reditum bonumqae gratiarum suarum usum, a qui­bus illos minime arcet, optare voluntate antece­dente putandus est, quorum nihil erga daemones praestat.

Illa vero antecedens voluntis saepe in Christo fu­isse videtur, ut cum super Jerusalem fleret, & his verbis venturas ipsi clades deploraret: Flevit, inquit Lucas, super illam dicens, Si cognovisses & tu, & quidem in hac die quae ad pacem sunt tibi! nunc autem abscondita sunt ab oculis tuis, quia ve­nient dies in te, & circumdabunt te inimici tui vallo, &c. Ita gentis suae, & in illa genre ommum quorum gerebat imaginem, reproborum ruinam lamentatur Christus, & tamen absoluta voluntate divinae praedestinationis decreto, quo ab illa sorte Sanctorum separati erant, plane consentiebat. Nec incommode quidam haec verba Christi in horto, Pater, si possibile est, transeat a me calix iste, de hu­mana illa velleitate intelligunt, qua objectam menti suae reproborum damnationem deprecaba­tur.

3. Ex his patet quo sensu removeri debeat, & quo admitti possit in Deo & Christo conditionata voluntas salutis reprobotum.

Nam conditio illa a Molinistis afferri solita, qua dicitur Deus omnium salutem optare si & ipsi velint, subministrata ipsis gratia quadam sufficiente, quae nihil requirat ad agendum, fundicus ejicienda, utpote efficacia divini auxilii prorsus indigna, & ab hoc statu penitus aliena, in quo, ut ait Augustininus, si homini relinqueretur voluntas sua, ita ut ipsum velle gratia non operetur, inter tan­tas infirmitates vitae hujus voluntas ipsa succumbe­ret.

At aliusmodi conditionata voluntas, qua di­ceretur Deus omnes homines salvos fieri vel­le, si & ipsi velint, non subministrata quadam ipsis versatili gratia, sed quia vellet ipsos a pravita­te & duritia sua resipiscere, & ad poenitentiam reverti, a quo impediuntur, non extrinseca a­liqua impotentia, sed propria & culpabili per­verfitate: haec, inquam, ratio conditionatae volun­tatis, cum nihil aliud sit quam antecedens volun­tas, &, ut arbitror, quam lex aeterna omnia justa praecipiens, omnia injusta vetans, divinae praedesti­nationi nihil officit, nec Iansenio negata dici po­test.

Patet etiam ex supradictis multis modis Chri­stum dici posse mortuum pro salute reprobo­rum, etiam ex Iansenio. Notandum enim, mori pro aliquo dupliciter accipi. Vel e­nim significat velle salutem alicujus, vel sig­nificat velle media conferte adipiscendae salu­tis.

Rursus velle salutem alicujus dicitur Deus, vel antecedenti voluntate, vel consequenti, sive abso­luta.

Antecedens voluntas [...]ursus vel Molinistice intelligitur, ut sit idem quod conditionata il­la quam rejicimus; vel Thomistice, ut nihil sit aliud quam ea Dei voluntas qua Deus vult quidquid fieri justum & aequum est, quicquid per se [...] & absolute bonum est. Hanc conve­nire diximus cum aliusmodi conditionata volun­tate.

His positis, claret Christum multis modis dici posse mortuum pro salute omnium omnino homi­num, & maxime fidelium reproborum. Primum enim sufficiens pretium pro omnibus obtulit. De­inde in nova lege sacramenta divinae gratiae fontes, & quasi poculum quoddam, ut ait Prosper, im­mortalitatis Deus omnibus proponit: & in veteri nusquam opem suam ex futuris Christi meritis de­fluentem implorantibus subtraxit. 3. Anteceden­ti illa voluntate vellet omnes ad Ecclesiam suam a­spirare, a peccatis recedere, ad misericordiam su­am confugere 4. Nusquam non hominibus quae­dam adminicula salutis, nunc externa, nunc interna concessit, quibus si male utuntur homines, propria pravitate male utuntur, & contra antecedentem illam Dei voluntatem. Nam quia iniquum est ho­mines sic Dei beneficiis abuti, ideo hoc dicitur De­us nolle, quia non vult malum. Contra autem, quia aequum est homines bene illis uti, ideo dicitur hoc Deus velle. 5. Magis adhuc proprie pro fide­libus reprobis, quia jus eis ad salutem aeternam per baptismum dedit, a quo nonnisi vitio suo & culpa excidunt.

Hoc unum igitut reprobotum in infidelitate mo­rientium nemini concessit, ut voluntates ipsorum ad se converteret efficaci illa gratia, sine qua prop­ter obstinatam in malo hominum voluntatem, ni­hil unquam ab ipsis bene fit.

Hoc unum item nulli fidelium reproborum con­cedit, ut efficax ipsis perseverantiae donum lar­giatur. Et tamen hoc ipsum petentibus non ne­garet; sed ut petant & ita petant ut tes tanta petenda est, occulto quodam judicio non in omni­bus opetari voluit, quamvis quod non petant, non ex defectu gratiae, sed ex eorum depravatione nascatur.

Constat igitur solis electis aeternam salutem, & gratias illas efficaces cam aeterna salute nexas De­um destinasse, & Christum absolute & efficaci­ter promereri voluisse. Et quia hic voluntatis modus maxime proprius; alius vero non ita pro­prius, nec omnino reprobis utilis, hinc lucu­lenter Petavius lib. 9. c. 7. n. 9. Pluribus in Leis, inquit, Augustinus negat Deum velle omnes salvos fieri, sed eos tantummodo qui praedestinati sunt ad viam. Et paulo post; Quapropter ut­cunque de illa communi voluntate Dei statuatur, ac sive Augustinum ex slimes quandam in Deo vo­lantatem agnovisse, qui a universam hominum mas­sam l [...]berare & ad salutem provehere studuerit quantum erat in se; sive nullam erga re robos ta­lem habuisse concedas; nihilominus hoc de quo so­lo pugnamus ex illius mente constabit, longe diver­sam, electis salvandis ac lib [...]randis, quam de re­probis in illo voluntatem extitisse. At ex ipso mani­festum est sequi non ex meritorum varietate dsparem in autrosque salvandos voluntatem extitisse; sed cica electos absolutam & gratuitam: in reprobos vero nonnisi conditionatam, & quam velleitatem vocant, tanquam ita concipi [...]tur: Ʋellem istos salvare, nisi eos p [...]imi parentis culpa odi [...]sos & execrabiles fec [...]sset. Absolutam vero de iisdem damnandis ob illud originale delictum, voluntatem & sententiam fu sse. Et infra ex multis Augusti­ni locis hanc consecutionem elicit: Igitur Au­gustinus arbitratus est non omnes velle salvos esse Deum, sed quosdam nolle salvos esse, non quia ipsi nolunt, sed quia Deus non vult, ut ipse diserte ait, Epist. 107.

Postremo idem Petav [...]us de Valentini Concilii circa Christi mortem decreto ita Ioquitur: Ca­none, inquit, 4. Ʋalentini Patres reprehendunt eorum errorem qui dicunt Christum pro omni­bus imp [...]is quia mundi exordio usque ad Passionem Domini in sua impietate mortui aterna damnatio­ne puniti sunt, & statuunt. PRO EIS TAN­TUM ID FECISSE QUI AE­TERNAM VITAM CONSE­QUUNTUR.

Habent Jesuitae propositionem damnatae quintae propositioni plane aequivalentem abuno ex suis pr [...]latam; Ch [...]istus pro iis solum sanguinem fudit, qui aeternam vitam censequuntur. Nullam ejusmodi in toto Jansenii libro invenire ita crudam possunt, ut fortasse quisquam suspicari possit librum Petavii pro Jansenii libro Innocentio X. obtrusum fuisse. Nec tamen ita sum inquus, ut Petavium propterea censeam errorem qui in illis verbis includi posset, etiam tradidisse. Hoc solum Jesuitas monitos vo­lo; si iniquum sit quintam propositionem in Petavi­um conferri, apud quem saiutem extant illius ver­ba, quanto iniquius in Jansenium, ubi nec ipsa ejus verba comparent!

ARTICULUS. IX.
Conclusio.

HAEC sunt quae de methodo istius quaestionis ex­pediendae in utramque partem disputando censuimus. Quod si in Molinistarum rationibus referendis breviores fuimus, credant hoc mihi ve­lim, non ideo a me factum, quod eas consulto dis­simularim, sed quia non alias inveni quas asse­rerem: in quo ipsorum est aliqua culpa, qui cum tantum e re Ecclesiae judicent esse, omnibus per­suadere quinque propositiones e Jansenio decer­ptas esse, tantumque in auferendis ea de re decre­lis diligentiae ponant, contra in astruenda illo­rum decretorum fide, in erudiendis hominibus indiligentissime se gerant. Haeccine provincia tot minutis scriptoribus relinquenda erat, praeser­timque Morellio uni omnium ad hanc causam pro dignitate tractandam, ne quid gravius dicam, mi­nime apto! Quamobrem etsi parum honesta, providentior tamen Corneti ratio vldetur, qui suo suorumque ingenio, & fortasse causae diffi­sus, quantum potuit semper sequaces suos ab his scripti tandi consiliis de hortatus est. Scilicet sa­gaciter intellexit ille Molinianus Achitophel quam je junum esset quidquid de hac controversia a suis in lucem promeretur, quamque vix publici juris factum publico omnium contemptu priusquam ad­versariorum scriptis exploderetur. Ergo ut eos qua valeret aggrederetur, ad clandestinas se moli­tiones totum contulit; & nobile illud quinque propositionum opus; cujus in Bibliotheca Anti-Janseniana auctor perhibetur, idem primum & postremum esse voluit, laetus ac triumphans quod una pagella plus negotii adversariis suis exhibu­it quam omnes Jesuitae & tota Molinianorum Scriptorum natio. Ergo hic unus vere sapit Mo­linisticas utilitates, caeteri illi scripturientes mera somnia.

Ab his tamen, si tanta ipsos scribendo libi­do teneat, puto hac sexta Disquisitione non me­diocrem me gratiam iniisse. Certam enim ipsis & unicam ostendi viam, qua expetitas illas pro­positiones in Jansenio possint invenite, si quidem ibi sint; erraticos excursus in quibus sine fructu expatiantur praecidi, nec ipsos de via errare pas­sus sum. Alacres igitur eam ineant, si quid suae causae confidant, & mihi gratulentur tam certae methodi demonstratori. Nam quod Jansenii de­fensorum firmamenta latius paulo exposui, ad ipsorum quoque rationem promovendam per­tinebit; scilicet haec, quae quoquo modo dis­solvenda sunt, si ab ipsis ignorentur, nun­quam ad exitum perduci quaestio posset. Nunc autem nudum quasi Jansenistarum latus ostendi, quod ipsi feriant & confodiant, si quid robore, si quid animo valent. Quod si non praestant, jam sibi non aliis imputent, quod utrum in Janse­nio sint illae propositiones nec ne, tam multi dubitant. Fidenter hoc assero, quia vere; quam­libet [Page 235] multis Episcoporum summique Pontificis de­cretis definiri curent propositiones esse in Janse­nio, nunquam ullam ab eruditis hoc pacto fidem impetrabunt, multorumque potius diffidentiam augebunt. Non enim ad has persuadendi vias quisquam confugit, nisi quem rationes defici­unt. Alia prorsus facti quaestonum, alia fidei ra­tio; in his auctoritas Ecclesiae valet plurimum, in illis autem ne auctoritatem quidem suam inter­ponere debet, sed illas ad praestitutos ipsis a Deo & natura judices, sensus nempe rationemque remittere. Vere enim & prudenter Habertus il­lustrissimus Vabrensis Episcopus in facti quaestio­ne ab Innocentio III. dissientiens, In hujusmo­di, inquit, rebus ad verum semper redeundum est. Ergo quantumcunque nunc Theologi novi servitii jugo premantur, quantumcunque omni­um ora intentaris terroribus obstruantur, erum­pet tamen aliquando oppressa libertas, intelli­gentque tandem reipsa horum consiliorum au­ctores, vim, terrores, minas, parum ido­neas ad persuadendas facti questiones esse me­thodos, nec minus rationem cogi non posse, quam voluntatem.

FINIS.

THE. DECLARATION OF Monsieur SINNIGH Doctor of LOƲAIN, (men­tion'd Part 6. Chap. 1.) concerning some audiences which he had whil'st he was at Rome, of the Popes ƲRBAN VIII. and INNOCENT X. and of some Cardinals, touching the book of my L. the Bp. of IPRE.

An Advertisement touching this Piece.

TVVAS not my design but chance and ne­cessity that I was oblig'd to retrench this piece of the Collection from those which I had promised in my Iournal, and to insert it in this place. I had not dispos'd of it in this man­ner, but because not finding it among the rest whilst they were at the presse, nor knowing how to procure it timely enough to have it printed in its right order, it was necessary to seek a place for it elsewhere. Yet it seemes to have so great affinity with what is treated of in this sixt Disquisition, as if it could not have any more natural then this; and that chance has in this case done what ought to have been done by choice and discretion.

IN nomine Domini, Amen. Anno Incarnatio­nis Dominicae millesimo sexcentesimo quadra­dragesimo septimo, indictione decima quinta, Pon­tificatus sanctissimi in Christo Patris ac Domini nostri D. Innocentii divina providentia Papae de­cimi anno tertio, mensis Frebruarii die vigesima secunda, coram me Notario publico, & testibus infra nominandis constitutus ac personaliter compa­rens eximius Dominus Iohannes Sinnigh, sacra The­logiae in Academia Lovaniensi Doctor & Professor ordinarius, Collegii majoris Theologici Praeses, nuper pro parte ejusdem Academiae, & Illustris­simorum Ordinum Brabantiae ad Sedem Apostoli­cam deputatus, affirmavit, & interposito jura­mento asseveravit, quod in audientia quam a feli­licis recordationis Urbano octavo summo Pontifice obtinuit die vigesima sexta Novembris millesimi sexcentesimi quadragesimi tertii sub horam nonam antemeridianam, idem sanctissimus Dominus Ur­banus Pontifex vivae vocis oraculo dixerit ipsi Do­mino Comparenti, praesentibus clarissimo D. Cor­nelio Papio, & venerabili D. Petro Vercante­ren, tria sequentia: primo se per Bullam seu Con­stitutionem suam occasione libri. D. Jansenii E­piscopi Iprensis, & aliorum opusculorum super e­adem materia utrinque editorum evulgatam, non aliud intendisse quam confirmare Bullam Pii V. a Gregorio XIII. pridem confirmatam: secun­do, se cavisse ne ista sua Bulla seu Constitutio­ne, ullus in particulari sugillaretur cum expressi­one nominis: tertio, non fuisse intentionis suae per istam Bullam seu Constitutionem procreate ullum praejudicium doctrinae B. Augustini, & eos qui contrarium asserere praesumerent compescendos es­se. Cumque D. Comparens ad secundum repli­casset mirum esse quomodo nomen Jansenii irrep­serit in Bullam contra praedictam cautelam a sua Sanctitate adhibitam, sanctissimus D. respondit agendum esse de ea re cum D. Praelato Albisio compilatore Bullae. Insuper idem D. Compa­rens similiter affirmavit, & mediante juramento asseveravit, se die vigesima octava Aprilis millesi­mi sexcentesimi quadragesimi quarti, auditum fu­isse personaliter & verbaliter cum praenominato clarissimo D. Papio a tribus Eminentissimis S. R. E. Cardinalibus, Spada, Pamphilio, & Falconerio, assisten [...]ibus praefato Praelato Albisio & Abbate S. Crucis in Hierusalem, nomine Hilarione, ibique inter alia multa dixisse, se paratum esse sub bene­placito sanctissimi D. Papae, & Eminentiarum sua­rum, ostendere imprimis omnia puncta doctrinae de gratia & libero arbitrio inter Jansenium & ipsius ae­mulos modo controversa, coincidere cum pun­ctis olim inter Augustinum ejusque aemulos contro­versis: secundo, argumenta quibus Jansenii do­ctrina modo ab aemulis impetitur, coincidere ar­gumentis quibus Pelagiani & eorum asseclae olim [Page 237] in Augustini doctrinam arietarunt: tertio, calum­nias quas modo ab aemulis Jansenius patitur, coin­cidere cum iis quas olim in vita & post obitum passus fuerat Augustinus: Paratum praeterea se es­se ad comburendum publice in campo Florae librum Iansenii in eventum quo in praedictorum probatio­ne defecerit. Addidit postremo idem D. Compa­rens, & sub juramento similiter asseveravit, se haec eadem in substantia repetiisse coram sanctissi­mo D. nostro Innocentio X. ad Pontificatum jam evecto, idque die quinta Novembris ejusdem anni millesimi sexcentesimi quadragesimi quarti in prima audientia ab eodem obtenta in porticu pala­latii Vaticani, ubi cum ipso ultra mediam horam deambulans circa horam tertiam pomeridianam, prolixe super praemissis disseruit. Acta sunt haec anno, indictione, Pontificatu, mense, die qui­bus supra, praesentibus in majori Collegio Theo­logorum Lovanii Dominis & Magistris Ioanne Cuvelier, & Iacobo Bodart Presbyteris & Sacrae Theologiae Baccalaureis formatis, testibus ad prae­missa vocatis atque rogatis. Minutae hujus sub­scripsit idem eximius D. Comparens juxta signatu­ram meii Notarii.

And below was written: Quod attestor ad praemissa Notarius. Signed thus:
VValt Vander VVaterfort Notarius publicus.
with a Knot.

The MANƲSCRIPT concerning the affair of Monsi'r GRIMANI Patriarch of Aqui­leia.
The affair of the most illustrious and Reverend Gri­mani Patriarch of Aquileia, judg'd in his favour in the Sacred Council of Trent, under the Pontifi­cate of our H. F. Pope Pius 4. Septemb. 18. 1653. touching a letter written by the said Patri­arch to the Ʋicar of Oudene.

The more I have read this Manuscript, the more considerable I have found it for the clearing of the matters at this day controverted in the Church. VVherefore not doubting but they who shall read what I say of it in Chap. 9. Part 4. of the Iournal, will be contented to read it at length, I have thought fit to place it at the end of this Col­lection.

The Patriarch's Letter.

REVEREND VICAR, You write me word that the Preacher of the Collegiate Church of Oudene hath preach'd as a constant maxime, that He whom God hath predestinated cannot in any manner be damned, though it come to passe that he falls into sin; because how great soever his fall be, God rescues him from his sin in such sort that he must needs be saved; and in like manner, he whom God hath reprobated, must needs be dam­ned. VVhereunto you adde these former words, That upon this there arose a great scandal and di­sturbance among the people, and in your self, as if he had altogether deny'd our Free-will, whilst he establisht Gods Election and Predestination. And being you tell me that you were unwilling to do a­ny thing for redressing this scandal, without first knowing what I judg'd of it; therefore to satisfie what my place requires of me, I find my self now oblig'd to acquaint you withall that God hath gi­ven me to know touching this subject by Reading the Holy Scriptures; that so I may supply you with what contentment and consolation I can in this case. To bear testimony therefore to truth, I am oblig'd to acknowledge that the Proposition advan­ced by the Preacher and wherewith the people is scandalized, is true & Catholick; namely, that the Predestinated cannot be damn'd, nor the Re­probate sav'd. Of which Proposition that I may the more commodiously bring you the proofes, my purpose is to demonstrate to you in the first place by authority of the Scripture, that Predestina­tion and Reprobation depend upon God alone: Next I shall shew you that it cannot be hindered neither by God's will, nor by the Devil, nor by our selves, nor consequently by any whomsoever; & this I shall evince to you, as well by the autho­rity of the Scriptures, as by evident reasons and the Doctrine of S. Augustin; protesting to you that through want of time and memory I cannot set down the thousand part of the truths whereby this Catholick truth may be establisht.

But before all things it must be confessed, that if S Paul, that vessel full of the Holy Ghost, writing to the Romans concerning Election and Reprobati­on, after recitall of sundry testimonies touching that matter, cryes out at Length, O the depth of the riches of the wisdome and knowledge of God! 'tis very just and necessary that we all make the same excla­mation with him, and give glory to God; which we are the more oblig'd to do, inasmuch as we are farre from having such light as that great Apostle. But because our Lord Jesus Christ, according to truth of his unchangeable promises, hath never left his Church deprived of the illumination of the Holy Spirit, to the end this same Spirit might guide us in­to the knowledge of all truth, and accordingly we having left to us who are his members the seed of his Grace, lest without it we should remain bar­ren and worse then the Children of Sodom, he hath preserved the Holy Ghost for our consolation a­gainst errors and the enemies of Grace. 'Tis a firme truth which I now confesse, namely, that the predestinated whom God hath chosen accord­ing to the good pleasure of his will cannot be dam­ned; and in like manner, that the Reprobated and Rejected cannot be sav'd. And to make you see that this is true, S. Paul inspir'd by God, teaches the Church of the Romans and all the world besides the deep secret of Predestination and Reprobation, in these words which he delivers in the ninth Chap­ter, For all that are of Israel are not Israelites: by which he shewes us that the Predestination of the Children was typifi'd in the person of Isaac who was the son of the Promise, to distinguish them from the Reprobates prefigur'd in the person of Ishmael the son of the flesh. And 'tis upon this account that he saith to Galatians, speaking of those two children, Cast out the bondwoman and her child, for the Son of the bondwoman shall not be heir with the Son of the Free-woman. And to make the Argument stronger, the Apostle proves the Doctrin of Election and Reprobation in the per­sons [Page 238] of two Twins, of whom he saith, that before they were born, and had done either good or evill, that the decree of God might stand fast according to his ele­ction, it was said of the one, not according to the me­rit of his works, but according to the calling of God, that the Elder shall serve the Younger, as it is written, Jacob have I loved, and Esau have I hated. You see how clearly S. Paul showes that he not onely ac­knowledges Predestination and Reprobation, but acknowledges the same in such sort, that as he saith himself, God endures some with great pati­ence, who are vessels of wrath, reserv'd for de­struction, to the end he may show his wrath and make his power known, as also make known the Riches of his glory on the vessels of mercy who are fitted for glory. VVhence it is clear that S. Paul applyes Predestination and Reprobation particular and determinate to persons, as S. Augustin hath ac­knowledg'd in inumerable places of his works. Ne­verthelesse we must not perswade our selves that God may be accused of any kind of Injustice, being the universal Potter, who of the same lump of clay is able to make one vessel for honourable and ano­ther for contemptible uses. VVherefore it must be concluded that Predestination and Reprobation come from God alone, as well because the Scrip­ture affirmes it, S. Paul confesses it plainly in this and many other places, as because it cannot draw its original from any natural principles, being, as it is, wholy Divine and spiritual, and depend­ing onely on the free promises which God hath made to us. It is easie now to perceive that this Predestinaton being an order establisht upon God himself, and not upon a created thing, it cannot be in any sort hindred by himself, since he saith by the Prophet, I am God and change not: much lesse can he contradict himself; which caused S. Paul to say, The gifts and callings of God are not subject to repentance. And if the calling (I mean the internal) which the Apostle writing to Timothy, termes holy, and saith was made not in regard of our works, but according to the decree of his will, be a thing of which God never re­pents, then a fortiori must he never repent of the E­lection which he makes of us, it preceding this calling. This caused the Lord Jesus Christ to say to his Apostles, Rejoyce not in that you do miracles, but rejoyce that your names are written in heaven. As if he should say, If you have a mind to rejoyce, rejoyce not for things which you must shortly part with, how high and glorious soever they be; but I shew you a ground of joy which you shall never lose, because your names are written in heaven; that is, one me rests & depends your felicity, which can never faile you. S. Iohn confirms the same thing in his Revelation when he discribes the elected by the number of twelve thousand of every Tribe, who were enter'd in the book of life, and he saith they were marked, not with any other mark then that of the blood of Jesus Christ; which showes that they were no more to passe through Death, because o­therwise his revelation would rather fill our hearts with confusion & trouble then with peace & conso­lation; and the fruit of the Redeemer's blood would not be an assured and stable thing. Besides this, the Prophet saith in Psalm 64. Blessed is the man whom thou chosest and causest to approach unto thee, he shall abide in thy house. And in sundry places of the Gospel, it is said, All these things were done that the Scripture might be fulfilled. And this Scripture is no other thing but the words of the Prophets illuminated by God. VVhy should we give lesse to God then a Prophet who is one of his servants? God's Predestination is nothing else but his Prophecy; that is to say, 'tis impossible things should come to passe otherwise then he hath foreseen them from all eternity. Besides that by his forseeing things (I speak now of such as are holy and good) he causes that they exist, through his mercy, goodness and supreame Justice. VVe must not therefore wonder, that, as the Psalme, saith the chosen and Predestinated cannot but be happy, be­cause, it saith, he shall dwell in God's house; and this, as well because God hath foretold it as for that he will also cause it to be so.

As for Satan, certainely he cannot hinder this Predestination, because the determinate number of the Elect, who could not be damn'd, was typifi'd by the people of Israel, when God commanded the destroying Angel to slay all those whose doores he found not markt with the blood of the Lamb. If then the dead blood of animals had the vertue to preserve the people from bodily death in the day of God's anger, why shall we not confesse that the li­ving blood of Jesus Christ wherewith he hath markt his children from all eternity hath a much greater & effectual power to deliver from the Eternal death of the soul all those whom God hath already ap­pointed to be of the number of his children? This is prov'd by the testimony of Jesus Christ, in S. Iohn chap 10. where he speaks of the sheep that are of his flock, and of those which are not of it. Our Saviour in that place saith of those who are not of it. Ye belive not, because ye are not of my sheep. But of those that belonged unto himself, he saith, My sheep hear my voice, and I know them and they follow me. And I give unto them eternal life, and they shall never perish, neither shall any man pluck them out of my hand. My Father which gave them me, is grea­ter then all; and no man is able to pluck them out of my Fathers hand. If you consider and weigh all these words, you will be constrained to confesse that God's elect cannot be damned, as in like man­ner the reprobate cannot be saved.

But because I have, as far as the time permits, sufficiently prov'd by these few authorityes and rea­sons, which yet are of great moment to such as will consider them sincerely, that Election can neither be frustrated by God nor the Devil; not by God, because he is not contrary to himself, nor by the Devil, because our Lord Jesus Christ de­fends and maintaines it with his blood; besides that himself saith in the 17. chapter of S. John, speak­ing of all his Disciples, I pray not for the world, but for them whom thou hast given me. If then the power of the Son be equal to that of the Father, and if the Father never deny'd him any thing, be­cause he alwayes found in him the object of his a­quiescence or complacencies, who can say that there is any who can condemn the Children of God? The Devil indeed may torment them, persecute them, and sometimes too reduce them almost to Death; but they perish not, because God put his hand un­der them, and raises them up. But our Lord speak­ing [Page 239] of Judas who was a reprobate, saith in the same place, None of them is lest, but the Son of Perdition, that the Scripture (to wit the prophecy in the 109th. Psalm) might be fulfilled. Certain­ly if the Scripture must be fulfilled, then 'tis ne­cessary that the Reprobate cannot be sav'd, because he is the Son of perdition; and the Son can never vary from the nature he receiv'd from his Father. To which purpose our Saviour saith, Ye are of your father the Devil, because ye do his works. These are properly they whom God never looks upon in Je­sus Christ with an eye of divine mercy; such was Judas but not S. Peter; for our Saviour lookt upon him, to the end he might not dispair af­ter he had so lamentably renounc'd his Ma­ster.

It remaines now that I show, that Predestina­tion cannot be hinder'd or frustrated on our part; of which this is the reason: Because when God elects and predestinates us in Jesus Christ, he doth it without being necessitated thereunto; but by his own and free pleasure, to which none makes re­sistance; as 'tis said by the Prophet, Lord who shall resist the heat of tsty countenance? Moreover he elects us miserable men and not happy, poor and not rich, sinners and not righteous, naked and not cloathed. And because all this is done by Di­vine goodnesse with a great and infinite love, he doth not elect us barely to abandon us afterwards, and leave us free in the hands of our own counsels, because he well knows that if he should leave us we should presently return to our first state; but in consequence of his Divine election he gives us in time all the graces which were included in that ele­ction. First, he prepares our wills that they may be fit to recieve divine inspirations; he comforts and strengthens us in temptations, that we fall not into perdition; he give us faith, hope, and cha­rity, to the end that with these weapons we may encounter & overcome our enemies; and in a word he furnishes us with all his benefits. Towards those whom Gods receives for his children, he deporteth himself as a Master would do, who see­ing a poor miserable man destitute of all re­lief, knockt down in the high way, wounded and disserted by all the world, would be stirr'd by natu­ral compassion to take him up and make him his be­loved and faithful servant. It cannot be said that it is enough for this miserable person that man has done him the favour to choose him for his servant, because for all this, he might remain in the high­way as much as ever exposed to his former miseries. Certainly if he meanes to give him any true testi­mony of his affection, he must not think it enough that he has chosen him for his servant, but he must carry him into his house, cause his wounds to be dres­sed, give him clothes, and do him new favours. But God's love is much more powerful then man's na­tural affection; for this can expresse it self onely in outward benefits, but God not onely gives us corporal goods most plentifully, but also lifts us up even above heaven with the spiritual gifts which he is able to bestow upon us, to the end that being cloathed with a new spirit we may appear in Gods eyes honorable servants; not ungrateful for the nu­merous benefits which we receive. And this is the cause that these servants, who acknowledge them­selves to be of the number of his children, work al­wayes with love and not with fear.

By these Reasons it is evinc'd that we cannot withstand God's Election. Heare the authorityes of Scripture which confirm the same thing S. Paul in the first chapter of his Epistle to the Ephesians speaks in this manner; Blessed be the God and Fa­ther of our Lord Jesus Christ, who hath blessed us with all spiritual blessings in heavenly places in Christ; According as he hath chosen us in him before the foun­dation of the world, that we should be holy, and with­out blame before h [...]m in love: Hav [...]ng predestinated us into the adoption of Children by Jesus Christ to him­self, according to the good pleasure of his will, to the praise of the glory of his grace, wherein he hath made us accepted in the beloved: In whom we have re­demption through his blood, the forgivenesse of sins, according to the riches of his grace; Wherein he hath abounded toward us in all wisdome and prudence: Ha­ving made known unto us the mystery of his will, ac­cording to his good pleasure, which he purposed in him­self, &c. This authority alone heard with the ear of the mind and not with that of the flesh, is sufficient to resolve and clear all the doubt which can arise from the Proposition advanc'd by their Preacher: & in truth, every one of these words (since they are so many words of the H. Ghost) ought to be more valuable to us then a thousand worlds, because we see appear in them so illustriously the greatnesse, goodnesse, compassion and mercy of God towards us, and particularly because thy give us to know, to our great comfort, that those who are predesti­nated and the children of God, can never perish, in regard they are elected in Jesus Christ before the foundation of the world. Therefore he that is Ele­cted, is founded upon Jesus Christ; and who is foun­ded upon Jesus Christ can never fall, because Jesus Christ is the rock and unmoveable foundation a­gainst which the power of the Devil cannot prevaile, as neither can it prevaile against the structure built up of living stones which is the Holy Church and the determinate number of the Elect. This is fur­ther manifested by the Parable of the House built upon the sand, which falls at the least blast of wind, and that which is built upon a rock which cannot in any manner be shaken by the most impetuous storms. Moreover S. Paul addeth and saith that God hath chosen us in Jesus Christ before the foun­dation of the world, that we should be holy and without blame before him in love. You see that Predestination regards as its proportionate object the good and holy works which God prepares for us that we may walk therein; to enable us where­unto, he hath left in the Church his Holy Spirit, which as a hidden but strong fire burnes up all that it findes impure and superfluous, and more and more enflames the hearts of his elect with holy and chast desires, so that they remain wholy cleansed when they are washt from the pollutions of this world. There is none but may and ought to ac­knowledge this Predestination of the Saints, where­of no other reason can be given but the good plea­sure of God's will, which S. Paul expresses in the abovecited place, and S. Peter in the first chapter of the first of his Epistles; and all the Prophets both of the old and new Testament have likewise acknow­ledged this gift in the Elect, insomuch that the light [Page 240] of the Sun is not more bright then that of these di­vine testimonies.

Let there be no mention therefore of those false, pitiful and forc't consequences by which some pre­tend, as is above observ'd, that Free-will is de­stroyed by God's gratuitions election, and that man remaines like a stock or a stone; as S. Paul witnesses it fell out in his time, that what he preached for the advantage of Grace, was construed to establish the liberty of the flesh; as if it had been lawfull for every one to do evil, that Grace might become more abundant; which is a damnable infe­rence. These are the consequences drawn by those who are unwilling to give God all the honour which is due to him, or would share halfe of what belongs to Christ alone, and who know not the exceeding mercy which hath been shewn to us by the death of the Son of God, who willing to manifest to us the deep misery of our bondage, exemplifyed in him­self what is the true liberty of his Children, and af­terwards taught the same with his own mouth, when he saith, If the Son make you free, you shall be free indeed. Wherefore we ought to know that Predestination does not deprive the Elect of their Free-will, but gives, procures and preserves the same to them; it does not force or use violence to any man, but he causes the VVill to incline it self to good, and voluntarily and sweetly. VVhence we see by experience, that there is nothing in the world more free, or whose power is greater than that of a good Christian, since his liberty extends over all things, even to the death of sin and his own, and that nothing can do any prejudice to him, pro­vided, as S. Paul speaks, Christian liberty be not turn'd into a Carnal liberty; and if it happen some­times that he falls into sin, he finds that saying of the Scripture verifyed in himself, that all things, even sins too, turn to the advantage of those that love God. Now this I speak after S. Augustin, and it must be taken in this sense, that the sins where­into a Predestinated man hath suffered himself to fall, serve him for an occasion to recurre unto God whom he hath deserted, to deplore and re­pent of his sin, and to become better by it conti­nually, alwayes knowing more and more the death which arises from sin, and the life which Jesus Christ gives. 'Tis true indeed, in the Reprobate, Free-will is not at all serviceable towards the attain­ing of eternal life, as S. Augustin writing to Sim­plician saith, liberum arbitrium plurimum valet; imo vere qu idem: sed in venundatis sub peccato quid valet?

And in a few lines after, the same Father saith, Praecipitur ut recte vivamus; sed quis potest recte vivere nisi justificatus ex fide? You see, this holy man did not conceive as some doe at this day, that 'tis a horrible thing to affirme that Freewill is not sufficient to bring us to salvation; he is so far from it, that he wholly condemnes Free-will without Grace in reference to merit and justification, as plainly appears throughout all his works. Let us likewise forsake that fleshly Presumption, which makes it strange that our Salvation is not in the power of our own Free-will; because those are happy whose salvation is in the Hands of God, and they most unhappy who depend upon themselves: This is what S. Paul teaches us from that passage in the 33d. chapter of Exodus, I will be gratious to whom I will be gracious, and will shew mercy on whom I will shew mercy. Wherefore 'tis not of him that willeth or of him that runneth, but of God that sheweth mercy. Yet must it not be said that the Apostle in this place denyes and impugnes the cooperation of our Will; but he referrs all the glory to God who powerfully sollicites and invites the wills of those that believe. Whence it is that he complaines by the Prophet of that hardned people which would not obey the voice of God who called them and desired to draw them to himself and gather them under his wings, as a Hen gathereth her Chickens. Tis true, that as no other cause can be given of Predestination and Re­probation but God's will guided by his ineffable justice, as S. Augustin speaks; so 'tis our faults and iniquities which are the cause of our damnation; and this is what the Scripture saith in those words, Thy destruction is from thy self, O Israel, but thy sal­vation is of me.

You understand all that I have written to con­firme the first Proposition whereat you took scan­dal, That the Predestinated cannot be damn'd, nor the Reprobate sav'd: and I could not doe it better then by the word of God which divides the spirit from the soul. But to the end that you and every one else may be assured that I have cited the Holy Scriptures faithfully, I shall hereunto add the sen­timent of S. Augustin that pillar of the Church, ta­ken out of Sundry places of his works concerning this matter. And in the first place to let you see that 'tis his opinion that the Predestinated cannot be damn'd, nor the Reprobate sav'd, see what he saith in the Third Tome, in his book De fide ad Petrum, cap. 25. Firmissime tene & nullatenus dubites omnes quos vasa misericordiae gratuita▪ boni­tate Deus fecit, ante mundi constitutionem in adopti­onem filiorum Dei praedestinatos a Deo; neque perire posse aliquem eorum quos Deus praedestinavit ad reg­num caelorum, nec quemquam eorum quos non praede­stinavit ad vitam, ulla posse ratione salvari: Prae­destinatio illa gratuita donationis est praeparatio qua nos Apostolus ait praedestinatos in adoptionem filiorum Dei per Jesum Christum in ipsum. See now whether this H. Doctor did not understand the above cited passage of the Epist. to the Ephesians as I do, & confesse that what is contain'd therein is not the imagination of any man, but a truth dictated by the H. Ghost. There­fore the H. Doctor doth not hesitate in the matter, but saith, Firmissime tene. He confirmes the same thing in his commentary upon the 69. Psalme, at the 28. verse where it said, Let them be blotted out of the book of the living. And in another place, writting against Julian, he hath these express words Absit enim ut praedestinatus ad vitam sine s [...]cramento Mediatoris finire permittatur hanc vitam. And to conclude, let the 106. Epistle ad Paulinum Episco­pum be read, and according to the Maximes con­tain'd in those writings, it will appear what is to be believ'd concerning those who belong to eternal life, and those who do not: because by the authority of this great Saint, to whom the Church is infinite­ly oblig'd, every one will bring the most attentive ears and eyes to read and contemplate the verityes of the Holy Scriptures, by humbling himself & pray­ing God to discover to him the sense of the Scrip­tures. VVherefore since the goodnesse of God [Page 241] hath manifested to us in the Church so many wayes the predestination of the Elect, and the Holy Do­ctors and Preachers, amongst the rest S. Augustin that great light and powerfull mawl of hereticks, having alwayes acknowledged it, I cannot but af­firme with them that it ought to be taught and preacht in the Church: yet it must be spoken of with wisdom, to the end it may be understood with­out Scandal and embraced; because we may con­template therein as in a living mirror, and under­stand and penetrate by faith the high counsells of God, and what he resolv'd from all eternity con­cerning his Son and his Members, both as to remissi­on of sins and preparation of glory for his Elect. By this meanes the spirit of Satan can never draw a consequence as impious as false, which was here­tofore broacht in the Church by some corrupt members who separated from it, and is again re­viv'd at this time: If God, say they, hath Predesti­nated some & Reprobated others, it will undoubted­ly come to passe that the former shall be sav'd and the others damn'd. VVhence they conclude, that whether they do good or evil, their salvation & dam­nation will come to passe by necessity: and they make use of these arguments for a liberty of conti­nual sinning, since God, say they, hath already determin'd either to save or to damn them; and so they voluntarily give themselves up to be abused by the Devil who transformes himself into an Angel of light, that they may extinguish that word and seed by which he must be at length overcome and wholly destroy'd. Yet these wretches perceive not that if God hath manifested for his Church the great mystery of Predestination which was hidden from ages passed, they ought rather to strive to make the holy calling of God sure by his mercy and the meanes of good works, then to shew by their bad, that they are sons of the Devil, since if natural light teach us that we never ought to offend such a friend as out of charity would, to recover our earthly li­berty, readily put himselfe into our place, and be­stow his money to repair our misfortunes; how can the uncreated light of the Holy Spirit but teach us that being the Son of God dy'd for the Elect, and saith they cannot perish, it is not lawfull to commit evil wilfully by offending a friend so full of goodnes, and a brother so affectionate, upon an impious o­pinion concerning Predestination; and like the perfidious Jews to crucifie the Blessed Jesus for our damnation instead of being crucifyed with him for our salvation! The faithfull Christian must never make profession of being a sinner, but he ought to acknowledge before God and men that he is a mi­serable sinner, and with continual repentance a­mend his bad life and reform his sins, because being become a child of God by regeneration, he must ne­ver enter into the works of the servants of sin; for he that commits sin is the servant thereof; and if it happen that he fall sometimes, he must rise againe with more vigor, and thus every moment become a greater and more irreconcilable enemy to sinne. As we see in the world, a Child of great quality ne­ver betakes himself to the servile offices in his Fa­thers house which belong onely to the lowest vas­sals, and if it sometimes happens that he put his hand thereunto, he presently drawes it away again because he understands what ignominy and dam­mage would ensue to him in case he should consume his life therein.

I am come to the conclusion of what I had to say to you concerning these things, of which should I go about to speak as much as their dignity requires, great labour and study would not be sufficient: I mean, to exercise one's self, and not to manifest the truth, which is compriz'd in few words, because the Lord hath made a short work upon the earth. 'Tis sufficient to children that the eternal Father disco­ver his will to them by the least sign, because they embrace it presently without many proofes; and to the end it may be preserv'd in them, he hath not left a more effectual pledge then that of his H. Spirit, whom I most humbly beseech to dispel the darknesse of our ignorance, and fill the Elect with divine light, for which we are bound alwayes to render infinite thanks. This is all I have to say to to you. The Lord God comfort you.

John Patriarch of Aquileia.

The Apologie of the most Illustrious Patriach of AQILEIA for the Letter Prece­ding.

I. PROPOSITION.
He hath preserved the seed of his Grace, to the end we should not remain unfruitful; he hath preserved the H. Spirit for our consolation against errors and the enemies of grace.
ANSWER.

The name of the H. Spirit sent by the Father and the Son (who is the fountain of truth, and in whom I have written those things which are writ­ten in my little Tract of predestination) being first called upon, I explain the first Proposition extra­cted out of the said Tract, and terme these ene­mies of Grace, who of what quality and condition soever they be, disparage and despise that free gift of God, perverting the holy things of God to the desires of the flesh; whom S. Augustine frequently impugnes, and whom I thought fit to en­counter in that Discourse. Moreover I call such the enemies of Grace, who I hear write and teach that salvation can accrue to those whom God hath not predestinated. And lastly, I terme enemies of Grace not onely the Pelagians who live amongst us at this day, but also those who are gone, and whom S. Cyprian, according to S. Augustin's te­stimony, overcame and routed long before they sprung up.

II. PROPOSITION.
Predestination is of God only, both because the Scripture affirmes the same, and S. Paul teaches as much mani­festly in this and divers other places, as because it de­pends not upon natural principles, being wholly divine and spiritual, and depending onely upon the free pro­mise which God hath made to us.
ANSWER.

Predestination is from God alone, because no­thing hath preceded in Eternity God's will prede­stinating and reprobating. Therefore no efficient cause of it can be assign'd besides the divine VVill. It is written in the 9 h. chapter to the Romans, Jacob have I loved, and Esau have I hated. Which place I understand in the same sense as S. Augustin, S. Thomas and the Master of the sentences under­stood it. And predestination is here taken abso­lutely, not for it effects; neither is Free-will there­fore destroy'd but operates in its time and place freely, meritoriously and without coaction, as I speak clearly concerning the same in my said VVri­ting, so farre as the scantnesse of the time permit­ted. Nor do I deny that the goodnesse of God, who hath purposed to shew mercy or not to shew mercy, as I have noted in my Tract, is the cause why God predestinates or reprobates. And lastly I do not reject the use of Free-will which serves to the obtaining of sanctifying grace, when God gives the same to the predestinate, to the end that using it well he may merit glory.

VVhich being so, it may be truely said that pre­destination depends onely upon the promises which God hath made to us. Nor will there be any con­tradiction in this, although predestination should be taken here for its effects which draw their original and their force from the merits of Jesus Christ, which grace conferres upon us in consequence of the Promises made to those that believe in him. What I say concerning the promises, we learn out of the 11th. and 36th. chapter of Ezekiel, the 32d. of Jeremiah and many places of S Paul's Epistles: and S. Peter teaches us that all things which apper­tain to life and godliness are promised and given us by the almighty power of God; so that good works themselves are part of the promises which God hath made to us. I will give you an heart of flesh (saith the Prophet) and will take away the heart of stone, and will cause you to do, &c.

He hath given us a strong assurance of his promi­ses. God is become our debtor because he hath pleased to make his promise to us. VVe have there­fore in the H. Scripture a most ample witnesse of the Divine promises. Yet do not these promises destroy Free-will or hinder from concurring meri­toriously to good works. S. Augustin in the third Treatise upon S. John is of this opinion; That life Eternal is given us onely by grace: which would be false, if S. Augustine's words were not consider'd with reference to the original of this life, because they would take away meritorious works. And S. Paul, Life Eternal is a grace of God, and grace for grace. VVhich place he understands and expounds, as the grace which God hath done us in Electing us to eternal life, being the cause of the grace which he doth us in giving us good works which may merit the same. This opinion therefore doth not exclude Free-will, which, as I said before, is establish'd in my Treatise, much lesse good works, but rather includes and requires above all things both Free-will and good VVorks.

III. PROPOSITION.
Speaking of the Reprobate, that he cannot be saved because he is the Son of perdition, as our Saviour saith. The Son cannot disclaime the nature which he hath re­ceiv'd from his Father; and therefore Jesus Christ saith, Ye are of your father the Devil, because ye do his works; and these are properly they whom God never beholds in Jesus Christ with an eye of mercy.
ANSWER.

Our Saviour call's the perfidious and obstinate, sons of perdition, all that time the Jews were mur­derers and persecutors of the truth. VVhich place I alluded to, and called them sons of perdition be­cause our Saviour so term'd them; Ye are of your father the Devil, because ye do his works. I say the same, and no more. But they who are not desti­nated simply and properly to eternal life, nor writ­ten in the book of life, although they may appear to be the Children of God, neverthelesse they are the Children of the Devil, by imitation and not by substance, as S. Augustin speaks. This I said in reference to their last end of damnation and final impenitence which God foreknows, and alwayes foreknew most certainely. I said that God never looks upon them with the eye of his mercy though a most just and incomprehensible judgement; as I said it was in Judas, whom Pope S. Leo in his Sermon of the Lords passion calls an inconvertible man, (that is, one who could not be converted.) This is the scope at which my words referre, & not to certain intermediate things, not to the justificati­on of the present life in which they may be for some time, and during which God sundry times beholds Judas and other reprobates with his eye of mercy, namely when they do well and are up­right.

IV. PROPOSITION.
God doth not elect us, onely to relinquish and leave us in the hand of our own Counsels, be­cause he well knows into what condition we would soon b [...]ing our selves; but in consequence of his election he makes appear in due time all the gifts which were com­prehended in his Election.
ANSWER.

If I knew sufficiently where the doubt concern­ing this fourth Proposition lyes, perhaps I should better explain my mind. My intention was to say, that God bestows many gifts upon the Elect who by peculiar love are under the divine care, as is seen by [Page 243] the following words where I say that God prepares a right or good will for us according to the testimo­ny of the Apostle, 'Tis God that works in us to will and to do; and the rest which followes, to which I referre. Therefore God doth not leave his Elect destitute without Grace, nor in the hand of their own counsels. Nor do I design hereby to contra­dict the saying of the VVise-man in any wise, (for it would be ridiculous so to do) Deum reliquisse ho­m [...]nem in manu consiliorum suorum. But all that I intended to signifie by it, is, that God leaves not Free-will in his Elect without assisting it by his Grace, and that it being assisted thereby, happily performes all the things which are enumerated in my Treatise. S. Augustin patronizes this opinion in abundance of places. And I desire the Reader not to believe that I here make Free-will to be ne­cessitated or compelled; for this would be an in­jury to truth. In the same Treatise I dispute a­gainst such as follow the false lights of a perverse spi­rit and reason in the model which they forme to themselves of the holy gift of predestination; whilst through negligence and malice they referre the greatest liberty of Free-will assisted by God to a shameful and damnable necessity contrary to the ex­presse doctrin of all the Doctors, and principally of S. Augustin, which Father is the most terrible to those kind of people. VVherefore I conclude with the truth received in the Church and with the authority of the same S. Augustin, That predesti­nation doth not take away Free-will but rather esta­blish it; as I have said expressely in my Treatise, to which I referre the Reader.

V. PROPOSITION.
And in like manner cannot prevaile against the stru­cture built with living stones which is the H. Church and the determinate number of the Elect.
ANSWER.

In this Proposition those things which precede and follow in my Treatise, must be considered, be­cause otherwise naked and mutilated clauses beget obscurity. In confirmation of Predestination and its strength, I cited the divine authority of S. Paul to the Ephesians, where that instrument of the H. Ghost layes open all the benefits which God hath prepared for the Predestinate. His words are clear, and gave me occasion to say (as I did) that Satan cannot prevaile against the structure built with living stones, which Edifice is the H. Church and the determinate number of the Elect. And what I said herein is grounded upon the Parable ta­ken out of the mouth of Truth it self. Who knows not (as S. Paul saith) that the Devil hath no power against God's Elect? Neverthelesse 'tis not to be deny'd that the Devil sometimes prevails against the Elect; for indeed he often prevails through their negligence and corruption. But what is this to my expression which hath reference to that oracle of S. John, chapter 10. My sheep shall never perish; My Father which gave them me is greater then all: and no man is able to pluck them out of my hand: Therefore, against these Predestinate, who are the Subject of my Treatise, I said Satan cannot prevail in that manner which our Saviour and other holy and Catholick Authors understand; yet do I not therefore inferre any necessity or compulsion upon the Free-will, as if it acted no more then a piece of wood or a stone. I onely toucht this mat­ter by the way, and could not speak more largely off it in so little time; which was the cause that speaking of this Edifice built with living stones, I called it the Church and the determinate number of the Elect, yet not excluding the Universal Church, (which would have been the discouse of an extravagant and senseless person denying the clear­nesse of divine light) since we are oblig'd to ac­knowledge and believe firmely the H. Catholick Church diffused throughout the whole world under one Head in Heaven, Jesus Christ (as S. Paul saith) and under his lawfull Vicar, who is another Head on the Earth of the same Universal Church. But I thus term'd the H. Church, the structure built with living stones, because it may be so call'd, although this Church be invisible; since S. Augustin calls it so in the fifth book against the Donatists, and S. Bernard upon the Canticles, chap. 23. and 68. The Elect are gather'd into this Church by faith, charity, and the Sacraments, as in the visible and militant Church the Elect and the other Faithfull are united by the same bonds; and although some of them depart from charity, yet if they fall not from the Catholick faith, they cease not to be and to remain in the same Church.

VI. PROPOSITION.
And to enable us to do it, he hath left his H. Spi­rit in the Church, which with a secreet but powerfull fire burnes up what ever it findes impure and superflu­ous, and more and more enflames the hearts of his E­lect with holy and chast desires, so that they become most purified when they are cleansed from the pollutions of this world.
ANSWER.

I proceeded in declaring the blessings and favours of God upon the Elect, since the H. Spirit is given to them for the purging away of their sins, and infla­ming their minds with pure thoughts, which are the source of the good works which flow forth to the sanctifying of God, so that they become most pu­rified. Which truth is not to be understood of all the Predestinate: but we must believe that this is effe­cted in some who may become most pure according to the state of the present life, & may advance hap­pily from vertue to vertue, as S. Paul notes in his Epistles. S. Augustin useth the same word in his first book de Trinitate when he saith that the most purifi'd minds [purgatissimae mentes] are able to be­hold the Supreame Good. I say most purifi'd as to the affections of the will, and not onely as to the thoughts of the mind [quantum ad affectum, non se­lum ad intellectum] as S. Bonaventure expounds it. But to conclude how I might say this, S. Thomas must be consulted in scripto quarto super quartum sententiarum, where he speaks of Purgatory, and explaines what it is to build upon the foundation wood and stubble; he that compares the works of the perfect with those of the imperfect, and saith [Page 244] that venial sins are burned by the favour of charity, and that we must not say that these sins are the wood and stubble built upon the foundation, because they remain not habitually in them; adding that they are secure, and their remaines nothing to be purged in them. Now this my opinion does injury to no body, because 'tis delivered with a condition, and comprehends not all the Elect, as appears mani­festly by the sequel and explication of the word; and should it comprehend them all (though I have not affirm'd so) what hinders but that I may say that the Elect may become most purified, in the same sense that S. Paul saith there remaines no condem­nation to them which are in Christ Jesus, and when he requires of a man who would be a perfect Christi­an to put off the old man with all its lusts?

VII. PROPOSITION.
These are Consequences drawn by those who will not give God the honour which is due to him, or those who would divide what belongs to Christ alone, and know not the abundance of his mercy which hath been ex­hibited to us in the death of Jesus Christ, who willing to show us the misery of our desperate bondage, hath shew'd in himself what is the true liberty of his Chil­dren, and taught it with his own mouth when he saith, If the Son make you free, you shall be free in­deed.
ANSWER.

I had before rejected the false Consequences which they attribute to Divine Predestination; because things of the greatest truth may be perverted by such Consequences. But now to detest the pride of men who extolling the strength of nature more then they ought, pretend to do good works without the assistance of grace; I speak against those who knowing not what they are without grace, render not to God all the thanks which they ought. Now 'tis to God alone that glory is to be ascri­bed, because the universal Church sings thus after S. Paul, To God alone the immortal and invisible King be honour and glory. But to understand how I spoke this, there is no more necessary, but to consider rhe following words in my treatise, where I cite the H. Gospel, If the Son make you free, you shall be free indeed. I say once again that 'tis to God alone that glory ought to be given, nor can any place of Scrip­ture be found wherein this wholesome confession doth not shine. The books of the Prophets are full of it, and the whole Scripture teaches us nothing else. Moreover from this holy and true acknow­ledgement all blessings arrive to us: the soul falls to reform it self when it humbly considers and sincerely acknowledges before God it own poverty and na­kednesse without his divine assistance. Nor is any thing derogated from men if they make use of Gods grace to act well and to merit, as S. Augustin wit­nesseth, who saith that to believe and to work are both our act and God's; ours in regard of the liberty of Free-will, and Gods by reason of the spirit of Grace. The time would fail me, if I should speak [...] that might be spoken in this matter. Wherefore [...] shall be contented with those few things which I [...], and referre my self for the rest to what is to be found in the H. Scripture & Catholick Authors for confirmation of this my opinion, which is more then I am able to transcribe.

VIII. PROPOSITION.

'Tis true that in the Reprobate Free-will is not avail­able to the obtaining of salvation, as S. Augustin con­fesses, writing to Simplician in this manner, Liberum arbitrium plurimum valet; imo vere equidem; sed in venundatis sub peccato quid valet? And a little af­ter, Praecipitur ut recte vivamus; sed quis potest re­cte vivere nisi justificatus ex fide? Consider here that this H. Man did not think it so horrible a thing as 'tis thought it this day, to say that Free-will is not sufficient to effect our salvation.

ANSWER.

Having spoken most advantageously of Free-will assisted by Grace, as may be seen a little before, I added (according to S. August [...]n's Doctrine after subjoyn'd) that it is not availeable in such as are sold under sin. This Maxime and the like are found di­spersed everywhere in S. Augustin's works; and I understand the same Catholickly, as he did, because Free-will without Grace is absolutely unable to do any good or meritorious action. Without me ye can do nothing, saith the Truth; 'Tis God which workes in you both to will and to do, as was above cited. VVith­out preventing Grace we act no good, and without justifying Grace we are not sav'd.

But to conclude, I affirm that in this Article I hold the same sense which the H. Church my mo­ther doth, whose sentiment may be seen expressed in most manifest words, in which she saith and de­creeth in the second Council of Orange chap. 6. 7. 13. and 14. And as in this Article, so in all I have and alwayes had the same judgement with the H. Church, (out of which I professe most constantly there is no salvation to be hop'd) to the praise of Al­mighty God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, to whom as to the benefactor of all, and particularly to­ward me, I most humbly submit my self. Likwise I submit humbly and sincerely to our H. F. the Pope, and to the judgement of the Catholick Church all that I have said in this short space of time, and in the vehemence of my sorrow, having never had the least thought to recede from the sentiments of the Church, which every one of her Children ought to hold in singular respect and veneration. Blessed be God for ever and ever. Amen.

Ego Joannes Grimanus Patriarcha Aquiliensis superiorem propositionem ita declaravi in nomi­ne sanctissimae Trinitatis.

The Supplicate of the Ambassador of FRIULI sent to the most Serene Republick of Venice, about the affair of the most Reverend Patriarch GRI­MANI.

Most serene Prince, and most Illustrious Seigneurie,

VVE, the most faithfull subjects and ser­vants of your Serenitie, sent to you by the Reverend Chapters of Aquileia and Oudenay, by the magnifick City of Odenay, and by the magnifick Deputies of you Country of Friuli, do with truth as­sure you that for divers years our Country, our Cler­gy and our City have not sent their Agents to the feet of your Serenity about a more urgent, neces­sary and laudable affair then the present, in which the honour of God, and the peace and tran­quillity of their consciences being concern'd, we have judg'd the present conjuncture of affairs most favourable for communicating their grievances and needs to your Serenity, to this most Christian Re­publick, to our most gracious Prince. 'Tis a most advantageous meanes, most Serene Prince, to shew with how great ardour and concord we all desire to testify a perfect and filial obedience and affection not only to your Serenity, but also to the spirituall Heads and Pastors whom God hath given us; as we now desire to testifie the same towards the person of the most Reverend Patriarch John Grimani our most dear and beloved Father, which we shall do with piety and justice, well understanding that 'tis the will of God not onely that we pray to his divine Majesty for the health and prosperity of our Pastors, that we hear them and that we obey them, but al­so that we have such care of them as good children ought to have of their Father, and perform this duty with so much the more zeal as our spiritual pa­rents ought to be dearer and more venerable to us then our corporal. VVherefore 'tis reason that when our head languisheth, we suffer together there­with, according to the Apostle's doctrin, who to confirm unity in the Church of God, and to take a­way Schismes and Divisions, enjoynes and com­mands all Churches to have this cate and solicitude which we who are members of it ought to have one for another, and particularly for our Head. Where­fore confirming to the will of God in the needs which presse us, and in so important an affair, we confidently address to the feet of your Serenity, and hope to receive such comfort from you as is agreea­ble to your goodnesse, our devotion and the neces­sity of our Country. VVe represent therefore most humbly to your Serenity, that thirteen years agoe M. Leonard of Oudenay our Compatriote, of the Order of S. Dominick (a man of great note and e­steem, and lookt upon as a most learned and Ca­tholick Preacher, and who had passed through all the honours and offices in his Order) preaching in the Church of Oudenay spoke something, out of good intent concerning divine Prescience and Predestination; and that the grand Vicar of that time acquainted the most reverend Patriarch there­with, who according to the custome of the ancient Fathers & Pastors sent for answer to the Vicar and the Church, a Homily concerning that Subject; conceiving that he should thereby better satisfy and confirme the mind of his Vicar and of all those who had heard the said Preachers expressions about this matter. This Homily was published and registred in the Chancery of your Serenity at the City of Ou­denay, and soon spread abroad every where: since that time till the present we perceiv'd not that this act of the most Reverend Patriarch caused the least alteration amongst us, other then what we have lately understood and find to be very considerable and of very great consequence. For the report which your Serenity knows to be spread lately con­cerning this Homily, being apt to cast infamy up­on the most R. Patriarch, diminish or quite ruin his authority, overwhelme him with affliction and sorrow, and also being capable to give scandal and confusion to our consciences (which would be a deplorable mischief, and therefore requires to be prevented;) this whole Province would have ac­counted themselves worthy to be accused of disobe­dience and ingratitude, if in so long oppression of the innocence of a Pastor and a Prelate so dear to them, we should not give yo [...]r Serenity and all the world certain proofs of our good will and obligati­ons, both in reference to the affliction which we resent for that of my L. the Patriarch, and to a thing more important, to wit, the inevitable deso­lation which would befall us, if we should suffer this scandal to continue longer in so miserable a time when all things are full of tumult and confu­sion. This hath induc'd us to make this Remon­strance to you with the more earnestness, for that we know that faithful people are oblig'd to love and procure tranquillity and peace, especially at this time when bad examples instigate us to do o­therwise. But setting aside the affection which we bear to the most R. Patriarch for his merits & ver­tues sufficiently known to you, which certainly is very great, and for which we would do all things possible to be done by the good children, we have resolv'd not to be deficient in what our Lord com­mands us with his own mouth; The Scribes and Pharis [...]es sit in Moses Cha [...]r, do what they say. Truth it self, most Serene Prince, tells as that we ought to hear our Pastors because they are the Fathers and Masters of the people. And 'tis for this reason that S. Paul saith, Remember those that are over you, who declare the word of God to you; obey your superiours and be subject to them: for they watch as they who must give account of your souls, that they may do it with joy & not with sorrow; for this is profitable for you. These are the authorities of God, to which it is necessary that we obey: & to the end we may do it with more successe, it is necessary that your Serenity, who are guardians of the Holy Laws, favour and assist us. May it therefore please your Serenity, to inter­pose as you shall think fit, that we may be given to understand with assurance and by Soveraign autho­rity, what is the doctrin of our Patriarch and Pa­stor in that Homily; because so long as this is un­decided, we remain in sadnesse and in a scandal of very great consequence, being surrounded on every side with Provinces and Nations who suffer them­selves to be led into other sentiments then those prescrib'd by our Mother the H. Catholick and Ro­man Church, from whom we shall never depart, ac­knowledging it a particular benefit of God's good­ness that the Provinces & places subject to the Pa­triarchal [Page 246] Superintendecy, and the most happy go­vernment of your Serenity, are hitherto free from all the troubles which disturb the Church at this day. If therefore the doctrine of the most Reve­rend Patriarch in this Homily be good, let your Serenity consider how much we are oblig'd, and how greatly charity ought to enflame our hearts, to procure (for the love we bear him) his peace and tranquillity, and preservation of his honour and re­putation, (all which are things from which we may hope all sort of advantage, as without which we must expect to be deprived of all spiritual consola­tion.) Your Serenity sees that all these honest and e­quitable considerations have caused the Clergy, City & all our happy Country account themselves oblig'd to do the same office towards our Pastor, which we read to have been heretofore done by most devou [...] nations towards theirs in the persecutions of Liberi­us Bishop of Rome, S. Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria S. Chrisostome Bishop of Constantinople, and many others, when the devotion of the people excited by the Holy Ghost manifested their piety and affe­ction towards their Pastors. VVe desire to imitate them in their good actions, so much the more now the time presses us, and we can no longer dessemble: because, most Serene Prince, if the Patriarch be found innocent as he is esteem'd by general consent, we discharge our duty in the resentment which we testifie of his affliction, so tis requisite we do ju­stice to our selves, in case his doctrine in the sayd Homily be worthy of reprehension and condemnati­on: for so long as we remain in suspence concern­ing the same, and the discussion of so important an affair is deferr'd, we cannot but be alwayes in dan­ger of being deceiv'd. VVherefore to prevent so great mischiefs, and to procure perfect satisfaction to our minds, all the abovesayd persons of your most faithfull Province have with common consent sent us to your Serenity, to the end that by the blessing of God and the intervention of your autho­rity, we may obtain the effect of our just demands and suffer no evil, having committed no fault. VVherefore we most humbly beseech your Sereni­ty and this most happy and most Christian Repub­lick, that seeing the affair, time, occasion and all things permit, you will vouchsafe to write to your most excellent Ambassadors renssiding at the Council of Trent assembled by authority of the Soveraine Pontif, and the Holy Ghost, that they with dili­gence and Christian benevolence make instance to those H. Fathers chosen out of the most faithfull and learned of all Christendome, to obtain of them, that after they shall have considered with the eyes of Justice the words of my L. the most R. Patriarch in the said Homily, they declare whether the same be conformable to the sound doctrine of the H. Fa­thers of the Catholick Church; to the end that by an assured and solid declaration of the H. Council we may quiet our consciences, which cannot but be in agitation and trouble so long as our irresolu­tion therein shall continue. We hope this Remon­strance by which we are so much oblig'd to you, will be very well pleasing to our H. F. Pope Pius 4 as a Father full of prudence and goodnesse, who will be most joyful to see so holy a conspiration in a whole Province affectionate to its Pastor; that he will acknowledge that this affection as well as this demand being a pure instinct of the H. Spirit (whose first Minister his Holinesse is) will be wor­thy of his approbation and good will; and lastly he will find consolation in understanding the firm re­solution which we have to live under the protecti­on and true discipline of the H. Romane Church our mother: VVhich thing we plainly and faith­fully manifest by our Zeal to render to our Pastor the honour and respect which we owe to him. By this meanes we keep farre from that Pest which uses to give the sad beginning to unhappy heresies, when inferiors (as the B. Martyr S. Cyprian te­stifies) obstinately and contemptuously withdraw themselves from the Charity and obedience which they owe to their Superiors. And being thus stirr'd up with pastoral care, he will be also glad to instruct us by his Authority and that of the H. Council, in what manner we are to demeane our selves in these miserable times towards the most R. Patriarch. VVe have the more hope that he will do this, be­cause we speak of the Patriarchal See of Aquileia which the Soveraine Pontifs his H. Predecessors stile the first after the See of Rome. He will not therefore suffer a member so important, so considerable and so neer himself to remaine injured by the malignity of the times, if this member be found alive and inno­cent; since were it languid or infirme, he would not faile to comfort, heal and recover it, as God commands him by his Prophet. To conclude most Serene Prince, we have judg'd this way the most easie and ordinary, and that which may put an hap­py end to our distresses and the many mischiefs wherewith we are threatned. Because the Sove­raine Pontifs, (as S. Gregory that great Pope of­tentimes did) whose judgements are inviolable Laws in the Church to defend the innocence and e­stimation of good Prelates, or else to condemn the scandalous who would live contrary to the H. rules, have from time to time convok'd Councils by authority whereof they have maintain'd their inno­cence and reputation of good Prelates and chastised the temerity of bad, stopping the mouths of all the world. And if our H. Fathers have assembled Councils to this end, the same thing will be done more easily without any inconvenience to the Church, now the most general and perfect Council is assembled that ever was since that of Nice. It be­ing equitable both in regard to the nature of the af­fair (which was not brought upon the stage at this time without some mysterie) and in considerati­on of the interests of your Serenity, and lastly in respect of the particulat qualities of the most R. Pa­triarch and his family, that his cause be exa­min'd and terminated by the judgement and autho­rity of our H. Father and the H. Council. VVhich if it be not done in this favourable occasion, form­er examples tell us that we must look to remaine (to our damage) in a perpetual & pernicious irreso­lution worthy of compassion in it self, and of the H. Council's favour; to which in Case of need we are willing to repair in order to manifest our faith, our charity and our necessity, and that of our whole Province; and we hope to find there, by the help of your Sublimity, all the favour and assistane which shall be needfull to so just and honest a cause as ours. As for our selves, most Serene Prince, being we have perform'd this duty with the utmost integrity, and with singular belief and firme hope that God will from above blesse our endeavours, [Page 247] we beseech you to accept of our Zeal and humility, and to favour our humble requests (which imply nothing but affection and respect to the most R. Patriarch our Pastor and well beloved Father) with the same judgement and Charity wherewith your Serenety hath continually and unanimously cheri­shed him and declared him worthy of all favour and of the greatest dignities: which you will the ra­ther do because we imitate our Prince in our good desires and laudable intentions whilst we embrace what you have first solemnly approv'd by your most grave and wise judgement. We have no intent in all this to defend the cause of our Patriarch, which is known to you and all the world, as if it needed our defence. We agree with what S. Augustin saith, that the best cause is that which is approv'd without needing to be defended; & that the best establisht ju­stice is that which is not supported by words but by the strength of Truth. Nor do we aime to deliver him from oppression; this belongs to God, and to Princes, whom he hath particularly commanded to deliver the oppressed. But the onely scope of all this discourse and writing is to render an eternal testimony of our respect to your Serenity, besides all that hath been spoken more amply and prudent­ly by our Collegue. After which we have no more to do but to recommend our Pastor, our Country, the safety of it people and our selves to the Cle­mency of your Serenity, whom we pray God to preserve in perpetual felicity.

The most Illustrious and Reverend Legats and Presidents of the Sacred Council of Trent have by A­postolical authority chosen the Fathers under writ­ten to deliberate with them concerning the above­said Letters and Apologie, namely whether the same be heretical or supected of heresie, or so ex­plicated scandalous; to the end they may give their judgements thereof.
  • The most illustrious Cardinal the Cardinal of Lo­raine and Cardinal Madrutio.
  • The most illustrious Ambassadors, the Arch-Bi­shop of Prague, The Bishop of Five-Kirke, the Bishop of Primistelot, and the Bishop of Aux­bourg.
  • The Arch-Bishops of Granada, Brague and Rege.
  • The Bishops of Eureux, Sees, Conimbra, Segovia, Modena, Livia, Arras, Campagna, Theano, Ipre, Namur, Leon, Tortosa.
  • The Abots of Clacivaux, Auxbourg.
  • The General of the Augustines.
All which Fathers diligently examin'd the said Letters and Apologie, and gave their opinions thereof.

The Sentence of the most Illustrious Cardinal of Lorraine, touching the abovesaid Letter, gi­ven to the most illustrious and Reverend Legats of the Council.

I Have read the Letter of M. John Grimani Patri­arch of Aquileia dated the 17th. of April 1549. to his Vicar of Oudenay in the Church of Oudenay, and his Answers touching certain Propositions ex­tracted out of the same Leter, which your most il­lustrious and Reverend Lordships caused to be deli­ver'd to me in your own presence by the Notary of the Council. And having first invok'd the name of Jesus Christ, and taken the Counsel of some very learned persons, French Divines, and particularly of those whom the most Christian King sent to this H. Council, to the end that might be assisted and helpt by their learning in so weigh y a cause; And having after hearing them diligently examin'd the Writtings of the said Patriarch, I declare that I have found nothing in the above mention'd Letter which is heretical, erroneous, or scandalous, or suspected of heresie or error: That if some thing of obscu ity be found therein which may give suspi­tion to such as are not sufficiently skill'd in these matters; the same may be all clear'd and resolv'd by reading the answer of the said Patriarch, as ac­cordingly I conceive it clear'd and resolv'd. Where­fore I judge the said Patriarch free from all suspiti­on of heresie, error, or scandal.

The same Cardinals Letter to the Pope.

Most H. Father.

I VVas lately call'd by M. M. the Prelates with twenty five most learned and grave Fathers cho­sen out of all Nations to be present at the judg­ment of the Patriarch of Aquileia concerning the accusation charg'd upon him touching matter of faith, upon occasion of a certain letter which he writ to his Vicar of Oudenay. Although the Question were very difficult, yet after a diligent examinati­on made thereof, it was found to be clear not onely of heresie, error, or scandal, but also of suspition; and consequently the most R. Grimani was adjudg'd innocent by general consent and without the con­trary sentence of any person. I have thought sit to write to Y. H. and give you an account of this affair, according as I am oblig'd, to the end you may aquiesce in the sentiments of these most lear­ned and holy Fathers. Wherefore, I beseech Y. H. to receive this Prelate, who hath been found inno­cent, into your good grace, and to give this satisfa­ction to the most Serene Republick of Ʋenice, which hath been alwaies so devoted to the service of Y. H. and the H. See, that since it sees him ab­solv'd, it may also see him promoted to the Cardi­nalship by the justice, liberality and favour of Y. H. Assuredly Y. H. will herein do a thing worthy of e­ternal esteem, and highly oblige the Ʋenetians, to whom being, as I am, beholding in many re­spects, I shall account my self to have a particular share in this benefit, if Y. H. pleases to adde it to the many others which I have receiv'd from you. I be­seech Y. H. if I continue to be troublesome to you by the length of this letter, The goodnesse of Y. H. towards all the world, and your singular good-will towards my self, and your last letters of the 7th of August so full of paternal kindness to me, are the cause of it. In fine, I conceiv'd my self oblig'd there­unto by my great respect to Y. H. my affection to your service, and in the inviolable fidelity which I have vow'd and shall ever keep to you.

The Letter of the most illustrius Legats to Card. BONOMEO.

Most illustrious and Reverend Lord,

THE Bishop of Tortosa (who is one of the Com­missioners for the affair of the Patriarch) being to go to Milan, to see the Duke of Sesse his Nephew, the Ambassadors of Ʋenice made their solicitations that the abovesaid Commissioners might give their report and declare their judgement thereof before his departure. Wherefore to satisfy these Ambassa­dors we were oblig'd to put off the general Congre­gation yesterday in the afternoon, to dispatch this particular one which lasted from one a clock till night. The Commissioners whose names we send your most Illustrious and reverend Lordships were all there, except the Ambassador of Poland, who was indisposed in the Country, and they all gave their suffrages one after another according to their prece­dence. All the sentences were uniforme, that in the Patriarch's letter there was not one heretical word, nor any which might not be found in S. Au­gustin, S. Prosper, S. Bernard, S Thomas, & other H. D. Whereupon they all concluded that he ought to be acquitted of the calumnie raised against him; adding further, that it was not onely their own judg­ment but also that of all the Divines of their nations with whom they said they had diligently consulted upon the whole matter. Nevertheless the Archbishop of Granada & the Bishop of Segovia appear'd a little reserv'd, saying they had not consider'd the cause ac­cording to thir desire; but so far as they had consider'd it then, they judg'd that the Patriarch was to be ab­solved, with reservation to give a more manifest de­claration another time of what they thought of it, & desiring first to see the sentences which were sent to Rome, which were accordingly given them. Some also said that the author of the letter seem'd little vers'd in the Scholastick way, but that nevertheless he so fully clear'd things in the Apologie, that there remain'd no scruple; when they had all ended giving their sentences, we desir'd them to give us the sub­stance of the same compendiously in writing to the end we might consider them & frame our judgment to which they all agreed. Your most illustrious Lord­ship sees now in what posture the Patriarch's affaire stands, and may give notice thereof to our H. Father. The present being to no other end, we kisse your hands and humbly recommend our selves to your Lordship. From Trent the 14. of August. MDLXIII.

Your most illustrious and most Reverend Lord­ships most humble servants,
  • Cardinal Moronius.
  • Stanislaus Card. of Wormes.
  • Cardinal Simonetta.
  • Cardinal Navagero.

The sentence passed upon the above mentioned Let­ter by the most Illustrious Legats of the Council of TRENT, under Pope PIUS 4. the 18th. of September MDLXIII.

HAving invok'd the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, and having onely God before our eyes, with the advice and consent of other persons learn­ed in Divinity, we judge, attest and pronounce that the abovesaid Letter of the abovesaid most Reve­rend M. John Grimani Patriarch of Aquileia joyned with his Apologie, is neither heretical nor suspected of heresie, nor scandalously expressed. And never­thelesse that it is not fit to divulge the same, by reason of certain difficult things which are handled and explicated exactly enough therein. VVe affirm, declare, pronounce and sentence thus in the best forme, &c.

The Letter of the most Illustrious Seigneurie of Venice to the most Reverend Patriarch of A­quileia.

Most Reverend Father in Jesus Christ,

IT would be hard for us to express with what com­fort & contentment we have understood the just & honorable conclusion of which the affair of your most R L. hath had in the Sacred General Council with the universal consent of all those holy and lear­ned Fathers, and in presence of all the Ambassadors of the Princes of Christendome. But you may well conceive the same by the Singular affection which we have alwayes born to you, and by the desire as well as the firme and just hope which we have had that your innocence would be thus acknowledg'd & manifest to all the world. VVherefore we ex­treamly rejoyce with you both for your particular interest, and chiefly for our own, Your most Reve­rend Lordship being not onely born a Gentleman of our Republick, but of a family so honourable and to which we have so many obligations. And being this so high and so honourable and so soveraign As­sembly hath favour'd with its praises not onely the judgement but also the testimony which we gave to the Pope, and where else it was needful, of your most Reverend Lordship, as knowing very well the ver­tuous, religious and Catholick life which you have al­wayes led, we have all grounds to desire and hope (as we shall do with all sort of affection and reason) that God who is the fountain of justice and of all good, having been pleased that the calumnies un­justly made against you, are surmounted by the truth, you will also surmount the Obstacle which had been layd against your most Reverend Lordship to the publication of that dignity which the honou­rable qualityes of your person, vertue, piety and integrity have caused you to merit and obtain. Gi­ven in our Ducal Palace the 29th. of September, MDLXIII.

GRIOLAMO PRIƲLI by the grace of God Duke of ƲENICE.
And on the backside it was inscrib'd, To the most Reverend Father in God, M. John Grimani by the grace of God most worthy Patriarch of Aquileia.
FINIS.

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