WHat honest Heart doth not bleed to see this (lately glorious) Nation thus lie gasping? who can refrain from utterance, who con­ceives he thinks of any thing w^ch may advance the reuni­ting of our distracted obedience? Suffer me also there­fore to disclose my heart, in this sad Case, wherein every good Man hath an Interest, though the Great Ones have the guilt: the braines of a wise Man, and the bowels of a common Father, met together in one counsell to you, Feare GOD, and the KING; and meddle not with them that are given to change; here is our warrant (beyond a Gypsies knot, or a dow-bak'd Ordinance) we may be Royalists, and Religious too. But the destruction that dogs the contempt of this advice, you or your Children will live to see and suffer; in the desolations of your Countrey which is ready to be laid waste, the dis­solution of its Government, which even at this instant tottereth, and in the miseries and judgments upon your Posterity which are ineffable & worthy of God; to the horrid production of these calamities you are all pro­miscuously made accessary; impeached by a Confede­racy that would be thought meek in Murther, that usurp [Page 2]a Saintship in Sacriledge, and labour to skreen them­selves from obloquy, by an imputation of their villanies to your consent, and abetting. If we demand, why the last Parliament was called? They answer, to ease the Grievances of the People: If we enquire, who chased the KING from His Parliament? They must still an­swer, the People: If we aske, who pursued Him? in­snared Him? Imprisoned Him? who called for Justice against Him? who Butcher'd Him? Eccho is the same, the People. Thus these Anachims of Hell, these Zan­zummins for the Devill, who flatter themselves under Gods vengeance, and whose transgressions are Registred to all eternity, in the successe of their impieties, practice upon your stupified coldnesse, and take advantage through your feares to scandalize your Loyalty. If a tile onely from the house-top fall on your heads, you are sensible; and now the Kingdome is falling, are you stupid? shall other Mens Rebellions taint your Fami­lies, and pose succeeding Generations to distinguish be­tween the Patriots of their Country, & the Cut-throats who waded in their Princes bloud? A Remonstrance to the People was the first invention to unsoder your obe­dience from your KING, that was Machiavel's Master­piece, whereby they made you, and your Purses the rash Instruments of their ends; but never acquainted you with their bloudy and confused purposes: there they revealed a visible designe, but concealed their capitall intentions. The Protestant Religion (which hath cost you so much bloud and money, yet is now scoffed at under the reproach of Pulpit-doctrine) was in danger, Popery was comming in, the Government of the Church oppressed (tender Consciences) and off went Canter­bury's Head. Evill Counsellors laboured to subvert the [Page 3]fundamentall Lawes (which they are now abrogating) and to introduce an Arbitrary Government (but they scorned to give this Honour to any but themselves) and away flew Strafford's Head. Thus they made a strict profession of Zeale, justice, and piety, and by a subtile in­version of the precept of God, they pretended to doe some good, that much evill might come thereof. In one place they lay before your eyes their Jealousies, and Feares; when God knoweth the greatest feares were, lest thorow some cranny of their dissimulation, you should discerne their fraudulency. In another place, they are full of immodest bitternesse, peremptory presum­ption, popular insinuations, and a medley of slanders and flatteries, all tending to rumour and impression in se­duceable Spirits. Thus at first they dissembled them­selves into your unwary hearts, and now they force themselves into your purses, your houses, your barnes, and your very beds; yet still you are led by them like the Oxe that goeth to the slaughter, or the Foole that laugheth when he is carried to the whipping-post: but let me speak as to wise Men, and judge ye what I say, imagine how glorious a comparison is made both by God and man between those that put a Kingdome out of frame, and those that reduce it into order; think how diffusive that Honour would be over all the Christian world, and how firme & permanent that comfort would prove to your Posterity, if you return to your obedience, re-establish your KING, and by a just retaliation leave these Traytours Paramount, these Crumeni-mulgent Rebels to catch cold at their backs, and perish by them­selves: but because duty taught and rightly understood, is a surer obligation than a blind custome of obedience; as a seeing Man may tread surer by a light, than a blind [Page 4]Man can by a Guide; I will in a compendious indea­vour dig to the ground of the Constitution of this King­dome, and shew you the very root of your obedience, that seeing the reason, and the reasonablenesse of it, you may also see your errors, and seeing them forsake them, and with them your perfidious or blind Guides.

And here I must declare my selfe to be such an Ad­mirer of this Architecture, that whether it had the in­fluence of a supernaturall wisdome, whether it were con­trived at once, or perfected by an act of time, I presume no frame of Government in the whole world doth tran­scend it for exactnesse of true policy; here is a regulated provision for the Soveraignty of the KING, and here is an ample dowry set apart for the People; here is the counterpoize of the Nobility to restraine Tyrannicall excesse, and here are also the Priviledges of the People to curbe the insolence of the Barons. But, lest I lose my selfe in admiration, I proceed, We must beare regard to Government as an indivisible beame of divine per­fection; and as is the Constitution of it, such is the Or­dinance of God; and as is the Ordinance, such ought to be the proportion of our Duty & Subjection. The custo­mary distinctions of it are three-fold; In relation to the Measure of it, it is either Absolute or Limited. In rela­tion to the Manner of it, it is either Supreme or Subor­dinate. And in reference to the Meanes of acquiring it, it is either Elective or Successive: That of Prescription and that also of Conquest is reducible to these.

Secondly, Government is either Nomotheticall, un­derstanding by it the power of making new Lawes, and interpreting the old; or Gubernative, intending by it the power of putting those Lawes in execution. This leads us on to the subject wherein this Supreme power [Page 5]and trust is resident. And that againe according to the usuall partition is three-fold: It is either in one, and then it is a Monarchy. Or in many (the best for Birth and abilities) then it is an Aristocracy. Or in the whole Community, and then it is a Democracy. That ours is a Monarchy Successive, needs no proofe; but that it is Limited, I prove by these three Reasons, (many more might be alleaged) First, in all Ages beyond record, the Lawes and Customes of this Realme have been the rule and quadrature of Government. Liberties have been in­sisted on, and Grants thereof obtained. Limitations of Regall power are to be seen in a plentifull manner in Magna Charta, and the Petition of Right, and elswhere. It is limited also in the Succession; for, a KING cannot leave his Crowne to whom he pleaseth, He cannot dis­inherit his Sonne and Heire by any exorbitancy of will, by any violent emanations of love contracted by the merit or insinuations of a Privado, or Favorite, nor for any displeasure or indignation conceived against his Son, therefore the reason will hold à fortiori; if He can­not, His Subjects cannot; for, it is liquid, where they limited Him they also bounded themselves, otherwise the Government were Elective, and not successive: ap­ply the present practise of the Army, and their Hacknies at Westminster to this rule, and let any sober Man judge whether they be not the onely Subverters of the Funda­mentall Lawes. Secondly, I conceive it will follow as clearly from hence, that when they Martyr'd the KING (who died in the defence of these Lawes, and to protect you from that slavery into which they are about to en­tangle you) they dissolved the Parliament for that Grant which did capacitate them to sit durante beneplacito, could not be intended (neither is it pretended) to bind [Page 6]His Successours, for then they might sit in infinitum, which also would destroy both the Succession and the Monarchy, unlesse they would have us Governed (as the Spaniard saith) par Rey de havas, by a King of beans, or a twelfnight King. Thus you see you are not bound in point of conscience to obey them as a Parliament, or to regard their Declarations and Ordinances any more than Ballads. True it is, they have you under a Power, but such an one as if Beasts will challenge, rationall Men should be ashamed to subject themselves unto; such a power have Stotes and Polecats, and other ver­mine over young Chickens and other poultry: and is this a power for English Subjects to exercise over one another? Secondly, I prove it limited from the Oath that the Kings have taken at their Coronation, by which they sweare to Governe by the Common and Statute Lawes of the Land; for, those Lawes were not devised or made solely by them, but by the joynt concurrence of the o­ther two Estates in Parliament, therefore to be confined to that which is not meerly their own is limited. Lastly, I prove it limited by the Concession of CHRALES the I. (howle ye Murtherers when ye heare Him named) who neither wanted knowledge in the just latitude of His Power, nor justice to acknowledge the extent of it: the words are in His Declaration from Newmarket, where He saith, [The Law is the measure of His Power:] words truly worthy of a King, but doth it not open the sluces of your eyes to remember what measure was returned to Him? well might He complaine, heu patior telis vul­nera facta meis! His mercy (by the obliquities of a Hel­bred rout) is curdled into the Kingdomes misery, and the simplicity of His Grace made Him a sacrifice to the ingratefull violence of seducing, and seduced People: [Page 7]as the former Reasons are cleare to shew that the Su­preme Authority of this Land is limited; so these fol­lowing Reasons will also shew it to be mixed.

In the Answer of King CHAARLES the I. to the 19. Propositions, He there acknowledgeth, this Monarchy to be mixed with Aristocracy in the House of Lords, and Democracy in the House of Commons: From which words I reason thus, that Monarchy in which the three Estates are constituted, to the end that the power of One should moderate and restraine from excesse the powers of the other, is mixed in the root and essence of it; but such is this Monarchy, as appeareth by the KING'S ac­knowledgment, and also by the Lawes of the Land, therefore it is mixed.

Secondly, that Monarchy where the Legislative power is in all three (joyntly) is in the very radication of it compounded and mixed of those three; for that is the height of power, to which the other parts are subordi­nate & subservient, so that where this resideth in a mixed subject, that is in Three distinct concurrent Estates, the consent, Votes, and concourse of all most free, and none depending on the will of the other, that Monarchy in the very modell and frame of it is of a mixed constitu­tion; but such is the state of this Monatchy, as appeares by the former acknowledgement, therefore plainly it followes that it is mixed.

I shall briefly touch upon three things, wherein it is mixed, for further illustration of the proofes, and so conclude: First, it is mixed and qualified in the No­motheticall power, so that an Act or an Ordinance can­not have the nature and forme of a Law of this Land, if it proceed from any One, or Two of these, without the positive concurrence of the Third. Secondly, it is mixed [Page 8]in imposition of Taxes on your Estates; the KING by His Prerogative cannot require Contributions not gran­ted to Him by Law; you may well wonder then how these squirting virginall Jacks at Westminster (that move onely under the heavy threatning fingers of the Army) can require them: for, though the House of Commons in a Parliament be the Representation of the People, yet the People cannot invest their Representatives with a power which was not in themselves. Now the People have no power to doe an Act which directly or indirect­ly doth put it in the will and pleasure of any One or Two of the Estates, to overthrow the Third. But it is now too evident unto your that the power of opening and shutting the Purse of the Kingdom is such a power, that if it be in One or Two of the Estates without the concurrence of the Third, then they, or that One, by that power may necessitate the other to comply to any Act, or to disable it from its owne defence: by this er­rour we have lived to see the damnable and cruell But­chery of the KING, the Abolishing of the House of Peeres; and thus is the Riddle resolved, of King and Parliament, Parliament and Army, and Parliament and Kingdome.

Lastly, it is mixed in the united power of transacting the weighty Affaires of the Kingdome, which in the Writ of Summons are termed the Ardoa Regni: for, I conceive that there are two kinds of Affaires which can­not be dispatched without the concurrence of the three Estates: First, such as concerne the publique safety and weale, so farre as a generall damage or advantage ex­tends to the whole body Politick by the well or ill ma­naging thereof; for, then there is the same reason as in making of new Lawes; for, why was not the power of [Page 9]making new Lawes committed to the trust of One, but reserv'd for the unanimous agreement of all Three? but because the intent of the Architects was, that no new thing which was of publique concernment, should be introduced as Authoritative, and binding, without the consent of the three Estates: therefore no transactions in this Kingdome can be equipollent to a Law, which are not enlivened, and informed with this threefold Au­thority. Secondly, such as are accompanied with a ne­cessity of publique charge as in time of Warre, for then is the Purse of the Kingdome required; but it is evident (as I proved before) that this must be done by the con­currence of all three, for otherwise it would be all one to put the power of our Estates in the hands of One, as to put the power of such undertakings in His hands a­lone, which of necessity doe introduce an engagement of publique charge.

I shall now lay downe a few Supposals by way of re­capitulation, and you shall not need to go to John Good­win for a legall Catechisme. Suppose then, first: that a People wearied to it by conquest, or led to it by free choice, both Nobles and Commons make a resignation of themselves by publique Oath and agreement to our Soveraigne, to be Governed by Him, and His Heires for ever, by such and such fundamentall Lawes: here we find a fountain-head of Supremacy, though stopped in the streames of its exercise. Secondly, suppose that future contingent cases will happen requiring additio­nall Lawes, and therefore they covenant with their So­veraigne, that in the constitution of postnate Lawes, they both Nobles and Commons will reserve to them­selves a free concurrence, and will not be subject to any such Lawes as shall be framed by any One or Two of [Page 10]the Estates. Thirdly, suppose that although the Peers can assemble in their Personall capacities, yet the Com­mons through the greatnesse of their number cannot, and therefore it was further articled and agreed upon, that every Corporation should have power to delegate one, as their Representative in this publique businesse, where the Nobles by themselves, and the Commons by their Substitutes assembling, the whole Body may con­vene for the establishing of new, and expounding of old Lawes. Fourthly suppose, because the occasion of ma­king new, or interpreting old Lawes would not be con­stant and perpetuall; and that it would carry an appea­rance of a monstrous Government where there were three Heads; they did establish these three Estates to be visibly existent, according to future emergencies; and because a Monarchy was designed and intended, and therefore a Supremacy of power must be reserved for One; it was concluded that these two Estates should be a Convention of His Subjects sworne to Him, and all former Lawes, and the new which were to be enacted, should be called His Lawes, and they bound by their Oath to obey Him in them as soone as they had receiv'd His Royall Assent. Fifthly suppose, because He was bound by His Oath to Governe by His Lawes, that He by His Councell should best know when there was need of making new Lawes, therefore the power of Assem­bling and Dissolving these Estates was solely commit­ted to His hands. Here is the model of this blessed Go­vernment, and now you may perceive you want not Lawes, but your KING to protect you by His Lawes. And what quintessence of delusion, what efficacy of er­rour hath bewitched you, to betray and scandalize the succours of your reason; to forsake a certain, and duely [Page 11]attemper'd Liberty, and to receive a Bondage with re­joycing from the Sword point of a Rebell, as from a Benefactour! an Out-law of Heaven, whose conscience the X. Commandements are no stronger to tie, than are ten Sun-beames to manacle the Murtherers hands. I have seen the Crocodile weep, straine a face like an old Woman at it with a hard stoole, and counterfeit the Publicans march upon his breast, with Lord be mercifull to me a Sinner! but alas! this is but the brocage of ambition, these are but feigned, and affected semblances to beguile the world, no true qualities ingenerated in his nature; for, you may sooner find a Hog to be a High Priest among the Jewes, or a Horse in a Swans nest, than true devotion in an ambitious breast; the reason is ob­vious why these Men should introduce a Change, be­cause every branch of the Law doth upbraid their guilt; but for you to abett this Change is as unreasonable, as for him that knoweth a neer, plaine, and secure way to his house, yet wil stay till midnight, and ramble through woods and forests which swarme with Thieves & Rob­bers. We read in Samuel, that when Saul was to be A­nointed King, the Holy Ghost saith, among the Children of Israel there was not a godlier Person than he; this, though it failed in the example of Saul, will thus farre justifie Phisyognomie, that formosa facies, bone indolis est muta commendatio: And truely you cannot be so much enamour'd of Oliver's features, as to think your selves secure in his virtues; for, by the signe that nature hath hung out, conjecture may be easily made of na­tures designment for that head: It is observable also when Saul was to be Anointed he was seeking of Asses, and the Prophet brought him tidings of them: now it is an even wager Oliver is upon the same employment, [Page 12]and if John Goodwin his Seer can but bring tidings of these Asses, Cromwell also may be Anointed; a little unguentum album, from the Apothecaries, is excellent for S. Anthonies fire in the Nose, probatum est: but if this Seer chance to meet with some of Balaam's breed, that turne aside from the Sword of his strange Spirit (as many such there are) then it may be feared Oliver with all his vamping Hypocrisie will never be able to clap a new sole of Government upon this Kingdome: The numbring of the People cost King David threescore and ten thousand of his Subjects lives, (his end was Pride) but if you would spie day at a little hole and number the loyall hearts, it may save the lives of so many English­men (for the preservation of your Country is your aime) if when People speak evill of the KING, the Birds of the ayre tell tales of it; doubtlesse the Angels of heaven would conveigh such a Catalogue of duty, if you want not hearts to send it to your KING: Here is no place to propound the meanes to effect it; for, He that shew­eth his treasure among Thieves, is guilty of his owne pillage.