Querees, to find out who it is that holds out in Armes against the State of England.

SEing the King is our prisoner, as in the Scottish Army, who by contract are our servants and our Army, and therefore not to do what they list, but what we command them, see­ing they receive pay from us as meer mercinaries, and serve not freely as brethren; there­fore if our State representative, the chosen Commons of England assembled in Parliament, shall give Order to the State of Scotland for the King presently to disband all his Forces in England, Ireland or else-where, and to deliver up all Townes and Garrisons unto our States hand,—Quere; I say if it be not done thereupon, if wee may not conclude, that it is the Scots hold up Armes against out State, for the King being our Prisoner, and in their power (our ser­vants) hath no power, but must do as they will, and they will do as they list for him.

For if they of themselves can prostrate their owne opposite armes of Montrosse, &c.—and put his name thereto for a cullour, as if done by him, or inforce him to doe it, to cullour their doing, why not the same forme upon order from our State aforesaid,—Why, oh English States, is not this assayd, to discover who it is that holds up armes against you?—for what power hath one man that is in the power of others? And if our State will not give order for the same what may we not conclude there of? must the lives and estates of multitudes of men be sacrificed to the wilfulnesse of any? But our State performing their parts, we shall apparant­ly see where it rests, for how can the King hinder what they please to doe?

Do not these that are called the French and Spanish States, what them please—& put—or their King must put their names thereto, to culour it, that the State may not bee seene in it, but it may passe as if their Kings act, not theirs—Can any be so simple to think their Kings may or can rule a State—which is as much as the wisest State can doe—In short it is the States doe all, and so doe the Scot, and so ought our State—and not let the weale, safety, happinesse, prosperitie and being of a Kingdome or Kingdomes, and Millions of lives there­in, lye at the will, or the wilfulnesse, folly, or madnesse of one man, whom they call their King, though the Parliament of England in their late letter to him when hee was at Oxford, doe tell him plainly, that he is guilty of all the innocent blood which hath beene now shed in all the three Kingdomes.

Oh therefore, let not the world jeer us, that our prisoner can use his keepers as his prisoners, &c.—Who hath stood it out in open Hostility as long as possible he could, against his Earthly Soveraigne, Lord, King and Creator, the state Vniversall; Whose legall and formall repre­sentative, the Parliament, (he hath unnaturally, wickedly, unjustly, and irrationally) pro­claimed Traytors and Rebels for doing their duty in endeavouring the preservation of those that trusted them, from the ruine and distruction endeavoured and intended to them by him, their rebellious servant.

How can it be properly said, that the English Creator, the State of England, can commit Treason against it's own meere creature, the King? If it be treason to assist the King with men monies, armes and horses in this his unnaturall Warre and Rebellion against the Parliament and people of England, as the Parliament hath often declared, then is it not the height of Treason for any of the Parliaments Armies privately to treat with him, and to receive him in­to their Army, and there protect him (from those who requite him and have right to him) and to dispose of him, yea, and afford him elbow room and libertie to send Messages and Em­bassages to Denmark, Holland, France, Spain and Ireland, or whether he pleaseth, that so he may lay new designes for the utter subversion and destruction of the State and Kingdome: Oh the hght of—&c. no longer to be put up, borne, or suffered by trustees that desire to approve themselves faithfull to their trusters.


London August, 1646.

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