THE LIFE OF Faustus Socinus Senensis.

TO pursue the Life of Faustus Socinus in a brief and per­functory manner, would be below the dignity of so great a man; but to do it fully and elaborately, would perhaps be above our strength. For to relate the praises of re­nowned men by snatches, and in a negligent fashion, is an injury to vertue: and if there was ever any, certainly this is the man who deserv­eth to be described not only with care, but also with wit. Yet since it is better that excellent endowments should be commended below their merit; then wholly passed-over in silence: it is unreasonable, either that the meanness of the Re­lators [Page 2] should prove prejudicial to famous men, or the greatness of those who are celebrated be any prejudice to the wit of the Writers. But as for my self, pardon is due to me upon another account, being cumbred with many cares, and hurrying my discourse within the limits prefixed to a pittance of time.

Socinus was born in Sene, a most famous City of Tuscany. The Nobility of his stock was ancient, and the splendor of his Alliances exceeding the condition of a private man. His father, besides the honors of his own Family, was on his mothers side further ennobled by the Salvetti. Which fa­mily sometimes flourished with so great power a­mongst the Florentines, that Pandulphus Petruccius being expelled out of Sene, was chiefly behold­ing to the assistance and wealth of Paulus Salvet­tus for the restitution of his Country, and shortly after of his Princedome. By which benefit being obliged, he conferred on him the freedom of the City, and perswaded him to leave his countrey and dwell at Sene. This Paulus was father to Camilla, who being marryed to Marianus the yonger, was mother to Alexander and Laelius So­cinus, and grandmother to Faustus. His mother, born to the hope of more then a private fortune, was daughter to Burgesius Petruccius (sometimes Prince of the Commonwealth of Sene) and to Victoria Piccolominea, who being the daughter of Andreas Piccolomineus, Lord of Castilio and Pisca­ria, and Niece to Pope Pius the second and third of that name, and either Sister or Kinswoman to Cardinal John Piccolomineus, to the Dukes of the Amalphitani, to the Marquisses of Capistranum, to the Earles of Calanum, and many other Italian Princes, marryed into the house of the Petruccii, [Page 3] which then held the Fortune of the Princedome of Sene. But Burgesius succeeding his father Pan­dulphus, and not long after by a fatal change ex­pelled out of his countrey, did not long survive his dignity. Nevertheless Cardinal Raphael Pe­truccius was his successor in the Government of his countrey, and held for a while the helm of that Commonwealth. But Victoria, being left a widow, suffered not her mind, which in the splendor of her former height she had never lifted-up, to be quailed with so disastrous a vi­cissitude of things. So that for the space of fifty six yeers, wherein she survived the life and com­mon fortune of her husband, she did with singular modesty, and approved integrity and chastity, endure the solitary condition of widowhood. Her daughter Agnes, whom according to the dig­nity of so great a family, she had trained up in most holy manners, she gave in marriage to Alex­ander Socinus, a young man of noble extraction, but private condition. He was the Father of our Faustus, and born in such a family as had for a long time, not by Arms and Power, but by wit and Scholarship, seemed to hold a kind of Prince­dome in one sort of learning. For this very Alexander was called the master of subtilties; and his Father Marianus the younger, the Prince of Lawyers; and Bartholmew the Un [...]kle of Ma­rianus the younger, was by Angelus Politianus stiled the Papinian of his age; finally Marianus the elder, Bartholmews father, a most grave Lawyer, is by Aeneas Sylvius so highly extolled, that that the narration almost exceeds belief.

The son of this Marianus was Alexander the el­der; the grandchild, Marianus the yonger; the [Page 4] Great-grandchildren, Alexander and Laelius, the one, (as we said) the father; the other, the Unkle of our Faustus. Both of them for great­ness of wit, and endowments of Learning, ex­ceeding famous, but to whom that of the Poet may justly be applyed,

For Alexander, having a marvellous sharpness of wit, together with a Divine memory and excel­lent Eloquence, had scarce fulfilled the one and thirtieth yeer of his age, but he was suddenly snatched away, to the great grief of all Italy. And Laelius having in a short race of life perform­ed very great matters, exceeded not the seven and thirtieth yeer of his age.

The memory of this man I judge worthy to be exceedingly admired by posterity, who in so short a space as he lived, not only smelt-out so many grievous errors, which had privily crept in­to the Church; but pulling them out of their very holes, first shewed the way how to kill them. He being by his Father Marianus put upon that study which was hereditary to his name, thought that the knowledge of humane Laws was to be setched out of the very fountains of Gods Law. To which purpose whilst he diligently turned-over the sacred volumes, he without difficulty found that very many of those Doctrines of the Church, which are commonly received, are quite opposite to the Divine Testimonies. And that so much the more easily, because most of them are also repugnant to Reason, and such principles, as Nature it self hath implanted in us. Inasmuch [Page 5] therefore as the height of his excellent wit and sharpness of his judgement was accompanyed with a singular probity of mind, having detected the errors of the Church, he did not (as the greatest part do) abuse them to the contempt of the Scripture and Religion; but rather used the authority of the Scripture and of the Christian Religion to heal the diseases of the Church, which could not be cured, unless the errors were de­tected. Wherefore in that study, to which his sublime and pious mind was carryed with inflam­ed speed, a great light, not without the Divine Assistance, suddenly brake out unto him, especial­ly because to fetch out the senses of the Scripture, he brought with him the knowledge of the Ori­ental Tongues, the Hebrew and Greek chiefly, and also the Arabick. Whether therefore it were for fear of danger, (as it is likely) or that he might more exactly study purer Divinity and the Tongues, he soon passed out of Italy into Swit­zerland and Germany.

He left his country very young, not being above one and twenty yeeers old. In the next four yeers, having travelled over France, Britanny, Bel­gium, all Germany and Poland, he took up his dwelling at Zurich. Whereupon, although he were often drawn away with publicke and private affairs, yet did he spend the chiefest part of his exile there, being endeared to sundry Princes in all parts, and favoured also by certain Kings.

There was not a noted Scholar in that time, (then which none ever abounded more with learned men,) but he had by his carriage won not onely his friendship, but his samiliarity also. Whereby it came to pass, that the inbred good­ness [Page 6] of his judgement was accompanyed with a singular prudence and sweetness of behaviour. Which endowments are acknowledged in him as by very many other famous men, so chiefly by Philip Melanchton in his commendatory Letters which he wrote to him as he was departing. And indeed what correspondence was between him and the most renowned men of that age, chiefly Calvin, Melanchthon, Bullinger, Brentius, Muscu­lus, Munster, Zanchius, Vergerius, Castellio, Beza, Martyr, Ochinus, Coeleus, and sundry others, their frequent Letters unto him do testifie, the coppies whereof in a great number have come to our hands. He did not more desire to enjoy their friendship for the safe-guard of his fortune, then to make use of the same to the benefit of the Church. Wherefore he did by his questions much urge and exercise those redoubted Doctors of then-flourishing Divinty. I have a Letter written with Calvins own hand, wherein he open­ly professeth that he was put into choler by him, and in stead of an answer sends him back a check and threatning.

Neither was the truth of his threatning either uncertain or contemptible: For in the moneth of October the next yeer Servetus was burned at Geneva. Nevertheless the gravity of Laelius, and his incredible modesty in the greatest endow­ments of learning and wit, together with his dex­terity of carriage, had so disarmed the anger of those that were in a chafe, that they did not en­dure to hate the man, although otherwise they could not brook his freedome. Which thing may teach them, whom over-much freedom of truth betrayeth into needless dangers, that that very Truth which they maintain, is more secured by the circumspect mildness of prudence, then by un­bridled zeal. So that they who of their own ac­cord meet dangers, seem to make greater hast to their own praise, then to the advancement of the publike good. And certainly if there be any, this is the place where the simplicity of the Dove is to be mingled with the subtilty of the Serpent: [Page 8] unless we suspect the counsel of our Saviour con­demning their unadvised rashness, who oftentimes have very bad success in casting-down their pearles where they cannot be estimated accord­ing to their worth. The truth is, Laelius remain­ed entire and inviolate amongst the capital ene­mies of his opinion. Yet did he not suffer the sense of his judgement to perish within the closet of his conscience. Wherefore to those whom he liked, he feared not to entrust the things that had been discovered to him by God. But chiefly he instructed his countrey-men the Italians, who by a pious and voluntary exile were scattered through several regions of Germany and Poland. I finde in the commentaries of the Polonian Churches, that he came twice into our countrey. First, about the yeer 1551. when he was six and twenty yeers old. At what time he is said not without great success to have conversed with very many of the Polonian Nobility; and to have caused Francis Lismaninus the Corcyraean, confessor to Bona Sforzia the Queen, and who was then (if I be not mistaken) the provincial of the Minorites, and first lifted up an ensigne of revolt from the [...]ope in this kingdome, to cast away his Cowle. But then in a few moneths space departing into Moravia, he reti [...]d thence to the Switzers. His second coming into Poland I find to have happen­ed after the death of his father Marianus, who dy­ed at Bononia in the yeer 1556. For not long af­ter, about the yeers 1558 and 1559 he desired letters of recommendation from the Kings of Po­land and Bohemia, that he might the more secure­ly treat with his friends in Venice concerning his Patrimony. Then indeed it appeared to the [Page 9] greatest part of the German and Polonian Nobili­ty in what favour he was. For in his case there was very great canvassing both with Lud [...]vicus Priulus the Doge of Venice, and Cosmus the grand Duke of Tuscany. Almost about the same time a grievous storm arising upon a suspicion of Heresy, did with a perillous gust shake the whole House of the Socini. After the death of Alexander, Lae­lius had three brethren surviving: of whom Cel­sus lived at Bononia, Cornelius and Camillus toge­ther with Faustus, son to his brother Alexander, dwelt at Sene. Amongst these also Laelius, a mar­vellous Artist in suggesting the truth, had scat­tered the seeds thereof, and though he were sepa­rated by the remote distances of countries, yet did he by effectual industry so cherish them, that being unknown as yet, and absent, he drew the wives of some to his party. Nor were there wan­ting amongst his other familiars and friends, such as were either partners in the same designe, or privy thereunto. But the fair hope of that crop was blasted in the very blade, Cornelius being ta­ken, and the rest either scattered, or chased away. This fear drave Faustus also, then very yong, not only out of his native City, but out of Italy, it self. Who having lived a while at Lyons in Franc [...], Laelius was in the mean time, [...]xtinguished by an untimely death at Zurich. Faustus being certified of his death by the letters of Marius Besozzus, had much ado to prevent the snares laid for his papers, yet got the possession thereof, having been already by him informed of very many things, which he afterwards in long progress of time did by his sharp wit and indefatigable study polish. The death of Laelius happened on the third day [Page 10] after the Ides of May 1562 & in the thirty seventh yeer of his age. That so great a wit was not long-lived, will not seem strange to him who shall consider how soon it was ripe. He had hard­ly past the age of a stripling when he left Italy. Within the six and twentieth yeer of his life, hav­ing travelled almost through all the regions of the West, he was by his great renown made known to most of the chief Nobility in sundry parts, and perhaps to all learned men every­where. It was well-nigh fifteen yeers that he was absent from his countrey. Out of so small a space of life far journeys challenge a great part, by means of which his exile became profitable to many in sundry coasts of Europe. Adde his per­petual commerce with so many great men, toge­ther with his continual intercourse of letters, and when you have subtracted these things, how small a pittance of time (I pray you) was left for his studyes? And now being amazed, we must en­quire, what was that so profound leasure? what so vigorous industry? what so ready wit? what so vast understanding, as was sufficient to master so many tongues, so many sciences, and withall to recollect the minde to it self, and ma­nage the greatest affairs? To premise these things touching Laelius, had I not listed of my own ac­cord, necessity it self did require. For he it was who by his guidance and counsel drew Fau­stus himself and others to enter into that way, which they afterwards followed.

Now I return to Faustus, intending in the first place to relate in brief the course and chief oc­currences of his life; then to comprise his chief actions; and lastly to add a few words concern­ing [Page 11] the habit of his mind and body, as far as I have by a cursory enquiry attained the know­ledge thereof.

He was born two hours and almost three quar­ters before Sun-rising on the Nones of December, 1539, well-nigh fourteen yeers yonger then his Unkle Laelius. He dyed in the yeer 1604, a lit­tle before the beginning of the spring, being six­ty five yeers old.

He first spent twenty, and a little after twelve yeers of his age in his countrey; about three in his retirement at Lyons; the other thirty in vo­luntary exile. He seemeth to have lost his pa­rents at that age, which is most apt for the im­provement of learning and wit. For he com­plaineth how he employed his labor in the studys of good arts very slightly, and without the gui­dance of a teacher. And elswhere, how he had not learnt Philosophy, nor ever was acquainted with School-divinity; and confesseth that in Logick it self he never tasted but only certain rudiments, and that very late.

It was a bassle to that proud age, to be taught by so notable an instance, that even without those helps (which we, though not without cause, yet oftentimes without measure do admire) there may be great men, and such as will perform rare feats. Perhaps also it was expedient, that a wit born to take cognisance of the Opinions of the world, should be tainted with no prejudices; lest it should admit some string of those errours, for the rooting out of which it grew up. For Divi­nity being full of errors, infected also Philoso­phy it self, and almost all good arts. And there­fore not only in the cradle, but also in the very [Page 12] rudiments of the first learning the infancy of the world hath now for a long time been deceived, and sucked in opinions as true, before it was able to judge whether they were false. Whereby it cometh to pass, that oftentimes it is better to be seasoned with none, then with perverse doctrines: nor is it a wonder that sometimes learned men dote more shamefully, and the rude multitude judgeth more sincerely. Which I would not have so taken, as if I would condemn learning, but only the abuse thereof; nor give a check, but a caution to it. With such a slight tincture of learning, and (as I suppose) with the study of the Civil law, the first age of Socinus was taken­up, untill the three and twentieth yeer. Yet had he before sucked-in the principles of Divine Truth, partly by his own sharp wit, partly by the instruction of his Unkle Laelius, especially when upon the rising of a sudden tempest, he, as we before hinted, betook himself into France. Al­though Laelius, confiding in the wit of his Ne­phew, did intimate more to his guess, then de­liver to his understanding; concealing also some things from the yong man for the tryal of his judgement, and openly presaging amongst his friends, that these things should more fully and happily by Faustus be discovered to the world. But when after the death of Laelius he was return­ed into Italy, in that unsteddy age of his life, his youth floating like a ship without a Pilot, and carryed away with I know not what winds, almost grew old amongst the Sirens of the Court. For being admitted into the Palace of Francis the grand Duk of Tuscany, and very much endeared to him by honourable employments, whilest he [Page 13] there flourished in highest favour and dignity, he spent whole twelve yeers in the Court of Florence. Then did he lose (as he with perpetual grones complained) the most flourishing part of his life; if at least that time is to be accounted lost, where­in his sublime judgement was formed, not with the shadowy precepts of Learning, but with the substantial experiments of Life; wherein also that youthful heat of his evaporated, which for the most part hurryeth great wits to great falls. And indeed, were we not otherwise assured of it, yet from the very force of his wit we might con­jecture with how vehement motions that nature of his was sometimes agitated. About the close of that time his heart was touched with a serious deliberation concerning the choice of good things; which he performed with such greatness of minde, that he determined for the hope of heavenly things to trample under foot all the commodityes of earthly wishes; wherefore with­out delay, despairing to obtain from the extream­ly unwilling Princes leave to depart, he of his own accord forsook his countrey, friends, hopes and riches, that he might the more freely employ himself about his own and other mens salvation. That his service had not been ungrateful to the Grand Duke, the longing after him being now absent and in exile, shewed. For sundry times by letters and messengers, chiefly at the motion of Paulus Jordanus Ʋrsinus a noble man, who had marryed the Grand Dukes sister, he sollicited So­cinus to return, which he with usual modesty, but resolute mind did refuse. It was the yeer of our Lord 1574, and the five and thirtieth of his age, when he retired out of Italy into Germany. At [Page 14] his coming he was entertained by Basile, that cour­teous receiver of Christ's exiles, which had long since learned to cherish in her lap endangered Innocency. Where he studyed Divinity full three yeers and upwards, being chiefly intent up­on the Sacred Scriptures, to the sincere under­standing whereof whilest he aspired with daily vows and prayers, he was much helped with a very few writings of his Unkle Laelius, and sundry scattered notes left by him. Which thing, though it was in his power to suppress it, yet did he al­wayes ingenuously own and profess. As he lived at Basile untill the yeer 1575, he detained not within the closet of his private breast, the truth that had been deposited with him. And there­fore whilest he endeavoureth to propagate unto others the light that was risen to himself, he pro­ceeded by degrees from reasoning with his friends to discourse with strangers, and having begun his disputation concerning Jesus Christ the Saviour by word of mouth, he afterwards comprised it in writing. Which ere he could finish, being first excluded by sickness from his studyes, then by the pestilence from his books left at Basile, he in the mean time dispatched at Zurich, in the begin­ning of the yeer 1578 another Disputation with Franciscus Puccius; and afterwards in the same yeer being returned to Basile, he put the last hand to his book concerning the Saviour. At that time the Transyivanian Churches were extremely infested with the opinion of Franciscus Davidis and others touching the Honour and Power of Christ. To remedy which mischief, Georgius Bl [...]ndra [...]a (a man very powerful in those Churche [...], and with the Bath [...]rrea [...] Princes who then ruled the Na­tion) [Page 15] in that very yeer of the Lord invited Soci­nus from Basile, to the end he might draw the Ringleader of the Faction, Franciscus Davidis, from so gross and pernicious an error. Which that it might the more commodiously be effected, having at a great rate hired a lodging for Socinus, with Franciscus Davidis, he would have them both for above the space of four moneths to use the same house and table. But the said Francis­cus took far greater care how to retain his credit amongst those of his party, then how to seek af­ter the truth. Whereupon adventuring not on­ly to spread his error in private, but publikely to proclaim it in the Pulpit, lie drew present dan­ger on himself, being soon cast into prison by the command of the Prince of Transylvania, where he shortly after ended his life. Of whose death though Socinus was altogether guiltless, yet did he not escape blame. As if he were not able to vanquish the said Franciscus with other weapons, when notwithstanding the disputations of both are published: or that Magistrate was so addict­ed to the cause of Socinus, as to employ the weap­ons of his authority for him or any one of his par­ty. But if perhaps some person, who savored the cause of Socinus, did incite the Prince to deal roughly with the said Franciscus, (whereof never­theless I am not certain,) yet let not Socinus be blamed for him, inasmuch as he could neither know his counsel, nor approve his deed. For to omit sundry other considerations, there could not happen any thing more contrary to the mind of Socinus, then that such a doctrine, as could not be defended with the words and wit of the said Franciscus whilest he lived, should seem to be [Page 16] confirmed by the mute, but efficacious testimony of his death: especially because, carrying the face of a Martyrdome, it presently turned the eyes of all men to it. The Disputation of Seci­nus with him, though written whilest the said Franciscus was alive, could notwithstanding hard­ly come to light fifteen yeers after. When this Disputation was finished in May, anno 1579, and presented to the Transylvanian Churches, Socinus could not long tarry there, by reason of a Dis­ease then raging, which they commonly call the Colick. Wherefore in the same yeer, being now forty yeers old, he travelled into Poland, where he made suit publikely to be united to the Poloni­an Churches, which acknowledge none but the Father of the Lord Jesus Christ to be the most High God: but not concealing his dissent in cer­tain doctrines, here suffered a repulse very rough­ly and for a long time.

Nevertheless he, being composed unto pati­ence not so much by his natural inclination, as by the resolution of his mind, was no whit enraged with this disgrace, nor ever gave any signes of a disaffected mind; But rather undertook to re­pell with his wit the incursion of divers Adver­saryes, who then infested those Churches. And first of all he received the charge of Andreas Vo­lanus, by refelling his Paraenesis; and upon the same occasion, at the request of Niemojevius the seventh Chapter of the Epistle to the Romans was explained. Afterwards it pleased him to assail Jacobus Palaeologus, whose reputation and Autho­rity did at that time cherish the relicks of pernici­ous errors in men otherwise well-minded. Him being somewhat roughly handled, not out of [Page 17] hatred, but advice, he alwayes excused. A lit­tle after, when Volanus had renewed the fight, he was again encountred, and withall an Answer made to the Positions of the College of Ponsa. Whilest Socinus undergoeth so much fighting and hatred for the patronage of the truth, amongst so many enemies there wanted not some Calum­niators. Stephanus was then King of Poland. A Pickthank blows his ears with the report of a book written against the Magistrate; adding that it would be a very dishonorable thing to suffer a wandring Italian exile to escape scotfree with so bold an enterprise. He hinted at the book against Palaeologus. Which though it required no other testimony of its innocency, then the reading, yet did he think good to decline the danger.

Whereupon he departed from Cracovia, where he had now lived four yeers, to a Noble man, named Christophorus Morstinus, Lord of Pawlico­via, in which place he defended his innocency not so much by skulking, as by the Privilege of No­bility in our Nation. For that suburb-farm is a few miles distant from Cracovia. It seemed a wiser course to cleer himself from the crimes laid to his charge, rather out of that place, then out of prison. Nor was he entertained in that hospitable house for that nick of time onely, but there cherished for above three yeers. And to the end that the curtesie shewed to an exile and stranger might be more abundant, a little while after the daughter of the family, a noble Virgin, was at his suit given him in marriage; so that being of a stranger become a son-in-law, he seemed to have established his security in those places by [Page 18] affinities and friendships. Whilest he lived in the countrey, he wrote many notable pieces, and chiefly that against Eutropius, constantly defend­ing the fame and cause of that Church, which had with most unjust prejudice condemned him, and caused him, though innocent, continually to suffer many indignityes. His daughter Agnes was born to him in the yeer of our Lord 1587, and forty eighth of his age, of whom, being after her fathers death marryed to Stanislaus Wiszowatius a Polonian Knight, there are as yet remaining nephews and nieces. In September the same yeer he lost his wife Elizabeth, which sad and disast­rous chance was followed with a grievour fit of bodily sickness, so obstinate, that for certain moneths it caused the use of his studyes to cease. And that no kind of calamity might be wanting, almost about the same time, by the death of Franciscus the Grand Duke of Tuscany, the reve­nues of his estate, which he received yeerly out of Italy, were quite taken away from him. Indeed a little before, by the bitterness of Accusers, and threats of Popes, his estate came into danger. But by the strenuous endeavour of Isabella Medicea the Grand Dukes sister, (who was marryed to the aforesaid Paulus Jordanus Ʋrsinus,) whilest she lived, and afterwards by the favour of Fran­ciscus the Grand Duke, it came to pass that du­ring his life Socinus received the yeerly income of his estate. For indeed his old deserts were still so fresh in memory, that those Princes though long since forsaken, and oftentimes rejected, did yet in a most difficult matter gratifie the letters and prayers of a condemned and exiled person. Yea letters full of curtesie were sent unto him, [Page 19] and he bidden to be of good chear for the future, as long as they lived, so that in setting forth books he suffered not his name to appear. But those Princes were then taken away by a destiny disastrous to Socinus. And that all things might seem to have conspired to the perplexity of the man, being a widower, sick, and stripped of all his fortunes, he was molested with the very times of our Commonwealth, which were then exceed­ing turbulent, because divers did contend who should be the King of Poland; so that the adver­saryes thereupon took greater license to them­selves. Socinus was now returned to Cracovia, and sought solace in the midst of so many evils from the employment which God had imposed on him, to purge the Church of such errors, as were then rife in her. Wherefore although he had been formerly accustomed to frequent Ecclesia­stical Assemblies, yet in the yeer 1588 in the Sy­nod of Breste (which is a Town on the borders of Lituania) he disputed with greater earnestness and fruit then before touching the death and Sa­crifice of Christ, touching our Justification, touch­ing the Corrupted Nature of Man, and finally with the Davidians and Budneists touching the In­vocation of Jesus Christ. This was the yeer wherein the care and charge of the Church at Luclavicia was committed to Petrus Sto [...]nius, son to Petrus Statoriu [...] of Tho [...]ville, whose family ha­ving heretofore been naturalised into the Nobili-of our Nation, hath even at this day some men surviving who have been invested with great Ho­nors in our countrey. He being no less sharp in judgement, then ready in speech, being once admitted into the friendship of Socinus, yielded [Page 20] willingly to his Opinion. A little before also he had privately drawn many of the chief ones into his Opinion, and there was daily an accession made of such men as complyed with them. Ne­vertheless certain men of very great authority still stood off, as Niemojevius, and Czechovicius, together with the greatest part of the ancient Ministers. The report is that Securinius was the first that adventured openly to maintain the Te­nets of Socinus, to which he had assented. Not long after others followed. Which party was exceedingly strengthened by the accession of the three Lubjenecii, Andreas, Stanislaus, and Christo­phorus, who being brethren of noble descent, and born to very great hopes, and brought up partly in the Kings Court, partly in the society of the greatest Peers, were by a sacred instinct trans­ported from the midst of the allurements of this life to the care of Religion. These men, as they had by a most enflamed zeal trodden under foot all the impediments of piety, so with an equal candor and greatness of mind they subscribed to the known Truth.

And now others of the pastors came-in a vye to the party, especially the juniors, who were less retarded with the prejudice of inveterate opi­nion and authority, and that by reason of an accident very notable for the newness thereof, which gave a memorable proof how great the force of the Truth is. Amidst a great jarring of Opinions this was a laudable agreement of that Church, that those men contended only with ar­guments and not with hatred. And though they detested one anothers opinions, yet did they not condemne one another. And therefore keeping [Page 21] mutual tolerance entire, they oftentimes dispu­ted very eagerly, and this was the chief work of their Synods.

Wherefore anno 1585 in the Synod of Lublin, the opinion of Socinus touching the seventh Chap. of the Romans was exceedingly agitated. There were some that defended it; but as great a num­ber of Pastors that opposed it. One whereof, named Nicolaus Zilinius, being willed by others of the same party to explain that Chapter con­trary to the mind of Socinus, and having to that purpose stoutly managed the matter, falling in his discourse upon those words, wherewith the Apostle giveth thanks to God for his freedome, stood like a man amazed. And by and by, what is that freedome? saith he. What is that bene­fit, which drew from the Apostle so great thanks? was it, that he was of necessity detained in so great a servitude of sin? Certainly such a thing as this can at no hand gain approbation with me. I therefore (saith he) in like manner give very great thanks to the Father of lights, in that he would have the light of his truth arise unto me, who am now freed from error. Afterwards en­tering upon a contrary way of explaining, he ac­curately disputed for the Orthodox Opinion. When they, whose cause he had undertaken, be­ing amazed did rebuke him, his answer was, that he could not resist the judgement of a convinced mind. This business was of great moment for the propagation of the Truth; nor did their en­deavours less conduce thereunto, who had lifted up the standard unto others to embrace it. A­mongst them the Eloquence of the foresaid Pe­trus Stoinius did excell. That Elegant Tongue [Page 22] only had God bestowed on those Churches equal to the wit of Socinus and able to deliver in a po­pular manner his subtile senses that were above the capacity of the ruder sort, and to commend them unto all by the genius of his flexanimous speech. Him therefore, as the chief Interpreter of his mind, did Socinus make use of, to the no­table advantage of Gods Church. And indeed certain things happened, which did enforce a stricter union with him. Socinus sojourning at Cracovia began long since to be environed with such dangers on every side, as are for the most part wont to accompany the faithful servants of Christ. How great an Indignity was there offer­ed to him by that insolent soldier Vernecus, he himself signifieth in a certain letter. But above all, after the printing of his book touching the Sa­viour, the Adversaryes again began to shew the rancor of their hatred. Whereupon in the yeer 1598 the Scholars, having stirred up the dregs of the rabble, took Socinus being then sick and mind­ing the recovery of his health, and pulling him out of his chamber half-naked, drag him in a con­tumelious manner through the market and the the most noted streets, the greatest part in the mean time crying out to have him brought to ex­ecution. At length having been grievously hand­led in that furious rout, he was with much adoe rescued out of the hands of the raging multitude by Martinus Vadovita Professor of Cracovia. The plundering of his goods and houshold-stuff, to­gether with other things lyable to spoile, did not so much grieve him, as the irreparable loss of certain writings, concerning which he often did profess that he would redeem it with the expense [Page 23] of his life. Then perished together a notable la­bor of his against Atheists, which he had under­taken to refute the ingenious Devices of a certain Great Man. But when to so barbarous an ex­ample of cruelty threats were also added, he de­parted from Cracovia to Luclavicia, unto a certain village famous for his last habitation and death, and distant about nine miles from Cracovia; where having for certain yeers used the table and house of a Noble Man, named Abrahamus Blonscius, he lived a neighbor to Sto [...]nius. Both therefore af­fording mutual help neer at hand in chasing a­way the relicks of errors, had now brought al­most that whole Church to an unanimous consent in all opinions: for even Niemojevius himself having in most things already given assent to Socinus, condemned his own mistakes with such ingenuity as can never sufficiently be extol­led.

Czechovicius only could not be removed from his opinion. Who, as the better part prevailed, conniving, though with much adoe, at other things, a little after began to make a stir about the opinion concerning Baptism, which neverthe­less being suddenly according to the wish of Soci­nus laid asleep, did afterwards vanish of its own accord. Having thus fully purged the Church from errors, as if his life had been prolonged hi­therto for this purpose only, he was at the end of winter, in the sixty fifth yeer of his age taken away at Luclavicia, by a death not so untimely to himself, as sad to his followers. His last words at his death were these, namely that he no less full of envy and troubles then of dayes, did with a joyful and undanted hope incline to the [Page 24] period of his appointed time, which shewed to him both a discharge from his sorrows and a re­ward of his labours.

Petrus Stoinius who had been the associate of his life and labours, was also the Praiser, and in the yeer following the companion of his funeral. For as if he had already ended the appointed task of his life, he followed Socinus being hardly forty yeers old.

Having passed over the race of Socinus life, through which we have made a short cut, it re­maineth that we stop a while in considering what he did, and performed.

No man in our memory did better deserve of all the Christian world, but chiefly of the Polo­nian Churches. For first, by setting out so ma­ny works, he opened the genuine meaning of the Holy Scriptures in innumerable places.

Next, he only shewed how to confirm with solid arguments, and skilfully to defend from subtill cavills and sophisms, those opinions touching the Person of God and Christ, which he found al­ready rife in Poland. After that he happily ex­tinguished some impious, other prophane opini­ons, whose deadly poison did by stealth insinuate it self into the bosome of the Church. No man did more vigorously quell Judaizers: he also ex­ploded the opinion of the Chiliasts, and many other fanatick dreams besides. As for the errors, received from the Reformed Churches, which did in a great number as yet raign in that Church, he did with a marvellous felicity root them out. Such were that of Justification, that of Appeasing the wrath of God, that of Predestination, that of the Servitude of the Will, that of Original [Page 25] Sin, that of the Lords Supper and Baptism, to­gether with other misconstrued Doctrines. Fi­nally, having taken-away pernicious errors, that he might not also leave any fopperyes in the Church, he exterminated very many superstitions about indifferent things. Of which sort was the over-much affectation of mean clothing, and the eschewing of Magistracy, and refusing to prose­cute ones own right even without a desire of re­venge, and what other like spots there were, caus­ed by the inconsiderate zeal of their first servor.

Having explained the order of his life, and his actions, it remaineth that we adde a few things concerning the habit of his Mind and Body. To relate the praises of his wit and judgement, is a superfluous labour, inasmuch as there are so ma­ny monuments thereof extant. As for his learn­ing, the more pertinaciously he hid it, the more impatiently it breaketh-out. It was somewhat late, but more solid. Nor are there wanting in his writings the footsteps of a happy memory also. I cannot pass-by one proof thereof, which he gave in his disputation with Christianus Francken. This fellow in the Session of the Synod of Chmelnica, desiring to shew a proof of his learning and wit, did in a more arro­gant manner then was meet, challenge those Pastors to dispute, slighting the mean learning of every one. And that he might with very plenty puzzle and overwhelm him that was to dispute, having before-hand provided himself, he together proposed fifty agruments against the A­doration of Christ. This matter troubled some, and they, though the Church had so often re­jected Socinus, did yet enjoyne him to make an [Page 26] answer. He attentively hearing the man, who had on a sudden entered upon an unjust way of arguing, and did with one breath almost, pour out so many prepared shafts, was admonished to take in writing at least the heads of the reasons to which an answer was to be returned. But he in confidence of his memory, slighted the assistance of his pen, and patiently heard the man utter­ing those reasons of his as long as he pleased; and by and by in the same order repeating the long series of his arguments, gave such a solid answer to each of them, that the Adversary had hardly any thing to mutter against him. Where­upon having professed that he was unskilled and unprepared, he went away confounded, to the admiration of all. And because we have touch­ed the endowments of his nature, if any man be curious to know the figure of his body also, let him know that he wanted not a form answerable to his disposition, being of such a stature as ex­ceeded not the just size, yet was neerer to tallness. The habit of his body was somewhat slender, yet within measure. In his countenance the dignity of his high forhead, and Masculine beauty of his eyes did cast a glance. Nor did the comliness and grace of his look diminish the vigor and ma­jesty thereof. He was somewhat sparing of meat and sleep, and abstinent of all pleasures without affectation, only in the conservation of his health he seemed scrupulous, and oftentimes over-dili­gent. Yet was he for the most part of a prospe­rous health, but that he was sometimes troubled with the pains of the stone, and with the colick. Moreover, being grown somewhat old, he com­plained of the dimness of his sight, contracted [Page 27] with overmuch watching. The genius of his life was gentle and innocent. There was a marvel­lous simplicity in his maners, which was so tem­pered with gravity, that he was free from all su­perciliousness. Whence it came to pass that you would sooner reverence him then you could fear him. He was very affable, giving honor to e­very one exceedingly; and would you desire to reprove any thing in him, there was nothing neerer to discommendation, then the over-much debasement of himself.

The clothing of his body was modest, but yet neat and spruce; and though he was at a remote distance from bravery, yet was he less averse from slight ornaments. He was officious towards his friends, and diligent in all parts of his life. He had so won the affection of the Princes, in whose service he spent part of his life, that neither could long absence extinguish the desire of him, nor manifest offence obliterate the favour to him. Ha­ving shewed all manner of officiousness towards his Unkles, brethren, and male-kindred, he chiefly regarded and reverenced Laelius. Amongst his female-kindred, besides his Grandmother Ca­milla, a most choice Matron, he exceedingly lo­ved his Aunt Portia, and his Sister Phyllis, and that according to their deserts. The former of which twain, being whilest she lived, an example of most commendable chastity, did by her dis­cretion and incredible gentleness of manners so gain the affection of her husband Laelius Beccius, a man of rank and quality, that he would often say with tears that he was unworthy of such and so great a wife. The latter by the sanctity of her maners and discipline in governing the house, had [Page 28] so approved her self to her husband Cornelius Marsilius a great Noble man, that at her death she left behind her an immortal desire of her com­pany. And forasmuch as we are long since slipt from the endowments of nature to those which he acquired by his own industry, we must not pass-over in silence some of his vertues, where­by he was eminent above many. I cannot easily say whether there was more fire or wit in so vehe­ment a disposition, so prone to choler had nature framed him, before he had allayed those violent motions with reason. Nevertheless he did so break and tame his cholerick temper, that the mildness which afterwards shined-forth in him, seemed to very many to be the praise of nature, not of industry. The commendation of his pa­tience likewise is enhanced as by the indignity of his fortune and injuries, so also by his delicate and consequently touchy disposition. No evil is wont to happen unto such persons without an ex­quisite resentment; nor is it so much to be won­dered at, that oftentimes a larger wit is capable of more sorrow.

But he in this fight also appeared conqueror of his fortune and nature, after he had with a Chri­stian greatness of mind born and undergone so many calamityes from strangers, so many inju­ries from his countrymen, perills from enemies, ingratitude from friends, envy from the learned, hatred from the ignorant, infamy from all, pover­ty from fortune, in fine a continual repulse, not without ignominy, from that very Church, which he had chiefly beautified. I have almost done an injury to fortune, in seeming to have ascribed un­to her the cause of his poverty. But I have not [Page 29] now accused her fault, but intimated her condition: which Socinus might perhaps by Fortune's means have escaped, would either his conscience or a certain generosity of mind have permitted him. Certainly he never sought after the same of holi­ness by beggery. Nevertheless as often as he was able to sustain his condition with the smallest means, he could not be brought to take such gifts as were freely offered him. Yea he did of his own accord expend his means on the poor. Nor was he only conversant in every kind of alms, but in every kind of liberality also: so as you may there­by understand that his charity was enflamed with the promiscuous love of all men. Likewise he published certain books at his own charges; that he might omit nothing for the accomplishment of his ardent Zeal to promote Divine Truth, which he had undertaken to propagate, what with so many writings, what with so many letters, what with so many private and publike disputations, what with so many informations of them who were in all places the Interpreters of his mind, what with so many long journeys, most of them from the utmost border of Silesia to the midst of Lituania, what with the loss of health, fame, and fortunes, what finally with the hazard of his life. That very thing which had been the only solace to sustain him in the midst of so great labours and perils, did he continually inculcate to the whole Church, as the only remedy to lead a holy life, namely a continual hope of Immortality, which he thought was to be carefully and deli­cately cherished. So that when a certain old man shewed a tomb built for himself in token of piety, saying that he did perpetually meditate on [Page 30] death: Socinus replyed, that he would do more rightly, if he did meditate on the reason of the Resurrection. Certainly his prudence shined-forth in all the parts of his life, but chiefly in his judgment of spiritual things, and was as it were a certain fruit of his humility and his modesty, a vertue so inbred and peculiar to his nature, that in other vertues he may seem to have vyed with others; in this, with himself. He never despised any man; never attempted any thing but with advice and circumspection. In his very studyes also he was so far from all self-confidence, that he never assayed to write any thing, but what had been concocted with long and mature meditation. And this may easily be discerned in his works. How often did he go very gingerly through those rough wayes which others would have securely trodden? So that no man seemeth to have di­strusted anothers wit, as he did his own. Which, as we have said, was then the reward, and now the token of his singular modesty. But especial­ly his faith did much shine-forth amongst other praises. None in the memory of men was better furnished with all helps whereby we ascend to fame, and wealth, and the highest pitch of this life: nature, fortune, and finally industry, had emulously accumulated nobility of stock, splen­dor of friendships, grace of Princes, liberal means, health, wit, eloquence, learning, and a natural reach capable of the greatest matters. Obedience to the call of God, and the pledge of truth entrusted to him, cost him the loss of so great priviledges. It was a small matter to have forsaken so many pledges of the greatest hope, had he not also, as a sacrifice devoted to the [Page 31] publike hatred, wittingly and willingly exposed himself to infinite miseryes, want, hazards, en­mityes, universal contempt, reproches, contume­lyes, & to an execrable memory of his name in all places. Nor indeed looked he for anyother reward at present, or shortly after. His wishes reached beyond the bounds of his life, yea beyond the race of the present age; and his hope was so tru­ly erected towards heaven, that it rested on no prop of earthly solace. I detract not from the praises due to the merits of other men: each of them hath his proper honor. Yet will I by their good leave say, that some famous men have per­haps made an attempt at so sublime a proof of faith, but I cannot tell whether any one hath reached it. For the greatest part wanted not helps whereby their vertue was soon relieved, so that they were not long God's creditors. The magnanimity of Luther and others was quickly entertained with the applause and affections of Princes and peoples. How many others, other­wise poor and obscure, were by the maintenance of God's cause advanced to riches and power? whom nevertheless this vicissitude doth not ex­clude from the praise of faith, if that which was the cause of their advancement, did grow up to maturity together with them.

But they cannot easily be admitted into this number, who even with the great detriment of their estates espouse the cause of God (whether truly such, or pretended) being now in a flourish­ing condition, and come to maturity. For they have what to hope-for on the earth, even with­out respect to heaven; and in the expectation of such present rewards you cannot alwayes ea­sily [Page 32] discern, whether they repose greater confi­dence in God, then in their own industry.

But Laelius and Faustus, men of so great judge­ment, and so great knowledge and experience of the age wherein they lived, what solace could they promise themselves in the earth whilest they lived, yea in the next ensuing age, for so many labours and dangers, having professed such te­nets as were set-off with no pomp of authority, no engagement of parties, no connivency at a more dissolute life, yea no other blandishment whatsoever; but were rather distastful and odious unto all by reason of their austerity? Certainly I can here espy no crevice of earthly hope, which may detract a whit from the praise of a most noble faith, which how great soever it was, being excluded out of all the earth, was mounted up to heaven, and there conversed with the clemency of God alone.

Ignatius also, that I may omit others, in the memory of our fathers, contemned his countrey, kindred, wealth, honors, and other allurements, and also underwent many labours and dangers of his own accord, having professed a zeal to Gods glory, and the warfare of faith. I slight not the greatness of mind, which shewed it self in him or some like to him. For neither did they hasten unto glory through such a way as was altoge­ther pleasant. Nevertheless I do not yet here behold that difficult proof of a more noble faith, which we seek for. I assume not so much to my self, nor is it at present very material, as to pro­nounce sentence concerning the purpose of any ones mind, which will at length be performed by an infallible Judge. Wherefore I regard not [Page 33] what Ignatius had in his mind, since for the pre­sent business it is sufficient, what he might have. Tis true, he saw the Popes affaires in some pro­vinces afflicted, but could not be ignorant, that in most, or at least in the more powerful ones, and consequently in his countrey, and where he intended to fix his abode, they were well establi­shed and flourishing. Who would affirm that the immense rewards, which that Church pre­sently repayeth to her defenders, were unknown to Ignatius? Certainly the spur of glory is very sharp in generous minds. Wheresoever an illu­strious field of glory is opened, not only plea­sures and riches become sordid in comparison thereof, but very life it self is vilifyed. And therefore even Martyrdomes are easily under­gone for a prosperous and rich Church, without a more noble proof of religious faith, nor conse­quently can they deserve more admiration, then those brave Lads of Canna and Trebia, who were born for the Punick times; or if you like not the common souldiery, then Codrus, who feared not to dye for his countrey. Indeed whosoever hath sought after Eternity of name in the Church of Rome, did wisely chuse a race for his glory. For the Roman, Commonwealth heretofore (al­though she grew great by this means chiefly) did never propose so many and so great rewards to dangers undertaken for her sake, as the Roman Church doth hold-forth. For those sumptuous beds and altars were a late inven­tion of the Commonwealth, and that to gratifie the Emperors only. Whereas the Church doth confer upon her benefactors not onely everlasting veneration of name, but also [Page 34] temples, and Orders, and an honorable place a­mongst the canonized Saints. What higher thing can the most ardent thirst of glory aspire unto? Wherefore when so large offer's are pro­posed, and almost grasped with the hand, who­soever, though with some loss of his estate, en­tered into that warfare, hath no great reason to boast of his faith before God. Whilest the Riches of the Roman Church, the power of so many Princes, and the hugeness of the Spanish Empire dispersed over the world came-in to his aid, it was an easie matter even in the greatest danger to run before the Ensignes. That was an essay of a humane and military fortitude, not rising up to the more sacred glory of the Martyrs or Confes­sors of the Primitive Church. For they did so sincerely mind heaven, that they had nothing left them to be hoped-for in the earth. After their example Laelius and Faustus did so trust God with those things which they lost for his sake, that they received hardly any earthly pledges of the Re­ward to come, no humane security for the Divine Hope, no solace. They followed the faith and clemency of God alone, in expectation to receive the same a long time after their decease. And having been through the course of their lives per­petually despised, and inglorious, and only fa­mous for the hatred conceived against them, they did not so much as at their death receive a tast of a more honorable report. Nevertheless the be­neficence of the most faithful God did never turn bankrupt to any one that had trusted him. Nor would he have that noble paire of his servants be buryed in perpetual oblivion, but shewed them to the world on that side of them where they [Page 35] might be gloriously known, having brought to light so many famous monuments of their wits.

And although the full wages of their warfare consisted not in this reward, yet nevertheless he hath begun so bountifully to assert the very ho­nor of their name amongst men, that it is perhaps more to be feared lest posterity should confer on them too-much dignity, then none at all.