The Third Part of a Seasonable, Legal, and Historical VINDICATION Of the good old Fundamental Liberties, Franchi­ses, Rights, Properties, Laws, Government of all ENGLISH FREEMEN; With a Chronological Collection of their strenuous De­fences, by wars, and otherwise: of all Great Parliamentary Coun­cills, Synods, and chief Laws, Charters, Proceedings in them; of the publike revolutions of State, with the sins and vices occasi­oning them; and the exemplary Judgements of God upon Tyrants, Oppressors, perjured perfidious Traitors, Rebels, Regicides, U­surpers, during the reigns of our Saxon and Danish Kings, from the year of our Lord 600. till the Coronation of William the Norman, Anno 1066. Collected out of our antientest, and best Historians, With brief usefull observations on and from them.

By William Prynne Esq a Bencher of Lincolns Inne.

Jer. 22. 15. &c.

Shalt thou reign because thou closest thy self in Cedar? did not thy Father eat and drink, and do judgement and justice, and then it was well with him? But thine eyes and thine heart are not but for thy Covetousness, and for to shed inno­cent blood, and for oppression, and for violence to do it. There­fore thus saith the Lord concerning J [...]hoiakim King of Judah; They shall not lament for him, saying, ah my Brother, or ah his glory. He shall be buried with the burial of an Asse, drawn and cast forth beyond the gates of Jerusalem. Write ye this man childless, for noman of his seed shall prosper sitting on the Throne of David, and ruling any more in Judah.

Xenophon Memorabilium, l. 1. p. 718.

Quid autem vis & Le­gum eversio? An non cum fortior imbecilliorem non persuadendo, sed vim inferendo cogit? Ergo quaecunque Tyrannus non persuasis civi­bus praescribit, atque ut illi faciant, cogit, aliena sunt a lege. Quaecun­que verò pauci, multitudine non persuasa, sed rerum potentes scribunt, illa omnia videntur Vis potius esse quam Lex.

LONDON, Printed by Francis Leach. 1657.

To the Ingenuous Unprejudiced READER.

I Here present thee with The Third part of a seasonable, Legal, and Historical Vindication of the good old Fundamental Liberties, Fran­chises, Rights, Properties, Laws, Government of all English Free­men; with A Chronological Col­lection of their Strenuous Defences by Wars, and o­therwise; of all the Great Parliamentary Councils, Synods, chief Laws, Charters, and other Proceedings, in them; the great fatal Publick Revolutions, Invasi­ons, Wars, National Sinnes, occasioning them; and the exemplary Judgements of God upon Tyrants, Op­pressors, Perjured persons, Rebells, Traytors, Regi­cides, Usurpers, under our Saxon and Danish Kings, since the year of Christ 600. till the Coronation of King William the Norman, anno 1066. with some Short Observations of mine own here and there subjoined, for the Readers benefit, and instruction. A work neither [Page] unseasonable for, nor unsutable, unserviceable to our present times, worthy the serious perusal of all who profess themselvs trons of the Publique Fundamental, Rights, Liber-Paties, Laws, Properties, Government of the English Nation: or studious of our old Parliamentary Councils Acts, Laws, Charters Proceedings or of our English Hi­story. From which intelligent wise Christian Readers, by observing the Providences, Judgements, Proceedings of God towards our ancestors, and others, for their natio­nal, personal crying bloody sins in former ages, may probably conjecture what Tragical Judgements, Events, our whole Nation in general, many transcendent De­linquents in particular, have now just cause to fear and expect, for their exorbitant iniquities, (equalling or ex­ceeding any in those former ages) unless their speedy, real, sincere repentance, reformation, and Gods infinite mercy, ward them off.

True it is, that the infallible certainty of future con­tingent judgements, and events, national or personal, are Isay. 41. 22, 23, 26. Acts 1. 7. Deut. 29. 29. Dan. 2. 18, 19, 22. known only to God himself, Dan. 2. 21, c. 4. 32, 35. Psal. 75. 6, 7. Psal. 135. 6. Jer. 1. 10. Is. 40. 23, 24. who changeth the times, seasons, removeth Kings, and setteth up Kings; pulleth down one and setteth up another: roots up, pulls down, destroyes, builds, plants Na­tions, Kingdomes, Cities, Families, Persons, at his pleasure; doing whatsoever pleaseth him, both in heaven, earth, the Sea, all deep places, and a­mongst all the Inhabitants of the earth; and none can stay his hands, nor say unto him, What dost thou? Yet notwithstanding wise intelligent Christians by a seri­ous trutination, and comparing of the Judgements of God, expresly threatned against, and usually inflicted upon Nations or Persons, for such and such transgressions, in precedent generations; Prov 22. 3. c. 27. 12. Isay. 26. 20, 21. Amos 3. 6, 7. Rev. 18. 4. See the the life Dr. James usher p. 39, 86. [...]0 92. 166. may probably conjecture & predict, what severe exemplary punishments our late pre­sent transcendent wickednesses, & outragious crimes, are like to draw down upon our impenitent, secure perjured sinfull Nation, and the hairy scalps of all those Grand Offen­ders, [Page] who go on still in their exorbitant trespasses, though they deem themselves Isay. 14. 10. to 15. Obad. 3. 4. Jer. 49, 16. advanced above the reach of any Powers or Tribunalls which may pull them down, and execute justice on them, answerable to their bloody crimes, and violences, there Eccles. 5. 8. Deut. 32. 35, Psal 94. 8, 9. being an high­er than the highest, who is both able and resolved, to execute vengeance on them in his due season, as well as on all Notorious grand Offenders in former ages, though never so many, if their repentance prevent it not.

It was Davids profession to God (though a victorious King, General, and Man of War) Psal. 119. 120. My flesh trembleth for fear of thee, and I am afraid of thy judgements. O that this were the present temper of our secure Nation, and all the sinners, warriours, and Grandees in it, in this fearless stupid age; wherein though Mich. 7, 3. we commit wick­edness with both hands, Isay. 3, 8, 9. our tongues & doings are against the Lord, to provoke the eyes of his glory: and we all proclaim our sins like Sodome, and hide them not, Psai. 10. 5, 11. 13. yet Gods judgements are far above out of our sight, and we all say in our hearts (like those secure Atheists mentioned in the Psalmist) we shall ne­ver be moved, we shall never be in adversity: God hath forgotten, he hideth his face, he will never see nor require it: Yea, notwithstanding all Gods threats, curses against, his late severe punishments of our Natio­nal, personal sins: Deut. 29. 19, 20. We blesse our selves, and say in our hearts, we shall have peace, though we walk in the imaginations of own hearts, to add drunken­nesse to thirst: quite forgetting what follows thereupon, The Lord will not spare such men, but the anger of the Lord, and his jealously shall smoke against them, and all the curses that are written in his book shall lie upon them, & the Lord shall blot out their names from lunder heaven.

Let therefore the contemplation of the National, Per­sonal judgements of God upon our Ancestors here recorded, for those crimes of wch we are now as deeply guilty as they were then, awaken us from our present Let hargy, lest [Page] we be Prov. 28. 1. [...] 24. 21, 22. sodainly destroyed, and that without reme­dy; and teach us all this Gospel lesson, Rom. 11. 20, 21. Be not high minded but fear: for if God spared not the naturall branches (heretofore, or of late) take heed lest he also spare not thee.

Mat Paris Hist. Angl. p. 368.
Rumor de V [...]teri faciet futura timeri.

The fourth Section of the third chapter (which be­gins this third part) should have been printed with the Second part, as a branch thereof, above two years since, but that the Stationer then kept it back for fear it should swell that Part overbigg for his present Sal [...]; whereby th [...] bulk of this Third Part, is now augm [...]nted beyond its first intended proportion; which all Readers may do well to binde up with the two former parts, to which it hath special relation, more particularly to the ten Propositions in the First Part, to which the Proposition figures in the margin refer.

The most of that large tract (of 450. years space) I have here Chronologically run through, was spent either in bloody intestine wars between our Saxon Kings them­selves, or the Welsh Buitons, warring upon and against each other: or else in defensive Wars both by Land and Sea, against the invading, bloody, p [...]dening Danes, Norwegians, Scots, Normans, and other Foreign Nations. During which Military seasons Religion, De­votion, Piety, Law, Iustice, Parliamentary Councills, Synods, and just Government, are usually cast a side, and quite trampled under foot; yet it is very observabl [...] (for the perpetual honour of our Kingdom and Kings) that, as during the reign of our antient British Kings, (before the Saxon race here seated, our Kingdome of Brittain produced See part 2. p. 21. 24. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. Spelmanni Concilia, Fox, Speed, Holinshed in their lives, usserius, De Eccles­rit. Primordiis, c. 3, 5. Godwins conversion of Britain, Lucius the first Christian King, Helena the first Christian Queen, and Constantine the great, her [Page] son, the first Christian Emperour in the world, who publickly imbraced, professed, countenanced, propa­gated the faith and Gospel of Iesus Christ, and abo­lished Pagan Idolatry in their Dominions: And of la­ter times as our English Realm brought forth Fox Acts and M [...]nu­m [...]nts, Hall, Hayward, Speed, Holin­shed, and o­thers in their lives. Rastal, Rome, Crown, Monasteries, First-fruits, Mass, Service, and Sacra­ments. King Hen­ry the 8th, the first Christian King in the world, who by Acts of Parliament, abolished the Popes usurped pow­er and jurisdiction out of his Dominions; King Edward the sixth his son, the first Christian King, and Queen Elizabeth the first Christian Queen we read of in the world; who totally abolished, suppressed Popery, banished it their kingdoms, and established the pub­like Profession of the Protestant Religion, by publike Statutes made in their Parliaments: So during the reigns of our Saxon Kings, after they turned Christians, this Realm of England procreated Capgrave in his Chronic. Sir Henry Spelman in his Epistle Dedica­to [...]y before his Councils. more devout, holy, pious, just and righteous Kings, eminent for their piety, justice, excellent Ecclesiastical and Civil Laws, tran­scendent bounty to the Church, Clergy, and Martyr­dom for the defence of Religion, and their Country a­gainst Pagan Invaders, than any one Kingdom through­out the World. There beingSee Mat. Westm. Cap­graves Chroni­cle, Sir Henry Sp [...]lman his Epistle to his less then 15 or 16 of our Saxon Kings, and 13 Queens within 200 years space, who out of piety, devotion, and contempt of the world (according to the piety of that age, [...]ut of date in this) volun­tarily renounced their earthly Crowns, and Kingdoms, and became professed Monks, Nuns, to obtain an in­corruptible Crown and Kingdom in Heaven; & 12 Kings crowned with Martyrdom, being slain by Pagan inva­ders, 10 of them being canonized for transcendent Saints, and enrolled for such in all Martyrologies, Li­turgies of the Church; which I doubt few of our new Re­publican Saints will he: Yea the piety of our Kings in that age was generally so surpassing, Ut mirum tunc fuerat Regem non Sanctum videre, as Presace to his Chro­icle. John Cap­grave informs us. Whence Wernerus (a forein Chro­nologer) in his Fasciculus temporum, records; Plures se [Page] invenisse sanctos Reges in Anglia, quam in alia mun­di Provincia quantumcunque populosa. And De Vita & Miraculis Ed­wardi Confes­soris, col. 369, 371. Ab­bot Ailred long before him, gives this memorable testi­mony of the Sanctity, Martyrdom, Justice and study of the peoples publike we al before the private, shining forth in our Saxon Kings, more than in any other kings throughout the world. Verum prae cunctis civitatibus Regnisve ter­rarum, de sanctitate Regum suorum Anglia gloriatur: quorum alii coronati martyrio, de terreno ad caeleste Regnum migraverunt: alii exilium patriae praeferentes, mori pro Christo peregre deligerunt; nonnulli posito di­ademate, disciplicinis se monasticis subdederunt: qui­dam in justitia et sanctitate regnantes, prodesse subditis quam praeesse maluerunt (whose footsteps I wish the pre­tending self-denying antimonarchical domineering Saints over us would now imitate) inter quos istud Sydus exi­mium, gloriosus Rex Edwardus, emicuit, quem cerni­mus & in divitiis egenum, & in deliciis sobrium, in purpura humilem, & sub corona aurea se [...]uli contemp­torem: So as the Prophesies of Psal. 72, 2, 6. Isay. 42, 4, 10, 12. c. 49. 1, 23. c. 51, 5. c. 60, 9, 10, 11. c. 66. 19. seem to be principally intended and verified of our Kings & Isle above all others in the world. No wonder then that these ages of theirs afford us (not withstanding all the wars, tumults, combustions therein) sundry memorable Presidents of great Parliamentary Councils, Synods, Ci­vil and Ecclesiastical excellent Laws and Canons made in, & royal Charters confirmed by them, with divers me­morable Mouuments both of our Parliamentary Councils, Kings, Princes, Nobles, Peoples constant care, diligence, prudence, fortitude, in defending, preserving, vindicating, and perpetuating to posterity the good old Laws, Liberties, Franchises, Rights, Customs, Government, publike justice and Propriety of the Nation; to suppress, abolish all ill Law, tyrannical, unjust Proceedings, Oppressions, Exa­ctions, Imposts, Grievances, Taxes, repugnant thereunto; & to advance Religion, Pi [...]ty, Learning, the free course of [Page] Iustice, and the peoples welfare. Which I have here in a Chronological method (for the most part) faithfully colle­cted out of our antientest best Historians and Antiquaries of all sorts; where they ly confused, scattered, and many of them being almost quite buried in oblivion, and so far forgotten, that they were never so much as once re­membred, or insisted on, either in our late Parliaments and Great Courts of Iustice, in any late publike Argu­ments or Debates, touching the violation or preservation of the fundamental Laws, Liberties, Properties, Rights, Franchises of the Nation, now almost quite forgotten, and trampled under foot, after all our late contests for their defence.

I have throughout these Collections strictly confined my self to the very words and expressions of those Histori­ans I cite, coupling their relations together where they accord in one, citing them severally where they vary, and could not aptly be conjoyned, transcribing their most per­tinent passages in the language they penned them (omit­ted by our vulgar English Chronologers) and annexing some brief observations to them for Explanation or Infor­mation, where there is occasion.

The whole undertaking I here humbly submit to the favourable acceptation and censure of every judicious Reader; who if upon his perusal thereof, shall esteem it wor­thy of such an Encomium, as Historia Anglicana. scriptores, cal. 1757. William Thorne (a Monk of Canterbury) hath by way of Prologue praefixed to his own Chronicle; Valens labor & laude dignus, per quem ignota noscuntur, occulta ad noticiam patescunt; praeterita in lucem, praesentia in experientiam, & futu­ra temporibus non omittantur; & quia labilis est hu­mana memoria, necesse constat scriptis inseri memoran­da, ne humanae fragilitatis contingens oblivio, fieret posteris inopinata confusio. It will somewhat incou­rage me to proceed from these remote, obscure times, to ages next ensuing, in the like, or some other Chronological method. But if any out of disaffection to the work, or di­versity [Page] from me in opinion, shall deem these Collections use­less or superfluous, I hope they will give me leave to make the selfsame Apology for my self and them, as our most judidicus Historian (t) William of Malmesbury De Gestis R [...]g Angl. l. 5. p. 173, 174. long since made for himself and his Historical collections. Et quidem erunt multi fortassis in diversis Regionibus Angliae, qui quaedam aliter ac ego dixi, se dicant audis­se vel legisse. Veruntamen si recto aguntur judicio, non ideo me censorio expungent stilo. Ego enim ve­ram Legem secutus Historiae, nihil unquam po [...]ui, nisi quod à sidelibus relatoribus, vel scriptoribus addidici. Porro, quoquo modo haec se habeant, privatim ipse mihi sub ope Christi gratulor, quod continuam Anglorum Historiam ordinaveram, vel solus, vel primus, (at least wise in this kind) Si quis igitur post me scribendi de tali­bus munus attentaverit, mihi debeat collectionis gra­tiam, sibi habeat electionis materiam. Quod super­est, munus meum dignanter suscipite, ut gaudeam grato cognitoris arbitrio, qui non erravi eligendi judicio.

Thus craving the Benefit of thy Prayers for Gods Bles­sing on these my publications, for the common liberty, weale and Benefit of the Nation, I commend both them and thee to Gods tuition and benediction.


A Seasonable, Legal and Historical Vin­dication of the good old Fundamental Li­berties, Rights and Laws of England.

Chapter 3. Section 4.

Comprehending a brief Collection of all the most observable Parliamentary Councils, Synods, Conven­tions, Publique Contests, Debates, Wars, Historical Proceedings, Passages, Records, relating to the fun­damental Liberties, Franchises, Rights, Customs, and Government of the People under our English Saxon Kings, from the year of our Lord 600, till the death of King Edmund Ironside, and reign of Cnute the Danish King, Anno Dom. 1017. with some brief Observations on and from the same.

IN the former Section I have presented you with a general brief Account of our first English Saxon Christian Kings limited Power and Prerogative, being obliged to govern their English-Saxon Subjects, not arbitrarily, but justly, according to their known Laws, and totally disabled, to alter, repeal any old, or enact any new Laws; to impose any publique Taxes, Tallages, Imposts, Customs whatsoever, on their people, upon any real or pre­tended [Page 2] necessity; to make any War, Peace; or to alienate the Lands or ancient Revenues of their Crowns, to any pious, publique or private uses whatsoever, without the common consent of their Nobles and Wisemen in general Parliamen­tary Councils; together with a Summary of the Laws of Ethelbert, the first Christian Saxon King, wholly pretermitting the Names, Acts, Kingdoms, of our first Pagan Saxon Usurpers, rather than lawfull Kings: who, though many and great in their generations, were very speedily brought to nothing their See Mat. Westminst. An. 586, &c. Malmesbury, de Gest. Regum Anglorum. l. 1. Hen. Huntin­don Hist. lib. 2. Ethelwerdi Hist. lib. 1. 2. Fox Acts and Monum. Vol. 1. p. 148. Speeds Hist. of Great Britain, p. 209, &c. Kingdoms begun, e­rected by blood, conquest, and meer power of the Sword, standing not long unshaken by civil wars among themselves, each King envying his equals greatness, and seeking to in­large his own Dominions upon the next. In which Combu­stions few or none of them came to the Grave in due time, but were either slain in war, or treacherously murdered in Peace, or expelled their Realms by, or forced to resign their Crowns to others, after all their former prosperous succes­ses and reigns wholly spent in Wars, Troubles, Seditions, Rebellions, Rapines, affording nothing worthy memory for their peoples good, the Kingdoms settlement, or imitation of Posterity. Whence Henry Huntindon in the close of the 2 Book of his Histories, p. 320, hath this Observation concerning them, very seasonable for our present times; Vide igitur Lector, & perpende, quanta Nomina quam cito ad nihilum devenerint; Attende quaeso & stude, cum nihil hic duret, ut adquiras tibi regnum, & substan­tiamillam, quae non deficiet, Nomen illud & honorem qui non pertransibit, monimentum illud & claritatem quae nullis saeculis veterascet. Hoc praemeditare, summae prudentiae est, acquirere summae caliditatis, adipisci summae faelici­tatis.

I shall now in this Section proceed in my inten­ded Chonological Method, to their next succeed­ing Christian Saxon Kings reigns in England, till the reign of King Cnute the Dane, Anno Domini, 1017.

[Page 3] It is recorded of Aethelbert Ch [...]onic. Wil. Thorne: col. 1760, 1761 1762, 2123. Spelman Con­cil. p. 118. to 129. Chronicon Johan. Brom­ton, col. 733. the first Christian An. Dom. 605 Saxon King of Kent, that keeping the Feast of our Sa­viours Nativity at Canterbury, with his Queen, Ead­bald his Son, Arch-Bishop Augustine, and the Nobles of the Land; he there held a Parliamantary Council with them, on the 5. of January, in the year of our Lord 605. Which Thomas Sprot thus expresseth (in the Language of his age rather than of that) Convo­cato ibidem communi Concilio tam Cleri quam Po­puli, dic quinto Januarii, he did then and there, Proposition 5. 6, 10. Omnium & singulorum approbatione, & consensu, as he relates; or cum consensu Venerabilis Archie [...]is­copi Augustini Ac Principum meorum, & cum Aedbal­di filii mei, aliorumque Nobilium optimatum meo­rum Consilio, as his Charters recite, give, grant and confirm to the Church of St. Peter and Paul in Canterbu­ry for ever, sundry Lands, pretious Utensils, Privileges and Immunities by his Charters, made and ratified in this Council. In which (it is most probable) he likewise made those Judicial Decrees and Laws, with the advice of his Wise men, for the benefit of his people in his own Country Saxon Language, Which our venerable Ecclesiast. Hist. lib. 2. c. 5. Beda, De Gestis Reg. Angl. l. 1. c. 1. William of Malmesbury, Hist. l. 3. p. 226. Huntindon, Chron. col. 738. Bromton, and Mr. Sel­dens Titles of Honour, part. 2. c. 5. p. 602. others mention only in the gene­ral, and Bishop Spelman. Concil. p. 127. Enulph hath registred to posterity in his famous manuscript, intituled Textus Roffensis, of which I have given you some account before. Section 3. p. 50, 51, 52. on which you may reflect.

In the year of Christ 627 Beda Eccles. Hist. Gentis Anglo­rum l. 2. c. 12, 13, 14. See Mat. Westm. An. 626, 627. Malmesb. de gest. reg. l. 1. c. 3. Hen. Huntindon, hist. l. 3. p. 327, 328. Chron. Johannis Bromton, col. 781, 782. Simeon Dunelmensis Epist. de Archiepiscopis Eborum, p. 77. Radulphus de Diceto, Abbreviationes Chron. col. 438. Gervasius Acta Pontificum Cantuar. col. 1634. Godwin in the life of Paulinus, Polychronicon, Fahian, Grafton, Holinshed, Speed, Fox in the life of Edwin. Seldens Titles of Honour, part. 2. c. 5. Sect. 6. p. 632. Paulinus perswading Edwin King of Northumberland to become a Christian, [Page 4] to avod eternal torments, and to be made a partaker of the Kongdom of Heaven; The King answered, That he was both willing, and ought to receive the faith which he taught, but he ought first to confer with his Friends, Princes, and Counsellors concerning it, that so, if they concur­red in judgement with him, they might all be baptized to­gether. Assembling therefore his Wisemen, and advising with them, he demanded severally of them all, What that Doctrine, which they never heard of till then, and that new worship of God which was preached by Paulinus, seemed to them? To whom Coyfi the chief of the Priests presently answered: Do thou consider, O King, what that Proposition 5, 6. Religion is which is now preached to us; I profess unto thee, that which I have most certainly learned, that the Religi­on we have hitherto imbraced, hath no virtue at all in it; whereupon it remains, that if those new things which are now preached unto us, shall appear to thee upon examination, to be better and stronger than our Religion, let us hasten to embrace them without any delay. To whose wise perswa­sions and words, Another of the Kings Nobles giving his Assent, spake something concerning the brevity and incertainty of this life, and of their ignorance and incertainty of that life which is to come, concluding, That if this new Doctrine brought any thing to them more certain, than that they formerly imbraced, it ought to be deservedly followed: The rest of the Elders and Kings Counsellors prosecuting the like things, by Divine ad­moni [...]ion, Coyfi added; that he desired to hear Pauli­nus preaching concerning God, more diligently than before; which when he had done, by the Kings command; he cryed out (having heard his preaching) I heretofore understood, that what we worshipped was nothing, because by how much the more diligently I sought the truth in that worship, the less I found it. But now I openly professe, that in this preaching, the truth shines forth, which is able to give unto us the gifts of eternal life, salvation, and happi­ness; Whereupon, O King, I advise thee, that the Temples, [Page 5] and Altars we have consecrated without any fruit or bene­fit, we should now presently execrate and burn. Upon this, without more debate, the King openly gave his assent to the preaching of Paulinus, & renouncing Idolatry, confessed that he did imbrace the faith of Christ. And when the King de­manded of Coyfi his Priest, who ought first to prophane and destroy the Altars & Temples of the Idols, with the rails & and bounds wherewith they were inclosed? He answered, I, who have worshipped them through foolishness. And pre­sently renouncing his Superstition, he demanded Arms and an Horse of the King, (Fox Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. p. 156. which by their old Law Priests might no [...] use:) which being granted him, he mounted the Horse, with a Sword and Lance in his Hand, and riding to the Idols thus armed (the people deeming him to be mad) prophaned the Temple, and commanded his Companions to destroy and burn it, with the Idols, and all the Hedges about it, which they did. Whereupon the King, with his Nobles, and ve­ry many of the people, embraced the Christian Religion, and were baptized by Paulinus, in the Church of St. Peter at York; (which the King there speedily commanded to be built of Wood, and afterwards enlarged) or­daining Paulinus Bishop of that place, who converted, baptized him and his people; as Beda and others more largely record the History. From which memorable president we may observe these particulars.

1. That the King himself could not then alter the established Laws or received Religion of this Realm, though falfe; nor introduce new Laws, or set up the true Religion, without the concurrent Assent of his No­bles and Wisemen in a general Parliamentary Council

2. That the Princes, Chief Priests, Nobles, an [...] Ael­dermen of the Realm, were the Parliament Mem­bers in that Age.

3. That every one of them in these Councils had freedom of Vote and Debate; and gave their voices severally, for the bringing in of Christianity, and de­struction of Idolatry.

[Page 6] De Gestis Regum Anglor. l. 3. c. 2. p. 18. See Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 157. William of Malmesbury gives this Character of this Kings Government, after he became a Christian, and of the vicissitude of humane affairs, worthy our present observation, he being suddenly slain in battle, together with his Son, after all his former conquests and felicity.

‘Nullus tunc Praedo Publicus, nullus latro domesti­cus, insidiator conjugalis pudoris procul; Expilator alienae Haereditatis exul: Magnum id in ejus laudi­bus, Proposition 4. & nostra aetate splendidum. Itaque Imperii sui, ad eos limites incrementa perducta sunt, ut Justitia & Pax libentèr in mutuos amplexus concurrerent os­culorum, gratiam grata vicissitudine libantes; & faeli­citer tunc Anglorum Respublica procedere potuisset, ni­si mors immatura, temporalis be atitudinis Noverca, turpi fortunae ludo, virum abstulislet Patriae. Aetatis enim 48. Regni 17. Rebellantibus Regulis, quos sub jugum miferat, Ceadwalla Britonum, & Penda Mer­ciorum, cum Filio interemptus, miserabile varietatis humanae fuit exemplum: nulli prudentiâ inferior, qui nè Christianam fidem, nisi diligentissimè inspectatâ ra [...]ione, voluit suscipere, susceptaeque nihil existima­re comparabile,’

Anno 673 Beda Ec­cles. Hist. l. 4. c. 5. Mat. Westminst. & Florentius Wi­gorniensis An. 673. Gervasi­us Doroberni­ensis. Actus Pontif. Cantu­ar. col. 1639. Matthew Par­ker Antiq. Ec­cles. Bxit. p. 15. Spelmani Con­cil. p. 152, 153. Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 161. Theodor Archbishop of Canterbury, held a great Council at Hertford; presentibus Episco­pis Anno 673. Angliae, ac Regibus, & Magnatibus universis; the Bishops of England, and Kings (to wit, King Lotharius and Easwine) and all the Nobles being present at it. In this Council, they made ten Canons or Laws, which they all subscribed and ra [...]ified with their hands; the 7th. whereof was, That a Synod (or Parliamentary Assembly) should be assembled twice, or (because divers causes hindred) Placuit omnibus in commune, they all a­greed in common, that in the Calends of August, in a place called Cloveshoon, a Synod should be congrega­ted, at least once every year. The rest of them you may Proposit. 5, 6. [Page 7] peruse in the marginal Authors at leisure, being meer­ly Ecclesiastical, and not so pertinent to my Dis­course.

Evidentiae Ecclesiae Chri­sti. Cantuar. col. 2207. Ceadwalla King of the West-Saxons, In the year of our Lord 680. granted to Bishop Wilfrid certain Anno 680. Lands, with their appurtenances, called Pagaliam; cum consensu & devotâ confirmatione omnium Optimatum meorum; with the consent and devout confirmation of all his Nobles (assembled in a Parliamentary Coun­cil) the grant of his Crown Lands to him, being not Propos. 10. valid to bind his Successours without his Nobles con­current confirmation.

De Gestis regum Angl. l. 1. c. 2. p. 14. Mr. Seldens History of Tithes, c. 10. sect. 1. p. 269. William of Malmesbury writes of him; That though before his conversion unto Christianity, he addi­cted himself to wars, and to plunder and spoil his neigh­bouring Kings; yet he conscientiously dedicated the tenth of all his spoils to God. Inter haec arduum memo­ratu est, quantum etiam ante Baptismum inservierit pietati, ut omnes manubias quas jure praedatorio, in suos usus transcripserat, Deo Decimaret. In quo, et si approbamus, affectum, improbamus exemplum; juxta illud; Qui offert sacrificium de substantia Pauperis, quasi qui immolat fili­um in conspectu patris.

If all the Plundering, warring Saints of this Age would imitate his example, in giving the Tenths of all their spoils and plunders to God & his Ministers, instead of spoi­ling them of their Tithes and antient Church-Revenues, men would deem them as good Saints as this plunder­ing conquering Saxon King; of whom it is likewise storied, that Beda Eccles. Histo­riae l. 4. c. 16. Camdens Bri­tannia. p. 275. Thomas Stubs Actus Pontif. Eboracensium col. 1691. & Malmesbury de Gestis Pontificum Angliae. l. 3. in Wilfrido. Chron. Johan. Bromton, col. 742. 757. Spelman. Concil. p. 181. Speeds Hist. p. 227. before he turned Christian, intending to invade the Isle of Wight, and unite it to his Kingdom; he vowed to give the 4th. part of the Iland, and Prey, to Christ, if he should vanquish it: Whereupon he con­quering the Isle, slew the Natives in it, being Pagans, with a Tragical slaughter; and in performance of his vow, [Page 8] gave to Bishop Wilfrid and his Clerks (for their main­tenance and encouragement) the possession of 300 I- Hides of Land, being the fourth part thereof. When our new Conquerours shall be so bountifull in bestow­ing the fourth (or but the tenth) part of all the pre­tended conquered Lands they have gotten on Christs Church and Ministers, instead of invading and purcha­sing the Churches antient Lands, Glebes, Tithes and Inhe­ritance, they may demerit the Name and praise of Saints, as well as Ceadwalla; who, before he came to the Crown, as he was unjustly banished from his Country, through the envy of others, only for his vertues and wor­thiness, which first caused him to take up armes and in­vade the South-Saxons, two of whose Kings he slew successively in the field, after which he twice in­vaded, and afflicted Kent with grievous wars (taking advantage of their civil discords) wherein he shed abun­dance of Christian blood: So when he had reigned but two years space, after all his victories, out of meer devotion, he voluntarily left his Crown, Kingdom, Con­quests, and went in Pilgrimage to Rome (where he was baptized) to be wail and expiate the guilt of all his former wars, bloodshed, plunders, rapines, perplex­ing his Conscience, and there died.

The first Charter and grant I find extant of any Lands given to the Church, after those of Ethelbert King of An. Dom. 616. Kent, forecited, is that of Evidentiae Ecclesiae Chri­sti Cantuar. col. 2207. Propos. 1. 10. King Eadbaldus his Son and successour, Anno Dom. 616, who being by Gods mercy, through the admonition of Archbishop Law­rence converted from the pravity of his life, for the Sal­vation of his soul, and hope of a future reward, gave to Christ-Church in Canterbury, and to the family serving God in that Church, his Lands called Edesham, with the Fields, Woods, Pastures, and all things thereunto of right ap­pertaining, free from all secular services, & Fiscal tributes; except these three; Expedition, Building of Castle and Bridge.

[Page 9] The next in time, is the See Chr [...] ­nica VVil. Thorne, & E­videntiae Ecclesiae Chri­sti Cantuar. col. 2207. 2225. where all these Grants and Charters are recorded: & Monasticon Anglicanum, published by Mr. Doddes­wel, &c. since this was penned. Grant of Lotharius An. 679. King of Kent, Anno 679. of certain Lands in the Isle of Thannet, to the Monastery of Raculph, free from all secular services, except these three, Expedition, Building of Bridge and Castle: To which I might annex these ensuing Grants and Charters, which I shall only name; The Grant of King Egfrid, and his Queen Etheldrida, of Hestodesham to Bishop Wilfrid, Anno 674.

The Charter and Grant of Ceadwalla aforesaid, and Kendritha his wife (of 4 plough-Lands to Archbishop Theodor, and the Family of Christ-Church in Canterbu­ry, free from all secular services, but those 3 forementioned) An. 687. of Withrid King of Kent, Anno. 694, of King Offa, An. 774. of King Edmund, An. 784. of King Kenewlfe, An. 791, 814, 815, 822. of King Wilof, An. 829. of King Athulfus, An. 832, 833, 834. of King Ethelstan, An. 927, 940. of King Edred, An. 941, 948, 949. of King Egered, An. 979, 980. and of King Cnute, An. Dom. 1016. To pretermit others of this kind.

All which Grants being for the most part, only of their own private Lands gotten by Purchase, or Con­quest, Proposit 1. [...]0. not of the Lands, or Demesnes of their Crowns, passed by their own Charters alone, without any con­firmation or assent of their Nobles in a Parliamentary Council, not mentioned at all in them. But no grants of any Lands, Rents or Revenues of their Crowns, to pious or other uses, were then either valid in Law, or obligatory to their successors, without common con­sent and ratifications of their Nobles in Parliamentary Councils, which for this reason is still mentioned in all their Charters and donations of such Lands and Rents to pious uses. Neither could they exempt those Lands from any of these three forenamed pub­lick charges (for the common defence and benefit of their Realms) by their own royal Charters alone, un­less ratified by the Nobles in their great Councils. Whereupon in all these forecited Charters, and o­ther [Page 10] grants of Lands by particular persons, ratified by these Kings, they exempted them only from all secu­lar services, exceptis Expeditione, Pontis & Arcis con­structione, which they could not discharge them from, but by special Grants in General Parliamentary As­semblies, as subsequent Presidents will more fully de­monstrate.

Simeon Dunelmensis Historia Du­nel. Ecclesiae, l. 4. col. 57, 58. Gervasius Doroberniensis, Actus Pontif. Cant. col. 1639. Florentius Wi­gorn. An. 684. p. 254. God­wins Cata­logue of Bi­shops in the life of Cutbert. Theodor Archbishop of Canterbury, Anno 685. Anno 685. held a Council at Twyford, in the presence of Egfrid King or Northumberland, who going in person to St. Cutbert (when as he neither by Letters nor Messengers could be drawn out of his Iland Lindesfarne to the Sy­nod) brought him to it much against his will: where; by the command of all the Synod, he was constrain­ed to take upon him the Office of a Bishop: Whereupon King Egfrid by the advice of Archbishop Theodor, Bishop Trumwin, & totius Concilii, and of the whole Council, for the salvation of his and his successors souls, by his Charter gave to St. Cutbert and all his successors, the Village called Creic, and 3 mile in circuit round about it, together with the City called Lugabadia, and 15 miles circuit round about it, to have to him and his successors, for the service of God for ever, as freely and quietly as he Proposit. 10. himself enjoyed them, and to dispose thereof at his pleasure; which Charter the Arch-Bishop and Bishops present in the Conncil, confirmed with their Subscriptions. What other Councils and Synods were held under this Arch-Bishop Theodor at Hartford, Clovesho, Ethelwerdus Hist. l. 2. c. 8. calls it Leth­lege. Heathfield, (or Hatfeild) and what Canons were made in them, for the confirmation of the Christian faith, the 5 first General Councils, &c. you may read at leisure in Gervasius, Do­roberniensis, Matthew Parker, and Godwin in his life, where they are recorded; and in Matthew Westminster, An. 880. Chronicon Johannis Bromton, Col. 741, 756, 799, 780. Radul. de Diceto Abbreviationes Chronic. Col. 441. Chronica Wil. Thorne, col. 1770, Henry Hun­tindon, Historiarum lib. 3. p. 335, Spelmanni Conci­lia, [Page 11] p. 152. Beda Ecclesiasticae Historiae, l. 4. c. 5, 17, 18. Mr. Fox Acts and Monuments vol. 1. p. 160, 161. To which I shall refer you.

About the year of Christ 692. Chron. Io­hannis Brom­ton col. 759. to 767. Lam­bardi Archai­on. Spelmanni Concil. Tom. 1. p. 122. to 186. Mr. Seldens Titles of Ho- p. 632. Fox Acts and Mo­numents, vol. 1. p. 164. Ina King of the Anno 692. West-Saxons, who succeeded Ceadwalla, by the exhor­tation and advice of Cenred his Father, Hedda and Erkenwald his Bishops, and of all his Aldermen (or Se­nators) and of all the Elders and Wisemen of his Realm, in a great Assembly of the Servants of God, for the salvation of his peoples souls, and the com­mon conservation of his Realm, Enacted sundry Ec­clesiastical and civil wholsom Laws, that by them just judgements might be founded and established, throughout his Dominions, and that from thence­forth it might be lawfull for no Alderman, Senator, or other person living within his Realm, to abolish these his Laws;’ tending all to advance Piety, Justice, Proposit. 1, 2, 4, 5. Peace, and preserve his people from violence, rapine, oppression, and all Punishments, Taxes, Fines, but such only as were imposed, ascertained by his Laws and Parliamentary Councils, as you may read at large in the Laws themselves, especially Lex 2, 3, 4, 6, 9, 10, 11, 16, 17, 51, 73, 74.

In the year 694 VVilliam Thorne Evi­dentiae Eccle­siae Christi Cantuar. col. 2208. Spelm. Concil. p. 189. to 199. Withred King of Kent summoned Anno 694. Brithwald Archbishop of Canterbury, Toby Bishop of Rochester, with the other Abbots, Abbesses, Priests, Deacone, Dukes and Earls to a great Council at Beccanceld (or Baccanceld, as others, write it:) where consulting all together concerning the State of the Churches of God, within that Realm, how they might establish and perpetuate to them to the end of the World, those Lands and Reve­nues which their pious Kings and Ancestors had granted Proposit. 4, 6, 10. and appropriated to God and his Church, as their perpetual inheritance, without substraction or diminution, They thereupon enacted, decreed, and in the name of God Almighty commanded, that all their successours, both Kings and Princes, with all other Laymen whatsoe­ver, [Page 12] should not invade the Rights, Lands or Dominions of the Churches, which they then confirmed; nor presume to violate the Privileges granted to them, and specially by king Withreds Charter, which they ratified in this Council with all their subscriptions; wherein he and they exempted Churches from all secular services and Tributes, but such as they should voluntarily and freely render without compulsion, which should not be drawn into custom to their prejudice; witnesse this Clause of the Charter, and ex­emption then confirmed; & ab omni debito vel pulsa­tione Regalium Tributorum, nisi suâ spontaneâ vo­luntate, ex largitate beneficiorum quid facere velint; ta­men hoc imposterum non servetur, nec habeatur in malam consuetudinem.

The same Spelm. Concil. p. 194. King Withred, in the Parliamentary Anno 697. Council of Berghamsteed, Anno 697. by the advice and common consent of his Bishops, and other Ecclesiastical Or­ders, cum viris quibusdam militaribus; enacted sundry Ecclesiastical and civil Laws, to be added to the former Proposit. 5. Laws and customs of Kent: the first whereof is this, That the Church shall be free, and enjoy her Judgements, Rents, and Pensions.

And Spelm. Concil. p. 198. Evidentiae Ec­cles. Christi, Cant. col. 2208, 2209. Antiqu. Eccles. But. p. 34, 35. Anno Dom. 700. this king Withred, unâ cum Anno 700. consensu Principum meorum, together with the con­sent of his Nobles and Bishops (who subscribed their names to his Charter) granted to the Churches of God in Kent. that they should be perpetually freed ab omni ex­actione publica tributi, atque dispendio vel laesione; à praesenti die & tempore, &c. From all publick exaltion of Tribute, and from all dammage and harm: rendring to him & his posterity, such honour and obedience as they had yeelded to the Kings his antecessors; under whom Justice and Li­berty Proposit. 1. 10. was kept towards them. Anno 678. to 706.

About the year of our Lord 678. VVill. Malmes. de Gest. Pontif. Angl. l. 3. p. 264. to 269. Chron. Ioh. Brompt. col. 791, 792, 793, 794. Sim. Dunelm. de Archiepis. Ebor. col. 78. Spelman. Concil. p. 200. to 206. Mat. Parker, Tho. Stubs, Godwin in the lives of Archbishop Theodor, VVilfrid, and Brithwald. Mat. VVestm. Anno 692, 711. Hist. Anglicanae Scriptores antiq. An. 1652, col. 78, 294, 295, 296, 440, 441, 1691, 1741. Fox Acts and Monunments, vol. 1. p. 160, 161, Wilfrid Arch­bishop 1 [Page 13] of York being in a Council unjustly deprived of his Bishoprick by Theodor Archbishop of Canterbury, who envied the greatness of his Wealth, Power, and Diocess, which he would and did against Wilfrids will, in that Council divide into 2 more Bishopricks, was after that time exiled the Realm, through the malice of Eg­frid king of Nortbumberland, and Emburga his Queen, (whom he would have perswaded to become a Nun, and desert her Husband, as some Authors write, and others deny in his favour) without any just and lawfull cause; and after that about the year 692. being again deprived of his Bishoprick and right by the Judgement and sentence of another Council held under Aldrid king of Northumberland, and Bertuald Archbishop of Can­terbury; he thereupon made two successive appeals to Rome against their two unjust sentences, as he concei­ved them: The first to Pope Agatho, and a Council of 150 Bishops, held under him; who decreed, he should be restored to his Bishoprick and make such Bishops under him (by advice of a Council to be held by him) as he should deem meet; with which decree against his first sentence, he returning from Rome to king Egfrid, to whom he de­livered it, sealed with the Popes Seal; the king upon sight and reading thereof, in the presence of some of his Bishops, tantùm à reverentiâ Romanae sedis abfuit, was so far from obeying this Decree of the Roman See, that he spoiled Wilfrid of all his Goods and possessions, and committed him prisoner to a barbarous and cruel Gover­nour; who thrust him into a dark dungeon for many days; and after that committed him to another more cruel Gaoler than he, called Tumber, who endeavoured to put him in­to Fetters by the Kings command; which he could no ways fasten upon his Legs, but they presently fell off again, through a Miracle. Whereupon wickedness giving place to Religion, he was loosed from his Bonds, detain­ed in free custody, and afterwards released, but not resto­red. After which, about the year 693. he appealed a­gain [Page 14] to Pope John, against the proceedings of the second Council, which refused to re-admit him to his Archbi­shoprick, unless he would submit to the decrees of Archbi­shop Theodore, and Brithwald his successor; which he refused to do, unless they were such as were consonant to the decrees of the holy Canons, which he conceived theirs not to be, because they would order him to condemn himself with­out any Crime objected to him. Upon which appeal, this Pope, with his Bishops, pronounced Wilfrid, free from all Crime, and ordered him to return to his A [...]chbishoprick; wri­ting Letters to Ethelred King of Mercians, and Alfrid King of Northumberland to restore him thereunto. Al­frid receiving the Popes Letters by Wilfrids Messengers, altogether refused to obey the Popes commands in this Case; saying, ‘Quod esset contra rationem, homini jam bis Proposit. 7. à toto Anglorum Concilio damnato, propter quaelibet Apostolica scripta communicare:’ That it was against reason, to communicate with a man already twice condemned by the whole Council of the English Nati­on for any writings of the Pope (so little were the Popes authoritie and decrees then regarded in England, con­tradicting the kings and English Councils proceedings) neither would he restore him all his life. After his death Edulfe usurping the Crown by Tyranny, Wilfrid re­paired to him to restore him to his Archbishoprick, upon this account of the Popes Letters; Whereupon he was so inraged with him for it, though formerly his great friend, that he presently commanded him to depart the Realm forthwith, unless he would be spoiled of all his goods, and cast out of it with disgrace. But this Usuper being deprived both of his Realm, Crown, and Life, in little more than 3 Months space, and Osred son of king Alfrid, being restored to the Crown by the Nobles, as right heir thereunto; at last Wilfrid was re-invested in his Bishoprick by the decree of a Council held under Anno 705. him in Northumberland, at a place called Nidden, An. 705. not so much in obedience to the Popes command, [Page 15] as king Alfrids, attested by Elfleda his Sister, then Ab­bess of Streneshash; witness these words of Berfride, ‘Ego jussionibus Papae obediendum censeo, praesertim cum eorum robori, accedat Regis nostri Jussio & no­strae necessitatis sponsio, &c. Puer in Regem levatus, hostis abactus, Tyrannus extinctus; est igitur Regiae voluntatis ut Episcopus Wilfridus revestiatur.’ Upon which he was accordingly restored: whereupon all the Bishops embraced him, and reconciled them­selves to him.

This Bishop Wilfrid procured to the Church of Ha­gustald, which he founded, and was Bishop thereof, many privileges, and that for one miles circuit round about, none should be arrested going or coming, but Proposit. 10. injoy inviolable peace. ‘Quod institutum authori­tate & privilegiis Romanae sedis Apostolicorum, & Archiepiscoporum, & Episcoporum, & Regum & Prin­cipum tam Scotiae quam Angliae confirmatum est. Quod si aliquis De Stat. & Episcopis Hagustaldensis Ecclesiae, l. x. c. 5. col. 292. An. 708, 709, 712. temerarius infringere audebit, & magnae pecuniae damno obnoxius erit, & perpetuo Anathematis gladio ab ecclesiâ seperabitur;’ as Ri­chard Prior of Hagustald records.

Anno Domini 708 Antiqu. Ecclesiae Brit. p. 20. Balaeus script. Brit. Centur. 1. c. 91, 94, 99. Centur. Magdeb. 8. c. 9. Spelm. Concil. p. 209. to 217. Egwin Bishop of Worcester, procured king Kenred and Offa by their Charters, to grant and confirm many Lands and Privileges to the Abbey of Evesham; which Pope Constantine likewise ratified by his subscription at Rome, as well as these kings, in the presence of many Archbishops, Bishops, Princes and Nobles of divers Provinces, who commen­ded and approved their Charters and Liberality. In pursuance whereof, Pope Constantine writ a Letter to Brithwald Archbishop of Canterbury, to summon Conci­lium totius Angliae, a Council of all England, to wit, Proposit. 5, 6, 10. of the Kings, Bishops, Religious persons of Holy Orders, Optimatesque Regni cum proceribus suis, with the No­bles and great men of the Realm; who being all assembled together in the name of the Lord; The Archbishop should [Page 16] in their presence, read the Charters of these Kings and the Popes confirmation of them, that they might be confirmed by the favour and assent of the Clergy and the people, and consecrated with their Benediction. Whereupon king Ken­red and Offa, after their return from Rome, assembled a General Council in a place called Alne, where both the Archbishops Brithwald and Wilfrid, with the rest of the Bishops, Nobles, and these two Kings were present: wherein, Donationes omnes confirmatae sunt, all these their Donations and Charters were confirmed; and like­wise in another Synod at London, An. 712. A most pregnant evidence, that these kings Charters and Do­nations, though ratified by the Pope himself, were not valid nor obligatory to their successors or people, with­out their common consent to, and confirmation of them in a general Parliamentary Council of the Pre­lates, Nobles, Clergy and Laity, even by the Popes and these kings own confessions and practice in that age.

In the year of our Lord 716. Ingulph. Hist. p. 851, 852. Ethelbald king of Mercians, by his Charter gave to God, the blessed An. 716. Virgin, Saint Bartholomew & Kenulphus, the whole Isle of Croyland, to build a Monastery; and confirmed it to them for ever, free from all Rent and secular ser­vices; & inde Chartam suam in praesentia Episcopo­rum, Proposit. 10. Procerumque Regni sui securam statuit; all his Bishops and Nobles of his Realm assenting to, and ratifying this Charter of his, both with the subscriptions of their names, and sign of the Cross, as well as the King; that so it might be firm and irrevocable, being his demesne Lands, which Charter is at large recorded in the Hi­story of Ingulphus.

About the year of Christ 720. Leges Ed. Confessoris c. 25. Spelman­ni concil. p. 219. See Polychronicon, l. 5. c. 28. Mat. VVestminst. An. 586. some (fabulously) An. 720. write, that king Ina took Guala daughter of Cadwalla­der, last king of the Britons to wife, with whom he received Wales and Cornwal, and the blessed Crown of [Page 17] Britain. Whereupon, all the English that then were, took them wives of the Britons race, and all the Britons took them wives of the illustrious blood of the English and Saxons, which was done, Per commune Concilium et assensum omnium Episcoporum ac Principum, Pro­cerum, Proposit. 5, 6. Comitum, et omnium Sapientum, Seniorum, et populorum totius Regni, (a [...]embled together in a [...] Parliamentary Council) Et per praeceptum Regis Inae; whereby they became one Nation and Peo­pl [...]. Af [...]er which, they all called that, the Realm of Eng­land, which before was called, the Realm of Britain, and they all ever after stood together, united in one, for common profit of the Crown of the Realm, and with a una­nimous consent most fiercely fought against the Danes and Norwegians, and waged most cruel wars with them, for the preservation of their Country, Lands and Liber­ties.

An. 705. King Spelman. Concil. p, 227, 228, 229. &c. Chron. Johan. Bromton. col. 758. & Mo­nasticon Angl. Ina by his Royal Charter, grant­ed Anno 729. and confirmed many Lands to the Abbey of Glaston­bury, endowing that Abbey and the Lands thereto belonging, with many large and great Privileges, ex­empting them from all Episcopal Jurisdiction, and from all regal exactions and services, which are accustomed to be excepted and reserved; to wit, from Expedition and build­ing and repairing of Castles or Bridges; from which they should inviolably remain free and exempted, and from all Proposition 6, 10. the promulgations and perturbations of Arch-Bishops and Bishops: which privileges were formerly granted and confirmed by the ancient Charters of his Predecessors Kenewalcus, Kentwin, Ceadwalla and Baldred. This Charter of his was made and ratified by the consent and subscription, not only of king Ina himself; but also of Queen Edelburga, king Baldred Ad [...]lard, the Queens Brother, consentientibus etiam omnibus Britanniae Regibus, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Ducibus, atgue Abbatibus, all the Kings, Archbisho [...]s, Bishops, Dukes, and Abbots of Britain, consenting likewise thereunto; ma­ny [Page 18] of which subscribed their names unto it, being as­sembled in a Parliamentary Council for that end.

King Matthew Westminst. An. 727. p. 765. Ina, In the year 727. travelling to Rome, An. 727. built there a school, for the English to be instructed in the faith; granting towards the maintenance of the Eng­lish Scholars there, a penny out of every house within his Realm, called Romescot, or Peterpence; to be paid towards Proposit. 1, 5, 6. it every year. All which Things and Tax; That they might continue firm for perpetuity, Statutum est ge­nera [...]l decreco, &c. were confirmed by a general decree of a Parliamentary Council of his Realm; then held for that purpose; of which Part. 2. p. 71. before more largely.

In the year of our Lord 742. There was Eviden­tiae Eccles. Christi Cantu. col. 2209. Spelmanni Concil. p. 230, 231. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 21. a Great Parliamentary Council held at Clovesho (or Clyffe) An. 742. where Ethelbald King of Mercia sate President, with Cuthbert Archbishop of Canterbury; the rest of the Bishops sitting together with them, diligently examined things neces­sary concerning Religion, and studiously searched out of the antient Creeds and institutions of the holy Fathers, how things were ordered according to the rule of equity in the be­ginning of the Churches birth in England; whiles they were inquiring after these things, and the antient privileges of the Church, at last there came to their hands, the Liberty and Privileges which King Withred had granted to the Chu [...]ches in Kent: which being read Proposit. 5. 10 before all, by King Ethelbalds command; they were all very well pleased therewith, and said unanimously, That there could not be found any so noble and so prudent a Decree as this, formerly made, touching Ecclesiastical Discipline; and therefore, Hoc ab omnibus firmari sanxerunt, decreed that it should be confirmed by them all. Where­upon King Ethelbald for the salvation of his soul and stability of his kingdom, confirmed and subscribed with his own munificent hand, That the Liberty, Honour, Authority, and security of Christs Church in all things, should be denied by no person, but that it should be free from all secular services, with all the lands pertaining there­unto, [Page 19] except Expedition and building of Bridge and Castle. And like as the said King Withred himself ordained, those privileges should be observed by him and his, so he and this Council commanded, they shall continue irrefragably and immutably in all things. And if any of our Successors, Kings, Bishops, or Princes shall attempt to infringe this wholsom Decree, let him render an account to Almighty God in that terrible day; But if any Earl, Priests, Clerk, Deacon or Monk shall resist this Decree, let him be de­prived of his degree, and sequestred from the participation of the body & blood of the Lord and alienated from the king­dom of God, unless he shall amend with due satisfaction, what he hath unjustly done, through the evil of Pride.

Ingulph. Histor. p. 853. Will. Malmsb. de gest Reg. l. 1. c. 4. p. 29. Antiqu. Eccl. Bri. p. 22. Spel. Conc. p. 242. to 258. Mat. Westm. An. 748. Malmesb. de gestis Pont. l. 1. in Cuth. p. 197. Anno 747. There was another Parliamentary An. 747. Council held at Clovesho, or Clyffe, under king Ethelbald, where the king himself, with Cumbert, Archbishop of Canterbury, eleven other Bishops, cum Principibus et Dutibus, with the Princes and Dukes, were pre­sent.

In this Council were some Ecclesiastical Laws and Ca­nons made, the last whereof was, for Prayers to be pub­likely made for Kings and Princes incessantly; that the People might live a Godly and peaceable life under their pi­ous protection. In this Council king Ethelbald renewed and enlarged his former Grant of Privileges to the Chur­ches, recited at large in the Marginal Authors, the sum whereof is this, Proposit. 1, 5, 12.

‘Plerumque contingere solet, pro incertâ futurotum temporum vicissitudine, ut ea quae prius multorum fidelium personarum testimonio consilioque roborata fuissent, ut fraudulenter per contumaciam plurimorum & machinamentis simulationis, sine ullâ considera­tione rationis, periculose dissipata essent, nisi aucto­ritate Literarum, & testimonio Cyrographorum ae­ternae memoriae inserta sint. Quapropter Ego Ethel­baldus Rex Merciorum, pro amore caelestis patriae, hanc donation em me vivente concedo; Ut omnia [Page 20] Monasteria & Ecclesiae Regni mei, A publicis vecti­galibus, & ab omnibus operibus, oneribusque absolvantur, nisi in instructionibus Arcium vel Pontium, quae nulli unquam possint laxari, (as Ingulph. renders it, or as other Copies; 'nisi sola quae communiter fruenda sint, omni (que) populo edicto Regis, facienda jubentur, id. est, instru­ctionibus Pontium, vel necessariis defensionibus Arcium contra [...]ostes, non sunt renuenda [...]) Sed nec hoc praetermit­tendum est, cum necessarium constat Ecclesiis Dei. Prae­terea habeant famuli Dei propriam Libertatem in proficuis Sylvarum, in fructu Agrorum, in captura piscium; nec munuscula praebeant Regi, vel Principibus, nisi voluntaria, sed liberi Domino serviant, in contempla­tione pacificâ, per totum regnum meum us (que) in aevum. Sed cunctas rribulationes quae nocere vel impedi­re possint in Domo Dei, omnibus Principibus sub meâ potestate degentibus, demittere & auferre praecipio; Quatenus sublimitas Regni mei prosperis successibus polleat in terris, & meritorum manipuli multiplici­ter maturescant in coelis. Qui vero haec benigna men­tis intentione atque in-laesâ cogitatione custodierit, aeternâ claritate coronetur, ornetur, glorificetur; Si quis hoc, quod absit, cujuslibet personae tyrannica cu­piditate instinctus, contrà hanc donationis chartulam saeculari potentiâ fretus venire nititur, sit sub Anathe­mate Judae Proditoris Domini nostri Jesu Christi. Ad confirmandum verò hoc nostrae beneficentiae munus, Hi Testes adfuerunt, & Nostri Magistrarus, Optimates, et Duces, fidelissimique amici concesserunt et scripse­runt: Then follow the subscriptions of the King, Bi­shops and Nobles, with, Ego his statutis consentiens subscripsi, confirmandoque signum crucis aravi.

In this Chron. W. Thorne, c. 3. sect. 7. col. 1772. Council, amongst other Synodal Decrees subscribed by the Bishops, It was decreed, That the Feasts of St. Gregory the Pope, and St. Augustine the En­glish Apostle, should be perpetually observed with great­est solemnity, King Ethelbald, with his Nobles, Proposition 5,[Page 21] being there present, and approving it.

In the year of Grace 752. Cuthred king of the West-Saxons Anno 752. being unable to endure the proud Exactions and insolencies of king Ethelbald, for vindica [...]ion of his own and his peoples Liberty from his oppressions, raised an Army, and fought a bloody Battel with him at Beorford; where through Gods assistance (who gi­veth grace to the Humble, and resisteth the Proud) he routed him and his whole Army, and after, An. 755. slew him in a second battel (he disdaining to fly) by the Treachery of Bernred, his Captain, the chief Author of his death.

King Matthew Westm. p. 273. Chron. Johan­nis Bromton, col, 769, Hun­tindon. Hist. l. 4. p. 341. See Holinshed, Speed, Graf­ton in their lives, VVil. Malmesbury de gest. reg. l. 1. c. 4. p. 28. Cuthred deceasing, Sigibert his kinsman who succeeded him, growing insolent and proud by his Prede­cessors great successes, became intollerable to his Subjects, Proposit. 1, 2, 4. treating them very ill in every kind, Depraving or altering the Laws of his Ancestors, for his own pri­vate Anno 756. Lucre, and exercising exactions and cruelties [k] Matthew West minst. An. 756. p. 274. Chron. Johan. Bromton, col. 770, 796. Wil. Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. l. 1. c. 2. p. 15. Hen. Huntindon, Hist. l. 4. p. 341, 342, Florent. Wigorn. An. 755. p. 274. Polychron, l. 5. c. 25. Cap­grave, Fahian Holinshed, Speed, Gras­ton in his life, and the life of Kenulphus, Hoveden, An­nal. pars prior. p. 408. upon his Subjects, setting aside all Laws. Where­upon his faithfull Counsellor Earl Cumbra, ovingly ad­monishing him to govern his people more mildly and just­ly, that so he might become amiable to God and men; he was so incensed with him, that he commanded him most wickedly to be stain, and became more cruel and Ty­rannical to his people than before. The Peers and Com­mons hereupon seeing their Laws and Liberties thus violated, and their Estates and Lives every day in danger, being incensed into fury, assembling themselves together, did all unamimously rise up in Arms against him and upon mature prudent deliberation, by the unanimous consent of all, expelled him the Kingdom for his Ty­ranny and mis-government. Upon which Sigebert flying into the woods for shelter, like a forlorn per­son, was there slain by Cumbra his Swine-herd, in revenge of his Masters murder. Florentius Wigorniensis relates, that after his expulsion from the Realm by the Noble [...], for the multitude of his unjust deeds; Ke­nulphus Propos. 1, 2, 4. [Page 22] allotted him the County of Hampshire for his maintenance, until he slew Earl Cumbra (such was the Charity and Humanity of those times, even to an ex­pelled, deposed Tyrannical King, now quite out of date) with whom Ethelwerdus, Hist. l. 2. c. 17. and Polychronicon, l. 5. c. 24. accord. Some of our Histori­ans (especially Ethelwerdus and Wigorniensis) relate; that Kenulphus usurped the Crown by meer force of Arms, first drawing the Nobles and People to rise up against, and expell Sigebert for his exorbitant actions, and the multi­ [...]ude of his unjust deeds, and then usurping the Throne, be­ing not of the blood Royal (as Malmesbury relates) though of a Noble family: But they all Malmesb. de Gestis Reg. l. 1. c. 2. p. 16. Ethelwerdus Hist. l. 2. c. 17, 18. Hen. Hun­tindon, Hist. l. 4. p. 343. Mat. Westm. [...] [...]86. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. col. 110. Chron. Johan. Bromt. col. 770. Hove­den Annal. pars prior, p. 409, 410. Po­lychron. l. 5. c. 17. Fabian, Capgrave, Grafton, Ho­linshed, and Speed in his life. Florentius Wigorn. p. 278. 279. unanimously record, that he came to a miserable end upon this occasion. When he had reigned 31 years with honour and good success, being puffed up therewith, and fearing lest Ki­neardus (Sigiberts Brother) who began to be potent, should revenge his Brothers death upon him, and dispossess him or his posterity of the Crown, he banished and compel­led him to depart his Kingdom. Who thereupon giving way to the time, voluntarily fled out of his Domini­ons. But soon after secretly drawing together (through private Conventicles) a band of desperate men, he found an opportunity to fall upon Kenulphus, when he went with a few followers to visit his Paramore at Merton, where he besetting the House round, slew the King, with all his followers. The fame of which Act coming to his Nobles and Souldiers not far from the place, They upon Exhortation of Esric, the chiefest of them, not to let pass the death of their Lord unrevenged, to their notorious and perpetual infamy, furiously encountred Keneardus and his Complices, and notwithstanding all their fair promi­ses of Mony, & preferments to them, and all intreaties, after a sharp bloody incounter, put them all to the sword, with the loss of some of their own lives. ‘Ecce quomodo Dei Iu­stitia, non solum futuro saeculo, verum etiam in isto, Proposition 2. digna meritis manifesto judicio recompensat, &c. Add Proposit. 8. [Page 23] Henry Huntindon, Roger Hoveden, John Bromton, Malmes­bury, and others, as a Corollary to this History of Sigi­bert; and Kenulphus. Which all Traitors, Tyrants and Usurpers treading in their exorbitant footsteps, may do well advisedly to consider.

In the year of our Lord 758. Mat. West. An. 758. p. 274. VVil. Malmesb. de gest. reg. l. 1. c. 4. p. 28. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. col. 105. chron. Jo. Bromt. col. 770, 776, Hen. Huntind. Hist. l. 4. p. 342, 346. Hovedon. Annal. pars 1. p. 408. Speeds Chron. p. 254, 368. See Polyc. Fabian, Graft. Holinshed in his and Offa his life, VVi­gorn. An. 755, p. 274. The people of the An. 758. Realm of Mercia rising up against their King Bernred, because he governed them not by just Laws, but by Ty­ranny; assembled all together in one, as well Noble as Ignoble; and Offa being their Captain, they ex­pelled him out of the Kingdom, and then, by the unanimous consent of all, as well Clergy as people, they crown­ed Offa King. This Bernred, (as Malmesbury, Speed, and Simeon Dunelmensis write) treacherously murthered King Ethelbald his Soveraign, whose General he was, and thereupon usurping his Throne, and turning a Tyrant, (as most Usurpers do) was in the very first year of his u­surped reign, expelled the Realm, and soon after slain by Offa; and so dignum finem insidiarum tulit, being Au­thor necis of his Sovereign, King Ethelbald, à suis tuto­ribus fraudulentèr interfectus, as our Historians ob­serve. A good Memento for other Traitors and Usur­pers treading in his footsteps; ‘Qui Regnum Tyran­nus invasit, & per modicum tempus in parvâ laeritiâ & jocunditate tenens, Regnum cum vitâ perdidit,’ as Wigorniensis writes of him. Prop. 1, 2, 4, 5.

The Mat. West. p. 278, 279, 290. VVil. Malmesb. de gest. reg. l. 1. c. 4. p. 32. Spel. Concil. p. 315. English complaining to King Offa, in the year 775. of the great exactions in forein parts under An. 775. Charls the Emperour, they being then at variance, so as their trading and merchandize was every where prohibi­ted in both their Realms, thereupon King Offa, by gifts sent to the Emperour, obtained this Grant and Pri­vilege from him for his Subjects. That all Pilgrims pas­sing through his Dominions to Rome for piety and devotion sake alone, should have free and peaceable passage without a­ny Proposit. 1, 4. molestation or Tribute. That all Merchants and others in the company of Pilgrims passing only for gain, not devo­tion, [Page 24] should pay only a certain established Tribute in fitting places. That all English Merchants and Traders should have lawfull protection, by his command, within his Realm, and if in any place they were vexed with unjust oppression, that upon complaint to him or his Judges, they should have full justice done unto them.

In the year 780. Aeth [...]red, or Adelred, king of Northumberland, was deposed by his Subjects after he An. 780, 781 had reigned 3 years, and quite driven out of his Realm [o] Mat. West. p. 280. Hen. Huntind. Hist. l. 4. p. 346, 347. Malmesh. do gest. reg. l. 1. c. 3. Hove­d [...]n Annal. pars prior, p. 409. Polychr. l. 5. c. 17. by his Nobles; who the next year after assaulted and burnt a certain Consull (or Earl) being their justice in his own house, plus aequo saevientem, for tyrannizing be­yond the Bounds of Law and Right. I shall not insist up­on the manifold Insurrections of these Northumber­landers against their kings, nor their disloyal depositi­ons, expulsions, Murders of most of them, upon pre­tended oppressions and Exorbitancies in Government, rather than [...]eal: nor on the strange, general, bloody, Propos. 1, 2, 4. frequent depredations, wars, devastations, Plagues, Judgements, Invasions by Danes, Normans, Scots, and others, inflicted justly on them for the same by Di­vine Justice, more than on all other parts of this I­land, since I have touched some of them Part. 2. p. 56 to 64. before, and shall glance at more of them hereafter; all which the studious may read at leisure, in Maslmesbury, Huntindon, Hoveden, Aethelwerdus, Matthew Westmin­ster, Bromton, Florentius Wigorniensis, Simeon Dunel­mensis, Radulphus de Diceto, Polychronicon, Holinshed, Speed, and others: Only I shall give you the sum of them about this age in the words of Simeon Dunelmen­sis, and Richardus Hagulstaldensis In Hi­storia de exordio Christianitatis & Religionis totius Northumbriae, & Richardus Hagustalden­sis, de Stat. & Episcopis Haegustaldensis, Ecclesiae, col. 300. See Antiqu. Ecclesiae Brit. p. 32, 33, 34. Sim. Dunelmensis Hist. de Gestis Regum Angliae, col. 199. Chron. Joh. Bromton, col. 966. Tho. Stubs Acta. Pontif. Eboracensium, col. 1708. Hen. de Knyghton de Event. Angl. l. 2. c. 2. VVil. Malmesb. de Gest. reg. l. 3. p. 103. Hen. Huntind. Hist. l. 7. p. 306, Rog. Hoveden, Annal. pars prior, p. 451. ‘Crudelis exinde Barbarorum manus innumeris navibus in Angliam [Page 25] transvecta, omnia quaqua versum depopulans, Nor­thunhymbrorum autem provincias atrocius devastans, omnes Ecclesias, omnia Monasteria ferro, & incen­dio delevit, adeo ut nullum pene Christianitatis signum post se discedens reliquerit. Monachi qui lo­ci reverentia confidentes remanserunt de Ecclesiâ extracti, alii in mare sub hostibus submersi, alii Cap­tivi abducti, alii detruncati, alii aliis tormentis mi­serabiliter affecti, omnes simul interiêrunt. Et indè prosiliens flammâ et ferro, in exterminium omnia duxit, &c.’ After which sad successive devastations for sundry years by the Danes, they were so totally depopulated, and extirpated by Famine, Sword, and Pe­stilence by the Normans, An. 1069. that the whole Country was reduced into a desolate Wilderness, without an inhabitant, and lay untilled for nine years space; besti­arum tantum & latronum latibula; being only Dens of Beasts and Theeves. And how many times it hath been wasted, depopulated with fire and sword since this, by the Scots, and what barbarous cruelties they have exercised therein, you may read in the Continu­ation of Simeon Dunelmensis by the Prior of Hagustald, col. 264. in Historia Ricardi Prioris Hagustaldensis de Gestis Regis Stephani & bello Standardi, col. 315, 316. and other Chronicles since that time. The Lord in Mercy divert the like judgements from that Northern part, and the whole kingdom now, for the like trans­gressions of a later date.

In the year of Christ 787. (as most account) Hen. Hun­tindon Hist. l. 4. p. 343. Matthew Westminster An. 789. p. 281. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 26. Cent. [...] ­deburg. Cent. 8. c. 9. Hoveden Annal. pars prior, p. 410. Florentius VVigorn [...] ­sis, An. 785. Spelmanni Concil. p. 292, to 395. Malmesbury de gestis regum, [...] c. 4. & de gestis Pontif. l. 1. p. 198, 199. Matthew Parker, and Godwin in [...] life of Jambert. Chronica VVil. Thorne, col. 1774. Gervasius Dorobern. Actus P [...] ­tif. Cant. col. 1641. Radulphus de Diceto Abbrevi. Chron. col. 445. Polychron. [...] c. 17. Pope Anno 787. Adrian sent Legates into England, to confirm the faith which Augustine had preached: who being honoura­bly Proposit. 5, 6. [Page 26] received both by the Kings, Clergy, and People: thereupon held a great Parliamentary Council at Cal­chut, Chalchuthe, or Cealtide (as Henry Huntindon stiles it.) In this Council Offa king of Mercians, and Ke­nulphus king of West-Saxons, with all their Ecclesiasti­cal and secular Princes, Nobles, Elders, Bishops, Abbots, were present; who all subscribed and con­sented to the Ecclesiaestical and Temporal Laws and Canons Proposit. 5, 6. therein made and published, being 20 in Number; The principle whereof relating to my Theam, I have for­merly recited. In this Parliamentary Council King Offa caused Egfrid his eldest son, to be solemnly crowned King, who from thenceforth reigned with him, And in it Jambertus (or Lambert) Archbishop of Canterbury, much against his will, resigned part of his Arch-Bishoprick to the Arch-bishop of Litchfield, by the command and power of King Offa; who envying the power and Pride of the Archbishop of Canterb. deprived him in this Council (notwithstanding all Jamberts appeals to Pope Adrian) of all Lands and Jurisdiction within his Realm of Mercia, erecting a new Arch-bishoprick at Litch­field, to which he subjected all the Bishops of Mercia, (being then six in number) ill by another Council they were reunited of Canterbuny, after the decease of Offa.

Hen Hun­tinaon, Hist. l. 4. p. 349. Hoveden An­nalium, pars prior, p. 409. 410. Florenti­us VVigorni­ensis, Anno 781, 787, 788, 789. Spetman. Concil. p. 303, 304. Simeon Dunelm. Hist. 110. Mat VVestm. Anno 789, 791. Richardus Prior. Ha­gustald. de Stat. & Episc. Hagust. Eccl. l. 1. c. 17. col. 297. About the year 788. (there being some diffe­rence Anno 788. amongst Historians in the year) there was a great Council held at Ade, and after that ano [...]her Council kept at Wincenhale or Pincanhale in Northumberland, now called Finkely. Sir Henry Spelman conceives, that these Councils were principally summoned to prevent the incursions of the D [...]nes, who in the year 787. came into Britain with 3 ships; to discover the Coasts and prey upon it, slew King Bricticus his Provost, and after that many thousand thousands of the English at sundry [Page 27] times. After this there was another Parliamentary Proposit. 6, 9. Council or Synod held at Aclea, or Aclith,; at which time Duke Sigga by wicked Treason slew his Sovereign Alfwold, king of Northumberland, and was, not long afterwards, slain himself by the Danes, (who miserably wasted and destroyed that rebellious kingdom of Nor­thumberland with fire and sword) as a condigu punish­ment for their treasons, Rebellions and Regicides of their Kings.

Matihew VVest. p. 282. Mamesbury de gest. reg. l. 1. c. 3. Huntind. Hist. l. 4. p. 343, 344. Hoveden An­nal. pars prior, p. 410. Flo­rent. VVigorn. An. 792. E­thelredi Hist. l. 3. Anno 792. there was a Council held at a place Anno 792. called Fincale, where the Archbishop with his Suffra­gan Bishops, and many others were present: What the occasion of it was, appears not: only our Histori­ans relate, That Osred king of Northumberland, was this year chased out of his Kingdom by his rebellious sub­jects, when he had reigned but one year, and Ethelred, son of Mollo substituted King in his place. Whereupon Osred gathering forces together to expel Ethelred, which had expulsed him out of his Realm, was in his march into it again taken prisoner and slain by this Usurper at Tymmouth. Upon occasion of which Insurrections and Wars, I conceive this Council was most probably sum­moned. Soon after this usurping Regicide Ethelred, was slain himself, even by those seditious Subjects who expelled and slew Osred, to advance him to the Throne. The common fate of bloody Usurpers, espe­cially Proposit. 5, [...]. in this kingdom of Northumberland, as our Hi­storians observe.

Matthew VVestm. An. 794. p. 287, 288, 289. Spel. Concil. p. 300. to 316. Chron. Ioh. Bromt. col. 754, to 757. Polychron. [...] l. 5. c. 17. King Offa, in the year 793. called a Provincial Anno 793. Parliamentary Council, where Archbishop Humbert, and his Suffragans, with all the Primates and No­bles were present; wherein he treated with them a­bout founding the Monastery of St. Albane, the first Martyr, in the place where his Corps was found; en­dowing it with lands and Privileges. Placuit omnibus Regis propositum. Whereupon they concluded, the King should go to Rome in person, and procure from the Proposit. 5. 10. [Page 28] Pope the Canonization of St. Albane, and a Confirmation of Privileges to the Abbey he intended to build. He re­pairing to Rome accordingly, the Pope commending his Devotion, gave him his full as [...]ent, both to found a Monastery, and endow it with all such Privileges as he desired: enjoyning him, that returning to his Coun­try, ex Consilio Episcoporum, & Optimatum suorum, by advice of his Bishops and Nobles, he should confer Proposit. 6, 10. to the Monastery of St. Albane, what Possessions or Privileges he would; which he should grant or con­firm to it by his special Charter first, and afterwards he would confirm his original with his Privilege and Bull. The king hereupon receiving the Popes Benediction, returned home, and held two great Councils for the set­ling of the Lands, Privileges and Liberties of St. Albanes: The one at Celcyth, where were present, 9 Kings, 15 Bishops, and 20 Dukes (as John Stow relates in his Chro­nicle) who all subscribed and ratified his Charter of Lands and Privileges granted to St. Albane. The o­ther Council was held at Verolam, which Matthew Westminster thus expresseth. Congregato apud Verola­mium Episcoporum & Optimatum Concilio, unanimi omni­um consensu & voluntate, beato, Albano Amplas contu­lit terras, & possessiones innumeras, Quas multiplici Li­bertatum privilegio insignivit. Monachorum vero con­ventum ex Domibus bene Religiosis ad Tumbam Martyris congregavit, & Abbatem eis Nomine Willegodum prae­fecit, cui cum ipso Monasterio, Jura Regalia concessit. This king then reigning over 20 Shires, at the same time (by the unanimous assent of the Bishops and No­bles) (z) gave out of all those Counties to the English (x) See Radol. de Diceto Ab­brev. Chron. col. 446, & Spelm. Concil. p. 310. to 314. School at Rome, Peter-Pence, in English called Romes­cot. Yet he privileged the Church of St. Albane with so great Liberty, that this Church alone should be quit of the Apostolical Custom and Tribute called Romescot, when as neither the King nor Archbishop, nor any Bishop, Abbot, or Prior, or any other in the Realm was exempted Proposit. 1. 6▪[Page 29] frow this payment. And likewise granted, that the Church of St. Albane should faithfully collect the said Romescot, from all the County of Hertford, wherein the said Church is situated, and receive the money col­lected to that Churches own use. And that the Ab­bot thereof, or a Monk constituted his Archdeacon under him, should exercise Episcopal Authority over all the Priests & Laymen within the possessions belonging to the Abbey, and that he should make subjection to no Archbishop, Bishop, or Legate, but only to the Pope himself. So as that Church hath omnia jura Regalia; and the Abbot thereof for the time being; Pontificalia ornamenta. And that by the great Charter of this king then made, with the una­nimous consent of all his Bishops and Nobles in this great Council. What Lands he gave to the Monastery of St. Augustines and Christ-church in Canterbury, and the Archbishops there, you may read at large in the Chronicles of William Thorne, col. 1775. and Evidentiae Ecclesiae Christi Cantuariensis, col. 2203, 2219.

Mat. West. Anno 797, p. 290, 291. Alcuini Epist. Osbert. Speeds History p. 371. Chron. Iohan▪ Brom. col. 752, 754, 776. King Offa deceasing An. 797. his Son Egfrid, so Anno 797. soon as he was settled in his Fathers kingdom, imita­ting the pious footsteps of his Father, devoutly confer­red many Lands and possessions on the Church of St. Albanes, and confirmed them by his Charter and Pri­vilege; with all those other Lands, Privileges and Royal Liberties which his Father had conferred on the said Church, to enjoy them in the freest manner. Et ejus Do­natio, ut perpetuae firmitatis Robur obtineret, jux­ta morem Romanae Ecclesiae, omnium Episcoporum Comitum et Baronum totius imperii sui ( [...]ssembled in a general Council of the Realm) Subscriptionem, Proposit. 10. & signum crucis apposuit, Causing all his Blshops, Earls, and Barons of his whole Realm to subscribe and ratifie his Charter and Donation with the sign of the Cross, after the manner of the Roman Church, That it might be of perpetual force and validity. Moreover declining his Fathers covetousness in all things, whatever he for [Page 30] the exaltation of his Kingdom, had diminished out of the possessions of divers Monasteries, he, out of a pious devo­tion, restored and confirmed with his Privilege (or Char­ter) to all who desired it.

This pious King Egfrid, (as our Historians observe) and let others note it who gain their Kingdoms, Pow­ers, Possessions by Bloodshed and Treason (was taken away by sudden death on the 141 day after his Fathers de­cease (which gave great cause of grief to all the people of his Realm) not for his own sins, which is not to be sup­posed; but because his Father (pro Regni sui confir­matione sanguinem [...] [...]ffudit) for the confirma­tion of his Kingdom shed much blood. For ne See Mat. VVestm, Mal­mesbury, Hun­tindon, Hoved. Radulph. Ca­strensis, Ethel­werdus, VVi­gorn. Speed, Grafton, Ho­linshed, Fab. in his life. Ch. 10. Brom. col. 750. 751, 752. Ra­dulph. de Dice­to Abbreviat. Chron. col. 445, 446. Polichron. col. l. 5. c. 16, 17. came to the Crown by the slaughter of King Bernred, fore­mentioned; deposed and slain by him for his usurpati­on, Tyranny, and Mis-government, then he invaded and slew with his own hand Alrick King of Kent, routed his forces, and reduced that kingdom under his own: After this, marching from South to North, even be­yond Humber, he made Havock of all that stood in his way: Whence returning in Triumph, he set upon the West-Saxons, and vanquished them, forced their king Kenwolf to fly into Wales to the Britons for aid; then en [...]red into Wales, routed their King Mar­modius, for breaking his Truce; made a great slaughter of the Britons & after ten years prosperous wars to conquer others, returned victoriously into his own territories. After his return thither, to compleat his bloody Tragedies, E­thelbert King of East-Angles coming upon solemn invi­tation to his Court in great state, to marry his Daugh­ter, was there treacherously murdered by his Wife Quen­dreda's solicitation and practice, with his privity and con­sent, who caused a deep pit to be digged in his Bed cham­ber, under his Chair of State, or Bed, into which he fal­ling was there treacherously murdered, and his head cut off by Gaymbertus, who presented it all bloody to King Offa; who (to colour the business) seeming to be sor­rowfull [Page 31] for this murder, shut himself up in his Chamber, and there fasted 8 days space, but then, sending a great Ar­my into the Kingdom of this murtherea Prince, seised on & united it to his own Empire. But Gods exemplary venge­ance pursued this hainous bloody Treachery (not­withstanding all his feigned magnified Saintship, and works of Charity and Piety) for, within one year after this bloody fact committed, both Queendreda, Offa, and their Son Egfrid (the only joy and pride of his Pa­rents) all died, and his very kingdom it self was translated from the Mercians to the West-Saxons, whom he had con­quered and oppressed. O that all men of blood, and un­just invaders of others Crowns, Realms, Possessions by war, bloodshed and Treachery, would seriously consider this President, with all others of this nature both at home and abroad, collected to their hands by Sir Walter Raughly, in his excellent Preface, before his famous History of the World. An. 797.

About the year of Christ 797. Bonif. Mo­gunt. Ep. 112. Mr. Seldens Titles of Ho­nour, part 2. c. 5. p. 632. Cynwolfe (or Ke­nulph) King of West-Saxons held a Council, wherein he with his Bishops, unacum caterva Satraparum, and likewise with a great company of his Nobles, there as­sembled, writ a Letter to Lullus Bishop of Mentz touching some matters of Religion then in Debate.

In the Tho. Stubs, Actus Pontis. Ebo. col. 1697. 1698. Simcon Dumelm. Hist. col. 114, 115. Rog. de Hove­den, Annal. pars prior. p. 406. year 798. (the third of King Kenulph his Proposit. 5, 6. reign) there was a great Parliamentary Synod assem­at Anno. 798. Pinchamhalch, wherein Eanbaldus, or Embaldus, Archbishop of Yorksate President, with very many wise and great Men; by whose Wisdom and Justice the King­dom of Northumberland was then much advanced and re­nowned: Who after they had debated many things con­cerning the benefit of holy Church, and profit of all the Pro­vinces of the People of Northumberland; the observation of Easter, and of Divine and secular Laws, the increase of Gode service, and the honours and necessities of the ser­vants of God, rehearsed and ratified the faith of the 5 first General Councils, concerning the Trinity, in brief and pi­thy [Page 32] expressions, fit now to be revived in these times of Heresie and Blasphemy.

The Evidentiae Eccl. Christi Cantuar. col. 2211, 2212. Spelm. Concil. p. 317. Mat. VVest. Anno 798. same year, there was another Great Council held at Bacancold, wherein Kenulph King of Mercians sate President, Athelardus Archbishop of Canterbury, 17 other Bishops, sundry Abbots, Arch-deacons, and other fit persons being there likewise present; Wherein, by the command of Pope Leo, it was decreed; That from thence­forth no Laymen should exercise, Dominion over the Lords Inheritance and Churches; but that they should be govern­ed by Holy Canons, and the Rules of their first founders and possessors, under pain of Excommunication: and that Christ-church in Canterbury, should be restored to its an­tient Propos. 5, 8, 9. 10. Metropolitan Jurisdiction. Which all the Prelates and Abbots confirmed with their Subscriptions. And this year this King consecrated the Church of Winchel­cumbe, endowing it with great gifts and possessions, in a kind of Parliamentary Assembly of 13 Bishops, and 10 Dukes, where he manumitted and set free at the high Altar, Edhert King of Kent, surnamed Pren, whom he had taken prisoner in Battel. Moreover Eanbaldus Archbishop of York, this year assembled a Synod at Fin­ [...]hale; most likely for the assistance of Eardulfus King of Northumberland against Duke Wadus, and other Con­spirators, who rose up against him, whom he vanquished and utterly routed, after a long and bloody battle at Bilin­geho, where many were slain on both sides; which Hi­story Matthew Westminster couples with this Synod, An. 798.

Evid. Ec­cles. Christi Cant. col. 2212. King Kenulph in the year 799. By the con­sent of his Bishops and Princes, at the request of A­thelardus An. 799. Archbishop of Canterbury, restored to Christ-Church in Canterbury, four parcels of Land which king Offa had formerly taken from it, and gave to his Ser­vants, free from all secular service and Regal Tribute: ra­tifying Proposit. 4, 10. this restitution by his Charter, signed with the Cross, that it might remain inviolable by their concurrent as­sent.

[Page 33] There was a Provincial Council held at Clovesho (or An. 800. Clyffe) In the year of our Lord 800. by Kenulf king of Spelmanni Concil. p. 318, 319, 320. E­vident. Eccl. Christi Cant. col. 2212, 2213 Gervasius Do­robern. Actus Pontif. Cantu▪ col. 1642. and Godwin in the life of Atbelar­dus. Mercians, Athelwerdus Archbishop of Canterbury, and all the Bishops, Dukes, Abbots, & cujuscunque dignita­tis viros, and men of all sorts of aignity; where after some inquiry, how the Catholique Faith was kept, and Christian Religion practiced amongst them? The Lands which king Offa and king Kenulph had forcibly taken away from Christ-Church, with the Nunnery of Cotham, and the Hides of Land called Burnam, were Synodali Judicio, by the Judgement of the Council, resto­red to Christ-Church. Et omnium voce Decretum est, and, It was decreed by the voice of all the Council, upon sight of the Books and Deeds there produced before them by the Archbishop, that it was just Cotham should be resto­red to Christ-Church (being given to it by King Aethel­bald, Propos. 4, 5, 6. by his Charter) of which it had, for a long time unjustly been spoiled, notwithstanding the frequent com­plaints made by Archbishop Bregwin and Iambert in every of their Synods. In hoc Concilio annuente ipso Rege, Athe­lardus recuper avit dignitates & possessiones quas Offa Rex Merciorum abstuler at Iamberto: writes Gervasius. Af­ter which the Archbishop in this Council made this Ex­change with Cynedritha, then Abbess of Cotham; that she and her successors should enjoy all the Lands, and Nunnery of Cotham, in lieu whereof she should give to him one hundred and ten Hydes of Land in Kent, lying in Fleot, Tenaham, and Creges, together with all the writings thereto belonging, which exchange was made before, confirmed and attested by this Noble Synod; that so no Controversie might arise between them, their Heirs and Successors, or King Offa's, in future times con­cerning the same, but that they might peaceably injoy them without interruption, for ever. And moreover the Archbi­shop gave unto Cynedrytha the Monastery called Preta­nege, which king Egfrid gave to him & his heirs. Which proves the Great Counc [...]ls and Synods in that age to be [Page 34] Parliaments; and that they judicially restored Lands unjustly taken away by Kings, upon complaint, exami­nation and due proof made thereof, as well as inqui­red of errors and abuses in Religion,

In this Councill conceive i [...] was, that Will, Malmsbury de gest. Reg. l, 1. c. 4. Spel. Conc. p. 320. to 324. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 27, 28, 29, 30. Mat. West. An. 797. Kenulph, with his Bishops, Dukes, et omni sub nostra Ditione Dignatis gradu, compi [...]ed and sent a Letter to Pope Leo the third; promising obedience to his commands; requesting, that the ancient Canons might be observed, and the Jurisdiction and Power of the See of Canterbury (which King Osta and Pope Adrian had diminished and divided into two Provinces or Archbishopricks) might be restored and united again thereto, to avoid Scisms: and craving the Popes answer to these their requests: which he re­turned in a special Letter to the King, restoring to Athe­lardus and his successors the Bishopricks substracted from his Province, with the Metropolitan Jurisdiction over them, as amply as before.

Spelman. council. p. 324, 325, 326. See Mat. Westm. An. 797, to 805. Hereupon, in the year 802. or thereabouts, there was another Parliamentary Council assembled at Clove­sho; An. 802. wherein the Archbishoprick of Litchfield was dis­solved, the See of Canterbury restored to its former ple­nary Metropolitical Jurisdiction (according to Pope Leo his Decree) By the advice and Decree of the whole Coun­cil: which commanded in the name of God; That no Kings, nor Bishops, nor Princes, neque ullius Tyrannicae pote­stat Proposit. 5, 6. is Homines, should diminish the honour of the Me­tropolitical See, or presume to divide it in any particle what­soever, under pain of an Anathema Maranatha; which Decree the Archbishop, with 12 other Bishops, subscri­bed and ratified with the sign of the Cross (as they formerly did in the Council of Bechanceld, An. 798.) And in this Council divers controversies concerning the Lands, Limits and Jurisdictions of other Bishops & Bishopricks were likewise decided and setled; as you may therein read at large.

[Page 35] Matthew West. An. 802, 854. Asserius Mene. de gest. Alfredi Regis, Wil. Malmesb. de Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 2. p. 46. Florentius Wi­gorn. An. 855. Polychron. l. 5. c. 27. Speeds Hist. p. 230. Mr. Seldens Titles of Ho­nour, part 1. c. 6. p. 166. Sim: Dunelm. Hist. de Gest. Reg. Angl. col. 118. Fox Acts and Monuments, vol. 1. p. 170, 171. Eadburga Daughter to King Offa married Brith­ric Anno 802. King of the West-Saxons: proud of her parentage and match, she grew so ambitious, insolent, and Tyrannical, that she became odious, not only to all the Prelates, No­bles, and Courtiers, but to the people likewise. For be­ing incited with malice and tyranny, she usually accused and execrated to the King all the Nobles of the Realm, Or­dinaries, Bishops, and Religious persons, and so overcame him by her flatteries, that those whom she began to accuse, aut vitâ aut Regno privaret, she would either deprive of Life, or banish them the Realm; and if she could not ob­tain this from the King against them, she accustomed to destroy them privily with poison. At last, An. 802. She preparing poison, to destroy a rich and noble Favourite of the Kings, whom he extra ordinarily lov'd; so as she could not banish or destroy him by her false accusati­ons; the King casually drinking of the Poison (contra­ry to her intention) as well as his Favourite, they were both therewith suddenly poisoned and destroyed. Where­with this wicked woman being tetrified, fled with all her invaluable Treasures beyond the Seas to Charles the Great: who for her Lasciviousness, in making choice of his Son for her Husband before himself, (though much inamoured with her transcendent beauty) thrust her into a Monastery, where soon after, she abusing her bo­dy Proposit. 2, 4. by uncleaness, in lying with a lewd man, was expelled thence, forced to beg her bread, and ended her days in ex­treme misery. A just judgement of God, both upon a Tyrannical Queen, and unrighteous King, seduced to banish and condemn his Nobles and Subjects unjustly by her solicitations. For this her most hainous crime the West-Saxons ordained a Law, to the Grand preju­dice of all their succeeding Queens: That none of them should have either Title, Majesty, or place of Royalty or Queen: ‘Non enim West-Saxones Reginam, vel juxta Regem sedere, vel Reginae appellatione insigniri pati­untur, propter malitiram Eadburgae, quae virum [Page 36] suum Brithicum veneno perdidit, & juxta Regem se­dens, omnes Regni Nobiles accusare solebat, & quos accusare non potuit, potu eos venenifero necare consu­evit. Itaque pro Reginae maleficio omnes conjurave­runt, quod nunquam se regnare permitterent, qui in praedictis culpabilis inveniretur: as William of Mal­mesbury, Asserius Menevensis, Matthew Westminster, Florentius Wigorniensis, and others out of them re­late,

Spelman. Concil. p. 327, 328, 329. There was a Parliamentary Synod, or Council, held at Celichith, in the year 816. at which, not only Anno 816 Wulfred Archbishop of Canterbury, with all his Suffra­gan Bishops, but likewise Kenulf king of Mercians, with his Princes, Dukes, and Nobles, and sundry Abbots, Priests, Deacons, and other sacred Orders were present, Proposit. 4, 5, 6. wherein they enacted 11 Constitutions, the 6th. where­of was this in substance. That the Judgements and De­crees of Bishops made in Synods should not be infringed, but remain firm and irrefragable, being ratified with the sign of the holy Cross (by the Kings and Nobles Subscriptions) un­less perchance the King or Princes deemed the subscriptions of their Antecessors of no force, and feared not to reform, or cease from this error, which shall rest and bring a Curse on them and their heirs. The 7th. That no Bishops, Ab­bots or Abbesses shall alienate or part with the Lands, wri­tings and evidences of their Churches and Monasteries, which they are intrusted to keep, nisi rationabilis cau­sa poposcit adjuvari, contra invasionem famis, & De­praedationem Exercitus, & ad Libertatem obtinendam: which causes they reputed reasonable.

In the year of our Lord 822. there was a Parliamen­tary Council assembled at Clovesho, wherein Beornulph Anno 822. King of Mercians sate President, at which Wulfred Arch­bishop (k)Evident. Eccles. Christi Cant. col. 2213, 2214. Spelm. Concil. p. 332, 333, 334. Flo­rentius Wigorn. Anno 822. p. 287. Ethelwerdi Hist. l. 9. c. 2. of Canterbury, with the rest of the Bishops, Ab­bots, omniumque dignitatum Optimatibus, Ecclesi­asticarum scilicet & saecularium personarum, were pre­sent, [Page 37] debating things both concerning the benefit and re­gulation of the Church, and defence and safety of the Realm (the proper subjects of our present English Par­liaments) as these words import, ‘Utilitatem & ne­cessitatem Ecclesiarum, Monasterialisque vitae Regu­lam et observantiam, stabilitatem quoque Regni pertractanter.’ In this Parliamentary Council, the Proceedings in 3 precedent Councils, touching the Com­plaints Proposit. 5, 6. of the Archbishops of Canterbury, of the Injuries done unto them, in taking away the Lands of the Church by their Kings and Officers, with the proceedings thereupon are at large recited, which I shall here transcribe, be­cause generally unknown to most, and best difcove­ring the proceedings of our antient Parliamentary Councils in Cases of this nature; of any Council I have met with in that Age, and those which next pro­ceeded, or succeeded it.

‘All the said persons in the said Council sitting down quietly together, it was inquired by them; quomodo quis cum Justitia sit tractatus, seu quis injustè sit spoliatus? In what manner any one had been handled with justice? or if any one had been unjustly spoiled? Whereupon, amids other things there acted and spo­ken, it was shewed, That Archbishop Wulfred by the mis-information, and enmity, and violence and a­varice of king Kenulph, had suffered many injuries, and was most unjustly deprived of his just dominations, as well by those things which were done unto him amongst us here in England, as by those things which were brought against him to the See Apostolick, by the procurement of the fore­said King Kenulph: by which accusations and discords, not only the fore-named Archbishop, but also the whole English Nation, for almost six years space, was deprived of its primordial authority, and of the Ministry of sacred Baptism. Above all these things, the said king Ke­nulph at a certain time with his Council, coming to the City of London, appointed a day (with great in­dignation) [Page 38] wherein the Archbishop should come un­to Proposit. 2; 4. him▪ whither when he came, the King commanded, that relinquishing all his goods, he should speedily depart out of England, without hopes of returning any more, nei­ther by the command of our Lord the Pope, neither by the intreaties of the Emperour, nor of any other person, unless he would consent to his will, in demising to him a farm of 300 Hides of Land, called Leogenesham, and moreover would give to the said King one hundred and twenty pounds in money; This reconciliation the said Wulfred refusing, long contradicted; and when the friends of the man of God, and Nobles of the King, who loved him very much, perceived the rapacity and violence of the King, they importuned the Arch­bishop, that he would consent to the Kings will, upon this condition; that the King should relinquish the difference which he had raised between the Pope and Archbishop, by his Messengers, and should restore to the said Father all the power and dignity which belonged to the said Pri­mates See, according to the authority which his Pre­decessors most amply enjoyed in former time. But if the King could not do this, that he should then restore the mo­ny and Land, which he exacted of the Arohbishop to him again. Upon this condition therefore, the said re­verend Father gave his assent: But nothing of the aforesaid condition was performed: For three whole years after the said agreement, he remained deprived of the power which his predecessors and himself had before that difference over Suthmenstre, as well in pasture, mony, vestments, as obedience, which belon­ged to the Metrapolitical See.’

‘But after the death of King Kenulf, when Beornulf reigned; the said Archbishop Wulfred invited Ab­bess Kenedrytha, Heir and Daughter of King Kenulf, to the foresaid Council; whither when she came, the Archbishop complained in the audience of all the Council, of the injuries and troubles offered and done to him, and [Page 39] to Christs Church, by her Father; and required repara­tion from her, if it were Just: Then all the Council found it to be Iustice, et hoc unanimi consenm De­crevit, and Decreed it by a unanimous consent, Nota. That all those things which her Father had taken away from the Archbishop, she ought justly to restore unto him, and to give him so much again for reparation. And moreover should restore all the use (or profit) the fore­said Father had lost in so long a space: which she hum­bly promised to do.’

‘It seemed good therefore to king Beornulf, with his Wisemen, for friendship sake, most diligently to make a reconciliation and amends for the said Lands, between the heirs of King Kenulf and thc Archbishop; and because this pleased the king, and he humbly intreated it; out of Love and Friendship to the King the Archbi­shop consented thereto; for the heirs of the said king Kenulf often desired to have the said Father to be their Patron and intercessor; And they intreated him with humble devotion, that for a full reconcili­ation, he would receive in four places one hundred Hides of Land; to wit Herges, and Herfording Land, Wamdelea, and Gedding. Then the Archbishop for the love of God, and the amiable friendship of Beornulf, consenred to this accord, upon this condition; that the foresaid Abbess should deliver to the said Archbi­shop, the foresaid Lands of one hundred Hides, with the Books which the English [...]all Landbor, and with the same liberty which he had before, for a perpetual inheritnace: Whereupon king Beornulf, with the testimony of the whole Council, proclaimed it to be altogether free.

‘But this Agreement was not all this time ratified, because after these things, the promise remained un­fulfilled for 12 Moneths: for three Hides (or tene­ments) of the foresaid Lands, were detained; and the Books of 47 tenements; to wit, the Book of Bockland, the Book of Wambelea, and also the Book [Page 40] of Herfocdingland, But in the year following she the said Ahbess desired a Conference with the foresaid Archbishop, who at that time was in the Country of the Wicii, at a place called Ostaveshlen, where he held a Council: where, when she had found the man of God, she confessed her folly in delaying her former agreement: upon which the Archbishop with great sweetness shewed; that he was altogether free from the foresaid a­greement, and that of her part there were many things wanting which she ought to have restored; but she being brought before the Councill, greatly blushing; hum­bly promised, that she would restore all those things that were wanting, and with a willing mind restored to the Archbishop the Books of certain Lands, which before she had not promised, with the Lands (adjudged to him, as Sir Henry Spelmans Margent supplies the defect) in the same Council. She likewise added thereto a farm of 4 tenements in Hevgam for his favour; likewise She gave to the Archbishop 30 Hide land (or tenements) in Cumbe; with a Book of the said Lands, that a firm and stable friendship and accord might remain between all the heirs of King Kenul [...]f and the Archbishop. To all which things the Arch­bishop gave his consent, upon this Condition, that the names of the aforesaid Lands should be rased quite out of the An­cient Privileges which belong to Wincelcumbe, lest in after times some controversie should be raised, De hoc quod Sy­nodali authoritate decretum est, et signo crucis firma­tum: concerning this which was ended by authority of the Council, and confirmed with the sign of the Ctoss▪ By this, and the precedent Councils of Clove­sho, it is apdarent; first, That the Injustice, Rapine, and oppression of our Saxon Kings themselves, was then examined and redressed in and by our Parliamen­tary Councils: 2ly. That Tittles to Lands, Jurisdicti­ons, Privileges unjustly taken from the Church and o­ther men, by our kings, or other great persons and [Page 41] complaints touching the same, were usually heard, determined and redressed in the great Parliamentary Councils of that Age, upon complaints made thereof, and that to and before the whole Council, not to any pri­vate Committees, not then in use. 3ly. That restitution, reparations and damages in such Cases, were usually awarded in such Parliamentary Councils, not only a­gainst the Kings & Parties that did the wrong, but like­wise Nota. against their heirs; as here against Abbess Cenedritha, Daugher and heir to king Kenulph, After the decease of her father the Tort Feasor. 4ly. That the same cause and complaint was revived, continued, ended in suc­ceeding, that rested undecided, and unrecompensed in former Councils. 5ly. That Agreements, Exchan­ges, and Judgements given upon Complaints in Parli­amentary Councils, were conclusive and final to the Parties and their Heirs. 6ly. That Injuries done by the power of our Kings or great Men in one Parlia­mentary Council (as in dividing the Archbishoprick of Canterbury, &c.) were examined, & redressed by ano­ther subsequent Council. 7ly. That Parliamentary Councils in that Age, were very frequently held, at least once or twice a year (if not interrupted by wars) and that usually at Clovesho, according to the Actus Pon­tif. Cantu. col. 1639. Spelm. Concil. p. 334. De­cree of the Council of Heartford under Archbishop The­odor, That the Bishops once a year should assemble together in a Council at Clovesho; as Gervasius Doroberniensis records; there being 4 Councils there, and elsewhere, held in King Beornulfs 4 years reign.

I find (m) another Council held at Clovesho, in the year 824 the 3. of the Calends of November, under Be­ornulf Anno. 824. Spelm. Concil. p. 334, 335. King of Mercians and Wulfred Archbishop of Can­terbury, where this King, which all his Bishops and Ab­bots, and all the Princes, Nobles, and many most wise Proposit. 5, 6. men we [...]e assembled together. Amongst other businesses debated therein, there was a sute between Heabere Bishop of Worcester, and the Nuns of Berclea concerning the inheritance of Aethelfrick Son of Aethelmund, [Page 42] to wit the Monasterie called West-Burgh, the Lands whereof, with the Books, the Bishop then had, as Ae­thelfrick had before commanded, that they should be restored to the Church of Worcester. This Bishop, with 50 Mass Priests, and 160 other Priests, Deacons, Monks and Abbots (whose names are recorded in the Manuscript) swore, that this Land and Monastery were impropriated to his possession and Church; which Oath with all these fellow swearers, he was ordered to take at Westminster, and did it accordingly, after 30 nights re­spire. Whereupon, It was ordained and decreed by the Archbishop, & all the Council consenting with him; that the Bishop should enjoy the Monastery, Lands, and Books to him and his Church; and so that sute was en­ded, and this Decree pronounced thereupon.

‘Quapropter, si quis hunc agrum ab illâ Ecclesiâ in Ceastre nititur evellere, contra Decreta sanctorum Canonum sciat se facere; quia sancti Canones decer­nunt, Quicquid Sancta Synodus universalls cum Catholico Archiepiscopo suo adjudicaverit, nullo mo­do fractum vel irritum esse faciendum. Haec autem gesta sunt. Hi sunt Testes & Confirmatores, hujus rei, quorum nomina hic infrà notantur, à die tertio Ca­lend. Novembrium.’

‘Ego Beornulf Rex Merciorum hanc chartulam Synodalis decreti signo sanctae Christi Crucis con­firmavi.’

Then follows the Archbishops Subscription and con­firmation in like words; with the subscriptions of sun­dry Bishops, Abbots, Dukes and Nobles, being 32 in number, all ratifying this Decree.

An. 833. Ingulphi Hist. p. 855, 857. See Mat. Westm. Anno 833, 834, 835. Spelm. Concil. p. 337, 338, 339. Egbert, King of West-Saxons, Athel­wulfe his Son, Witlasius king of Mercians, both the An. Dom. 833. Archbishops, Abbots, cum Proceribus majoribus toti­us Angliae, with the greatest Nobles of all England, were all assembled together at London (in a National [Page 43] Parliamentary Council) pro consilio capiendo contra Proposit. 5, 9, 10. Danicos Piratas Littora Angliae assidne infestantes: to take Counsel what to do against the Danish Pirates, dayly infesting the Sea-Coasts of England.

In this Council the Charter of Witlasius king of Mer­cians, to the Abbey of Croyland (where he was hid and secured from his enemies) was made and ratified; where­in he granted them many rich gifts of Plate, Gold, Sil­ver, Land, and the Privilege of a Sanctuary, for all offenders flying to it for shelter; which grant could not be valid without a Parliamentary confirmation; for he being elected King, omnium consensu, after the slaughters of Bernulf and Ludican (two invading Ty­rants cut off in a short time; qui contra fas purpuram in­duerent, & regno vehementet oppresso, totam militi­am ejus, quae quondam plurima extiterat, & victorio­sissima, sua imprudentia perdiderant, as Ingulphus writes) was enforced to hold his kingdom from Eg­bert king of West-Sax [...]ns under a Tribute. And there­upon conferring divers Lands by his Charter to this Ab­bey for ever, to be held of him, his heirs and Successors, Kings of Mercia, in perpetual and pure Frankalmoigne, quietae & solutae ab omnibus oneribus secularibus, ex­actionibus, & vectigalibus universis quocunque nomi­ne censeantur. That his grant might be sound and valid, he was necessitated to have it confirmed in this Parlia­mentary Council, by the consent of King Egbert and his Son and of all the Bishops, Abbots. et Proceribus Ma­joribus Angliae, and the greater Nobles of England there present; most of them subscribing and ratifying this Char­ter with the sign of the Cross, and their names.

About the year of Grace 838. there was a Parliamen­tary Anno. 838. Council held at Evident. Eccl. Cbristi Cantuar. col. 2217, 2218. Spelm. Concil. p. 340. Kingston, in which Egbert king of the West-Saxons, and his Son Aethelwulfe, Ceolnoth Archbishop of Canterbury, with the rest of the Bishops and Nobles of England were present. Amongst many things there acted and spoken, Archbishop Ceolnoth shewed be­fore [Page 44] the whole Council, That the foresaid Kings Egbert and Aerhelwulfe had given to Christchurch, the Mannor called Malinges in Sussex, free from all secular service and Regal Tributes, excepting only these three, Ex­pedition, building of Bridge and Castle: which foresaid Proposit. 5, 6, 10. Mannor and Lands King Baldred gave to Christchurch; Sed quia ille Rex cunctis Principibus non placuit, no­luerunt donum ejus permanere ratum; But because this King pleased not all his Nobles, they would not that this his gift should continue firm: (To which Sir Henry Spelman adds this Marginal Note, Rex non potuit distrahere pa­trimonium Regni, sine assensu Procerum) Wherefore the foresaid Kings (in this Parliamentary Council, with their Nobles assent) at the request of the said Archbishop, regranted and confirmed it to Christchurch; with this A­nathema annexed against the infringers of this grant, If any shall presume to violate it, on the behalf of God, and of us Kings, Bishops, Abbots, and all Christians, let him be separated from God, and let his portion be with the Devil and his Angols.

Hist. Angl. l. 5. Spelman. Concil. p. 343. Polydor Virgil, records, that King Athelwulfe, in the year 847. going in pilgrimage to Rome, repaired Anno 847. the English School (there lately burned down) and in i­mitation of King Ina, made that part of his Kingdom which Eghert his Father had added, Tributary towards it; Legeque sancibit, and enacted by a Law (made in a Propos [...]t. 1. Parliamentary Council) that those who received 30 pence rent every year out of their possessions, or had more houses, should pay for those houses they inhabited, every of them a penny a peece to the Pope (for the maintenance of this School) at the Feast of Peter and Paul, or at least of St. Peters bonds; which Law some (writes he) though false­ly, ascribr to his Son Alfred; which act others refer to the years 855, or 857, and that more truly.

Ingulf. Hist. p. 858, 859. Spelm. Concil. p. 344. Mat. Westm. An. 849, 85 [...], Abbot Ingulphus in his Hist. of the Abby of Croyland, Anno 850. records; that Bertulf usurping the Crown, by the trea­cherous [Page 45] murder of his Cosen St. Westan (tantâ ferebatur ad regnandum ambitione) passing by the Abbey of Croy­land, most wiskedly and violently took away all the Jew­els, Plate and ornaments of the Church, which his Brother Prop. 2, 4, 5, 9. 10. Withlasius and other Kings had given to it; together with all the mony he could find in the Monastery; and hiring Souldiers therewith against the Danes, then wasting the Country about London, he was vanquished and put to flight by the Pagans; Whereupon this King soon after, holding a great Council at Benningdon, An. 850. with the Pre­lates and Nobles of his whole Realm of Mercia there as­sembled (about the Danes invasions, how to raise for­ces and monies to resist them, as is most probable by our Historians.) Abbot Siward, and the Monks of Croy­land therein complained before them all, by Askillus their fellow Monk, of certain injuries malitiously done unto them by their Adversaries, who lying in wait in the utter­most banks of their Rivers, did seise upon their servants (being such as fled thither for Sanctuary) in case at any time they went out of their precincts never so little way (ei­ther to fish, or bring back their stragling Sheep, Oxen, or other Cattle) as infringers of their Sanctuary, and subject­ed them to the publick Laws, to their condemnation and de­struction; to the great dammage of the Abbey, by the loss of their service; Of which complaint, the King and all the Council being very sensible, and desirous to provide for the peace and quiet of the Abbey, and to declate and en­large their Privileges; The King thereupon comman­ded Radbott Sheriff of Lincoln, and the rest of his Offi­cers in those parts, to go round about, describe and set forth the bounds of their I sle of Croyland, and of the Mari­shes thereunto belonging, and faithfully and clearly to de­monstrate them to him and his Council, wherever they should be, the last day of Easter next ensuing; Who ful­filling his command, openly presented an exact description of their Boundaries to the King and his Council, (which bounds are recited at large in Ingulphus,) keeping their Easter at Kingsbury.

[Page 46] Anno 851. Whereupon the king in this Parliamen­tary Anno 851. Council at Kingsbury, in Hebdomada Pascha, pro [q] Ingulphi Histor. p. 858. to 863. Spelm. Concil. p. 344, &c. Regni negotiis congregati; In Recompensationem tamen aliquam pecuniae direptae; to make some kind of Recompence of the Mony he had formerly taken from the Abbey, by the Common Council of his whole Realm, by his Charter made and ratified in this Council (wherein he makes this recital touching this money, as if they had freely lent it to him in his necessities; though the Hi­storian relates, he took it away by force: ‘Gratias Debit as Proposit. 1, 4. vobis omnibus dignissimè reddo pro pecuniâ quâ me per vos dudum praetere untem, in me â maximâ indigen­tiâ contra Paganorum violentiam gratissimo & libe­ralissimo animo defovistis)’ granted unto them, That the bounds of their Sanctuary and liberties should extend 20 foot in breadth beyond the farthest banks of their grounds compassing their Iland; And 20 foot from the water it self; where ever their fugitive servants should ascend, to draw their nets, or do their other necessary businesses; and that this Sanctuary for fugitives should extend to all the Marishes where they had Common for their Cattle; and that if their Cattel through tempest, thefe, or other misfortune, stray­ed beyond these limits into the fields adjoyning, their fugi­tive servants might pursue and fetch them back thence, without any seisure or danger; ‘sub mutilatione membri magis dilecti, si quis i [...]ud privilegium meum in ali­quo temerè violaret.’ After which, he confirmed all the Lands and privileges formerly granted to this Abbey, by Kings, Earls, or other persons, particularly recited in this Charter; which was made & granted by the common consent, sent and advice of this whole Parl. Council, & of the Bishops and Nobles of the Realm, as these Clauses in the Char­ter abundantly attest. ‘Cum communi concilio toti­us Regni mei concedo. Consentientibus omnibus Nota. Praelatis & Proceribus me is concedo; cum communi Concilio, gratuitoque consensu omnium Magnatum Prop. 5, 6, 10. Regni mei concedo; complacuit unanimiter mihi, ac [Page 47] universo Concilio vestra omnia loca mei authoritate Regii Chirograpi confirmare. Unanimo consensu to­tius presentis Concilii, hic apud Kingsbury, Anno in­carnationis Christi Dom. 855. seria sexta in hebdo­mada Paschae, pro Regni negotiis congregati, istud meum Regium Chirographum sanctae crucis signo sta­biliter & immutabiliter confirmavi.’ After which the Archbishop of Canterbury, with other Bishops, 3 Abbots, 2 Dukes, 3 Earls, with Oflat Ambassadour of King E­thelwulf and his Sons, in their Names, and the Name of the West-Saxons, subscribed and ratified this Chart [...]r, affixing the sign of the Cross, and their names thereto, as you may read at large in Ingulphus.

That this Parliamentary Council, and the former at Beningdon were principally summoned for the defence of the Realm against the invading Danes, who See Ingulf. p. 858, 862, 863, 864, 865. Mat. westm. Florent. wi­gorn. Ethel­werdus, Ra­dulf. de Diceto, Huntingdon, Hoveden. Brom. An. 851. then incessantly molested it; and that this was the chief of those Regni nagotiis for which they were assembled, is evident by this publick prayer of the Kings, then sub­scribed under this Charter.

‘Ego Bertulphus Rex Merciorum palam omnibus Praelatis & Proceribus Regni mei, divinam deprecor Majestatem, quatenus per intercessionem sanctissimi Confessoris sui sancti Guthlaci, omniumque sancto­rum suorum, dimittat mihi, & omni populo meo, peccata nostra, & sicut per aperta miracula sua oigna­tus Proposit. 9. est misericordiam suam; sic super Paganos hostes suos dare nobis dignetur omni certamine victoriam & post praesentis vitae fragilem cursum in consortio san­ctorum suorum gloriam sempiternam, Amen.’

After which Hist. p. 861, 862. Ingulphus subjoyns this Monkish miracle, relating the order of the proceedings in this Council, the sole end for which I cite it.

‘God wrought in this Council to the honour of his most holy Confessor Guthlac, a most famous miracle, whereby the devotion of the whole Land, now more lukewarm than ordinary, to goe in pilgrimage to [Page 48] Croyland, might thenceforth become more frequent, and by all ways, through all Counties might day­ly be revived, for whereas a certain disease like to a Palsie, this year afflicted all England; the Nerves of Men, Women, and Children, being smitten with a sudden and excessive cold (their veins swelling and growing harder, the which no remedy of cloathes could prevent) and especially the Arms and hands of men being made useless, and altogether withred; in which disease, like a fore-running most certain Messenger thereof, an intollerable pain pre-occupa­ted the Member so growing ill. It hapned in this Council, that many, as well of the greater as lesser ranck, were sick of this Malady, & cum regni nego­tia proponerentur, and when as the businesses of the Realm were to be proposed, Lord Celnoth Archbishop of Cant [...]rbury, who was vexed with this disease, openly counselled;’ Divina negotia deberi primitus proponi, Nota. & sic humana negotia Christi suffragante gratia, finem prosperum posse sortiri; Assentientibus universis, &c. Prop. 5, 6. That Dtvine businesses ought first of all to be proposed, and so humane business, through the suffrage of Christs grace, might obtain a prosperous end. All assenting thereunto, when Lord Siward, then Abbot of Croyland was inquired for; because in Councils and Synods for his great eloquence and holy Religion, he had been, as it were, a divine inter­preter for many years, and the most gratious Expositor and Promotor of innumerable businesses of the whole Clergy; who by reason of his great old age, was not present; but by Frier Askillus, his fellow Monk, he excused his absence with a most humble Letter, by the burden of his long old age; King. Bertulph himself remembring the former com­plaint of the Church of Croyland, openly related before the Council, the Injuries frequently done to the Lord Abbot Siward, and to his Monastery of Croyland, by the foolish fury of their Adversaries; and commanded that Remedy should be provided and Decreed by com­mon [Page 49] advice. When as therefore this business was in agi­tation amongst them, & Petitio Domini Siwardi, (the first Petition I meet with of this Nature to and in our Parliamentary Councils) and the Petition of the Lord Abbot Siward concerning the same, delivered by the foresaid Frier Askillus, had run from hand to hand of the Prelates and Nobles of the whole Council, and one advised one thing, another another: Lord Ceolnoth Archbishop of Canterbury cried out with a loud voice, that he was healed of his disease, and perfectly recovered by the me­rits of the most holy Confessor of Christ, most bles­sed Guthlac, whose businesses were then handling in their hands: likewise many other most potent men in the said Council cryed out, as well Prelates as Nobles, that they had been sick of that disease, but now by Gods Grace, and the merits of most holy Guthlac, they felt no pain in a­ny of their Members, through the said malady: And all of them presently bound their Consciences with a most strict vow, to visit the most sacred Tomb of most holy Guthlac at Croyland with devout pilgrimage, so soon as they could. Wherefore our Lord King Bertulf, commanded the Bishop of London (who was then accounted the best Notary, and most eloquent speaker, who being more­over touched with the same disease, now predicated, with greatest joy, that he was healed) to take the Privi­leges of Croyland into his hands, and that he should insist to honour his Physicitian S. Guthlac with his hand writing, prout consilium statueret, as the Council should ordain; which also was done; Therefore in the Subscriptions of the Kings Charter (afore-mentioned) the Archbishop of Canterbury, Ceolnoth, confesseth himself whole and sound: St. Swithin Bishop of Winchester, rejoyceth con­cerning Propos. 6. the Lords Miracles. Alstan Bishop of Sher­burn, and Orkenwald of Lichenfeld, give thanks for the successes of the Church; and Rethunus Bishop of Leice­ster, professeth himself a Servant to St. Guthlac so long as he lived: Unniversique Concilii Optimates. And [Page 50] all the Nobles of the Council, with a most ardent affection, yeelded obedience to the Kings benevolent affection towards St. Guthlac In all things.

From all which precedent passages in these two Coun­cils, it is apparent.

First, That the Parliamentary Councils of that Age, consisted only of the King, spiritual and tempo­ral Lords and Peers, without any Knights of Shires, or Burgesses, of which we find no mention in this, or any other former or succeeding Councils, in the Sax­ons times; though sometimes Wise-men of inferior quality, both of the Clergie and Laity, were particu­larly summoned to them, without any popular electi­on, by the Kings special direction, for their advice.

2ly. That all Divine and Ecclesiastical matters, touching God, Religion, and the Church, and all af­fairs of the Realm of publique concernment, relating to war or peace, were debated, consulted of, & setled in Parliamentary Councils. 3ly. That the businesses of God and the Church, were therein usually first deba­ted and setled, before the affairs of the kingdom, of which they ought to have precedency. 4ly. That all private grievances, injuries and oppressions done by the King, his Officers, or other private persons, to the Church, or other men, were usually complained of, and redressed in Parliamentary Councils, by the ad­vice and judgement of the King and Peers; and that either upon the parties Petition, setting forth his grievances, or a relation made thereof by the King, or some other Prelate or Nobleman, before the whole Council. 5ly. That what could not be redressed in one great Council, was in the next succeeding Coun­cil revived and redressed, according to the merits of the cause. 6ly. That no Peer nor Member of the great Coun­cil might absent himself in those times, but upon just and lawfull excuse, which he ought humbly to signifie to the King and Council by a special Messenger, and [Page 51] Letter, as Abbot Siward did here. 7ly. That all Mem­bers of the Council had free liberty of Debate and Vote, in all businesses complained of, or proposed to them; and a negative, as well as an affirmative voice. 8ly. That all businesses then were propounded and debated before all the Council, and resolved by them all, not in private Committees. 9ly. That our Kings in those days, in Cases of necessity, could not lawfully seise their subjects monies and plate against their wills, to raise Soldiers to resist invading fore in Enemies, but only borrow them by their free consents, and held them­selves bound to restore or recompence the monies lent or taken by them in such exigencies, with thankfull ac­knowledgment. 10. That our Kings in that age, could not grant away their Crown lands, create or inlarge San­ctuaries, or exempt any Abbies from Taxes and pub­lique payments, or impose any publique Taxes on their Subjects, but by Charters, or grants made and ra­tified in and by their great Councils.

Anno 854. Mat West. An. 854, 878. Mr. Seldens Hist. of Tithes ch. 8. p. 208, 209. Malms­bury de Gest. Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 2. Flo­rentius Wigor­niensis Anno 855. Ingulphi Hist. p. 862. Polychronicon, l. 5. c. 30. Hen. Huntindon, Hist. l. 5. p. 348, Ethelwerdi Hist. l. 3. c. 3, p. 841, Roger Hoveden Annal. pars prior, p. 413. Chronicon Johannis Bromton, col. 802. Ethelredus Abbas, de genealogiâ Regum Anglie, col. 351. Simeon Dunelm. de Gest. Reg. Angl. col. 121. Radulfus de Di­ceto. Abbrev. Chron. col. 450. Speeds. Hist. p. 377. Spelmanni Concil. p. 348. to 353. King Aethelulf gave the tenth part of An. 854. his Realm to God and his Saints, free from all secular ser­vices, exactions and Tributes, by this Charter, made and confirmed, by the advice and free assent of all the Bishops and Nobles throughout the Realm then assembled in a Great Council, to oppose the invading plundering Danes.

‘Regnante in perpetuum domino nostro Jesu Chri­sto, in nostris temporibus bellorum incendia, & di­reptiones opum nostrarum, & vastantium crudelissi­mas hostium barbarorum paganorumque gentium multiplices tribulationes, asfligentium usque ad in­ternecionem cernimus, tempota incumbere pericu­losa; Quamobrem ego Aethelulfus, Rex Occidentali­um Saxonum, cum Consilio Episcoporum, ac Prin­cipum [Page 52] meorum, Consilium salubre arque uniforme re­me iam assirmavi, ut aliquam portionem Terrae meae Deo & beatae Mariae & omnibus sanctis, Iure perpetuo Proposit. 1, 5, 6, 9. 10. possidendam concedam, Decimam scilicet partem terrae meae, ut sit tuta mu [...]eribus, et libera ab omni­bus servitiis secularibus, nec non Regalibus Tributis Majoribus et Minoribus, seu Taxationibus, quae nos Or Winterden as Ingulsus hath it. W [...]tereaden appellamus, Sitque omnium rerum libe­ra, pro remissione animarum & peccatorum meorum; ad serviendum soli Deo, sine expeditione, et pontis constructione, arcis munitione, ut eo diligentius pro nobis preces ad Deum sine cessatione fun­dant, quo eorum servitutem in aliquo levigamus.’

The Copies in our Historians vary in some expressi­ons, and in the date of this Charter, some placing it in Anno 855. others Anno 865. This Charter; as Ingul­phus records, was made at Winchester, Novemb. 3. Anno. 855. praesentibus & subscribentibus Archiepiscopis Angliae universis, nec non Burredo, Merciae, & Edmun­di East-Anglorum rege, Abbatum, & Abbatissarum Du­cum, Comitum, Procerumque totius terrae, aliorum (que) fidelium infinita multitudine. Dignitates vero sua nomi­na subscripserunt. After which, for a greater Confirma­tion the King offered the Written Charter up to God upon the Altar of St. Peter, where the Bishops recei­ved it, and after sent it into all their Diocesses to be pub­lished: and hereupon the Bishops of Sherburne and Winchester, with the Abbots and religious persons, on whom the said benefits were bestowed, decreed, That on every Wednesday, in every Church, all the Fri­ers and Nuns should sing 50 Psalms, and every Priest 2 Masses; one for the King, and an other for his Captains. It is observable, first, That the Parliamentary Coun­cil wherein this Charter was made and ratified by common consent, and this exemption and tenth gran­ted, was principally called to resist the invading plunde­ring Danes. 2ly. That this King and Council, in those [Page 53] times of Invasion and necessity, were so far from taking away the Lands and Tithes of the Church, for defence of the Realm, or from imposing new unusual Taxes and Contributions on the Clergy for that end, that they granted them more Lands and Tithes than for­merly, and exempted them from all former ordinary Taxes and Contributions, that they might more cheer­fully and frequently pour forth prayers to God for them, as the best means of defence and security, against these forein invading enemies.

History of Tithes. ch. 8. p. 208, 209. Mr. Selden recites another Charter of this King of the same year (different from it in month and place) out of the Chartularies of Abbington Abbey, to the same effect, made by Parliamentary consent of that time, & per consilium salubre cum Episcopis, Comitibus, ac cun­ctis Optimatibus meis, which Charter is subscribed by this King and his two Sons, with some Bishops and Ab­bots; ratified with their signs of the Cross, and this an­nexed curse, Si quis ver ò minuere vel mutare nostram donationem praesumpserit, noscat se ante tribunal Christi redditurum rationem, nisi prius satisfactione emendaverit, usual in such Charters.

Aftet See Mal­mesbury, Hun­tindon, Hove­den, Matthew Westm. Ethel­werdus, Sime­on Dunelmen­sis, Wigornien­sis, Speed, Po­lychron. Fabi­an, Holinshed, Grafton, and others in his life. which, this King going to Rome, carried Alfred his youngest Son thither with him (whom he most loved) to be educated by Pope Leo; where con­tinuing a year, he caused him to be crowned King by the Pope, and returning into his Country married Judith, the King of France his Daughter, bringing Alfred and her with him into England. In the Kings absence in forein parts, Alstan Bishop of Sherburne, Eandulfe Earl of Somerset, and certain other Nobles making a Con­spiracie with Ethelbald the Kings eldest Son, conclu­ded, he should never be received into the Kingdom, upon his return from Rome, for two Causes: One, for that he had caused his youngest son Alfred, to be crowned King at Rome, excluding thereby, as it were, his eldest Son, and others from the Right of the Kingdom. Another, for that [Page 54] contemning all the women of England, he had married the Daughter of the King of France, an alien et contra mo­rem et Statuta Regum West-Saxonum, and against the use and Statutes of the Kings of the West-Saxons, called Ju [...]ith, (the King of France his Daughter, whom he lately espoused) Queen, and caused her to sit by his side at the Ta­ble, as he east [...]d; For the West-Saxons permitted not the KingsWife to sit by the King at the Table, nor yet to be cal­ed Queen, but the Kings Wife: Mat. West. An. 802, 854. Huntindon, Hoveden, Bromton, Speed, Holin­sh [...]d, Asser. Flor. Wigorn. Raduls. de Di­ceto. Simeon Dunelm. Polycbronicon, Fabian, Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour, part. 1. c. 6. p. 116, 117, 118. See here p. 35. Which Infamy arose from Eadburga, Daughter of King Offa, Queen of the same Nation, who destroyed her Husband King Brith­r [...]ic with poison, and sitting by the King, was wont to accuse all the Nobles of the Realm to him, who thereupon de­prived them of l [...]fe or banished them the Realm; & whom she could not accuse [...] she used to kill with poison: Therefore, for this mis-doing of the Queen; they all conjured and swore, that they would never permit a King to reign over them who should be guilty in the premi­ses: Whereupon King Aethelulfe returning peaceably from Rome, his Son Aethelbald, with his Complices, attempted to bring their conceived wickedness to effect, in excluding him from his own Realm and Crown. But Al­mighty God would not permit it; for lest peradventure a more than civil war should arise between the Father and the Son, the Conspiracie of all the Bishops and No­bles ceased, though the King Clemency, who divided the Kingdom of the West-Saxons (formerly undivided) with his Son, so that the East part of the Realm should go Proposit. 2, 4, 7, 8, 10. to his Son Ethelbald, and the West-part remain to the Father. And when tota Regni Nobiliras, all the Nobility of the Realm, and the whole Nation of the West-Saxons, would have fought for the King, thrust his Son (Ethelbald) from the right of the Kingdom, and ba [...]ished him and his Complices out of the Realm, qui tantum facinus perpetrare ausi sunt, & Regem à regno proprio repellerent (which Wigorniensis, Anno 855. [...]iles Facinus, et inauditum omnibus saeculis ante in­fortunium) if the Father would have permitted them to do [Page 55] it. He out of the nobleness of his mind, satisfied his Sons desire; so that where the Father ought to have reign­ed by the just judgement of God, there the obstinate and wicked Son reigned. This King Matthew VVestm. An. 857. Speeds Hist. p. 376, 377. Chron. Jo. Bromton, col. 820. and the rest [...]oreci­ted. Aethelulfe before the death of Egbert his father, was ordained Bishop of Win­chester, but his Father dying, he was made King by the Prelates. Nobles, and People, much against his will, cum non esset alius de Regio genere qui regnare de­buisset, because there was none other of the Royal Race who ought to reign: Haeredibus aliis deficientibus, post­modum necessitate compulsus, gubernacula Regni in se suscepit, as Bromton and others expresse it.

At his death (Anno 857.) he did by his will (lest his Anno 857. Sons should fall out between themselves after his decease) give the kingdom of Kent, with Sussex and Essex, to Ethelbert his second son, and left the kingdom of the West-Saxons to his eldest son Aethelbald; then he de­vised certain sums of Money to his Daughter, Kindred, Nobles, and a constant annuity for ever, for meat, d [...]ink, and cloths to one poor man or pilgrim, out of every 10 Hides of his Land, & 300 marks of mony to be sent yearly to Rome, to be spent there in Oyl for Lamps, & Almes: which sums I never find paid by his Successors, as he prescribed by his Will and Charter too, because not confirmed by his great Parliamentary Councils, of Prelates and Nobles, as his forcited Charter, and Radulph. de Diceto Ab­breviationes Chron. col. 450. Chron. Johan. Brom. col. 802, 806. Polychron. l. 5 [...]. c. 30. Peter-pence (likewise grant­ed by him) were; upon this occasion (as some record) that he being in Rome, and seeing there outlawed men doing penance in bonds of Iron, purchased of the Pope, that Englishmen after that time should never out of their Country, do penance in Bonds.

About the year of our Lord 867. Chron. Jo. Bromton, col. 803. Speeds History. Osbrith King of Northumberland (as Bromton records) residing at York, Anno 867. as he returned from hunting, went into the house of one of his Nobles called Bruern Bocard; to eat; who was then gone to the Sea-coasts, to defend it & the Ports against Theeves and Pirates, as he was accustomed; His Lady [Page 56] being extraordinarily beautifull, entertained him very honorably at dinner; The K. enamored with her beau­ty, after dinner taking her by the hand, leads her into her Chamber, saying he would speak with her in private; and there violently ravished her against her will: which done he presently returned to York, but the La­dy abode at her house, weeping and lamenting the deeds of the King; whereby she lost her former colour and beauty. Her Husband returning, and finding her in this sad condition, inquired the cause thereof; wherewith she fully acquainting him; he thereupon cheered her up with comfortable words, saying, that he would not love her the lesse for it, since her weakness was unable to resist the Kings power; and vowed by Gods assi­stance, speedily to avenge himself & her of the King, for this indignity. Where upon, being a Noble and very po­tent man, of great Parentage, he called all his kins­men, and the chief Nobles of his Familie to him, with all speed, and acquainted them with this dishonour done to him by the king, saying, he would by all means be avenged thereof; and by their Counsel and Consent, they went all together to York, to the king, who when he saw Bruern called him courteously to him; But he, guarded with his kinred and friends, presently defying the King, resigned up to him his Homage; Fealty, Lands, and what ever he held of him, saying, that he would never hold any thing of him hereafter as of his Lord: And so without more words, or greater stay, instantly depar­ted, and taking leave of his friends, went speedily in­to Denmark, and complained to Codrinus king there­of, of the Indignity done by King Osbrith to him and his Lady, imploring his aid and assistance, speedily to revenge it, he being extracted out of his Royal blood. The king and Danes hereupon, being exceeding glad that they had this inducing cause to invade England, pre­sently gathered together a great Army to revenge this Injury done to Bruern, being of his Blood, appointing his [Page 57] two Brothers, Inguar and Hubba most valiant Souldi­ers, to be their Generals; who providing Ships and o­ther Necessaries, transported an innumerable Army into England, and landed them in the Nothern parts; This being the true Cause why the Danes at this time invaded England in this manner. In the mean time, the Parents, kindred, and Friends of Bruern, expelled and rejected King Osbrith, for this Injury done to him and his Lady, r [...]fusing to hold their Lands of, or to obey him Proposition 8. any longer as their Soveraign, and advanced one Ella to be King, though none of the Royal bloud. Our other Florent. Wigorn. Mat. Westm. Anno 867 Sim. Du­nelm. Hist. de Dunelm. Eccl. c. 6. Huntingd. Hist. l. 5. p. 349. Roger, Hoven­den, An. pars prior, p. 415. Ethelwerdi Hist. l. 4. c. z. p. 842. Poly­chron. l. 5. c. 32. Hist. de Sancto Cuthberto col. 70. Sim. Du­nelm. de gest. Reg. Ang. col. 123, 142. Tho. Stubs. A­ctus Pontif. Ebor. col. 1608 Speeds Hist. p. 248. See Hol­linshed, Fabian and Grafton. Historians, who mention not this fact of Osbrith, and occasion of these Danes arival to revenge it, write, that the Danes upon their Landing marched to the Ci­ty of York, wasting all the Country before them with fire and Sword unto Tinmouth. At that time (they write) by the Devilsinstinct, there was a very great discord raised between the Northumberlanders, Sicut semper populo qui odium incurrerit evenire solet: For the Northumberlanders at that time had expelled their lawfull King Osbrith out of the Realm, and advanced one Ella, a Tyrant, not of the Royal bloud, to the Regal Soveraignty of the Kingdom: By reason of which division, the Danes taking York, ran up and down the Country filling all places with bloud and Grief, wasting and burning all the Churches and Monaste­ries far and near, leaving nothing standing but the Walls and ruines of them, pillaging, depopulating, and laying waste the whole Country. In which great necessity and distress the Northumberlanders reconciling their two Kings, Osbrith and Ella, one to another, gathered a great Army together against the Danes; which their two Kings and eight Earls marched with to York; where after a long fight, with various success, both the said Kings with most of the Northumberlanders were all slain, April 11. Anno. 867. The City of York consumed with fire, and the whole Kingdom made tributarie to the Danes: Hist. de Dunelm. Eccles. c. 6. col. 14. & Hist. de Sancto Cuthberto col. 70. Simeon Dunelmensis relates, that both [Page 58] these kings had violently & sacrilegiously taken away cer­tain Lands from S. Cuthberts Church in Durham for Os­brit Proposit. 3, 4. had by a sacrilegious attempt taken away Wirce wood and Tillemouth; and Ella, Billingham, Heclif and Wigeclif & Creca from S. Cuthbert: tandem cum maxi­mâ parte suorum ambo praefati Reges occubuerunt, & In­jurias quas Ecclesiae sancti Cuthberti aliquando irrogave­rant, vitâ privati, & regno persolverurt; Which the Author of the History of St. Cuthbert, observes and re­cords more largely, as a punishment of their sacrile­gious Rapine: The Danes hereupon made Egbert king of Northumberland, as a Tributary and Viceroy un­der them: Sic Northumbria bellico jure obtenta barbaro­rum dominium multo post tempore pro conscientiâ liber­tatis Ingemuit, writes Malmesbury de Gestis Regum Angliae, l. 2. c. 3. p. 42.

These rebellious Northumberlanders about 7 years after, uno conspirantes consilio, expelled Egbert the Realm by unanimous consent, together with Archbishop Wilfer, Proposit. 8. making one Richius King in his Place; the Danes both then and long after possessing and wasting their Coun­try, and slaughtering them with fire and sword (as the See [c] be­fore p. 57. Marginal Historians record) more then any other parts of the Iland, by a just divine punishment for their manifold Treasons, Seditions, Factions, Rebellions against, and Murders of their Soveraigns.

In the year Sim. Dunel. Hist. de Gest. Reg. Ang. cal. 123, 124, 146. Mat. VVestm. & Florentius VVigorn. An. 868, 869. H­thelwerdi Hist. l. 4. c. 2. Huntingd. Hist. l. 5. p. 349. Hoveden Annal. pars 1. p. 416. Ingulph. Hist. p. 863, 864. Chron. Job. Bromtom. col. 807. Palych. l. 5. 6. 32. Fabi [...], Holinshed, Grafton, Speed in the life of Be [...]rced and [...]thelred. 868. a great Army of these vi­ctorious plundering Danes, marched out of the King­dome Anno 868. of Northumberland to Nottingham, which they took, and there wintered; Whereupon Beorred (or Brithred) King of Mercians, Onmesque ejusdem gentis Optimates, and all the Nobles of that Nation as­sembled together, Where the King, Consilium habu­it cum suis Comitibus, & comilitonibus, & omni po­pulo [Page 59] sibi subjecto, Quasitèr inimicos bellicâ virtute exuperaret, sive de Regno expelleret; held a Council with his Earls and fellow Souldiers, and all the people sub­ject to him, how he might vanquish these Enemies with mi­litary power, or drive them out of the Realm: By whose advice, he sent Messengers to Ethelred King of the Proposit. 5, 6, 9, West-Saxons, and to his Brother Elfrid, humbly re­questing them, that they would assist and joyn with him against the Danish Army; which they easily condescen­ing to, gathered a very great Army together out of all parts, and joyning all together with Beorred and his forces, marched to Nottingham, unanimously, with a a resolution to give the Danes battel; who sheltering themselves under the works of the Castle and Town, refused to fight with them; whereupon they besieged them in the Town, but being unable to break the Walls, they concluded a Peace at last with the Danes, upon condition, that they should relinquish the Town, and march back again into Northumberland, which they did; where their Army continued the whole year following, in & about York, debacchans & insaniens, oc­cidens & perdons perplurimos viras & muli [...]res.

Hist. p. 863. 864. Abbot Ingulphus records; that during the siege of Nottingham, King Beorred, (as he stiles him) at the re­quest of Earl Algar the younger (who was very gracious with him and the other Kings causâ suae nobilis militiae) granted a Charter of Confirmation, not only of all the Lands, Advowsons, Possessions, which this Earl, with Proposit. 10, 1. other particular persons and Kings had given to the Abby of Croyland, but likewise of all their former Privileges, confirming all their Ilands, Marishes, Churches, Chapels, Mannors, Mansions, Cottages, Woods, Lands, Meadows, (therein specified) to God and Saint Guthlae for ever, Libera & Soluta, & emancipata ab omni onere terreno, & servitio seculari, in Eleemo­fynam aeternam perpetuo possidendam. Which Char­ter hath this memorable exordium, expressing the mo­tives [Page 60] inducing this King to grant it.

Beorredus largiente Dei gratiâ Rex Merc [...]orum, om­nibus provinciis, & populis earum universam Mer­ciam inhabitantibus, & fidem Catholicam conser­vantibus salutem sempiternam, in Domino nostro. Jesu Christo. Quoniam peccatis nostris exigentibus, manum Domini super nos extensum, quotidiè cum virgâ ferreâ cernimus cervicibus nostris imminere, Necessarium nobis & salubre arbitror, piis sanctae matris ecclesiae precibus Eleemosynarumque liberis largitionibus iratum Dominum placatum reddere, et dignis devotionibus ejus gratiam in nostris necessita­tibus auxiliariam implorare, Ideoque et ad petitionem strenui Comitis, mihi meritoque dilectissimi, concessi regio Chirographo meo Theodoro Abbati Croyland, Tam donum dicti Comitis Algari, quam dona aliorum fi­delium praeterit orum ac praesentium, &c. And it concludes thus. Istud Regium Chirographum meum, Anno Incarnationis Domini nostri Jesu Christi, 868. Calendis Augusti apud Snothingham coram fratribus, & amicis, & omni populo meo in obsidione Paga­norum congregatis, sanctae crucis munimine confir­mavi,’ Then follow the subscriptions and confirmati­ons of Ceolnoth Archbishop of Canterbury, 5. Bishops, 3. Abbots, Ethelred king of West-Saxons, and Alfred his Brother, Edmund kingof East-Angle, 2 Dukes, and twelve Earls, who all ratified this Charter.

After which Charter confirmed, this king Beorred renders special thanks to all his Army, for their assistance against the Danes, especially to the Bishops, Abbots, and other inferior Ecclesiastical Persons, for their voluntary assistance of him in those wars against these Enemies, nor­withstanding his Fathers exemption of them by his Char­ter from all military expeditions and secular services: thus recorded by Hist. p. 864, 865. Ingulphus, and most worthy ob­servation.

‘Ego Beorredus Rex Merciorum, Intimo animi af­fectu, [Page 61] totisque praecordiis gratias exolvo specia­les, omni exercitui meo; maximè tamen Viris Ec­clesiasticis, Episcopis & Abbatibus, aliis etiam in­ferioribus status & dignitatis. Qui licèt piis­simae Proposit. 1, 3, 8. memoriae, Rex quondam Ethelwulfus pater mens, per sacratissimam Chartam suam, ab omni ex­peditione militari vos liberos reddiderit, & ab omni servitio saeculari penitus absolutos [...]; dignissimâ ta­men miseratione super oppressiones Christianae ple­bis Ecclesiarumque, & Monasteriorum destructic­nes luctuosas, benignissimè compassi, contra nefan­dissimos Paganos in exercitum domini prompti & spontanei convenistis, ut tanquam Martyres, Chri­sti cultus sanguine vestro augeatur, & barbarorum superstitiosa crudelitas effugetur.’

From these last Passages, it is apparent: first, That in those days our Saxon Kings made War and Peace by the advice and consent of their Nobles and Parliamen­tary great Councils. 2ly. That in cases of common in­vasion and danger by forein Enemies, all the for­ces raised, and ways and means to resist them, were concluded on by advice and consent of these great Councils, and not by the kings absolute power. 3ly. That all, or most Church-men and their Church-lands, in those days, were absolutely freed and discharged from all military, expeditions, Contributions, Aids and Assistance against Enemies, by express Charters, but only such as themselves voluntarily and freely contri­buted in cases of incumbent great Danger and Necessi­ty, without compulsion; for which their kings ren­dred them special and hearty thanks; acknowledging and confirming these their Immunities, not violating them upon such Necessities, as this Notable passage of Ingulphus attests, together with that of Pag. 312. & Malmesb. Mat. West. An. 867. Concerning Alstan Bishop of Sherborne, 2 [Page 62] a man of very great Power and Counsel in the Realm: Contra Danos quoque quitunc primò insulam infestabam, Regis Aethelulfi saevitiam exacuit; Ipse ex fisco pecuni­am accipiens, ipse excercitum componens, Martiis felix eventibus contra hostes bella plurima constanter Proposit. 1. 3. peregit: receiving Mony out of the Kings Exchequer (not the Peoples Purses or Conrributions) to manage these Wars and not warring on his own expences. 4ly. That the Nobles, Gentry, and People of the Realm, were the only standing Militia in that Age, to defend it against forein Enemies in times of danger or actual invasion; when they marched out of their own Coun­ties against them, voluntarily and freely adventuring their lives for defence of their King, Country, Religi­on, Liberties, Properties; as they did at this siege of Nottingham, and during all the long-lasting Danish Wars, Invasions, and Depredations both by Land and Sea. 5ly. That our Christian Kings, Nobles, and great Councils of those days, in times of greatest danger, Invasion and Wars, held it most seasonable and neces­sary to confirm and enlarge the Churches Patrimony, Liberties, and Privileges, thereby to stir up their Clergy-men more earnestly to assist them with their Prayers; not to diminish, invade or infringe them, un­der An. 870. pretext of Real inevitable necessity and danger (the practice of late and present times) Whereupon they granted and, confirmed this forecited Charter in the very Armi [...] during the siege of Notingham, be­fore all the Kings, Princes, Prelates, Dukes, Earls, and people there present.

Ingulphi Hist. p. 865 to 869, Mat. Westm. Wigorn. Huntingd. Ho­veden, Brom. Radulf. de Di­ceto. Sim. Du­nel. Polychron. Fabian, Graf­t [...]n, Holinshed, Speed, Ethel­werdus in the life of Ethol­red and an. 870. In the year 870. Inguar and Hubba, with the rest of the Danes comming into Kesteven in Lineoln-shire, wasting and slaying all the Country with fire and sword, thereupon Earl Algarus, Osgot Sheriff of Lincoln, and all the Gentry and People in those parts, with the Band of the Abby of Croyland ( [...]nder the Command of [...] a Monk, formerly a Souldier) consisting of 200 stout [Page 63] men, (most of them Fugitives thither for Sanctuary) uniting all their forces together in Kesteven, on the Feast of St. Maurice, fought with the Danes, and slew 3 of their Kings, with a great multitude of their for­ces. That night the other Danish Kings (dispersed abroad to pillage the Country) wirh a great booty & many cap­tains, coming to the tents of their routed Companions, with a numerous Army, were inraged with the slaugh­ter of their Confederates, in their absence: Whereup­on most of the English secretly fled away from the Earl and their Captains in the night through fear: who early in the morning having heard divine Offices, and recei­ving the Sacrament, resolved not to retreat, but manfully to fight with the Danes (though not above 700 to their many thousands) being most ready to die for the defence of the faith of Christ and of their Country: Whereupon the Danes assailing them with great mul­titudes and fury, they all standing and fighting close together, valiantly susteined their assaults from morning till evening, without giving ground. Upon which the Danes to sever them, purposely feigned a Flight, and began to leave the Field: Hereupon the English, contrary to the commands of their Captains, dissolving their Ranks, and dispersing themselves to pursue the Danes, they suddenly returned and slew most of the English, who fought gallantly with them to the last gasp, some few of them only escaping; After which the Danes marching to the Abby of Croyland, put the Abbot with all the Monks and Persons they there found (one Child excepted) to the Sword, after they had extremely tortured them to discover where their Trea­sures were; broke up all the Tombs, pillaged and burnt the Abby, with all the Edifices thereof, leaving it a mee [...] ruinous heap; then marching on, laying all the Country waste before them with fire and Sword, spa­ring neither person, age, nor sex, they cast down, burnt, destroyed, and levelled to the Ground the goodly [Page 64] Monasteries of Bradney, Peterborough, Huntingaon, E­ly, with sundry others, murthering as well all the Monks as Nuns therein, which their merciless Swords, after they had first polluted them. To avoid whose barbarous rape, Mat. VVestm. An. 870. p. 313. Speeds Hist. p. 383. Ebba Abbess of Coldingham and her Nuns (by her example and perswasion) cut off their upper Lips, and Noses, to deform themselves to their lasci­vious eyes; which bloody Spectable preserved their Chastity from their Lust; but not their Monasterie or bodies from their Cruelty, they burning them and their Nunnery to Ashes. Anno 870.

After which, the same year Inguar and Hubba mar­ched (n) Mat. VVestm. Anno 855. 870. VVil. Malm, de gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 3. v. 13. Hunt. Hist. l. 5. p. 349. Hov. Annal. pars 1. p. 416. Ethel. Hist. l. 3. c. 1. Chron. Jo. Bromton. col. 745, 754. 804, 805, 806. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. de Eccl. Dunelm. l. 2. c. 6. et de gest. Reg. Ang. col. 124, 143. Po­lychron. l. 5. c. 42. Fab. Grast. Hollinshed, Caxton, Spced in the life of St. Edmund. Fox Acts and Munuments vol. 1. p. 140. Proposit. 2. 4. against St. Edmund, who in the year 855. was chosen King of the East Saxons Ab omnibus Regionis illius magnatibus et (populis, by all the Nobles and People of that Realm (being sprung from the antient Royal blood of the Saxons) and compelled to take the Government on him much against his will, being then but 13 years old, and consecrated King by Bishop Humbert in the Royal Town called Bury. The reason of their malice to this King, (as some of our Historians write) was this, that he was maliciously accused to have murthered their Father Lothbroc, driven by a sudden storm in a small boat into England as he was hawking at Fowl, by this Kings Faulkoner: who ha­ving murthered himself out of meer malice, was by judgement of the Knights and Lawyers banished the Realm, and put alone into Lothbrocs Boat, without Oare or Sails for murthering him, and so sent to Sea; being driven in it into Denmark, to excuse himself, he maliciouslie accused the King of this Murther, to these his Sons; Who thereupon invaded England with an Army to revenge their Fathers death. And the Reason why they at this time so ex­traordinarily prevailed, aud over-run the Land, was The Civil Discords, Wars, and Emutations amongst the Saxon kings; who either out of Malice or Ambition to advance their own Dominion, or base unworthy [Page 65] fears, would rather induce these common Enemies to over-run them, than assist one another against them; which De gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 3. p. 42. William of Malmesburie thus expresseth. Me­minerit interea lector, quod interim Reges Merciorum et Northanimbrorum, captata occasione adventus Dano­rum, quorum bellis Ethelredus insudabat, a servitio West-Saxonum respirantes, domina [...]ionem suam penè asseruerant. Ardebant ergo cunctae saevis popularibus provinciae, unusquisque Regum inimicos magis in suis sedibus sustinere, quam compatriotis Laborantibus o­pem porrigere curabat: Ita dum maluit ivindicare, quam praevenire injuriam, socordiâ suâ exanguem red­diderunt Patriam. Dani sine obstaculo succressere; dum et provincialibus timor incresceret, et proxima quae (que) victoria per additamentum Capti [...]orum, instru­mentum sequentis fieret, &c. Northanimbri jamdudum civilibus dissentionibus fluctuantes, adventante hoste correxerunt discordiam. Itaque Osbirthum Regem quem expulerant, in solium reformantes, magnosque mo­liti paratus, obviam procedunt; sed facilè pulsi, infra Urbem Eboracum se includunt: quâ mox à victoribus succensâ, cum laxos crines effusior flamma produceret, tota depascens maenia, ipsi quo (que) conflagrati, patriam ossibus texêre suis, Mercii non semel obtriti, obsidatu miserias suas levaverunt. At vero Ethelredus multis laboribus infractus obiit: Orientalium Anglorum pagi, cum ur­bibus et vicis à praedonibus possessi; Rex eorum sanctus Edmundus, ab eisdem interemptust Anno Dominicae In­carnationis 870. 12 Calendas Decembris, temporaneae mor­tis compendio regnum emit aeternum.

The manner of King Edmunds Martyrdom See those forecited at Histo­rians (m) and Cat­grave, Su [...]ius, and Ribadeni­era, Antonius in the life of St. Edmund, Malm. De Ge­stis Reg. l. 2. c. 3. thus relate. An. 870. Hinguar King of the Danes invading King Edmunds Realm with a great Power sent a Messenger to King Edmund to demand the half of his Treasure and Wealth, and that he should hold his Realm under him; threatning otherwise to waste his Kingdom and extirpate him and his People. Sed nimis fraudulen­tèr [Page 66] Hinguar thesauros exigebat, qui Clementissimi Regis caput potius quam pecunias sitiebat, writes An. 870. p. 370. Matthew Westminster. Whereupon Bishop Hum­bert advising him to fly from the Danes (who approach­ed with their forces towards him) to save his life, The King wished; Would to God that I might preserve the lives of my Subjects, for whom I desire to lay down my life; for this is my chiefest wish, that I may not survive my faithfull Subjects, and most dear friends, which this Cru­el Pirate hath theevishly slain; neither will I stain my glory by fl [...]ght, who never yet sustained the reproaches of Wa [...]re. The Heavenly King also is my Witness, that no fear of the Barbarians shall separate me from the Love of Christ, whether living or dead. Then turning to the Messenger of Hinguar, he said, Thou art worthy to suffer the punishment of death, being wet with the blood of my people; But imitating the example of my Christ, If it should so happen, I am not afraid wil­lingly to die for them; Return therefore speedily to thy Master, and carry my answers to him: Although thou takest away my Treasures and riches which the Divine Cle­mency hath given me, by thy power; yet thou shalt never subject me to thy infidelity: for it is an honest thing to de­fend perpetual liberty, together with purity of Reli­gion fo [...] which also, if there be need, we think it not un­profitable to die: Therefore, as thy proud cruelty hath begun, after the servants slaughter cut thou the Kings throat; because the King of Kings seeing these things, will translate Proposit. 8. me into Heaven, there to reign eternally. The Messen­ger departing, the King commanded his Souldiers to run to their Arms, affirming, that it was a worthy thing to fight both for their Faith and Country [...]est Nota. they should prove deserters of their Realm, and betray­ers of the people. And being incouraged by Bishop Humbert, his Nobles, and fellow Souldiers, he march­ed against the Enemy, and near Thedford fought a bloody battel with the Danes, from morning to night, [Page 67] the place being all dyed red with the blood of the slain. At which grievous sight King Edmund was much grieved, not only for the great slaughter of his own Souldiers fight­ing for their Country & native liberty, & the faith of Jesus Christ, & so already Crouned with Martyrdome: But likewise for the death of the Barbarous Infidels, sent down to Hell in great numbers; which he overmuch lamented. After which battel, retiring to Hegels­dun with his forces that were left, he immutably re­solved in his mind, never to fight battel w [...]th the Enemies more, saying only this; that it was necessary that he a­lone should die for the People, and not the whole Na­tion perish. Soon after Hinguars Army being recru­ted by the access of Hubba to him, with ten thousand men, he marched to Hegelsdun, and surrounded it, that none might escape thence; Whereupon King Edmund flying to the Church, and casting down his temporal Armes, humbly prayed the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost to give him constancy in his passion: Then the Danish Souldiers seising on him, brought him from the Church before Hinguar, by whose command he was tyed to a tree hard by, cruelly whipped a long time, then shot through with Darts, wherewith his Body was stuck full; after which, being taken from the tree, his Head was cut off from his Body, with a bloody sword by the Barbarous Executioner appointed for that purpose; and so he died a most glorious Martyr for his Kingdom, Country, Subjects, and Religion: to whose memory a famous Monastery was after built; Of which William of Malmesbury de Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 13. p. 89. gives this Relation; ‘Quibus Artibus Edmundus ita sibi omnis Britanniae devinxit incolas, ut beatum se in primis astruat, qui Coenobium illius, vel nummo vel valenti illustraret. Ipsi quoque Reges aliorum Domini, servos se illius gloriantur, & coronam ei re­giam missitant, magno si uti volunt redimentes com­mercio. Exactores vectigalium qui alibi Bacchan­tur [Page 73] fas nefasque juxta metientes ibi supplices, ci­tra Proposit. 1. [...]ossa um sancti E [...]mundi, litigationes sistunt, ex­perti multorum paenam, qui perseverandum puta­runt; which I wish our Tax-Exactors, and Excisers would now remember.

Whiles the Danes were thus wasting the Kingdoms of Northumberland and the East-Saxons with Fier and Anno 870. Sword, and martyring King Edmund [x] Beorred king [r] Ingul phi Hi [...]t. p. 868, 869, 911. of Mercians was busied in warring against the Britains, who infested the Western parts of his Realm: But hearing the Danes had invaded the Eastern part of his Kingdom, he came to London, and gathering a great Army together, marching with it through the Eastern quarters of his Realm, he applyed the whole Isle of Ely to his Exchequor, taking into his hands all the lands formerly belonging to the Monastery of Medehamsted, lying between Proposit. 1, 4. Stamford, Huntindon and Wisebeck, assigning the Lands more remote, lying scattered through the Country, to his Souldiers. The like he did with the Lands of the Monastery of St. Pega of Rikirk; retaining certain of them to himself, and giving some of them to his Souldiers. And the like did he with the Lands of all other Mona­steries, destroyed totally by the Danes: whose Lands by Law 7 E. 4. 11, 12. Brook Escheat 19. esch [...]ated to the Crown, and those Lords, whose predecestors founde [...] and endowed them, by the slaughter and chasing away of all the Monks & Nuns & burning of the Monasteries; whose Lands thereupon were resumed and confiscated to the Kings Exche­quer: Et cum caetera Monasteria per Danorum ferocita­tem funditus destructa, Regali fisco fuerant ascripta, denuo et assumpta, omnibus Monachis eorum neca­tis, perditis, seu penitus fugatis, as Ingulphus in­forms us of the Reason; yet many of the Monks of Croyland escaping the Danes fury, and returning soon after thither again, electing a new Abbot, and repair­ing their Monastery by degrees, as well as that exi­gency would permit, thereupon they enjoyed the sight [Page] of the whole Abby, and the Isle of Croyland, with the self same Liberties and Privileges they had from the be­ginning, dischardged from all secular services, during all the time of this their desolation, & the Danish wars, till the time of its restoration; & after that till Ingulphus time, as he records. Notwithstanding, because many of the Monks were slain, and the Abby burnt down & demolish­ed by the Danes, King Beorred thereupon seised some of their lands into his own hands, & gave other of their Lands more remote from the Abby to his stipendiary Soldiers.

And although venerable Abbot Godric, took very much paines, frequently demanding restitution of them both from King Beorred & his Souldiers, and very often shewed the Charters of the Donors, & the confirmations of former Kings, together with, his own proper Charter, to this Kings, yet he received always nothing but empty words, from & him them: whereupon he at last utterly despaired of their restitution. Perceiving therefore the overmuch malice of the times, et Militiam Are not the Souldiers now sick of the same disease. Regis Terrarum cupidissimam, and the Kings Militia, and Soldiers most covetous of Lands, he resolved with himself in conclusion to passe by these Royal Donations Surdo Tempore, in a deaf time; being over-glad & re­joycing, that the Kings grace had granted the whole Island lying round about the Monastery unto it, free and dischar­ged from all Regal exactions, much more specially to him then at that time, which had not happened to many other Monasteries. There departed therefore at that time from the Monastery of Croyland these possessions which never retur­ned to this present day: The Mannor of Spalding given to Earl Adelwulfe, with all its appurtinances: The Mannor of Deeping given to Langfer a Knight, (or Souldier) and Propos. 4. the Kings Baker, with all its appurtenances; The Mannor of Croxton given to Fernod a Knight (or Souldier) the Kings Ensign-bearer, with all its appurtenances; The Mannors of Kerketon and Kimerby in Lindesy, with all their appurtenances, given to Earl Turgot; but Bukenhale and Halington, then appropriated to the Exchequer, [Page 70] were afterwards restored to the said Monastery by the In­dustry of Turketulus Abbot of Croyland; and the gift of most pious King Edred, the Restorer of them with 12 other Mannors (named by Ingulf.) belonging to Croyland; quas Rex Beorredus Fisco suo assumserat, Which King Beorred had then assumed in his Exchequor. After which K. Beorred passing with his Army into Lindesey, Latissimas Terras Monisterio Bardney (totally ruined by the Danes) Du­dum Pertinentes Fisco suo accepit, remotas vero in diversis patriis divisas jacentes, Militibus suis dedit. But mark the issue. At last Mattew Westm. Floren. VVigorn. An. 874. p. 313. Chron. Joh. Bromt. col. 779, 810. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. de Gest. Reg. Ang. col. 127. VVil. Malm. de Gest. Reg. l. 1. c. 4. p. 33. Huntin. Hist. l. 5. p. 349. Hove­den Annal. pars prior, p. 417. Speeds Hist. p. 256. the Danes returning into Mercia Anno 874. wasting and spoiling all the Country with fire and sword, and destroying all Churches and Monasteries, King Beorred, when he beheld all the Land of England, in every corner thereof, wasted with the slaughters and ra­pines of these Barbarians, vel de victoriâ desperans, vel tot laborum Labyrinthum fastidiens, either despairing of victory, or loathing the labyrinth of so many troubles, left the Kingdom, and went to Rome, where he died few days after, and was there buried in the English School, and his Wife following after him, died in her way to Rome; Some write, he was driven out of his kingdom by the Danes.

Hereupon the Ingulphi Hist. p. 869, 870. Florent. VVigorn. An. 874. p. 313. Chron. Joh. Bromt. col. 810. Simeon Dunelm. de Gest. Reg. Ang. col. 127. VVil. Malmesbury de Gest. Reg. l. 1. c. 4. p. 33. Huntind. Hist. l. 5. p. 349. Hoveden Annal. pars prior p. 417. Danes, Anno 874. substituted Anno 874. in his place in the Realm of Mercia, one Ceolwulfus, a servant of King Beorreds, an Eglishman by Nation, sed Barbarus impietate; but a Barbarian in impiety. For he swore fealty, and gave pledges to the Danes, Quod tri­buta imposita eis fidelitèr persolveret, that he would faithfully pay unto them the Tributes they imposed, and that whensoever they would redemand the Kingdom committed to him, He would resign it without any Resistance, under pain of losing his Head. Whereupon he (as Ingulphus records) going round about the Land, paucos Rusticos relictos excoriavit, Mercatores absorbuit, Viduas & Orphanos oppressit, religiosos omnes tanquam con­scios thesaurorum innumeris tormentis afflixit; plucked off the Skins of the few Countrymen that were left; swallowed [Page 71] up the Merchants, oppressed the Widows and Or­phans, and afflicted all Religious Persons, as con­scious Proposit. 1. 4. of hidden Treasures, with innumerable tor­ments: whence amongst very many evils he did, Impo­posing a Ttibute of a thousand pounds upon Godric, the venerable Abbot of Croyland, and his miserable Freers, he almost undid the Monastery of Croyland. ‘For no man after that, by reason of the overmuch Poverty of the place, would come to conversion; Yea Abbot Go­dric being unable to sustain his professed Monks, disper­sed many of the Monks amongst their Parents and other Friends of the Monastery through all the Country, very few remaining with him in the Monastery, and protra­cting their life in greatest want. Then all the Cha­lices of the said Monastery except 3. and all the silver Vessels, besides the Crucible of King Withlasius, and other Jewels very precious, being changed into Mo­ny, or sold for Mony, were scarce able to satisfie the unsatiable covetousness of Ceolwulfe, the Vice-roy: who at last, by his Lords the Danes, most just in this, (after all his Rapines and Oppressions of the People by un­just Taxes and imposts) was deposed and stripped na­ked of all his ill-gotten Treasure, even to his very Privities, and so ended his life most miserably.’ And the Kingdom also of the Mercians at this very time, (King Alfred prevailing against the Danes) was united to the Kingdom of the West-Saxons, and remained so united ever after, when it had continued a Kingdom from the first year of Penda (the first King thereof) to the last times of this miserable Viceroy Ceolwulph, a­bout 230 years: Of which Kingdom De Gest. Reg. l. 1. c. 4. William of Malmesbury thus concludes; Ita Principatus Merci­orum, qui per tumidam gentilis viri insaniam subitó efflo­ruit, tunc per miseram semiviri ignaviam omninó emar­cuit, Anno Dom. 875. though Speed post-dates its pe­riod in the year 886. Whence it is observable, that unjust Rapines, Taxes, Oppressions speedily & sud­denly destroy both Kings and Kingdoms.

[Page 76] The next year following Anno 876. An. 876. Mat. VVestm. & VVigorn. An. 876. Hun­tingd. Hist. l. 5. p. 329. Hove­den, Annal. pars prior p. 417. Ethel. Hist. l. 4. c. 3. p. 844. Sim. Du­nel. Hist. de Dunel. Eccles. col. 14, 17, 21. Hist. de San­cto Cuthherto col. 70. & de Gest. Reg. col. 155. Halden king of the Danes, seising upon the seditious kingdom of Northumberland, sibi eam, suis (que) Ministris distribuit, illam (que) ab exercitu suo coli fecit auobus Annis; totally dispossessing the seditious, murtherous Northumber­landers thereof; who but a little before had expelled both their King and Archbishop out of their Realm. This Halden and his Souldiers miserably wasted and destroyed the Churches of God in those parts, for which the wrath of God suddenly f [...]ll upon Halden; who was not only struck with madnesse of mind, but with such a most loathsome disease in his body, which much torment­ed him, that the intollerable stink thereof made him so odious & loathsome to his whole Army, that being contem­ned and cast out by them all, he fled away from Tine, only with three Ships, and soon after perished with all his Plundering, Sacrilegious Followers; The Proposition 4. Danes elected Guthred king in his stead, possessing this seditious Realm of Northumberland till dispossessed of it by king Edmund An. 944. who then annexed it to his kingdom.

Our Noble Saxon King Florentins Wigarn. & Mat. Westm. An. 871 to 900. See Malmes. Huntingd, As­ser. Fab, Hol­inshed, Speed, and others in his life. Lamb. Arch. Spelman concil. p. 360, 362. Ingulph, Histor. p. 870, 871. Chron. 10. Brom. col. 809 to 832. Alfred the first anointed king of England, (as glorious for his most excellent Laws, transcendent Justice and civil Government, as for Anno 877. his Martial Exploits, Victories; and for his incom­parable Piety and extraordinary bounty to the Cler­gy and Learned men) comming to the Crown Anno Dom. 871, in the years 873, 874, and sundry years fol­lowing, by common consent of his Wise men, com­manded long Ships and Gallies to be built, throughout the Realm, and furnished with Mariners, to guard the Seas and encounter the Danish Ships and Pirates, which then infested and wasted the Realm, from time to time: whose forces he often encountred, as well by Sea as by Land, with various success. At last having obtained the 3 [Page 73] Monarchy of all England, and received their Homages and Oaths of Fealty to him, he appointed special Guar­dians to guard the Seas and Sea-costs in all places; Where­by he very much freed the Land from the Danes devasta­tions. About the year 887. (even in the midst of his wars, when Laws use to be silent) he compiled a body of Ecclesia­stical Anno 887. and Canon Laws out of the sacred Scriptures, and the Laws which his pious predecessors, Ina, Offa, and Ethel­bert had religiously made and observed; antiquating some of them, retaining, reforming others of them, and adding some new Laws of his own, by the advice and counsel of his wisemen & of the most prudent of his Subjects; the obser­vation of which Laws was enjoyned by the consent of them Propos. 5, 6. all. Wherein certain fines and penalties were prescribed for most particular offences, which might not be altered or exceeded: Amongst other Laws, (as Mirrour of Justices, c. 1. sect. 3. p. 10. c. 5. sect. 1. Cooks Preface to his 9 Reports 1 Institutes, f. 110. See Spel. Concil. p. 347.) Andrew Horn, and others record) this King and his Wisemen ordain­ed: That a Parliament twice every year, and oftner in time of Peace, should be called together at London, that therein they might make Laws and Ordinances to keep the People of God from sin, that they might live in peace, and receive right and Justice by certain customs and Holy Judgements; and not be ruled in an arbitrary manner, but by stable known Laws.

And it was then agreed, that the king should have Proposit. 5, 6. the Soveraignty of all the Land unto the midst of the Sea invironing the Land, as belonging of Right to the Soveraign Jurisdiction of the Crown. ‘This King, See Mat. VVestm: An. 892 Ingulphi Hist. p. 870. 871. Chron. Iohan. Bromp­ton col. 818 819 Chron. VVill. Thorn cap. 5. Sect. Col. 1777. by appointing Hundreds and Tithings through­out the Realm, with Constables and Tithing men, who were to take sureties, or pledges for the good behaviour of all within their Jurisdictions, or else the hundred to answer all offences & injuries therein committed, both to the party and king, caused such a general peace throughout the Realm; and such security from Robbers and plunderers even in those times of war, That he would hang up golden bracelets in the [Page 74] High-ways, and none durst touch them, and a [...]ir [...] might have travelled safely, laden with Gold, from one end of the Realm to the other, without any vi­olence, Mat. VVestma. An. 888 Florent. VVigorn. An. 887 p. 326. 327. Matthew Westminster, and Florence of Wor­cester record,’ That he spent a great part of his time in Compositione legum, Quibus Milvorum Rapacita­tem Reprimeretur, & simplex [...]denum de otio fir­maretur; And amongst many other m [...]morable acts of his Justice, as he frequently examined the Judgements and Proceedings of his Judges and Justices, severely checking them when they gave any illegal Judgement a­gainst Law and Right, meerly out of Ignorance, of which they were to purge themselves by Oath, that they could judge no better: so he severely punished them when they thus offen­ded out of Corruption, Partiality and Malice. Mirrour of Iust. cap. 5. Sect. 3. p. 296. to 301. An­drew Horn in his Mirrour of Justices records, That he hanged up no less than 44 of his Judges and Justices in one year, as Murtherers and Capital Offenders, princi­cipally, for their false judgements in condemning and ex­ecuting sundry of his people against Law, without any lawfull tryal by their Peeres, or Verdict and Iudge­ment by a sworn Iury; or upon in sufficient evidence, or Proposit. 2. for Crimes not Capital by the Laws. The names of these Judges with their several offe [...]ces, you may read at large in Horn. Had those pretended Judges of a new edi­tion, who of late arraigned, condemned, executed the King, Nobles, Gentlemen and Freemen of England in strange new arbitrary Courts of high Iustice, without any legal Indictment and Tryal by a sworn Jury of their peers; and many of them, for offences not Capi­tal by any known Lawes or Statutes of the Realm, and upon very slender evidence, lived in this Just Kings reign, they might justly fear he would have hanged them all up, as Murtherers and Capital Malefactors, as well as these 44 Judges, not altogether so peccant in this kind as they: this form of tryal by sworn Juries of their Peers then in use, being since confirmed by the [Page 75] Great Charters of King John and King Henry the 3, some hundreds of subsequent Statutes, and the Petition of Right not known in Alfreds days.

I find in the Preface to King Alfreds Laws (of which Laws Abbot Ethelred gives this true encomium, Leges De Gen. Reg. Ang. col. 355. Christianissimas & scripsit, & promulgavit, in quibus fides ejus et devotio in deum, sollicitudo in subditos, I ambar di Archaion Spel­manni Concil p. 362. misericordia in pauperes, Iusticia ci [...]ca omnes cunctis legentibus pate [...]) this observable passage: That the A­postles & elders assembled in a Synod at Jerusalem, Acts 15. in their Epistle to the Churches of the Gentiles, to ab­stain from things offered unto Idols; added this Summa­ry of all Laws: And what ye would not to be done to your selves, that doe ye not to others: from which one precept it sufficiently appeareth, unicuique ex aequo jus es­se reddendum; that right or Law is of Justice to be ren­dred to every one; neither will there be need of any other Law or Law-book whatsoever, if he who sits Judge upon others, shall only remember this, that he would not himself should pronounce any other sentence against others than what he would should be passed against himself in their Case. But when the Gospel was propa­gated, many Nations, and amongst them the English, em­braced the faith of Gods word, there were then held some Assemblies and Councils of Bishops, and other most il­lustrious Proposit. 5. 4. 7. Wise men, throughout the World, and like­wise in England: and these being throughly instructed by Gods mercy, did now first of all, Impose a pecunia­ry Mulct upon Offenders; and without any Divine Of­fence, delegated the Office of exacting it to Magistrates, leave being first granted: Only on a Traitor and Deser­ter of his Lord (or King) they decreed, that this Milder punishment (by pecuniary Mulcts) was not to be in­flicted: because they thought just, that such a man was not at all to be spared; both because God would have Contem­ners of him unworthy of all mercy, and likewise because Christ did not at all compassionate them who put him to [Page 76] death, but appointed the King to be honoured above all others: These therefore in many Councils, singulorum scele­rum paenas constituerum, ordained the punishments of every kind of offences, and commit [...]ea them to writing.

From whence it is apparent, First, That all capital, coporal, and pecuniary Mulcts and penalties for any ci­vil or Ecclesiastical offences whatsoever, inflict­ed on the Subjects of this Realm, in that and all former ages since they embraced the Gospel, were only such as were particularly defined and prescribed by their Parliamentary Councils, and the Laws there­in enacted, and not left arbitrary to the King, Judges, or Magistrates, as it appears by the forecited passages of Beda, Malmesbury, Huntindon and Bromton concern­ing King Ethelberts Laws, part 2. p. 50. by the Laws of King Ina, Lex 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 21, 22, 25, 26, 27, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 46, 47, 48, 49, 54, 57, 58, 64, 73, 75, 76, 80. & more specially by the Laws of King Alfred him­self, Lex 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 20, 21, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46, 48, 51. with the Laws of our other Saxon kings, prescribing particular fines, pecuniary, corporal and capital punishments for all sorts of offences and injuries, to avoid all arbitrary proceedings and censures in such Cases. 2ly. That no imprisonment Corporal, Capital, or pecuniary Mulcts, or punishments whatsoever, justly might, or legally ought to be then inflicted upon any Malefa­ctors or Trespassers whatsoever, but when, where, and for such offences only, as the known Parliamentary and common Laws then in force, particularly warrant­ed and prescribed: which penalties and Laws could not be altered nor abrogated, but by Parliamentary Councils only. 3ly. That Common right and Justice, were then to be equally dispensed to all men, by our Kings, Judges, and other Magisttates, according to the Laws then established, in such sort as they would [Page 77] have them administred to themselves in the like Cases. 4ly. That wilfull Traitors and Deserters of their law­full Lords & Soveraigns, were not to be spared or par­doned by the Laws of God or Men, nor yet punished only with sines, but put to death without Mercy: Wherce this Law was then enacted by king Alfred and his Wisemen. Chron. Io­han Bromion, col. 822, and I. mbard. ar­chaton. Lex 4. Si quis vel ger se ve [...] susceptam vel suspectam [...]ersonam. De morte Regis tradet, vitae suae reus sit, et omnium quae habebit, and if any fought or drew any weapon in the Kings house, and was apprehended, sit in arbitrio Regis, sit vita, sit mors, sicut ei condonate voluerit, Lex 8. because it might endan­ger the kings person.

This king Alfred made two special Laws for secu­ring even Leets, and Inferiour Courts of Iustice from armed violence and disturbances by fighting, which I shall recite.

Chron. Ioh Bromt. col. 825, & Lam­bardi Archai. Spelmanni Concil. p. 369. which some­what deprives the sense of it in the transla­tion, and make it Lex 51. Lex 41. Si quis coram Alderma [...]no Regis pug­net. In publico, emendet Weram & Witam sicut rectum sit, & supra hoc CXX s. ad Witam.

Lex 42. Si quis Folemot id est populi placitum. Ar­morum exercitione turbabit, emendet Aldermanno CXX s. Witae, id est foris factu [...]ae.

What Fines and punishments then do they deserve, who not only fight before, and disturb Aldermen and Leets with their Armes, but even disturb, fight, and use their Armes against our Aldermen themselves, yea, all the Aldermen, Peers, and Great men of the Realm, assembled in the highest greatest Parliamentary Coun­cils, and over-awe, imprison, secure, seclude, and for­cibly dissolve them at their pleasures? as some of late times have done, beyond all former Presidents.

During the reign of this Noble king Alfred, Gythro the Dane, (sometimes stiled Godrin, or Guthurn) Anno 878. See Mat, westm. F [...]orent. VVigorn. Simeon Dunelm. Bromt. Huntindon, Hoveden, Polychronicon, Fabian, H [...]linshed, Speed, Asser. Ethelwerd, Fox and others, An. 878, 879. Anno 878. with an invincible Army running over [Page 78] all the Coasts of England, wasiing the Country, and de­populating all sacred places wheresoever he came, quicquid in auro et argento rapere potest, Militibus e­rogavit; and seising upon loca quaeque munita, for­ced King Alfred (being so distressed that he knew not what to do, nor whither to turn himself) to retire and save himself in the Isle Aethelingie, for a season; till recol­lecting his scattered Subjects and Forces together, he vanquished Githro and his Army in a set battel at E­thendune, and then besieging him and his remaining forces 15 dayes in a Castle, to which they fled, com­pelled them by Famine and the Sword, to make peace with him upon this Condition: ut Regni et Regis infe­stationem perpetuo abjurarent; That they should per­petually abjure the infesting of the King and Realm, and that they should turn Christians: which they accordingly performed, Githro, with 30 of the choicest men in his Army being baptized at Alve, 15 days after, king Alfred being their Godfather, and giving him the name of Aethelstane. After which Alfred feasting him and his Captains 12 days in his Court, gave Gi­thro Eastengland to inhabit, wherein king Edmund reigned, to be held of and under him: Whereupon Gi­thro and his Danes An. 879. leaving Cirencenster marched into the East parts of England, which he divided a­mongst his Souldiers, who then began to inhabit it by Alfreds donation.

Upon this accord, or some time after, King Alfre and Gythro, by the Common consent of their Great Councils and wise men, made and enacted certain civil and Ecclesiastical Laws, for the government of their People and Realms, recorded in Bromton, Lambert, and Spel­man, where those who please may peruse them: the Prologue and 2 first Laws whereof, I shall only re­cite, as both pertinent to my purpose, and seasonable Proposit. 5. for our times, much opposing the Magistrates coer­cive power in matters relating to God and Religi­on.

[Page 79] Chron. Io. Brom. col. 829. Spelman. conc. p. 375. 376, 390, 391. Proposition 6. ‘Hoc est consili [...]m quod Alredus Rex et Godrinus Rex eligerunt, et condixerunt, quando Angli et Dani ad pacem et concordiam plenè convenerunt, et Sapientes, et qui posteà successerunt, saepiùs Hoc est assid [...]è renovantes, in bonum semper adduxe­runt.’

Cap. 1. Inprimis est, ut unum Deum diligere velint, et omni Paganismo sedulo renunciare: et instituerunt se­cularem Iustitiam, pro eo quod sciebant, quod non po­terant multos alitèr castigare: plures verò Nolebant ad Dei cultum sicut deberent ali [...]è. Inclinari; et secu­larem emendationem instituerunt, communem Chri­sto, et Regi, ubicunque Recusabitur Lex Dei justè ser­vari secundum dictionem Epis [...]opi. Et hoc est primum edictum Ecclesiae, Pax intra parietes suos, ut Regis Hand­grith, semper inconvulsa permaneat.

Cap. 2. Siquis Christanitatem suam malè mutat, vel Paganismum veneretur verbis vel operibus, reddat sic Weram, sic Witam, sic Lashlyte, secundum quod factum sit▪ that is, Let him be fined, and ransomed accor­ding to the quality of his offence.

This Noble King Alfred (who fought no lesse than 46 bloody Battels with the Danes by Land and Sea for his Countries Liberties) Although he was in­volved in perpetual Wars and Troubles with the Danish Invaders all his daies, as our Historians and this his Huntingd. Hist. l. 5. p. 352 Asser. Aelerce­di R [...]g. Gest. Chron. Io. Br. col. 819. Camb. Britan. p. 224. Epitaph Demonstrates,

Nobilitas innata tibi, probitatis Honorem
Armipotens Alurede dedit, Probitas (que) laborem;
Perpetuumque Labor nomen; cui mixta dolori
Gandia semper erant, spes semper mixta timori;
Si modò victus er at, ad crastina bella parabat:
Si modò victor erat, ad crastina bella pavebat.
Cui vestes sudore jugi, cui sica cruore
Tincta jugi, quantum sit onus regnare probarunt.
Non fuit immensi quisquam per climata mundi
[Page 80] Cui tot in adversis vel respirare liceret.
Nec tamen aut ferro contritus ponere Ferrum
Aut Gladio potuit vitae fiuisse Labores.
I am post transactos Regni vitaeque Labores
Christus ei fit vera quies sceptrumque perenne.

Yet Mat West. Wig. As. Men. An. 888, 898. Ae [...]hel. Abbas de Gen. Reg. Ang. col. 355. Chron. 10. Brom col. 814, 818. Sim. Dunel [...]. Hist. de Gest. Reg. col. 132, 133. Wil. Mal. de Gest. Reg. l. 25. c. 4. In­gulph. Hist. p. 870, 171. Hov. Annal. pars 1. p. 420, 421. Ethelwerdi Hist. l. 4. c3. Polychron. Fab. Caxton, Hol­linshed, Graft­on, Speed in the life Alfred. of Camd. Brit. p. 378, 379. Spel­man concil. p. 354 to 380. Antiq. Eccl. But. p. 43. these things are remarkable in him. 1. That he most exactly and justly governed his people by and according to his and his Predecessors known Laws, in the midst of all his Wars; not by the harsh Laws of Conquest and the largest Sword. 2. That he advanced Learning and all sorts of Learned Men, erecting Schools of Learn­ing, and the famous University of Oxford; which he founded, or at least refounded when decayed, in the heat of all his Wars and Troubles. 3. That he was so far from spoyling the Church and Churchmen, or any o­ther his Subjects of their Lan [...]s, Tithes or Revenues to maintain his perpetual Wars against the im­pious Pagan Danes, who destroyed all Churches and Religious, as well as other Houses, where ever they came; that he not only prepared, adorned, endow­ed many old deoayed Churches and Monasteries, but likewise in the year 888, he built two new Mona­steries of his own, at Ethelingei and Shaff [...]esbury, and en­dowed them with ample riches and possessions; and by sundry Charters gave several Lands to the Churches of Durham, Worcester, and Canterbury. Moreover he not only duly paid Tithes and other Duties to the Church himself, but also by his Laws, enjoyned all his Subjects under sundry mulcts, justly to pay Tithes and Churchels to their Priests and Ministers, with all other Duites and Oblations belonging to the Church for the maintenance of the Ministers and Gods worship: together with Peterpence for the maintenance of the Eng­lish School at Rome; prohibiting all men to invade the Churches Rights and Possessions under severe penalties. 4. ‘That he equally divided all his annual Revenues in­to [Page 81] two equal parts: The first moity was for Pious u­ses, which he subdivided into three parts. The first parcel he bestowed in Almes, to relieve the poor both at home and in forein parts; The second, he be­stowed on Religious Houses and Persons; The third, he gave towards the maintenance of Schools, Scho­lars, Doctors, and learned Men of all sorts, resort­ing to and liberally rewarded by him according to their merits. The other moity was for civil uses, which he likewise divided into 3 equal portions. The first he gave unto his Souldiers; whom he divi­ded into 3 Squadrons: The first Squadron, which were Horse, waited one month on him at his Court, (as his Life-guard) whiles the other two were im­ployed in military expeditions in the Field: And when their month expired, they all returned from the wars, and then another new Company succeed­ed them; And when their Month was ended, they returning to their Houses, the other Company succeed­ed them. And so they successively kept their monthly courses during all his Reign, being one month in actu­al service, and two months at home about their own affairs. The second part he gave to his Workmen and Artificers of all sorts, skilfull in all Worldly af­fairs. The third part he gave to Strangers in Royal Gifts and Presents, and that as well to the Rich as Poor. Besides, he had a very great Care Ne à Viceco­mitibus et Ministris pauperes opprimere [...]tur, et indebitis exactionibos gravarentur; That the poor people should not be oppressed by Sheriffs and other Offi­cers, nor burthened with unjust Exactions or Con­tributions; Yea by his large Almes and Gifrs he sent Propos. 1. to Rome, he procured the English School to be fréed from all Taxes and Tributes by the Popes special Bull.’ And we never read he imposed the least pub­lick Tax upon his Subjects during all his wars and Ex­igences, by his own Regal Power, upon any pretext [Page 28] of publick Necessity, Danger, Defence or Safety of the Realm against the Numerous Invading, plundering Danish forces both by Sea and Land; Which our late and present Aegyptian Tax-masters may do well to consider.

In the year of our Lord 894. this King Alfred and Anno 894. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. de Dunel. Eccl. c. 13, 14. col. 22, 23. Guthurn the Dane, gave to the Church of St. Cutbert in Durham, all the Lands between Weor and Tyne, for a perpetual Succession, free from all Custome and secu­lar Services, with all Customes, Saca, and Socua, and infaugtheof thereunto belonging, with sundry other Privile­ges, Propos. 10. which they ordained to be perpetually observed, Non solum Anglorum sed et Danorum consentiente et col­laudante exercitu; by the consent and approbation of the ARMY, not only of the English but Danes also: Has Leges & haec Statuta (which proves that it was done by a Parliamentary Counsell then held in both their Ar­mies,) Quicunqu [...] quolibet nisu Infringere praesumpserint, eos in perpetuum, nisi emendaverint, Gehennae Ignibus puni­endos, anathematizando, Sententia omnium contradidit.

I pretermit the Spelman concil. p. 381 to 387. Welsh Synods held under the Bi­shops of Landaff during King Alfreds Reign (as Sir Henry Spelman conjecture [...], in whom the Reader may peruse them) where in the Bishop of Landaff and his Clergy excommunicated some of their petty Welsh Kings for Murder, Perjury, violating the Churches Patri­mony; and Injuring the Bishops family; who upon their Repentance and Reconciliation gave all of them some parcels of Land to the Church of Landaff. The rather because I conceive them fabulous, there being no such form of Excommunication used in those daies, as Spelman▪ concil, p. 353, 379, 380. Sir Henry Spelman proves, nor any such Episcopal Synods held in England under King Alfred himself. ‘The barbarous Danes having throughout all England with fire and sword utterly wasted and destroyed all Cities, Towns, Castles, Monasteries, Churches, put most of the Bishops, Abbots, Clergy to the Sword, and almost quite deleted the knowledge of Learning and Religi­on [Page 83] out of the whole Nation; insomuch that there were very few spiritual persons on this side Humber, who could either understand the Common prayers in the English tongue, or translate anywriting out of latine into English; yea so few, that there was not so much as one man on the South-side of the Thames that could do it, till King Alfred after his Conquest of the Danes in the latter part of his Reign) restored Learning and Religi­on again by Degrees;’ as this King himself records in expresse terms, in his Epistle to Bishop Wulsug, by way of Preface to his own Translation of Gregories Pastorals into the English Saxons Language.

King Alfred deceasing, his Son Edward sur­named the Elder, Ethel. Hist. l. 49. c. 4. Mal. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 5. Matth. Westm. Florent. Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Hun­ting d. Hov. Ethel. Bromt. Polychon. E­thelr. Abbas. Fab. Holin­shed, Grafton, Speed in the life of Ed. the Elder and An. 901 to 925. succeeding his Father in the A nno 901. year of Christ 901, thereupon Prince Aethelwald his Uncles Son, aspiring to the Crown without the consent of the King and Nobles of the Realm, seised upon Ox­lie and Winburne: whereupon King Edward marching with his Armie against him to Bath, he fled from Win­burne to the Danes in Northumberland for assistance: who being glad thereof, they all make him King and Prince over all their Kings and Captains: Whereupon they invading Essex and Mercia, King Ed. raised a great Army, chased them into Northumberland, and harrowed the whole Country to the Lakes of Northumberland; where the Kentishmen remaining (contrary to the Kings Command, and Messengers sent to them) after the retreat of the rest of the Army; The Danish Army upon this advantage setting upon them, they gallantly defending themselves, slew their new King Aethel­wald, with King Eorit, and sundry of their chief Com­manders, and many of their Souldiers, though they lost the field. This King and Edelfled his Sister, Queen of Mercians, to prevent the frequent eruptions, plun­ders the Danes, repaired many old ruinated Towns, and built many new ones in convenient places, which they re­plenished with Souldiers, to protect the Inhabitants and re­pell [Page 84] the Enemies, whereby the Common people we [...]e so incou­raged, and became such good Souldiers, that if they heard of the Enemies approach, they would fight and rout them, Rege etiam & Ducibus inconsultis in certamen rue­rent, Proposit. 3. eisque semper numero & scientia praeliandi prae­starent, ita hostes contemptui milit [...]bus, Regi risui e­rant, as Malmesbury writes. The Country people themselves fighting with the Danes at Ligetune, put them to flight, recovered all the prey they had taken, and likewise the Danes Horses, as they likewise did in some other parts. Amongst other places, this King repaired the walls of Colchester, put warlike men in it, & certum eis stipendium assignavit; and assigned them a certain stipend, as Mat, Westm. records, neither he, nor other our Historians making mention of assigned wa­ges, to any other Garrisons or Souldiers in that age; At last the Danes in most places throughout England, per­ceiving King Edwards power and wisdom, submitted themselves unto him, elected him for their King and Pa­tron, and swore homage and fealty to him; as likewise did the Kings of Scotland, Northumberland, and Wales.

In the year of Grace 905. This VVil. Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 5. p. 47, & 48. Mat. VVestm. An. 905. An­tiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 45. Gervasius Do­robern. Act. Pont. Cant. col. 1644. Godwin in the life of Plegmund, Spelm. Concil. p. 387, 388. Ingulphi Hist. p. 877. King Edward An. 905. assembled a Synod of the Senators of the English Nation, as Malmesbury, or a great Council of Bishops, Abbots, and faithfull people (as Matthew Westminster, and others stile it) in the Province of the Gewisii; which by reason of the Enemies incursions had been desti­tute of a Bishop for 7 years space. Whereupon the King and Bishops in this Council, taking good advice, made this wholsom constitution; That instead of 2 Bishops, whereof one had his Sea at Winchester, the other at Schireburn, 5 Bishops should be created; ne Grex Domini, absque cu­ra Pastorali, luporum incursionibus quateretur: Where­upon they in this Council elected 5 Bishops; to wit Frithstan, for Winchester; Athelin for Schireburn; Aedulfe for Wells; Werstan for Crideton, and Herstan for Corn­wal; assigning them their several Sees and Diocess; and opo [...]t. 5. [Page 85] two other Bishops for Dorchester and Cirencester, all consecrated by Archbishop Plegmond at Canterbury in one day. Wil. of Malmesb. and some others write, that this Council was summoned upon the Letter of Pope Formosus, who excommunicated king Edward with all his Subjects, Propos. 5, 6. for suffering the Bishopricks of Winton and Scireburn to be void for 7 years space together: But this must needs be a great mistake, since Pope Formosus was dead ten years before this Council, and before these Bisho­pricks became void, and his pretended Epistle to the Bishops of England makes no mention at all of the king, as Sir Henry Spelman well observes.

In the year 906. Lambardi Archaion. Spel. Concil. p. 390, to 400. Mat. Westminster, Wigorn. Huut. Hoveden, Sim. Dunelm. Brom. and others. An. Dom. 906, 910, 918, 921. king Edward made a Peace and firm agreement with the Danes of Northumberland, and An. 906, 921. East-England, at Intingford, when (as some think) he and Guthurn the Dane reconfirmed the Civil and Eccle­siastical Laws formerly made and ratified by his Father King Alfred and Guthurn. But Guthurn dying in the year 890, full eleven years before this Edward was king, could not-possibly ratifie these Laws at the time of this Accord, being 16 years after his decease, as the Title and Prologue to those Laws in Mr. Lambard and Spel­man erroneously affirm; wherefore, I conceive, that this confirmation of these Laws was rather made in Propos. 5. the year 921. when all our Historians record; that after king Edward (Anno 910. had sent an army into Nor­thumberland, against the perfidious and rebellious Danes, slain and taken many of them Prisoners, and miserably wa­sted their Country for 4 days space, for breaking their for­mer Agreement with him: after his Sister Aegelfled, An. 919. had forced the Danes at York to agree, and swear, that they would submit to her and her Brothers pleasure in all things; and after Edward had vanquished the other Danes, Scotch and Welsh in many Battles; thereupon, in the yeat 921. the king of Scots, with all his Nati­on, Stredded king of Wales, with all his people, et Reg­naldus (or Reginaldus) Reginald King of the Danes, with all the English and Danes inhabiting Northumber­land [Page 86] (of which Reginald then was King) comming to King Edward, An. 921. submitted themselves unto him, elect­ed him for their Father and Lord, and made a firm Cove­nant with him; And therefore I conjecture that Guthur­nus in the Title and Preface of these Laws, is either mistaken, or else mis-written for Reginaldus then King of these Northern Danes, who had no King in the year 906, that I can read of in our Historians.

De Gene­alogia Reg. Ang. col. 358. Abbot Ethelred, gives this Encomium of this Kings transcendent modesty and justice, Rex Edwar­dus, vir mansuetus et pius, omnibus am abilis et affabilis, adeò omnium in se provocabat affectum, ut Scotti, Cum­bri, Walenses, Northumbri, et qui remanserant Daci, eum non tàm in Dominum ac Regem, quam in Patrem eum omni devotione eligerent. Tanta dehinc Modestia regebat Subditos, tanta Justitia inter proximum et proximum ju­dicabat, ut contra veritatem non dico nihil velle, sed nec pos­se videretur; unde fertur quibusdam iratus dixisse; di­co vobis, si possem vicem vobis redidissem, Quid non posset Rex in Subditos, Dominus in Servos, Potens in infirmos, Dux in milites? Sed quicquid non di­ctabat aequitas, quicquid veritati repugnabat, quic­quid non permittebat Justitia, quicquid Regiam mansuetudinem non decebat, Sibi credebat impossi­bile.

I wish all our modern domineering Grandees would imitate his presidential Royal Example. Yet I read of one injurious Act done by him, Huntingd. Hist. l. 5. p. 354 Hov. An. pars posterior. p, 422. Mat. VVestm. VVigorn. Sim. Dunel. Anno 920. Chron. 10. Bromton col. 835. After the decease of his renowned Sister Elfleda, Queen of Mer­cia, Anno 920. he dis-inherited her only Daughter Alfwen (or Elwyn▪ his own Neece) of the Dominion of all Mercia, who held that Kingdom after her Mother, seising and Garrisoning Tamesworth, and Nottingham first, and then disseising her of all Mercia, uniting it to his own Realms, and removing her thence into West-Sex. Magis [...]urans an utili [...]èr vel in utilitèr, Quan an juste vel injustè: Writes Henry Humingdon. Propos. 4. [Page 87] which innrious action, Si violanda sit fides regni cau­sâ violanda, will not excuse.

The Chronicle of Bromton records, that King Edward as he inlarged the bounds of his Kingdom (z) Col. 831, 835, 836, 837. more than his Father; So Leges condidit, he likewise made Laws to govetn it: which are there registred to Posterity in two parcels, as made at several times, but in what year of his Reign this was, it informs us not, The first of these Laws, declaring his zeal to publick Justice, according to the Laws then in Force, is this.

Edwardus Rex mandat et praecipit omnibus Praefectis et Amicis suis, ut Justa judicia judicent, quam rectio­ra possint, Et in judiciali Libro stant; nec parcant nec dissimulent pro aliqua Re Populi Rectum et jus publicum recitare; et unum quodque placitum terminum habeat quando peragatur, quod tunc recitabitur.

The first Chapter of the second part of his Laws inti­mates, that they were made by his Wtse men assembled in a Parliamentary Council at Exeter; witness the con­tents thereof.

Edwardus Rex admonuit Omnes Sapientes quando fuerunt Exoniae, ut investigarent simul et quaererent; Proposit. 5. quomodo pax eo rum melior esse possit quàm anteà fuit; quia visumest ei, quod hoc impletum sit aliter quam deceret, et quam aute à praecepisset, Inquisivit it aque qui ad emendationem velint redire, et in societate permanere quâ ipse sit, et a­mare quod amat, et nolle quod nolit, in Mari & in Terrâ. Hoc est tunc, Ne Quisquam rectum difforceat alicui. Siquis hoc faciat, emendet sicut supra dictum est (In his first Laws then either made or rehearsed) prima vice 30 s. secundâ similitèr, ad tertiam vicem 120 s. Re­gi.

The last Chapter, being the VIII in Bromtons translation, (but the XI. in the Saxon Coppy) is this. Volo ut omnis Praepositus habeat Gemotum (an Hun­dred Court) semper ad quatuor hebdomadas; et efficiat [Page 88] ut omnis homo rectum habeat, et omne placitum capiat terminum quando perveniat ad finem; Siquis hoc excipiat, emendet, sicut antè dictum est.

King Edward deceasing, Wil. Mal. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 6. Mat. VVestm. VVig. An. 925 to 940, Hunting. Hist. l. 5. p. 334. Hov. Annal. pars prior, p. 422. Ing. Hist. p. 877, 878. Chron. Johan. Brom. col. 838. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. Reg. Ang. col. 134. to 154. Ethelw. Hist. l. 4. c. 5. Aelr, Abbas de Ge­neologia Reg. Ang. Pol. l. 6. c. 6. Henry de Knighton, de En. Ang. l. 1. c. 5. Speeds Hist. p. 393, 396. Fab. Holin­shed, Grafton, Caxton in his life. Aethelstan his eldest Anno 924. Son (designed by his Fathers Will to succeed him) was elected King at Winchester in the year 924. Magno Optimatum consensu et omnium favore; and solemn­ly Crowned at Kingston, only one Alfred, and some factious ones opposed his election, pretending he was illegitimate and born of a Concubine, whereupon they would have set up his Brother Edwin being legitimate and next heir as they pretended; whom the Generali­ty of the Nobles rejected, nondum ad regnandum prop­ter teneros Annos Idoneo. Aethelstan after his Coro­nation knowing his Brother to be born in lawfull Ma­trimony, and fearing Ne per ipsum quando (que) Regni solio privaretur, lest he should be some time or other deprived of his kingdom by him, hated him extreme­ly; and at the sollicitation of some Parasites, where­of his Cup bearer was the chief, to be rid of him and this his fear, he caused young Edwin, attended only with one Page, to be put into an old broken Boat in the midst of the Sea, without Sail, Oare, or Pilate, that so his death might be imputed to the waves; out off which Boat the young Prince in discontent cast himself head-long into the Sea (or rather the Page threw him head-long over-board,) and so was he drowned: But the Page recovering his body, by rowing with his hands and feet, brought it to Land where it was in­terred. The King was hereat so troubed with a real (or feigned) contrition for this barbarous bloudy fact, that he did seven years voluntary penance for this his fra­tricide, Propos. 2. and adjudged his Cup-bearer to a cruel death, who gave him this ill advice; and to pacifie his Brothers Ghost and his own Conscience, built two new Mo­nasteries at Middleton and Michelresse, and there [Page 89] was scarce any old Monastery in England which he a­dorned not either with buildings or Ornaments, or Books or Lands, to expiate this his bloody crime.

In this king Aethelstans reign In the year 927. ‘There were fiery Beams and Meteors seen throughout all the Northern parts of Eng­land; soon after which Athelstan resolved utterly to extirpate the perfidious Nation of the Danes, and treacherous Scots, which had violated their Agree­ment made with his Father, whereupon he marched with a great Army by Land, and Navy by Sea into Northumberland and Scotland, wasted and harrowed the Country without resistance, forced Guithfrith King of Northumberland out of his kingdom, uniting it to his own Realm, vanquished and overcame Howel king of Wales, Constantine king of Scots, Anlafe the Dane, and others in a set battel, drove them out of their Realms, and forced them to submit to him: Who upon their submission, knowing the chance of war to be variable, and pitying the Cases of these down-cast Princes, restor'd them presently to their former estates, with this Princely Speech That it was more honour to make a king, than to be a king: yet these petty Kings, Princes rebelling afterwards, & siding with Anlafe against him, were all rou [...]ed by A­thelstane, King Constantine of Scotland, with five more of these Kings, 12 Dukes, and most of their Army slain in one battel, principally by the valor of Turketulus, and the Londoners, An. 837: Whereupon the petty Kings of Wales, contracted to pay him a yearly tribute of 20 pound weight of Gold, and 300 of Silver, and 25000 head of Cattel, with a certain number of Hawks and Hounds, which no King of England ever exacted or received from them before.’

De Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 6. p. 49. William of Malmeshury (who exceeds in his praises) writes, that it was truly reported of him amongst the English, Quod nemo Legalius vel literatius rem­publicam [Page 90] administraverit; That no king governed the Com­monwealth more legally or learnedly than he, being as Ingulphi Hist. p. 817. In­gulphus records, guided and directed by Turketulus, his Chancellour, a man of great integrity, honesty, and piety, of prof [...]und judgement, whose decrees upon debate were irrefra­g [...]ble. This king Athelstan, for the better admini­stration of Justice, enacted sundry excellent, civil, and ecclesiastical Laws, recorded in Bromt. Lamb. & Spelm.

The first of these his Laws, were made and enact­ed Anno 928. in the famous Chron. Jo. Bromt. col. 840, to 856. Spelman. con­cil. p. 396, 397, 405, 406. Lambardi Ar­chaion. Couneil of Grately, about the year 928, in which the king himself, Wulfehelm Arch­bishop of Came bury, and the rest of the Bishops, and all the Nobles and Wisemen which King Ethelstan could assemble, were present, who all ordained and confirm­ed these Laws in this great Council, as the last Chap­ter [...] of informs us in these words.

Totum hoc institutum est et confirmatum, In Proposit. 5. 6. magno Synodo apud Grateleyam, cui Archi pisco­pus [...] et omnes Dptimates, et Sapi­entes, quos Adelstanus Rer potuit Congregare: Or, Cum. Dptimates et Sapientes ab Aethelstano evo­cati frequentissimi, as another Copy renders it: which proves, that all the Members of this Council were summoned to it by this kings writ, and not elected by the peoples suffrages. And although the Archbishops, Bishops, and other Clergy men were the chief advisers of the Ecclesiastical Laws, made in this Council, as this Pro­logue to them attests: Ego Aethelstanus Rex ex pru­denti U [...]fhelmae Archiepiscopi, aliorumque Episcoporum et Servorum Dei consilio mando; yet they were all ena­cted and confirmed by all the Nobles and Wisemen in the Council, as the premises evidence. In this Council, the king commanded by his Laws, all his Officers, that they should demand and exact from his Subjects such things and duties only as they might justly and lawfully receive, adding this memorable reason for it; ‘Nunquam enim erit [...]oposit. 1. populo bene consultum, nec digne Deo conser­vabitur, [Page 91] ubt Lucrum impium et magis falsum dili­gitur, Ideo debent omnes amici Dei quod iniquum est, enervare, quod justum est elevare; non pati ut propter falsum, et pecuniae quaestum, se forisfaciant homines, ergà [...]ere [...]ap [...]entem Deum cui displicet omnis injustitia: Which I wish all our unrighteous covetous Tax-masters, Excisers and Exacters would now seriously consider: After which it follows, ‘Christianis autem omnibus necessarium est, ut re­ctum diligant, ut iniqua condemnent, et saltem sa­cris Ordinibus erecti justum semper erigant et pra­va deponant: Hinc debent Episcopi cum saeculi Judi­cibus interesse Judiciis, ne permittant, si possint, ut illinc aliqua pravitatum germina pullulaverint.’ And to avoid all arbitrary proceedings, oppressions, and In­justice in all things, this Council by positive Laws as­certains all fines, amerciaments, imprisonments, and cor­poral punishments for criminal offences, from which the Judges might not vary. And withall defines, what Armes every man should find in those times of war, against the Danes and other Enemies by his positive Law, Lex 21. (Sax. 16.) Omnis homo habebit duos homines cum bo­nis Proposit. 1, [...]. equis de omni Carucâ.

King Ethelstane after this Council at Grately (what years is not expressed) assembled several other Parlia­mentary Proposit. 5. Councils at Exeter, Fevresham, and Thunder­feld; wherein he and his Wisemen, by common consent, confirmed the Laws made at Grately, altering some of them in certain particulars, and adding some new Laws un­to them, as you may read at large in Bromton, and as the first Chapter, and this Prologue to those Laws as­sure us.

Chron. Joh. Brome. col. 850. ‘Haec sunt Judicia quae Sapientes Exoniae consi­lio Adelstani Regis instituerunt, & iterum apud Fe­vresham et tertia vice apud Thundresfeldiam ubi hoc de­finitum simul et confitmatum est; et hoc imprimis est, ut observentur omnia Judicia quae apud Grateley­am Proposit. 5, 6. [Page 92] imposita fuerint, praeter mercatum Civitatis, et Diei Dominicae.’

The Cause of making these new Laws, and confirm­ing the old, was, a Complaint to the King in the Coun­cil at Exeter, that the Peace and Laws made at Grate­ley, were not so well kept as they should be; and that Theives and Malefactors abounded; as this Prologue manifests, Chron. Joh. Brom. col. 850. ‘Ego Adelstanus Rex notifico vobis, sicut dictum est Michi, quod pax nostra pejus obser­vata est quam Michi placet, vel apud Grateleyam fue­rit institutum: Et Sapientes Michi dicunt, quod hoc­diutius Proposit. 5, 6. pertuli quàm debueram; Nunc inveni cum il­lis Sapientibus, qui apud Exoniam fuerint mecum in sancto Natali Domini, quod parati sunt omninò quando velim, cum seipsis & uxoribus, & pecunia, & omni re suâ ire quo tunc voluero, nisi malefacto­res requiescant eo tenore quo nunquam deinceps in patriam istam redeant, &c.’

In the Council of Fevresham in Kent, the King by some of his Wise-Counsellors sent thither to it, propoun­ded some things for the weal and peace of the Country, to­gether with his pardon for fore-past offences; which they upon debate assenting to, and drawing up into sundry heads, returned to the King for his Royal assent, with this me­morable Gratulatory Prologue; which most truly re­presenting unto us the proceedings in the great Coun­cils of that Age, I thought meet entirely to tran­scribe.

Chronicon Ioh. Bromt. col. 850, 851. Karissime, Episcopi tui de Kent, & omnis Ken­tescire, Thayni, Comites, & Villani, tibi Domino dile­ctissimo suo gratias agunt, quod nobis de pace nostra praecipere voluisti, & de commodo nostro perquire­re & consulere, quia magnum opus est inde nobis di­vitibus & Egenis. Et hoc incepimus quanta diligentia potuimus, consilio horum Sapientum quos ad nos misisti, unde Karissime Domine, primum est, de nostra decima, ad quam valdè cupidi sumus & voluntarii, & tibi sup­plices [Page 93] gra [...]ias agimus admonitionis tuae. Secundum est, de pace nostrá quam omnis populus teneri desi­derat, sicut apud Grateleyam Sapientes tui posuerunt, et sicut etiam nunc dictum est in Concilio apud Fef­resham. Tertium est, quod gratiant omnes miseri­corditur Hermerum dominum suum, de dono quod forisfactis hominibus concessi [...]ti; hoc est, quod pardo­natur omnibus forisfactura de quocunque furto quod antè Concilium de Fefresham factum fuit, eo tenore quo semper deinceps ab omni malo quiescant, et om­ne latrocinium confiteantur, et emendent hinc ad Augustum. Quartum, Ne aliquis recipiat hominem al­terius sine licentia ipsius, cui prius folgavit, nec in­tra marcam, nec extra, et etiam ne Dominus libero homini hlasocnam interdicat, si rectè custodierit eum Quintum, Qui ex hoc discedat sit dignus eorum quae iin scripto pacis habentur, quod apud Grateleyam insti­tutum est. Sextum, si aliquis homo fit adeo dives, vel tantae parentelae quod castigari non possit, vel il­lud cessare nolit, ut efficias qualiter abstrahatur in a­liam partem regni tui, sicut dictum est in occiduis partibus, sit alterutrum quod sit, sit Comitum, sit Villanorum. Septimum est, ut omnis homo teneat homines suos in fide jussione suâ, contrà omne fur­tum. Si tunc sit aliquis qui tot homines habea [...] quod non sufficiat omnes custodire, praepositum talem prae­ponat sibi singulis villis qui credibilis ei sit, & qui concredat hominibus. Et si praepositis alicui eorum hominum concredere non audeat, inveniat XII ple­gios cognationis suae qui ei stent in fide jussione, Et si Dominus vel praepositus, vel aliquis hoc infringat, vel abhinc exeat, sit dignus eorum, quae apud Gra­teleyam dicta sunt, nisi Regi magis place at alia justitia. Octavum, Quod omnibus plac [...]it de scutorum opere, sicut dixisti. Precamur Domine misericordiam tuam, sit in hoc, sit in alterutrum, velnimis, velminus, ut hoc e­mendare Jubeas juxta velletuum. Et nos, devotè parati [Page 94] sumus ad omnia quae nobis praecipere velis, quae unquam a­liquatenus implere valeamus.

After this there was another kind of Parliamentary Council held at London, & not long after that, another at Thithamberig wherein many consultations were had, & propositions made for suppression & punishment of Theeves and keeping of the peace, which the Justices, Commissio­ners, and others appointed to keep the peace, and to take sureties of all men to the keeping thereof, concluded up­on at London, and after submitted to the Kings Council, to enlarge or alter, as he should see cause; Who thereup­on made some alteration and mitigation at Thithamberig, of what the King thought over-severe, in putting to dea [...]h those who were above 12 years of Age, for 12d. value, as these passages attest, declaring the proceedings of that Parliamentary Council.

(h) ‘Hoc consultum est, quod Episcopi et praepositi qui (k) Chron. [...] Ioh Bromt. col. 852, 855, 856. Londoniensi Curiae pertinent, edixerunt, & jure­jurando confirmavernnt in suo Fridgildo; Comites & villani in adjectione judiciorum, quae apud Gra­teleyam & Exoniam instituta sunt, & iterum apud Thundresfeldam.

Cap. 1. ‘Et est imprimis haec, non parcatur alicui la­troni supra 12 Annos et supra 12 d. de quo verè fu­erit inquisitum quod reus sit, quin occidatnr, & capi­atur omne quod habet, &c.’

Cap, 14. ‘Nec tacendum est vel praerereundum, si do­minus noster vel praepositorum nostrorum aliquis ul­lum Augmentum excogitare possit, ad nostrum Frid­gildum; ut hoc gratanter excipiamus, sicut nobis om­nibus convenit, & nostrum necesse sit, & in Deo con­fidimus, et regni nostri Domino.’

Cap. 15. ‘Si totum hoc ita complere volumus, res totius populi meliorabitur contra fures quam antea fuit, & si remissius egerimus de pace & vadiis quae si­mul dedimus, & quam Rex nobis praecipit, timere possumus, vel magis scire quod fures isti regnabunt, [Page 95] plus quam antè fec erunt, si fidem teneamus, et pa­cem sicut domino nostro placeat, quia magnum opus est ut insistamus et peragamns quod ipse velit, et si amplius praecipiat cum omni jocunditate et de votione parati sumus.’

Cap. 17. Item quod Sapientes omnes dederunt vadium suum, insimul Archiepiscopo apud Thundresfeldam quando Ealpheagus, Scyb, et Brithnodus Odonis filius veneruut ad Concilium ex ore Regis, ut omnis praepositus vadium capiat in suo comitatu de pace servandâ sicut A­delstanus Rex apud Fefresham, et quartâ vice apud Thun­dresfeldam coram Archiepiscopo, et Episcopis, et Sa­pientibus, quas ipse Rex nominavit qui interfuerunt et judicia conservaverunt Quae in hoc Concilio fue­runt instituta, &c.

Cap. 18. Item quod Adelstanus Rex praecepit Episcopis suis et praepositis omnibus in toto Regno suo, ut pacem it a custodiant sicut recitavit, et Sapientes sui.

Cap. 19. Item Rex dixit nunc iterum apud Thitlan birig Sapientibus suis, et praecepit ostendi Atchiepiscopo et caeteris Episcopis, quod ei miserabile videtur, quod ali­quis tàm juvenis occidatur, vel protàm parvâ re sicut inno­tuit ei quod ubique fiebat; dixit itaque, Quod ei vide­batur et eis cum quibus hoc egerat, ne aliquis occida­tur junior quam quindecim Annorum, nisise defende­re velit, vel aufugere, et in manus ire velit, ut tunc deducatur, sir major sit minor, qualiscunque sit, si se de­derit ponatur in Carcere, sicut apud Greateleyam dictum est, et per idem redimatur &c. Praecepit Rex ne aliquis occidatur pro minori precio quam 12 d. nisi fugiat vel repugnet, ne dubitetur tunc licet minus. Si haec ita conservemus, in Domino Deo confidimus quod pax nostra melior erit quam antea fuit.

As these passages demonstrate the proceedings of the Parliamenrary Councils in that Age, (unknown to most, for which end I have transcribed them at large) [Page 96] so they clearly prove, that Theeves or Felons (much lesse other English Freemen) could not be imprisoned, killed, put to death, fined or ransommed, but by speci­al Acts, and Laws made in General Parliamentary Councils, nor any Laws made, enacted, or altered in Propos. 2, 4, 5, 6. such Councils, but by the Kings Royal Assent thereto, who then frequently summoned them, and all the Mem­bers ofthem, by writ and nomination, without the Peoples Election.

Henry de Knyghton, de Eventibus Angliae l. 1. c. 5. and See the Hi­story of Guy of warwick. some other fabulous Authors relate, that in Anno 932. the eighth year of King Aethelstans reign, Olaus King of Denmark, Golanus King of Norwey, and the Duke of Normandy, with 8 Dukes and 5 hundred thousand Soul­diers, arived in England, bringing with them out of Africa, A Giant called Colybrand, the strongest and Propos. 5, 6, 9, 10. most famous at that time throughout the World; Whereupon King Aethelstan hearing of their com­ming, Congregavit Magnates, assembled his Noble­men at Winchester, to advice with them, how they might resist the Enemies and fight with them in Battel; Thar whiles king Aethelstan vacaret tali Concilio et congrega­tione populi sui in Wintonia, the foresaid kings came up­on him with their Army, and besieged him Cum Baro­nia sua with his Batons, in that City for two years space. Neither durst the English fight with them by reason of their multitude and Power. In the mean time they made this Agreement, that king Aethel­stan, should find out one Champion to fight a single Duel with Colybrand; that in all future times the Realm of England should be held of the King of Denmark under a Tribute, and if Colybrand were conquered by Aethelstans Cham [...]ion, then Olaus should forfeit and disclaim the Realm of England for him and his Heirs for ever, and no King of Denmark should afterwards lay claim to the Realm of England, nor yet molest it. That the king in near one whole years space, could not find [Page 97] out a Champion to encounter Colybrand; whereupon he and his Nobles were very much troubled. At last, God by an Angel from Heaven, directed the King to find out Guy of Warwick, comming thither as a Pil­grim, who undertook to encounter Colybrand; and af­ter a sharp battel with him in the view of both kings and their Armies, cut off one of his hands, and after that his head. ‘By which Victory the whole Land of Eng­land enjoyed the unviolated privilege of rest and Li­berty from the Danish king, untill Cnute king of Denmark gained the Realm of England from Edmund Ironside. But this Relation being contrary to the truth of History, and the Stream of all our Historiogra­phers, I shall repute it meerly fabulous; though I could not well omit it, for that Relation it hath to this my Theame an [...] precedent Propositi­ons.

De Gest. Reg. Ang. l. 2. c. 6. p. 52. Spel­man. conc. p. 407, 408. Speeds Hist. p. 396. See In­gulph. Hist. p. 378. William of Malmesbury and others out of him re­cord, that Elfrid (a Noble man) who opposed Aethel­stans Title to the Crown, though in vain, intended to have seized on him at Winchester, and put out his eyes; but his Treason being discovered before it came to the Accomplishment, he was taken and sent to Rome to purge himself by Oath; where before the Altar of St. Peter and Pope Iohn the 10th, he adjured the fact, and thereupon fell suddainly down dead to the Earth, and being carried from before the Altar by his Ser­vants to the English School, he there died within three daies after. Upon this the Pope sent to the king, to Proposit.: 5, 6, 10. advise what he should do with him, and whether he should allow him burial with other Christia [...] Corps? ‘The king hereupon assembling a Council of his Nobles, to ad­vise about it; Optimates Regionis the Nobles of the Realm with a great Company of Elfrids kindred, ear­nestly requested of the King with great humility, that his body might be committed to Christian Burial’ The King consenting to their Request, acquainted the [Page 98] Pope therewith; who granted him Christian Burial, though unworthy. Hereupon the Nobles adjudged all his Lands and Possessions great and small, to the King; who by their consent, granted and confirmed them all to the Ab­by of Malmesbury by his Charter, wherin he recites; Sci­ant opos. 2, 4, 5, 6, 10. Sapientes regionis Nostrae, non has praefatas terr as me injustè Rapuisse, Rapinam (que) Deo Dedicasse, sed sic eas accepi Quemadmodum judicaverunt omnes Optimates Regni Anglorum. Insuper et Apostolicus Papa Romanae Ecclesiae Johannes; After which, reci­ting the Treachery, perjury and death of Elfred, with his Condescention to his Nobles and friends request aforesaid, he concludes thus. ‘Et sic Adjudicata est mihi tota possessio ejus in magnis et modicis. Sed et haec Apicibus praenotamus literarum, ne quamdi [...] Chri­stianitas regnat, aboleatur; unde mihi praefata pos­sessio, quam Deo et Sancto Petro dedi, donatur; nec Justius novi quam Deo et sancto Petro hanc possessio­nem dare, qui aemulum meum in conspectu omnium cadere fecerunt, et mihi prosperitatem Regni largiti sunt.’

To which Malmesbury subjoyns. In his Verbis Regis sa­pientiam, et pietatem ejus in Dei rebus suspicere par est: Sapientiam, eo quod animadverterat, juvenis presertim, non esse Dei Gratiosum de Rapinâ Holocaustum. Pietatem, eo quod Munus ultione divin [...] collatum, Deo potissimum non ingratus rependeret.

From whence I shall only observe, that Elfrid be­ing a Peer of the Realm, dying perjured as asoresaid, was adjudged to forfeir all his Lands for Treason after his death only by his Peers in a Parliamentary Council, and that if the king had seized on them without their judgement, it had been an unjust Rapine, by his own Confession; but being legally confiscated to him by their Judgement, it was no Rapine, but Justice for him to seize, and Piety to dispose of them at his pleasure to this Church. What Churches and M [...]nasteries [Page 99] he built and repaired throughout the Realm; What Lands he restored to St. Augustines Church at Canterbury on the day of his Coronation (by the Assent of his Bishops and Nobles) though long detained from it; and how he gave the Lands of Folcastan, in Kent, escheated by the Danes destruction of the Nunnery there, to Christ-church in Canterbury, you may read in the Ingulphi Historia. p. 878. Chronic [...] VVill. Thorn, Col. 1778. Evi­dentiae Eclesiae Christi, Cant. Col. 2220. &c. Margi­nal Authors.

de Gest: R. Ang. l. 2. c. 6. p. 51. See In­gulp. Hist. p. 877, 878. William of Malmesbury informs us, that Bald­win Earl of Flanders, sent Embassadour by Hugh King of France, to King Ethelstan, to demand his Sister for his Wife, brought over with him divers rich presents; and Reliques (Amongst others, the Sword of Constan­tine the Great, the Lance of Charls the Great, and one of the 4 Nails that pierced our Saviours body, set in plates of Gold; A piece of our Saviours Cross inclosed in a Christal Case &c. all which he presented to the King and Lady) cum in Conventu Procerum, apud Abin­donium proci postulata exhibuisset: Which intimates, that this King consulted with an assembly of his Nobles a­bout his Sisters Marriage to the King of France, as a mater of Parliamentary consideration.

Ingulphus Hist. p. 876, 877, 878. records, that Tur­ketulus was his Chancellor and chief Counsellour, who affected not Honors and Riches, refused many Bishop­ricks offered him by the King, Tanquam tendiculas Sa­tanae ad animas evertendas; and would never accept of any Bishishoprick all his life, being Content only with his own Lands and Wages: That all his Decrees were so just and legal, that they remained irrevocable, when once made: That he was a great Souldier, and fought most valiantly against the Danes, and often gloried and said, He was most happy in this, that he had never murdered nor maimed any one, Cum pugnare [...]ro patria, & maxi­mè contra Paganos licite quisque possit; He esteem­ing the slaughter of such Pagan Enemies in defence ef his Country, lawfull, and no murther nor maim.

[Page 100] King Aethelstan, deceasing without i [...]ue, his Bro­ther Anno 940. Edmund succeeded him An. 940. who upon the (n) Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 7. Hoveden An­nal. pars prior, p. 422. Ingulp. Hist. p. 878. Huntindon Hist. l. 5. p. 355. Ethelwer­di Hist. l. 4. c. 6. Chron. Io­han. Bromton, Col. 856, 857, 858. Mat. VVestm. et wi­gorn. An. 940. to 946. false suggestions of some of his Souldiers and Courtiers, de­deprived Dunstan (whom he had made his Chancel­lour, and one of his privy Council, yea ranked amongst the Royal Palatines and Princes of his Realm) of all his digni­ties and Offices. The very next day after, being like to break his Neck as he rod a hunting over a steep Rock, had not his horse miraculously stopped at the Rocks brink in his full carier, he immediatly sent for Dunstan, and to repair the injury done him, rod pre­sently to Glastonbury, and made him Abbot thereof. Presently after, Anlaffe King of Norwey, whom Ae­thelstan had driven out of the Kingdom of Northumber­land, came with a great Navy and Army to York, being called in by the perfidious and rebellious Northumberlan­ders, who instantly revolted to him, and elected him for their King. Whereupon he marching Southward with a puissant Army, purposing to subjugate the Realm of England to himself, King Edmund gathering his forces Proposit. 4. 8. together, encountred him, and after a bloody battel fought a whole day between them at Leicester, with great loss on both sides, Odo Archbishop of Canterbury and Welstan Archbishop of York perceiving the danger on both parts, and the Destruction of the Realm, made this A­greement between them; that Anlaffe should quietly enjoy the whole Northeast part of England, lying North of Wat­lingstreet; and Edmund all the Southern part thereof, du­ring their joynt Lives, and the Survivor of them enjoy the whole Realm after the others decease: But Anlaffe soon after wasting the Church of St. Balter, and burning Tivinagham with fire, was presently seised on by Gods a­venging Judgement, and miserably ended his life.

About the year 940. Spelman. Concil. p. 408, 411. &c. Hoel Dha, Prince of all Wales, sent for six Laymen, eminent for authority and knowledge, out of every Kemut, or hundred of his Realm, and Anno. 940. all the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, & Priors of his Realm, dignified with a Pastoral staff; who continuing all together, [Page 101] in prayer, fasting and consultation all the Lent, did in this Welsh Patliament, make and enact many Civil and Ec­clesiastical Laws, which they divided into 3 parts and books, for the better Government of the Realm and Church; Propos. 5. 2. which you may read in Spelman. In the 22 Law whereof they thus determine: Tres autem sunt homines quorum nullus potest per Legem impignorare contra ali­quod Iudicium: Primus est Rex, ubi non poterit se­cundum Legem in Lite stare coram judice suo agendo vel respondendo, per dignitatem naturalem, vel per dig­nitatem terrae, ut Optimas, vel alius. So that by the Laws of those times, not only the Kings of England, but even the petty Kings of Wales were by their very Natural and Royal Dignities, exempted from all per­sonall Tryals and Judgements against them in any Courts of Justice, seeing they had no Peers to be tryed by.

In the year 940 Simeon Dunelm. Hist. de Dunel. Eccl. c. 16. col. 23. c. 24. Reingwald (or Reginald) the Dane comming with a great Navy into Northumber­land, slew most of the best Inhabitants of that Realm, or drove them out of it. He likewise seized upon all the Lands of St. Cutbert, and gave his Lands to two of his Souldiers; one of them called Scula, who afflicted the mi­serable Inhabitants with Grtevous and intollerable Tri­butes; whence even unto this day, the Yorkshire-men as often at they are compelled to pay Tributum Regale, Propos. 1, 4. A Royal Tribute, endeavour to impose a pecuniary Mulct on the Land which this Scula possessed, for the easing of themselves. Scilicet Legem deputant, quod Paganus per Tyrannidem fecerat, qui non legitimo Regi Ang­lorum, sed barbaro et aliegenae Et Regis Anglo­rum hosti militabat. Nec tamen quamvis multum in hoc Laboraverint, Pravam Consuetudinem huc usque Sancto Cuthberto resistente Introducere potuerunt; writes Simeon Dunelmensis. ‘The other part of those Lands one Onlasbald seised upon; who was much more cruel and oppressive to all men than Scula; extra­ordinarily vexing the Bishop, Congregation, and [Page 102] People of Saint Cutbert, and particularly seising upon the Land belonging to the Bishoprick;’ Whereupon the Bishopoft endeavouring by perswasion to draw him to God, and entreating him to lay aside the obstinate ri­gor of his mind, and refrain himself from the unlaw­full Invasion of the Churches Lands, else if he con­temned his admonitions, God and St. Cutbert would severely avenge the Injuries done by him to them, and others. ‘He with a diabolical mind contemning his admonitions and Threats, swore by his Heathen Gods, that he would from thenceforth be a more bit­ter Enemie towards St. Cuthbert and them all, than e­ver he was before; Whereupon the Bishop with all his Monks falling prostrare on the earth, earnestly prayed to God and his holy Confessor, to annul those proud Tyrants Threats; who was then comming into the place where they were praying, having one foot within the Door, and the other without; in which posture he stood there immovably fixed, as if both his feet had been nayled, being able neither to go out nor come in, but standing immovable, till being long thus tortured, he there gave up his mise­rable soul in the place: with which example all others being terrified, would no further presume by any means to invade the Land, nor any thing else belon­ging of right to the Church.’

Mat. West. et Wigorn. An. 941. to 946. Huntingd. Hist. l. 5. p. 355, Hov. Annal. pars prior p. 421. Ethelw. Hist. l. 4. c. 6. VVilliam Malmesbury, De Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 7. Simeon Dunelm. Hist. de Dunelm▪ Eccl. c. 18. col. 26. et de Gest. Reg. Angl. col. 134, 155, 156. Ethelr. A [...]bas de Gen▪ Reg. Ang. col. 358. Pol. l. [...], c. 7. Fab. Caxt. Grast. Holinsh. Speed in the life of King Edm▪ Anno 941. ‘the Rebellious o Northumberlan­ders Anno 941. preferring disloyalty before the Fealty which they owed unto Magnificent Edmund King of England, elected Anlaff (King of the Norwegians) for their King, Son to the former Anlaff; who pe­rishing suddenly for his Sacrilege (as aforesaid) he and Reginald, the Son of Garthfrith, after their Bap­tism, breaking their faith and Agreement with [Page 103] King Edmund, by invading his Dominions. Edmund thereupon by force of Armes expelled them both out of the Realm of Northumberland, and united it to his own kingdom; and wrested Lincoln, Nottingham, Derby, Leicester, and Stamford out of the hands of the Usurping, insolent, oppressing Danes, with all Mer­cia; subduing and reducing the Monarchy of all Eng­land unto himself; extirpating all the Pagan Danes with their infidelity; restoring Christianity to its Lustre, and the English to their Possessions and Liberties.’ The year following he wasted and subdued all Cumberland, and pillaged the people of all their goods: And because the people of that Country were perfi­dam & legibus insolitam, perfidious and unaccustomed to Laws, so that he could not totally subdue and civilize them, having harrowed it with his Army, and put out the eyes of the two sons of Dummail, King thereof, he gave Proposit. 3, 7. the Country to Malcolm King of Scots, to be held of him­self, upon this Condition, that he should assist him, and de­fend the Northern parts of England by Land and Sea from the Incursions of invading Enemies.

This King Edmund after the Conquest and Expulsi­on An. 944. of his Enemies, by the advise of Dunston and his Chancellour Turketulus, Chron. Ioh. Bromt. col. 858. to 862. Spelm. Concil. p. 415. to 428. Lambardi Ar­chaion, Poly­chron. l. 6. c. 7. Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 7. In­gulphi Hist. p. 878. made good Lawes, and ordi­nances, Ecclesiastical and Civil, for the Government of his Realm; for which purpose, about the year of our Lord 944, he assembled a Parliamentary Council of the Clergy & Laity at London, to consult and advise with them in the making of his Lawes. Which the Proems to them, thus expresse. Edmundus Rex ipso solenni Pascatis festo Fre­quentem Londini tam Ecclesiasticorum quam Laicorum Caetum celebravit, as one version out of the Saxon; Or, Congregavit magnam Synodum Dei ordinis et saeculi; as another translation renders it; cui interfuit, Odo, et VVulstanus Archiepiscopi, et alii plures Episcopi, ut a­nimorum suorum, et corum omnium, qui eis curae sunt, con­suleretur Proposit. 5. saluti; And this Proem of King Edmund, him­self [Page 104] thus seconds, Bromt. Spel. Lamb. quo supra. Ego Edmundus Rex omnibus qui in ditione ac potestate meâ sunt, senibus & juvenibus, clare sig­nifico, Me à scientissimis Regni mei in celebri Ecclesi­asticorum quam Laicorum frequentiâ, studiose requisi­vi [...]e, quo tandem pacto Christiana proveheretur fides, &c. Or, Mando, & praecipio omni populo Seniorum & Junio­rum qui in Regione mea sunt, Ea quae Investigans Investi­gavi cum Sapientibus Clericis & Laicis: In this Coun­cil there were three parcels of Laws made; the one, meerly Ecclesiastical; the other, meerly Civil; the third, mixt of bo [...]h. And in this Council, I conceive, the Constitu­tions of Archbishop Odo were read and ratified. The greatest part of the Civil Laws there made, were a­gainst Murder, bloodshed, fighting, breach of Peace, Theft and Perjury: In the last parcel of these Laws, cap. 5. The King gives God and them thanks, for assisting him in making these Laws, in these words; Maximas au­tem & Deo & vobis omnibus ago gratias, Qui me auxilio vestro in hac pacis quam nunc ad profligandos oposit. 5. sures sancivimus, Le ge adjuvistis; ac vehementèr con­fido, eo vos propensius Nobis in posterum opitulatu­ro [...], quo hujus Decreti observatio magis videbitur ne­cessaria.

About the same year, 944. Chron. Johan. Bromt. col. 859. this King assem­bled another Parliamentary Council of his Bishops and Wisemen at Culinton, where they enacted 7 other Laws, Principally against Theeves, together with an Oath of Allegiance to king Edmund, thus prefaced. Haec est Proposit. 5, 4, 7. Institutio quam Edmunds Rex, & Episcopi sui, cum Sa­pientibus suis instituerunt apud Culintoniam de pace & Juramento faciendo. The two first of these Laws I shall transcribe as pertinent to my Theam.

Cap. 1. Imprimis, ut omnes jurent in nomine Do­mini, pro quo sanctum illud sanctum est, fidelitatem Edmundo Regi, Sicut Homo debet esse fidelis Domi­no suo, sine omni controversiâ & seditione, in mani­festo, in occulto, in amando quod amabit, Nolendo Proposit. 7. [Page 105] quod nol uit; et̄ antequam Iuramentum hoc dabitur, ut ne­mo concelet hoc in fratre vel proximo suo plus quam in ex­traneo.

Cap. 2. Vult etiam, ut ubi fur pro certo cognoscetur Twelfhindi et Twifhindi (that is meu of 600 or 200 s. Land by the year) consocientur et exuperent eum vivum, vel mortuum, alterutrum quod pot [...]runt; et qui aliquem eorum infaidiabit, qui in eâ quaestione fuerint, sit inimicus Regis et omnium Amicorum ipsius. Et si quis adire negaverit, et coadjuvare nolit, emendat Regi cxx s. vel secundum hoc pernegat quod nescivit, et hundredo xxx s.

From whence it is apparent, That all Oaths of Al­legance; and Laws against Theeves and other Malefa­ctors, were then made and enacted in Parliamentary Councils assembled for that purpose, and all fines, for offences imposed, and reduced to a certainty only by Parliament. And by the last parcel of King Ed­munds Laws in Bromton, it seems, the manner of contra­cting Marriage was then prescribed and setled by a Par­liamentary Council.

This King Chron. VVil. Thorn. col. 21. c. 25. E­vid. Eccles. Christ. Cant. col. 2221. Sim. Dunelm, Hist. de Eccles. Du­nelm. l. 26. 19. col. 25. Edmund, as he gave and restored by his Charters to Christ-Church and St. Augustines in Canterbury several Lands unjustly taken away from them by his Predecessors, free from all secular services, except expedition and building of Bridge and Castle; and ratified the Laws and Privileges of St. Cutberts Church at Durham, by consent of his Bishops and Nobles; So likewise, M [...]lm. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 7. Sp [...]lman concil. p. 4. 27. Anno 944. he granted by his Charter, (written in golden Characters) sundry large Liberties, together with [...]he Mannor of Glastonbury to the Ab­bey of Glustonbury, Consilio et cons [...]n [...]u Op imat [...]m meorum (then assembled in a Parliamentary Council at London) ratifying the Privileges gr [...]nted to the Mo­nastery by King Edmund his Father, E [...]frid, Ce [...]twine, Ina and Cuthred; et nè quisquam mortalium; seu E­piscopus, vel Dux aut Princeps, aut quilibet ministrorum [Page 106] eorum audeat eam omnino intrare causa placitandi, vel ca­piendi, vel quidquam faciendi, quod contrarium fore possit intbi Deo Servientibus, Dei indictone prohibuit.

Mat. West. An. 945. p. 366. Chron. Ioh [...]n. Brom. col. 8 [...]8. In the year 945. this King Edmund gave many An. 945. Lands and Privileges tothe Monastery of St. Edmunds­bury, by his Charters; quam subscriptione. Episco­rum, Comitum et Baronum pia devotione roboravit, (most probably in the Parliamentary Council, of London, at Culington where they were all assembled.) Proposition 10.

Mat. West. Wig. Malm. Hunt. Hov. In­gulph. Sim. Du­nelm. Brom. wil. Thorn. Polch. Aclredus, Fab. Graft. Caxton, Holinsh. Speed, An. 946. and in the life of Edmund. King Edmund, in the year 946. celebrating with great Solemnity the Feast of St. Augustine (which the English accustomed to celebrate every year) at Can­terbury, as some; or at Pulcherkirke (now at Puckel­Church in Glostershire) as others, or Michelesberith, as Matthew Westminster stiles it) as he was sitting at Dinner in the Hall amidst his Nobles and Courtiers espyed a notable Thief called Leoff (whom he formerly banished for his theft) stand in the Hall: Whereupon he not enduring his sight, commanded his Butler to thrust that Thief presently out of the Palace: who refusing to depart upon the Kings Command and resisting the Butler, the King therupon in a rage rising suddenly from Proposit, 2, 8. the Table, took the Thief by the Hair, and threw him to the Ground: whereupon the Traitor feeling himself hurt, and the King Iying upon him, presently drew out his Knife; which he carried secretly about him, ript up the Kings bowels and slew him with it; which the Knights and Souldiers perceiving, rushed all upon the Thief, and with their Swords and Knives chopped all his flesh and bones into small pieces. Some Historians write, that he slew some of the Kings followers like­wise, and wounded more of them, and so escaped in the midst of the Tumult, Sicque clarum regalis Convi­vii principium, nebulosus rerum Gestarum exitus termi­navit. Communi ergo decretum Concilio: It was thereupon decreed by a Common Council, that his Body should be interred in Glastonbury Abby. Abbot Ethel­red [Page 107] gives this Encomium of him. ‘Erat autem patris Edwardi in omnibus imitabitor, homo simplex & re­ctus, et timens Deum, et usque ad finem vitae suae permanens in innocentiâ suâ.’

(b) Edred his Brother, succeeded him the same year in Anno 946. &c. the Throne, and was crowned King at Kingston by O­do Mat. West. VVig. Sim. Du­nelm. Hunt. Hov. Malm. Brom. Aclred. Polyc. Fab. Hol Speed An. 946. and in the life Edred, Ethelw. Hist. l. 4. c. 8. Archbishop of Canterbury; Edwin and Edgar King Edmunds Sons, being put by, because of their Infancy; quia tepugnante legitimâ aetate patri succedere non valebant, as Matthew Westminster renders the reason.

No sooner was he crowned, but entring it to Nor­thumberland, with a great army, he subdued the rebelli­ous Northumberlanders, who refused to bear the yoak of his government, reducing them all under his obedience. Wher­upon Wulstan Arcbbishop of York, and all the Nobles of the Northumberlanders swore fealty to King Edred, which they did not long observe. After which King E­dred entred with Banners displayed into Scotland, whereupon the Scots, strucken with a fear, without Propos. 8. any resistance, or war, swore homage and fealty to him as to their true Lord, as well as the Northumberlanders; which Oath they soon violated: For no sooner was Edred returned with his Army into the Southern parts, but Anlaff who was chased out of Northumberland, retur­ning thither again with a great Flee [...], was joyfully recei­ved by the Northumberlanders, andrestored by them to the Throne of the Kingdom, which he kept by force near four years. But in the fourth year the Northumberlanders using their accustomed treachery and disloyalty, chased away their King Anlaff, and received Hirc or E [...]icus son of Harald, for their king, who held the kingdom but a short time; ‘for the People of the Conntry, not long enduring any king as they had lightly received Hirc for their king, so in the third year of his Reign, they as lightly rejected him, and calling king Edred to them of their own accord, received him again for their Soveraign, and set him in the Throne, as Huntin­ton records. But Malmesbuty, Roger Hoveden, and, [Page 108] others relate; ‘That king Edred Anno 948 was soin­censed with the Northumberlanders for their treache­ry towards him, in chusing Hirc for their king, against their Oath of Allegiance sworn to him; that he wa­sted all Norshumberland with fire and sword and famine, et penè ex hominibus delevit; But some of the Northumberlanders in his return from thence, sal­lying out of York with their forces, cut off some of the Rear of his Army ar Cesterford; wherwith king E­dred was so enraged, that he resolved presently to re­turn, et totam illam terram penitus desere, and ut­utterly to destroy all that Country. Which the Nor­thumberlanders hearing, they were so terrified, that they rejected their new King Hirc, and received Edred for their Soveraign, satisfying the King with Honors, and the Damages and Wrongs they had done unto him, with Gifts, and no small Sums of Mony. These treacherous Rebellious Northumberlanders after E­dred and Hirc, had no particular King at all to rule over them, but only Dukes, whose names and successions (with their Treachery towards and Rebellions against them) Anno 951. you may read at leisure in Roger Hoveden, who sub­joyns the History of them immediately to this relati­on.

‘This King Edred (about the year 951. Mat. west. An. 951. p. 357. Malm. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 7. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. col. 356. Flor. VVig. An. 952, 954 Ro­ger Hov. An­nal pars prior, p. 427, Thomas Stubs. Acta Pontif. Ebor. c. 1669. Godw. Catalogue of Bishops, p. 443. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 49. close imprisoned Wulstan Archbishop of York in Withau­brig, and suspended him from his Archbishoprick, near a whole year, for certain causes of which he had been frequently accused to him; but especially for coun­tenancing and harbouring the rebellious perjured Northumberlanders and the Danes, a Heathen people, who not only sought to destroy his Native Country, but also to root out Christian Religi­on, for which he deserved a thousand deaths: and exciting them both against his Soveraign King Edred, contrary to their Oath; and for killing the Citizens Propos. 2. 3. [Page 109] of Thatford in a tumultuous manner in revenge of the death of Abbot Adelm, whom they had causelesly murdered.’ Norwithstanding all which, about a year after he was enlarged and restored to his Bishop­rick; Malmesbury and Abbot Ethelred, record of king Edred, that he made his Palace altogether a School of Vir­tues, obeying Dunstans Counsels in all things, et Justissi­mis Legibus subditos Regens, and governed his Sub­jects by most just Laws.

I read only of one Great Parliamentary Council held under King Edred, and that was at Ingulphi Hist. p. 874, 875, 876. Hoveden An­nal. pars prior. p. 423. Mat. Westm. An. 948 Spelm. Concil. p. 428. Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour, part 2. ch. 5. p. 633. London, in the Anno 948. year 948. in the Feast of the Virgin Maries Nativity; Cui Universi Magnates Regni, per Regium edictum Summoniti, tam Archiepiscopi, & Episcopi, & Ab­bates, quam Caeteri totius Regni Proceres & Optima­tes, Londini convenissent, ad tractandum de negotiis publicis totius Regni; as Ingulphus and others re­cord.

In which Parliamentary Council, when all the pub­like affairs were finished (which as it seems concern­ed the making and carrying on of that war against the Rebellious, Treacherous Northumberlanders, who brake their faith with King Edred, and set up a King of the Danish race, as aforesaid,) the King in the presence, and Propos. 5, 8, 9. by the consent of them all, restored, granted and re-confir­med by his Charter (dictated by Abbot Turketulus here­tofore his Chancellour) all the Lands and Liberties for­merly granted by Kings and others to the Abbey of Croy­land, with sundry Mannors then given to it by Turketu­lus himself: wherein (amongst other Liberties) he granted to the Monks; quod sint quieti & soluti ab omni Scotto, Geldo, auxiliis Vicecomitum, Hydagio, & ab Secta in Schiris, Wapuntakis, Hundredis, Thrichingis & omnibus omnibus aliis curis & saeculi oneribus universis. This Proposit. 1. Charter was subscribed and ratified with the sign of the Cross, by all the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots a [...]d No­bles, who gave both their Counsels and Assents thereto, as [Page 110] their subscriptiens testifie, that so it might be firm and perpetual. In the beginning of which Charter, this King, to shew, that he held his Crown only from and un­der God, thus stiles himself. Ego Edredus Rex terre­nus sub imperiali potentia Regis saeculorum aeterni­que Principis, Magnae Britanniae gerens Imperium, &c.

About the year of Christ 950, Spelman. Concil. p. 429, 430, 502, 530. Nogui a Welsh King, being overmuch incensed with one Arcoit, wa­sted An. 950, 955. his Lands, and with too much fury, violared the Sanctuary, to which he fled. Whereupon Pater Bishop of Landaffe assembled all the Clerks of his Diocess in a Synod, to punish this Sacrilege and breach of Sanctuary: Proposit. 2, 4, 6, 10. Which the King hearing of, desired pardon of the Bishop and whole Synod, for these offences in the Church of Main­non, restoring all the things of the Church he had taken a­way, with satisfaction, and effusion of Tears. Whereup­on, to obtain pardon and absolution for the penance they enjoyned him, he gave the parish of Guidcon, with all the Lands, Liberties and Commons appertaining thereunto, to God, and the Bishops of Landaffe for ever, to be held in Frankalmoighne. Some five years after (Anno 955.) Ily a Deacon, slaying one Merduter, and flying into a Church for Sanctuary; thereupon his kins­folk, and some of king Nogui his family, forcibly en­tring into the Church, flew Ili before the Altar, sprink­ling his blood both upon the Altar and Walls of the Church; Whereupon Pater Bishop of Landaffe, assembled a Sy­nod of all the Priests, Deacons, and Ecclesiastical persons within his Diocess, to excommunicate the Delinquents; which King Nogui and his Nobles hearing of, fearing the Malediction of the Church, the weight whereof they durst not undergoe, sent for the Bishop, and upon con­sultation, by advice of the Doctors of both sides, delivered up the Murderers into the Bishops hands, who sent them to the Monastery of St. Teliavi, where they were kept 6 Moneths in Iron Chains. After which they were excom­municated. [Page 111] Synodo quoque Judican [...]e defini [...]um est, unusquisque eorum suum agrum, suamque totam sub­stantiam, insuper & pretium animae suae (id est) sep­tem Libras Argenti, redderet Ecclesiae quam macula­verat, determinantibus omnibus Divino Judicio, &c.

The Bishop rising up in the midst of them, holding the Gospel in his hand, said to Nogui, lay thy hand upon this Gospel: Whereupon Nogui laying his hand upon it, said; ‘Sit haec terra cum incolis suis, in sem­piterna consecra [...]ione Deo, &c. & Patri Episcopo, & omnibus Episcopis Landaviae, Libera ab omni Laicali servitio, nisi tantum in oratione quotidianâ in per­petuo.’ It seems the petty Welsh Kings, and their Courtiers, were all subject in those dayes to the Cen­sures and excommunications of their Synods, for their Sa­crilege, and other unrighteous Actions infringing the Churches Liberties. That their Synods had a Judiciary Power, and that they could not convey Lands to the Church, but by the Consent and Judgement of their Synods, which attested and ratified the same, as you may read in Spelman. Who likewise informs us, of another Welsh Synod held at Landaffe, about the year 988. wherein Arithmail Son of Nogui, King of Guenti, slaying his Brother Elised, was for this execrable Fratricide ex­communicated by Gucan, Bishop of Landaffe, and all the Synod, who thereupon submitting to the penance therein enjoyned him, gave certain Lands for ever in Frankal­moighne to God and all the Bishops of Landaffe, to purehase his absolution.

King Wil. Mal­mesbury de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 8. de Gestie Pontificum, l. 1. p. 20. Mat. Westminster, & VVigorn. An. 955, 957, 958, &c. Hoveden Annal. pars prior, p. 427. Ethel­redus Abbas de Genealogia Reg. Angl. col. 358, 359. Chronicon Johannis Bromton, col. 862, 863. Simeon Dnelmensis de Gestis Regum Angliae, col. 156, 157. Hyg­den Polychron. l. 6. c. 8. Fabian, Caxton, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed in the life of Edwin, Osburn, Gervasius Dorobern. Capgrave, Mat. Parker, and Godwin in the Lives of Odo and Dunstan, Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 196. Antonini Chron, pars 2. Tit. 16. c. 6. Edred deceasing to the great grief of all his Anno 957. [Page 112] Sub [...]ects, his Nephew Edwin (formerly put by the Crown for his Nonage) was there upon (though young) crowned King at Kingston by Archbishop Odo, An. 955. but in the second year of his reign 957. the Mer­cians and Northumberians wholly cast off their obe­dience to him, and conspiring alltogether by unanimous con­sent, rejecting him from being their King, elected his Brother Edgar for their Sovereign Lord, Deo dictante & annuente populo: VVhereupon the kingdom was di­vided between them by the bounds of the River of Thames.

VVhat was the true Cause of this deposition and re­jection of Edwin is very doubtfull: William of Malmes­bury, Hovedeu, Matthew Westminster, Dunelmensis, Brom­ton, Henry de Knighton, Abbot Ethelred, Hygden, Florence of Worcester, and most of our old Historians being Monks, and over-much devoted to their Arch-Patron Dunstan, record: That the true Causes thereof were, First, His ill lascivious Life and Incontinency with Alfgiva his Concubine (as they write) and near kinswoman, from whom Archbishop Odo divorced him; and likewise with sundry other Concubines which he entertained in his Court, whom Odo excom­municated and banished thence. 2. His Indiscret and Tyrannical Gvernment contrary to his Laws. I. ‘In slight­ing, Proposit. 2, 4. depressing and destroying the Nobles and Wisemen of the Realm, who disgusted his lascivious Courses, and in favouring ignorant, unjust, vicious persons, and following their most wicked Counsels. 2. In banishing Abbot Dunstan, and seising upon all his Goods, only for Justice sake, because he reprehen­ded him for his exorbitant vicious Courses’ (being then the chief swaying Grandee, and head of the Monkish faction.) ‘3. In forcibly thrusting out by Armed Souldiers all the Regular Monks throughout England, and casting them forth of the Monasteries, (there being then no Regular Monks in any Monaste­ries, [Page 113] but only in Glastonbury and Malmesbury as the Chro­nicles of Winchester, and others record:) then seizing upon all their wealth, and bestowing their Lands and Monasteries on secular and maried Priests, and afflicting these Monks in sundry other kinds.’ But Histor. 1. 5, p. 356. Henry Arch-Deacon of Huntington, an antient, judi­cious, impartial old Historian, flourishing in the year 1148. mentions none of these particulars, in his life, but gives this honorable Testimony of his Govern­ment, that it was both prosperous, flourishing and lau­dable. Rex Edwi non illaudabiliter Regni infulam tenu­it; Anno Regni sui Quiuto, cum in principio Regnum ejus decentissimè floreret, prospera et laet a bunda ex­ordia mors immatur a perrupit. And therefore Archbi­bishop Antiq. Ec­cles. Brit. p. 47. to 54. Parker, Catologue of Bishops in the lives of Odo & Dunst. p. 19, 20, 21, 22. Bishop Godwin, History of Great Brittain. p. 403, 404. Speed, and Spelm. con­cil. p. 429, 430. others conceive, that the true cause why the Merci­ans and Northumbrians, (& those only, not the rest of his subjects and kingdom) rejected him, and set up his Bro­ther Edgar (whose lasciviousness was more excessive, and vices more extorbitant in some degrees than Edwins, which yet our former Monkish Historians blanch or excuse) was the Malice of Dunstan, and Odo (the Pil­lars and Oracles of the Monkish Clergy;) ‘who stirred up the Merciaus and seditious rebellious Northumbri­ans, against him, to set up Edgar in his stead, who was totally devoted to them and Dunstan, by whose Coun­sels he was afterwards wholy guided, and built no less than 47 new Monasteries for the Monks, besides all those he repaired, intending to build three more had he lived, to make them 50 compleat;’, and likewise cast out the secular and maried Priests out of all Mona­steries and Churches unless they would become Monks, replenishing all Monasteries & Churches with Monks alone. They likewise inform us, that the true causes of kings Edwins banishing Dunstan, ejecting the Monks, and seising their Lands and Treasures was, ‘That Dunstan had so bewitched Edmund, Edward, Athelstan, and Aedred his Predecessors, with the [Page 114] love of Monkery, as that they not only took violent­ly from maried Priests their livings to erect monaste­ries, but also lavishly wasted much of their own Roy­al Treasures, Lands and Revenues upon them, which they should have rather employed in resisting the common Enemies of God and their Country, the Danes: whereupon Edwin percei [...]ing that all the wealth of the Land was crept into Monasteries, not on­ly refrained to bestow more on them, but recalled di­vers of those prodigal Gifts his Predecessors had gran­ted them, which the Monks refusing to render upon demand, he seized upon them by armed Officers, as ha­ving indeed cheated his Predecessors and defrauded the Kingdom of them. They adde hereunto, that King Edrid had committed all his chief Houshold-stuft, Plate, Records, and the Treasures of all the Realm, with all the Magazines he had gotten, to Dunstans custody, and [...]aid them up in the Monastery at Gla­stonbury; yea, he committed his Kingdom, body and Soul unto him, So as all was wholly in Dunstans pow­er, who alone managed all the publick affairs of the Realm, and exercised Regal Authority. And when King Edred in his sicknesse demanded all his Hous­holdstuff, Jewels, Monies and Treasures from him, Dunstan pretending to fetch them, before he return­ed with them, Dustan heard a voice (as our Monkish Writers fable) that Edred was dead in the Lord; and thereupon detained them in his and his Monks custo­dy, being unwilling to part with them to young King Edwin his Successor, whereupon he seised on them by force, as of right belonging to him, and expelled Dunstan with his Monks. And so much the rather, because Dunstan presumed most impudently and vio­lently, to rush into his Bed-chamber, and pull him out forcibly thence on the very day of his Coronation (contrary to all Christian and Princely Modesty) from the embraces of his beautifull and beloved Alfgina, [Page 115] which some Monks and these Historians report, to be his lawfull wife not his Concubine, and not content there­with, he excited Odo Archbishop of Canterbury, pub­lickly to divorce her from him; some say, for con­sanguinity only, and others for other Reasons. Whereupon the king betaking himself to his Concu­bines, Odo suspended him from the Church, ex­communicated all his Concubines, caused one of them whom the king best affected, to be violently fetched out of the Court with armed Men, branded her in the forehead with an hot Iron, and then bani­shed her into Ireland.

After which she returning into England, Odo apprehen­ded her the second time, and cut off her Sinews at the Hock­bone. All which intollerable Affronts so incensed Edwin, that he banished and spoyled Dunstan with his Monks as aforesaid, and threatned Odo with severe punishments; none others in the Realm but these daring then to oppose him: hereupon they formerly and then bearing the greatest sway, by way of revenge, and to prevent Edwins further fury against them, stirred up the Mercians and Northumbrians to reject him, and that in a tumultuous manner, by force of Arme, in which Uproar Edgar gained possession of half his Kingdom. Antiq▪ Eccl. Brit. p. 4, p. 153. Spelm. concil, p. 431. [...]ntonius in his life. Matthew Parker and Sir Henry Spelman out of him, subjoyns, that by these civil dissentions raised between King Edwin and his Brother Edgar, they much weak­ned the forces of the Realm in many set Battels fought between them; till at last Edgar getting the better; Con­vocato ad Branfordiam Regni concilio, Fratris Ed­wini acta et decreta rescendit. Assemblong a Council at Brandford, he repealed all the Acts and Decrees of his Brother King Edwin, restored to the Churches and Mo­nasteries the Treasures he had taken from them, recalled Dunstan from his former banishment, and made him first Propos. 5. Bishop of Worcester, then of London, and last of all of Canterbury.

[Page 116] De Even­tibus Angliae, l. 1. c. 5. col. 2312, 2313. Henry de Knyghton, a Canon of the Abbey of Lei­cester, relates, out of the History of Leicester Abbey; ‘That Edwin being expulsed and shamefully thrust out of his kingdom, for his evil life, and exoroitant acti­ons done against the Church, the Monarchy of Eng­land continued void above a year. Whereupon, many murders and wickednesses were committed, and infinite mischiefs happened amonst the people for want of Government, until holy men, both of the Clergy and People deeply affected therewith, hum­bled themselves, and uncessantly repented of their sins, and prayed day and night to God, that he would hear them, and mercifully relieve them in so great necessity, giving them such a King who might govern the Realm of England in such fort, as might redound to the honour of God, and profit of the Realm. That God beholding their prayers from on high, in the night silence, this voice was heard from God;’ That they should crown Edgar King, though but then a youth; who rejoyced with this Divine Oracle, (most likely by the Monks and Dunstans Legerdemain, the Divine Oracle that uttered it) speedily advanced Edgar to be King, being but 16 years old; and so he was elected and crowned King by a divine Oracle, which never hapned to any King of England in former times.

Upon Edgars Coronation Mat. West­minst. wigorn. Et Sim. Du­uelm, Anno 859. VVil. Malmesb. de Gest. Regum Angl. l 2. c. 8. Ethelredus Abbas de Ge­nealogid Reg­num Angl. col. 359, 360. Graft. Chron. [...]. 15 [...]. and Dunstans restitution, Anno 999. An. 959. K. Edwin reigning in a decayed Estate, living in little Esteem, and without being desired, for very grie [...] thereof (as some write) he died, after he had for 4 years space, Libidinosè simul & Tyrannicè, lustfully, and also Tyrannically depressed the Realm of England: Others affirm, that he was deprived both of his Life and Kingdom, by the Rebellion of his Subjects: But his Monkish Oppo­sites record, that he was taken away by an untimely Death by Gods Just Judgement, in the year of our Lord 959. Whereupon his Brother Edgar, ab omni populo electus, being elected king by all the people, united [Page 117] the kingdom into one, and obtained the intire Monar­chy of the Realm, the kings of Cumberland, Scotland, and Wales, voluntarily submitting, and doing homage to him, without any effusion of blood, or war.

King Edgar Chron. Jo­han. Bromton, col. 867. Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 8. Osburn. Capgrave, Mal. Parker, & Godwin in the life of Archbishop Dunstan, Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 200, 201. Speeds History, p. 407, 408. About the year of our Lord 963. Anno 963. contrived the death of Earl Ethelwald, who (as some Authors aver) against his trust, had cheated him of Elfrida, only Daughter of Ordgarus, Duke of Devon­shire, the Paragon of her Sex, by disparaging her beau­ty to the king, and marrying her to himself. After which the king being extraordinarily ravished with the true reporr and sight of her transcendent beauty, thereup­on (as Bromtons Chronicle relates) statim post octo dies, RexParliamentum suum apud Sarisberiam convocavit, Ubi cunctis suis Proceribus congregatis, de custodia terrae Northumbriae qualiter contra ingressum Danorum melius posset custodiri, tractaverunt; inter quos Ethel­wolfus ad Custodiam Eboraci & patriae adjacentis, in illo erat Concilio deputatus. A clear Evidence, That Matters of defence against Common Enemies, and Guar­dians of the Sea-coasts against the Danes Invasions, were Proposit. 5, 9, 4. then debated and setled by the King and his Nobles in Parl. then usually summoned by our Kings for that end. Hereup­on Earl Ethelwolfe travelling through the Forrest of Werewell towards his new VVardship, was there cru­elly assaulted and murdered by some unknown armed persons, there placed in ambuscado by the king, as was commonly reported, and as some relate by king Ed­gar himself, who shot him through with an Arrow, as they were there hunting together. The slain Earls Ba­stard-Son being there present, beholding his dead Corps, the king demanded of him, how such a hunting pleased him? who answered, very well my Lord and King; for that which pleaseth you ought not to displease me: which answer so pacified this kings swelling mind, that he loved no person more entirely all his life than this Young man. Tyrannici facti offensam in Patrem se­dulitate [Page 118] Regiâ in filium allevans, writes Malmesbury. This being done, the king with great joy bringing Alfrida to London, there espoused her, and the same day both of them wore a golden Crown, adorned with pretious pearls, on their heads. Hereupon Arch­bishop Dunstan, the next morning, boldly rushing in­to the kings Bedchamber, whiles they were both in Bed together, demanded of the king, what Woman he hadlying in bed with him? who answered, that it was his Queen; Dunstan by way of rebuke replyed; ‘That he could not marry or retain her as his wife, with­out offending God, and the Laws of the Church, be­cause he had been Godfather to her Son, often admo­nishing the king, that he would put her away, and be divorced from her:’ VVhich he by reason of his ar­dent love towards her, and unsatiable lust with her, would by no means hearken to.

Anno 964. King Edgar heating of a Nun of incom­parable beauty in the Monastery of Wilton, named Wil­frida, Anno 964. [r] Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. l. c. 8. Osburn, Capgrave, Surius, Matthew Par­ker, and God­win in the life of Dunstan, Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 201, 202. Speeds Chron. p. 407, 408. Spelm. Concil. p. 481▪ 482. a Dukes Daughter, took her out of the Nun­nery, and frequently admitted her to his Bed: VVich being commonly blazed abroad, Arch-bishop Dunstan understanding of it, with great passion, and indignation of mind came to the king; who seeing the Archbishop, arose from the Royal Throne to take him by the hand, and give him place. But Dunstan refused to take him by the hand, and with a stern countenance, bending his Browes, spake thus unto him. ‘Thou that hast not feared to corrupt a Virgin, espoused to Christ, presumest thou to touch the consecrated hands of a Bishop? Thou hast defiled the Spouse of thy Maker, and thinkest thou by flattering service to pa­cifie the Friend of the Bridegroom? No Sir, his Friend will not I be, who hath Christ for his Enemy, &c.’ The king terrified with these and other thundering words of Dunstan, and compuncted with inward re­pentance for his perpetrated sin, fell down at Dun­stans [Page 119] feet Weeping: who raising him up again from the ground, began to relate unto him the hainousness of the fact: And finding the king ready to undergoe what ever satisfaction he should lay upon him, injoyned him this following Penance for 7 years space. ‘That during these seven years he should wear no Ctown; That he should fast twice every VVeek; That he should liberally distribute the Treasures left him by his Ancestors to the poor; That he should build a Mo­nastery of Nuns at Shastesbury; That as he had robbed God of one Virgin, through his transgression, so should he again restore many to him in time to come. Moreover, That he should expel Clerks of evil lives, (meaning secular Priests who had VVives and Chil­dren) out of Churches, and place Covents of Monks in their room: That he should enact just Laws, & such as were acceptable to God: and command the people to observe them through all parts of the Realm.’ VVhich the king promising effectually to perform, was thereupon absolved, and vigorously set himself to execute what he had promised. Anno 966.

Hereupon, in the year 966. Spelman­ni Concil. p. 435, to 444. Mat. VVestm. & VVigorn. An. 963, 964, & Monasticon. Anglic. King Edgar foun­ded the Monastery of Hyde near Winchester, filled it with Monks, endowed them with large privileges and possessions, exempting them from all secular services whatsoever, but these; [...]rata expeditione, Pontis Arcis­ve constructione; praescribed several Laws and Canons for the Monks thereof to observe, made by advice and consent of his Bishops and Nobles, and ratified by his Royal Charcer, subscribed by himself, his two sons Prince Edmund and Edward, his Queen, Grandmother, both the Archbishops, 9 Bishops, 5 Abbots, 3 Dukes, Proposit. 1, 10. and sundry others, with the sign of the Cross annexed to their names. In which Charter there is this solemn curse donounced against all the infringers and perver­ters thereof. ‘Si quis autem hanc nostram Donatio­nem in aliud quam constituimus transferre voluerit, [Page 120] privatus consortio sanctae Dei Ecclesiae, aeternis Ba­rathri incendiis lugubris jugiter cum Juda Christi pro­ditore, ejusque complicibus puniatur, si non satisfa­ctione emendaverit congrua, quod contra nostrum deliquit decretum.’

The same year King Edgar by his regal Charter (re­corded at large by Histor. p. 880, 881, 882. Abbot Ingulphus) confirmed all the Lands and Privileges of the Abby of Croyland, formerly granted and confirmed to them by King E­dred Proposit. 6, 10. and his Nobles, in the presence of both the Archbishops, a [...] the Bishops, and Nobles assembled in a Council at London: who ratified it with their fubscriptions, the sign of the Cross, and a solemn ex­communication (denounced by the two Archbishops and three Bishops more in Pauls Church London, in the presence of King Edgar his Prelates and Nobles, in Octavis Pentecostes] against all Infringers of this Char­ter and of their Liberties.

About the year 967 as some, or 969. as others compute, Anno 967. King Edgar in a Great Senate or Council, by advise of his [u] Chron. Io. Brom. col. 870, 871. Lambardi A [...]chaion Spel­man concil. p. [...] 443 to 476. Wisemen, enacted divers civil & Ecclesiastical Laws and Canons, for the Government of the State and Church, thus presaced. Leges quas (or, hoc est Institutum quod) Edgarus Rex, freqenti Senatu, Consilio Sapi­entum snorum, ad Dei gloriam, Regiae Majestatis ornam [...]tum, et Reipublicae utilitatem sancivit, or Proposit. 5. constituit. The 7 and 8 of his secular Laws in the Propos. 2, 3, 4. Latin, but 1, 2, 3. in the Saxon Copy, I shall only transcribe.

‘Hoc est institutio secularis quam volo per omnia teneri. Volo ut omnis homo sit dignus juris publi­ci, [...]auper et dives quicunque sit; et eis justa judicia judicentur. Et sit in emendationibus re­missio venialis apud Deum. Et apud seculum tolera­bilis. Et nemo requiret Regem pro aliqua causa, nisi domi negatur ei omne dignum recti, vel rectum impetrare non possit. Et de nulla emendabili re foris [Page 121] faciat homo plusquam Weram suam (agreeable to our Kings Coronation oath, and Magna Charta) Et ju­dex qui injustum judicium judicabit alicui, det Regi Cxx s. nisi jurare audeat, quod rectius judicare ne­scivit. Et qui aliquem injuste superdicere praesumat, Unde vita vel commodo pejor sit, linguae suae reus e­rit, &c.’

Anno 969. there was Ethelre­dus Abbas de Gen. Reg. Ang. col. 360, 361. Sim. Dun [...]lm. De Gest. Reg. Ang. col. 158. Chron. Io. Brom. col. 768. Mat. VVestm. VVig. Hov. An. 963, 969. Polych. l. 6. c. 10. Osh. Ger. Surius. Mat. Parker, Godwin in the life of Dunstan, Oswald, & E­thelwald. Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 197 to 203. Spelm. conc. p. 476. &c. Baron. Anno 969. a general Council Anno 966. assembled at London by king Edgar, at the instigation of Pope Iohn, and Archbishop Dunstan; wherein (as I conceive) the King made that elegant Oration, a­gainst the vicious lives of the Clergy; thus expressing his own duty and supremacy over all Persons and cau­ses both Civill and Ecclesiastical. ‘Justum proinde est, ut qui omnia subjecit sub pedibus nostri [...], subjici­amus illi et Nos et animas nostra [...]; et ut hi, quos nobis subdidit ejus subdantur Legibus, non segniter el [...]oremus Et meae quidem interes [...] Laicos cum aequi­tatis jure tractare; inter virum et proximum suum justum judicium facere, punire sacrilegos, rebel­ [...]es supprimere, eripere inopem de manufortiorum ejus, egenum et pauperem à deripientibus eum. Sed et meae sollicitudinis est, Ecclesiarum Ministris, &c. et necessaria procurare, et paci eorum et quieti con­sulere. De quorum omnium moribus ad Nos spectat examen: si vivunt continenter, si honeste se ha­bent ad eos qui foris sunt; si in divinis officiis sol­liciti, si in Docendo populo assidui, si victu sobrii si moderati habitu [...], si in judiciis sunt discreti, &c. Ego Constantini, vos Petri gladium habetis in mani­bus; jungamus dextras, gladium gladio copulemus ut ejiciantur iextra castra leprosi, ut purgetur san­ctuarium Domini, et ministrent in Templo filii Le­vi, &c.’ After which directing his speech to Dunstan, Aethelwald, and Oswald, he concludes thus. Vobis istud committo negotium, ut Episcopali censura et authoritate [Page 122] Regia turpiteriviventes de Ecclesiis ejiciamur, & ordinatè viventes introducantur. Herupon there was a Decree made in this General Council, That all Canons, Priests, Dea­cons, and Sub-Deacons should live chastly (that is, put away their lawfull Wives, vow chastity, and become Proposit. 4. Monks) or relinquish the Churches they then held: The execution whereof was committed to Oswald and E­thelwald; Who thereupon compelled the Clergy in Worcester, Winchester, and other Churche; to become Monks, renuentes verò ab omni beneficio spoliarunt, de­priving those who refused of all their Benefices, and putting Monks into them, qui novo quidem splendore vniversam Insulam illustrarunt, as our Monkish Wri­ters record: or rather novo foetore contaminarunt, as o­thers write Chron. col. 868. John Bromton informs us, that after the slaughter of the Nuns of Ely by Inguar and Hubba, the secular Priests enjoyed that Monastery one hun­dred years space; whom King Edgar de Concilio be­ati Propos. 4. Dunstani Archiepiscopi, & dicti Ethe [...]wa [...]di, a [...] m [...]gnatum Regni in the forementioned General Council) expulit & fugavit for their dishonest conver­sation.

Bishop Oswald having ejected the married secular Priests out of his Church at Worcester, and introduced Monks in their places, did this year 969. as I conje­cture from the premises (not 964. as Sir Henry S [...]l­man computes it) (Spelman. Concil. p. 432 to 435. See Mat. westm. VVigorn. and Hoveden, An­no 966. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. De Gestis Reg. Angl. col. 158. [...] King [...] by the Counsel and assent of his Princes, Nobles and Bi­shops (most probably in the [...]o [...]ementioned General Council, or that of London next ensuing) to ratifie this their ejection, and confirm the Church of Worcester, with all the lands, goods, ecclesiastical & secular things thereto Proposit. 4, 6, belonging to the Monks of that Church for ever, free from all secular services and exactions, hard or easie, and from all fiscal duties great and small, known or unknown, as well of the King of Prince, as of their Officers, exceptis Ar­cis, & Pontis extructione, et expeditione [...]dntra ho­stem. [Page 123] And that by the special Charter, called Os­wald Law, subscribed by the King, Queen, both the Archbishops, and 3 Dukes.

Mol [...]nesb. de Gestis Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 8. p. 57, 58. Spelman. Con­cil. p. 483, to 10 488. Mo­nast. Anglic. King Edgar, Anno 970. or 971. in the 12 year of his reign held another Parliamentary Council at Anno 970. London, where himself, his Mother Alfgina, Prince Edward his Son, Kined King of Scots, Mascusius his Admiral both the Ahchbishops, with the rest of the Bishops, and all the Nobles and great men of the Realm were present, by his Charters made in and ratified by this Council, this King granted and confirmed many and very magnificent Privileges to the Monastery of Gla­stonbury communi Episcoporum, Abbatum, Prin­cipumque concilio. et generali, assensu, Pontificum, Abbatum, Dptimatumque suorum, exempting the Monastery and Monks thereof, not only from all Episcopal Jurisdiction, but likewise all their Lands from all Tributes and Exchequer businesses for ever, Granting them ‘So­cam & Sacam &c. Toll & Teame Italibere et qui­ete, sicut ego habeo in regno meo: Eandem quoque Libertatem & Potestatem quam ego in Curia mea ha­beo, tam in demittendo, quam in puniendo, & in quibuslibet omnino negotiis Abbas & Monachi praefa­ti Monasterii in Curia sua habeant.’ And which is a Privilege beyond all president, ‘Si autem Abbas, vel quilibet Monachus loci illius latronem, qui ad sus­pendium vel quodlibet mortis periculum ducitnr in i­tinere obvium habuerit, potestatem habeat eri [...]iendi eum ab imminen i periculo in toto Regno meo. The old Charter begins thus.

‘In nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi. Qnamvis Decreta Pontificum, & verba Sacerdotum inconvul­sis ligaminibus, velut fundamenta montium fixa sunt, tamen plerumque tempestatibus & turbinibus saecula­rium rerum Religio sanctae Ecclesiae maculis reprobo­rum dissipatur ac [...] [...]itur [...]ccirco profu [...] [...]ucceden [...]i­bus posteris esse decrevimus ut ea quae salubri Consilio [Page 124] et communi assensu definiuntur, nostris li­teris roborata firmentur, &c. Hoc itaque Dun­stano Doroberniensi, atque Oswaldo Eboracensi Epis­copo adhortantibus, consentiente etiam er annuente Brithelmo Fontanensi Episcopo, caeterisque Episcopis, Proposit. 6, 10.Abbatibus et Primatibus: Ego Eagar divina dispo­sitione Rex Anglorum, &c.’ And it concludes thus, ‘Acta est haec Privilegii pagina, & confirmata apud Londonium Communi Concilio amnium Prima­tum meorum: Then follow the subscriptions of King Egar, Alfgina his Mother, Prince Edward, Kinred King of Scots, Mascusius the chief Admiral, both the Archbishops, 6 Bishops, 8 Abbots, 3 Dukes, and other Officers: Which Charter and Privileges at the Kings request were ratified by Pope John the 13 in a general Council at Rome, Anno Dom. 971. by a special Bull, that they might remain inviolable: yet both the Ab­bey it self, Lands, Privileges are long since demolish­ed, dissipated, annihilated, such is the mutabili­unity of all sublunary things.

The self same year (Anno 970.) [b] King Edgar by his Charter granted and confirmed sundry Lands and [h] Ingulphi Historia. p. 883, 883. Privileges to the Monastery of Medeshamsted formerly demolished by the Danes, which Bishop Aethelwold had repaired, and named Burgh, perpetually exempting it from all Episcopal jurisdiction, yoak, and exaction; Quatenus nec Rex, nec Comes, nec Episcopus, praeter Chri­stianitatem attinentium Parochiarum - nec Vicecomes, nec ulla alia major minorve persona, ulla dominatione occupari praesum at, excepta moderata expeditione, & Pontis Ar­cisve constructione. VVhich Charter was ratified by the kings own subscription, both the Archbishops, sundry Bishops, Abbots, Dukes, and other chief Offi­cers, and the sign of the Cross after each of their Names.

In the year 973. Matthew VVestm. VVigorn. Stm. Dunelm, Hoveden, Bromt. and others, [...]n. 973. Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 8, p. 10. Hen. Huntind. Hist. c. 5. l. 356. Hoved. annal. pars prior, p. 426, King Edgar after his seven Anno 973. [Page 125] years penance expired, on the Feast of Pentecost in the Malm. de gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 8. p. 56. Huntingd. Hist. l 5. p. 356. Hov. Annal pars prior. p. 426. Mat. Westm. Flor. Wigorn. Simeon Dunel. An. 973, 974. Chron. 10. Brom. col. 869. Ethel­ [...]edus. Geneal. Reg. Ang. col. 362. Polychron. l. 6. c. 10. f. 238. Hen. de Knygh­ton, De Even­tibus Ang. l. 1. c. 1. VValsing. Hist. Ang. p. 51. Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 200. Caxton, Graston, Fab. Holinsh. Spred, Baker, and o­thers in the life of Edgar. Mr. Seldens Mare clausum. l. 2. c. 11, 12 30th year of his age, was solemnly Crowned, and con­secrated King, and wore his Crown with great glory at Akemancester, alias Bath, both the Archbishops Dunstan and Oswald, with all the rest of the Bishops of England, ac Magnatibus universis, and all the Nobles being there present at his Coronation, and received the accustomed Gifts usually given to the Nobles being at such inaugurations. Soon after the same year this King with a very great Fleet and Army sayling round about the Northern parts of England came to Westchester, where his eight tributary Kings or Vice-royes, (namely Kyneth king of Scots, Malcome King of Cumberland, Marcus king of Man, and many other Ilands, and the other 5 kings of Wales, Dufnall, Siferth, Howel, Iames, and Iu­chill) met him as he had commanded them, and swore allegi [...]nce to him in these words: That they would be faithfull and assisting to him both by Land and Sea. Which done, he on a certain day entred with them into a Barge, and placing them at the Oares, himself took the Helm, and steered the Barge very skilfully whiles they rowed it down the River of Dec from his Palace to the Monastery of St. John Bapist, on the other side, all his Dukes and Nobles following and accompanying him in other Barges: where having made his Prayers, they all rowed him thence back again in like pompe to his Royal Palace; which when he had entred he said to his Nobles: That any of Anno 974. his Successors might then say he was King of England, when with so many Kings following and subject to him, he should enjoy the Prerogative of the like pompe and power. But Mr. Fox subjoyns; In my mind this king had said much better: God forbid that I should glory in any thing but in the Cross of our Lord Jesus Christ.

Mat West. An. 974. 374, 375. Hen. Hun­tingd. Hist. l. 5. p. 356. Chron. 10. Brom. col. 867, De Gest. Aug, l. c. 8. p. 58. lugulphus, Histor. p. 884. The year following An. 974. Certain Merchants comming from York, arived in the Islle of Thanet in [Page 126] Kent, where they were presently taken by the Ilan­ders and spoyled of all their goods; which king Ed­gar being informed of, was so far incensed against these Plunderers, that he spoyled them of all their Goods, and deprived some of them of their lives; Propos. 2, 4. Which Huntingdon and Bromton thus record. Rex Edga­rus undecimo Anno Regri sui jussit praedari Insulam Te­net, Quia jure Regalia spreverant: non ut hostis in­saniens, sed ut Rex ma [...]o mala puniens. The same year as De Gest. Reg. l. 5, c. 8. p. 28. Malmesbu [...]y, Histor. p. 883. &c. Ingulphus and Spelman. concil. p. 488, 489. others write, king Edgar, by his regal Charter, caused the secular Priests to be removed out of the Monastery of Malmesbury and introducing Monks in their pla­ces, restored to them the Lands and Possessions of the monastery, which the secular Priests formerly enjoy­ed and had lea [...]ed [...]; & that upon a full hearing before the Wise-men, Bishops & others in his presence, most Propos. 4, 6, likely in a Parliamentary Council, as this clause in his Charter intimates. Haec a praedictis accommodata Clericis, a comensioso possessa est Edehnot [...]: sed supersti­tiosa, sub [...]il que ejus discept [...]tione a Sapientibns meis au­dita, et conflictatione illius mendosa ab eisdem me prae­sente convicta, Monasteriali a me rea [...]. ta est usui. If the Council of Winchester (hereafter cited Anno 975.) was held in King Edgars life time, as Chron. of VVinton Spel­man concil. p. 491. some af­firm, most probably this debate here mentioned touch­ing these Lands, was held in and before that Council, and this Charter therein made and ratified with the subscriptions of the Kings, Arch-bishops, Bishops, Ab­bo [...]s and Dukes thereto annexed, according, to the custome of that age.

Although King Malm. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 8. Athelredus. de Genealog. Reg. Ang. col. 359, &c. Polychron. l. 6. c. 9, 10, 11. Henry Knyghton de Eventi­bus Ang. l. 1. c. 2. Mat. VVestm. VVigorn. Ingulphus, Huntingdon, Hoveden, Brom. Sim. Dunelm. Wil. Thorn, Fah. Caxt. Holinsh. Graft. Speed, Baker in his life. Os­burn, Capgrave, Surius in the life of Dunstan. Spelman. concil. Mr. Seldens Mare Clausum. l. 2. c. 11, 12. and others. Edgar in his younger daies was subject to many Vices, and committed some injurious [Page 127] Tyrannic [...] Acts, recorded by Malmesbury, Fox, Speed, and others; yet repenting of these his youthfull, lust­full Vices, he proved such a just and prudent King, that Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 8. E­thelredus de Genealogia Reg. Angl. col. 359. &c. Po­lich [...]on. l. 1. c. 9, 1, 11, Hen. Knighton de Eventibus Angliae, l. 3. c. c. 2. Mat. Westm. Wigorn. Ingulphus, Huntindon, Hoveden, Bromton, Si­meon Dunetm. Wil. Thorn, Fabian, [...]ax­ton, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, Baker in his life, Os­burn, Cap­grave. Snrius in the life of Dunitan. Spel­manni Concil. Mr. S [...]lden. Mart. Clau­sum, l. 2, c. 11. 12. Antonini Ch [...]on. p. 2. and others. our Historians of elder and later ages give these large Encomiums of his Justice, Prudence, Piety▪ Vertues, and politique Government: wor hy perpetual memory and immitation. So excellent was he in Iustice, So sharp was he in correction of Vices, as well in his Magistrates, Officers, and other Subjects; that never before his days was less felony by Robbers, nor less extor­tion or Bribery by false Officers; such as were wicked he kept under, them that were Rebels he repulsed, the godly he maintained, and the just and modest he loved▪ the learn­ed and vi [...]tuous he encouraged: He would suffer no m [...]n of what degree or quality soever he were to elude or vio­late his Laws without condigne punishment. In his time there was neither any private Pilferer, nor publ [...]ke Theef, but he that in stealing other mens Goods, would ven­ture and suffer (as he was sure) the loss of his own Goods, and Life. He was no respecter of persons in judge­ment; but judged every man according to the quantity of his Offence, and quality of his person. He united all the Nations under him, which were divers, by the Covenan [...] and Obligation of one Law: Governing them all with such Iustice, Equity, Integrity and Peace, that he wa­stile [...] Rex, or Edgarus Pacificus, t [...]e p [...]aceable King Edgar. In his days, not [...]orments, not Gibbe [...]s, not Ex le, not banishment were so much feared, as the offending of so good and gracious a King. He built and endowed no lesse than 48 Monasteries, and restored many more, endowing them with large possessions, privileges, (out of Piety and Devotion, [...]s these times reputed it) & was a great honou­rer, lover, promoter of the vertuous and learned Clergy, and suppressor of the vicious and scandalous. There was scarce one year throughout all his reign wherein he did not some great and memorable necessary thing for the good of his Country and people, the honour of God, and advancement of [Page 128] Religiòn. All which made him so honoured and beloved by his Subjects at home, so far dreaded by his Enemies a­broad; that Nullas Domesticorum insidias, nullum extermi­nium alienorum sensit: He never felt any homebred treache­ry, or forein invasion, but reigned peaceably all his days, without war or bloodshed, which none of his Predecessors ever did. He was so far from tollerating any violence or rapine in men towards each other, that he commanded all the Wolves and ravenous Beasts, greedy of blood, to be de­stroyed throughout his Dominions: And such an Enemy was he to Drunkenness (the Mother of Vices, Murders Quarrels, Thefts,) wherewith the Danes had much infect­ed the English, that to prevent and redress it, he caused Pins to be set in every Cup, prohibiting by severe Laws and Penalties, that none should force others to drink, nor yet drink below those Pins, in that moderate pro­portion which he prescribed them. Among other his Politick deeds, for the peace and safeguard of his Realm a­gainst pillaging Pirates, and Forein Invaders, he had al­ways in readiness 3600 (as most) or 4800 strong ships of War (as others record) to secure the Seas in the Sum­mer season, which he divided into three Squadrons or Fleets: Proposit. 3, 9. whereof he placed 1200 in the East Seas to guard them; 1200 in the South Seas; 1200 in the West Seas, (and 1200 in the North Seas, as some write) to prevent Piracies, and repulse the invasion of Forein Enemies. These Ships immediatly after Easter met together every year at their several places of Rendezvous, wherewith the King sail­ed round about the Island and Sea-coasts, with a great force, to the terror of Foreiners, and exercising of his own subjects, sayling with the Eastern Navy to the Western parts of the Iland, and then sending them back with the Western Fleet to the Northern Coasts, and then sayling with the Northern Fleet to the South; pius scilicet explorator, ne quid Piratae turbarent. After his return from the Sea, in the Winter and Spring, he used to ride in Progress through all the Counties of the Realm, diligently to search and inquire [Page 129] how his Laws, Statutes, Ordinances were kept and observed by his Princes, Great Men, and Difi­cers, lest the Poorer sort of people should suffer pre­sudice, or be oppressed by the Greater & Richer; And whether his Judges or Justices judged upright­ly, according to the Laws, or injured any through Brivery Malice, or Partiality, Violati Juris severus ultor; being a severe Revenger of his violated Laws, sparing neither Rich nor Poor, but judging him justly ac­cording to the quality of his transgression. In hoc Justi­tiae in il [...]o fortitudinis, in utrcque Reipublicae & Regni utilitatibus consulens, as Wiliam of Malmesbury, and Flor. of Worcester report of him. Et ideo tempore suo la­trones nulli fuerunt, nec aliquis qui Guerram vel tur­bationem in Regno movere audebat. Merito ergo non infirma inter Anglos fama est; nullum nec ejus, nec su­perior is aetatis Regem in Anglia recto & aequabili ju­dicio Edgaro comparandum: He being Flos et Decus antecessorum Regum, non minus memorabils Anglis, quam Romulus Romanis, Cyrus Persis, Alex. Macedoniis Arsaces Parthis, Carolus Magnus Francis; as Malmes­bury, Abbot Ethelred, Florentius VVigorniensis, Simeon Dunelmensis, Henry Huntindon, Matthew VVestminster, and Polychron. l. 6. c. 11. others record of him, who are much more copi­ous in his prayses. Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 200. Mr. Fox closeth up his Encomi­ums of him with this Speech: As I see many things in this worthy Prince to be commended; so this one thing in him I cannot but lament, to see him like a Phoenix to fly alone, that of all his Posterity so few there be that seek to keep him company.

Towards the end of his Reign the Polych. l. 6. c. 11. f. 239. Chron. Joh. Bromt. col. 870. Speeds History, p. 406. Welchmen mo­ving some rebellior, he thereupon assembled a mighty Army to suppress and prevent it; wherewith he en­tring into the Country of Glamorgan, sharply puni­shed the Ringleaders thereof: But his Souldiers doing great harm in plundering the Country, lading themselves [Page 130] with spoyls; the King out of his bounty, commanded them to restore to the People all the spoyls they had gotten; and more especially▪ St. Ellutus Bell, that was han­ged about an Horses neck; whereby he purchased sin­gular love and honor from the Inhabitants. At length after he had reigned thus, 16 years and two months in great tranquillity and honor. totum reg­num sanctis legibus st [...]enue gubernantem, as Histor Novo [...]um. l. 1. p. 1. Eadmerus relates of him, he died happily O [...] Tuesday the 8 of July, Anno 975. Nec potuit malè mori qui benè vixerat, qui tot Ecclesias Deo fundaverat, qui tot bona pe­rennia brevi tempore statuerat, as Histor. l. 5. p. 356. Henry Arch-Dea­con of Huntingdon observes, who bestowed this honourable Epitaph on him, remembred also by Io. Brom. Chron. col. 870. Fox Acts and Monuments vol. 1. p. 202. o­thers.

Auctor opum, vindex scelerum, largitor honorum, Sceptifer Edgarus Regna supe [...]na petit.
Hic alter Solomon, legum Pater Orbita Pacis; Quod caruit bellis, claruit inde magis.
Tem [...]la Deo [...] dedit agros;
Nequitiae lapsum, justiciaeque locum.
Novit enim R [...]gno verum perqu [...]rere falso,
Immensum modico, perpetuumque brevi.

‘Immediately after his death, Res et spes Anglo­rum retro sublapsae sunt, totius Regni status est per­turbatus; et post tempus laetitiae quod illius tempore vigebat pacificè, caepit tribulatio undique advenire, as Malmesbury, Wigorniensis, Hoveden, Simeon Dunel­mensis, and Bromton observe:’ such an incomparable loss was the death of so just, pious, and prudent a King to the whole Nation, qui juventutis vitia, posteamagni [...] virtutibus delevit, when most others do quite contrary.

[Page 131] Ingulphi Historia, p. 889. Will: Malmsb. Do Gestis Re­gum, l. 2. c. 9. Mat. VVestm. VVigorniensis, Simeon Dunel­mensis, Huntin­don, Hoveden, Anno 975, 976. Chron Iohan: Bromton, col. 871, 872. Hen­ry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae, l. 1. c. 1. Col. 2313. Eadmerus Hist. Novorum, l. 1. p. 1. Polychro­nicon, l. 6. c. 12. Fabian, Cax­ton, Grafton, Holinshed, Speed, in the Lives of Edga [...] and Edward. Fox Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 203. 204. Mat. Par­ker, in Archbi­shop Dunstans life. Antonini Chron. pars 2. Tit. 16. King Edgar at the time of his decease leaving Anno 975. behind him two Sons by two venters, Edward his eldest Son by Queen Ethelfleda his first Wife, then but 12. years old, and Ethelred his second Son by his second Queen Elfreda, then not much above 7. years of age▪ There arose a great contention amongst the Nobles of the Realm about choosing of a new King. For Queen Elfreda, with Alferus Duke of Mercia and many o­ther Nobles, fiding with the maried Secular Priests a­gainst the Monkish Clergy, combined to advance young Ethelred, electing him unanimoufly for their King, disavowing Edward as illegitimate, and begotten of an harlot before mariage; as Malmesbury de Gestis Re­gum, l. 2. c. 8. Osburn in the life of Dunstan, Nicholas Trivet, Johannis Parisiensis, Vincentius, Antoninus, Mat­thew Parker in the Life of Archbishop Dunstan, Mr. Fox and others repute him: though Ingulphus, Huntindon, Hoveden, Mat: Westminster, Florentius Wigornensis, Bromton, Abbot Ethelred, Simeon Dunelmensis, Radul­phus Cistrensis, and the generality of our modern Histo­rians, repute him Edgars lawfull Son, and right heir to the Crown: Whereupon the most of the Nobles elect­ed him to succeed unto his Father: The two Archbi­shops, Dunstan, and Oswald, with all the Bishops, Ab­bots, and Clergy of the Monkish faction, holding their new-gotten States dangerous, and their footing unsure, if in the nonage of the King, their Opposites should rule all under him, as they imagined they would, if Ethlred were elected by them; thereupon abetted the Title of Edward, as altogether wrought to their mould and treading in his Fathers footsteps, lawfully begot­ten in the nuptial bed of Queen Ethelfleda, right heir to his Father, and by him designed to succeed him. Their claimes thus banded amongst the Nobles, Duu­stan and Oswald foreseeing the danger, prudently assem­bl [...]d Proposit. 5, 6, 8. all the Bishops, Abbots, and Nobles together in a Great Council, to debate their rights and settle the ti­tle; [Page 132] Where Archbishop Dunstan (as some write) com­ming in with his Cross and Banner, dum consecrationis ejus [...]empore nonnulli Patriae Optimates resistere vo­luissent; not staying for further debating de Jure, pre­sented Prince Edward in the midst of them de Facto, for their Lawfull King, as his Father had declared him at his death. Upon which, the Major part of the Council, being Clergymen, elected, anointed and consecrated Ed­ward for their King Quibusdam Optimatum murmu­rantibus, some of the Nobles o [...] the contrary party murmuring at it, especially Queen Elfrida, who thought to advance her young Son to the Throne, that so she might rule all things, and reign under the colour of his name, as Dunstan and the Monkish Clergy did under the colour of King Edwards, whose Counsels and admonitions he diligently followed in all things, and judgements acted by him.

During the Interregnum, and banding of these two parties about the right of the Crown, and immediate­ly after Edwards coronation, Malmsbur. De Gestis Re­gum. l. 2. c. 9. p. 61. Mat. West­min. Wigornien­sis, Ingulphus, Simeon Dunel­mensis, Huntin­don, Hoveden, Bromton, Ann. 975. Osburne, Capgrav [...], Mat. Parker, God­win in the Life of Dunstan, Ba­ronius & Spon­danus, Annal. Eccl. An. 975. n. 12. Surius Concil. Tom. 2. Fox Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 202, 203, 204, 205. there arose great con­troversies, tumults and civil Warrs between the Monkish Clergy, and maried Secular Priests, and the Nobles siding with both parties. The marie [...] Priests presently upon Edgars death, complained to Queen Elfrida, Elfere, and the Nobles, That they were unjustly expelled out of their Churches by the Monks and their prevailing party; alle­ging, that it would be a very great and miserable dishonour to the Nation, and shame to them; ut novus advena ve­teres colonos migrare compelleret: hoc nec Deo gra­tum putari, qui veterum habitationem concessi [...]set. nec alicui probo homini, qui sibi idem timere possit quod a­liis praejudicio accedisse cerneret. Hereupon many clamours and tumults arising among the people, they went to Archbishop Dunstan; Praecipue Proceribus, ut Laicorum est, succlamantibus praejudicium, &c. but especially to the Nobles, as the manner of Laymen is, crying out unto them; that the Secular Clergy were pre­judged, [Page 133] and suffered unjustly, being eaepelled their antient posessions without cause: that they ought to be more mildly dealt with, and restored to their Rights. Dunstan giving Proposit. 2. 4. a deaf ear to these their just complaints, many of the Princes and Nobles thereupon, in a tumultuous man­ner, expulsed the Abbots and Monks out of the Monaste­ries wherein King Edgar had placed them, and brought in the maried Clerks with their wives in their places, as at first. Among others, Alfere Earl of Mercia, gathering great forces, and using much insolence, overturned almost all the Monasteries King Edgar and Bishop Ethelwold had built in the Province of Mercia; quorundam Potentum assensu et factione, placing maried Priests in them. This they did magnis occaecati muneribus by the maried Clergy, as Hoveden, Simeon Dunelmensis, Florentius Wi­gorniensis, and our Monkish Historians assert. To which Historia, p. p. 889. See Fox Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. p. 203, 204. Abbot Ingulphus subjoyns. Cujus (Regis Ed­wardi) sancta simplicitate et innocentia tàm abusa est factio Tyrannorum, per Reginae favorem et potenti­am praecipue roborata, quod per Merciam Monachis de quibusdam Monasteriis ejectis, Clerici sunt inducti: Qui statim Monasteriorum maneria Ducibus terrae distri­buebant, ut sic in suas partes obligati eos contra Mo­nachos defensarent. Tunc de Monasterio Eveshamensi Monachis expulsis, Clerici fuerunt introducti; Terrae­que Tyranni de terris Ecclesiae praemiati sunt: qui­bus Regina cum novercali nequitia stans cum Clericis, in Regis opprobrium favebat. Cum Monachis Rex et sancti Episcopi persistebant: Sed Tyranni fulti Re­ginae favore et potentia super Monachos triumpha­bant. The Monks on the contrary to secure their in­terest (by like Bribes and means as is most probable, though our Monkish Historians conceal it) stirred up Ethelwin Duke of the East-English, and Brithnorth Earl of Essex, (men of great dread and power) to appear in their quarrel and resist rhe opposite party. Qui in Sy­nodo constituti; who assembled together in a Synod Proposit. 6. [Page 134] or Council for that end, protested, That they would ne­ver indure the Monks should be cast out of the Realm, who held up all Religion in the Kingdom. After which, they raised a mighty Army, defending with great valour the Monasteries of the Eastern English, keeping the Monks in possession of them. This fire between the Monks and maried Priests thus blown from a spark to a flame, was feared to mount higher, if not timely quenched. Wherefore by mediation of Wise men, arms being laid aside, the cause was referred to be heard and decided between them in a Great Council of the whole Kingdom. For which end there was a famous Council summoned and held at Winchester; (which some Historians antedate in Edgars life, others place in the Interregnum, after his death; but the series of Story, and most judicious Antiquaries, evince it to be after Edwards Coronation, Anno 975.) In this Great Coun­cil, the King and Archbishop Dunstan sitting in their Thrones, as chief Judges of the Controversie, in the East-End of the Hall of the Refectory of Winchester Abby near the wall, (wherein there was a Crucifix immured just behind them,) Duces cum torius Regni Magnatibus; the Dukes with all the Nobles of the Realm, and the expulsed maried Clerks standing on the left side of the Refectory, and pleading for themselves, that they might be restored; and Oswald Archbishop of York, Athelwold Bishop of Winchester, with the Monks stand­ing all together on the right side of the Hall, plead­ing for their continuance in their Churches (as the Au­thor of the old Manuscript Chronicle of Winchester Ab­by relates, though he misdates the time of this Council, as held Anno 968.) After much debate, the Nobles of the Realm fearing they should be overcome by dispute (say the Monks) promising reformation of life on the Clergies behalf, most humbly intreated the King and Arch­bishop. That they might be readmitted into Monasteries, out of which they had been ejected. With whose prayers, tears & [Page 135] sighs the most merciful King being much moved, was in a great streight, ruminating in his min [...], what he should doe in this business. At last purposing, and be­ing about to grant pardon to the Clerks, upon hope of their amendment, and to give them leave to return to the Monasteries and Churches whence they had been expelled; When he was ready to pronounce this his definitive Sentence; there was this divine Voice uttered, by the Crucifix in the Wall. Cum plurium jam Suf­fragiis de Presbyteris restituendis decernebatur, as Matthew Parker relates it; Absit ut hoc fi [...], &c. God forbid that this should be done; God forbid it should be done; You have judged well once, you would change again not well. Which articulate voice only the King and Archbishop who were the Judges of the cause, heard, if the Chro­nicle of Winchester may be credited, when as another Monk relates, it was heard by all present; At which voice they being both astonied, fell to the ground on their faces; but all the rest hearing only the sound of the Voice as of a great Thunder, fell down flat to the Earth very much affrighted. Some write, that both sides by Dunstans policy appealed to the resolution of the Crucifix in this case, in which Dunstan had placed a man with a Trunk in the wall behind the Image, who uttered this voice in and by the mouth of the Rood: which is most probable. Soon after, he King and Dun­stan heard this second voice from the Crucifix, Arise, be not afraid, because this day Righteousnesse and Peace have kissed each other in the Monks. In memory of this chearing Oracle and Monkish fable, (of which Hun­tindon, Hoveden, Wigorniensis, Ranul [...]us Cistrensis, Fabi­an, and other old Monastical [...]istorians make no men­tion, and Malmsbury slightly relates it as An hear­say) the Monks of Winchester ingraved these Ver­ses over the head of this Crucifix in their Refe­ctory.

[Page 136]
Humano more Crux praesens edidit ore;
Coelitus effata quae prospicis hic subarata.

writing the words forcited under this Distick, as then uttered by the Crucifix, which asserted before all, That Dunstans way was true. Where with the Clerks and their Abettors were quite confounded, and put to silence. Sed adhuc non sedatis animis, &c. But the Nobles and Clerks minds being not as yet quieted by this Oracle (a clear evidence they suspected it as coun­terfeit) our Historians inform us, there were three more great Councils soon after held to Proposit. 5, 6. settle this Controversie between the married Priests and Monks. The first at Kerling, Kerding, or Cerding, or Kirking, as it is variously stiled, Anno 977. which Wigorn. An, 977. p. 360. Roger Hoveden An­nal. pars prior, p. 425. Joh. Bromt. Chron. col. 870. Sim. Duuelm. Hist. de Gest. Reg. col. 160. An­tiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 56. Spelm. Concil. p. 497. Wigorn. and Hoveden stile Magna Synodus, with­out Anno 977. recording what was done therein. Sir Henry Spel­man out of an old Saxon Note, calls it A great Coun­cil, affirmes it was held after Easter, and that Sideman Bishop of Devonshire died in it. That King Edward and the Archbishop therein or­dained; That every man should goe in pilgrimage to the Church of St. Mary at Abendune out of Devotion. And Matthew Parker Archbishop of Canterbury, in the life of Dunstan, superaddes: ‘Dunstanus ibi cum Mona­chorum labenti conditioni succurrere voluit, nihil profecit, Itaque hoc dissoluto Concilio, aliud in Regia Villa Wilteria quae Calne vulgo appellatur coegir.’

This Great Council held at Malmesh. de Gest. Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 9. Mat. Westmin. An. 975. VVigorniensis, Simeon Dunelmensis, Hntindon, Hoveden, Bromt. An­no 975. Gervasins, Osburn, Capgrave, Matthew Parker, Godwin in the life of Dunstan, Polychronicon, l. 6. c. 12. Fabian, Caxton, Holinshed, Grafton, Ba­ker in the life of King Edward, Fox Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 204, 205. Speeds History▪ p. 411, 412. Baronius, & Spondanus An. 977. n. 2. Spelm. Concil. p. 494, 495. Camdens Britannia. p. 243. Calne (some stile it Cleve) was purposely called the same year, 977. to end the long continued Controversie between the [Page 137] Monks and married Priests, which the feigned Oracle of the Crucifix at Winchester, and the Council of Ker­ding could not determine. All the Senators and Nobles of England sitting together at this Council Proposit▪ 6. in an Upper room (the King being absent by reason of his tender age or sickness) the business being debated with great conflict and controvetsie; and the strong­est wall of the Monkish Church, Archbishop Dunstan, being assaulted with the Darts of many revilings, re­mained unshaken. The Disputants of both parties and orders defending their sides with greatest industry, in the midst of the dispute, the whole Floor, with the Rafters and Beams of the Room wherein they dis­puted suddenly brake in peeces, and fell to the ground, with all the people in it, except Dunstan, who esca­ped without any harm, standing firm on a beam that remained, of which he took hold-fast; the rest being either slain outright, or very much hurt and bruised with the fall, so as they languished ever after, hardly escaping present death. This miracle (as our Mon­kish Authors stile it) gave peace to Archbishop Dun­stan from the assaults of the English Clerks, and others, who thereupon from thenceforth submitted to his sen­tence and judgement, if William of Malmesbury, and Mat. Westminster may be credited; Whereas Florentius Wigorniensis, John Bromton, and others out of them, assure us; that there was not long after another Parliamenta­ry Synod or Assembly held at Ambresbery, upon the same occasion, without recording the Proceedings or Event thereof. Some conjecture that this fall was on­ly a fiction of the Monkish VVriters, to adde reputa­tion to their languishing cause, as well as that of the Crucifix Speech forecited. Others conceive, it was wrought by Duustans sorcery, or Policy. Others, that it was casual, by reason of the weight of the People. But Henry Huntindon Hist. l. 2. p. 357. Bromton, col. 876. and Sir Henry Spelman out of them, p. 496. record, [Page 138] That this fall of the Nobles at Calne, was (not a Di­vine Judgement on them for their Opposition against, and injury to the Monks as some interpreted it, but) signum videlicet Dei excelsi fuit, quod Proditione et Interfeatone Regis sui, ab amore Dei Casuri es­sent, Proposit. 8. et diverus gentibus digna contritione conteren­di; as they were soon after broke in pieces by the in­vading conquering Danes and Normans: And whether the late violent falls and ruptures of our Parliaments and Nobles portend not the like fate to England, by some other forein Invasions for the like Treachery, Apostacy, Regicide, or far worse, let those who are guiltiest of it, and others determine at their lei­sures.

King Matt. VVestm. VVi­gorn. Simeon Dunelm. Hun­tind. Hoveden, Radul. de Dice. Ethelr. Bromt. An. 977, 978. Malmes bury de Gest. Reg. l. 8. c. 2. Po­lych. l. 6. c. 13. Antonius Chron. pars 2. Fabian, Cax­ton, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, Fox and others in the life of King Edward. Edward imitating the footsteps of his Fa­thers Anno 978. Religion and Piety, was so circumvented by the flattering speeches of his Mother-in-law Queen Elfri­da, that although she opposed his Title, Election, Coronation, all she could, to advance her own Son to the Crown: yet retaining only the name of a king to himself, he soon after permitted her and his Brother Ethelred, his Competitor, to order all affairs of the Realm as they pleased. VVhereupon (as the Chro­nicle of Bromton relates) she began to plot how to de­throne this Man of God King Edward, and advance her own Son Ethelred to the Throne; Which when she had a long time meditated upon, she opened the Secrets of her heart to some of her chief Counsellours, advising with them concerning it, and earnestly intreating, yea conjuring them to assent to her therein, and to find out some means to effect it; Cui protenus in necem illius omnes conseuserunt, who all forthwith consented to his Murder, and contrived how they might most speedily accomplish it by some fraudulent de­vice, which they soon after executed in this manner.

King Edward hunting for his disport in the Forest near VVarham, hearing that his Brother Ethelred [Page 139] whom he intirely loved) was near that place, residing then with his Morher at Corph-Castle,) some stile it Cornesgare) rode thither to visit him with very few at­tendants, who either casually, or of set purpose lin­gring behind him, sporting in the way, he came alone to the Castle gate. Queen Elfrida who had a long time waited for such an opportunity, being informed thereof, went presently to weet him with her bloody Assassinate,s and welcoming him with flattering Speeches, and a pleasant countenance, importuned him to lodge there that night, which offer he with thanks refused, saying he desired only to see and speak with his btother, but would not alight from his horse: Whereupon she commanded a Cup of Wine to be spee­dily brought him to drink, appointing one of her boldest Souldiers to kill him whiles he was drinking: VVho kissing the king, like another Judas, under a pre­text of love, to take away all suspition, so soon as the Cup was at his mouth, slabbed him presently into the Bowels with a knife. King Edward feeling himself wounded, set spurs to his Horse, thinking to escape to his own faithfull followers; but the wound being mortal, he fell from his Horse dead, and one of his feet hanging in the Stirrop, he was dragged up and down through the Mire and Fields, and at last left there dead near Cerf Gate. VVhich his wicked Stepmother hearing of, commanded her most wicked Servant to drag him by the Heels like a beast, and throw him in­to a little Cottage hard by, that the fact might not be discovered. Aster which she commanded his Corps to be privily taken from thence, left this her most execra­ble work of darkuess should be discovered, and buried in an obscure bushy morish place, where it should no more be found by any. Most of our Historians write, that he was obscurely buried at VVearham, without any Royal State; Ac sicum Corporc paritèr & Me­moriam sepellissent, invidentes ei sespidem, cui Vivo [Page 140] inviderunt decus Regium; So Malmsbury; or as Matthew Westminster descants on it, Invidebant enim mortuo Ecclesiasticam concedere Sepulturam Cni viden­ti decus Regium auferebant. And not content here­with, they made an Edict▪ than which nothing could be more cruel; That no Man should lament or speak of his death, thinking thereby utt [...]rly to aelete his memory. But contrary to their expectation, God by a superna­tural light from heaven shining on the place, and sun­dry Miracles there wrought (if our Monkish Hi­storians may bee credited) frustrated this▪ design. For though the Queen and her Complices out of their transcendent malice (which O that some of late times had not overmuch imitated,) Inimicitias quas viventi ingesserunt in mortuum p [...]otelantes, sepelierunt [...]um fine Re­gio honore apud Warham▪ ut sicut vitam ejus extinxe­rant ita et nomen ejus extinguerent: hic vero comper­tum Proposit. 8. est contra divinam providentiam non sufficere pra­vum cor hominis et inscrutabile: Quem enim perfidi terris abjicerant, Deus coelo gloriosè suscepit, et memoriae aeternae insignivit eum Dominus cujus mentionem Proditores obnubulare studuerant. But mark the sad sequel of this prodigious Regicide, Proditione Gentis suae perfidae, thus registred by Histor. l. 5. p. 357. Henry Huntindon, an impartial Historian. Inde Dominus iterum ad iram provocatus est, et plus solito irritatus, Genti pessimae malum inextri­cabile conferre cogitavit, et quod facere paraverat non distulit. Veneruntque Dani, et operuerunt Angliam quasinubes coeli. To which De Gestis Regum Ang. l. 2. c. 9. p. 61. William of Malmsbu­ry subjoyns. Creditumque et celebritèr vulgatum, quod propter Elfridae in Edwardum insolentiam multo post tempore tota patria servitutem infremuisset Barba­ricam. Take the summ of his Reign, Murther, Saint­ship in these words of De Genealog. Reg. Anglor. p. 362. Abbot Ethelred. Translato ad coelestia Regna Rege Fadgaro. in reono terreno filius ejus Edwardus successit: Qui injuste ab implis interfectus, tum [...] sanctitatem, tum ob mortis [...] San­cti [Page 141] Nomen et Meritum Deo donante promeruit: being afterward translated to Shaftsbury, and there honoura­bly enshrined.

King Edward being thus treacherously murdered on the 17th day of April, Anno 978. when he had reign­ed Anno 979. only 3. years and 8. moneths by hereditary Successi­on, thereupon on the 8. of May 979. his half-brother Ingulphi Historia p. 889, 890. Mat. VVestm: VVig. & Sim. Dun [...]l. An 978, 979, &c. 1016. Cbron. Inhannis Bromton, col. 877, 878. Will: Malmsbur. de Gestis Regum. l. 2 c. 18. Ead­merus Hist. No­vorum, l. 1. p. 1. Hoveden An­nal. pars prior. p. 427. &c. Hen. de Knygh­ton de Eventi­bus Angliae, l. 1. c. 2. Polychron. l. 6. c. 12, 13. Caxton, Fabi­an, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, Stow & others in the lise os K. Ethelred. Ra­dulphus de [...] ­ceto Abbrev. Chron. col. 46 [...]. Ethelred was crowned King at Kingston, by both the Archbishops, Dunstan and Oswald, and ten Bishops more, in the presence of the Nobles, much against Dun­stans will. And although Ethelred so much lamented his Brothers murder, being then but a child of ten years old, not active to promote this Treacherous plot, and so detesting it, that his Mother Elfrida in a rage whipped him for it with candles for want of a rod, which made him abhor candles all his life; yet Dun­stan full of a propheticall Spirit, at the very time of his Coronation told him, that he and his Posterity, toge­ther with the whole kingdom, should suffer grievous tribulation all his reign, using these words then unto him; Because thou hast aspired to the Kingdom by the death of thy Brother, whom thy Mother murdered; therefore hear the word of the Lord; Thus saith the Lord: The Sword and Bloud shall not depart from thy House, nor from the Nation, but shall rage against thee all the days of thy Life, slaying thy séed, uutil thy King­dom shall be translated to another Realm and Nati­on, whose Customs and Language that Nation over which thou reignest knoweth not; [...] in ulti [...]um red gat serv [...]tutem, who shal [...] reduce them into the er­tremet Bondage, for conspiring with thy ignomini­ous Mother against the Bloud of thy Brother. Nei­ther sh [...] thy fin, nor the sin of thy Mother, Nor the sin of those who were privy to her wicked Counsell, that they mi [...]ht stretch [...]ut an hand against the Lords a­nointed to slay him, be expiated, but by a long Re­venge, Proposit. 8. and much effusion of bloud. Which accor­dingly [Page 142] came to pass; and let all others whom it con­cerns most nearly, with our whole English Nation now seriously reminde it. This Prophecie was presently after seconded, with a prodigious Cloud, spread and seen over all England sundry nights, which appeared sometimes bloudy, other times fiery, and then chan­ging it self into divers sorts of flashings and colours, vanished about the morning. The very next year fol­lowing the barbarous Danes invaded England, burnt Southampton, killing and carrying away Prisoners al­most all the Inhabitants thereof; after which they in­fested and wasted the Isle of Teneth, and City of West-Chester, invading England every year with new forces, til they had laid the whole kingdom desolate, expelled King Ethelred, with his Queen and Children, into fo­reign patts, and possessed themselves both of the Crown and Realm, as absolute Soveraigns.

And here, before I proceed further, I cannot but take special Notice of Gods admirable retaliating Ju­stice inflicted upon some of our Saxon usurping Regi­cides and their Posterities, worthy our saddest con­templation.

See i Mat. Westm. Malmsb. Huntindon, Hoveden, E­thelwerdus, In­gulphus, Wigor­niensis, Simeon Dunelmensis, Bromton, Poly­chronicon, Hen. de Knyghton, Fabian, Speed, Holinshed, Grafton, Dani­el in their lives. King Edgar (as I touched before) injuriously usurped upon his elder Brother King Edwyn; and by force of arms deprived him of half his Crown and king­dom at first, and of his whole Realm, if not life too, at last. But within few years after by Gods avenging hand, his best beloved eldest Son and heir, King Edward, to whom he bequeathed the Crown at his death, was first op­posed in his Succession, and soon after most treache­rously butchered by his own Queen and younger Son, who invaded the Crown by his slaughter. King Ed­gar treacherously slew Earl Ethelwold, (as you have read) to espouse his wife Elfreda, & Crown her for his best beloved Queen; who (no doubt) was consenting to, if not the contriver of his murder, as he was hunt­ing in Worel Forest. And she to requite this murder, kills [Page 143] his own Son and heir King Edward, as he came from hunting in a Forest, not very far distant from the same place. Elfere Earl of Mercia, the Queens chief Coun­seller and Instrument to murther and dethrone King Edward, (whom he stabbed to death with his own hands, as Malmesbury records,) though to expiate this crime, he soon after honourably translated his Corps from Warham to Shaftsbury-Minster; yet by Gods a­venging wrath, about a year after his whole body was ea­ten up of Lice and Worms, so that he died most miserably. Queen Alfrida the chief Plotter of this murder, soon af­ter the fact, was struck with such horror of conscience for this bloudy Regicide, that to pacifie the pangs thereof, and expiate the guilt of his crying bloud, she built two Monasteries at Almesbury and Warwel, and casting off her royal robes and State, entred into the later of them, where she afflicted her self with sack­cloth, fasting, weeping, and severe penance unto the day of her death, bewailing this bloudy crime all the remainder of her life. The whole English Nation, who were either consenters to, or overgreat connivers at their Soveraigns Murther (which they never publikely questioned nor revenged) were not only stricken, con­sumed with all sorts of Plagues and strange diseases, but uncessantly invaded, oppressed, spoiled, captiva­ted, conquered, murderated, and almost quite extirpa­ted by the barbarous Danes, who usurped the Sove­raignty over them for three Generations, being made a spectacle of divine Justice both to Angels and Man. As for King Ethelred himself, though then an infant, he purchased nothing else by his Brothers blood, but a Crown of Thorns and Cares, living in perpetual warrs, cares, fears, wants, distresses, being crossed in all his designs, warrs by Land and Sea, contemned, deserted, and frequently betrayed by his own Counsellers, No­bles, Commanders, Souldiers, Subjects; forced out of the Realm with his Queen, children, by the conque­ring [Page 144] Danes, all living like exiles in forein parts; dy­ing at last neither lamented nor desired; Some of his Sons after his death were treacherously murthered, (as Edmund Ironside by his own Brother-in-law, and E­th [...]lred his Son-in-law, Duke Edert) all his posterity renounced by the English, and the Danes preferred be­fore them, banished, betrayed, devoted to ruine by the usurping Danes, and his own temporizing English Pre­lates and Nobles. Of which more fully hereafter. Take but this brief Character of his unhappy reign out of De Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 10. William of Malmsbury, and De Even­tibus Angliae, l. 1. c. 2. Henry de Knyghton; Ethelred us post occisionem fratris sui Edwardi in Regem levatus 38. annis reguum potius obsidit, quam rexit. Nam vitae suae cursus saevus et infanstus fuit; in principio, miser; in medio et fine, turpis et reprobus,. Iste tenuit Regnum in magna angustia: Nec mirum, quia sic felonice et inju­ste intrusus est in Regnum, Rex suorum perfidia Du­cum avito ex te [...]ris solio, et opis egens alienae, in cujus ma­nu aliorum solebat salus pendere. E Normannia accerci­tus Londoniae agebat propter proditores, nunquam proce­dens, ubi animam laboribus et miseriis natam efflavit. Post cujus mortem Proceres Regni, cum Clero stirpem e­jus abhorrentes, Canutum recognoverunt Regem suum fore. All which calamities fell upon these Regicides, Traytors, and the whole English Nation, as our Hi­storians observe, for the murder of their lawfull Sove­raign. And have we not all now just cause to fear the very like, or some sorer Judgements for the selfsame cry­ing Sin, and other transcendent, bloudy, traiterous violences, oppressions of all kinds, farr exceeding this, and all others in former ages? But to proceed from these Generals, to the most observable particulars du­ring his reign.

Anno Dom. 980. being the second year of King E­thelreds Anno 980. reign, the Mat. West. Malmsbury, Ingulphus, Hnntindon, Hoveden, Simeon Dunelm. Bromton, Wigorn. Radulphus de Diceto, Polychron. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. Fox, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed. Danes began their invasion and [Page 145] persecution of the English, wasting, depopulating with fire and sword Southampton, Chester, the Isle of Teneth, Cornwall, Devonshire, and other places, continuing their depredations sundry years after, till they became Lords and Masters both of the Crown and Realm. All our Historians record, that the sins of the English Nation, (especially their Treason and Treachery against their in­nocent murdered Soveraign) were the original cause of this Danish invasion, and most fatal Judgement: to which Bishop Mat. Par­ker, Antiqu. Eccl. Brit. p. 63, 64. Lupus in his Oration, subjoyns these other sins, pertinent to my Theam, of which I fear our Nation is now farr more guilty than their Ancestors in that age: Ecelesiae vastantur, ordo Clericalis ludibrio habetur et contemp [...]ui; ima plebs proditorie è regno sumpto pretio venundatur, infantes ab ipsis incunabilis ad mise­ram Proposit. 1. 4. 8. servitutem sumpti et redacti sunt, omnisque benigni­tas et eleemosyna perit. Ipsi denique liberi avita libertate frui, et in serbili conditione constituti, bonis magnis par­tis laboribus aut aliundè concessi [...], uti prohibentur. Et quia haec gens perjurlis, Mendaciis Juramenti, Fidei, Faederum atque Pignorum fractionibus crebris, homi­cidio, furto, et quae ad Rempublicam labefactandam summae sunt Proditione, falso atque Technis baferrimis in ip­sos Domiuos atque Heros multifariam deliquit, [...]ujus fuit indicium, Edwardi regis ipsis hostibus traditio, &c. The external causes principally inviting, incouraging the Danes to this invasion, as Antiqu. Eccl▪ Brit. p. 62. Matthew Parker, and Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 207. Speeds History. Mr. Fox conjecture, were these: Quod à segnibus et torpentibus Monachis Regni facultates essent ab­sorptae; auctaque indies Dacorum vis ab Anglorum sub Monachis redactorum ignaviam, et civilia orta multa dis­crimina; quae Dacos efferarunt victores. And that the Danes perceiving the discords that were then in the Realm, and the hearts of the Subject to be withdrawn from, and set against their Soberaign, they thought it a sufficient occasion and advantage to forward their intend­ments, and omitting no time, arived on the Coasts of [Page 146] Kent, and spoiled the Country as aforesaid.

About the year of our Lord 982. One Lefsi bought Anno 982. lands in the Isle of Ily of Adelwold Bishop of Winchester, and not only denied to pay for them, but likewise for­cibly disseised the Bishop of 3. Manors, Burch, Undeles, and Kateringes, which the Bishop recovered by Judge­ment of the Earldermen, and Thames in the WITE­NAGEMOTE (Wittagemiot) or Parliamentary Assembly of that age, thus reported by the antient Ms. de O­peribus B. Edel­woldi. Episco­pi. Book of Ely, and by Titles of Honor, second part. c. 5. sect. 6. p. 693. Mr. Selden, out of it. ‘Edicitur placitum apud Londoniam, quo cum Duces, Principes, Satrapae, Rethores et Causidici ex omni parte confluxerant, beat us Aedelwoldus praefatum Lefsium in jus protraxit, et coram cunctis suam causam et injuri­am, ac rapinam quam ipse Leofsius intulerat sanctae Ecclesiae ex ordine patefecit. Qua re benè ac a­pertè ab omnibus discussa, omnes Deo et beato Aethelwaldo per judicium reddiderunt Burch, et Un­deles, et Kateringes. Judica verunt etiam ut Leofsius Episcopo totum damnum suum suppleret, et Munda, Saxonice Pax dicitur: sed et Satisdatio, ut hic, ni sallor, interpretatur. Mun­dam suam redderet, de rapina vero Regis forisfactu­ram emendaret, dato pretio genealogiae suae. Post haec infra octavum diem convenerunt iterum ad Northamtune et congregata ibi tota Provincia, sive Vicecomitatu, coram cunctis iterum causam supradi­ctam Proposit. 4, 6, patefecerunt. Qua patefacta ac declarata, ut praejudicata erat apud Londoniam, judicaverunt et isti apud Northamtune. Quo facto omnis populus cum jure jurando in Christi Cru [...]e reddiderunt Episcopo quae sua erant, scilicet, Burch, et Undeles, et Katerin­ges. By which President it is apparent, 1. That Par­liamentary Councils in that age held Pleas, and gave judgements of Disseisins and Titles of Lands. 2. That they had Lawvers to assist them, and plead such cases before them. 3. That the Judgement gi­ven in the Great Council at London, was confirmed; recited, and executed in the County-Court held at [Page 147] Northampton, and possession of the Lands accordingly restored to the Bishop.

King Matthew westminst. An. 983, 986. VVigorn. and Sim. Dunelm. An. 986. Ingul­phi Hist. p. 890. Wil. Mal­mesb. de Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 10. Hoveden, An­nal. pars prior, p. 427. Huntin­don Hist. l. 5. p. 357. Chron. Jo, Bromton, col. 878. Hen­ry de Knygh­ton de Eventi­bus Ang. l. 1. c. 2. col. 2515. Fox Acts and Monuments vol. 1. p. 207. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 61. Godwins Ca­talogue of Bi­shops p. 394. Speed▪ p. 144. Ethelred being incensed against the Bishop Anno 986. of Rochester, Anno 983. as some, or 986. as others com­pute it, besieged the City of Rochester for a long space; VVhereupon Archbishop Dunstan commanded him to give over the siege, lest he should provoke St. Andrew, Patron of that City, against him. The King not with­standing continued his siege till he extorted one hundred pounds from the Bishop. VVhere upon Dunstan admiring at his covetousness, sent him this Message. Because thou bast preferred silver before God, Mony be­fore an Apostle, covetousness before me, the evils which the Lord hath denounced shall violently come upon thee. Upon which Matthew Westminster makes this observa­tion. Anno 986. Rex Anglorum Aethelredus qui pro­hibente beato Dunstano Ce [...]tum libras ab Episcopo Roffen­si extorserat, pro pace brevissima pensionem 16 millium librarum persolvere compulsus est. VVhich fell not out till the year 994. as himself and others record. Mal­mesbury referrs it to the Tax of 10 thousand pounds, paid by him to the Danes. Anno 991. In this year 986. Alfric Duke of Mercians, son of Duke Alfere was banished England crudeliter, cruelly, without just cause, as Bromton recites, which made him afterwards prove treacherous to the King, he being one of those English, quos nullis causis extantibus exhaeredabat Rex, et affecto crimine, opibus emugebat; which Malmesbury taxeth him for. His oppression and inju­stice, Propos. 2, 4. being the chief causes of his miscarriage and ex­pulsion by the Danes.

Anno 988. The Danes invading VVecedport, there­upon An. 988, 991. Goda Earl of Devonshire, Strenwild, a most valiant [k] Mat. VVestm. VVi­gorn. Huntin­don, Hoveden, Bromt. Speed, Holinsh. Fox, Graston. Knight, and many others in defence of their Native Country and Liberties, fought with them, and were slain by them. And Anno 891. Brithnoth the most va­liant Duke of the East English, and his forces, fought [...] [Page 148] [...] [Page 149] [Page 148] a set battle with the invading Danes, who wasted Ipswich and the parts adjoyning: In which battel an innumerable multitude were slain on both sides, and this valiant Duke with many thousands of the English, in defence of their Country against these In­vaders. After which, by the Counsel of Gervasius Antiq. Ecclef. Brit. and God­win in the life of Spricius. Syricius Arch­bishop of Canterbury, Duke Aethelward, Alfric, and other Nobles (assembled no doubt in a Parliamenta­ry [...], as Malmesbury his Duces et Proceres Proposit. 1. si quando in Concilium venissent, pars hic, [...] illud el [...]g [...]runt. &c. and Henry de Knyghton his Proceres Regni, si quando ad Concilium congregati, &c. import) ‘A Tribute of ten thousand pounds was given to the Danes, that they might desist from their frequenr ra­pines, and slaughters of men, which they frequently exercised about the Sea-coasts, pacemque firmam cumiis tenerent, and might hold a firm peace with them.’ Some of our Historians stile this Huntind. Hist. l. 5. p. 357. Chron. Io­han. Bromton, col. 879. Infaustum Concilium, an unlucky Council. Eadmerus Hist. No­voruml. 1. p. 1. gives this verdict of it. ‘Regis desidia circum circa inno­tuit, Et ideo extevorum cupiditas opes Anglorum quam mortes affectans, hac & illac, per mare, terram invadere: & primo propinquas mari villas & urbes, deinde remotiores, ac demum totam Provinciam miserabili depopulatione devastare. Quibus cum ille nimio pavore perculsus, non armis occurrere, sed data pecunia pacem ab eis petere non erubuisset, ipsi Propos. 1, 5, 6, 9. suscepto pretio in sua revertebantur, ut, numero suo­rum adaucto fortiores redirent, ac praemia iteratae irruptionis multiplicata reciperent; Unde modo de­cem millia, modo sedecim millia, modo viginti quatuor millia, modo triginta millia librarum ar­genti consecuti sunt: omnia illis largiente praefato Rege Edelredo. et gravi exactione totum Regnum opprimente. De Gestis Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 10. p. 62. VVilliam of Malmesbury passeth this censure on it, and the unhappy consequence of it. Danis omnes portus infestantibus, & levitate pirati­ca [Page 149] ubique infestanribus, dum nesciretur, ubi eis oc­currere debent decretum à Syriaco Archiepiepiscopo. &c. ut repellerentur argento qui non po [...]erunt fer­ro. Ita decem millia librarum soluta cupiditatem Danorum exple [...]ete. Exemplum Infamiae et Viris indignnm, libertatem pecunia redimere, quam ab invicto animo nulla violentia poseit excutere. Et tunc quidem palisper ab incur [...]bus cessarunt, mox ubi vires otio resumpserunt, ad superiora re [...]itum. Tantus timor Anglos invaserat, ut nihil de resisten­do cogitarent. Si qui antiquae glorlae memores ob­viare; & signa colligere tentassent, hostium multi­tudine, & sociorum defectione destitue bantur’ whereby they became Vassals and Tributaries to the insulting Danes. Cujus Siricii consilio in gestis Regum [p] De Gestis Pontif. l. 1. p 203. ‘dixi Ethelredum Regem animi libertatem Danis pretio vendicasse. Ut eorum pacem argento redime­rent, quod ferro repellere posset, nisi corde car [...]ret. Unde Importabilis Tributi pensio imposita Angliae, fortunas provincialium ad solum usque destruxit. Histor. l. 5. p 357. Henry Huntindon, and the col. 879. Chronicle of Bromton pass this verdict against, and deduce this memorable observation from this Tribute. Edelredi Regis, An­no 13. Primo statuerunt Angli (which intimates it to be decreed in a Parliamentary Council) Conci­lio Proposit. 1, 6, 9. infausto Siricii Archiepiscopi, quod ipsi censum Dacis persolverent, quatenus à rapinis & caede ce [...]arent, & dederunt eis decem mille libras. Hoc autem malum usque in hodiernum diem duravit, et diu, nisi Dei Pietas subveniat, durabit: Regibus namque nostris modo persolvimus, ex consuetudine quod Dacis persolvebatnr ex ineffabili terrore. To which Bromton, Polychr. l. 6. c. 13. Ranulphus Censtrensis, and De Even­tibus Angliae, l. 1. c. 2. Hen­ry de Knyghton immediately subjoyn. ‘Dacis Tribu­tum annuum solvunt. Primo anno 10 milia librarum, Secundo anno 16 millia librarum, Tertio anno 20 millia librarum, Quarto anno 24 millia, Quinto [Page 150] anno 40. millia librarum, donee tandem pecunia de­ficiente iterum tenderent ad Rapinas. Et tunc Northimb [...]ia [...] de [...]aedantes▪ et Londoniam obsiden­te [...], Coegerunt regem tributum dare. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 64. Mat. Parker Archbishop of Canterbury, thus censures this ill advice of his Predecessor; Siricius pacem Christianis ab infidelibus Dacis 10. librarum millibus redemit, Ad ignominiam sane, peneque pernicient totius Regni. Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. 207. Mr. John Fox informs us, That King Ethelred be­ing glad to grant the Danes great sums of money for peace, gave himself to polling of his Subjects, and disinheri­ting them of their possessions; and caused them to re­deem the same again with grea [...] sums of money; For that he paid great Tributes to the Danes yearly, which was called Danegelt. Which Tribute so increased, that Proposit. 1. 4. from the first Tribute of 10000 l. it was brought at last in processe of 5. or 6. years, to 40000 l. The which yearly Tribute (until the coming of St. Edward and after) was levied of the people of the Land: Moreover, for lack of [...]ustice, many Theeves, Rioters, and Bribers, were in the land, with much misery and mischief. To which sorrow moreover was joyned hunger and penury (besides a bloudy flux, feavers, mortality, murrain amongst cattel, &c.) amongst the Commons, insomuch that every one of them was constrained to pick and steal from others. So that what for the pillage of the Danes, and what by inward Theeves and Bribers, this Land was brought into great affliction: Albeit the greatest cause of this affliction (as it seemeth to me) is not so much to be imputed to the King, as to the dissention among the Lords themselves, who did not agrée one with another; but when they assembled in Consultation together, either they did draw divers wayes, or if any thing were agreed upon any matter of peace between the parties, soon it was broken again; or else if any good thing were devised for the prejudice of the Enemy, e­ven the Danes were warned thereof by some of the same Council. Page 415, 416. John Speed, in his Hist: of Great Britain re­lates, [Page 151] That King Ethelred could not redness the evils oc­casioned by the prosperous Danes successes▪ who lay in the land like unto Grashoppers, his strengths being small and his Subjects affections less. Therefor calling to counsell the Statesmen and Peers, demanded their Advic [...], Proposit. 1, 6, 9. what was best to be done▪ Some few of these profe [...]ed the King their assistance, but more of them perswaded to a composition, whereof Siricius Archbishop of Canterbury was chief; and in fine, ten thousand pounds paid to the Danes for their departure. This golden mine once entred, was more eagerly digged into by those still-thirsting Danes, who finding the branch so beneficial at first, hoped the vein in following would prove farr more beneficial; and there­fore, regardless of promise, the next year prepared them­selves again for England, and with a great Fleet dispatch­ed to Sea. The News whereof struck such terror into the English hearts, that despairing of hope▪ they accounted themselves the Bondslaves of Misery, and were enfor­ced to compound a peace with them, with the payment of 16000 pounds, which they at last mounted to 40000 (or 48000) pounds. till it emptied the Land of all her coin, the Kingdom of her Glory, the Nobility of their Cou­rage, the Commons of their Content, and the Sove­raign of his wonted Respect and Observation. (A pattern of our age and times.) A Collecti­on of the Histo­ry of England. London 1634. p. 16. Samuel Daniel gives us this Censure of this first unworthy heavy Tax: E­thelred in the end was fain, seeing he could not prevail with the sword, to assail them with money, and bought a peace for 10000 pounds, which God wot, proved after a very dear pen­ny-worth to the Commonwealth: Shewing the seller thereof, how much was in his power, and the buyer, at how bad a rate, his necessity was to be served, and yet not sure of his bargain, longer than the Contractor would. Who having found the benefit of this market, raised the price therof al­most every year. And yet had not Ethelred what he paid for, the land in one part or other being never free from spoil and invasion, but rather, were more oppressed both by [Page 152] the Dane, and by this Taxation, which was the first we find in our Annals laid upon the Kingdom, and with heavy grievance raised in a poor distressed State, continuing many Ages after the occasion was extinct; And in the end (though in [...]no her name) became the usual Supplement in the Dangers of the Kingdom, and the Occasions of Princes. And hereby Ethelred enlarged the means and desires of the Enemy, so that at length came Swaine King of Denmark, and Anlafe King of Norwey in person, as if likewise to receive him for com­mitting outrage, and were both returned with great summs. And many years it was not ere Swaine returned again to raise new summs by new afflictions, and tormenting here this poor turmoiled people more than ever, receives a fee for bloudshed, to the summ of 48000 l. Granted in the Propoposition 1, 6, 9. General Assembly of the States at London; and a Peace, or rather paction of servitude concluded.

From these passages of our Historians it is most e­vident. 1. That this Tax of ten thousand pounds to the Danes, was the very first we find imposed on the Eng­lish Nation, An. Domini 991, being never subject to any publike Civil Tax til then, for ought appears by History. 2. That this Tax was then imposed, and after reimposed, augmented on the Nation, only by common advice, grant, and consent of the King, Prelates, and Nobles assembled in a publike and Parliamentary Council. 3. That the original ground of granting it was base degenerous cowardise, or unmanly fear, and sluggishness, both in the King, Nobles, and People, and that by the very unlucky, imprudent, ill Council and advice, of an Archprelate, Siricius Archbishop of Can­terbury being the ptinciple adviser of it. 4ly. That it was originally paid, not to a lawfull Native Soveraign king, for defence of the Nation, but to a forein invading prevailing, victorious Danish Enemy, to purchase peace, and be quit of future troubles and Invasions. 5ly, That when this was first imposed, it was with a [Page 153] belief and resolution never to reiterate or draw it a­gain into custom or president in succeeding ages: and that only to satisfie a covetous invading Enemy for the present, without any thoughts that it would but strengthen or encourage their Enemies to new invafi­ons and Tributes of this Nature, doubled and tre­bled on the Nation afterwards. Yet loe the contrary sad effects of this ill president & advice. 1. It is within few years after, several times drawn into Use and Cu­stom again. 2. It is every time increased, augmen­ted more than other, till it amounted to 4 times as much as it was at first. 3. It did but impoverish, weaken the English themselves, and much strengthen, encou­rage their Danish Enemies, and keep them still under their Vassalage. Whereas so much mony or less raised and spent for their own defence against the Danes, would probably have expulsed and beaten them home to their own Country with losse, and so have prevented their future invasion. 4ly After the Danes were quite expelled, and the occasion of this tax quite extinct, yet it then became a usual constant suppliment to our Kings for sundry ages after, upon all occasions, and was the only ground-work, pattern, of all the heavy publike Shipmony, Taxes, Aids, Impositions, Payments, under which the people have suffered in all succeeding ages, till this present. It is very dangerous therefore for Parliaments, or Statesmen, upon any extraordinary pressing Necessity, to lay any new Taxes, Tributes, or Imposts on the people, and most perillous for the people voluntarily to submit unto their payment; fot being but once or twice granted, imposed, paid, and made a President, they are hardly ever abolished or conjured down again, but kept still on foot upon some pretext or other; yea oft doubled, trebled, and qua­drupled by degrees, to the peoples grand oppression and undoing, as we may see by this old President of Danegelt; and the late sad Presidents of our new im­posed [Page 154] Excises, Imposts, Monethly Contributio [...]s, raised from 20 to 30, 40, 50, 60, 100, and 120 thousand pounds, amonth, and the Excise from thousands to Millions; and so continued for sundry years, without hope of end, or ease: the only blessed lib [...]rty which we have hitherto purchased with all our Prayers, Tears, Easts, Counsels, Treasures, wars and whole Oceans of Christian blood. I shall therfore desire our late and pre­sent Tax-Masters, Excisers, if they be not now past all shame, sadly to consider, how much more burthensome and injurious they have been, & are now to their native Christian English Brethren, than the Barbarous Pagan, fore in invading Danes were then to their predecessors; in that they by their own authority, without any law­full grant, or Act by a free Parliament, impose on their Brethrens exhausted purses and estates, no less than 60 or 120 thousand pounds every Moneth, besides Ex­cises, Imposts, Customes, amounting to much more; when as the barbarous, forein Danes exacted of them, only by their own common consent in free Parlia­mentary Councils, only ten thousand pounds in one year at first, and then 16000, 24000, 30000, 40000, or 48000 l. at the utmost for several whole years Tri­bute, without any Excise, Imposts, or other Customs. Which meditation me thinks should now induce them to mitigate, release, cease, our long continued unces­sant Taxes, Excises, Imposts, or at least to reduce them to the Danes highest annual proportion, of 48000 thousand pounds, lest the whole Nation and Posterity repute them more oppressive, barbarous, ty­rannical to their Christian Countrymen now; than the worst of the forein Pagan Danish Invaders were heretofore, and greater present Enemies to their Native Country, than the Danes then were to our Pro­genitors.

The self same year William Malmsbur. De Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 10. p. 64. Spelman. Concil. p. 503▪ there being some difference Anno 991. [Page 155] between King Ethelred and Richard Marquess of Nor­mardy, he thereupon slew and pillaged all the English passing through his Country, and affronted King Ethel­red with frequent injuries. Pope John the 15. hereupon sent Leo his Legate, with exhortatory Letters to make peace between them: who coming with them to King Ethelred on Christmass day, Anno 991. the King, upon receit of the Popes Letters. Accersitis cunctis sui Proposit▪ 6. 9. Regni fidelibus, utriusque ordinis Sapientioribus, Assembling all the Wisest men of his Realm of both Or­ders, for the love and fear of Almighty God, and St. Peter the Prince of the Apostles, granted and estabished a most firm peace with all his Sons a [...]d Daughters, present, and to come, and with all his Lieges, without guile. In pursuance whereof, the King sent Edelfinus Bishop of Sherburn, with two other persons of quality into Normandy to the Marquess: Who, upon receit of the Popes Admonitions, and hearing of the kings Decree, with a willing mind, confirwed the said Peace with his Sons and Daughters present and to come, and with all his Subjects, upon this reasonable condition, That if any os them, or they themselves should perpetrate any unjust thing against the other, it should be expiated with eondign reparation. Which Peace that it might remain perpe­tually firm, was ratified by the Oaths of the Commis­sioners of both parts, at Rhoan, in March following. Here we have a Peace advised, ratified by the directi­on of a Parliamentary Great Council: recorded at large by Malmsbury: The last clause whereof was this, Et de hominibus Regis, vel de inimicis suis, nullum Ri­chardus recipiat, nec Rex de suis, sine Sigillo eorum.

King Florenti­us Wigornien­sis, Mat. Westm. Simeon Dunel­mensis, Hoveden, Huntindon, Hist. l. 5. p. 357. Chron. Johan. Bromton. col. 879. 880. Speed, Holinshed, Grafton, Fox. Ethelred in the year 992. hearing that the Anno 992. Danes intended a new invasion of England, and that they had sent a great Fleet to Sea, contrary to their former Agreement the year before, assembled a Council of his [Page 156] Nobles to consult how to resist them. What the result of their consultation was, Florence of Worcester thus re­cord. Consilio jussuque Regis Anglorum Etheiredi, Procerumque suorum, de tota Anglia robustiores, Londoniae congregatae sunt Naves. By the Counsel and Proposit. 6, 9. command of Ethelbert king of England, and of his No­bles, all the strongest Ships were assembled together at London, out of all England; which the king furnish­ing with choice Souldiers, made Duke Alfric, Duke Thorold; Alstan and Aes [...]win (two Bishops) Admirals over them; commanding them, if by any means they could, to take the Danish Army, and Fleet by invironing them in some part. But Duke Alfric (formerly banished, for­given, and now made chief Admiral) turning Traytor, both to his king and Country, first sends a secret Mes­senger to the Danes, to acquaint them with the de­signs against them, intreating them to prevent the am­bushes prepared to surprize them, whereby they esca­ped the hands of the English. After which, when the English and Danes were ready to encounter each other in a Sea-fight, Alfric fled secretly to the Danish Fleet the night before, and by reason of the instant danger, fled away shamefully with them. The kings Navy pursuing them, took and pillaged one of the Danish Ships, slaying all the men therein. But the London ships meeting with the other Danish Pirates, as they were flying, fought with them, slew many thousands of the Danes; and took Duke Alfric his Ship, with the Souldiers and Armes, himself hardly escaping, as Wigorniensis and Matthew Westminster relate. But Hun­tind. & Bromton, write, that the Danes recruiting their Navy, met and fought with the kings Navy, slew ma­ny of the Londoners, triumphantly took whole armed Ships, and Duke Alfric who was in them; whom the king should not have trusted, according to the antient saying: Quem semel gravitèr laeseris, non facile tibi fide­lem credideris. For this Treason of Alfric, the king [Page 157] caused the Eyes of his Son Algar to be put out, Unde odium & infamia ejus crudelitatis adaucta est, as Hun­ti [...]don and others observe.

The next year 993. the VVigor­mensis, Bromt. Huntindon, Hoveden, Mat. VVestminst. Malmes bury Simeon Da­nelm. Radul­phus Cestren­sis, Fabian, Ho­linshed, Speed, Danish Fleet entring Anno 993. Humber, wasted the Country of Northumberland and Lindesey, burning the Villages, slaying the people, and pillaging their goods. Whereupon great multitudes of the people of that Country, assembling together, resolved and hastned to fight with them: but when they were ready to give them battel, Frena, Frithgist and Godwin their Captains, being of Danish Progeny, proving treacherous to their followers, perswaded them to fly, and fled first themselves. Notwithstanding the Country (as Malmesbury, Speed, and others write) being unable to digest their intollerable insolence and plunders, fell upon the Danes, slew many of them, and chased away the rest to defend their Lives, Liber­ties, and Estates.

Anno 994. Swane king of Denmark and Anlafe Anno 994. king of Norwey with 94 Ships sailed up to London, be­sieged [d] Florent. VVigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Mat. Westm. Anno 994. William Malmes, de Gest, Reg. l. 2. c. 10. Huntin­don Hist. l. 5. p. 358. Hove­den, Annal. pars prior, p. 428. Chron. Joh. Bromt. col. 880, Po­lych. l. 6. c. 13. Henry de Knyghton de Event. Angl. l. 1. c. 2. Fabian, Grafton, Ho­linshed, Stow, Speed, Spelm. Glossarium, Tit. Danegelt, Radulph. de Diceto Abbrevi, Chron. 461. and fiercely assaulted the City, thinking to take it; but the Citizens so manfully defended it, that they repulsed the Danes thence with great loss. Who thereupon turning their fury upon the Counties of Es­sex, Kent, Sussex, and Southampton, so greivously wa­sted them with fire and sword, burning the Villages, and slaying the Inhabitants, that King Ethelred, Con­cilio Procerum suorum, by the Council of his No­bles (assembled together for that end, as Wigorniensis Matthew Westminster, Hoveden, Simeon Dunelmensis and others write) sent Embassadours to them, promising to give them Tribute and Wages, and Money, upon this condition, that they should desist from their cruelty. Who thereupon condescending to the kings request, returned to their Ships, and drawing all their Army together unto Southampton, wintered there: To [Page 158] whom a Tribute of sixteen thousand pounds, was gi­ven Proposit. 1, 6, 9. and paid out of all England, that they should cease from their rapines and [...]laughters of innocent persons. Af­ter this agreement King Anlaf tepaired to Andover, to King Ethelred, where he received baptism, Ethelred being his Godfather: and bestowing great gifts upon him; Heteupon Anlaf entred into a League with him, promising, to return into his own Countrey, and ne­ver after to return into England with an Army; Which promise he faithfully observed. The Articles of the Agreement between King Ethelred and him, are at large recorded in the Chronicle of Bromton, Col. 899, 900. being made by advice of all his Wisemen assem­bled in a Parliamentary Council, a [...] this Title to them intimates. Haec sunt verba Pacis et Prolocutionis, quas Ethelredus Rex et omnes Sapientes ejus cum exer­citu firmaverunt, qui cum Ana [...]an [...], [...]t Justino, et Gu­dermundo Stegiari filio venit. The Articles of the Peace between them are X. in the Saxon, but XI. in the Latin Copy.

The perfidious Wigornien­sis, Mat. VVes. Huntindon, Rad. de Diceto, Simeon Dunel­mensis, Poly­chron. Bromton, Hen. Knyghton, Malmsbury, Hoveden, Fab [...] ­on, Holinshed, Speed, Grafton, and others. Danes violating their former a­greement, Anno 997. came with a great Fleet and An. 997, 998, 999. Army into the mouth of Severn, wasted and laid waste and desolate Northwales, and most of the West and South parts of England, no man resisting them, gain­ing an extraordinary great booty and Wintring about Tavestock. The next year 998. They entring the river of Frome, wasted and spoiled Dorsetshire, the Isle of Wight, and Sussex over and over, living upon their spoils: whereupon the English many times assembled an Ar­my to resist and expell them; but so often as they were about to give them battel, Angli aut insidiis, aut a­liquo infortunio impediti, terga verterunt, et hostibus victo­riam dederunt; most of the Nobles of England secretly favouring the Danes, and not loving Ethelred, quia Al­frida mater sua pro ipso liberius in regno substituendo, san­ctum Edwardum fratrem suum dolosè extinxerat, as [Page 159] Bromton and others attest. Anno 999. The Danish fleet entring the river of Medway, besieged Rochester, and wasted Kent. The Kentish men uniting their for­ces fought a sharp battel with them, wherein many were slain on both sides, but the Danes winning the field, horsed their foot on the horses they gained, and miserably wasted all the West part of Kent. Which King Ethelred being informe [...] of, suorum Primatum Consilio et classem et pedestrem congregavit exerci­tum; Proposit. 1, 6, 9. by the advice of his Nobles, he assembled a Navy and foot Army to encounter them. But whiles the ships were preparing, the Captains of the Army delaying from day to day their begun levyes and un­dertakings, Grievously vexed the People. In con­clusion, neither the Navy nor Army did any thing at all for the peoples benefit or defence, praeter populi laborem, pecuniae pe [...]ditionem, hostium incitationem, as Floren­tius Wigorniensis, Roger Hoveden, and others ob­serve.

Hereupon Hen. Hun­tindon, Histor. l. 6. p. 359. Chro. Johau. Bromton Col. 883, 884, Polych [...]onicon, l. 5. c. 60. King Ethelred, Anno 1000. for the Anno 1000. better defence of his Realm, resolved to take to wife Emma daughter of Richard Earl of Normandy, who was then most valiant, and formidable to the whole Realm of France: For he saw himself and his Subjects very much weakned, and did not a little fear their future overthrow. Hoc autem Dei nutu factum esse constat, ut veniret contra improbos malum. Genti enim Anglorum quam sceleribus suis exigentibus disterminare proposuer at, sicut et ipsi Brittones peccatis accusantibus humiliaverant, Dominus omnipotens duplicem contritionem proposuit, et quasi militares insidias adhibuit. Scilicet, ut hinc Daco­rum persecutione saeviente, illinc Normannorum conjun­ctione accrescente, si ab Dacorum manifesta fulminatione evaderent, Normannorum improvisam cum fortitudine cautelam non evaderent. Quod in sequentibus apparuit, cum ex hac conjunctione Regis Anglorum, et filiae Ducis Normannorum, Angliam, JUSTE, secundum jus Gen­tium [Page 160] Normanni et calumniati sunt, et adepti sunt. Prae­dixit etiam eis quidam vir Dei, quod ex scelerum suorum immanitate, non solum quia semper caedi et proditioni studuebant, verum etiam quia semper ebrietati et negli­gentiae domus Domini dediti erant, eis insperatum à Francia adventurum Dominium; quod et eorum excellentiam in ae­ternum deprimeret, et honorem sine termino restitutionis e­ventila [...]et. Praedixit etiam, quod non ea gens solum, ve­rum et Scottorum, quos vilissimos habebant els ad emeri­tam confusionem dominaretur. Praedixit nihilominus va­rium adeò seculum creandum, ut varietas quae in mentibus hominum latebat, et in actibus patebat, multimo da varia­tione vestium et indumentorum designaretur. Hac igitur providentia cum Legatoriis ad Ducem Normannorum missis, Rex Anglorum suae petitionis concessionem obtinuis­set, Statuto tempore tanto digno ministerio ad Dominam su­am recipiendam et adducendam Proceres Anglorum mit­tuntur in Normanniam, quae longo et digno regibus appa­ratu dirigentur in Angliam. Thus Henry Archdeacon of Huntindon, Radulphus Cistrensis, Bromton, and others out of them, vrite of this Norman match, as the ground­work of translating the Government in succeeding times from the Saxons to the Normans, for the Saxons sinnes forenamed.

This same year, the Danish Fleet sailing into Nor­mandy Mat. Westm. Hoveden, wi­gorniensis, Sim. Dunelmensis, Holinshed, Speed, and o­thers. Anno 1000. and pillaging it, King Ethelred hearing of it, marched with a great Army into Cumberland and the Northern parrs, which had revolted to the Danes, and where their greatest Colony was; where he van­quished the Danes in a great battel, and wasted, pilla­ged most of all the Country. Which done, he com­mandcd his Navy to sail round about the North parts of Wales, and to meet him at an appointed place, which by reason of cross winds they could not doe: yet they wasted and took the Isle of Man; which success some­what raised and encouraged the dejected spirits of the English, and encreased the Kings reputation with them.

[Page 169] In the years 1001. Wigorniens. Hnntindon, Hoved. Ethel­werdus, Ingul­phus, Malmsb. Radulphus de Diceto, Radul­phus Cistrensis, Simeon Du­nelm. Bromton, Mat. VVestmin. Hen: de Knygh­ton, Mat. Par­ker, Fox, Fabi­an, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, Daniel. The Danish Fleet returning Anno. 1001. 1002. from Normandy, entred the river of Ex, and besieged Exceter: which the Citizens manfully defending, re­pulsed them with great loss from their walls. Where­with they being extremely enraged, marched through all Devonshire, burning the villages, wasting the fields, and slaying the people, without distinction of age or sex, after their usual manner. Whereupon the in­habitants of Devon, Somerset, and Dorsetshires, uniting their forces in a Body in a Place called Penho, gave them battel: but being overpowred by the multitude of the Danes, who farr exceeded them both in number and mi­litary skill, they were forced to flie, and many of them slain. The Danes thereupon getting their horses, har­rowed Devonshire farr worse than before, and returned with a great booty to their ships: Whence steering their course to the Isle of Wight, they preyed sometimes upon it, sometimes upon Hampshire, other times upon Dorsetshire, no man resisting them. Destroying the men with the sword, and the Villages and Towns with fire, in such sort, ut cum illis nec classica manus navali, nec pedestris exercitus certare audeat praello terrestri: for which cause the King and People were overwhelmed with unspeakable grief and sadness. In this sad per­plexity, King Ethelred, Anno 1002. Habito consilio cum regni sui Primatibus (as Florentius Wigorniensis, Simeon Dunelmensis, Radulphus de Diceto, Roger Hove­den, and others express it; or Consilio Primatum su­orum, Proposit. 1, 6, 8, 9. as Mat. Westminster and his followers relate it:) By the Counsel of the Nobles of his realm, (assem­bled together for this purpose at London) reputed it beneficial for him and his people to make an Agreement with the Danes, and to give them a Stipend, and Pacify­ing Tribute, that so they might cease from their mischiefs. For which end Duke Leofsi was sent to the Danes, who coming to them, importuned them, that they would accept of a Stipend and Tribute. They gladly em­bracing [Page 170] his Embassy, condescended to his request, and de­termined how much Tribute should be paid them for to keep the peace. Whereupon soon after A Tribute of 24000 pounds was paid them, pro bono Pacis, for the good of Peace.

In this Assembly and Council, (as I conjecture) Chron. VVil. Thorn, col. 1780 Spelmanni Con­cil. p. 504▪ to 510. King Ethelred informed his COUNSELLERS, who instructed him both in divine and humane things, with the sloathfulness, negligence, and vicious lives of the Secular Priests throughout England, and by their advice thought meet to thrust them out, and put Monks in their places, to pour forth prayers and praises to God for him and his people in a due manner. Whereupon he confirmed by his Charter, the ejection of the Secu­lar Priests out of Christs-Church in Canterbury, and the Proposit. 6, 10. introduction of Monks in their places; and ratified all the lands and privileges formerly granted them; ex­empting the Monastery and Lands thereof from all Se­cular services, except Expeditione, Pontium operatione, et Arcium reparatione. Beseeching and conjuring all his lawfull Successors, Kings, Bishops, Earls, and peo­ple, that they should not be, Ecclesiae Christi Praedo­nes, sed sitis Patrimonii Christi defensores seduli, ut vita et gaudio aeternis cum omnibus Dei sanctis in aeternum fru­amini. Which Charter was ratified by the Subscrip­tions of the King, Archbishop, Bishops, A [...]b [...]ts, and of Proposition 2. several Aeldermen, Nobles, and Officers, and the sign of the Cross. This year Wigorni [...]nsis. and others. Duke Leofsi slaying Esric a Nobleman, the Kings chief Provost, was judicially ba­nished the Realm by the King for this offence.

After this Peace made with the Danes, Anno 1002. Emma ariving in England, received both the Diadem Anno 1002. and name of a Queen; whereupon King Ethelred puf­fed (k) Huntindon, Hoveden, Malmsb. Mat. VVestm. Ra­dijlphus de Diceto, Simeon Dunelm. VVigorn. Bromton, Hen. de Knyghton, Fox Acts & Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 207. Polychron. Fabian, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, Dani [...]l. up with pride, seeing he could not drive out the Danes by force of arms, contrived how to murder and [Page 171] destroy them all in one day by Treachery at unawares, either by the sword or by fire; because they endeavou­red to deprive him and his Nobles both of their Lives and the Realm, and to subject all England to their own Domi­nion: The occasion, time, and manner of whose sudden universal Massacre is thus related by Mat. Westmin­ster, An. 1012. (though acted An. 1002. as all accord) and by Mr. Fox and others. Huna General of King Ethelreds Militia, a valiant warlike man, who had ta­ken upon him the managing of the affaris of the Realm under the King, observing the insolency of the Danes, who now after the peace made with them, did so proudly Lord it through all England, that they presu­med to ravish the wives and daughters of Noblemen, and every where to expose them to scorn; by strength caused the English husbandmen to soyl and sow their land, and doe all vile labor belonging to the House, whiles they would sit idely at home, holding their wives, daughters, and servants at their pleasure; and when the husbandmen came home, they should scarce­ly have of their own, as his servants had: So that the Dane had all at his will and fill, faring of the best, when the owner scarcely had his fill of the worst. Thus the common people being of them oppressed, were in such fear and dread, that not only they were constrained to suffer them in their Doings, but also glad to please them, and called every one of them in the House where they had rule, LORD DANE, &c. Hereupon Huna goeth to the King much perplexed, and makes a la­mentable complaint to him concerning these things. Upon which the King being not a little moved, by the Counsel of the same Huna, sent Letters (or Commissi­ons) unto all the coasts of the Realm, commanding all and every of the Nation, that on one day after, to wit, on the Feast of St. Brice the Bishop, all the Danes throughout England should be put to death by a secret Massacre, that [...]o the whole Nation of the English might [Page 172] all jointly and at one time be freed from the Danish Oppression. And so the Danes, who by a firm cove­nant, sworn unto by both sides a little before, ought to have dwelt peaceably with the English, were too op­probriously slain, and the women with their children Proposit. 2. being dashed against the posts of the houses, miserably powred out their souls. When therefore the sentence of this decree was executed at the City of London without mercy, many of the Danes fled to a certain Church in the City, where all of them were slain with­out pity, standing by the very Altars themselves. Moreover, that which aggravated the rage of this per­secution, was the death of Guimild, Sister of King Swain, slain in this manner in England: she was lawful­ly maried to Count Palingers, a Noble man of great power, who going into England with her husband, they both there received the faith of Christ and Sacra­ment of baptism: this most prudent Virago being the mediatrix of the peace between the English and Danes, gave her self with her husband and only son, as Hosta­ges to King Ethelred for the security of the peace, she being delivered by the King to that most wicked Duke Edric to keep, that Traytor within few days after com­manded her husband, with her son, to be slain before her face with four spears, and last of all commanded her to be beheaded. She underwent death with a mag­nanimous minde, without fear or change of counte­nance; but yet confidently pronounced as she was dy­ing, That the shedding of her bloud would bring great detriment to England.

Historia­rum, l. 6. p. 360. Henry Huntindon thus relates the story of this Massacre. In the year 1002. Emma the Jewel of the Normans came into England, and received both the Diadem and name of a Queen; with which match King Ethelred being puffed up with pride, bringing forth perfidiousness, caused all the Danes who were with peace in England, to be slain by clandestine Treason, on [Page 173] one and the same day, to wit on the feast of St. Brice, concerning which wickedness we have heard, in our infancy some honest old men say; that the said King sent secret Letters into every City, according to which the English on the same day and hour destroyed all the Proposit. 2. Danes, either cutting off their heads, without giving them warning, with swords, or taking and burning them suddenly together with fire. Ʋbi fuit videre miseriam, dum quisque charissimos hospites, quos etiam arctissima necessitudo dulc [...]ores effecerat, cogeretur prodere, et am­plexus gladio deturbare, writes De Gest. Regum, l. 2. c. 10. p. 64. Malmsbury.

The News of this bloudy Massacre of the Danes, be­ing brought into Denmark to King Swain by some Youths of the Danish Nation who escaped and fled out of England in a ship, moved him to tears, Mat West­min. An. 1012, p. 391, 392. Vo­catisque cunctis Regni Principibus, Who calling all the Princes of his Realm together, and relating the whole series of what was acted to them; he diligently enquired of them, what they would advise him to do? Who all crying out together, as with one mouth, DECREED, That the bloud of their Neighbours and Friends was to be revenged. Whereupon Swain, a cruel man, prone to shed bloud, animated to revenge, by his Messengers and Letters commanded all the Warriers of his Kingdom, and char­ged all the souldiers in forein Regions, greedy of gain, to assist him in this expedition against the English, which they cheerfully did, he having now a fairer shew to do foully than ever, wrong having now made him a right of invasion, who had none before.

Anno 1003. King Swain ariving with a great Navy and Army in England, by the negligence and treachery Anno 1003. of one Hugh a Norman, whom Queen Emma had made [o] Malmsbu­ry, Huntindon, Hoveden, VVi­gorniensis, Simeon Dunel­mensis, [Radul­phu [...] de Diceto, Bromton, Henry de Knyghton, Polychronicon, Ingulphus, Mat. Westm▪ Fabian, Fox, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, D [...]niel▪ Earl of Devonshire, took and spoyled the City of Exeter, rased the wall thereof to the ground, and burnt the City to ashes, returning with a great prey to his ships, [Page] leaving nothing behind them but the ashes. After which wasting the Province of Wiltshire: a strong Ar­my congregated out of Hamshire and Wiltshire, went with a resolution manfully and constantly to fight with the Enemy; but when both Armies were in view of each other, ready to joyn battel, Earl Edric their Ge­neral (a constant Traytor to his Country, and secret friend to the Danes) feigned himself to be very sick, and began to vomit, so that he could not possibly fight. Whereupon the Army seeing his slothfulness and fear­fullness, departed most sorrowfull from their Enemies, without fighting, being disheartned by the Cowar­dise of their Captain: Which Swane perceiving, he marched to Wilton and Sarisbery, which he took, pilla­ged, and burnt to the ground, returning with the spoil to his Ships in triumph.

The next year Swane (to whom God had designed the kingdom of England, as some old VVigorn. Hoved [...]n, Huntind. Hist. l. 6. Speed, & others. Historians write) Anno 1004. sailing with his Fleet to Norwich, pillaged and burnt it to the ground. Whereupon Ulfketel, Duke of East-England, a man of great valour seeing himself surprized, and wanting time to raise an Army to resist the Danes, cum Majoribus East-Angliae habito Consilio, taking Counsel with the Great men of East-England, made Proposit. 6, 9. peace with Swane; which he treacherously breaking within three weeks after, suddenly issuing out of his ships, surprized, pillaged, and burnt Thetford to the ground; and covering the C [...]untry like Locusts, spoyl­ed all things, and slaughtered the Country-men with­out resistance. Which Duke Ulfketel being informed of, commanded some of his Country-men to break his ships in pieces, in his absence from them, which they not da­red, or neglected to do, and he in the mean time raising an Army with as much speed as he could, bold­ly marched against the Enemy, retu [...]ning with great booties to their Ships; where after a long and sharp incounter on both sides, the English being over-pow­ered [Page 175] by the multitude of the Danes, were totally rou­ted, and all the Nobles of East-England there slain in their Countries defence, who fought so valiantly, that the Danes confessed they had never an harder or sharper battel in E [...]gland than this. The great loss the Danes sustained in it, though they got the field, and an extraordinary famine in England the year fol­lowing, greater than any in the memory of man, caused Swane to return into Denmark to refresh and re­cruit his Army.

King Ethelred quit of these Enemies, Anno 1006, deprived Wulfgate the Son of Leonne, whom he had lo­ved Anno 1006. Florentius Wigorniensis, Mat. Westm. more than all men, of his possessions and all his ho­nours, propter injusta judicia, for his unjust judge­ments and proud works; and likewise commanded the eyes of the two Sons of that Arch-Traitor Edric Streona Propos. 2, 6. to be put out at Cocham, where he kept his Court, be­cause Edric had treacherously inticed a bloody Butcher, Godwin Porthound (whom he corrupted with great gifts) to murder the Noble Duke Althelin at Scoborby­rig, as he was hunting, whom Edric purposely in­vited to a Feast, that he might thus treacherously mur­der him. While these things were acting, in the month of July, the Danes returning with an innumerable Navy into England, landing at Huntind. Hoveden, Malmesbury, Sim. Dnnel­mensis, VVi­gorn. Mat. VVestm. In­gulphus, Brom­ton, Radulph. de Diceto, Knyghton, Po­lych. Fabian, Holinshed, Grafton, Fox, Speed, Daniel, Sandwich, consumed all things with fire and sword, taking great booties, sometimes in Sussex, sometimes in Kent: Whereupon King Ethelred gathered a great Army out of Mercia and the West-parts of England, re [...]o [...]ing valiantly to fight with the [...] who declining any open fight, and returning to their Ships, landed sometimes in one place, sometimes in another, and so pillaging the Country, returned with the booty to the Ships before the English Army could encounter them, which they vexed all the Autumn in marching after them from place to place to no purpose: The English Army re­turning home when Wintet began to approach, the [Page 176] Danes with an extraordinary booty sayled to the Isle of Wight, where they continued till the Feast of Christs Nativity, which Feast they turned into sorrow. For then they marching into Hampshire and Berkeshire, pillaged, and burnt down Reading, Wallingford, Colesey, Essington, and very many Villages, Quocunque enim peragebant, quae parata erant hilariter comedentes, cum dis­cederent in retributionem procurationis reddebant hospiti cae­dem, hospitio flammam, as Huntindon, Bromton, and o­thers story. As they were returning another way to their ships with their booty, they found the Inhabi­tants ready to give them battel at Kenet; whom the Danes presently fighting with, and routing, returned with triumph to their ships, enriched with the new spoils of the routed English.

King Ethelred lying all this time in Shropshire, una­ble Anno 1007. to resist the Danes, Anno 1007. cum Consilio Primatum suorum (as Florentius Wigorniensis, Sime­on Dunelmensis, Polychronicon, and others express it) by the Counsel of his Nobles, sent Messengers to the Danes, commanding them to tell them, quod sump­tus Proposit. 1, 6, 9. et Tributum illis dare vellent, that they would give them Costs and Tribute, upon this Condition; That they should desist from napines, and hold a firm peace with them; to which request they consented, and from that time Costs were given them, and a Tribute paid them of thirty six thousand pounds out of all England, Historia­rum l. 6. p. 360. Henry Humindon, & Bromton, thus relate the busi­ness. Rex et Senatus Anglorum, dub [...]i quid age­rent, quid omitterent, communi deliberatione, gravem conventionē cum exercitu fecerunt, & ad pacis observationē 36000 mil. librar. ei dederunt. A clear evidence that this Agreement and Peace was made, and money granted and raised in England, by common advice & consent in Parliament (or Council) Infr [...]duit Anglia tota velut arundinem Zephiro vibrante collisum. Unde Rex Ethel­redus confusione magna consternatus, pecunia pacem ad [Page 177] tempus, quam armis non potuit, adquisivit, writes Anno 1007. p. 387. Matthew Westminster. Rex Anglorum Ethelredus, Anno 1007. 387. pro bono pacis Tributum 36 mil. librarum persolvit Dacis, as Abbrev. Chron. col. 4 [...]2. Radulphus de Diceto words it. After which the King this year made Edric, (aforementioned) Duke of Mercia; and that by the Providence of God, to the destruction of the English, a man of base parentage, but extraordinary crafty, eloquent, witty, and uncon­stant, surpassing all of that age in envy, perfidiousness, pride, cruelty and Treason, who soon after maried the Kings daughter Edith: whereby he had the better op­portunity to betray the King and kingdom, with less suspition.

Spelmanne Concil. p. 510. to 531. Malmsb. l. 2. c. 10. King Ethelred, though often vexed with the Anno 1007. wars and invasions of these forein Enemies, yet he had a care to make good Laws for the benefit, peace and safety of his people; whereupon, having thus made Peace with the Danes, An. 1007. he summoned and held a Great Parliamentary Council at Aenham, on the Feast of Easter, at the exhortation of Aelfeag Archbishop of Canterbury, and Wulstan Archbishop of Yorke, who to­gether with the rest of the Bishops, and all the Nobles of England were present at it. Regis Aethelredi E­dicto Proposit. 5, 6. concrepante acciti sunt convenire. Where they all [...]embling together, de catholicae cultu Religionis reparando deque etiam rei statu publicae reparando vel consulendo, plura et non pauca, utpote divinitus in­spirat [...], ratiocinando sermocinabantur. In this Council they debated, resolved on divers things, and enacted many wholesom Laws and Edicts for the reformati­on and setling of Religion, and Churchmen, the advancement of Gods worship; the Government of the Church and State, the advancement of civil Justice and honesty, and defence of the Realm by Land and Sea, beginning with the things of God and the Church in the first place; which you may read at large in Sir Henry Spelman. Some Laws where of I shall [Page 178] here transcribe, being very pertinent to my sub­ject.

Cap. 5. Sapientes decernunt, Ut Leges quique coram Deo et hominibus aequas statuant et tueantur: Proposit. 1, 2, 4, 5. iniquas autem omnino deleant: justitiam pauperi at­que diviti, pari exhibentes lance: et pacem insuper et concordiam piè in hoc seculo coram Deo et ho­minibus retinentes.’

Cap. 6. Sapientes etiam decernunt, Ut nemo Chri­stianum et insontem pretio tradat extra patriam, praesertim in Pagani alicujus servitium.’

Cap. 7. Sapientes etiam decernunt, Ut pro delicto modico nemo Christianum morti adjudicet, sed in mi­sericordia potius Leges administret ad utilitatem po­puli; et non pro modico eum perdat, qui est opus ma­nuum Dei, et mercimonium ejus magno comparatum pretio.’ De quolibet autem Crimine acuratius decer­nito, ‘sententiam praebens juxta factum, mercedem jux­ta meritum, ita scilicet, ut secundum divinam clemen­tiam levis sit poena, et secund um humanam fragilita­tem tolerabilis.’

Cap. 9. ‘Nemo dehinc in posterum Ecclesiae servi­tium imponat, nec clientelam Ecclesiae injuriis affi­ciat, nec Ministrum Ecclesiae [...] Epis­copo.’

Cap. 21. ‘Verba et opera rectè quisque dispona [...], et Jusjurandum pactamque fidem cautè toneas. Om­nem etiam Injustitiam è patriae finibus quâ poterit in­dustriâ quisque ejiciat, et perjuria formidanda.’

Cap. 22. ‘Urbium, Oppidorum, Arcium atque Pon­tium instauratio sedulo fiat, prout opus fuerit, restau­rentur, renoventur; vallis et fossis muniantur, et circumvallentur; Militaris etiam et Navalis Pro­fectio, uti imperatum est, ob universalem utique Proposit. 1, 3, 6, 9. necessitatem.

Cap. 23. De Navali Expeditione sub Paschate. ‘Ca­vendum etiam est, ut celerius post Paschatis festum [Page 179] Navalis expeditio Annuo sit parata. Si quis Navem in Reipublicae expeditionem designatum vitiaverit, damnum integrè restituito, et pacem Regis violatam compensato. Si verò eam ita prorsus corruperit, ut deinceps nihili habeatur, plenam luito injuriam et lae­sam praeterea Majestatem.’ So one translation out of the Saxon Copy reads it: but another thus. Naves per singulos annos ob patriae defensionem et muni­tionem praeparentur: po [...]ique sacrosanctum Pascha cum cunctis ut ensilibus competentibus simul congre­gentur. Qua etiam poena digni sunt qui Navium de­trimentum in aliquibus perficiunt, notum cunctis esse cupimus. Quicunque aliquam ex Navibus per quam­piam inertiam, vel per incuriam, vel neg­ligentiam corruperit, et tamen recuperabilis sit; Is, navis corruptelam vel fracturam ejusdem, per soli­dam prius recuperet, Regique deinde, ea quae pro e­jusdem munitionis fractura, sibimet pertinet, ritè persolvat.’

Cap. 24. De Militiam dotractante. ‘Si quis de Profectione militari cui Rex intererit, sine licentia se substraxerit, in detrimentum currat omnium fortu­narum.’

These three last Lawes most clearly demonstrate, that the Militia and Military affairs of this age, with all their Provisions of Arms, Ships for defence of the Realm by Land and Sea, against the invading Danes, and other Enemies, with their Military Laws, and all other apurtenances thereto belonging, were ordered and setled in their General Councils by common con­sent.

Cap. 26. ‘Si quis vitae Regis insidiabitur, sui ipsius vitae dispendio, et quas habet, rebus omnibus poenas Proposit. [...]. luito: Sin negaverit, et purgatione qua licuerit, expe­tierit, solemniori eam faciat juramento, vel Ordalio triplici, juxta legem Anglorum, et in Danorum lege, prout ipsa statuit.’

[Page 180] Cap. 27. ‘Si quis Christi legibus, sive Regis se ne­fariè opposuerit, capitis plectitor aestimatione, vel mulctâ aliâ, pro delicti qualitate. Et si is contrari­us rebellare armis nititur, et sic occiditur, inultus jac eat.’

Cap. 29. ‘Scrutari oportet diligentius unumquem­que Proposit. 1, 2, 4, 5. modis omnibus, quonam pacto illud ante omnia efferatur Consilium, quod populo habeat utilissimum, et, ut recta Christi re [...]igio maxime provehatur, inju­stumque quodlibet funditus extirpetur. Haec enim in rem fuerint totius patriae, ut injustitia conculce­tur, et Iustitia coram Deo et hominibus diliga­tur.

Cap. 32. ‘Ut quisquis fuerit potentior in hoc secu­lo, vel per scelera evectus in altiorem gradum, ita gravius emendabit peccata sua, et pro singulis male­factis poenas luet graviores.’

‘Haec itaque Legalia Statuta vel Decreta in Nostro Conventu Synodali, à Rege nostro magnopere e­dicta, cuncti tunc temporis Optimates, se observa­turos fideliter spondebant.’

The Invasions and Oppressions of the Danes, exci­ted both the King, his Prelates and Nobles, in this Great General Council, not only to provide for their necessary defence against them by Land and Sea, but likewise to enact good Laws for the advancement of Gods worship and service, the good Government of the Republick, the advancement of Justice, and Righteousnesse, the suppression of all Oppressions, Injustice, wickedness, and preservation of the Just Rights and Liberties both of the Church and Peo­ple; as the most effectual means to unite and pre­serve them against the Common Enemy, and to re­move Gods wrath and judgements from them, as the other Statutes and Decrees of this Council more fully resolve, which you may peruse at leisure.

About the same year, (as I conjecture) or not [Page 181] long after Chron. Jo Bromt. col. 893. to 903. Lam­bardi Archai­on, Spelm. Con­cil. p. 530, 531, 532, 533. King Ethelred having some breathing time from wars by his Peace concluded with the per­fidious Danes, held three other great Parliamentary Councils, the first at VVoodstock, the second at Venetyn­gum, the third at Haba, wherein He and his Wise­men made and published many excellent Civil and Ecclesiastical Laws, for the Good Government, Peace, VVelfare and happiness of his People, recorded at Proposit. 5, 6. large in Bromton, Lambard, and Spelman, where you may read them. I shall insert only 3 of them made at Venetingum (VVantige, as some take it.)

Cap. 4. Habeantur placita in singulis VVapentakis, ut exeant seniores 12 Thayni & Praepositus cum eis, & jurent super sanctuarium quod eis dabitur in manus, Quod neminem innocentem velint accusare, vel noxi­unt. concelare.

Cap. 23. Ad Bilynggesgate si advenisset una navi­cula, unus obolus Thelonii dabatur: si major & habet siglas, 1 d. si adveniat Ceol, vel ulcus, & ibi jaceat 4 d. ad Thelonium dentur. De navi plena lignorum, unum lig­num Proposit. 1, 9. ad Theloneum detur. In ebdomada panum The­loneum detur 3 diebus, die Dominica, die Martis, & die Jovis. Qui ad Pontem veniat cum Bato ubi piscis inest, u­nus ob: dabatur in Theloueum, & de majori Nave 1. d. Homines de Rothomago qui veniebant cum vino vel cras­pisce, Flandrenses & Pontrienses, & Normannia & Francia monstrabant res suas, & extolneabant. Hogge, & Leodium, & Nivella, qui per terras ibant, ostentionem dabant et Theoloneum. Et homines Imperatoris qui ve­niebant cum navibus suis bonarum legum digni teneban­tur, sicut & nos emere in suas naves: Et non licebat eis a­liquod Forcheapum facere burhmannis, & dare Theo­loneum suum. Et in sancto natali Domini duos Grisin­gos pannos, & unum Brunum, & 10 libras Piperis, & cirotecas 5 hominum, et duos cabillinos, colennos aceto plenos, & totidem in Pasca: de Dosseris cum Gallinis, una Gallina Thelon. & de uno Dosseto cum Ovis, 5 Ova Theolon. Si [Page 182] veniat ad Mercatum, mongestre, Sinere qui mangonant in Caseo & Butiro 14 diebus ant [...] Natale Domini, 1. d. & 7 diebus post Natale Domini, Unam alium denarium ad Theloneum.

Cap. 24. Si Portireu vel Tungravia, vel alius Praepo­situs compellat aliquem quod Theolon, supertenuerit, & homo respondeat, quod nullum Theloneum concelaverit quod juste debuit, juret hoc se sexto, & sit quietus. Si ap­p [...]llet quod Theolonium dederit, inveniat cui dedit, & qu [...]etus sit. Si tunc hominem invenire non posset cui dedit, reddat ipsum Theloneum, et persolvat 51. Regi. Si Cacepollum advocet, quod [...]i Theoloneum dedit, & ille neget, perneget ad dei [...]ud [...]cium, et in nulla alia lada.

These are the first Laws▪ (to my remembrance) wherein there is any mention of Toll, Tribute, or Cu­stom, paid by any Natives or Foreiners for goods or merchandise imported or sold; or any forfeitures or pe­nalty Proposit. 1. imposed for concealing o [...] non-payment thereof, which it seems were imposed about this time by com­mon consent in a Parliamentary Council, for the better maintenance of the Navy, and defence of the Realm against the Danes, the end for which I cite them.

The King having thus in the Great Councils of Aen­ham and Wantige, by consent of his Nobles and Wise­men, Anno 1008, 1009. provided a Navy to be annually set out for the defence of the Realm, in pursuance thereof the self­same year (as our Florentius Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Mat. Westm. Huntin. Hoved. Mal­mesb. Ingulph. Radulph. de Diceto, Bromt. Polychron. Fab. Grafton, For, Holinsh. Speed, Daniel, Antiq. Eccles. Brit. Knyghton. Historians joyntly attest) com­manded one ship to be built, and furnished out of every 310 Hides, or Ploughlands, and a Buckl [...]r & Helm [...]t out of eve­ry 9 Ploughlands, throughout his Realm. The ships being accordingly provided, the King victualled and placed cho­sen. Souldiers in them, and assembled them all together to the port of Sandwich, that they might defend the Coasts of the kingdom from the irruptions of Foreiners. An. 1009. Puppes praedictae congregatae sunt apud Sandwic, & viri optime armati, Nec fuit tantus numerus Navium tem­pore alicujus in Britannia, writes Henry Huntindon. But Proposit. 2, 3, 6, 9. [Page 183] yet God frustrated and blasted all their designs, be­yond expectation: For about, or a little before this time, Brithtricus a slippery ambitious proud man, bro­ther to perfidious Duke Edric, injuriously accused Wul­noth, a Noble young man of Southsex to the King, whose servant he was; who thereupon banished him. Wulnoth upon this fled away, lest he should be appre­hended, and having gotten 20 Ships, exercised fre­quent Piracies upon the Sea Coasts. The Kings Na­vy being thereof informed, and that any man who would might easily take him, Brithtric hereupon, to get praise to himself, took 80 of the Kings Ships with him, and promised to bring Wulnoth alive or dead to the King. VVhen he had prosperously sailed a long time in pursute of him, a most violent tempest sud­denly arising, shattered and bruised all the ships, dri­ving them one against another, and forced them to run ashore upon the dry land, with great loss, where Wul­noth presently coming upon them, fired and burnt them all. The rest of the Navy discontented with this sad news, returned to London: The Army likewise then raised was dispersed, Et sic omnis labor Anglorum cassatus est, writes Huntindon: or, as Wigorniensis and others express it, Sicque totius populi maximus labor pe­riit, to their great grief and disappointment. Upon this disaster, in the time of Harvest, Earl Turkel a Dane arived with a great new Fleet of Danes, and an innume­rable Army at Sandwich, whom another great Navy of Dan [...]s under the command of Hemmingus, Erglafe, & Tenetland followed in the Moneth of August. These all joyning together marched to Canterbury, assaulted, made a breach therein, and were likely to take it. Whereupon the Citizens and Inhabitants of East-Kent were inforced to purchase a firm peace with them, a [...] the sum of 3000 pounds; which being paid, they returning to their ships pillaged the Isle of Wight; with the Counties of Sussex and Southampton, near the [Page 184] Sea-Coasts, burning the Villages, and carrying away great booties thence. King Ethelred upon this, raised and collected a great Army out of all England, placing forces in all Counties near the Sea, to hinder the Danes landing and plundring. Notwithstanding they desisted not, but exercised rapines in all places where they could conveniently land. At last, when they had straggled further off from their Ships than they ac­customed, and thought to have returned laden with spoils, the King with many thousands of Souldiers in­tercepting their passage, resolved to die, or to con­quer them. But perfidious Duke Edric, by his treach­erous and perplexed orations, endeavored to perswade the King and Souldiers, not then to give the Enemies battel, but to suffer them to escape at that time. Sua­sit & persuasit. And thus, (like a Traitor to his Coun­try, as he ever had been) he then delivered the Danes out of the Englishmens hands, and suffered them to de­part with their booty, without resistance. The Danes after this taking up their VVinter quarters in the Ri­ver of Thames, maintained themselves with the spoils they took out of Essex, Kent, and other places on both sides of the River, and oft times assaulting the City of London, attempted to take it by assault, but were still valiantly repulsed by the Citizens with great loss.

In Jan. 1010. the Malmesb. Ingulph. Flor. Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Hun­tind. Hoveden, Mat. Westmin. Bromt. Radul­phus de Dice­to. Polychroni­con, Knighton, Fab. Holinsh. Speed, Fox, Grafton, Daniel, Antiq. Eccles. Brit. Danes sallying out of their Ships, marched through Chiltern Forest to Oxford, which they pillaged and burnt, wasting the Country on both Anno 1010, 1011, 1012. sides the Thames in their return. Being then inform­ed that there was a great Army raised and assembled a­gainst them in London, ready to give them battel; thereupon that part of the Danish Army on thc North­side of the Thames, passed the River at Stanes, and there joyning with those on the South-side, marched in one body to their Ships through Surrey, laden with [Page 185] spoils, refreshing themselves in Kent all the Lent. After Easter they went into the East parts of England, marching to Ringmere near Ipswich, where Duke Ulfketel resided. On the first of May they fought a set battel with him, where, in the heat of the battel the East-English turned their backs on Turketel a Dane, beginning the fight: but the Cambridgeshire men fighting manfully for their Country and Liberty, re­sisted the Danes a long time, but at last being over-powred with multitudes, they likewise fled; Many Nobles and Officers of the King, and an innumerable multitude of people were slain in the fight. The Danes gaining the victory, and thereby East-England, turn­ed all Horsemen, and running through the Country for three Months space, burnt Cambridge, Thetford, with all the Towns and Villages in those parts, slew all the people they met with, as well Women and Children, as Men; tossing their very Infants on the tops of their Pikes, wasted, pillaged all places, killing the Cattel they could not eat, and with an infinite rich booty their Footmen returned to their ships. But their Horsemen marching to the River of Thames, went first into Oxfordshire, and from thence into Bucking­ham, Her [...]ford and Bedford Shires, burning Villages, and killing both Men and beasts, and wholly depopula­ted the Country; then they retired laden with very great booties to their ships. After this, about the Feast of St. Andrew they rambled through Northamp­tonshire, burning and wasting all the Country, together with Northampton it self; then marching Westward into Wiltshire, they burnt, pillaged, depopulated the Country, leaving all those Counties like a desolate Wilderness, there being none to resist or encounter them after their great victory at Ringmere.

The Danes having thus wasted and depopulated East-England, Essex, Middlesex, Hertford, Buck­hingham, Oxford, Cambridge Shires, half Huntindon­shire, [Page 186] most of Northamptonshire, Kent, Surrey, Sussex, Southampton, Wiltshire, and Barkshire, with Fire and Sword. King Ethelred, et Regni sui Magnates, and the Nobles of his Realm, thereupon sent Ambassadors to the Danes, desiring peace from them, and promising Propos. 1, 6, 9. them Wages and Tribute, so as they would desist from depopulating the Realm. Which they upon hearing the Embassadors consented to, yet not without fraud and dissi­mulation, as the Event proved. For although provisi­ons and expences were plentifully provided for them, and Tribute paid them by the English according to their desires, yer they desisted not from their rapines, but marched in Troops through the Provinces, wasting the Villages every where, fpoiling most of the misera­ble people of their goods, and some of their lives. At last, not satisfied with rapine and bloodshed, between the Feasts of St. Mary and St. Michael, they besieged Canterbury, (contrary to their dear bought peace) and by the treachery of Archdeacon Almear took the Ci­ty, which they pillaged and burnt to the ground, to­gether with the Churches therein, burning some of the Citizens in the fire, slaying others of them, casting ma­ny of them headlong over the Walls, dragging the VVomen by the hair about the streets, and ravishing, and murdering them. After which they decimated the Men, VVomen, Monks, and little Children that remained, leaving only the tenth of them alive, and murdering the rest, slaying no less than 900 Religious persons, and above 8000 others in this manner, as some of our Historians relate. Mr. See Speeds History, p. 419. Lambard in his Perambulation of Kent, computeth, that ther were mas­sacred 43 thousand and two hundred persons in this Decimation, there being only 4 Monks, and 4800 Lay­people saved alive. The Archbishop See Antiq. Eccles. [...]rit. Gervasius, Malmesb. and Godwin in his life. Huntind. Hist. l. 6. p. 361. Mat. VVestm. Hoveden, Bromt. Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Polychron. Grafton, Holinsh. Fab. Speed, Daniel, VVil▪ Thorn, col. 1782. Radulph. de Diceto Abbrev. Chron, col. 464, 465. Alfege [Page 187] they took prisoner, bound in chains, buffeted, grie­vously wounded, and then carried to their Fleet, where they kept him prisoner 7 Moneths. At last they propounded to him, that if he would enjoy his life and liberty, he should pay them 3000 pounds for his ran­som: which he refusing to do Week after Week; prohibiting any others to give them any thing for his ransom, they were so inraged with him, that bringing him forth publikely to their Council at Greenwich, they struck him down to the ground with their battel Axes, Stones, and the Bones and Heads of Oxen, and at last one Thrum, (whom he had confitmed but the day before) moved with an impious piety, cleft his head with an Axe, and so martyred him. The Londoners hearing of it, pur­chased his dead corps with a great sum of money, and honourably interred it: But above 2000 of these bloody Villains were in short time after destroyed with grievous diseases. VVhiles these things were acted by the Danes in Kent. Anno 1012. perfidious Duke Anno 1012. Edric (Simeon Dunelm. Hist. col. 169. Hove­den Annal. pars 1. p. 432. Florent. Wi­gorn. p. 378. Mat Westm. An. 1012. Po­lychron. Graft. Fabian, Speed, Daniel. et omnes cujuscunque Ordinis et Dignita­tis Primates Congregati, and all the Nobles of eve­ry Order and Dignity a [...]embled together at the City of London, continuing there til they had levied and paid to the Danes a Tibute of forty (as some) or forty eight thousand pounds (as others write) upon this condi­tion; That all the Danes within the Realm should have every where a peaceable habitation with the English, and that thero should be, as it were, one Heart, and one Soul of both people (as Matthew Westminster, Daniel, and some others record the Agreement.) Which Accord being ra­tified on both sides with Pledges and Oaths (as Matthew Propos. 1, 6, 9. Westminster and others relate,) King Swain (as some Historians write, though others mention not his be­ing here in person, but only by his Commanders) re­turned into his own Land, and so the rage of the Da­nish persecution ceased for a short space. Upon this a­greement 45 of the Danish ships under the command of [Page 188] Turkill the Danish General, submitted themselves to King Ethelred, promising, That they would defend Eng­land against strangers and forein invasions, upon this con­dition, that the English should find them victuals and cloaths. Henry Huntindon censures this accord, with the Danes, (i) Historiarum l. 6. p. 261. Chron. Johan. Bromton. col. 891. as made overlate. Tunc vero Rex nimis serò pacem fe­ci [...] cum Dacorum exercitu, dans eis 8000 (misprinted for 48000) librarum; nunquam enim tempore opor­tuno pax fiebat, donec nimia contritione terra langue­ret.

To what extremities King Ethelred was put to raise this and the other forementioned Tributes to the D [...]nes, and to pay his own Captains besides; and how much the Monasteries were taxed, oppressed, ex­hausted of all their moneys, plate, wealth by the King, his Officers and the Danes, during these wars, by force and menaces, this memorable passage of Abbot Ingul­phus will best inform us, not mentioned by any other Historians, which I purposely reserved, as properest for this place.

Ingulphi Histor. p. 890, 891, 892. In tempore i [...] aque Domini O [...]ketuli Abbatis Croylandiae, cum sic Dani totam terram inquietarent, indigenae de Villis & Vicis ad Civitates & Castella, & plurimi ad paludes, et lacum, loca invia refugien­tes, Danorum transitum et discursum pro anima prae­càvebant. Coeperunt tunc omnia terrae Monasteria a Rege Ethelredo, et Ducibus ejus ac Ministris Gra­vissimis Proposit. 1, 9. exactionibus subjici, et ad satisfaciendum Danicis Tributis pro immensis pecuniarum sum­mis sibi impositis, supra modum affligi: [...]t direptis thesauris, ac monasteriorum tam sacris calicibus, quam aliis jocalibus, etiam sanctorum Scrinia jubent ab exactoribus spoliari. Venerabilis ergo pater dominus Osketulus Abbas Croilandiae 400. marcas pro talibus Tributis variis vicibus exolverat: et tandem 12. an­nis in officio pastorali sanctè ac strenuè consummatis, mortis sacrae compendio Regias exactiones, univer­sosque [Page 189] seculi [...] cum carnis depositione finaliter exuebat. 12. Cal. Novemb. Anno scil. Domini 1005. Cui successit ad Abbatis officium Venerabilis Pater Abbas Godricus, electus et effectus Abbas in diebus an­gustiae, tribulationis et miseriae; laboriosissimeque rexit Monasterium 14. annis, sub praedicto rege Ethelredo: Hujus Abbatis tempore cum Dani totius terrae ferè obtinerent dominium, et [...]àm per Ethelredum regem et ejus Duces Edricum, Alfricum, Godwinum et ali­os [...]l [...]res importabiles Impositiones pro Danorum tributis persolvendis, ac aliae Exactiones gravissimae ad eorundem Ducum expensas plurimas restauran­das, quam per Analafum e [...] Swanum, ac eorum exer­ci [...]us depraedationes, despoliation [...]s et destructiones assidue fierent▪ saepe multa Monasteria de omni De­nario emuncta sunt. Non tamen exact r [...]s ultimam quadrantem se extorsisse credere voluerunt. Ita hinc re­ligiosi, quo magis premebantur magis putabantur ha­bentes, magis putabantur abundantes. Hinc venerabi­lis Pater Abbas God [...]icus solvit primo Anno Regi E­thelredo, 200 marcas: Ducesque sui pro suis expensis similiter ducentas marcas extorquebant, praeter minores sumptus, qui quotidie Regis ministris irru [...]ntibus conti­nue fiebant. Secundo, tertio ac quarto anno similiter actum est. Tertio enim anno pro Triremibus per omnes por­tus Fabricandis, et Navali Militia cum victualibus, et aliis necessariis exhibenda, Ducentae Librae exactae sunt. Quarto etiam anno cum [...]urketulus, Danicus Comes cum fortissima classe applleuisset. Pro centum Libris missum▪ et ad solutionem per exactores cru­delissimos commissum est. Di currentesque Dani tunc per provincias, omnia mobilia diripientes, im­mobilia cremantes, D [...]ait [...], [...], et H [...]ke [...]on maneria Croylandiae, cum toto Comitatu Cantabrigiae direpta, ignibus tradiderunt. Sed haec nuntia sunt malorum. Quippe cum quolibet anno sequente qua­ter centum Marcae Regiis exactionibus et Ducum [Page 190] suorum sumptibus communiter solverent, rex Swa­nus veniens cum classe recenti exercitu ferocissimo tunc omnia depopulatur. Irruens enim de Lindesia, vicos cremat, rusticos eviscerat, religiosos omnes va­riis tormentis necat: tunc Baston et Langtoft flammis donat. Is erat annus Domini 1008. Tunc monasteri­um Sanctae Pegae omniaque sua contigua maneria, sci­licet Slinton, Northumburtham, Makesey, Etton, Ba­dington, & Bernake, omnia una vice combusta, tota fa­milia caesa, vel in captivitatem ducta. Abbas cum toto comitatu nocte fugiens et navigio in Croylandi­am veniens, salvatus est. Similiter Monasterium Burgi, villaeque vicinae ac maneria sua, Ege, Thorp, Walton, Witherington, Paston, Dodifthorp, et Castre, pri­us omnia direpta, postea slammis tradita sunt. Abbas cum majore parte conventus sui assumptis secum sa­cris reliquiis sanctarum Virginum, Kineburgae, Ki­neswithae ac Tibbae Thorniam adiit. Prior autem cum nonnullis fratribus, assumpto secum brachio sancti Oswaldi regis, ad insulam de Hely aufugit. Subprior vero cum 10. fratribus ad Croylandiam venit faelicitèr. Illo anno ex frequentibus fluviis inundationes excre­verunt, et vicinas paludes, circum (que) jacentes mariscos immeabiles reddebant. Ideo totus mundus advenit, populus infinitus affluxit, Chorus et claustrum reple­bantur Monachis, caetera Ecclesia sacerdotibus et cleri­cis, Abbatia tota laicis, caemeterium (que) nocte ac die subtentoriis mulieribus et pueris: fortiores quicunque inter eos ac juvenes in ulnis et alnetis ora fluminum observabant: erantque tunc quotidie (ut caetera one­ra taceantur) 100 Monachi in mensa. Super haec om­nia, per nuncium Rex Swanus Monasterio Croylan­dsae mille Marcas imposuit, et sub poena combustio­nis totius Monasterii solutionem dictae pecuniae certo die apud Lincoln assignavit; infraque tertium mensem post solutionem hujus pecuniae, iterum pro victualibus suo exercitui providendis exactores nequissimi mill [...] Marcas [Page 191] minis maximis extorquebant. Ventilatum est tunc et ubique vulgatum crudele martyrium S. Elphegi Archiepiscopi Doroberniae, qui quia summam pecuniae excessivam sibi impositam pro sua redemptione solvere de­trectavit, belluina Dacorum ferocitas eum acerbissimo tormento crudeliter interemit. Omnes fera tempora fle­bant, foelices qui quocunque modo in fata processerant. Abbas Godricus maximè, cui cura tanti populi incum­bebat et quem Rex Ethelredus cumulos argenti habe­re existimabat. Danicus vero Swanus, suusque totus exercitus ei, tanquam Domino de manibus eorum re­fugientium, juges insidias et minas semper maximas ingerebat. Demum expensis internis et exactionibus externis totus thesaurus Domini Turketuli Abbatis distractus est, horrea amborum Egelricorum d [...]m [...]lita sunt, cum adhuc Regii exactores pro pecuniis quoti­die irruerent. Et eum tanquam patriae proditorem, et Da­norum provisorem regi in proximo cum dignis compedibus deducendum, et suppliciis tradendum pro suis demeritis af­firmarent. Perculsus ergo venerabilis Pater Abbas Godricus dolore cordis intrinsecus pro tot minis terri­bilibus, convocat totum suum conventum; et nun­cians nummos Monasterio deficere, orat et exorat, quatenus doceant et decernant in medio, quid contra nequam seculum magis expediat faciendum? Tandem longo tractatu placet haec sententia cunctis, aliquem Ministrorum seu satellitum Edrici Ducis Merciorum conducere, et cum pecuniae deficeren [...], terris et tene­mentis ad terminum vitae concedendis, in suum defensorem contra imminentia pericula obligare. Erat enim ille Edricus potentissimus post regem in terra, et cum re­ge Ethelredo, et cum Swano rege Danorum familiarissi­mus, et postea cum Cnuto filio suo. Conductus est ergo quidam maximus satellitum dicti Ducis Edrici nomine Normannus, sanguine summe clarus, filius, vi­delicet Comitis Lefwini, et Frater Leofrici nobilis Comitis Leicestriae, dato sibi (prout postulabat) ma­nerio [Page 192] de Badby, ad [...]. Ille [...]i­ctum manerium acceptans, tenere de Sancto Guthla­co per firmam in grano piperis per annum in festo S. Bartholomaei singulis annis persolvendo, fideliter pro­mittebat, et se futurum procuratorem ac protecto­rem Monasterii contra omnes adversarios confecto inde chirographo obligabat. Valuit illud Monaste­rio aliquanto tempore, scilicet omnibus diebus vi­tae suae.’

By which passages it is apparent, what Taxes, exacti­on [...], pressures the Monasteries and others suffered both from King Ethelred his Captains and Officers on the one side, and from the Danes on the other side; and how they were enforced to hire and b [...]ibe great Souldiers and Courtiers, by leases and mo [...]es, to pro­tect them from [...].

History of Great Britain, p. 416. John Speed affirms, That the Clergy [...] any, denied to King Ethelred their assistance, pleading their exemp [...]ions from warr, and privileges of the Church, when the land lay bleeding and deploring for help, and scan­dalized all his other proceedings for demanding their aydes. But this passage of Abbot Ingulphus so neat that age, out of the Register Books of Croyland (whereof he was Abbot not long after) proves they paid great annual contributions to the King and his Officers, which con­sumed all their money, plate, Jewels, Chalices, and the very shrines of their Saints, notwithstanding all Charters and exemptions. And as for the Laity, De Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 10. William of Malmsbury, Radulphus Cistrensis, Mr. Fox, and others write. That King Ethelred had such a condition, that he would lightly dis-inherit English­men of their lands and possessions, and caused them to re­deem Proposit. 1, 4. the same with great sums of money, and that he gave himself to polling of his Subjects, and framed Trespasses for to gain their money and goods, for that he paid great Tribute to the Daneslyearly. Whereby h [...] lost the af­fections of the people, who at last deserted him, and sub­mitted [Page 193] themselves to the Danish Invaders, who usurped the Soveraign power, and forced him out of England with his Queen and Children. These Unrighteous Oppressions, Dis-inherisons, and Exactions of his were specially provided against by his Nobles, Prelates, and VVise­men in the Spelm. Concil. p. 530, 531. Chron. Joh. Bromt. col. 901, 902, 903. Councils of Aenham and Habam foreci­ted, by special Laws, and special excellent Prayers and Humiliations prescribed to be made to God to protect them from his judgements and the invading, oppressing, bloody Danes, worthy perusal; yet pretended neces­sities and VVar, laid all those Laws asleep.

In the year of Christ 1013. (the very next after Anno 1013. the Englishmens dearest purchased Peace, which the perfidious gold-thirsty Danes never really intended to observe) King Swain, by the secret instigation of Tur­kel the Dane (whom King Ethelred unadvisedly hired to guard him with his Danish ships from forein Invasi­ons) who sent him this Message, Malmesb. de Gestis Reg. l. 2, 6. 10. p. 69. Angliam praeclaram esse patriam & opimam, sed Regem stertere illum Venc­re Vino que studentem, nihil minus quàm bellum cogitare: Quapropter odiosum suis, ridiculum alienis, Duces invi­dos, Provinciales infirmos, primo stridore Lituorum proelio cessuros, Malmesh. wigorn. Mat. Westm. Sim. Dunelm. Ra­dulphus de Di­ceto. Huntind. Hoveden, In­gulphus, Poly­chron. Fabian, Grofton, Ho­linshed, Speed, Daniel, Fox. arrived at Sandwich with a great Fleet and Army of Danes, in the Moneth of July; where resting themselves a few days, he sailed round the East part of England, to the mouth of Humber, and from thence into the River of Trent, to Gainsborough, where he quitted his ships, intending to waste the Country. Hereupon, first of all Earl Uhtred, & the Northumbrians, with those of Lindesey, presently without delay, and after them the Freelingers with all the people in the Northern parts of Watlingstreet, having no man to de fend them, yeelded themselves up to Swain without striking one stroke: and establishing a peace with him, they gave him Hostages for their loyalty, and swore Fealty to him as their Soveraign. Where­upon he commanded them to provide horses and victu­als [Page 194] for his Army, which they did. William Malmes­bury observes, that the Northumbrians thus unworthi­ly submitted to Swane his Government; Non quod in eorum mentibus genuinus ille calor, & Dominorum im­pations refriguerie, sed quod Princeps eorum Uthredus pri­mus exemplum defectionis dederit. Whose example drew on all other parts. Illis sub jugum missis coeteri quoque omnes populi, qui Angliam ab Aquilone inhabi­tant vectigal et obsides dederunt. A very strange and sudden change, conquest, without a blow. Swain committing his Navy and Hostages to his son Cnute, raised chosen Auxiliaries out of the English, who sub­mitted to him, and then marched against the Southern Mercians. Having passed Watling street, he by a pub­like Proclamation commanded his Soldiers, to wast the Fields, burn the Villages, cut down the Woods and Orchards, spoil the Churches, kill all the Males that should come into their hands, Old and Young, without shewing them any mercy, reserving only the Females to satisfie their lusts, and to do all the mischiefs that possibly they could act. Which they accordingly executed, raging with beastly cruelty. Marching to Oxford, he gained it sooner than he ima­gined by surrender: taking Hostages of them, He posted thence to Winchester: Where the Citizens extraordi­narily terrified with the excessiveness of his cruelty, immediately yeelded, and made their peace with him; they and the whole Country giving him such and so many hostages as he desired, for his security, and like­wise swearing allegiance to him. Only the Londoners defending their lawfull King within their walls, shut the Gates against him. From Winchester Swain march­ed with great glory and triumph to London, endea­vouring by all means, either to take it by force, or sur­prize it by fraud. At his first arrival he lost many of his Souldiers, who were drowned in the River of Thames through overmuch rashness, because they would neither seek for Bridge nor ford to pass over it. [Page 195] King Ethelred being then within the City, and having no other refuge, the Citizens closing their Gates man­fully defended their lawfull King and City against the assailants. Who encouraged with the hope of glory, and great booty, fiercely assaulted the City on all sides, but were all most valiantly repulsed by the Citizens, through the assistance of valiant Earl Turkel, then within it; the Danes sustaining great loss of men, who were partly slain, and partly drowned, the Citizens not only repulsing them from the Walls; but likewise sallying forth, and slaying them by heaps, so that Swain himself was in danger to be slain, had he not desperately ran through the midst of his Enemies, and by flight escaped their swords. De gestis Regum l. 2. c▪ 10. p. 69. Malmesbury thus writes of the Citizens, Oppidani in mortem pro Liber­tate ruebant, nullam sibi veniam futuram arbitrantes, si Regem desererent, quibus ipse vitam suam commi­serat. It aque cum ut inque acriter certaretur, Iustior Proposit. 8. causa victoriam habuit, Civibus magna ope conantibus, dum unusquisque sudores suos, Principi ostentare, et pro eo pulchrum putaret emori: Hostium pars pro­strata, pars in flumine Thamesi necata. Hereupon Swain despairing to take the City, marched with his torn shattered Army, first to Wallingford, plundering and demolishing all things they met with in their way, af­ter their wonted manner, and at last they came to Bath; where Ethelmere Earl of the West Country, with all his people came and submitted to him, giving him hostages for their loyalty. Having thus finished all things according to his desire, he returned with his Hostages to his Navy, being both called and reputed King by all the People of England (London excep­ted si Rex jure queat vocari, qui fere cuncta Tyran­nice faciebat, vrite Florence of Worcester, & Simeon Du­nelmensis very cautelously, Nec adhuc flecterentur Lon­dinenses tota jam Anglia in clientelant ejus inclina­ta, nisi Ethelredus praesentia eos destitueret sua: as Malmesbury observes.

[Page 196] King Ethelred being a man given to sloathfullness, and through consciousness of his own demerits, very fearful (deeming no man faithfull to him, Matthew W [...]stmin [...]t, An. 1013. p. 393. Malmesbury, l. 2. c. 10. Hun­tind. p. 432. Sim. Dunelm. p. 169. by reason of the tragical death of his Brother Edward, for which he felt this Divine revenge, not daring to raise an Army, nor fight the Enemy with it when raised, Ne Nobiles Regni quos injuste exhaeredaberat, lest the Nob [...]es of the Rea [...]m, whom he had unjustly dis-inherited, should desert and deliver him up to the Enemy;) de­clining the necessity of war, and of a new siege, most unworthily deserted the Londoners (his faithfull valiant Subjects and Protectors in the midst of their dangers & Enemies, flying away secretly frō them to Hamshire, by secret journies, from wbence he sailed to the Isle of Wight. Hereupon the Londoners, Malmesb. de Gestis Reg. l. 1. c. 10. Laudandi prorsus vi [...]i & quos Mars ipse collata non sperneret ha­sta, si Ducem habuissent, Cujus dum vel sola umbra pro­tegerentur totius pugnae aleam, ipsam obsidionem etiam non paucis mensibus luserunt) Seeing themselves thus un­worthily deserted by their Soveraign in their extremi­ties, moved by the example of the rest of their Coun­trymen, submitted themselves likewise to King Swain, sending Hostages to, and making their peace with him; the rather, for that they feared Swains fury was so much incensed against them, for his former shamefull re­pulses by them, that if they submitted not to him of their own accords, he would not only spoil them of all their goods, but likewise command either all their eyes to be pulled out, or their hands and feet to be cut off, if he subdued them by force. History of Great Britain, p. 420, 421. & Edit. 1611. p. 378, 379. John Speed (a­gainst the current of other Historians) informs us, That Swain after his repulse from London, having recei­ved a certain sum of money, went back into Denmark, for want of victuals, and to recruit his shattered Ar­my, whence returning soon after, he was immediatly met by the English, where betwixt them was struck a sore battel, which had been with good, success, had [Page 197] not the Treason of some hindred it, in turning to the Danes. King Ethelred therefore seeing himself and the Land betrayed on this manner, to those few true English that were left, used this Speech as fol­loweth.

If there wanted in me a fatherly care, either for the de­fence of the Kingdom, or administration of Justice in the Commonwealth, or in you, the carriage of Soul­diers for defence of your Native Country, then truly silent would I be for ever, and bear those calamities with a more dejected mind: but as the case stands (be it as it is) I for my part am resolved, to rush into the midst of the Enemy, and to lose my life for my kingdom and Crown. And you (I am sure) hold it a worthy death, that is purchased for the Liberties of your selves and kinred; and therein I pray you, let us all die; for I see both God and destiny against us, and the name of the English Nation brought almost to the last period: for we are overcome, not by weapons and hostile warr, but by Treason and domestick falshood: our Navy betrayed into the Danes hands, our battel weakned by the re­volt of our Captains, our designs betrayed to them by our own Counsellers, and they also inforcing compo­sition of dishonourable Peace: I my self disesteemed, and in scorn termed, Ethelred the unready: Your va­lour and loyalty betrayed by your own Leaders, and all our poverty yearly augmented by the payment of their Danegelt; which how to redress God only knoweth, Proposit. 1. and we are to seek. For if we pay money for peace, and that confirmed by Oath, these Enemies soon break it, as a people that neither regard God nor man, contrary to equity and the Laws of War, and of Nations; and so far off is all hope of better success, as we have cause to fear the losse of our kingdom, & you the extinction of the Eng­lish Nations revenue. Therefore seeing our enemies are at hand, and their hands at our throats, let us by fore-sight and counsel save our own lives, or else by courage sheath [Page 198] our swords in their bowels, either of which I am willing to enter into, to secure our Estate and Nation from an ir­recoverable Ruine.’ After which Speech he and his Army retreated, and gave way to the prevailing Ene­my.

Swain herepon setling all things according to his own will, when as he knew, that no man durst resist him, commanded himself to be called King of England, Dum non fuit alius qui pro jure regni decertare, vel se regem confiteri ausus fuisset, as Ann. 1013. p. 393. Huntin­don, p. 452. Matt. Westmin­ster, and others write. Such a strange fear and stu­pidity was then fallen upon Ethelred and the whole English Nation. After this Ethelred privily departed from London to Hampton, and from thence to the Isle of Weight as aforesaid, where advising with the Abbots, and Bishops there assembled in Council, what course was best to steer, he spake thus unto them, the History whereof I shall fully relate in De Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 10. p. 69, 70. William of Malmes­bury his words. 'Ibi Abbates et Episcopos▪ Qui nec in tali necessitate Dominum suum deserendum puta­rent, in hanc convenit sententiam. ‘Viderent quam in angusto res essent suae, et suorum se perfidia Ducum Proposit. 8. avito extorrem solio, et opis egentem alienae, in cu­jus manu aliorum solebat salus pendere: quondam Monarcham et Potentem, modo miserum et exulem: dolendum sibi hanc commutationem, quia facilius to­leres o [...]es non habuisse, quam habitas amisisse. Pu­dendam Anglis eo magis, quod deserti Ducis exem­plum processurum sit in orbem terrarum. I [...]los a­more sui sine sumptibus voluntariam subeuntes fugam, domos et facultates suas praedonibus exposuisse, in arcto esse victum omnibus, vestitum deesse pluribus: probare se fidem illdrum▪ sed non reperire salutem, adeo jam subjugata terra, observari littora, ut nus­quam sine periculo sit exitus. Quapropter conside­rent in medium, quid censerent faciendum. Si ma­neant, plus a Civibus cavendum quam ab Hostibus; [Page 199] forsitan enim crucibus suis novi domini gratiam mer­carentur; et certe occidi ab hoste titulatur fortunae, prodia a Cive addicetur Ignaviae. Si ad exteras gentes fugiunt gloriae fore dispendium; si ad notas, metuen­dum ne cum fortuna colerent animum. Plaerosque e­nim probos et illustres viros hac occasione caesos, ex­periendum tamen sortem et tentandum pectus Richar­di Ducis Normannorum, qui si Sororem et Nepotes non ingrato animo susceperit, se quoque non asper­nanter protecturum. Vadabitur enim mihi meam sa­lutem conjugi et liberis impensus favor. Quod si il­le adversum pedem contulerit, non deerit mihi ani­mus, planè non deerit, hic gloriosè occumbere, quàm illic ignominiosè vivere.’

Hereupon he sends Emma his Queen and her chil­dren in the moneth of August into Normandy, accom­panied with the Bishop of Durham, and Abbot of Burgh, where they are joyfully received by Duke Richard, who invites Ethelred himself to honour his Court with his presence; who thereupon in January following passeth over into Normandy and there solaceth his mi­series with the curteous entertainment he there found. Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Huntindon, Hoveden, Ra­dul. de Diceto, Polychronicon, Malmesb. l. 2. c. 10. p. 70. Mat. Westm. p. 394. Bromton, Knyghton, Fa­bian, Grafton, Holinshed, Speed, Daniel. King Swane in the mean time provokes invaded England with ruines and slaughters, playes the absolute Tyrant, commands Provisions to be abundantly provi­ded for his Army and Navy, et Tributum fere impor­tabile solvi praecepit, and like wise commanded an in­supportable Tribute to be paid: And the like in all things Earl Turkell the Dane, commanded to be paid to his Navy lying at Greenwich, hired by King Ethelred to defend the English from Foreiners; yet both of them as often as they pleased preyed upon and pillaged the Country besides, first polling the inhabitants of their goods, and then banishing them. Provincialium sub­stantiae prius abreptae, mox proscriptiones factae. In this Propos. 1, 4. sad oppressed condition under their New Soveraign, to whom they had submitted themselves, both Nobles [Page 200] and people knew not what to do. Haesitabatur totis ur­bibus quid fieret: si par aretur rebellio, assertorem non ha­berent; si eligeretur subjectio, placido rectore carerent. Ita privatae et publicae opes ad naves cum sidibus deporta­bantur. Quo evidenter apparet Swanum naturalem et legitimum non esse Dominum, sed atrocissimum Tyrannum, as Malmesbury, Mattbew Westminster, and otners record. But God who is propitious to people in their greatest extremities, suffered not England to lye long sluctuating in so many calamities. For this barbarous Tyrant Swane, after innumerable evils and cruelties perpetrated in England and elsewhere, added this to the heap of his further damnation, that he Ex­acted a great Tribute out of the Town of St. Edmonds­bury, Anno 1014. which none ever before presumed to doe, since it was given to the Church wherein the body of the precious Martyr St. Edmond lieth intomb­ed, all the lands thereof being exempted from Tributes. Beginning to vex the possessions of the Church, and threatning to burn the Town and destroy all the Monks Proposit. 1. unless they speedily paid him the Tribute he exacted, and using reproachfull speeches against St. Edmond, as having no holiness in him, he was suddenly struck dead and ended his life on the Feast of the Purificati­on of the blessed Virgin, Anno 1014. Our Monkish Historians record; That on the Evening of the day whereon he held a general Court at Geignesburgh, re­iterating his menaces against the Town, and ready to put them in execution, for not paying the Tribute deman­ded, he saw St. Edmond comming alone armed against him, whiles he was invironed in the midst of his Da­nish Troops; whereupon he presently cried out with great affright and a lowd voice; Help O fellow Souldi­ers, help, behold St. Edmond comes to slay me: and whiles he was thus speaking, being grievously woun­ded with a spear by the Saint, he fell off from his horse, and continued in great torment till night, and so en­ded [Page 201] his life, with a miserable death.

Malmesb. Huntind. Hove­den, Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Radulphus de Diccto, Mat. Westmin. Poly­chron. Bromton, Fabian, Graf­ton, Speed, Da­niel, Knighton, Swane being dead, the whole Navy and Nation Anno 1014. of the Danes, Elected and made [...]nute his son their King and Lord: b. * Majores Natu totius Angliae; The Nobles and Senators of all England liking no­thing [...]ess than bondage, especially under such new ty­rannizing forein Intruders, thinking it now or never the time to shake off their new yoak, pronounced their Natural Lord, to be dearer to them than any Forei­ner, Si regaiius se quam consueverat ageret. Whereup­on with unanimous consent, and great joy and speed they sent messengers into Normandy to Ethelred to in­form him; Nullum eo libentius se in Regem recepturos, si ipse vel rectius gubernare, vel mitius eos tractare vellet quam prius tractaverat: and to hasten his return unto Proposit. 1, 5, 6, 8. them. Who thereupon presently sent over his son Edward, qui fidem Principum, favoremque vulgi praesens specularetur: who together with his Embassadors, as­sured both the Nobles and Commons of the English Nation; That he would for time to come be their mild and devout Lord, consent to their wills in all things, acquiesce in their Counsels, and if he had offended in any kinde, he would reform it according as they should think fit, and with a ready mind pardon whatsoever had been contemptuously or disgracefully spoken or acted by them, agai [...]st him or his, if they would all unanimously receive him again as their King into the Kingdom. To which they all gave a fa­vourable and satisfactory answer: Whereupon a ple­nary reconciliation was ratified between them on both sides, both by words and compact. Moreover Ad haec Principes, se non amplius Danicum Re­gem admissuro: in Angliam u­nanimiter spo­sponderunt. Florentius Wigorniensis, p. 381. Henry Huntindon, p. 433. Simeon Dunelmensis, Hist. col. 171. The Nobles unanimously and fréely agreed and voted, That they would never more admit a Danish King into England to reign over them. These things concluded, King Ethelred speedily returns into Eng­land, where he was honourably and joyfully received [Page 202] by the English. And that he might seem to cast off his former sloathfulness, he hastned to raise an Army a­gainst Cnute, who remaining with his Navy in Lindesey, made an agreement with the inhabitants, exacting men and horses from them, that he might surprise Ethelred at unawares, and threatning grievously to punish all such as revolted from him. But Cnute being taken in his own craft, (Ethelred marching thither with a strong army before he was provided to receive him) fled from thence with his Hostages, Army and Navy to Sandwich; whereupon Ethelred depopulated all Lindesey, wasting the Country with fire and sword, slaying all the Inha­bitants (as Traitors to him and their Native Country;) Cnute, by way of revenge, humano et divino Iure con­tempto in insontes grassatus, cuts off the hands and ears, and slits the Noses of all the most Noble and beautiful Hostages throughout England, given to his father, and so dismissing them, sailed into Denmark to settle his af­fairs and augment his forces, resolving to return the year following. After his departure, Sim. Du­nelmensis, Flo­rent. Wigorn. p. 382. King Ethel­red this very year, Super haec omnia mala Classi quae apud Greenwic jacuit Tributum quod erat 30. millia libra­rum, pendi mandavit; to wit, to the Fleet under Turkell the Dane, who instead of defending, did but help to pillage and oppress the English: Huntindon Proposit. 1. writes, it was but 21 thousand pounds; and Bromton a­vers, that it was Cnute, not Ethelred, who commanded it to be paid to his Navy. Soon after which, the Sea rising higher than it was accustomed, drowned an in­numerable Company of Villages, people, and cat­tel.

After Cnutes departure, Malmsbury l. 2. c. 10. p. 71. Wigorn. p. 382. Mat. Westmin­ster, p. 395. Hoveden, p. 433. Polychronicon, Fabian, Grafton, Holinshed, Speed. King Ethelred summo­ned a Parliamentaty Council at Oxford, Anno 1015. Anno 1015. both of the Danes and English. Malmsbury expressly stiles it, MAGNUM CONCILIUM; Wigorniensis, Hoveden, Sim. Dunelmensis, MAGNUM PLACI­TUM: [Page 203] Matthew Westminster and others, MAG­NƲM COLLOQUIUM; our later English Histo­rians, a Great Council and Parliament. The King by the ill advise of that Arch Traytor Duke Edric at this Great Council, commanded some Nobles of the Danes to be sodenly and secretly slain, quasi de Regia proditio­ne notatos ac perfidiae apud se insimulatos, the chiefest of them were Sygeforth and Morcar, whom Edric, trea­cherously invited to his chamber, and there making them drunk, caused his armed guards there placed se­cretly to murder them, which they did. Hereupon their Servants endeavouring to revenge their Lords deaths (being digniores et potentiores ex Seovengensibus) they were repulsed with arms, and forced to flye into the Tower of St. Frideswides Church for safety; whence when they could not be forcibly expelled, they were all there burnt together. The King presently seised up­on their lands and goods (the chief cause of their mur­der, as some conceived) and sent the relict of Sygeforth (a very Noble, beautifull and vertuous Lady) prisoner to Malmsbury: whither Edmond (the Kings base Son, as some affirm,) posted without his fathers privity, and being enamored with her beauty, first carnally a­bused, then afterward maried her; and by her advice for­cibly invaded and seised upon the Lands of her husband and Morcar, which were very great, and the Earldom of Northumberland, which his father denied him upon his request: Whereupon all the Inhabitants of that Coun­ty readily submitted to him. Whiles these things were acting, (d) Cnute having setled his affairs in Den­mark, (c) Malmsbu­ry, Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Ra­dulphus de Di­ceto, Huntin­don, Hoveden, Bromton, Poly­chronicon, Fa­bian, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, Daniel. and made a League with his neighbour Kings, recruired his Army and Navy, and returned into Eng­land, with a resolution, either to win it, or to lose his life in the attempt. Ariving first at Sandwich, and sailing thence to the West, he pillaged Dorsetshire, Somerset­shire, and Wiltshire, filling all places with slaughters and plunders. King Ethelred lying then sick at Cosham, [Page 204] his son Edmond Ironside, and Duke Edric, raised an Ar­my against Cnute; but when both their forces were u­nited to fight him, the old perfidious Traytor Edric en­deavoured by all means to betray Edmond to the Danes, or treacherously to slay him; which being discovered to Edmond, thereupon they severed their forces from each other, and gave place to the Enemies without gi­ving them battel. Not long after Edric inticing to him 40 of the Kings ships furnished with Danish Mariners and Souldiers, openly revolted, and went with them to Cnute, subjecting himself to his dominion as his So­veraign: by whose example all West-Sex submitted to him as their Kihg, delivering him hostages for their fidelity, resigning up all their arms to him, and pro­viding both horse and arms for his Danish Army. The Mercians offred themselves alone to resist the Danes, but through the Kings sloathfulness, the business of war received delay, and the enemies proceeded in their rapines without opposition.

In the year 1016. King Cnute, and treacherous Anno 1016. Duke Edric, came with 200 sail of ships into the river of Thames, whence they marched by land with a great Army of horse and foot, and invaded Mercia in an ho­stile manner, burning all the Towns and Villages, and slaying all the men they met with in Warwick­shire and other places; whereupon King Ethelred (as Huntindon, Wigorniensis, and others record) made an Edict, Ut quicunque Anglorum sanus esset, secum Proposit. 3, 8. in bello procederet, That every Englishman who was in health, should go with him in battel against the Danes. An innumerable multitude of people upon this assembled together to asist him: But when his and his son Edmonds forces were conjoyned in one bo­dy, the King was informed, that some of his auxilia­ries were ready to betray and deliver him up to the e­nemies, unless he took care to prevent it and save himself: and as some write, the Mercians refused to [Page 205] fight with the VVest-Saxons and Danes; whereupon the expedition was given over, and every man retur­ned to his own home. After this Edmund Ironside rai­sed a greater Army than before against Cnute, and sent Messengers to King Ethelred to London, to raise as ma­ny men as possible he could, and speedily to come and joyn with him against the Danes; but he, for fear of being betrayed to the Enemy, presently dismissed the Army without fighting, and returned to London. Here­upon Ed. Ironside went into Northumberland, where some imagined he would raise a greater Army against Cnute the Dane; but he and Ʋhtred Earl of Northumberland, instead of incountring Cnute, wasted the Counties of Stafford, Shrewsbury and Leicester, because they would not go forth to fight against the Danes Army, in defence of Proposit. 8. their Country and King. Cnute, on the other side wast­ing with fire and sword the Counties of Buckinghan, Bedford, Huntindon, Northampton, Lincoln, Nottinghaem, and after that Northumberland: Which Edmond being informed of, returned to London to his Father, and Earl Uhtred returning home, being compelled by ne­cessity, repaired to Cnute, and submitted himself to him, with all the Northumbrians, making a Peace with him, and giving him hostages for performance thereof, and for his and their fidelity. Not long after Uhtred and Turketel, Earls of Northumberland, were both treacherously slain by Turebrand a Dane, by Cnutes command or Commission. Which done, Cnute made one Hirc (some stile him Egric) Earl of Nor­thumberland in his place; and then returned with all his army to his Ships in triumph, a little before the feast of Easter, with a very great booty. Not long after, King Ethelred (born to troubles and mischief,) after manifold labours, vexations, treacheries, and incessant tribulati­ons, ended his wretched life in London, where he di­ed May 9th. Anno 1016. being there buried in St-Pauls Church, finding rest in his Grave by death, [Page 206] which he could never find in his Throne all his life, having attained it by Treachery, and his Brothers, So­veraigns murder Exagitabant illum umbrae sraternae, di­ras exigentes inferias, &c. Malmesbury De Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 10▪ whose Ghost (as Malmesbury and o­thers write) did perpetually vex and haunt him all his reign, and made him so subject to, and fearfull of plots and treacheries, that he knew not whom to trust, nor ever deemed himself secure, even in the midst of his oft raised Armies, Nobles, People, though ready to ad­venture their Lives for his defence.

I have related these Passages of the Danish wars, and invasions during Ethelreds reign, more largely than I intended. 1. Because on the Englishmens parts, they were meerly defensive of their Native Country, King, Laws, Liberties, Properties, Estates, Lives against forein Invaders and U [...]urpers. 2ly. Because they more or less relate to my forementioned Propositions, touch-the fundamental Rights, Liberties, Properties, of the English Nation. 3ly. Because they shew forth unto us the true original grounds, causes, motives, necessi­ties, and manner of granting the very first Civil Tax and Tribute mentioned in our Histories, by the King and his Nobles, in their General Councils, to the Da­nish invaders, to purchase peace, and the true nature, use of our antient Danegelt, and rectifie some mi­stakes in our common late English Historians.

Immediately after King Ethelreds decease Florentius Wigorn. p. 384. Huntind. pars 1. p. 434. Sim. Dunclm. Hist. col. 173. Ra­dulph. de Di­ceto Abbrev. Chron. col. 446. Chron. Jo. Bromton, col. 903. Henry de Knyghton de E [...]nti [...]. Angl. l. 1. c. 2. Polychron. Malm [...]b. Ma [...]. Westm. Fabian, Speed, Spelm. Epis­copi, Anno 1016. Abbates, Duces, et quique Nobiliores Angliae in unum congregati (as Wigorniensis, Hoveden, Sim [...]n Dunelmensis, Radulphus de Diceto, Bromton) Or, Maxi­ma pars Regni, tam Clericorum quam Laicorum in unum congregati (as Matthew VVestminster) Or, Proceres Regni cum Clero, (as Kny [...]ht [...]n expresses it) Pari consensu in Dominum et Regem Cann­tum eligere: All the Bishops, Abbots, Dukes and Nobles of England, and the greatest part of the chief Clergy and Laity, assembled together (in a kind of [Page 207] Parliamentary Council) by unanimous consent elected Cnute for their Lord and King (notwithstanding their solemn Vow and Engagement but the year before, ne­ver to suffer a Danish King to reign over them.) Where­upon thev all repaired to Cnute to Southampton Wigorn. c. 304. Hoved. Annal. pars 1. p. 434. Sim. Dunelm, col. 173. Bromt. col. 903. Henry de Knyght. de Eventib. Augl. l. 2. c. 2. col. 2315. Ail­redus de vita & mirac▪ Ed­ward. col. 374. See Po'yc. Fab. Holinshed. Graft. Speed. om­nemque Progeniem Regis Ethelredi, coram illo ab­horrentes, et abnegando repudiantes (as Wigornien­sis, Huntindon, Knyghton, and others record) and there in his presence abhorring and utterly renouncing and abjuring all the Progeny of King Ethelred, they submit­ted themselves, and swore fealty to him, as to their on­ly King and Soveraign, he reciprocally then swearing unto them, That he would be a faithfull Lord unto them, both in things appertaining to God and the World, which our Historians thus express. Quibus ille jurav [...]t, quod & secundum Deum, & secundum seculum fidelis illis fo­ret Dominus. Only the City of London, and part of the Nobles then in it, unanimously chose and cryed up Ed. Ironside, King Ethelreds 3. son, by Elgina his first Wife, Daughter to Duke Thored, as Speed and others Proposit. [...]. relate, though Matthew Westminster, and others re­gister his birth, Non ex Emma Regina, sed ex quadam ignobili foemina generatus, qui utique matris suae ignobi­litatem generis mentis ingenuitate & corporis streuuit te redintegrando redemit. After Edmonds election, he was crowned King by Liuing Archbishop of Canterbury, at Kingston upon Thames (where our Kings in that age were usually crowned.) No sooner was he thus advan­ced to the Regal dignity, but he presently marched undauntedly into VVest-Sex, and being there received by all the People, with great gratulation and joy, he most speedily subjected it to his Dominion. Which being divulg'd in other parts, many Counties of England, deserting Cnute, voluntarily submitted themselves unto him, such is the fickleness of the People, & unconstancy of worldly power and affairs. Malmesb. Huntind. VVi­gorn. Sim. Dunelm. Mat. VVestm. Radulph. de Diceto. Bromt. Polychron. Fab. Caxton, Grafton, Holinsh. Speed, Daniel, and others in the life of Edmond Ironside & Cnute, Cnute in the mean [Page 208] time to be revenged of the Londoners for making Ed­mond King, marched to London with his whole Army and Fleet, besieged and blocked up the City with his Ships, drawn up the Thames on the West-side of the Bridge, and then drew a large and deep trench round about the City, from the Southside of the River; whereby he intercepted all ingress and egress to the Citizens and others, whom he shut up so close, that none could go in or out of the City, and endeavoured by many strong assaults to force it: but being still re­pulsed by the Citizens, who valiantly defended the walls, he left off the siege with great confusion and loss, as well as dishonor. Thence he marched with his Army into Dorsetshire, to subdue it: Where King Ed­mond meeting him with such forces as he could sud­denly raise, gave him battel at Penham near Gilling­ham; where after a bloudy and cruel encounter, he put Cnute and his Army to flight, and slew many of them. Not long after, they recruiting their forces, both Armies meeting at Steorstan, King Edmond re­solving there to give Cnute battel, placed the most expert and valiantest of his Souldiers in the front; and the rest of the English who came flocking in to him, he kept for a reserve in the rear. Then calling upon every of them by name, he exhorted and informed them, That they now fought for their Country, for their Children, for their Wives, for their Houses and Li­berties, inflaming the minds of his Souldiers with his excellent Speeches; in this battel with the Enemy, he exercised the Offices of a valiant Soldier, and good General, charging very couragiously; But because that most persidious Duke Edric, Almar, and Algar, and others of the great men, who ought to have assisted him with the Inhabitants of Southampton, VViltshire, and innumetable other English, joyned with the Danes, the battel continued all day, from morning to night, with equal fortune, till both sides being tired out, and [Page 209] many of each party slain, the night constrained them to march one from another. But their bloud not be­ing cold, the next day they buckled together again, with no less courage than before; till at last, in the ve­ry heat of the battel, the most perfidious Duke Edric perceiving the Danes like to be totally routed, and the English in great forwardness of victory, cut off the head of a Souldier named Osmeranus, very like to King Edmund both in hair and countenance, and sha­king his bloody sword, with the half gasping head in his hand, which he lifted up on high, cryed out to the English Army: Oye Dorsetshire men, Devonshire men, and other English, flee and get away, for your head is lost; behold here is the head of your King Edmund, which I hold in my hand, therefore hasten hence with all speed, and save your lives. Which when the English heard and saw, they were more affrighted with the atrocity of the thing, than with the belief of the Speaker: where­upon all the more unconstant of the Army were ready to fly away. But Edmond having present notice of this treacherous stratagem, and seeing his men ready to give over the fight, hasted where he might be best seen, and posting from rank to rank, encouraged them to fight like Englishmen: who thereupon resuming their courage, charged the Danes more fiercely than before; and bending their force against the Traytor, had shot him to death, but that he retreated presently to the Enemy, the English reviving, and manfully con­tinuing the battel again till the darkness of the night caused both Armies voluntarily to retreat, from each other into their Tents. When much of the night was spent, Cnute commanded his men in great silence to break up their Camp, and marched to his Ships, and soon after, whiles King Edmond was recruiting his Army in West-Sex, besieged London again: whereupon Edmond marching to London with a select company of Souldiers, chased Cnute and his Army to their ships, [Page 210] removed the siege, and entred the City in manner of Triumph. Cnute and Edric perceiving the valour and good success of Edmond, conspired together, to over­come him by Treason, whom they could not vanquish by Armes; for which end, Edric, before King Edmonds march to London (as some) or soon after, as others re­late, feignedly revolted from Cnute, and submitted himself again to Edmond, as his natural Lord: and re­newing his peace with him, fraudently swore that he would eontinue faithfull to him, only that he might betray him. Edmond, two days after he had chased the Danes from the siege of London, pursuing his victory, passed over the Thames at Brentford, where, though many of the English were drowned in passing ove [...] the River, through their carelesness, yet he there fought with the Danes the fourth (or tather fifth) time, routed them, and won the field. After which, Edmond, by the ad­vice of Edric, marched again into West-Sex, to raise a more numerous Army, to supply those who were drowned and slain in this last battel: Upon which ad­vantage, the Danes again returned to the siege at London, invironing, and fiercely assaulting it on every side; but being valiantly repulsed by the Citizens, they retired from thence to their ships, and sailed into the River of Arewe; where leaping out of their ships, they went a­bout pillaging in Mercia, killing all they met, and burning the Villages, returning to their ships with a great booty: Another company of their foot sailing up the River of Meadway, pillaged Kent, their Horse marching thither by Land to meet them, doing the like, wasting all places with fire and sword. King Edmond having in the mean time raised a strong Army out of all England, passed over with them again at Brentford, to fight the Danes, and giving them battel near Oteford, routed the whole Danish Army, not able to endure his fierce charge, and pursued them as far as Ilesford, slaying many thousands of them in the pursute; and had [Page 211] he followed the pursute futther, it was conceived that day had put an end to the war and Danes for ever. But perfidious Duke Edric by his most wicked Counsel (the worst ever given in England) caused him to give over the chace. Whereupon the flying Danes escaped into the Isle of Shepy. Edmond returning into VVest-Sex to observe Cnutes motion, he thereupon transpor­ted his forces into Kent, who began to plunder and wast Mercia far worse than ever they had done before: VVhereupon King Edmond marching with his Army a­gainst them, gave them battel the sixt time, at Eses­dune, (or Assendune) now Ashdune in Essex; where af­ter a long and bloody fight, with equall valour, and great loss on both sides: King Edmond seeing the Danes to fight more valiantly than ever before, leaving his place (which usually was between the Dragon and Standard) ran into the very front of the battel, and breaking in like thunder upon the Enemy, brake their ranks, pierced into the very midst of them, and made way for others to follow him, forcing the Danes to give back; VVhich the ever traiterous Edric percei­ving, fled with the whole Squadron of Souldiers which he commanded, unto Cnute, as was formerly agreed between them; whereupon the Danes becoming the stronger, made an extraordinary slaughter of the E [...]g­lish; as Matthew VVestminster and his followers story. Henry Huntindon relates, That Edric seeing the Danes going to ruine, cryed out to the English Army, Fly O Englishmen, fly Englishmen, for Edmond is dead (being not seen in his wonted place) and crying out thus, he and his Brigade first began the flight; whereupon the whole Army of the English following them, fled like­wise. VVigorniensis informs us; that King Edmond before this battel, riding about to every Company, ad­monished and commanded them, that being mindfull of their pristin [...] valour and victory, they should defend them­selves and the Realm from the avarice of the Danes, being [Page 212] now to fight with those they had formerly conquered. That perfidious Duke Edric seeing the Danish army inclining to slight, and the English about to gain the victory, be­gan to fly with the VVagesetensians, and that part of the army which he commanded, as he formerly promised to Cnute, that circumventing his Lord King Edmond and the English army with deceits, he gave the victo­rie to the Danes by his treacherie; and by the con­sent of all our VVriters, he here gave the greatest wound to the English Nobility and Nation that ever they received in any former battel, Duke Alfric, Duke Godwin, Duke Ulfketel, Duke Aethelward, Ailward son of Duke Alke, and all the flower of the English Nobility, together with Eadnoth Bishop of Lincoln, and Abbot VVulfius, (qui ad exorandum Deum pro milite bellum agente conve­nerunt) with an infinite number of common Souldi­ers being there slain in this fight and slight: qui nun­quam ante in uno praelio tantam cladem ab hostibus accepe­runt. Ibi Cnuto Regnum expugnavit, ibi omne decus An­glorum occubuit, ibi fl [...]s patriae totus emarcuit, VVrites Malmesbury, Cnute likewise on his side sustained an irre perable loss, both of his Dukes and Nobles.

After this lamentable loss, wherein so many Nobles fell, Cnute marching to London in triumph, took the Royal Scepters; whence departing into Glocestershire, in pursute of Edmond (who retreated almost alone to Glocester, and there recruited his broken forces) he wasted and pillaged the Country in his march. King Edmond resolved to give him another battel in a place called Dierhurst; where Edmond with his army being on the VVest-part of the River Severn, and Cnute on the Eastside with his army, both set in battel array, ready manfully to encounter each other, wicked Duke Edric, magnatibus convocatis, calling the Nobles of both parties together, spake unto them as followeth, as Mat­thew VVestminster, and others accord, before a­ny incounter; but Abbot Eth [...]lred records, that [Page 213] both Armies then fought a most bloudy battel for one whole day from morning to night, an innumerable Com­pany being slain on both sides, without any Victory; the night only causing them to retire, ad similem ludum eundemque exitum die craestina reversuri. Both Armies being wearied with this bloudy sport, when they saw King Edmonds forces daily increasing, and Cnutes com­pany likewise augmented out of foreign parts, by con­stant recruits, which he caused to be sent from thence, Vterque Exercitus Proceres ad colloquium cogunt, both a [...]mies compelled their Nobles to a Conference; where one of them, being elder than the rest (which o­thers affirm to be Duke Edric) requiring silence, spake thus unto them, as Ethelredus Abbas, De Ge­neal. Regum Angl. coll. 363, 364. Polychro­nicon, l. 6. c. 17. Abbot Ethelred records his words.

‘I desire, O wise men, in these our dangers to give advice; who verily am inferiour to you in wisdom, but superiour to you in age, as these gray hairs testify▪ and peradventure what wisdom hath not, use hath taught me, and what science hath denied, experience hath conferred. Many things verily we have seen and known, many things moreover our Fathers have told us, and not without cause we require audience, that we may utter no doubtful sentence of things certain and apparent. A perillous thing is acted; we suffer evil things, we discern worser, we fear the worst of all. We fight daily, neither do we overcom, nor yet are we vanquished; yea [...] we are overcome, and yet no man vanquisheth. For how are we not over­come, who are wounded, who are oppressed, who are wearied, who are distressed by forces, who are spoiled by arms? Neither flie we, since there is none who may assault us; neither do we assault, since courage fails on both sides. How long shall it be, ere we see an end of these wonderfull things? When shall there be rest from this labour, tranquillity from this storm, se­curity from this fear? Certainly Edmond is invincible [Page 214] by reason of his wonderful fortitude; and Cnute also is invincible by reason of fortunes favour. We are broken in pieces, we are slain, we are dissipated, we lose our dearest pledges, we expose our sweet friends and alliances to death. But of this labour what fruit? what end? what price? what emolument? what I pray, but that the souldiers being slain on both sides, the Captains at last compelled by necessity, may com­pound? or verily fight alone, without a Souldier? Why then not now? Truly while we live, while we breath, whiles the Army remains this might be done more profitably, honestly, securely. I demand, what insolence yea violence, yea madness is this? England hereto­fore when subjected to many Kings, both flourished in glory, and abounded in riches. O ambition! how blind is it alwaies, which coveting the whole, lo­seth the whole? Why I pray, doth not that now suf­fice two, which heretofore was sufficient for five Kings? But if there be in them so great a Iust of do­mineering, that Edmond disdains a Peer, Cnute a Su­periour, PUGNENT, QUAESO, SOLI, QUI SOLI CUPIUNT DOMINA­RI: CERTENT PROCORONA SOLI, QUI SOLI CUPIUNT INSIG­NIRI; let them fight, I beseech you, alone, who desire to domineer alone; let them con­tend for the Crown alone, who desire to be crow­ned alone. Let the Generals themselves enter into the hazard of a Duel, that even by this means one of them may be vanquished; lest if the Army should fight more often, all being slain, there should be no souldiers for them to rule over, nor any who may de­fend the Realm against Foreiners.’

Whiles he was about to speak more, ALL THE PEOPLE, shut up his Speech in the midst of his Jaws, if I may so speak, crying out and saying, AUT PUG­NENT IPSI AUT COMPONENT, let them fight [Page 215] themselves, or let them compound. His Speech re­corded in Bromton, Hen. de Knyghton, Speed, and others, is much to the same effect, though different in some ex­pressions.

(i) Matthew Westmininster brings in Edric speaking Anno 1016▪ p. 400. only, thus to the Nobles. O insensati Nobiles, et armis potentes cur toties morimur in bello pro Regibus, cum ipsi nobis morientibus, nec regnum obtineant, nec avaritiae suae finem imponant. Pugnent consulto, singulariter, qui sin­gulariter regnare contendunt, Quae est ista regnandi li­bido, Quod Anglia modo duobus non sufficit, quae olim octo regibus satisfuit? Itaque vel soli componant, vel soli pro regno decertent. PLACUIT AUTEM HAEC SEN­TENTIA OMNIBUS, ET AD REGES PROCE­RUM DELATUM ARBITRIUM, ILLI CON­SENTIENDO APPROBANT. Hereupon all the Nobles concurring in this opinion, both Kings ap­proving their Determination, fought a royal single du­el, first on horseback, then on foot, in the Isle of Ole­renge, or Olney, (near Glocester) in the midst of Severn, in the view of both their Armies, with extraordinary courage, and equall success, till they were both quite tyred, but neither of them vanquished: At last upon Cnutes motion they began to parly in a friendly man­ner; Cnute speaking thus to Edmond. Hitherto I have been covetous of thy Realm, now most valiant of men, I am verily more desirous of thy self, whom I see, art to be prefer­red, I say, not before the Realm of England, but the whole world it self. Denmark hath yielded to me, Norwey hath subjected it self to me, the King of Swedes hath given me his hand, and thy admirable Valour hath more than once fructrated the force of my assaults, which I believed no mor­tal man could have been able to sustain. Wherefore al­though fortune hath promised that I should be every where a Conquerer, yet thy admirable valour hath so allured me to favour, that I above measure desire thee both for a friend and consort of my kingdome: would to God that thou also maist be as desirous of me, that I may reign with thee in [Page 216] England, and thou maist reign with me in Denmark. Tru­ly, if thy valour shall be united to my fortune, Norway will fear, and Sweden will quake: France it self, accustomed to warrs, will tremble. In brief, Edmond and Cnute both consent to divide the Kingdom: Edmond yielding to words, who had not yielded to swords, being overcome with this O­ration, who could not be overcome with arms; whereupon, laying aside their arms, they run and mutually imbrace and kiss each other, both Armies rejoycing, and the Cler­gy singing Te Deum laudamus, with a lowd voice. After­wards in testimony of Agreement, they change clothes and Arms with each other, and returning to their Ar­mies, prescribed the manner of the Agreement and Peace. Wigorniensis, Simeon Dunelmensis, and Annal. pars prior, p. 436. Roger Hoveden add, that they ratified the agreement with Oaths, TRIBUTOQUE QUOD CLASSICAE MA­NƲI PENDERETUR STATUTO; and appointed a Tribute which should be paid to the Sea forces, and then Proposit. 1, 9. departed from each other. The Daues returned with the great booty they had gotten to their ships, with whom the Citizens of London having made a peace, DATO PRECIO, which they paid a price for, they permitted them there to winter. The Realm was divided between them both, but the Crown remained to Edmond, with the City of London, Essex, East-England, and all the Land on the Southside the River of Thames, and Cnute enjoyed the North parts of England, by mutual consent and agreement of all the Nobles; and so this bloudy warr between them (after 7. or 8. battels, within so many moneths space) ceased.

Soon after this fatal Agreement and partition of the Realm, which made Edmond but half a King, and Eng­land half Denmark, that ever trayterous Duke Edric, to ingratiate himself the more with Cnute, treache­rously murdered King Edmond at Oxford, of which there are 3. different relations in our Historians. William Malmsbury, de Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 10, 11. Hen. de Knygh­ton, de Even­tibus Angliae. Some say that he corrupted the Kings Chamberlains with gifts [Page 217] to murder him in his bed: and that King Cnute, in the first year of his Coronation, caused all of them who had conspired his death by Edric's exhortation to come be­fore him, where they declared to the King the Trea­son they had committed against King Edmond, expect­ing a large reward for it. Whereupon the King sent for the Great Men and Nobles of the Realm, and made the Traitors to acknowledge their Treason before them, and a great assembly of people; fearing lest o­therwise it should be believed that he had foreplotted the Treason aforelaid, and suborned them to execute it. After their publick confession thereof, he caused them all to be first drawn, and then hanged for it. (l) O­thers (m) Hen. Hun­tindon, Hist. l. 6. p. 363. Radul­phus de Diceto▪ Ymagines Hist. & Mat. Westm. Flores Histor. Anno 1016. Polychron. l. 6. c. 17, 18. Chro­nicon Johan. Bromton, col. 906, 907, 908. write, that Edric himself, or his Son by his com­mand, murdered him at Oxford on St. Andrews night as he was easing nature in an house of Office, stabbing him into the bowels with a two-edged knife through the hole of the privy, (in which one of them lay in wait to murder him) leaving the knife sticking in his bowels, and him dead in the place: And some write, that he placed an Image in his Chamber with a bow and arrow ready bent; which Edmond admiring at, touching the spring which held the bow thus bent, the arrow thereupon pierced & slew him in the place. That before his death was known, Edric went to Edmonds wife, and taking away her two young Sons from her, brought and deli­vered them to Cnute; and then saluted him, saying; GOD SAVE THEE SOLE KING OF ENG­LAND. Whereupon Cnute demanding, Why he sa­luted him in this manner? He then informed him of King Edmo [...]ds death, and how he had murdered him of purpose to make him sole King of England. Speed adds, That he cut off his Soveraigns head, presenting it to Cnute with these fawning salutations, All hail thou sole Mo­narch of England, for here behold the head of thy Copart­ner, which for thy sake I have adventured to cut off: which no antient Historian mentions. Upon this, Cnute, [Page 218] though ambitious enough in Soveraignty, yet out of a Princely disposition, sore grieved at such a disloyal treacherous act, presently replyed to him, I for reward of so great and meritorious a service done for me, will this day advance thee above all the Nobles of the Realm; After which he caused his head to be cut off, then fixed on an high poll, and placed on the highest Tower of London, for the birds to prey upon. Ingulphi Hist. p. 892. Florent. W [...]gorn. Mat [...]restmin. Simeon Du­nelm, Hoveden, Anno 1016, 1017. Chron. Iohan. Bromton col. 907, 908. Hen. de Knygh­ton de Evenlib. Angliae, l. 2. c. 2, 3. Radulphus de Diceto Ab­breviationes Chronicorum. Others more agreea­ble to the truth, relate; That Cnute in the first year of his reign depriving this Arch-Traitor Edric of the Dukedom of Mercia, which he had many years en­joyed; thereupon Edric in the feast of Christs Nativi­ty, repaired to Cnute at his Palace in London, to expo­stulate with him about it: where checking the King over-harshly, he upbraided him with the many be­nefits he had received from him, amongst which he mentioned two, wherewith he specially provoked him to anger; saying, Most dear King, you ought not to speak harshly to me, nor suffer any evil▪ to be done unto me; for you had never enjoyed the Realm of England, but by my means. For out of love to thee, I have first betrayed King Ethelred; after that I deserted Edmond my proper and natural Lord; and afterwards I foreplotted his death, and murdered my just and true liege Lord, out of my fideli­ty Proposit. 8. towards thee, to bring the whole kingdom unto thee: and dost thou so lightly vilify so great love conferred on thee, for which I never received any benefit or profit from thee? At which speeches, Cnute changing his countenance, ex­pressing his fury by its redness, presently pronounced this sentence against him, saying: And thou shalt de­servedly die, thou most perfidious Traitor, seeing by thy own confession thou art guilty of Treason both against God and me, who hast slain thine own Soveraign and natural King, and my dear confederate Brother. His bloud be upon thy head, because thou hast stretched out thy hand against the Lords anointed. And lest a tumult should be raised a­mong the people, he commanded him to be there pre­sently [Page 219] strangled in his palace, and his body to be cast through a window into the river of Thames, to be de­voured of the fishes, as some, or hanged upon London walls unburied, to be devoured by birds, as others sto­ry. At which time Ingulphi Historia, p. 891▪ 892. Duke Norman, son of Duke Leofwin, (Captain of Edrics guard) Aethelward son of Duke Agelmar, and Brihtricus son of Alphege Earl of Devonshire, with many others of Edrics followers were likewise slain without offence, together with Edric; because Cnute feared he should one time or other be circumvented by the treacheries of this old perfidious Traitor, hearing his former natural Lords Ethelred, and Edmond had frequently been betrayed by him, quo­rum diutina proditione alterum vexavit, alterum interfecit; there being no trust to be reposed in such a Traytor to his Soveraigns. Thus this inveterate Arch-Traitor to his Natural Country, Kings, and bloudy Regicide, by Gods divine Justice received the just punishment of all his Treasons at the last, instead of expected great re­wards, from that hand he least suspected. Whence (p) Matthew Westminster relating both the Histories of the manner of Edrics death, concludes thus, Sed sive (o) Anno 1017. p. 402. sic, sive aliter vitam finierit Proditor Edricus, non multum ad rem pertinet; quia hoc liquido constat, Quod ille qui multos circumvenerat, tandem est justo Dei Iudicio circumventus, et proditionis suae meruit subi­re talionem: And let all those who have or shall imi­tare him in his Treasons against his native Country, Kings, and Regicide, seriously meditate on his tragical end, and expect the self same retribution in conclusion, though they escape as many years as he then did be­fore final execution.

A third sort of Authors, as Marianus Scotus, Wigorniensis, Roger Hoveden, and Simeon Dunelmen­sis, make no mention of King Edmonds murder by Edric his subordination, but only that he died at Lon­don, (not Oxford) about the Feast of St. Andrew; [Page 220] as if he had died of a naturall death; but the gene­rality of Writers agree, he was murdered at Oxford, ambiguum quo casu extinctus, writes De Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 10. p. 72. Chron. Johan. Bromton col. 906, 907. Malmes­bury; the common fame being he was murdered, by Edric as aforesaid. And bromton, who recites all three opinions, concludes thus, Sed primus modus, videlice [...], quod rex Edmundus, ad requiem naturae sedens, proditione dicti Edrici occisus fuit, ver [...]or allis et autentici­or habetur. The Author of the Encomium of Emma, concurring with Marianus, subjoynes this Obser­vation touching his short reign and speedy death: That God, &c. minding his own doctrine, That a king­dom divided in it self cannot long stand, and pity­ing the English, took away Edmond, lest if the Kings had continued long together, they should have both lived in danger, and the Realm in continual trouble. His reign continued onely seven moneths, in which time he fought seven or eight battels in defence of his Country, People, and their Liberties, besides his single Duel with Cnute: and by his untimely death, the English - Saxon Monarchy was devolved to the Danes, who by Treachery and the Sword for three descents, depri [...]ed the English Saxons of the Crown and Kingdom, through divine retaliation, as they had unjustly by treachery and the Sword dispossess'd and disinherited the Britons thereof, about 450 yeares before, as Histor. l. 6. p. 359. Henry Huntindon, Chron. col. 883. Brom­ton, Polychron. l. 1. c. 59. f. 56. Radulphus Cistrensis, Acts and Monum [...]nts, Vol. [...]. p [...]. 22. Mr. Fox, History of Great Britain, p. 394. to 398. Speed, and others observe. The Sinnes of the Saxons grown now to the full, (writes Speed) and their dreggs as it were sunk to the bottom, they were empti­ed by the Danes from their own vessels, and their bot­tles broken, that had vented their red and bloudy wines; in lieu whereof the Lord gave them the cup of wrath, whose dreggs he had formerly (by their own hands) wrung out upon other Nations. For the Saxons, that had enlarged their Kingdomes by the bloud of the Bri­tons, [Page 221] and built their nests high upon the Cedars of others, (as the Prophet speaketh, Habbak. 2.) committed an evil covetousness to their own habitations, and were stric­ken by the same measure that they had measured to others, when as the Danes often attempting the Lands invasion, and the subversion of the E [...]glish Estate, made way with their Swords through all the Provinces of the Realm, and lastly, advanced the Crown upon their own helmets, which they wore only for three Successions.


Comprising a Summary Collection of all the Par­liamentary Great Councils, Synods, Hi­storical Passages, Proceedings, Lawes, re­lating to the Fundamental Liberties, Franchi­ses, Rights, Government of the People, and other remarkables, under our Danish Kings, Cnute, Harold, and Harde-Cnute; from the year of our Lord 1017. till the first year of King Edward the Confessor, Anno 1042. With some brief Observations on the same.

IMmediately after the murder of King Edmond Ironside, King Cnute the Dane, Anno 1017. taking possession of the whole Realm of England, was solemnly Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, and others in his life, Radul. de Diceto, Ab­brev. Chron. col. 466. Chron. Jo. Bromton, col. 906. crowned King at Lon­don, by Living Archbishop of Canter­bury, Anno 1017. succeeding in the Realm of England, Non successione haereditaria, sed Armorum vio­lentia, as Chronica, col. 1782. William Thorne observes: Injuste qui­dem Regnum ingressus, sed magna civilitate et fortitu­dine vitam componens, writes De Gestis Regum Angl. l. 2. c▪ 11. p. 73. William of Malmsbu­ry. Whereupon, the better to fortifie his Military Title, with a seeming publick Election, by the Nobles and Nation in a Parliamentary Council, and their open disclaimer and renunciation of any Right or Title ei­ther in King Edmonds Sons or Brethren, to the English [Page 223] Crown, to settle it in perpetuity on himself and his po­sterity; he Athelre­dus Abbas, de Genealog. Re­gum Angl. col. 965, 966. Flo­r [...]ntius Wigor­niensis, p. 389, 390. Sim. Du­ [...]elmensis, col. 175, 176. Hoveden An­nal. pars 1. p. 436. Radulph. de Diceto, Ab­brev. Chron. col. 466. Hen▪ de Knyghton, De Eventibus An­gliae, l. 1. c. 3. Polychronicon, l. 6. c. 18. See Fabian, Graf­ton, Holinshed, Speed, Daniel, in the Life of Cnute. commanded all the Bishops, Dukes, Princes and Nobles of the English Nation to be as­sembled together at London in a Parliamentary Council: Where when they were all met together in his presence, he most craftily demanded of them, as if he were ignorant, Who were the Witnesses between him and Edmond Ironside when they made their agreement, and division of the Kingdom between them? What manner of conference there then was between him and Edmond, concerning his Brethren and Sons? Whether it was agreed, that it should be lawfull for Edmonds Brethren or Children to reign in the kingdom of the West-Saxons after his death, by any special reservation or agreement between them, in case Edmond should die in his life-time? Whom he had designed to be his Heir? Whom he had appoin­ted to be guardians to his Sons during their infancy? And what he had commanded concerning his Brothers Al­fred and Edward? To which they all answering both falsly and slatteringly, said, That they did most certai [...]ly know, King Edmond neither living nor dying had commen­ded or given no part of his kingdom to his Brethren; and they did likewise know, that it was King Edmonds will, that Cnute should be the Gardian and Protector of his Sons Proposit. 5, 6, 8. and of the Realm, untill they were of age to reign, calling God himself to witnesse the truth hereof. (O the strange temporizing falsity, treachery, perjury of men in all a­ges!) But though they thus called God to witness, yet they gave a false testimony, and fraudulently lyed, preferring a lye before the truth, being forgetfull of justice, unmindfull of nature, unjust witnesses, rising up against Innocency, and betrayers of their own bloud and Country: when as they all well knew, that Edmond had designed his Brethren to be his heirs, and appointed them to be Guardians of his children; thinking by this their false testimony to please King Cnute, to make him more mild and gracious to them, and that they should receive great rewards from him for the [Page 224] same. After their answers to those Interrogatories, to ingratiate themselves further with Cnute, though they were sworn before to Edmond and his Heirs, and were Native Englishmen, yet they there all took a so­lemn Oath of Allegiance to Cnute, swearing to him, Proposit. 8, 1. That they would and did chuse him for their King, & hum­bly obey him, et Exercitui Uectigalia dare; and would give Tributes to his Army. And having received a pledge from Cnutes naked hands, with Oathes from the Princes and Nobles of the Danes, & Cnute reciprocal Oaths from them and all the people, they ratified a mutual Covenant and League of Peace with reciprocal Oaths between both Nations, reconciling and abandoning all publick enmities between them. They likewise swore, that they would cast off, banish, and wholly reject King Edmonds Brothers, Sons, and Family. In pursuance whereof they there Nota. presently, Fratres et filios Edmondi Regis omnino de­spexerunt, cosque Reges esse negaverum; unum autem ex ipsis praedictis Clitonibus, Edwinum, egregium et reveren­dissimum Edmundi Regis germanum, Ividem cum con­silio pessimo, exulem esse debere coustituerunt, as Roger de Hoveden, Abbot Ethelred, Wigorniensis and o­thers at large record the Story. The discord, treache­rous falshood, disloyal proceedings of the English Nati­on then towards one another, & the English royal line, is thus elegantly set forth by De Vita & Miraculis Ed­wardi Confesso­ris, col. 374. Abbot Ailred; (a lively Character of our age) Externisque malis accessit civilis discordia, adeò ut quis cui crederet, quis cui mentis suae se­creta commit [...]eret nesciretur. Plena erat proditoribus Insula, nusquam tuta fides, nusquam sine suspitione amor, Sermo sine simulatione. Tandem cousque Proditio Civi­lis, et astutia Processit hostilis, ut ac functo Rege Mag­na pars Insulae legitimis abdicatis haeredibus, Cnuto­ni qui Regnum invaserat, manus darent; perempto­que invictissimo Rege Edmundo paterni honoris simul et laboris haerede, etiam Filios ejus, ad [...]uc in cunis agen­tes, barbaris mitterent occidendos. King Cnute, hearing [Page 225] this their palpable flattery, and contemptuous rejection of Edwin, and the Saxon regal Line, went joyfully into his Chamber, and calling perfidious Duke Edric to him, demanded of him, how he might deceive Prince Edwin, so as to have him murthered? Who thereupon informed him, how and by whom his murder might be accomplished by promised rewards of money and pre­ferments, which was accordingly effected soon after by Cnutes procurement and command. This Edric like­wise perswaded Cnute, to slay Prince Edward and Ed­mond, King Edmonds sons. Whereupon Statuit Cnu­to mirabiliter in animo suo, omne genus Gentis Regni An­glorum perdere, vel exilio perenni eliminare, ut regnum Angliae filiis suis jure haer [...]ditario reservare curaret, writes Matthew Westminster, p. 402. But because it might seem a great disgrace to him, to murder these in­fant Princes in England, he afterwards sent them over Sea to King Swane to slay them in Denmark; who ab­horring the fact, instead thereof sent them to Solomon King of Hungary to be preserved and educated.

Cnute having thus through the flattery, perjury and treachery of the English Prelates and Nobles gained the in­tire Monarchy of England, flew or banished all those perfidious English Sycophants, temporizers who had the chiefest hand in this false testimony, abjuration & treacherous bloudy advice, against the Saxon Royal Family: by whose Counsel he slew or banishe [...] all the blood-royal of the Realm of England, that so he might Iure Haereditario, reserve and perpetuate the kingdom to his own Posterity by an hereditary right. Duke Edric the principal of them, for this and his other Treasons fore­mentioned, was deprived of his Dukedom of Mercia, and exemplarily executed as a most perfidious Traytor by Cnutes command the first year of his reign, and ma­ny of his Captains and followers were slain with him, (of which at large before.) Mort [...]m Proditoris pro de­meritis accepit laqueo suspensus, et in Tamesin fluvium [Page 226] projectus. Cum quo plurimis sattellitum suorum similiter occisis, e [...]iam inter eos praecipuus et primus Normannus occisus est, writes Abbot Historia, p. 892. Ingulphus. Turkell Duke of East-England, and Hirc Duke of Northumberland, were both banished the Realm▪ Duke Norman and Bridric slain, and a heavy Tax of 82 Thousand pounds (besides 10000 pounds imposed on London alone) Proposit. 1, 8. imposed and levied on the whole Nation. Quomam igitur proprii sanguinis proditores adulantes Regi mentiti sunt in caput suum [...] eorum intra▪ it in cor eorum, et à Cnutho quem naturalibus Dominis praetulerunt, confractus e [...] arcus eorum. Cum [...] Insulae fa [...]en [...]ibus illis obtin [...]isset. Om­nes qui primi in illo fuere consilio exterminavit, [...]t quo [...]quo [...] de regi [...] [...] super [...]ites reperit, vel regno repulit, vel occidit, as De Genea­logia Regum Anglorum, col. 365, 366. Abbot Ethelred re­cords to posterity. To which Histo [...]iar. l. 6. p. 363. Henry Huntindon, and De Even­tib. Angliae, l. 1. c. 3. Henry de Knyghton subjoyn▪ Posteà vero Rex justo Dei judicio dignant retributionem nequitiae Anglis reddidit: Ipse namque Rex Cnute Edricum occidit, (quia timebat ab insidiis ab eo aliquando circumve­niri, sicut Domini sui priores Ethelredus & Edmondus frequenter sunt circumventi, quorum diutina proditione al­terum vexavit, alterum interfecit, add [...]lorentius Wigor­niensis, Simeon Dunelmensis, Roger de Hoveden, and Ra­dulphus de Diceto:) Turkellum exulavit, Hirc fugere compulit. Praeterea summos Procerum aggressus, Nor­mannum Ducem interfecit. Edwi Adeling extermi­navit, Adelwoldum detruncavit, Edwi Churleging exulavit: Birdric ferro vita privavit. Florentius wigorn. Anno 1017. p. 391. Aethelwar­dus filius Agelmari Ducis, et Brihtricus filius Alphegi Domnaniensis Satrapae, sine culpa interfecti sunt. Fecit quoque per Angliam mirabilem Censum reddi, scilicet 82. (some write 72.) mille librarum, praeter undecies mille libri, quas Londinensis reddiderunt. Dignum igi­tur exactorem Dominus Iustus Anglis imposuit (for rejecting their own Hereditary Soveraign Line.) [Page 227] Polychron. l. 6. c. 18. Fabian part. 6. c. 20 5. Radulphus Cestrensis (englished by Trevisa,) Fa­bian and Chronicle [...] p. 174. Grafton, thus second them. Also they swore, that they would in all wise put off Edmonds kinn. They trowed thereby to be great with the King afterward, but it fared farr otherwise. For many or the more part of them, specially such as Canutus perceived were sworn before to Edmond and his heirs, he mistrusted and disdained ever after. Therefore some of them were slain by Gods rightfull dome, and some banished, and exiled and put Nota. out of the Land, and some by Gods punishment died suddenly, and came to a miserable end; which other of our Historians likewise register: I shall desire all such who are guilty of the like Treachery, Flattery, Practice or Advice against their lawfull Sovereigns royal Posterity, advisedly to ponder this sad domestick President in their most retired Meditations, for fear they incur the like divine retaliation by Gods rightful doom, when and by whom they least suspect or fear it.

King Cnute thus quit of all King Edmonds Sons, Brethren, kinred, and likewise of the greatest English Anno 1018. Dukes and Nobles who might endanger his Life, Crown, and new-acquired Monarchy, in the next place contrived, how to secure his Empire against Prince Alfred and Edward, Edmonds Brothers, then in Normandy with Queen Emma their Mother, and their Uncle Richard Duke of Normandy, a person of great valour, power, and interest; the only per­son likely to attempt their restitution to the kingdom and Crown of England. For which end he by gifts, Ambassies, and fair promises, Malmesh De Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 10. Mat. Westm. Hove­den, Huntindon Wigorniensis, Simeon Dunel­m [...]nsis, Ra­dul. de Dic [...]to, Bromton, Poly­chron. Fabian, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, and others. procures Earl Richards consent, to bestow his Sister Queen Emma upon him for his wife, who ariving in England in July 1018. was presently maried to this Invader of her former Hus­bands kingdom, his sons royal throne, and murderer, banisher, dishinheriter of his and her royal Posterity, whereby her Brother Duke Richards thoughts were wholly diverted from ayding his Nephews to recover [Page 228] their right in England. Ailredus Ab­as, de Vita & Miraculis Ed­wardi Confesso­ris, col. 374. Ex hinc cum Cnutoni omnia pro voto cessissent, timens Ne Haetes legitimus Reg­num quod sibi de Iure debebatur, aliquando Normanica fretus vir [...]ute Reposceret, [...]t Ducis sibi arctius colligaret affectum, Emmam defuncti Regis relictam duxit uxorem. Whereupon De illorum (Elfredi & Edwardi) restitu­tione Richardū avunculum nihilegisse comperimus, quia et sororem suam Emmam hosti et invasori nuptam colloca­vit: Ignores majori illius dedecore qui dederit, an foeminae quae conse [...]serat, ut thalamo illius caleret, qui virum infe­staverit filios effugaverit; is De Gestis Regum l. 2. c. 10. p. 73. Malmesbury his ob­servation and censure thereupon. Only their Uncle Robert attempted their testitution, Congregatis navibus, et impositis militibus profectionem paravit, subinde jacti­tans▪ se pronepotes suos coronaturum: et proculdudio fidem di­ctis explesset, nisi quia (ut à majoribus accepimus) semper [...]i ventus adversabatur eontrarius, per occultum scilicet Dei judicium, in cujus voluntate sunt potestates omnium regnorum. Reliquiae navium multo tempore dissolutarum Rothomagi adhuc nostra aetate visebantur, writes Malms­bury. By this match with Queen Emma, as Cnute took off Duke Richard from yielding any assistance to his Nephews, in hopes his sister might have issue by him to inherit the Crown of England (it being agreed between them on the marriage, that the issue of Cnute be­gotten on her should inherit the Crown;) so it much obli­ged the English to him, and made them more willing to submit to his Government, Malmsb. de Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 11. p. 73. ut dum consuetae Dominae deferrent obsequium, minus Danorum suspira­rent Imperium: the rather, because they much honou­red and affected her for her manifold vertues, of which they had long former experience: and likewise because they hoped it might be a meanes to restore Ethelreds issue by her to the Crown again, in case she had no is­sue by Cnute to inherit it; which in truth it effected by Gods providence, contrary to Cnutes design. Af­ter this mariage this politick Forein Intruder, to esta­blish [Page 229] his Monarchy over England, endeavoured to re­concile the English to him by all other publick means he could devise, and that by Emmaes advice.

1. By advancing some of the English Nobility to places of Honour and trust, as Florentius Wigorn. Sim [...]on Dunelm. Hove­den, Speed & others. Leoffric; whom he made Duke, in the place of his Brother Norman whom he had slain; with some others, and loving them very dearly.

2. Malmsb. de Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 11. Wigor­niensis, Speed. By granting to the English equal Rights, and Privileges with his Danes, in Consessu, in Consilio, in Praelio; and favouring and advancing them both alike.

3. Malmsb. de Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 11. Mat. Westm. Huntin­don, Hoveden, Wigorniensis, Sim. Dunelm. Radulphus de Diceto, Brom­ton, Polychron. Fabian, Graf­ton, Holinshed, Speed. By favouring and enriching the English Clergy and Church-men, and manifesting extraordina­ty piety, devotion, bounty in repairing, building, endowing Monasteries and Churches throughout the Realm, which had been partly decayed, partly demo­lished and prophaned by his and his Fathers former wars and excursions: And by erecting new Churches in all places where he had fought any battel, especially at Asehendune, and placing Priests in them, perpetual­ly to pray for the souls of those that were there slain. Ita omnia quae ipse, et Antecessores sui deliquerunt, corri­gere satagens, prioris Injustitiae naevum apud Deum for­tassis, apud Homines certè abstulit; as De Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 11. Malms­bury relates.

4. Mat. Westm. VVigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Radul. de Diceto, Knyghton, Fa­bian, Graston, Holinshed, Speed, Hun­tindon, VVigor­niensis. By easing them of his Danish Forces, and con­stant heavy Taxes for their maintenance: For by the ad­vice of Emma, he sent back all his Danish stipendiary Souldiers to their Native Country, and all his Ships but 40, which he retained to transport him into Denmarke the next year. To return, pay off, and disband which forein Forces, the English paid him a Tribute of 82. as some, or 72 thou­sand pounds as other Historians record, collected out of all England, and the Londoners 11 thousand or 10500 marks more. Which Tribute I conceive was granted him in the Council of London the year before; wherein all [Page 230] the Prelates and Nobles took an Oath, Wigornien. Sim. Dunelm. Hoveden and others. Suo exer­citui vectigal dare; according to their former agree­ment at Glocester, upon the partition of the Kingdom between Edmond and Cnute; wherein King Edmond and all the English Nobles and Army ordained, that a [x] VVigorn. p. 389. Sim. Du­nelm. col. 175. Tribute should be paid to the Danish Fleet, TRIBUTO QUOD CLASSICAE MANUI PENDERETUR STATUTO. So that I conjecture, it was not impo­sed on the people by Cnutes absolute power, but by common Grant and Consent of a Great Parliamen­tary Council.

5. Wigornien. Bromton, Sim. Dunelm. Hove­den, Holinshed, Speed, Malmsb, and others. By ratifying all their former good old fun­damental Laws, Rights, Liberties, Privileges, which they used, enjoyed under their Saxon Kings, by enacting other good wholesom Laws, repealing all unjust Laws, and redressing all exactions and grievances.

By which means he so obliged the English to him, that they cordially assisted him in his Danish wars, chearfully obeyed him, and never raised any Insurrecti­on or Rebellion against him, though frequently absent out of the Realm, all his reign, albeit he had no Army nor Garrisons to over-aw them.

In the second year of his reign, Florentius VVigorniensis, Sim. Dunelm. Radulphus de Diceto, Roger Hoved, Chron. Ioh. Bromton, col. 908. Hen. de Knyghton de Eventib. Angl. l. 1. c. 3. Graf­ton, p. 174. Speed, Holin­shed, Fabian, part. 6. cap. 205. f. 272. Anno 1018. Anno 1018. King Cnute assembled a Parliamentary Council both of the English and Danes at Oxford, wherein they both accorded, That King Edgars Lawes should be obser­ved. Angli et Daci apud Oxonefordiam, de lege Re­gis Edgari concordes sunt effecti; as Florentius Wigorni­ensis, Sim. Dunelmensis, and others express it: but the Chronicle of Bromton thus. Posthaec apud Oxoniam PARLIAMENTUM tenuit, ubi Angli, simul & Dani, de Legibus Edgari Regis observandis concordes facti sunt: Which Fabian, Grafton, Speed, and others thus express in English. He called A PARLIAMENT at Oxford, where among other things it was enacted, That Englishmen and Danes should hold and firmly keep the Laws of Edgar, late King; Which Parliament▪ they Proposit. 5, 6. [Page 231] misplace some in the 3. others in the 15. year of his reign, when it was in the second.

Mat. Westm. p. 423. VVigorn. p. 392. Hove­den, p. 437. Sim. Dunelm. col. 177. Radulph. de Diceto Ab­brev. Chron. col. 467. King Cnute sailing into Daenmark in the third year of his reign, having there setled his affairs, retur­ned Anno 1020. into England, Anno 1020. about the feast of Ea­ster. Apud Orencestriam CONCILIO CONGRE­GATO, as Matthew Westminster; or, Apud Cirencea­stram, MAGNUM CONCILIUM HABUIT, as Plorentius Wigorniensis, Hoveden, and Simeon Dunelmen­sis, record it. And then held a great Parliamentary Council at Orencester (or Cirencester) wherein he ba­nished Duke Ethelward. And this year as Radulphus de Diceto informs us, Rex Canutus CONSILIO CLE­RI Proposit. 2, 5, 6, 10. ET PROCERUM; by the Counsel of his Clergy and Nobles (most likely assembled in this Council at Cirencester) and especially of his Queen Emma, he placed Monks in the Monastery of Badricesworth, wherein the bodie of King Edmond the Martyr resteth, removing the Secular Priests from thence. Matthew Westminster thus relates it. Consilio Emmae Reginae, et EPISCO­PORUM, SIMUL ET BARONUM ANGLIAE Monachos in eo constituit, &c. Caenobium quoque beati Regis et Martyris Edmundi tot praediis et bonis aliis ampli­avit, ut omnibus ferè Angliae Monasteriis, in rebus tempo­ralibus merito praeferatur.

Sir Edward Cook in his Preface to his 9. Reports, Anno 1021. out of an antient Manuscript of the Abbey of St. Ed­monds, which he said, was in his custody, gives us this account of a Parliament held at Winchester, in the 5. year of King Cnute his reign, (Anno 1021.)

Spelman­ni Concilia, p. 534. Haec sunt Statuta Canuti Regis Anglorum, Da­norum, Norwegiarum, Venerando Sapientum ejus consi­lio, ad laudem et gloriam Dei, et sui Regalitatem, et com­mune commodum, habito in Sancto Natali Domini apud Winton, &c.

Rex Canutus anno regni sui 5. viz. per centum et tri­ginta annos ante compilationem Decretorum, quae Anno. [Page 232] Dom. 1150. fuerunt compilata anno septimo Pontificatus Papae Eugen [...]i [...]ertii, et ante compilationem aliorum Cano­num quorumcunque, Cunctos Regni sui Praelatos, Proceresque ac Magnates ad suum convocans Par­liamentum, Proposit. 5, 6, 10. in suo publico Parliamento, persisten [...]bus personalite [...] in eodem Wu [...]tano et Adelnodo Archiepis­copis et Ailwino Episcopo Elmhamense, et aliis Episco­pis, ipsorum suffraganeis, septem Ducibus, cum totidem Comitibus, necnon diversorum Monasteriorum nonnullis Abbatibus, cum quamplurimis gregariis Militibus, ac cum populi multitudine copiosa, ac Omnibus tunc in eodem Parliamento personalitur existentibus, Votis Regiis unanimiter consentientibus, praeceptum et decretum fuit, Quod Monasterium Sancti Edmondi, &c. sit ab omni Jurisdictione Episcoporum Comitatus illius, ex tunc in perpetuum funditus liberum et exemp­tum, &c. Illustris Rex Hardicanutus, praedicti Regis Canuti filius, haeres et successor, ac sui Patris Vestigio­rum devotus imitator, &c. cum laude et favore Aegelno­di Doroberniensis, nunc Catuariensis, et Alfrici Eborac. Episcoporum, aliorumque Episcoporum Suffraganeis, nec­non Cunctorum Regni sui mundanorum Prin­cipum, descriptum constituit, roboravitque praecep­tum.

That (which this Manuscript stiles so often a Par­liament, held at Winchester, in the 5th year of King C [...]ute (of which there is not one Syllable in any of our Hi­storians) is as I conceive, that which Matthew West­minster, Wigorniensis, Hoveden, and Simeon Dunelmensis stile CONCILIUM, ET MAGNUM CONCILI­UM, &c. held at Cir [...]ncester or Orencester, not Win­chester, the 4th year of his reign: wherin by the Counsel of Queen Emma, and of his Bishops and Barons, he pla­ced Monks in the Monasterie of Bederichesiorthe, where St. Edmund was interred; and endowed the Mona­stery of St. Edmond with so many farmes and other goods, as made it one of the richest in all England, as [Page 233] those Historians witness; Whose Name and date the ignorant compiler of this Manuscript mistook; whose Antiquitie and reputation is very suspitious, as (c) Sir Henry Spelman informs us. First, because Sir Hen­ry [b] Concilia, p. 534. could never gain the sight of it from Sir Edward Cook, though he oft-times promised to lend it him to peruse for his satisfaction. And that which dares not abide the sight and test of such a judicious learned Antiqua­ry, when desired, may justly be deemed an Imposture. 2ly. Sir Henry Spelman conceives the Author of this Manuscript, writ not before the end of King Henry the 3d, if so soon, seeing he calls the Great Council of the Realm, so frequently a Parliament, which Title was not given it in Manuscripts or Historians, till the end of King Henry the 3d. or after his reign; And Wigorniensis, Matthew Westminster, Hoveden, and Si­meon Dunelmensis, all stile it onely CONCILIUM, not Parliamentum. 3ly. Because he certainly mistakes in his Chronology in making Aegelnoth Archbishop of Canterbury in the reign of King Hardecnute, when as he died and Eadsi was made Archbishop thereof two years before Hardicnutes reign, which Eadsi crown'd him King, as Matt. Westminster, An. 1038. toge­ther with Matthew Parker and Godwin, attest. And therefore he might as grosly mistake in other things. 4ly, It appears by the recital it self, that it was writ a­bove 130 years at least after this Council under Cnute, because it recites, it preceeded the Decrees made so long after, under Pope Eugenius, An. 1150. 5ly. The form of the Prologue, Haec sunt Statuta, &c. coupled with, ad suum convocans Parliamentum in suo publico Parliamento: and, aliis Episcopis ipsorum Suffraganeis, prove it not to be written before King Edward the first his reign; when such phrases came first in vse: Sir Ed­ward Cooke himself informing us in his Epistle, that in Cnute his reign, such State-Assemblies were stiled Ve­nerandum Concilium Sapientum, & sic enim apud [Page 234] majores Parliamentum illud Latine redditur. 6ly, Became it [...]ubjoins, cum quamplurimis gregariis militi­bus, ac cum populi multitudine copiosa, as if they had been personally present in this Parliamentary Council, as well as the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Dukes and Nobles; of which there is not one syllable in our four antient Historians, which mention this Council at Cirencester. Neither can these Gregarii milites be intended Knights of shires; nor populi multitudine co­piosa, Commoners or Burgesses elected to serve in Par­liament by and for the people, (as Sir Edward Cooke and others fancy) there being no mention of any such cho­sen Knigh [...]s of Counties, Citizens, Burgesses or Com­mons in that or succeeding ages, till about the reign of King H [...]nry the 3d. but only, ordinary Souldiers, and the Vulgar sort of people, admitted to be present in the Council at the reading and passing of the Charter to St. Edmond, as they are now admitted into the Lords House, together with the Knights and Burgesses at the beginnings and ending of our Parliaments, and upon publike Trials, Conferences and Occasions; at which times there are more common people ten to one usu­ally present to see and hear what is acted, who are no members, then there are Members of the Commons House, which never sate together with the Lords for ought appears, much less in this Parliament, as some confidently inferr from this Spurious Antiquity; which Sir Edward Cooke (little versed in Antiquities, and oft mistaken in them) so much magnifies and insists on.

In the year of Christ 1021. Mat. West: Florent. Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Huntindon, and Hoveden. King Cnute, up­pon occasions and offences taken by him, banished Duke Turkell (to whom he had formerly committed East-England) Anno 1021. with Edgitha his wife; and Hire Duke of Northumberland, out of England. Turkell no sooner arived in Denmark, but he was there slain by the Dukes of the Country, by divine vengeance, he be­ing a chief inciter of the death of St. [...] Proposit. 2. [Page 235] Mat. Westm. Flores Hist. p. 404. The English & Danes, An. 1022. in Colloquio apud Anno 1022. Dxoniam celebrato, de Legibus Regi Edwardi pr [...]mi tenendis couoordes facti sunt. Unde eisdem Legibus, juben­te Rege Cnutone, ab Anglica lingua in Latinam transla­tis: tàm in Dania quàm in Anglia▪ propter earum ae­quitatem à Rege praefato observari jubentur, as Mat. Proposit. 5. Westminster relates, Anno 1022. So as he imposed no New Laws on them, nor revived old, but only by common consent in a Parliamentary Council both of English and Danes.

Mat. VVest. p. 404. Malms­bury, De Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 11 King Cnute in the year 1023. did so carefully Anno 1023. endeavour to reform all things wherein himself or his Ancestors had offended, as he seemed to wipe away Prioris Injustitiae Naevum, the Blot of his former Inju­stice, as well with God as with men. And by the ex­hortation of Queen Emma studying to reconcile all the Proposit. 5. English to himself he bestowed many Gifts upon them, et insuper bonas Leges omnibus et placentes promisit: and moreover promised good and pleasing Lawes to all. The best means to win and knit the peoples hearts.

(g) Anno 1024. Cnute leading an Army of English Anno 1024. and Danes against the Swedes, whereof he lost many in [e] Mat. VVest. p. 405. Huntin­don, Hist. l. 6. p. 364. Malms­bury de Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 11. the first battel, the next day, when he appointed again to fight with them, Earl Godwin, General of the En­lish Militia, without King Cnutes privity, resolved with his English forces alone to invade the Swedish Enemies in the night. Whereupon using this Speech to his Souldiers, ut pristinae gloriae memores, robur suum oculis novi Domini assererent, &c. they all valiantly as­saulted the Enemies at unawares, put them all to flight, slew an innumerable multitude of them, and Proposit. 8. compelled the Kings of that Nation, Ulf and Eglaf, to yield to terms of Peace. Cnute preparing to fight ve­ry early the next morning, thought the English had been either fled away, or revolted to the Enemies; but marching to the Enemies tents, and finding no­thing but the bloud and carcasses of those the English [Page 236] had slain; he thereupon ever after had the English in great esteem; who by this their Victory Comitatum Duci, sibi laudem paraverunt, writes Malmsbury; Cnute returning joyfull of this Victory into England, and bestowing an [...] Earldom on Godwin for this Ser­vice.

In the year 1027. Cnute hearing that the Norwe­gians disesteemed Olaus their King by reason of his Anno 1027. to 1030. simplicity, bribed his Nobles with great sums of gold [h] Florentius VVigorniensis, Simeon Du­nelm. Hoveden, Mat. Westmin. Anno 1027, 1028, 1029, 1030. Radulf. de Diceto, Bromton, Hun­tindon, and others. and silver to reject Olaus, and elect him for their King; which they promising to do, the next year he sailed in­to Norwey with 50 ships', thrust Olaus out of his king­dom, by consent of his Nobles, and subdued his Realm to himself: whence returning into England, An. 1029. H [...]conem Danicum Comisem, quasi Legationis causa, in. Exilium misit, because he had maried Gunilda a No­ble matron, daughter of the King of Vandals, unde me­tuebat, ab illo vel à vitâ privari, vel à regno expelli: who was after drowned in the Sea, or slain in the Orcades, Anno 1030. In which year Robert Duke Proposit. 2. 5, 6. of No [...]mandy going to Hierusalem, Apud Fischa­mium PROCERES AD COLLO QUI­UM VOCAVIT; ibique Gulielmum filium suum, haeredem sibi constituens, fecit omnes ei fi­delitatem jurare. And the same year the Norwe­gians cruelly murdered Olaus their King, Doctor▪ Preacher and Apostle with an ax. Indignabatur enim Gens illa pagana et cruentissima, QUOD PRI­MAS LEGES▪ et superstitiosas idem sanctus Rex Olaus praedicando, docendo, evangelizando, statuendo e­vacuaret. But Cnutes gold was the prime cause there­of, to get his Crown as he had done his Realm and Edmond Ironsides; for whose soul he prayed, and of­fered a rich embroydered Pale on his Tomb at Gla­stonbury, Anno 1026. Hoc autem fecisse creditur, ne in mortem ejus, cui in certamine singulari confoeder atus fue­rat, consenssisse vider etur, writes Flores Hist. p. 405. Mat. Westminster. [Page 237] Ingulphi Hist. p. 893, 894. VVill. Malmsbury de Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 11. p. 74. Mat. VVestm. p. 407, 408. Hoveden, An­nal. pars 1. p. 437. Flor. VVi­gorn, p. 394, 395. Radulph. de Diceto, Ab­brev. Chron. col. 468. Brom­ton, col. 912. Polych [...]on. l. 6. c. 20. Sim. Du­nelm. p. 178. Fabian, Holin­shed, Grafton, Speed, and o­thers. King Cnute, Anno 1031, (to palliate his Usur­pations Anno 1031. of other mens Crowns with the shew of De­votion) travelled to Rome in very great pomp, where he offered very great gifts in gold, silver, rich vest­ments, and pretious stones; and obtained from Pope John, That the English School shduld be frée from Tribute. In his going and returning he not only gave large alms to the poor, but likewise removed and de­leted many unjust Tolls and Taxes, exacted from such who travelled to Rome, giving a Great price to abolish them. He solemnly vowed to God before the Sepulcher of the Apostle Peter, a reformation both of his life and manners. In pursuance whereof, he writ a Letter from Rome to the Archhishops of Canterbury and Yorke, all the Bishops, Nobles, and Rulers, and to the whole English Nation, as well Nobles as Plebeans; where­in he certified them, That he had procured from the Emp. of Germany, King Rodolphus, the Pope, and other Princes, a release of all unjust Tolls and Taxes exa­cted of his people as they travelled out of devotion towards Rome, and of the vast sums of money which the Archbi­shops paid to the Pope for their Palls. After which he in Proposit. 1, 2, 4. forms them, That he had vowed to justify his life to God himself in all things; To govern the Kingdoms and Nati­ons under his subjection justly and piously; To observe just judgement in all things; and if through the Intem­perance or negligence of his youth he had hitherto done any Nota. things besides that which was JƲST, that he promised by Gods assistance to reform it all. Therefore I obtest and command all my Counsellors, to whom I have committed the Counsels and Justice of my Realm, that by no means, ei­ther for fear of me, or through favour to any potent person, they should from henceforth doe any Injustice, or cause it to sprout up in all my kingdom. Likewise I com­mand all the Sheriffs and Officers throughout my Realm, as they desire to enjoy my favour or their own safety, that they do No unjust violence to any Man, neither to rich nor [Page 238] poor; but it shall be lawfull for all, as well Noble as Ig­noble to enjoy justice and right: from which they might not deviate in any manner, neither for Regal favour, nor for the person of any potent man, nec propter mihi conge­rendam pecuniam, quia nulla mihi necessitas est, ut iniqua exactione pecunia mihi congeratur; nor yet for raising [...] [...]eaping up money to me: Because there is no ne­cessity for me (and let those who now plead Necessity both for their own illegal imposing, levying of unjust uncessant heavy Taxes, Imposts, Excises on our Nati­ons, without grant and common consent in Parlia­m [...]nt [...] consider it) that money should be raised and collected for my use by an injust exaction. After this he en [...]oyns them by thi [...] Letter; To pay all Debts and Duties due by the antient Law; as Tithes of their corn and cattel, Peter pence, and First fruits at the Feasts appointed, under pain of the penalties inflicted by the Laws, which he would strictly exact without pardon: Neither was he worse than his word, writes De Geslis Regum, l. 2. c. 11 Malmsbu­ry) for he commanded all the Laws made by antient Kings, and especially by his predecessor King Ethelred, to be for ever observed, under pain of a regal mulct. To the custody of all which ancient Laws, Even now (writes he) our Kings are sworn, under the name of King Ed­wards Lawes, non quod illa statuerit, sed observave­rit. And Flores H [...] ­stor. p. 408. Matthew Westminster records further; Vicecomitibus Regni Angliae et Praepositis, districtè man­davit, ut nulli hominum vim inferant, nec propter pe­cuniam fisco reponendam in aliquo a Iustitia deviant, dum non habeat necessitatem de peccato pecuniam adaugere.

If this Forein Danish Conqueror and Usurper of the Crown of England quod Bellico Iure obtinebat, et armorum violentia; as Chronica, col. 1782. William Thorne records, was at last so just and equal to the English, as to reform all his former extravagant acts of Injustice, Exactions, Oppressions, to release all unjust Taxes, Exactions, Op­pressions, [Page 239] and not to exact or raise any monies unjust­ly on the people, upon any real or pretended ne­cessity, without their common consent in Parliament, by any of his Officers, should not our own English Conquerors, & domineering Grandees, now much more imitate this his laudable Example, who pretend not only to equal but exceed him in Saintship, Justice, De­vo [...]ion, & no longer to oppress the griev'd people with their arbitrary Tyrannical Taxes, Excises, Imposts, extravaganr violent poceedings in new wayes of high­est Injustice, as hitherto they have done, against all their Oaths, Covenants, Declarations, promises, and Engagements to the Nation.

King Cnute returning from Rome into England, Anno 1032. treated the English very justly and civilly, Anno 1032. (o) Ingulphi Historia, p. 892, 893. confessed redressed his own former and his ancestors extortions, oppressions, rapines, endowed many Mo­nasteries with lands and priviledges, and ratified them with his Charters. Hereupon Brithmerus Abbot of Croyland. Cum Cnutonem Regem super Angliam stabi­litum cerneret, universos Anglios civiliter & satis amica­biliter tractare, insuper sanctam Ecclesiam speciali de­votione deligere, ac filiali subjectione honorare, monaste riis multisque sanctorum locis benè facere, quaedam verò Monasteria ad summam gloriam promovere, thereup­on resolved to go to the King, & procure his Charter of confirmation of the Abbey, Lands & liberties of Croyland, quorundam adversariorum, qui tempore guerrae mul­tum creverant, vim formidans.’ Which Charter he rea­dily obtained in these memorable words, wherein he acknowlegeth his rapines and bloodshed to posterity. Cnutus Rex totius Angliae & Danmarchiae, & Nor­wagiae, & magnae partis Swavorum, omnibus Pro­vinciis, nationibus & populis meae potestati Subject­is, Proposit. 1, 2, 4. tam minoribus quam majoribus salutem. Cum terram Angliae, progenitores mei & parentes DURIS EXTORTIONIBUS, & DIRIS DEPRAEDATIO­NIBUS [Page 240] SAEPIUS OPPRESSERUNT, Et (fateor) INNOCENTEM SANGUINEM FREQUEN­TER IN EA EFFƲDERVNT, studium meum â principio regni mei fuit, & semper erit in futurum, tam penes caelum quam penes seculum, PROPTER HAEC MEA PECCATA, ET PARENTVM MEO RVM SATISF ACERE, & statum totius san­ctae matris Ecclesiae, & uniuscujusque Monasterii sub Imperio meo constituti, cum in aliquo meo patrocinio indiguerint, devotione debita emendare, omnesque sanctos Dei per haec, & alia bona opera mihi in meis necessitatibus reddere benignos, ac deprecationibus meis favorabiles & placatos. Ideo in arras hujus meae satisfactionis, offero sancto Guthlaco de Croyland, & caeteris sanctis ejusdem loci de substantia mea unum calicem; confirmans Brithmero Abbati, & Monachis suis totum Monasterium suum Croylandiae, cum insu­la circumjacente, & duobus Mariscis adjacentibus, scilicet, Arderlound, & Goggislound eisdem terminis & limitibus, quibus in Chirographo inclyti, quon­dam Regis Edredi restauratoris sui dicta insula, di­ctique duo Marisci satis apertè describuntur. Con­firmo etiam omnes Ecclesias & Capellas, terras & tenementa, libertates & privilegia in ejusdem Regis Chirographo contenta, cum quibus omnibus dictus Rex Edredus dictum Monasterium Croylandiae ad ho­norem Dei, & S. Guthlaci confessoris sui corporaliter in ea requiescentis dotavit, donavit, ditavit, & suo Chiro­grapho confirmavit. Nullus (que) hominum meorum audeat à modo dictos Monachos inquietare, vel in aliquo con­turbare proprae dictis. Quod si quis facere praesum­serit, vel tentaverit usurpare, vel gladii mei sentiet aciem, vel gladii paenam sacrilegis debitam subi­bitabsque omni remissione, & redemptione puniendus, juxta modum et mensuram injuriae dictis Monachis irrogatae. Ego Cnutus Rex anno Dominicae incarnati­onis▪’ 1032. Londoniis istud meum Chirographum [Page 241] signo sanctae crucis confirmavi. ✚ Then follow the subscriptions of both the Archbishops, sundry Bi­shops, Abbots, Earls and others.

The same year 1012. King Cnute granted and con­firmed (p) Malmesh. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 11. Spel­man. Concil. p. 517. to the Abbot of Glastonbury, the Conusance of all ecclesiastical and secular causes within the Island of Glastonbury, by a special Charter, Cum Consilio & De­creto Archipraesulis nostri Ed [...]lnothi, [...]mulque cunctorum Dei Sacerdotum, & Consensu Optimatum meorum; Proposit. 10. as the words of the Charter atte [...], to the end it might be valid in Law. And the self same year King Cnute commanded Elstan, Abbot of S [...]. Augustines in Canter­bury to repair to him at the Feast of Pentecost, concern­ing the translation of the Corps of St. Mildretha to that Monastery, ut translationem faciendam, ipse Rex, per concessionem Procerum, & per literas suas firmius confirmaret, as Col. 1910, 2127. William Thorn in his Chronicle re­lates.

King Cnute in the year 1033. on the Feast of Christs Anno 1033. Nativity, held a Parliamentary Council at Winchester, [r] Chron. Joh. Bromt. col. 914. to 932. Lambardi Ar­chaion, Spelm. Concil. p. 538. to 570. Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 211, 212. where, Venerando Sapientum ejus Consilio, by the venerable Counsel of his Wisemen, he made and published sundry excellent Ecclesiastical and Civil Laws for the good government of the Church and Realm, to the praise of God, the honour of his Regality, and common good of the People, being 103 in the Saxon and 110 in the Latine Copies. His 61 Ecclesiastical Law thus resolves, against the Anti-Magistratical o­pinion of this licentious age, Christiano Regi [...]ure perti­net, Proposit. 5, 6, 1, 2, 4. ut injurias Deo factas vindicet, secundum quod acciderit.

His Civil Laws begin thus. Haec est institutio Legum secularium, quam communi Sapientum meorum Consilio, per totam Angliam t [...]n ri praecipio. Imp [...]imis volo, ut Iustae Leges erigantur, et injustae sub ver­tantur, et omnis Injustitia modis omnibus sarculetur, & a modo omnis homo dignus publica rectitudine reputetur, [Page 242] pauper & dives quicunque sit, & eis justa judicia judi­centur. I shall transcribe only some few of his Laws pertinent to my Theam.

Lex 25. Prohibemus ne Christianus aliquis penitus pro parva re saltem ad mortem deducatur. Sed justitia paci­ficans pro necessitate populi exquiratur, ne pro levi re, opus manuum Dei, & sui ipsius pretium, quod profundè rede­mit desperet

Lex 26. Praecipimus nè Christiani passim in exilio ven­dantur, vel in Gentilitatem, nè forte pereant animae quas propria vita sua mercatus est Dominus noster Ihesus Chri­stus.

Lex 31. Omnis Injustitia deinceps opprimatur, Burgbo­tam & Brigbotam, & Scipsorthunga & Frothunga, Proposit. 9. qui Navigii vel expeditionis sonant apparatum, sedulo pro­curemus, cum necesse fuerit ad commune regni nostri commodum. Et perquiramus simul modis omnibus quo modo praecipuum possit consilium ad profectum populi obti­neri, rectaque Christianitas propensius erigi, & quicquid in [...]ustum est solertius enervari.

Lex 34. Si quis deinceps Vnlage, i. e. non legem erigat, vel injustum judicium judicet, pro laesione, vel aliqua pecu­niae susceptione, sit erga Regem, CXXs. reus in Anglo­rum laga, nisi cum juramento audeat inveritare, quod re­ctius nescivit judicare, & dignitatem suae legalitatis semper amittat si non eam redimat erga Regem, sicut ei permitte­tur. In Denelaga Lathslithes, reus sit si non juret quod me­lius nescivit.

Lex 36. Qui aliquem accusare praesumat, unde pecunia vel commodo pejor sit, & denique mendacium pernos­catur, linguam suam perdat, vel Weregildo redi­matur.

Lex 37. Nemo Regem requiret de Justitia facienda dum ei rectum offertur in Hundredo suo, & requi­ratur Hundredum secundum Witam, sicut justum est.

Lex 38. Et habeatur in anno ter Burgimotus, & [Page 243] Scyremotus bis, nisi saepius sit necesse. Et inter sit Episco­pus et Aldermannus; et doceant ibi Dei rectum et se­culi.

Lex 59. Non est in aliquo tempore concessa INJU­STITIA, et tamen Injustitia est festis diebus et sanctifi­catis locis propensius interdicta. Semperque sicui homo po­tentior est, vel majoris ordinis, sic debet solertius pro Deo et seculo quod justum est emenda [...]e. Et ideo gratam emen­dationem sedulo per quiramus de Scripturis Sanctis, et se­cularem juxta legem seculi.

Lex 83. Si quis de morte Regis vel Domini sui quoquo modo traectaverit, vitae suae reus sit, et omnium quae habebit, Proposit. 8. nisi triplici judicio se purget.

Lex 91. Si quis Burgbotam, vel Brigbotam 1. burgi vel pontis refectionem, vel Firdfare, 1. in exercitum ire supersedeat, emendet hoc erga Regem C. xx. s. in Anglo­rum laga; in Denelaga sicut Lex stetit antea, vel ita se adlegiet, nominentur ei 14. et acquirat ex eis 11.

Lex 96. Haec est alleviatio quam omni populo meo prae­videre volo, in quibus nimis omnino fuerant aggravati. Praecipio Praepositis meis omnibus ut in proprio meo lucren­tur, et inde mihi serviant. Et nemo cogatur ad firmae ad­jutorium aliquid dare, nisi sponte sua velit. Et si quis aliquem inde gravabit, Werae suae reus sit erga Re­gem.

Lex 97. Si quis ex hac vita decedat sine distributione rerum suarum, vel per incustodiam vel per mortem impro­visam, non usurpet dominus ejus de pecunia (nisi quantum ad justam Relevationem pertinet, quae Anglicè vocatur He­reget) sed sit secundum dictionem ejus ipsa pecunia recte divisa, uxori, pueris et propinquis, unicuique secundum mo­dum qui ad eum pertinet. Et sint Relevationes ità minu­tae sicut modus est. Comitis, sicut ad eum pertinet, hoc est, octo [...] ▪ quatuor sellati, quatuor insellati, et galeae qua­tuor, et loricae quatuor, cum octo lanceis et totidem scutis, et gladii quatuor, et CC. marcae auri. Postea Thayni regis qui ei proximus sit, quatuor equi, duo sellati, et duo [Page 244] insellati; et duo gladii, et quatuor lanceae, et totidem scuta, et galea cum loricasua, et 50. marcae auri. Et me­diocris Thayni, equus cum apparatu suo, et arma sua, vel suum Halsfang. in Westsaxia, in Mircenis ij l. in Estanglia, ij. l. Et si notus sit Regi, equi duo, unus cum sella et alius sine sella, et unus gladius, et duae lanceae, et to­tidem scuta, et 50 marcae auri. Et qui minus potest, det duas libras.

Lex 104. Et qui fugiat à Domino vel socio suo pro timi­ditate in Expeditione navali vel terrestri, perdat omne quod Proposit. 4, 9. suum est, et suam ipsius vitam, et manus mittat Dominus ad terram quam ei antea dederat. Et si terram haereditari­am habeat, ipsa in manum regis transeat.

Lex 105. Et qui in bello ante Dominum suum ceciderit, s [...]t hoc in terra, sit alibi, sint relevatitones condonatae: et ha­beant haeredes ejus terram sicut et pecuniam suam, et rectè dividant inter se.

Lex 107. Et volo ut omnis homo pacem habeat eundo ad Gemotum, vel rediens de Gemoto, id est placito, nisi sit fur probatus.

Lex 110. Qui leges istas apostabit quas Rex modo no­bis omnibus indulsit, sit Dacus, sit Anglus, Werae suae reus sit erga regem. Et si secundo faciat, reddat bis Weram suam. Si quis addat tertio, reus sit omnium quae habe­bit.

In the rest of his Lawes all corporal and pecuniary penalties and fines for all sorts of Offences and Crimes, are reduced to a certainty, and none left arbitrary; and by Lex 104, 105. it is evident, that the Military Laws, as wel as the Civil & Ecclesiastical, were made in and by advice and direction of the Great Councils.

The Col. 913. Chronicle of Bromton informs us, that King Cnute, per Chartam suam à se et haeredibus suis dedit, quàm cito post in Parliamento suo apud Wintoniam (when and where those Laws were made) coram om­nibus Proposit. 6, 10. Regni sui Magnatibus confirmavit, gave and confirmed the Manors of Hornyng, Ludham and Neter­shede [Page 245] to the Monastery of Cowholm in Northfolke: And that one Maynard riding towards this Parliamentary Council, brake his neck, who had so incensed the King against Wulfric and the Monks of this Monastery, that he threatned to put them to death. What lands and privileges he gave by his Charters to St. Cuthberts Church in Durham, Christs-Church in Canterbury, and other Monasteries, the (t) Marginal Authors will in­form us. (m) Malmesh De Gestis Reg l. 2. c. 11. Sim Dunelmensis, Hist. de Eccl. Dunelm. l. 3. c. 8. Evidentiae Eccles. Christi Cantuar col. 2223. 2225, &c. Chron. Will. Thorne, col. 1782. 1908, 1909, 1910.

About the year 1034. Mat. Westm. Anno 1035. p. 409. Hen. Hun­tindon, Hist. l. 6. p. 364. Radul­phus de Diceto, Abbrev. Chron. col. 468, 469. Chron. Iohann. Bromton, col. 911, 912. Polychron. l. 6. c. 20. Hen. de Knyghton de Eventib. Angl. l. 1. c. 5. Fox Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. p. 211. Speeds History, p. 401. Mr. Sel­dens Mare Clausum, l. 2. c. c. 12. Fabian, part. 6. c. 206. Polydor Virgil, Holinshed, and others in his life▪ King Cnute having ob­tained Anno 1034. the Soveraign Dominion of England, Scotland, Norwey, a great part of Sweden, and of all Denmarke principally by the Sword, through the flattery of his followers, who stiled him, a King of all Kings, most mighty Soveraign, and the like, who had under his sub­jection & Dominion not only the People and Land but the Sea likewise; & also by reason of his Great Dominions, was so much elevated with pride of heart, that he once com­manded the royal Throne of his Empire to be placed on the Sea shore near the water, as the Sea was flow­ing in upon it: and then stepping up into his Throne & sitting in it, he spake thus to the Sea in an imperious manner, as if he were absolute Sovereign of it. Tu meae ditionis es, &c. Thou art under my Dominion and part of my Empire, and the land on which I sit is mine, neither is there any one in it who dares resist my command, without punishment. Therefore I now command thee, that thou as­cend and come not up upon my land, nor yet presume to wet my royal robes, nor the feet or Members of thy Soveraign. But the Sea, notwithstanding this Inhibition, ascending af­ter its accustomed manner and nature, and no wayes o­beying his commands, wet both his feet, legs and royal Robes, without any revernce. Whereupon the King lea­ping hastily out of his Throne, almost over-late, and retiring from the waves; used these words: Ltt all [Page 246] the Inhabitants of the world know, that the power of Kings is but vain and [...]rivolous, and that no man is wor­thy the name of a King, but he alone, to whose b [...]ck both Heaven, Earth and the Sea obey by everlasting Laws. Henry de Knyghton superaddes thereto as part of his Speech, which most others omit. I am a Wretch and a Captive able to do nothing, possessing nothing without his gift; I commend; I recommend my self to him, and let him be the Gardian of debility, Amen. After which King Cnute never wore his Crown upon his head, but put it upon the head of the Crucifix at Winchester (as most accord) to the praise of the great King, thereby giving a great example of humility to Kings and Con­querors; who in the height of all their power, can not command the Sea or least wave not to flow or wash them. Henry de Knyghton conceives this to be before his pilgrimage to Rome; others expresly record it was after his return from thence, whose computation I here fol­low, and therefore place it in this year.

In the year of our Lord 1035. King Cnute, a little be­fore his death, made this partition of his kingdoms a­mongst Anno 1035. his Sons. Swane his son by Q. Algiva (or as some (u) Malmesb. Mat. VVestm. VVigorn. Sim. Dunelmensis, Bromton, Hun­tindon, Hove­den, Knygbton, Polychroniton, Fabian, Holin­shed, Graston, Speed, Radul­phus de Diceto, Fox, and o­thers. affirm of a Priests wife suborned by Algiva as her own) he made King of Norwey; his Son Harde-Cnute by Queen Emma, he caused to be crowned King of Den­mark; as Wigorniensis, Hoveden, and others write, yet some gainsay it, that he made his Son Harold King of England, and soon after died at Shaftesbury, November, 12. 1035. and was buried at Winchester, Immediat­ly after his decease the Nobles met at Oxford about the election of a new King, which our Historians thus express. Convenerunt apud Dxoniam ad Colloquium (as Mat. Westm.) or Placitum magnum (as Huntindon and others stile it) Proceres Regni, Vt de novo Proposit. 6. Rege creando tractatent ibidem. All the Nobles of the Realm assembled in a great Parliamentary Council or Court at Oxford, that they might consult about the electi­ction [Page 247] of a New King (which they would not have done had Harold been made King of England before by Cnute in his life time.) Leofric, Earl of Chester, and the rest of the Nobles on the Northside of the Thames, with all the Danish Princes and Londoners (who by conversing with the Danes amongst them, were corrupted with their vices, and addicted to their party) elected Harold Son of Cnute by his Concubine Algiva, (whom some a­ver to be the son of a Tayler) for their King; But Godwin Earl of Kent, with the Princes of the Western part of England, contradicting them, would rather have elected Harde-Cnute, son of Cnute by Queen Emma, or one of the Sons of King Ethelred and Emma, then in Normandy. After great strife and debate between the Nobles about the Election, because Harold was there per­sonally present; but Harde-Cnute then in Denmark, and Alfred and Edward in Normandy, Harolds party prevailed against Earl Godwins, qui tandem vi & nume­ro minor, [...]essit violentiae. Whereupon Harold was presently crowned King at Oxford by Elnothus Archbi­shop of Canterbury, though at first he was very unwilling to perform that service. For it is Holinshed, Hist. l. 7. c. 13. p. 182. Speed. Hist. p. 404. See Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. & Godwin in his life. reported of him, that he having the regal Scepter and Crown in his custody, refused with an Oath to consecrate any other for King, so long as Queen Emma her children were living; for (said she) Cnute committed them to my trust and assurance, and to them will I give my faith and allegiance. This Scepter and Crown therefore I here lay down upon the Altar, neither do I deny nor deliver them to you; but I require by the Apostolick Authority, all Bishops, that none of them presume to take the same away, neither that they consecrate him King therewith; as for your self, if you dare, you may usurp that which I have committed to God on this Table. Notwithstanding this great thunderclap being allayed with the showers of Golden promises of his just, good, and religi­ous government intended (though present experience manifested the contrary) he was crowned by him Anno [Page 248] Anno. 1035. Henry Huntindon and others write, That they elected him King, only to keep the kingdom for his Bro­ther Harde-Cnute then in Denmark: Harold and the Nobles of West-Sex, who opposed his election, upon advice taken, resolved, that Queen Emma wife of the de­ceased King, should keep West-Sex and Winchester for the use of her Son Harde Cnute, and that Earl Godwin should be their Captain in military affairs. Roger Hoveden, and others record, That Harold being ele­cted King by the consent of the major part of the Nobles of England, obtained the royal dignity, and began to reign, quia justus haeres, because he was a lawfull heir; yet he reigned not so powerfully as Cnute, quia justior hae­res expectabatur Harde Cnutus, because a juster heir Harde Cnute was expected: By reason of this dis­agreement amongst the Nobles, to please both parties; the kingdom of England was therupon divided by Lot; Harold enjoying the Northern part thereof, and Harde-Cnutes friends retaining the Southern part of it for his use.

No sooner was Harold crowned King, but to secure himself the better in his Throne, he presently posted to Winchester with his forces, where tyrannically and forcibly taking away all the Treasures and goods which Cnute had left to Queen Emma his Mother-in-law, he Proposit. 2. banished her out of England into Flanders; (some write, she was thus banished by the secret Counsel and trea­chery of Earl Godwin, whom she had made General of her forces for her preservation, who proved unconstant, and a Traytor to her and her children) where in this her distresse she was honourably entertained by Earl Baldwin.

In the year 1036. Alfred eldest Son of King Ethel­red comming over to claim his right in the Crown, was with his Norman associates, betrayed, and murdered by the treachery of Earl Godwin, of which I finde these several different relations in our Historians. [Page 249] An. 1036. P. 410. Matthew Westminster, Ranulphus Cistrensis, and others out of them record; that Alfred being in Nor­mandy, and hearing of the death of Cnute, came in­to England with 23. chosen ships full of Souldiers, ut paternum regnum de Jure sibi debitum, vel pacificè, vel si necessitas cogeret, armatorum praesidio obtineret; that he might obtain his fathers kingdom, of right due unto him, either peaceably, or if necessity compelled, by force of arms. Who ariving with his forces at Sand­wich Port, came as far as Canterbury: When Godwin Earl of Kent knew of his comming, he went to meet him, and receiving him in his fidelity, the very next night following compleated the part of the Traytor Judas upon him and his fellow-Souldiers. For after kisses of peace given, and joyful banquets, in the si­lence of the midnight, when as Alfred and his compa­nions had given their Members to sleep, they were all taken unarmed in their beds, suspecting no harm, by a multitude of armed men rushing in upon them, and their hands being tyed behind their backs, they were compelled to sit down in order one by another: Where sitting in this manner, nine of them were always beheaded, but the tenth dismissed, and his life reserved for a time: These things were acted at Gildeford, a royal Town. But when it seemed to the Traitor Godwin, that there were more yet remaining alive of them, than was profitable, he cōmanded them to be tithed over again, as before, and so very few of them remained alive. But young Alfred, every way worthy of royal honour, he sent bound to the City of London, to King Harold, (that therby he might find greater favor with him) with those few of his followers who remained undecimated. So soon as the King saw young Alfred, he caused him to be sent to the Isle of Ely, and there to have his eyes pulled out; of the pain whereof he soon after died; but he slew all his Souldiers too perniciously.

Florentius Wigorni [...]nsis, Roger de Hoveden, Simeou [Page 250] Dunelmensis, Radulphus de Diceto, Mr. Fox, and others relate, That the innocent Princes Alfred and Edward, sons of King Ethelred, came out of Normandy (where they had long resided with their Uncle Richard) into England, accompanied with many Norman Souldiers, transported in a few ships, to conferr with their Mo­ther Emma, then residing at Winchester. Which some potent men, especially Earl Godwin (as was reported) took very unworthily and grievously, because (licet in­justum esset) although it were unjust, they were more devoted to Harold than to Alfred. Whereupon Harold perswaded King Harde-Cnute and the Lords, not to suffer those Normans to be within the Realm for jeopardy, but rather to punish them for example; by which means he got authority to order the matter himself; Wherefore he met them on Guild-down, and there seised upon Prince Alfred, and retained him in close Prison when he was hastning towards London to conferr with King Harold, as he had commanded: And apprehending all his followers, he ransacked some of them, others of them he put in chains, and after­wards put out their eyes; some of them he tormented and punished, by pulling off the skin from their heads, and cutting off their hands and feet; many of them he likewise commanded to be sold; and slew 600 men of them at Gildeford, with various and cruel deaths; whose Souls are believed now to rejoyce with the Saints in Paradice, seeing their bodies were so cruel­ly slain in the fields without any fault; which Queen Emma hearing of, sent back her Son Edward, who re­mained with her, with greatest haste into Normandy. After which, by the command of Earl Godwin and some others, Prince Alfred being bound most straitly in chains, was carried Prisoner to the Isle of Ely by ship; where he no sooner arived, but his eyes were most cruelly pulled out, and so being led to the Monastery, was delivered to the Monks to be kept; where he [Page 251] soon after died, and was there interred. Will. Cax­ton, Fox Acts & Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 210, 211. Some add, that after Alfreds eyes were put out, his belly was opened, and one end of his bowels drawn out and fastened to a stake, and his body pricked with sharp needles or poyneyards forced about, till all his in­trails were extracted: in which most savage torture he ended his innocent life. Ranulphus Cistrensis in his Polychronicon, l. 6. c. 21. relates, that Godwin used this strange cruelty towards those Normans that came over with Alfred, whom he twice decimated at Gil­deford; that he ripped up their bellies, and fastned the ends of their guts to stakes, that were reared and pyght in the ground, and laid the bodies about the stakes till the last end of the guts came out.

The Author of the Book called Encomium Emmae, and Speeds Hi­story, p. 405. Speed out of him, writes, That Harold was no sooner established King, but that he sought meanes how to rid Queen Emma secretly out of the way; and maliciously purposing took counsel, how he might train into his Hay the sons of Queen Emma, that so all occasions of danger against him, might at once for all be cut off. Many projects propounded, this lastly took effect; that a Letter should be counterfeited in Queen Emma's name unto her sons Edward and Alfred, to instigate them to attempt the Crown usurped by Ha­rold against their right. The Tenor of which Letter you may read in Speed. This Letter being cunningly carried, & digested by Alfred as savoring of no falshood, he returned answer, he would come shortly over to attend his Mothers designs: which Harold being in­formed of, forelayes the coasts to apprehand him. Up­on his comming on shore in England, Earl Godwin met him, and binding his assurance with his corporal Oath, became his Leige-man and guide to Queen Emma; but being wrought firm for Harold, treacherously led these Strangers a contrary way, and lodging them at Guildford in several Companies, there tithed [Page 252] and murthered them as aforesaid.

Historia­rum, l. 6. p. 365. Henry Huntindon, the Col. 935, 936. Chronicle of Bromton, William Caxton in his Chronicle, and another Histori­an mentioned by Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 210, 211. Grafton, p. 178, 179. Mr. Fox, record, that this mur­ther was after the death of King Harde-Cnute. When the Earls and Barons of England by common assent and counsel sent into Normandy for these two Brethren Al­fred and Edward, intending to crown Alfred the elder Brother, and to make him King of England; and to this the Earls and Barons made their Oath. But Earl Godwin of West-Sax sought to slay these two brethren so soon as they came into England, to the intent he might make Harold (his own son by Cnutes daughter, or sister maried to him) King; as some of these affirm; Others of them relate, that he intended only to destroy Alfred, being an Englishman by the Father, but a Norman by the Mother, whom he foresaw to be a person of such ho­nour and courage, that he would disdain to mary his daughter, or to be swayed by him; and then to mary his daughter Godith to Edward the younger Brother, and to make him King, as being of a more milde and simple disposition, apt to be ruled by him. Hereup­on Godwin went to Southampton to meet with the two Brothers at their landing. It fell out, that the Mes­sengers sent into Normandy, found only Alfred there, Edward being then gone into Hungarie to speak with his Cosen Edward the Outlaw, Ironsides son. When Alfred heard these Messengers tydings, he thanked God, and in all hast sped him to England, ariving at Southampton with some of his Mothers kinred, and ma­ny of his fellow-Souldiers of like age, who were Nor­mans. Whereupon Godwin intimated to the Nobles of England, That Alfred had brought over too great a compa­ny of Normans with him, and had likewise promised the lands of the Englishmen to them, and therefore it would not be safe to instirpate such a valiant and crafty Nation a­mongst them. That these ought to undergoe exemplary. [Page 253] Punishment, lest others by reason of their alliance to the King, should presume to intrude themselves amongst the English. And then posting to Southampton, welcomed and re­ceived Alfred with much joy, pretending to conduct him safe to London, where the Barons waited for to make him King, and expected his comming; and so they passed forth together towards London. But when they came to Guild-down, Godwin said to Alfred, Look round about thee on thy right hand and left, and behold what a kingdom shall be subjugated to thy Dominion. Upon which Alfred giving thanks to God, presently promised, that if it happened he should be crowned King He would constitute such Laws as should be pleasing and accep­table both to God and Man. Which words were no sooner uttered, but the Traytor Godwin commanded all his men to apprehend Alfred, and to slay all the Normans that came with him in his company: and af­ter that to carry Alfred into the Isle of Ely, and there to put out both his eys, and to pull out his bowels; which they accordingly executed as aforesaid. And so died this innocent Alfred, right heir to the Crown, through the Treason of wicked Godwin. Chronicon Iohan. Bromton Col. 935, 936. VVilliam Cax­tons Chronicle, part. 6. Fox Acts and Mo­numents vol. 1. p. 211. When the Lords of England heard thereof, and how Alfred that should have been their King, was put to death, through the false Treason of Godwin, against their wills, they were wonderfull sorrowfull and wroth, and swore before God and Man, that he should die a worser Death than did Edric, which destroyed his Lord Edmond Ironside: and would immediately have put him to death, but that the Traytor fled, and e­scaped Proposit. 8. into Denmark, and there continued 4. yeares and more, and lost all his Lands, Rents, Goods and Chattels in England, confiscated in the mean time for this his Treason.

These Historians, though they somewhat vary in the time and occasion of Prince Alfreds death, yet they all agree in the substance of his and of his [Page 254] Norman Souldiers and Campanions treacherous, bar­barous murders, by the joynt or separate treacherie of Earl Godwin, and his son Harold: Which how fatal it proved to them both, by Gods avenging Justice, you shall hear in its due place, and what divine vengeance it drew at last on the whole English Nation, religious and judicious Acts & Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 210. Mr. John Fox informes us in these words. This cruel fact of Godwin, and his men against the innocent Normans; whether it came of himself, or of the Kings setting on, seemeth to me to be the cause why the justice of God did shortly after avenge the quarrel of these Normans, in conquering and subdu­ing Proposit. 8. the English Nation, by William the Conquerour and the Normans which came wi [...]h him. For so just and right it was, that as the Normans coming with a natural English Prince, were murdered of English men; so afterwards the Englishmen should be slain and conquered by the Normans, coming with a forein King, being none of their natural Country.

After the banishment of Queen Emma out of, and murder of Prince Alfred in England Florentius Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Radul. de Diceto, Hoved. Brom­ton, Malmesb. Huntindon, Po­lychronicon, Fa­bian, Caxton, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed. Harde-Cnute delaying the time in Denmark, and deferring his com­ing Anno 1037. in o England; thereupon Harold, (formerly King only of the Mercians, and Northumbrians,) that he might reign over all England, in the year 1037. A Principibns et omni Populo Rex eligitnr, was ele­cted King by all the Nobles and People. Harde-Cnu­tus verò, quia in Denmarchia manscrat, et ad An­glian, ut rogabatur, venire distulit, penitus abjicitur, as Florentius Wigorniensis, Simeon Dunelmensis, Hove­den, Bromton, Radulphus de Diceto, and others inform us. After which King Harold degenerating from Proposit. 5. Cnute his Father in all things, took no care at all either of military or civil affairs, nor of his own Courtly ho­nour, doing only his own will, and contrary to his roy­al estate, going more willingly on foot, (of which he was so swift, that he was named Harefoot) than riding [Page 255] on Horseback. In his dayes there were rendred and paid to 16 Ships from every Port (not In-land Towns) 8. marks of Silver, as in the time of his Father; as Hist. l. 6. p. 365. Henry Huntindon records: to which History of Great Britain, p. 425. John Speed subjoynes; This Dane seeing his hazards prevented, sought to secure himself, and w [...]th 16 Ships of the Danish Fleet kept the Seas, which continued ever in a readiness and wafted from port to port: to the maintenance whereof, he charged the English with great payments, to their no lit­tle Proposit. 1. grudge and reviling; whereby he lost the love of his Subjects before it had taken root in their hearts. Neither held he long those disloyal courses, for that his speedy death did cut off the infamy of a longer life, he dying at Oxford, where he was elected King, without wife or children to sur­vive his person, or revive his name, when he had reigned only 4. years, and as many moneths, Anno 1040.

Upon the de [...]th of [h] Harold. Proceres tam Anglo­rum, Anno 1040. quam Danorum in unum concordantes sen­tentiam; (k) Malmesb. De Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 12. In­gulphus. Mat. Westm. Flor. Wigorniensis, Sim. Dunelm. Radulphus de Diceto, Brom­ton, Huntindon, Hoveden, Knyghton, Po­lychron, Caxton Fabian, Holin­shed, Grafton, Speed. the Nobles both of the English and Danes (assembling together in a Parliamentary Council) and concording in one opinion, sent Embassadours to Har­de-Cnute, then at Bruges in Flanders, visiting Queen Emma his Mother (where he had made great prepa­ration of ships and land-forces, to recover the Crown of England, which belonged to him both by birth and compact, from his brother Harold) beseeching him, to make hast into England, and to take possessi­on of the Crown thereof. Whereupon he immedi­ately consenting to the Counsel of the Nobles, came speedily into England with 60, as some, or 40 ships, as others write, furnished with Danish Souldiers and Mariners; where he was received with great joy, elected King both by the English and Danes, and so­lemnly crowned ar London by Elnothus Archbishop of Canterbury. Soon after he commanded Alfric Arch­bishop of Yorke, Earl Godwin, and others, to digg up the interred corps of his brother King Harold out of [Page 256] his grave in London, and his head to be cut off by the hang­man, and then both head and corps to be thrown into the Common sink, and after that into the Thames. And that partly in revenge of the injuries done by him to his Mother Queen Emma, in banishing and spoiling her of her money and jewels, against all right and ju­stice: and partly for his unjust invasion of the Crown of England; but in truth, as a just retaliation of his bar­ba [...]ous cruelty to Prince Alfred and his Normans. For whose treacherous inhumane slaughter, King Harde-Cnute deprived Alfred Bishop of Worcester of his Bisho­prick, whose hands were said to have been in Alfreds bloud. And for which murder he likewise looked with an evil eye upon Earl Godwin, compelling him to an Oath of Purgation touching the same. Whereupon Godwin by his own Oath, and the Oaths os most of the Nobles of the Realm his compurgators swore, (though most falsly) That Prince Alfreds eyes were not put out, nor he murdered (as aforesaid) by his Counsel or consent, but what was done therein, was only by the command of King Harold, which he durst not resist. Notwithstanding which Oath, to purchase his peace with Harde-Cnute, he pre­sented him with a most rich and royal present, to wit, with a Ship, whose stern was of gold, with 80 Souldi­ers placed therein, all uniformly and richly suited, ha­ving on their heads gilt Burgonets, on their armes bracelets of Gold, on their bodies, Habergeons, Swords, Battel-axes, Targets, and other arms after the Danish fashion, all richly gilt, with gilt bosses and darts in their hands. Which Present, though it pacified▪ the Kings indignation, yet it prevented not Gods aven­ging justice on him afterwards for Alfreds bloud; thus partly avenged on Harolds carcasse, which was cast in­to the Thames, and mangled according to Hard-Cnutes command, and lay floting on the water sundry dayes, till a Fisherman in compassion took up his corps, and buried it privately in St. Clements Danes.

[Page 257] Soon after Harde-Cnute in the second year of his Anno 1040. 1041. reign, commanded 8. Marks to be paid to every Mari­ner; Some write [...]0. others 30. marks, to every Ship­wright of his Danish Navy; besides a vast sum of money Proposit. 1. to his Land-Army: Hujus anno secundo redditus est Cen­sus Exercitui Dacorum, scilicet 21000 lib. & 89 lib. Et posteà sunt redditae 32. puppibus, 11000 lib. & 48. lib. writes Histor. l. 6. p. 365. Henry Huntindon: Tributum inexorabile et importabile Angliae imposuit, ut Classiariis suis per singulas naves viginti ac triginti marcas ex pollicito pen­sitaret. Quod dum importune per Angliam exigitur, duo infestius hoc munus exequentes, a Wigorniae Ci­vibus extincti sunt; as De Gest. R [...]g. l. 2. c. 12. p. 76. Will: of Malmsbury expresseth it. Hic etiam contra omnem spem octo Marc [...]s unicui­que remigi Classis suae de importabili tributo Angliae sol­vi fecit, So Chronicon, col. 933. Bromton; Which [...]lorentius Wigornien­sis, Hoveden, Simeon Dunelmensis, Matthew Westmin­ster, Polychronicon, Caxton, Fabian, Holinshed, Grafton and Speed, thus more at large relate. Anno 1040. Octo Marcas unicuique suae classis Remigi, et 12. unicu­ique gubernatori de tota Anglia praecepit dependi, Tributum videlicet tam grave, ut vix aliquis id possit persolvere. Quapropter omnibus qui prius adven­tum ejus desiderabant magnopere, factus est exosus summopere. Anno 1041. Harde-Cnute King of Eng­land, Huscarlas missit per omnes regni sui Provincias: Or, Ministros suos per omnes fines regni destinavit; sent his Officers through all the Counties & parts of the Realm, to exact and collect the Tribute which he had imposed, with­out sparing any, and to furnish his Mariners with all ne­cessaries from thence. Two of which Officers Faeder and Turstin exacting this Importable Tribute with great rigour and cruelty from the Inhabitants of the County and City of Worcester, were thereupon tumultuously slain by them in a Monastery, whither they fled for Sanctuary, on the 4th day of May. The King being very much incensed there­with, sent Godwin with all the rest of the Earls of Eng­land, [Page 258] and almost all his Officers and whole army thither, to avenge their deaths, commanding them to slay all the men if they could, & to pillage and burn the whole City and County; who coming thither the 2. of November, wasted the City and County for 4. dayes space, but took or slew few of the City or County, because they having notice of their coming, fled all away to an Iland in the midst of Severn called Be­verage, which they fortified, and so long manfully defended against their Enemies, til they had recovered their peace, and obtained leave quietly to return to their homes. Whereup­on on the fifth day they burnt the City, every one returning with great booties; and thereupon the Kings wrath was pacified, but his reputation much ecclipsed, and the affections of the people lost by that cruelty and Tax; Which it seems was imposed by his own arbitrary power, without any Grant or common consent in a Proposit. 1. Parliamentary Council. Vnde cunctis qui prius e­jus adventum optaverant in Angliam exosus effectus est, writes Flores Hist. p. 412. Mat. Westminster: Contumeliam famae & amori suo detrimentum ingessit, adds De Gestis Reg, l. 2. c. 12. Malmsbu­ry. This whole Tribute amounted but to 32137 l. which came not to the moity of one Moneths Contri­bution, or Excise in our dayes. History of Great Britain, p. 407. John Speed and some others write, That Earl Godwin devising how the Crown might be worn by him or his, to separate the hearts of the Subjects from the Prince, (thaen which there can be no grea­ter wound unto both) caused the King to impose heavy Tributes upon the English, only to pay the Danes in his Fléet, appointing every common Souldier and Mari­ner to receive 8. Marks in money, and every Officer and Master 12. amounting to the summ of 32147 l. for the payment whereof there was so great a grudge, that two of his Collectors were slain by the Citizens of Worcester; which caused their City to be burnt, and part of the County to be spoiled by the Kings command, and their Bishop Alfred expulsed the See, til with money he had purchased his peace. But observe Gods Justice on this Exactor and Tax-im­posing [Page 259] King, soon after his cruelty at Worcester, as he was revelling and carrouzing amidst his cups at Lamb­heth at a solemn Mariage-feast between a Danish Lord, and Gotha an English Lady, he suddenly fell down dead to the ground without speech or breath, not being lamented nor desired, by reason of his unwonted Taxes, excesse and riot. Yea, so far were all sorts from bewailing him, Speed, ibidem. that in regard of their freedom from the Danish yoak, which they attained, ever since among the Common people, the 8. of June (the very day of his death) is annually celebra­ted with open pastimes in the street (as the old Romans kept their Fugalia for chasing out their King,) which time is now called Hoc-tide, or Herextide, signifying a time of scorning or contempt, which fell upon the Danes by his death, when he had voluptuously and oppressingly reigned o­ver the English not full two years, wanting ten dayes there­of.

Now here take special notice of Gods exemplary justice upon King Cnute, the Danish Usurper and Invader of other mens Crowns and Kingdoms, by treachery, bloud, war, treason, the murders of Edmund Ironside, Pr. Edwin, and Alfred, and exile of the Royal posterity. His base Son Harold dispossessed his Legitimate Son Harde-Cnute of the Crown of England, contrary to his will and contract, banished and spoiled his own Queen Emma of her Treasure and Jewels, oppressed the people with Taxes, and was soon cut off by death, without any issue. Harde-Cnute after his death digs up his Brother Harolds corps, beheads, and then throws it into the common sink & Thames, incurs Gods and his Peoples hatred by his Oppressions, Taxes, Luxurie; and is taken away suddenly in the midst of his age, without issue, before he had reigned two years. His Son Florentius Wigorniensis, Sim. Dnnelm. Hoveden, Brompt. R [...] ­dulph. de Dice­to, and Mat. Westm. An. 1045, to 1050▪ Swan [...] to whom he bequeathed the Kingdom of Norwey (which he got by treachery, bribery, force, and the expulsion, murder ol their rightfull pious King Olaus) was expelled both out of Norwey and [Page 260] Denmark too by Magnus the Sonne of Olaus; the English Army sent by Harde-Cnute, to re­establish him in the Kingdom of Norwey, routed in the field, and so forced home thence with dishonour, leaving Magnus in possession, not only of Norwey but Denmark, which he conquered, and made Tributary to him. Thus were all his three Sons, within 8 years space after Cnutes death, quite stript of all their three Kingdoms, acquired by war, blood, conquest, treache­ry, and the English and Norwegian royal lines restored to their rights and Crowns again. What persons then in their right sences would impiously spend much trea­sure levied on the oppressed people by violence, rapin, uncessant Taxes, Excises, or shed much human Christian blood, to purchase other mens Crowns, Kingdoms, which are not only full of cares and troubles, but so unstable, short and momentary in their fruition, as is most evident by the Danish Intruders?


Containing a Brief Historicall Collection of all the Parliamentary Councils, State-Assemblies, Historicall Passages, and Proceedings that con­cern the Fundamentall Liberties, Priviledges, Rights, Properties, Laws, and Government of the Nation, under the reign of King Edward the Confessor, from the year of our Lord 1042. to 1066. wherein he died.

KING Harde-Cnute being sodainly ta­ken out of this world without issue Anno 1042. by divine Justice on the 6 day of Iune Anno 1042. thereupon the Earls and Barons of England, immediately af­ter his death, assembled together in a Great Council, about the election of a New King: Wherein Chro. Joh. Bromton col. 934. Fox Acts and Monum. vol. 1. p. 200. 212. Speeds Hist. p. 410. Wigorniensis. Sim. Dunel­mensis Rad. de Diceto. Mat. Westminster. Huntindon, Hovedon, Po­lychronicon. Fa­bian, Caxton, Holinshed, Grafton. OMNES ANGLORUM MAGNATES ad invicem tractantes, DE COMMVNI CONCILIO ET JURAMENTO STATUERUNT, QUOD NUNQUAM TEMPORIBUS FUTURIS ALIQUIS DA­CUS SUPER EOS IN ANGLIA REGNARET; & hoc maxim [...] pro contemptibus quos Angli à Danis saepiu [...] acceperunt, &c. as the Chronicle of Bromton & others in­forme us: All the Nobles of the English treating to­gether decreed by common advice, which they ratified with an oath; THAT IN TIMES TO COME NEVER ANY DANE (or person of the Danish blood) SHOULD REIGN OR BE KING OVER THEM IN EN­GLAND [Page 266] ANY MORE; disclaiming all Danish subjection; & that especially for the contempts which the English had ve­ry often received from the Danes. For if a Dane had met an Englishm [...]n upon any bridge, the Englishman must not be so hardy to move a foot, but stand st [...]ll till the Dane was pas­sed quite ever it. And moreover, if the Englishmen had not bowed down their heads to doe reverence to the Danes, they should presently have undergo [...]e great punishments and stripes. Whereupon King Harde-Cnute being dead, the English rising up against them, drove all the Danes, being then without a King and Captaine, out of the Realm of England, who speedily qu [...]tting the land, never returned in­to it afterwards.

And here we may justly stand still a while, and con­template the admirable retaliating justice of God upon our Danish usurping Kings and their Posterity: King (b) Page 223. 224. 225. Cnute as you heard before, caused the temporizing En­glish Bishops, Nobles and Barons assembled in a Parlia­mentary Council, against their oaths of allegiance to King Ethelred, Edmund Ironside and their heirs no less then twice one after another, to renounce, cast off, and ab­jure their regall Posterity, to make them incapable of the Crowne of England, and settle the inheritance [...] of it upon him and his Danish blood. Anno 1016. and 1017. And now in little more then twenty years after, all the English Prelates and Nobles assembled in Council, of their own accords, by a solemn Decree and Oath, abjure, ren [...]unce, and eternally disinherit all the Danish blood-royall of the Crown of England, and restore the Saxon English royall line to that soveraignty, which they had formerly disclaimed: such are the vicif [...]itudes of divine Justice and providence, worthy our observation in these wheeling times wherein we live, when no man knoweth what chan­ges of like nature Prov. 27. 1. one day or year may bring forth.

The English putting their Decree for cashiering all the Danes in execution, Bromton col. 934. Hove­den, Huntin­don, Malmesb. Math. Westm. Fox, Speed, Caxtons Chro. pars. 6. turned the mout of all the Castles, Forts, Garrisons, Cities, Villages th [...]oughout England, as [Page 267] well those of the Royall and Noble blood, as the vulgar sort, and forced them to depart the Realm, as they had formerly banished the English Princes and Nobles. Huntindon Hist. l. 6. p. 365 Brom [...]on col. 934. Fox vol. 1. p. 210. 212. Speed p. 410. Proc [...]re [...] igitur Anglorum [...]am DACORUM DOMINIO LIBERATI, The Nobles therefore of Engl. being thus freed from the Danes dominion; for so much of God of his mercy and providence (who is the maker of heirs) thought good after the wofull captivity of the English Nation, to grant them some respite of deliverance in ta­king Propos. 5. 6. 8. away the Danish Kings without any issue left be­hinde them, who reigning here in England kept the English people in miserable subjection about the space of 28 years, and from their first landing in the time of King Brict [...]icus, wasted and vexed this land for the space of 255 years: their Tyranny now coming to an end by the death of Harde Cnute; they thereupon assem­bling together in a great Council, with a generall con­sent, elected Prince Edward (surnamed the Confessor, the youngest and onely surviving son of King Ethelred) for their King; who ANNUENTE CLERO ET POPU­LO LONDONIIS IN REGEM ELIGITUR, as Flores Hist. p. 415. Mat. Westminster relates; whereupon Edward being then in Normandy, where he had long lived in exile, being a man of a gentle and soft spirit, more appliable to other mens counsels then able to trust his own, & naturally so averse from all war & bloodshed, that he wished rather to continue all his life long in a private exiled estate, then by war or blood to aspire to the Crown) the Lords sent messengers to him, to come over and take peaceable pos­session of the Kingdome of England, they having chosen him for their King, advising him to bring with him as few Nor­mans as he could, and they would most faithfully establish him in the throne. Edward, though at first he much doubted what course to stear, somewhat mistrusting the treachery and inconstancy of the fickle headed English, yet at last upon the importunity of the messengers, who informed him Malmsbur. de Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 13. melius esse ut vivat gloriosus in Im­perio, [Page 268] quàm ignominiosus moria [...]ur in exili [...]. JURE EI COM­PETERE REGNUM, aevo maturo laboribus defaecato, sci [...]ti administrare principatum per aetatem severè, mise­rias Provinci [...]lium pro pristina aequitate temperare, &c. and upon putting in sufficient pledges, and an oath given for his security, he came into England with a small train of Normans, where he was joyfully received by the Nobles and people. Nec mora, Gilingeam (or rather Londoniam) CONGREGATO CONCILIO, rationibus suis explicitis regem effecit, Dominio palam ab omnibus dato, as Malmsbury; or electus [...]st in Regem ab omni populo, as Hist. l. 6. p. 365. Huntindon and others expresse it. After which on Easter day, Apr 2. 1043. he was solemnly crowned King at Winchester, with great pomp, by E [...]dsi Arch-bishop of Canterbury, by the unanimou [...] consent of the Archbi­shops, Bishops, Nobles, Clergie and people of England, to their great joy and content, without the least opposition, war or blood-shed, after 25 yeares seclusion from the Crown by the Danish usurpers.

Our Malmesb. d [...] Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 13. de gest. Pontis. A [...]gl. l. 2. c. 13. p. 249. Mat. Westm. An. 1055. p. 422. Hen. Huntind. Hist. l. 6. Sim. Dunelmensis Hist. col. 136. Polychronicon l. 6. c. 18. Alre­dus Ahbas de vita & mira­culis Edwardi Confessoris col. 373. Chron. Joh. Bromton col. 909. 955. H. de Knygh­ton. de En [...]ri­bus Angl. l. 1. c. 3. Antiq [...]ita­tes Eccl. Brit. p. 88, 89. Speeds Hist. p. 410. Ribadenira and Capgrave in the life of king Edward. Historians generally record, that Bryghtwold a Monk of Glastenbury (afterwards first Bishop of Wil­ton) when King Cnute had banished, and almost extin­guished the whole royal issue of the English race, almost past any possibility or probability of their restitution to the Crown, which he had forcibly invaded by the sword; on a certian night fell into a sad deep contemplation of the forlorn condition of the royall Progeny of the En­glish nation, then almost quite deleted by the Danes, and of the miserable condition of England under these for­raign usurpers. After which falling into a deep sleep, he saw in a vision the Apostle S. Peter himself, holding Prince Edward (then an exile in Normandy) by the hand, and anointing him King in his sight: who declared to him at large how holy this Edward should be, that his reign should be peaceable, and that it should continue for 23 years. After which Bryghtwold being yet unsa­tisfied who should succed him, and doubting of Edwards [Page 269] off-spring, demanded of S. Peter, who should succeed him? whereunto S. Peter returned him this answer, REG­NUM ANGLIAE EST REGNUM DEI, ET IPSE SIBI REGES (or REGEM as some render it) PROVIDE­BIT. The Realm of England is Gods Ki [...]gdome, and he himself shall provide Kings, or a King for himself, accor­ding to his good pleasur [...]. Yea the golden legend of King Edwards life informs us, THAT HE WAS CHOSEN KING OF ENGLAND BY CONSENT OF PARLI­AMENT WHILES HE WAS YET IN HIS MO­THERS W [...]MB, as well as after Harde-Cnute's death. Take the relation of it in De vita & miraculis Edw: Confessoris. col. 372. 373. Abbot Ailreds words; and of Brightwolds vision likewise. Cum igitur gloriosus Rex Ethelredus ex filia praeclarissimi comitis Thoreti fili­um suscepisset Eadmundum, cognomento Ferreumlatus, ex Regina autem Emma, Aluredum; beatus Edvardus inter Viscera mat [...]rna conclusus utri (que) praefertur agente Propos. 5. 6. 8. eo qui omnia operatur secundum concilium voluntatis suae, qui dominatur in regno hominum, & cui voluerit dat illud. FIT MAGNUS CORAM REGE EPISCOPORUM PROCERUMQUE CONVENTUS, magnus plebis vulgique concursus, & quia jam futurae cladis indicia saeva prae­cesserant, AGITUR INTER EOS DE REGNI STA­TU TRACTATUS. Deinde Rex successorem sibi desig­nare desiderans, QUID SINGULIS, QUIDVE OMNIBUS VIDERETUR EXPLORAT. Pro diversorum diversa senentia res pendebat in dubio. Alii enim E [...]dmundum ob invictissimum robur corporis, cae [...]eris aestimant praefere [...] ­du [...] alii ob virtutem Normannici generis Aluredum, promovendum tutiùs arbitrantur. Sed futurorum omni­um praescius, prioris brevissimam vitam, alterius mortem immaturam prospiciens, in puerū nec dum natū UNIVER­SORUM VOTA CONVERTIT. Ʋtero adhuc clauditur, & in Regem eligitur, non natus natis praefertur, & quem nec dum terra susceperat, terrae dominus designatur. Praebet electioni REX CONSENSUM, laeti PRAEBENT PROCE­RES SACRAMENTUM, & inusitato miraculo IN [Page 270] Ejus FIDELITATE JURARUNT, qui utrum nasceretur ignorarun [...]. Tua haec sunt opera, Christe Jesu, qui o [...] ­nia operaris in omnibus, qui electum & dilectum tibi an [...]e mundi constitutionem plebis tui recto [...]em hiis indiciis de­clarasti; quem li è [...] per illos, non tamen illi, s [...]d tu potius ele­gisti. Quis enim non videat [...]ec aptum usui, nec convenient tempo [...]i, nec consonum rationi, nec humano ferendum fuisse sensui, ut omissis fili [...] l [...]gi [...]imis & adultis, hostili gladio imminente, parvulus, nec dum natus ELIGERETUR IN REGEM quem in tali n [...]cessitate n [...]c hostes m [...]tuerent, nec ci [...]es revererentur. Sed omnipotens Deus Spiritum prophe­siae voci simul & affectui plebis infudit. praesentia mala spe futurae conselationis temperans, ut sciant omnes in to­tius regni consolationem regem futurum, quem ab ipso Deo, plebe nesciente quid fecerit, nullus dubitaret electum. Sae­vibat interim gladius hostilis in Anglia; caedibus & rapinis omnia replebantur, ubique luctus, ubique clamer, ubique desolatio. Incenduntur ecclesiae, monasteria devastantur, & ut verbis propheticis utar, effuderunt sanguinem san­ctorum in circuitu Jerusalem, & non erat qui sepeliret. Sacerdotes suis fugati sedibus, sicubi pax & quies aliqua in monasteriis vel locis desertis inveniebatur, communem miseriam deplorantes delitescebant. Inter quos vene [...]abi­lis Bryghtwaldus Wintoniensis Episcopus, caenobium Glastoniense maerens & tristis ingressus, orationibus vaca­bat & psalmis. Qui cum aliquando pro Regis, plebisque liberatione preces lacrymas (que) profunderet, quasi in haec ver­ba prorumpens. Et tu, inquit, Domine usque quo? usque quo avertis faciem tuam, obliviscens inopiae nostrae & tribulationis nostrae? Sanctos tuos occiderunt, altaria tua suffoderunt, & non est qui redimat, neque qui sal­vum faciat. Scio Domine, scio, quia omnia quae fecisti nobis, in vero judicio fecisti: sed nunquid in aeternum projiciet Deus, & non opponet & complacitus sit ad­huc? erit ne Domine Deus mens, erit ne finis horum mi­rabilium? aut in aeternum tuus in nos mucro desaeviet, & percutias usque ad internecionem? Inter pr [...]ces tandem [Page 271] & lachrimas fatigatum soper suavis excepit; vidit (que) per somnium cael [...]stem chorum cum lumine, beatissimumque Petrum in [...]minenti loco constitutum, dignum taentae ma­jestati habi [...]um praeferentem. Vid [...]batur ante eum vir pyae­clari vult [...]s in forma decenti regalibus amictus insigniis, qu [...]m cum p [...]opriis manibus Apostolus censecrasset & unxis­set in regem, monita salutis adj [...]cit, praecipu [...]que caelibem vitam commendans, quot esset annos regnatu [...]us aperuit. Obstupefactus Praesul tanti novitate miraculi, petit sibi à sancto visionis hujus mysterium revelari: de statu insuper regni & instantis sine periculi apostolicum exegit [...]raculum. Tunc factus vultis placido in tuens intuentem. Domini, in­qu [...]t, o Praesul, Domini est regnum, ipse dominatur in filiis hominum. Ipse transfert r [...]gna, & mutat imperia, & propter peccata populi regnare facit hypocritam. Pecca­tum peccav [...]t populus tuns Domino, & tradidit eos in manus Gentium, & dominati sunt etiam qui oderunt eos. Sed non obliviscitur misereri Deus, nec continebit in ira su [...] misericordias suas, Erit enim, cum dormis cum pa­tribus tuis sepultus in senectute bona, visitabit Dominus populū suū, & faciet redemtionem ple bis suae Eliget enim fibi vi [...]ū secundum cor suum qui faciet omnes voluntates suas; qui me opitulante regnū adeptus, Anglorum Danico furori finem imponet. Erit enim acceptus Deo & gratus hominibus, amabilis civibus, terribilis hostibus, utilis eccle­siae. Qui cum praescriptum terminū regnandi in justitia & pace compleverit, laudabilem vitam sancto fine conclu­det. Quae omnia in beato Edwardo completa rei exitus comprobavit; Expergefactus Pontifex rursùs ad p [...]eces lacri­masqu [...] convertitur, & licet faelicitat [...]m suae gentis non esset ipse visurus, de malorum tamen fine c [...]rtus eff [...]ctus, gratias ag [...]ns Deo plurimum gratulabatur: Factus igitur animae­quior, populis poenitentiam praedicabat, quibus D [...]us mile­ric [...]rdi [...]m non defuturam constantissime pollic [...]ba [...]u [...].

From these passages whether reall, as man [...], as ficti­tions as some repute them, I shall onely observe these reall Truths.

[Page 272] 1. That in King E [...]h [...]lreds reign, great Parliamentary Councils were usually assembled, to consult of the weighty affairs, state, if not succession of the Realm of England.

2. That godly men in all ages have been deeply affe­cted with the misery, exile, disinheriting, and extirpa­tion of the Royal Issue and Posterity, by invading for­reign usurpers, and with the oppressions of their native countrey under their usu ped power; and have poured forth frequent and fervent prayers unto God in secret, for their restitution and relief.

3. That the Nobility, Clergy and people of England have ever had a propense naturall inclination and affe­ction to the true royall Blood and Posterity of the Nati­on, though forcibly constrained to a [...]jure and renounce them for a season by prevailing Intruders; electing them for their Kings, and preferring them before all others upon the very next opportunity to vindicate their rights and liberties, and rejecting the usurpers and their race.

4 That though the Kings of England were usually re­puted hereditary, yet in truth they were for the most part actually elected by the Prelates and Nobles in par­liamentary Councils, and appointed by the generality of the Clergy and people, and had oaths of allegiance given to them by their subjects.

5. That God doth many times beyond all probability and expectation, restore disinherited Princes to their Crowns, of which they have been forcibly deprived, after many years dispossession, and without any wars or ef­fusion of blood, even by the Nobles and peoples own voluntary choice and act, without their seeking: as he did here restore Prince Edward after 25 years interrup­tion, and Aurelius Ambrosius long before to the British Crown, to omit all others.

6. That Crowns invaded, ravished by force of armes and bloodshed, are seldome long or peaceably enjoyed by the usurpers themselves or their posterity, that of Curtius being an experimentall truth, Hist. l. 3. P. 396. Non est diu­turna possessio in quam gladio inducimur.

[Page 273] All which we find experimentally verified in this Histo­ry of King Edward his election and restitution to the Crown of England, worthy our special observation.

King Edw. coming to the Crown, was not onely very charitable to the poor, humble, mercifull and just to­wards all men, but also PLURES LEGES BONAS IN ANGLIA STATUIT, quae pro majore parte adhuc in regno tenerentur. Whereupon about the year 1043. (as the Chro­necle of Brompton, Col. 937. 938. William Caxton, in his Chronicle, and Mr. Selden inform us) Earl Godwin, a sugitive in Denmark for the murther of prince Alfred, hearing of (n) Chron. pars 6. his piety and mercy, resolved to return into England, humbly to implore his mercy and grace, that he might (o) Titles of Honour. part. 2. ch. 6. sect. 5. have his lands again that were confiscated: having pro­vided all things for his voyage, he put to sea and arri­ved in England, and then posted to London, UBI REX ET OMNES MAGNATES AD PARLIAMENTUM TUM FUERUNT, Where the King and all the Nobles were then at a parliament: here he beseeched & intreated his friends & kindred, who were the greatest Lords of the land after the King, that they would study to procure to him the Kings Grace and friendship, who having there­upon taken deliberate counsel among themselves, led him with them before the King to seek his Grace: But so soon as the King saw him he presently appealed him of TREASON, & of the death of Alfred his brother, and using these words unto him, said; THOU TRAITOUR GODVVIN, I THEE APPEAL FOR THE DEATH OF Prop. 2. 4. 5. 6. ALFRED MY BROTHER WHOM THOU HAST TRAITEROUSLY SLAIN. To whom Godwin excusing himself, answered, My Lord and King, saving your Reve­renes, and Grace, Peace, & Lordship, I never betrayed, nor yet slew your Brother: unde super hoc pono me IN CON­SIDERATIONE CURIAE VESTRAE; whence I put my self upon the consideration and judgement of your Court con­cerning this matter. Then said the King KARISSIMI DOMINI, COMITES ET BARONES TERRAE, &c. [Page 274] Most dear Lords, Earls and Barons of the land, who are my Liege men now here assembled, you have heard both my appeale and Godwins answer, Volo quod inter Nos in ista appeslatione, RECTUM JUDICIUM DE­CERNATIS, ET DEBITAM JUSTITIAM FACI­ATIS: I will that between us in this appeale you award right Iudgement and do due Iustice. COMITIBUS VERO ET BARONIBUS SUPER HOC AD INVICEM TRA­CTANTIBUS. Hereupon the Earls and Barons debating upon this businesse among themselves, some among them were different in their opinions from others in doing just judgement herein. For some said, that Godwin was never obliged to the King, (so Bromton, to Alfred writes Cax [...]on) by ho­mage, service, or fealty; and therefore HE WAS NOT HIS TRAITOUR, and that he had not slain Alfred with his own hands. But others said, Quod Comes, nec Baro, nec aliquis Regi subditus, BELLUM CONTRA REOEM IN APPELLATIONE SUA DE LEGE POTEST VA­DIARE: That neither the Earl nor any Baron, nor any Sub­ject to the King, could by the Law wage Battel against the King in his Appeal, but ought wholy to put himself in his mer­cy, and to offer him competent amends. Then Leofric Earl of Chester (or Coventry, as Caxton) a good man towards God and the world, spake and said: The Earl Godwin, after the King, is a man of the best parentage of all England; and he cannot deny but that BY HIS COUNCEL Alfred the Kings Brother was slain; wherefore I award as touching my part, that himself and his son, and every of us, DUODE­CIM COMITES, the twelve Earls who are his friends and kinsmen should go humbly before the King laden with as much gold and silver as every of us can carry between his arms, offering that to him for his trespasse, and submissively deprecating, that he would pardon all his rancour and ill­will to the Earle, and receiving his homage and fealty, he would restore and redeliver his lands intirely to him: Ʋnto which award THEY ALL ACCORDING, they all laded themselves with treasure in the manner aforesaid, and [Page 275] going to the King, declared unto him the order and manner of their JUDGEMENT, or AVVARD. QUORUM CON­SIDERATIONI REX CONTRADICERE NOLENS, QUI CQUID JUDICAVERANT PER OMNIA RATI­F [...]CAVIT. The King not willing to contradict them in any thing they had judged, ratified the same in all things. An agreement therefore being made between them in this manner, the Earl presently regained all his lands.

The generality of our Historians (as Bromton confes­seth) deny that Godwin ever fled into Denmark, or left England for the murder of Alfred; they generally af­firming, Malmesh. De g [...]st. Regum. l. 2. c. 12. Mat. Westm. Sim. Dunelmens. Wigorn. Hun­tind. Hoved. Polichron. Fab. Speed, Holinsh. Graft. that he purged himself thereof (though falsly) CORAM PROCERIBUS, before the Nobles in the reign of Harde-Cnute; swearing with his compurgators that he never consented to his death. NISI REGIA VI COACTUS, but through compulsion by royall violence. Recording likewise, that after the death of King Harde-Cnute, Prince Edward was called out of Normandy, and elected King, principally by the help and counsel of Earle Godwin himself, who (as Malmesbury and others write) perswaded him to accept the Crown, and precontracted with him before h [...] came into England: Paciscatur ergo sibi amicitiam solidam, filiis honores integros, filiae matrimo­nium; De gest. Regem l. 2. c. 13. p. 80. brevi futurum ut se Regem videat, qui nunc vi­tae naufragus, exul spei, alterius opem implorat. Utrin­que fide data, quicquid petebatur sacramento firma­vit. If there were then any such Parliament as this then held at London, and such proceedings in it concerning Godwin, it was most probably in the year 1043. as I here place it. And from these memorable proceedings in it, we may observe,

1. That there is mention onely of the King, Earls and Barons present in this Parliament as members of it, not of any Knights of shires, Citizens or Burgesses elected by the people, of which there is not one syllable.

2. That the Earls and Barons in Parliament were the onely Judges in that age in Parliament between the King [Page 276] and his Nobles, subjects, both in criminal and other causes there decided.

3. That Peers in that age were onely tryed and judged by their Peers, for treason and capitall offences.

4. That appeals of Treason were then tryed in Parlia­ment, and the Earls and Barons the sole Judges of them, and of what offences were Treason and what not.

5. That the Bishops and Clergy in that age had no votes in matters of Treason and capitall offences.

6. That the Judgement of Parliament then rested pro­perly in the Earls and Barons, not the King: and that their judgement was not repealable by, but obligatory to the King himself.

7. That no Subject could then by law wage battel a­gainst the King in an Appeal.

8. That the murther of Prince Alfred, then heir to the Crown, in the time of Harold an actuall King by usurpation without any good title, by his command, was reputed a treasonable offence in Earl Godwin, for which he forfeited his lands, and was forced to purchase his par­don and lands restitution with a great fine and summe to the King.

9. That though the Author of the Chronicle of Brom­ton (& Caxton out of him) stile this Assembly PARLIA­MENTUM, a Parliament, not a COUNCIL, yet it is onely Anno 1043. according to the style of the age wherein he writ (being in the reign of King Edward the third) as In his E­pistles to Histo­riae. Anglica. Scriptur. p. 41. Mr. Selden proves, not according to the dialect of the age wherein it was held; to which the term Parliamentum was a meer stranger, and CONCILIUM MAGNUM, &c. the usual name expressing such Assemblies.

Malmesbur. de. gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 13. Flor. Wi­gorniens. Mat. Westm. Sim. Du­nelmens. Ann. 1042. 1043. Bromton. col. 936. 937. Ho­ved. Annal. pars 1. p. 439. Poly­chronicon. l. 6. c. 33. Faban, Caxt. Holinsh. Grafton, Speed. King Edward, Anno 1643. immediately after his Coronation came suddenly from Glocester to Winchester, attended with Earl Godwin, Siward and Leofric, and by their advice forcibly took from his Mother Queen Em­ma, all her gold, silver, jewels, and precious stones, and whatever rich things else she possessed, commanding [Page 277] onely necessaries to be administred to her there. The Propos. 2. 4. cause of which unjust act, some affirm to be Godwins ma­lice towards her; others affirm it to be, her unnatural­nesse to King Ethelred her first husband, and her own sons by him, Alfred and Edward; In loving and marry­ing Cnute their enemy and supplanter, when living, and applauding him when dead, more then Ethelred. In ad­vancing Harde-Cnute her son by him to the Crown, and endeavouring to deprive Alfred & Edward thereof. In re­fusing to give any thing toward Prince Edw: his main­tenance whiles in exile and distresse, although he oft re­quested her to supply his necessities. In having some hand in the murther of Prince Alfred, and endeavou­ring to poyson King Edward himself, as the Chronicle of Bromton relates. After which, by the instigation of Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, a Norman born, he againe spoiled her of all she had, and shut her up priso­ner in the Abbey of Werwel, upon suspition of inconti­nency with Alwin Bishop of Winchester, from which false imputation she purged her self and the Bishop, by passing barefoot over nine red hot ploughshares with­out any harm. Whereupon the King craved mercy and pardon from her for the infamy and injury done unto her; for which he was disciplined and whipped by his Mother, and all the Bishops there present.

Anno 1044. Flor. Wigo­goriens. Sim. Dunelmens. Hovedon, Mat. Westm. Malmsb. De gest. reg. l. 2. c. 13. Holinsh. Grafton. There was GENERALE CONCI­LIUM CELEBRATUN, a General Council held at Lon­don, Anno 1044. wherein Wolmar was elected Abbot of Evesham. And this year King Edward DE COMMUNI CONCI­LIO PROCERUM SUORUM, as Bromton and others write (most likely when assembled in the Council at London) married Edith daughter of Earl Godwin in patrocinium regni sui, he being the most potent man in all the Realm; there being in her breast a magazine of all liberall ver­tues. Propos. 5. 2. And this same year (most probable by this same Councils Edict) Gunilda, a noble Matron, King Cnute's sisters daughter, with her two sons Hemming and Thur­kell, [Page 278] were banished out of England into Flanders, from whence after a little stay they departed into Denmark: (v) King Edward in the year 1045. assembled together Anno 1045. to the port of Sandwich a very numerous and strong (u) Flor. Wigor­neas. M. W [...]stm. Sim. Dunelm. Huntind. Bromt. Polychronic. Fabian, Speed. Navy, against Magnus King of Norway, purposing to invade Engl. But Swane King of Denmark then warring upon him, hindered his voyage for England. The next year 1046. Osgodus Clapa was banished out of England.

Wigorniens. Sim. D [...]nelm. Hovedo [...], Mat. Westmister, Malmesb. Brom­ton, & others. Swane King of Denmark Anno 1047. sent Am­bassadours Propos. 3. 9. to King Edward, desiring him to send a Navy Anno 1047. to him against Magnus King of Norway. Hereupon Earl Godwin counselled the King, to send him at least fifty ships furnished with souldiers: Sed quia Leofrico comiti, ET OMNI POPULO id non videbatur consilium, & CAE­TERI PROCERES DISSUASERUNT, nullum ei mit­tere voluit. But because that Council seemed not good to Propos. 6. 9. Earl Leofric and all the people, and the rest of the Nobles disswaded him from it, he would send no ships to him. Magnus furnished with a great Navy fought with Swane, and after a great slaughter on both sides, expel­led him out of Denmark, reigned in it, and compelled the Danes to pay him a great Tribute:

The Au­thors in (x.) Harold Harvager King of Norwey, Anno 1048. sent Ambassadours to King Edward, offering peace and Anno 1048. friendship to him, which he embraced. Also Swane King of Denmark sent other Ambassadours to him this year, Proposit. 3. 9. requesting a naval assistance of ships from him. But al­though Earl Godwin was willing, that at least fifty ships should be sent him, yet none were sent, because Earl Leofric, OMNISQUE POPULUS UNO ORE CONTRA­DIXERUNT, and all the people contradicted it with one voice. Historiae p. 295. 296. Abbot Ingulphus records, That Wul­gat Abbot of S. Pega, whose Abbey was quite destroyed and burnt to the ground by the Danes, had a long suit in the Kings Court with three Abbots of Burgh, con­cerning the seat of his Abbey, especially with Abbot Leofric, with whom he most strongly contended: Sed [Page 279] Regis curia nimium fav [...]nte potentiori, & contra paupe­rem sententiante, tandem sedem monasterii sui perdidit. Tanta fuit Abbatis Leofrici pecunia: tanta Comitis Godwini potentia, which he thus repeats. Illo in tempore Proposit. 4. 5. venerabilis Pater Wulgatus Abbas Pegelandiae diuti [...]si­mam calumniam passus ab Abbatibus Burgi, Elfrico, Arwino & Leofrico, Abbatiae suae sedem amittens tan­dem succubuit, & (proh nefas!) totum situm monasterii sui JUDICIO REGALIS CURIAE PERDIDIT. Tan­tum tunc potuit super Iustitiam pecunia, contra verita­tem versutia, & in CURIA regis Hardecnuti Godwini potentia. After which he addes, that in the year 1048. when the said Abbot Wulgat having lost the site of his Monastery, had laid the foundation of a new Monastery in his Manor of Northburt, next adjoyning to the old, intending to translate his Abbey thither, and diligently laboured to reedifie a Church, Dormitory, with other claustral offices there, being assisted with the alms of ma­ny believers, Ferno [...]us, a Kt. Ld. of Bosworth, openly shewd out of the Abbots own writings, that the said Manour of Northburt was given by his progenitors to the Monastery of S. Pega and to the Monks there serving God, whence by consequence he al [...]edged, That seeing Abbot Wulgat and his Monks did not serve God and S. Pega from th [...]t time forwards in that place (where the old Monastery stood) that they ought not from henceforth to enjoy the said Ma­nour. Acceptatum est hoc A REGIS JUSTITIARIO, ET CONFESTIM ADJUDICATUM EST dictum ma­nerium de Northburt cum omnibus suis pertinentiis prae­dicto militi Fernoto, & tanquam jus suum haereditariū, de monachis ecclesiae sanctae Pegae, alienatū perpetuo & subla­tum. Quod tum per universum Regnum citius fuisset cog­nitum, scilicet Abbatum de Peikirk, prius amisisse mona­st [...]rium suum, & consequenter man [...]rium ad monasterium quondam pertinens; similiter Edmerus miles & dominus de Holbrok calumniam mov [...]t contra eundem Abbatem & monachos suos de manerio suo de Maksey; & Horsingus [Page 280] de Wathe calumniatus est, & pro Manerio suo de Bading [...]ō, & Siwardus Comes de Manerio suo de Bernack, & Hu­golonus Thesaurarius de Manerio de Helieston, & alii plures de aliis mane iis dicto Monasterio dudum pertinenti­bu; & omnes eadem ratione in dicta causa contra Mona­chos obtinuerunt, & tam de maneriis, quam de Monasteri [...] suo dictus Abbas de Peibec ac Monachi sui nequiter & crud [...]liter ejecti sunt, ut nunquam alicui veniat damnum solum. Cum itaque Abbas Wulgatus & conventus suus, Monachi scilicet, &c sic de Monasterio destituti, vaga­bundi & in proximo dispergendi in omnem ventum pro ex­trema miseria fluctuarent, misertus eorum piissimus R [...]x Edwardus, omnes in suam curiam suscepit, & usquequo ei [...] provideret, suam capellam, ac aulam quotidie frequentare imperavit. The Abbot of Croyland dying soon after, and his pastorall staff by which he was invested, being presented by the Prior and two Monks to King Edward, the King thereupon immediately invested Wulgatus in the Regiment of the Monastery of Croyland by the de­livery of the Pastorall staff unto him, seconded with his Charter of donation, without any election by the Co­vent. Inter praecipua Monasteria tunc magno nomine praedicabatur Croilandia, tot & tanta in tempore Danicae Tribulationis in Regis curiam semper manu promptissima effuderat donaria ET TRIBUTA. A multis itaque annis retroactis, NULLA ELECTIO PRAELATORUM ERAT MERE LIBERA ET CANONICA, SED OM­NES DIGNITATES TAM EPISCOPORUM QUAM ABBATUM PER ANNULUM ET BACULUM REGIS CURIA PRO SUA COMPLACENTIA CONFEREBAT. These proceedings and judgements against the Abbot & (a) De gest. reg. l. 2. c. 13. p. 79. 80. Monks of S. Pega and Peikirk, were the occasion (as I conceive) of this passage in William of Malmesb. touch­ing King Edwards reign. Fuerunt tam [...]n nonnulla quae gloriam temporum deturbarent. Monasteria tunc mona­chis viduata; PRAVA JUDICIA A PRAVIS HOMI­NIBUS COMMISSA, &c. Sed harum rerum invidi­am [Page 281] amatores ipsum ita extenuare conantur: Monasterio­rum destructio, PERVERSITAS JUDICIORUM, non ejus scientia, sed per Godwini filiorumque ejus sunt com­missa violentiam, qui regis indulgentiam videbant; postea tamen ad eum delata, acriter eorum exilio vindicata. To which may be referred that story of Walter Mapaeus, in Mr. Cambdens Britannia, p. 374. 375. of Earl God­wins thrusting the Abbesse of Berkley and her Nunnes out of the Monastery of Berkley (which he begged of King Edward) by this wile; He caused a young Nephew of his feigning himself sick, to lie so long in the Nunnery till he left the Abbesse and all her Nunnes great with child: and then complaining of, & proving this their incontinency before the King, ejected the Abbesse and Nunnes, and gained the Nunnery and Manour of Berkley to himself, worth 500l. revenue. Together with this Camdens Britan. Suss. p. 307. Godwins cheating the Archbishop of Canterbury of his Manour of Boseam in Sussex, by a wily word-trap and equivoca­tion, recorded by the same authors.

King Edward, Anno 1049. was so deeply affected Anno 1049. and ravished with Gods extraordinary mercy towards (c) Mat. Westm. An. 1049. p. 416. him, in preserving him like another Ioash from the cruelty of the bloody Danes, and restoring him beyond expectation to the Crown of England, without his seeking, or the least effusion of blood, after sundry years dispossession by the Danish Intruders, that there­upon, he vowed a solemn pilgrimage to Rome, there to render humble thanks and gifts to God for this signall mercy. For diligently having prepared great summes of money to defray his expences, with many rich presents, he assembled all the Nobles and Prelates of the Realm in a Parliamentary Council, acquainting them with this his vow and intended pilgrimage, and craving their advice, how the Realme might be justly governed, preserved in peace, and defended in his absence, till his returne from Rome. Upon which the Nobles after Propos. 5. 6. 9. serious consultation, considering the great inconve­niences and perils that might be [...]all the kingdome by his absence, being but newly setled; and the manifold [Page 282] dangers that might happen to him in so long a journey; and what new troubles and mishaps might befall the Realm, if he should miscarry in the way, having no issue; would by n [...] meanes permit him to undertake this pilgrimage, but disswaded him from it; and by com­mon consent at last agreed to send solemn Ambassadours from the King and them to the Pope, to represent the in­c [...]nveniences and perils that might b [...]fall the Realm by his absence from it, and thereupon to procure a dispensation from this his vow and pilgrimage. Which the Ambassa­dours accordingly representing, the Pope thereupon dispensed with the Kings vow, upon this condition and firme injunction, that the King should distribute to the poore all the expences he had provided for his journey, and should either build a new, or repaire an old Monastery, in honour of S. Peter, the Prince of the Apostles, and endow it with sufficient revenues to maintain the Monks; confir­ming by his Apostolicall Authority all the lands or reve­nues which the King or any other should conferre upon that Monastery, and whatever privilidges he would think fit to grant thereunto, pertaining to the honour of God and de­nouncing an eternall malediction against the infring [...]rs of them. The Ambassadours returning with this dispen­sation, St. Peter revealed to one Ʋlsin a Monk and Anchorite, that his will was, that the place called West­minster (then lying ruinous) should be restored: which vision when he had related to the King and his Coun­cil, REX TOTIUS REGNI CONSILIO, The King by the advice of the whole Realme (assembled in a par­liamentary council) rebuilt the foresaid place, and endow­ed and enlarged it with very ample possessions, rents and li­berties.

The passages of this story being very memorable, and pertinent to my discourse, I shall present you with them at large in the words of Abbot Ailred, who thus records them. De vita & Mucanilis Ed­wardi Confes. col. 379. 380. 381. &c. ‘Succedentibus prosperis, Rex beatus nequaquam sui sponsionis est oblitus, nec in die bo­norum, immemor fuit malorum. Sed cogitans & recogitans quanta sibi fecerit Dominus, qui ditavit Prop. 5. 6. 9. [Page 283] egenum, sublimavit humilem, inglorium coronavit, parat reddere vota quae distrinxerunt labia ejus. Parat-sumptus, separat donaria, VOCATISQU [...] TO­TIUS REGNI PRIMATIBUS, habuit cum eis hu­jusmodi, vel DE STATU REGNI, vel DE SUA PE­REGRINATIONE SERMONEM.’

Benedictus Deus qui magnificavit miseric [...]rdiam suam facere nobiscum, qui visitavit in virga iniquita­tes nostras, & in verberibus peccata nostra, pietatem suam non amovit à nobis. Ecce quomodo deposuit po­tentes, & exaltavit humiles; quom [...]do esurientes im­plevit bonis, & divites dimisit inanes. Per mo Reges regnant, ait ipse, & principes justa discernunt. Non excidit â nobis quomodo intrantibus in haereditatem nc­stram barbaris, facti sumus opprobrium vicinis nostris, subsannatio & illusio hiis qui in circuitu nostro sunt. Aliis namque interfectis, aliis fugatis, aliis jugo ignominiosae servitutis oppressis, ferè nikil honoris, nihil gloriae generi nostro reliquerunt. Tandem defuncto Patre meo, patribus peremptis, actis in exilium Nepotibus cum hostibus nostris in omnibus fortuna faveret, mihi profectò nikil sp [...]i su­peresse videbatur. Ego verò contra spem in spem cre­dens, & Domini misericordiae me totum dedens, peregri­nationem meam ad sanctorum Apostolorum limina vovi, & d [...]inceps divinae me protectioni dispositionique com­misi. Ille autem respexit in orationem mea, & non sprevit precem meam, & abstulit obprobrium meum, & restituit me in regnū Patris mei: insuper cumulavit divitiis, auxit gloriâ, donis coelestibus illustravit; SINE SANGUINE REBELLES SUBEGIT, hostes subvertit & omnia nostra amabili quadam composuit pace. Absit, absit ut tot & tantis ejus ben [...]ficiis inveniamur ingrati, quin potius de manu inimicorum nostrorum liberati, serviamus illi in justitia & veritate. Faci amusque quod ait Propheta; Vovete & reddite Domino Deo vestro. DECERNI­TE ER GO ME CUM, QUOMODO ME PEREGRINAN­TE REGNUM SUBSISTAT ANGLORUM; QUA LEGE, QUAPACE, QUO JUDICE OMNIA DISPO­NANTUR: QUIS CUI PRAEFERATUR REGI­ONI, [Page 284] QUIS CASTRA, QUIS URBES, QUIS PRIVA­TA, Propos. 5. 6. 9. QUIS PUBLICA NEGOTIA PROCURET. Erit enim unus omnibus Custos & PROTECTOR DEUS, & pacem quam dedit, ipse servabit, nobiscum proficiscens, & vobiscum rimanens, qui & vos custodiat, & me reduca [...].

Ad hanc vocem tota illa multitudo contremuit, & interiorem produnt lachrymis suspiriisque dolorem. Jam jamque manus Danica timebatur quam ejus meritis evaserant, jamjam (que) deletum iri totam patriam formida­bant. Erupit sermo in populum, & ecce clamor, ecce tu­multus, & quasi jam saevirent incendia, plena lacrimis insula videbatur. Videres pauperes nunc manus exten­dere ad coelum, nunc rursus in terram ruere, & quasi morituros fame si Rex discederet, de sepultura tantum & tumulo cogitare. Tunc OMNES IN COMMUNE VOCI-FERANTES IN REGEM, se non deserendos, se non ex­ponendos gladiis, patriam hostibus non prodendam, nec de­mittendū paces obsidē quim Dio dante receperant, nec pro uno, ut putabatur, bone tot ADMITTENDA PERICULA AL­LEGABANT. IMPERANT PONTIFICES, ROGANT PROCERES, PLEBS EXTORQUET, ut si non omittendū iter istud censuerit, CENSEAT VEL DIEFERENDUM. Tunc ille tot lacrimis, tot vocibus, tot precibus se urge­ri sentiens, diu inter pietatem & desiderium fluctuabat; quia & voto supersedere periculosum, & tantorum pre­cibus fletibusque non cedere, inhumanum arbitrabatur. Tandem quod aptius esset Deo scire desiderans, peregri­nationem non quidem dimittendam sed differendam interim consultius aestimabat, donec Apostolicae auctori­tatis consilio & voluntate consulta, ex ejus sententia, aut votum redimeret aut impleret. His auditis, tanta fuit omnibus divitibus pauperibus (que) laetitia, ut Edwardum su­um rursus sibi redditum, rursus revocatum exilio aestima­rent. Agit unusquisque pro gradu suo, pro officio suo, pro facultate sua, ut regem dilationis non toedeat, aliis oratio­nes, elemosinas aliis, suam etiam pro eo peregrinationem nonnullis promittentibus. Dirigendi mox ad sedem apo­stolicam ELIGUNTUR LEGATI, Archi [...]piscopus Eh [...]ra­censis A [...]lredus, Episcopus Wint [...]iensis Hermannus, [Page 285] Abbates praeterea duo spectatae religionis, cum pluribus aliis tam clericis quam laicis. Parantur interim necessa­ria, sucseptoque à rege mandato ad urbē proficiscuntur. Credendum Dei actum providentiâ ut regii responsales congregatam ibi SYNODUM MAXIMAM reperirent, in qua praesidente beatae recordationis Papa Leone, de negotiis ecclesiasticis tractabatur. Gaudet in eorum ad­ventu illa sanctorum praeclara societas, & quasi sibi mis­sum de caelo solatium tantorum Patrum praesentiam sus­ceperunt; magnum Dei munus judicantes, quod à fini­bus terrae tales viri tali tempore tali conventui occurris­sent. Igitur patre beatissimo praecipiente nuncii causam pro qua venerant dicturi procedūt in mediū, patribus qui assidebant praebentibus cum summa devotione silentium. Exponunt desiderium regis, ET REGNI PERICULUM, dispendium pacis, clamorem pauperum, lacrimas or­phanorum; O [...]DUCTAM ETIAM NECDUM RECEN­TIS PLAGAE CICATRICEM ASSEREBANT, QUAE DANICA RAB [...]E ANGLIS INFLICTA, SI REX DECEDERET, ACRIOR TIMEBATUR. Silentibus nunciis sonuit in ore omnium gratiarum actio & vox lau­dis. Praedicatur circa Deum Regis, circa Regem plebis devotio, Mirantur mansuetudinem David, prudentiam Joseph, divitias Solomonis in tali principe convenisse. Tandem summo Pontifice dictante sententiam, OMNES IN COMMUNE DECERNUNT, PRO PACE REGNI, PRO UTILITATE ECCLESIAE, pro necessitate pau­perum, & quiete monasteriorum, Regem auctoritate Dei & beati Petri, PRAESENTIS ETIAM SACRA­TISSIMAE SYNODI, à voti hujus vinculo solempniter absolvendum, expensas paratas itineri pa [...]peribus ero­gandas; in voti recompensatione construendū in Honorē beati Petri regiis copiis monasterium, vel aliquod destru­ctum à barbaris reparandum. Exhinc legatarii obla­tis muneribus quae sanctorum Eccles [...]is Rex sanctus di­rexerat, accepta benedictione Pontif [...]cis cum literis a po­stolicis laeti repatriant: transvecti (que) in insulam IN CON­SPECTU CONCILII, QUOD PROPTER HOC IP­SUM REGIA POTESTAS COEGERAT; epistolam tradiderunt.

[Page 286] ‘Leo Episcopus servus servorum D [...]i, dilecto filio Ed­wardo Anglorum Regi salutem & apostolicam benedicti­onem. Quoniam voluntatem tuam laudabilem & Deo gratam agnovimus, gratias agimus & ei per quem reges regnant, & principes justa odecernunt. Sed quia prope est Dominus in omni loco omnibus invocantibus eum in veri­tate, Prayers then by th [...]s Popes d [...]cree are as effectuall and acceptable to God in any o­ther place as in Rome it self. & sancti Apostoli cum suo capite conjuncti unus spiri­tus sunt, & pias preces aequaliter audiunt; El QUIA CON­STAT PERICLITARI REGIONEM ANGLICA­NAM EX TUA DISCESSIONE QUI FRAENO JU­STITIAE TUAE SEDITIOSOS Ejus MOTUS COHI­BES. Ex auctoritate Dei & sanctorum Apostolorum & SANCTAE SYNODI absolvimus te à peccato illius voti Popes in that age determi­ned no weigh­ty matters, e­ven in Rome it self, but by the major part or unanimous vote of a Sy­nod. pro quo Dei offensam times, & ab omnibus negligentiis & iniquitatibus tuis; [...]a nimirum potestate usi quam De­minus in beato Petro concessit nobis, dicens, Quaecunque solveritis super terram, soluta erant in coelis. Deinde prae­cipimus tibi sub nomine sancta obedientiae & poenitentiae, ut expensas quas ad iter istud paravaras, pauperibus eroges & coenobium Monachorū in hono [...]e sancti Petri apostolorū principis aut novum construas, aut vetustum augeas & emendes, & sufficientiā victualium fratribus de tuis reddi­tibus constituas, quatenus dum illi assidue inibi Deum laudaverint, & sanctis augeatur gloria, & tibi indulgen­tia: Cui loco quicquid contul [...]ris vel collatum est, vel confe­retur, ut ratum sit apostolica authoritate praecipimus, & ut semper habitatio Monachorum sit, & nulli laitae per­sonae nisi regi subdatur. Et quaecunque privilegia ibi con­stituere volueris ad honorem Dei pertinentia, concedimus, & robustissima auctoritate confirmamus, & infractores corum aeterna maledictione dampnamus.

After which Abbot Ailred at large relates the vision of the Anchorite in Worcester-shire, and S. Peters com­mand to him therein, to eminent King Edward in dis­charge of his vow, to repaire and endow the Abbey of Westminster, which he signified in a letter sent by him to the King, delivered and read in the Council the very same day the Popes letter was read. Ea igitur die, loco co [...]ē, INEODEMCONCILIO quo legati redeuntes ab urb [...], [Page 287] apostolicum retulere mandatum, epistola etiam viri Dei regi praesentata profertur in medium. Lectoque sancti Pa­pae Leonis rescripto, loco sequenti beati senis apices recitan­tur, &c. Tunc rex laetus & alacer, ut ei fuerat constitu­tum, (e) Ailredus Abbas Rival­lis, de vita▪ & miraculis Edw. Confess. col. 386. 387. 388. pecuniam quam in poregrinationis suae solatium pro­curaverat, dispersit & dedit pauperibus, operique injuncto intendens animum thesauros [...]ffudit. When he had ful­ly rebuilt and finished this Monastery, he sent Aeldred Archb. of York, Guiso Bishop of Wells, and Walter Bish. of Herefo [...]d again to Rome to Pope Nicholas, with a Let­ter and Peter pence, and royall presents, desiring his ab­solution from his former vow, and confirmation of the liberties and priviledges of the Abby of Westminster, and the lands conferred on it; who thereupon granted to this Abbey. Ʋt amplius in perpetuum regiae constitutio­nis & consecrationis locus sit, atque repositorium regalium insignium, & habitatio perpetua monachorum, qui nulli omnino personae nisi regi subdantur, habeantque potestatem secundum regulam sancti Benedicti per successores eligere idoneos Abbates, &c. Absolving and exempting the Abby from all episcopal service, exaction, Dominion & Jurisdictior, ratifying all their lands and liberties, d [...]nouncing a perpe­tuall Anathema against the invaders, diminishers, disper­sers, or sellers of them, with Judas the Traytor. Closing his Bull and letter thus; Vebis vero, & poste [...]is vestris regibus committimus ADVOCATIONEM & tuiti [...]nem ejusdem loci, & OMNIUM TOTIUS ANGLIAE ECCLESIA­RUM, ut vice nostra CUM CONCILIO EPISCOPO­RUM ET ABBATUM, CONSTITUAS UBIQUE QUAE JUST A SUNT. Scientes per hoc vos recepturos dignam merced [...]m ab eo, cujus regnum & imperium non desinet nec minuetur in seculum. The Kings and Popes letters are at large recorded by Ailred, who addes, Lectis igitur A [...]ostolicae majestatis apicibus, exultavit in gaudio Rex bea­tissimus, omnique solicitudine quam ex voti obligatione con­trax [...]rat exuitur, CUNCTAQUE REGNI NEGOTIA DUCIBUS PROCERIBUS QUE COMMITTENS, totum se divinis mancipabat obsequiis.

Spelmant Concil. p. 626. to 637. K. Edw: after these two Embassiies to Rome, by three Propos. 5. 10. [Page 288] severall Charters (wherein he recites these Embassies, the Popes letters in answer to them, and the vision a­foresaid) CUM TOTIUS REGNI ELECTIONE: & CUM CONSILIO ET DECRETO ARCHIEPISCOPORUM, EPISCOPORUM, COMITUM, ALIORUMQUE MEO­RUM OPTIMATUM PROSPICIENS (assembled in a great parliamentary Council for that purpose) granted and confirmed sundry lands and priviledges to this Ab­by of Westm. which all the Prelates confirmed, not onely with their subscriptions and the sign of the crosse, but likewise with a solemn excommunication: In the first of which Charters there is this memorable recital agreeing with Abbot Ailreds relation.

Spelm [...]n. Concil. p. 628. Edwardus Dei gratia Anglorum Rex, &c. Scire vos volo, quoniam tempore avorum meorum, patris (que) mei, multa & gravia bellorum pericula afflixerunt gentem Anglorum, & ipsos tam â suis, quàm ab extraneis conci­tata; adeo ut penè periclitata sit HAEREDITARIA REGUM SUCCESSIO, magnumque interstitium inter fratrem meum Edmundum, qui patri meo mortuo suc­cessit, meque habitum sit, invadentibus regnum Swege­no & Cnutho filio ejus, Regibus Danorum, ac filiis ipsius Cnuthi, Haroldo & Harde-Cnutho; à quibus & alter me­us frater Alfredus crudeliter est occisus, solusque, sicut Joas occisionem Otholiae, sic ego crudelitatem eorum evasi. Tandem respectu misericordiae DEI, POST PLURES ANNOS EGO EDWARDUS AD PATERNUM SOLUM REACCESSI, ET EO POTITUS SINE ULLO BELLORUM LABORE, sicut amabilis Deo Solomon, tantâ pace & rerum opulentiâ abundavi, ut nullus an­tecedentium regum similis mei fuerit in gloria & divi­tiis.’ Sed gratia Dei, non me, ut assolet, ex opulentia & superbia contemptus invasit; immo coepi cogitare cu­jus dono & auxilio ad regni culmen evasi, quoniam dei est regnum, & cui vult dare illud; & quia mundus tran­sit & concupiscentia ejus, qui autem totum se subdit Deo, feliciter regnat, & perpetualiter dives est: itaque deliberavi me ire ad lumina subliminum Apostolorum Petri & Pauli, & ibi gratias agere pro collatis beneficiis, [Page 289] & exorare ut eam pacem firmaret Deus perpetuam mihi Prop. 3. 3. 9. & posteris meis. Praeparevi ergo & denumeravi expen­sas necessarias itineri; & honorabilia dona quae ferrem sanctis Apostolis. SED GRAVIUS SUPER RE MAEROR HABEBAT OPTIMATES MEOS, utpote memores ma­lorū quae sub aliis regibus pertulerant, NE TANTO DO­MINO, ET PRO PATRIAE REGE ABSENTE REGNŪ NOVITER SEDATUM ALIQUA TURBARETUR HO­STILITATE, & metuentes id quod sanctus Ezechias, ne si forte in via aut aegritudine, aut alio incommodo defice­rem, HAEREDITARIIS RRGIBUS CARERENT, maxime quia nullum habebam filium. Itaque COMMU­NI HABITO CONCILIO, ROGABANT ME UT AB INTENTIONE DESISTEREM, pollicentes se satisfa­ctur [...]s Deo pro voto meo, tam in missarum & orati­onū oblatione, quā in larga eleemosynarū distributione. Sed cum obnixè contradicerem, TANDEN UTRISQUE PLACUIT, UT MITTERENTUR LEGATI DUO AB U­TRA (que) PATRE, Eldredus & Hereman [...]us Episcopi, & Ab­bates Wulfricus & Eswynus, qui Apostolo meā voluntatē & votum, & ILLORUM PETITIONEM indicarent, & secundum ejus sententiam quam mihi mandaret promisi me omnia facturum. Factum est ergo quod volumus, & venientes Romam Legati nostri ex voluntate Dei, inve­nerunt COLLECTAM SYNODUM in eadem urbe; cum (que) exposuissent meam voluntasem & suam petitionem co­ram ducentis & quinquaginta Episcopis & alia multitu­dine sanctorum Patrum, tunc Apostolicus EX CONSILIO SANCTAE SYNODI hanc Epistolam scripsit. Leo, &c. Haec & alia Apostolica mandata cum referrent nobis Le­gati, interea revelavit beatus Petrus, &c, voluntatem suam esse, ut restituerem locum, qui dcitur Westmo­nasterium, &c. Cumque mihi hanc visionem meisque retulisset, & Apostolicae literae aequalia praecepta detul [...]s­sent; contuli voluntatem meam cum voluntate Dei & TOTIUS REGNI ELECTIONE, dedi me ad restructi­onē ejusdem loci. Itaque DECIMARI praecepi omnem substantiam meam, tam in auro & argento quàm in pecu­dibus & omni genere possessionum, & destruens veterem, [Page 290] novam à fundamento basilicam construxi.

From which passages and charters (which I have cou­pled all together for their coherence in matter, though differing somewhat in time) I shall observe,

1. That parliamentary great Councils in that age, were summoned by the King upon all extraordinary occasions.

2. That the Prelates, Nobles, and Barons of the Realm were the onely members of the great parliamentary Councils (summoned onely by the Kings writs) without any Knights or Burgesses that we read of elected by the people.

3. That the Kings of Engl. in that age could not depart out of the Realm (no not to pay their solemn vows to God) nor appoint Vice-royes, Guardians, Officers, Jud­ges, Commanders, to govern or defend the Realm in their absence, without the advice and consent of their Nobles, in parliamentary Councils: nor yet endow Mo­nasteries with any Crown-lands, or Royal priviledges by their charters, unless by consent and confirmation of their Nobles and themselves in Parliament.

4. That the Nobles and grand Councils of Engl. had then a negative voyce, not onely to conclude against the King in his resolutions and intentions, but even in his sacred and religious vows, when prejudicial, dangerous & mischievous to the Realm, the publick peace & safety.

5. That Kings ought to submit to the just petitions, ad­vice & desires of their Nobles, Councils and people, in all things which concern their safety & tranquil [...]ity, though contrary not only to their private resolutions, but vows.

6. That the Nobles and Subjects of that age were very zealous both of the safety of their Kings persons, the kingdoms peace and security, and the hereditary succes­sion of the Crown.

7. That the Kings absence out of the Realm, or death, without any hereditary issue or heir, is exceeding pe­rillous and mischievous to the Realm, yea the cause of ma­ny seditions, tumults, perturbations and ruins.

8. That the sacred vows of Kings prejudicial to the Realm may and ought to be violated and dispensed with; [Page 291] and that by the resolution of two Popes, three Roman Synods, and two parliamentary Councils.

9. That God doth many times not onely preserve the right heirs to the Crown from the hands of bloody Tyrants and Usurpers who seek their life, but likewise mi­raculously and unexpectedly restore them to the Crown again without war or bloodshed, after many years se­clusion from it by intruding armed usurpers, as he did K. Edw. here after 25 years invasion of his right, Aurelius Ambrosius after 21 years long before.

10. That right heirs to the Crown, when so miraculously restored and reinthroned in their Kingdomes, ought to be extraordinarily affected with, and thankful, bountiful and devout to God for it, and their subjects likewise, both in words and deeds; as King Edward his Nobles and Subjects were.

Wigorniens. Huntind. Hove. Radul. de Dice­to. Sim. Dunelm. Bromt. Speeds Hist. p 411. Holinsh. Graft. and others. King Henry the Emperour, An. 1049. (when the forementioned parliamentary Council was held about Anno 1049. the Kings pilgrimage and Embassy to Rome) warring upon Baldwin Earl of Flanders, for burning his pa­lace, sent to King Edward, intreating him not to suffer Baldwin to escape, in case he should flie to sea. Whereupon the King went with a great fleet to Sandwich, which he there continued so long till the Emperour received from Baldwin whatever he desired. Henry Huntindon and the Chronicle of Bromton relate, that two Princes of the Propos. 3. 9. Danes, Lothin and Hirling the yeare before, having there taken an inestimable booty, and great store of gold and silver, they sailed by sea about the coast of Essex. pillaged it, and sailing thence into Flanders, there sold their prizes, and returned from whence they came. Which probably occasioned the kings drawing his fleet this year unto Sandwich, for defence of the coast, as well as the Emperours Embassy. Whiles the Kings fleet lay at Sand­wich, Swane Earl Godwins son (who formerly fled into Denmark, because he could not marry Abbesse Elgina, whom he had defloured) teturning into England with eight ships, gave out in speeches, that he would from henceforth faithfully remain with the King. Whereup­on [Page 292] Earl Beorn promised him to procure from the King that his Earldome should be restored to him. The Empe­rour and Earl Baldwin being agreed, Earl Godwin and Beorne by the Kings license sailed to Pemeuse with 42 ships, the rest of the Navy the King discharged and sent home, retaining onely a few ships with him. But being soon after informed, that Osgad Clapa (whom he had ba­nished) lay in Ʋlve with 29. ships, he recalled as many of the dismissed ships as he could, to encounter him. Osgad having received his wife, sailed with 6 of his ships into Denmark, the other 23 ships sailed towards Essex, having taken a great booty about the promontory of Edelfe, they were all cast away in a great storm, but two, wch were taken in the parts beyond the sea, & all the men in them put to the sword. In the mean time Swane dealt very deceitfully with Earle Beorne, intreating him to go with him to Sandwich to make his peace with the King; who considering his consanguinity, went to him at­tended onely with three men. Swane treacherously sending him to Bosenham where his ships rode at anchor, carried him on ship-board, bound him in chains, and at last slew and cast him into a pit. After which two of his ships being taken by those of Hastings and brought to the King at Sandwich, and 4 more of his ships being dismissed, he sailed with two ships onely into Ireland, till Ailred Bish. of Worcest. reduced and reconciled him un­to the King. The same year in the moneth of Aug. the Irish pirats with 36 ships arriving in the mouth of Se­vern by the help of Griffin King of Southwales, burnt and pillaged many villages, and put the inhabitants to the sword; against whom Ailred Bish. of Worcest. with few of the inhabitants of Worcester and Hereford speedi­ly marched; but the Welshmen amongst them, who had promised fidelity to them, sending presently to their K. Griffin, & intreating him with all possible speed to fall upon the English; thereupon he and the Irish pirats assaulting the English unexpectedly early in the mor­ning, slew many of them, and routed the rest.

[Page 297] King Edward in the year 1051. released the English, Anno 1051. From the heavy tribute or Danegeld, which Florentius Wigorniensis, and Simeon Dunelmensis, thus expresse. Rex Edvardus Absolvit Anglos A gravi vectigali. 38. Proposition 1. anno, ex quo pater ejus Rex Athelredus Danicos solidarios solvi mandavit &c. quod eis pater suus propter Danicos soli­darios imposuerat, as [...]hronicon. c [...]l 938. 943. Brompton renders it in another place; Roger de Hunedon Annalium pars 1. p. 441. Ro­dolphus de D [...]ceto Abbreviatione Chronicorum. col. 145. use the same words. Ailredus Abbas Rievallis, de vita & miraculis Edwardi Confessoris Col. 383. thus relates it. Insuper & Tributum illud gravissimum, quod tempore patris sui pr [...]mo classi Danicae pendebatur Postmodum vero fisco regio Annis singulis infereba­tur, regia liberalitate remisit, et ab onere hoc importa­bilt in perpe [...]uum Angliam absolvit. Ʋnde sancto huic regi non inconvenienter aptatur quod scriptum est; Beatus vir qui inventus sine macula, & qui post aurum non abiit, nec speravit in pecuniae thesauris. Post aurum non abiit, quod potius dispersit, nec speravit in thesauris, quos in Dei opere non tam minuit quam consumpsit.

Flores Hist. p. 418. Matthew Westminster records it in these words, Anno gratiae 1051. Rex Edwardus, A vectigali gra­vissimo Angl [...]s absolvit, quod patre vivente, Danicis stipendiariis, Triginto octo millia librarum solvi consue­vit. Henry de Knighton, De eventibus Angliae. l. 1. c. 9. fol. 233. 1. and Higden in his Polychronicon. lib. 6. c. 24. f. 254. thus relate it: Rex Edvardus absolvit Anglos a Gravi Tributo quod patur ejus Ethelredus Danicis solida­riis solvi fecerat, & jam per 40. annos duraverat; which Fabian in his Cronicle, part 8. c. 210. p. 282. Gra­ston in his Cronicle. p. 170. Speed in his History. p. 410. Holinshead and others thus expresse. This King Enward discharged English men of the great and most heavy Tribute called Danegeld, which his Father Ethel­red had made them pay to the Souldiers of Denmark, and had then dured 40. years, So that after that day it was [Page 298] no more gathered. Abbot Iuguphus. Historiae pag. 897. thus records it more at large. Eodem etiam Anno 1051. cum terra non daret solitâ fertilitate fructus suos, sed fa­mes plurimos habitatores devoraret, in tantum ut bladu­um carentia, & panis inopia multa hominum millia morie­rentur, miserecordiâ motus super populum pi [...]ssimus Rex Edwardus, Tribufum, gravis [...]mum, quod Danigelo dice­bafur omni Angliae in perpetuum relaxavit, Ferunt quidam, regem sanctissimum, cum dictum DANIGELD cublcularii sui collectum in regis cameram infudissent, & ad videndum tanti Thesauri cumulum ipsum adduxissent, ad primum aspectum exhorruisse, protestantem, Se daemo­nem super acervum pecuniae saltantem & nimio gaudio exultantem prospexisse; unde pristinis possessoribus jussit statim reddere, & de tam fera exactione ne jota unum voluit retinere, quin in perpetuum remisit, anno scilicet 38. ex quo tempore Regis Ethelredi, patris sui Sua­nus, Rex Danorum suo exercitui illud solvi singulis annis imperavit. This History of the Devils dancing upon this Mony, is thus more fully related by Roger de Honeden: Annalinm pars prior pag. 447. Item de eodem Rege Edvardo quadam die contigit quod cum praedistus Rex Anglorum Edwardus (Regninâ & comite Haraldo deducentibus) aerarium suum intravit ut pecuniam vide­ret magnam, quam Regina & Comes Haraldus, Rege ipso [...]nesciente, colligissent ad opus Regis (scilicet per singulos comitatus totius Angliae: de unaqua­que hida terrae quatuor, denarios, ut Rex inde, contra na­tale Domini pannos emeret ad opus militum &, servienti­um suorum) cumque Rex intrasset aerarium suum, comitan­tibus Regnia, & Comite Haraldo, videt diabolum seden­tem inter Denarios illos: & ait illi Rex, quid hic fa­cis? cui daemon respondit: custodio hic pecuniam meam; Proposition. 1. & dixit Rex, conjuro te per Patrem & Filium & Spiritum sanctum, ut indices mihi, Quamobrem pecunia ista iua est? & respondens dixit ei daemon, Quia injuste accqui­sita est de substantia pauperum. Illi autem qui illum [Page 299] comitabantur stabant stupefacti, audientes quidem illos lo­quentes, neminem autem videntes praeter solum Regem: & ait illis Rex, Reddite denarios istos illis a quibus capti sunt, & fecerunt sicut praecepit illis Rex: which is likewise remembred by Capgrave, Surius, Ribadeniera, and others in the life of King Edward the Confessor.

From all which relations compared together, it is apparent.

First, That Dangeld was a great, most heavy, and intolerable Tribute, first imposed in King Ethelreds reign, to pay the Danish Navy, and Souldiers then in­vading England, to keep them from plundering, and spoiling the people.

2. That King Swane the invading and usurping Dane, after he had gotten the power of this Realm, imposed it annualy on the English, and made it any early Tribute to pay his Army.

3. That the Danish succeding Kings continued, and made it a kind of annual revenue to cloath, and pay their Souldiers and Marriners, for sundry years toge­ther.

4. That it was yearly paid unto the Kings Exche­quer, and reduced to a certainty, to wit, four pence a year, out of every Hide, or plough land, thorowout England, or else twelve pence or two shilings a year; as the laws of Edward the Confessor: the black Book of the Exchequ [...]r; and Sir Henry Spelman in his Glossary▪ Title Danegold, affirms.

5. That King Edwards Officers after the Danish Kings expired reignes, did collect it of the English Subjects, without his privitie, to cloath, and pay his Souldiers and followers.

6. That he out of mercy, piety, conscience and justice to his people; not only restored it to them, when collected, and brought into his Exchequer, without retaining one farthing of it, but likewife for [Page 300] ever released it to them, so that it was no more col­lected, during his reign.

7. That Taxes unjustly leavied upon the poor oppressed people, are very pleasing and acceptable to the devill himself, who claimes the money so colle­cted for his own; and that the Collectors, and ex­acters of such Taxes, (though for the payment of Armies and Souldiers) are really, but the devils agents, and instruments, who will one day pay them their deserved wages.

8. That heavy oppressions and taxes (though for pretended publike necessities) continued for many years together, ought not onely to be eternally remit­ted, but restored, when collected, by all conscientious, pious, righteous, mercifull, Saintlike Kings, and Go­vernours.

9. That illegall heavy Taxes imposed by, or for invading Usurpers, if once submitted to, and not strongly opposed by the generality of the people, wil soon be claymed, & leavied as a customary, ear­ly legall revennue; both by the imposors, and their successors, and hardly be laid down and discontinued again for the peoples ease.

10. That this tax of Danegeld amounting but to thirty eight or fourty thousand pounds in one whole year, was in truth, an heavy, and intolerable burden, and grievous oppression to the whole Nation, fit to be abolished, and released especially in times of dearth and scarcity; Therefore certainly our late illegal taxes, without authority of a free and legall Parliament, a­mounting to 120. 90. or 60. 1000 li. monthly, when lowest; besids Excises, Customes, Imposts, amounting to twice as much more, must certainly be far more grievous & intollerable to the Nation, and so not onely to be remitted, abandoned, excluded, but accounted for, and restored to our exhausted, oppressed Nation, by all those Governours, who pretend themselves saints [Page 301] of the highest forme, and men ruling in the fear of God; against whom this St. Edward the Confessor, will rise up in judgement, if they imitate not his just and Saintlike president therein. All which considera­tions I recommend, to their own, and their Collecters, Excisers sadest considerations to meditate seriously upon for the peoples ease.

Degestis Regum l. 2. p. 13 p. 91. William of Malmsburies records of this King Edward, that he was in exactionibus vectigalium parcus, quippe qui & exactores execraretur. Till we may be able really to record the like of our new Governours, and Princes over us, we shall never be either a free, a peaceable, or happy people, nor they worthy of the name of Saints or Confessors in any English Annals, or Kalenders. See Ail­redus Abbas de vita & mira­culis Edwardi Consessoris c. l. 390. He addes, That King Edward with the touch of his hand, did miraculously cure sundry persons of the luxuriant humours and swellings about the neck, (commonly called the Kings Evill) wh [...]ch cure in after ages some falsly ascribed, non ex sanctitate, sed ex regalis prosapiae haereditate fluxisse, not to have issued from his sanctitie, but from his hereditary royall bloud. If his sanctity in releasing▪ and restoring the formentioned insupportable Tributes of Danegeld, shall now cure the hereditary Kings, and our new Republiques long continued evill, and malady of intolerable Tributes, Contributions, and Excises in this Age, we shall regi­ster it to posterity for as great a miracle, as his first care of the evill Kings only, by his touching of it with his royall sacred hand.

Malmsbu­ry de Gestis Re­gum Angliae l. 2. c. 13. Iohn Brom­ton Cronicon vol. 932. Ingul­phus Historia p. 895. King Edward about the year 1047. calling out of Normandy, certain Normans, qui olim pauois­lis beneficiis inopiam Exulis suppleverant, who had there releived, and supplied his want, during his exile, to reward them for their benefits, advanced them to places of extraordinary honour and trust about him; amongst others, he promoted Robert Gemeticensis a monk to the Bishoprick of London, & then to the Arch­bishoprick [Page 302] of Canterbury, William to be his Chap­lain first, and afterwards Bishop of London, and a­nother to the Bishoprick of Dorchester, which Jugul­phus thus expresseth. Rex autem Edwardus natus in Anglia, sed Nutritus in Normania, & diutissime immora­tus penè in Gallicum transierat; adducens & attrahens de Normānia plurimos, quos variis dignitatibus promotos in im­mensum exaltabat. Proecipuus inter eos erat, Robertus Mo­nachus &c. Coepit ergò totâ terrâ sub rege & sub aliis Nor­mannis introductis, Anglicos ritus diminui, & Francorū mo­res in mult is imitari: Gallicum idioma omnes Magnates in suis curiis tanquam magnam gentilitium loquiz Chartas & Chyrographa sua more Francium confici, & propriam con­suetudinem in his, & in aliis multis erubescere. Thereupon Earle Godwin and his Sons being men of high spirits, & auctores, & tutores regni Edvardi, were very angry, and discontented, quod novos homines & advenas sibi pre­ferri viderent, because they saw these new upstarts and strangers preferred before them; yet they never uttered a high word against the King, whom they had once advanced. Upon this occasion, Anno 1051. there arose great discords between the English, and these Normans, quod Angli aspernantèr ferant superiorem, Normani ne­queant pati parem. Histor. 1. 6. p. 366. Henry Huntingdon records: That these Normnans accused Godwin, and Swaine and Ha­rold his Sonnes to the King, that they went about to betray him; wherupon the King calling them into question for it, they refused to appear without hosta­ges for their safety, upon which the King banished them. But William of Malmsbury, Roger de Hoveden, Matthew Westminster, Florentius Wigorniensis, Simeon Dunelmensis, Bromton, Hygden, Henry de Knighton, Fa­bram, Graston, Holmshed, Speed, and the See Fox Acts and Monu­ments. vol. x. P. 212 213. Speed History p. 411. 412. Daniels History p. 2 [...]. General Stream of our Historians, relating the businesse more fully, make this the originall cause of the difference between them, and of the Exile of Godwin and his Sons.

[Page 303] Eustace Earle of Boloyn, who had wedded King Ed­wards Sister ariving at Dover in the moneth of Septem­ber, 1051. one of his Knights seeking lodging, unjustly slew one of the Townsmen, whereupon the Townsmen slew him. The Earle and his followers being enraged thereat, slew divers men and women of the Town, and trode their children under their own, & horses feet. The Burgesses upon this assembling togetherto resist them, after a fe [...]rce Encounter, put the Earle and his followers to flight, slew eighteen or twenty of them in the pursute, and wounded many more; so that the Earle escaped only with one of his followers to the King, then at Glocester; where he grievously incensed the King against the Englishmen, by reason of this tumult, which he and his followers occasioned. Whereup­on Earle Godwin being much incensed at the slaughter of his men, in the Burrowgh of Dover, he and his sons assembled a great Armie out of all the Towns and Countries subject to them. The King sending for Godwin to the Court, charged him with his Host, to avenge the wrong done to Eustace, and to punish the insolency of the men of Dover, which the King ex­ceedingly aggravated. But Godwin, a man of sharp wit, and wel understanding, that sentence ought not to be pronounced upon the hearing of the allegations of Proposition 2. 5. 6. 9. one part only without hearing the other, refused to march with his Army against the Burgesses of Dover, al­though the King commanded him; both because he envied, that all Aliens should find such extraordinary fa­vour with the King, and because he would shew friend­ship to his own Countreymen. Whereupon he answered, It were reasonable and just, that before any execution done, the the Wardeins of Dover Castle, should be summoned into that Kings Court, in a fair manner, to answer this tumult; and if they could excuse themselves, that then they should be dismissed without harms; or if not, that then they should satisfy the King, whose peace they had broken, and the Earl [Page 304] whom they had offended, with money, or the forfeiture of their bodies and goods. Iniquum videri, ut quos tutari debeas, eos ipse potissimum inauditos adjudices. And so Godwin depa [...]ted at that time, little regarding the Kings fury, as being but momentany. Quocirca, To­tius regni Proceres fussi Glocestriam conventre uf ibi magno conventu res ventilaretur. Therefore all the Lords of the land were commanded to assem­ble together at Glocester, that this matter might be there debated in a great Parliamentary assembly. Thi­ther came the most famous Earle Syward of Nor­thumberland, and Leofric Earle of Mercia, Omnibus Anglorum Nobiles, and all the English Nobility at that time; only Godwin and his Sonnes, who knew them­selves suspected, thought it not safe for them to come thi­ther without an armed Guard: whereupon they encamp­ed at Breverstone with a great host, and there stayed; giving out a report among the people, that they had therefore gathered an Army together out of Kent, Surry, Propisition 2. 869. Yorkshire, Oxfordshire, Glocestershire, Somersetshire, Her­fordshire, Essex, Notinghamshire and other parts, that they might curbe the Welshmen, who meditating Tyranny, and Rebellion against the King, had fortified a Town in Herefordshire, where Swane, one of the Earl Godwins Sonnes then pretended to keep watch and ward against them. The King hearing that Godwin and his Sonnes had raised a great Army of men out of all these Counties upon this false pretext, presently sent Messengers to Syward, Earle of Northumberland, and Leofric, Earle of Mercia, to hasten to him, being in great danger, with all the forces they could raise. Who repairing to him at the first with small forces, so soon as they knew how the matter went, sending their Officers through their Countries, together with Earle Ralph in his Countrey, speedily assembled a great Army, to assist the King, ready to encounter these enemies, if there were a necessity. In the mean [Page 305] time Godwin marching with his Army into Glocester­shire, sent messengers to the King (as Matthew VVest­minster, and some others story) commanding him to deliver up Earle Eustace, with his companions, & the Normans & Bonomans, who then held the Castls of Do­ver, to him, else he should denounce war against him. To whom the King, being sufficiently furnished with military forces, sent this answer, That he would not deli­ver up Earl Eustace, to him; commanding moreover; Ut qui erercitum Proposition 2. contra ipsum collegerat, & sine ejus licentia pacem regni perturbaverat, veniret ad eum die statuta, super hac injuria sibi resonsurus, & juri pariturus; God­win and his Sonnes being accused of A CONSPI­RACY against the King, and made odious to the whole Court by the VVelshmen and Normans; so that a rumor was spread abroad, that the Kings Army would assault them in the same place, where they quartered, and were unanimously resolved, and rea­dy to fight with Godwins Army, (being much incensed against him,) if the King would have permitted them. Quo accepto Godwinus ad Conjuratos classicum cecinit, Ut ultro Domino regi non resisterent; sed si conuenti fuissent, quin se ulciscerentur loco non cede­rent, & profecto facinus miserabile, & plus quam civile bellum fuisset, nisi maturiora consilia interessent, writes Malmsbury; But because the best and greatest men of all England, were engaged on the one side and other, it seemed a great unadvisednesse to Earl Leof­ric and others, that they should fight a battle, and wage war with their own Countrymen: and thereupon they advised, That hostages being given on both sides, the King and Godwin should meet at London on a certain day, to plead together; which Counsel being approved of, and meslengers running to and fro between them, hostages being given and received; and some small agreement made between them at the present; there­upon the Earle returned into VVest-Sax, and the [Page 306] King increasing his Army, both out of Mercia and Northumberland, returned with them to London, by a­greement between both parties. Iterum (que); praeceptum ut Londini Concilium coageretur: and it was again com­manded by the King, that A COƲNCEL or PARLIAMENT, as Trevisa, Speed and others ren­der Prop [...]sition 6. it, should be assembled at London. Swane the Son of Godwin was commanded to mitigate the Kings anger by his flight; Godwin and Harold were ordered to come to this Councel, with twelve men only in their com­pany; and that they should resigne up to the King, the services of all the Knights and Souldiers which they had thoroughout England. But Godwin and his Sonnes, as they durst not wage war against the King: so, ad Curiam ejus venire Juriparituri negabant, They would not come to his Court, to put themselves upon a legal tryall; alleadging, That they would not goe to a Conventicle of factious persons, without pledges and hosta­ges; that they would obey their Lord in the surrender of all their Knights services, and in all things else, without the pe­rill of their honour and safety. That if they came thither un­armed, they might fear the losse of life; if with a few follow­ers, it would be a reproach to their honour. But the King being so resolute in his minde, that he would not re­cede from what he had resolved by, their intreaties, upon their refusal to come unto his Court to justify them­selves, Her in suo Concilio communi Curiae suae judicio, by the common judgement of his Court, in this Parliamen­tary Councel, Et omnis exercitus unanimi consensu, Proposition 2. 6. and by the unanimous consent of his whole Army (as Flo-rence of VVorcester, and his followers sub­joyne) banished Godwin himself and his five Sons out of England: whereupon prolatum Edictum est. ADecree & Proolamation was then published, that with­in five dayes they should depart out of England, Godwin perceving that his souldiers deserted him some & some for fear of the Kings Army and displeasure, thereup­on [Page 307] he and his wife Giva, and his three sonnes, Swane, Gurth and Tosti, with his wife Iudith daughter to the Earle of Flanders, departed presently out of England, by the Isle of Thanet, into Flanders to Earle Baldwin, with much treasure; but his other two sonnes, Harold and Leofric failed by Bristol into Ireland. Moreover the King put away his Queen Editha for her Father Godwins sake, thrust her into the Abbie of Warwel (or Redwel) without worship, with one maid only to at­tend her, committing her to the custody of the Abbess, his own sister, taking away all her substance, without leaving her so much as one penny, ne scilicet omnibus su­is (q) Malmsturi. de Gestis Reg­num. l. 2. c. 13. p. 82. parentibus patriam suspirant bus, sola sterteret in plu­ma, Harolds Earldom, and County w [...]a bestowed on Algarus who ruled it nobly, and he with good will resigned it up to Harold upon his returne.

These things being done, William Duke of Normandy came to visit the King with a great multitude of Nor­mans and Souldiers, whom King Edward honorably received, and magnificently entertained for a season, carrying him about to all his royal Castles and Cities, and at last sent back into Normandy, with many and great presents bestowed on him and his followers, De successione autem Regni spes adhuc aut ment io nulla facta inter eos fuit writes, Histor. p. 898. Iugulphus. (s) Florent. Wigorniensis Sim Dunelmensis, [...]olichronicon, Brompton Hove­den, Huntindon, Rad. de Diceto, Malmsbury, Her. de Knigh­ton Westminster, Caxton Fabian, Graston, Holins­bead, Speed, Daniel, Fox, Eadiner Hist. Nov. l. 1. p. 4.

King Edward (In Parliamento Pleno, having in Plain or full Parliament, as Radulphus Cestrensis Knighton de eventibus Angliae. l. 1. c. 10. Trevisa and others relate, thus banished and outlawed Godwin and his sons in which in condition (as some write) they continued two ful years. Thereupon in the year 1052. Harold and Leofric by way of reveng, coming out of Ireland with such ships and forces as they could there raise, pillaged the western parts of England. infesting the shores with continual robberies, carrying away rich booties, and slaying such as resisted them. Then marching from Severn into the confines of Som­setshire [Page 308] and Dorsetshire, they plundered many Towns and Villages in those parts: against whom a great mul­titude assembled out of these two Counties making head, were incountred and routed by Harold, ma­ny of their chief Officers and others being slain. Af­ter which they returning to their ships with great booties, sailed round about by the shore to Plimouth. Upon this, King Edward speedily sent forth forty ships well victualed, and furnished with choice Souldi­ers, commanding them to watch for, and resist the coming and landing of Earle Godwin, who without their privity coming with a few ships undescerned out of Flanders, practised pyracy and pillaged the sea-coasts of Kent and Sussex, and at last came to the Isle of Weight, where his two sonnes, Harold and Leof­ric, joyning their ships and Forces with his, they studiously plotted how they might aveng them­selves upon King Edward by sea, Griffin King of VVales in the mean time (by their instigation) de po­pulating Herefordshire by land, & slaying many of the Countrey people, who resisted him. On the Kings part there were about sixty ships assembled together to oppose Harold, riding at anchor; the Admirals of which Navy were the Earls, Odo and Ralph, the Kings kinsmen: neither was the King himself sloath­full in this necessity, lying all night on shipboard, and diligently observing the excursions of these Pyrates, executing that by sage counsel, which by reason of age he could not act with his hand. When both Na­vies were drawn near together, and ready to grapple with and encounter each other, a thick fogge and cloud sodainly arising, blinded the eyes of these fu­riou persons, and restrained the wretched audacity of these mortals, so that they could not encounter each other, Godwin with his companions being forced by the winds to returne from whence they came. Af­ter which Godwin and his sonnes by secret messen­gers, [Page 309] drew unto their party an innumerable compa­ny of the inhabitants of Kent, Essex, Sussex, and Surry, and all the Mariners of Hastings, with many Souldi­ers, and having drawn together a very great Army out of those parts, who all promised with one voice, To live and dye with Godwin: forbearing all plunder, and depopulation, after they met together, ta­king only victuals for their Army when occasion and necessity required, and alluring all they could to their party, they marched with their forces first to Sand­wich. Which the King hearing of, being then at Lon­don, speedily sent messengers to all who had not re­volted from him, to come with all speed to his assistance; who delaying overlong, came not at the time ap­pointed. Proposition 3 8. In the mean while Godwin comes up the Thames with his Navy and Army toward London, and pitched his Tents in Southwark, near the City. King Edward, who was then at London, had assem­bled a great company of armed men together, and no small Navy, to pursue Godwin and his sonnes, both by Sea and Land. But because very few with the King or Godwin had courage to fight with each other, and the English, whose sonnes, Nephews, Kinsmen and Friends were with Godwin and Harold, refused to fight against their own parents & kinred of the Kings party, thereupon some wise men on both parts, dili­gently endeavored to make a firme peace and reconciliation between the King and Godwin, and commanded the Armies and Navies to forbear fighting. Godwin being aged, and potent both with his favour and tongue to bow the mindes of his auditors, very well purged himself from all the things objected against him. The next morning Rex habens cum Primaribus suis Concilio, the King taking Counsel with his Nobles, restored God­win, and all his sonnes, (except Swane, who went on Pilgrimage barefoot to Jerusalem, to expiate the murder of Beorne) together with the Queen, his [Page 310] daughter to their former honours; Godwin giving his Sonne VV [...]lnoth, and Hake the Son of Swane, his hostages to the King, for his keeping of the peace and fu­ture loyaltie to him; whom the King immediatly sent into Normandy to be kept there. A concord and peace being thus made and ratified, the King and Nobles om­ni populo bonas Leges & rectam justitiam promiserunt, promised good Laws, and r [...]ght Justice to all the people; then Proposition 5 2. they banished Robert arch-bishop o Canterbury, Will [...]am B [...]shop of London, Ʋlfe Bishop of Dorchester, and all the other Normans, who incensed and gave the King evill counsel against Earle Godwin, and the English, and had invented unjust laws, and pr [...]nounced unjust judgements against them, permitting only some few Normans (nominated in our Historians) whom the King loved more than the rest, and who had been faithfull to him, and all the people, to remain in En­gland. Not long after, VVilliam Bishop of London was for his goodnesse recalled and restored to his Bi­shoprick, but Stigand was made Archbishop of Can­terbury, in the place of Robert, and Osburne, and Hugh two Normans by birth, leaving their Castles here, went to the King of Scots, who entertained them, and so the land was freed from these forreign incendiaries. Normannos omnes ignominâ notatos prolata Sententia in Robertum Archiepis. ejusque complices quod statum regni conturbarant, animum Regis in provinciales agitantes: Upon this sentence denounced, Robert and others of them presently fled the Realme of their own accord, without expecting any actual violence to banish and expell them.

From all these memorable Historical passages, as we may observe the great unconstancy, vicissitude and changes of earthly Princes favours, worldly honours, preferments, and popular favour; with the great incon­veniencies of admitting or advancing forreigners to a­ny places of trust or power under the King or Court; [Page 311] so we may likewise conclude that by the Law of that Age.

1. That no Engl [...]sh man ought to be condem­ned, executed, imprisoned or put to death upon any great mans bare suggestion, no not by the Kings own speciall command (which if given ought to be diso­beyed in such cases) but only by, and after a Legall hearing, tryall and conviction of the offence.

2. That the Kings of England were then sworn and obliged, to govern their people by good, just, and wholesome Laws, and Customes, not by their arbitrary pleasures, powers, or commands.

3. That the Parliamentary Councels and Nobles in that age, were very carefull to defend and main­tain the Liberties, Rights, good Laws and Customs of the people, and to prevent, and abolish all un­just Laws and Encroachments repugnant to them.

4. That Parliamentary Councels were then fre­quently summoned by the King upon all publique emergent occasions, and differences, and to make war and peace, either at home, or in forreign parts.

5. That the Parliamentary Councels of that time consisted of the Earles, Barons, Nobles and Prae­lates of the Realme, duly summoned to them; with­out any mention of Knights or Burgesses, elected and sent to them by the people, of which there are no presidents in this Kings reign. Enough to prove Modus Tenendi Parliamentum (supposed to be made and observed in this age) a meere cheating imposture of later daies, as in truth it is.

6. That all delinquents, of what quality soever, justly or unjustly accused, ought to appear and justify themselves before the King and his Nobles in their Parliamentary Councels, without armed Guards, forces, Tergiversation, or resistance, upon due sūmons to appear before them, by the Laws of that time.

7. That Kings and great mens coming to Parlia­mentary [Page 312] Councels with Armies, strong armed Guards, and holding them with power, or under Armies, is inconsistent with their Liberty & Priviled­ges, and are an occasion of civill wars, disturbances, muchmischief to the Nation, as then they proved.

8. That English Peers then were and ought to be tried, banished, judged by their Peers, both in Parli­amentary Councels and other Courts.

9. That no English Peer 'or Freeman could then be lawfully, and judically banished the Realme, but in and by sentence and judgement of a Parliamentary Councel; for some contempt or offence demeriting such a punishment.

10. That Peers and great men obstinately refu­sing to submit themselves to the triall and judge­ment of Parliamentary Councels, or to appear in them, or the Kings Courts to justify themselves, with­out hostages fist given for their securiy; may justly be sentenced and banished by our Parliaments, for such contempts, and affronts to justice.

11. That the subjects were bound to ayd and assist their Kings, as wel against Traitors, Rebels, Pyrates, as against forreign enemies, under our Saxon Kings.

12. That forreigners are usually the greatest occa­sioners, and fomenters of civil wars. That such Incen­diaries, deserve justly to be banished the Nation: And that civill wars between King and subjects, En­glish and English, and their shedding of one anothers blood in such wars, was then deemed most unnatural, odious, execrable; by all prudent means and coun­cels to be timely and carefully prevented: and not to be begun or undertaken, but by good advice and common consent in great Parliamentary Coun­cels, upon weighty, urgent, inevitable necessities.

13. That the abolishing of ill, and enacting of good Laws, the removing of ill Counsellors and In­struments about Kings, ordering matters of war [Page 313] and defence by Land and Sea, and setling of peace, were the antient proper works, businesses, imployments of our Saxon Parliaments.

14. That the English Freemen have been always apt, forwards, cordially to joyn with such Nobles and Great men, who are most cordial and active to defend their just Liberties, Laws, Rights, against foreiners, and o­thers who invade them.

Soon after the forementioned agreement between the King and Godwin Polychr. ll 1. c. 50. Fox Acts and Monuments, vol. 1. p. 244. Speeds History, p. 440, 441. King Edward (according to his forementioned promises, to make good Laws for all his people) out of all the former British and Saxon Laws, by Order of his Wisemen, compiled an universal common Law, for all the people throughout the whole Realm, which were called King Edwards Laws, being so just and e­qual, and so securing the profit and wealth of all estates, that the people long after, (as Mr: Fox and others re­cord) did rebel against their Lords and Rulers, to have the same Laws again, when suspended, or taken from them, or dis-used: and prescribed this Oath to Florentius wigornieusis, Sim. Dunelm. Hoveden, Dan. Speed. p. 441. William the Conquerour himself, and every of our Kings since, to be solemnly taken at the time of his Coronation, for the further ratification, and better inviolable observation of these Laws, and perpetuating them to all posterity. See To­tles Magna Charta, 1556, p. 164. 1 R. 2. rot. Parl. num. 44. My Sove­raign Power of Parliaments, pars 1. p. 52, to 79. Exact. Collect. p. 290. 712, 713, 714. SIR, will you grant and keep, and by your Oath confirm to the people of England, the Laws and Customs granted to them by antient Kings of England, rightfull men, and devout towards God, & namely the Laws and Customs, and Franchises granted to the Clergy, and to the People by the glorious King Edward, to your power? To which the King must answer, I will doe it, before he be anointed or crowned King.

Now because these Laws of King Edward (made by his Wisemens Counsel and advice; as this Clause, Hoveden, p. 607. Sapientes caeperunt super hos habere consilium, et constituerunt, in the Chapter, De illis qui has Leges despexerent, implyes) are so famous and fundamental, [Page 314] most of our Common old Laws being founded on, or resulting from them, I shall give you this brief account of them, out of our Historians, as most pertinent to my subject matter, and usefull for those of my profes­sion to be informed of (being generally not so well versed in Antiquity, History, and Records, as were to be wished, for the honour and lustre of their honour­able publike calling,) pretermiting the grosse Forgery and Imposture of Modus tenendi Parliamentum, so much cryed up by Epistle to his 9th. Report. 1. Institutes, p. p. 69, 110. 2 Instit. p. 7, 8. 4. Instit. p. 2. 12. 340. Sir Edward Cooke for its Antiquity and Authority, as made and observed in Edward the Con­fessors reign, when as it is a meer counterfeit Treatise, and Spurious Antiquity, scarce antienter than King Ri­chard the 2. as I have proved in my Levellers levelled; and Mr. Selden manifests in his Titles of honour pars 2. p. 713, 738, to 745; yea its own mentioning the Bishop of Carlisle (which Bishoprick was not erected til the Mat. Westm. and Mat. Paris An. 1122. Hov [...]den An, 113▪ p. 400. year 1132, or 1134.) the Mayors of London, (which had no Grafions Ca­talogue of the Mayors of Lon­don. Mayor til the year 1208) and of other Cities, with Knights and Burgesses usual wages, all instituted long after the Conquerours reign; the not mentio­ning of this Modus in any of our Records, Histories, or judicious Antiquaries, and its difference from all the Modes and Forms of Parliaments, and Great Coun­cils, of that or later ages held in England or Ireland, with the many falshoods and absurdities in it, will suffi­ciently evidence it to every intelligent Peruser, to be a late Bastard Treatise, and no such Antient Record, as Sir Edward Cooke most confidently averrs it, upon groundless Reasons, and bold, false averments, void of Truth. Which Modus, if really made and observed in his reign, and after ages, no doubt our Historians would have mentioned it, as well as his Laws, of which they give us this following account.

De Event. Angl. l. 1. c. 15. Henry de Knyghton records; That King Edward after his Coronation, Consilio Baronum, et caete­rorum Regni, received, established, and confirmedProposit. 5, 6.[Page 315] the good Laws, which for 68 years lay as it were asleep, among the sleepers, and buried in Oblivion These Laws are called, the Laws of St. Edward, not because he had first invented them, but because they being as it were put under a Bushel, and laid in oblivion from the time of his Grandfather King Edgar, he put to his hand, first to sind them out, and then to establish them. De Gestis Reg. l. 1. c. 11. p. 75. S [...]e Spelm. Concil. p. 569. Wil. of Malmesbury thus writes of these Laws: ‘Omnes Leges ab antiquis Regibus, & maximè ab antecessore suo E­thelred [...], latas sub interminatione Regiae mulctae perpe­tuis temporibus observari praecepit, in quarum custo­dia, etiam nunc tempore bonorum sub nomine Re­gis Edwardi Iuratur, non quod ille statuerit, sed observaverit.’ The Author of the antient Manuscript Chronicle of Litchfield, and Ad Ead­merum & No­tae, & Spicel [...] ­gium. p. 171. Mr. Selden, out of him, together with Annalium pars posterior, p. 608. Roger Hoveden, and De Brit. Ecclesia [...]um P [...]imord [...]is, p. 720. Bishop Usher, inform us concerning these Laws. ‘Ex illo die magna autoritate veneratae, et per universum regnum corroboratae & consecratae sunt prae caeteris regni legi­bus Leges Regis Edwardi; quae quidem prius inven­tae & constitutae fuerunt tempore Regis Edgari, avi sui. Veruntatem post mortem ipsius Regis Edgari, usque ad Coronationem S. Regis Edw. quodcontinet annos 67 predictae leges sopitae sunt, et penitus praetermissae. Sed postquam Rex Edwardus in regno fuit sublima­tus, Consilio Baronum Angliae, Legem 67 annis so­pitam excitavit, excitatam reparavit, reparatam deco­ravit, decoratam confirmavit, & confirmata vocata est, Lex sancti Regis Edwardi, non quod prius ipse invenisset eam, sed cum praetermissa fuisset, & oblivi­oni penitus dedita à morte avi sui Regis Edgari, qui prius Inventor ejus fuisse dicitur, usque ad sua tempora, videlicet 67 annis’ The Chronicle of Bromton, col. 956, 957. gives us this large account of these and our other ancient Laws. This holy King Edward the Con­fessor, Leges communes Anglorum genti tempore suo ordinavit, ordained common Laws in his time for the English Nation, because the Laws promulged in for­mer [Page 316] times were over-partial: For Dunwallo Molmu­cius first of all set forth Laws in Britain, whose Laws were called Molmucine; sufficiently famous, until the times of King Edward; amongst which he ordained, That the Cities and Temples of the Gods, and the ways leading to them, and the Ploughs of Husbandmen, should enjoy the privilege of Sanctuary. After which Marcia Queen of the Britons, Wife of Guithelin (from whom the Provinces of the Mercians is thought to be deno­uated) publish [...]d a Law full of discretion and justice, which is called Mercian Law. These two Laws the Hi­storian Gildas translated out of the British into the Latine tongue; and so it was afterwards commonly called Mer­chenelaga, that is, The Law of the Mercians, by which Law 8 Counties were formerly judged, namely Glouce­stershire, Worcestershire, Herefordshire, Shropshire, Chesshire, Staffordshire, Warwickshire, and Oxford­shire. After these there was superadded a Law, written in the Saxon or English tongue, by Ina King of West-Sax­ons, to which Alfred King of the West-Saxons after­wards superadded the Law, which was stiled West-Sax­enelega, that is, the Law of the West-Saxons. By which Law in antient times, the 9 Southern Counties, di­vided by the River of Thames from the rest of England, were judged; namely Kent, Sussex, Surrey, Berkeshire, Wiltshire, Southampton, Somersetshire, Dorset and Devonshire. At length the Danes dominering in the Land, a third Law sprang up, which was called Dane­lega, that is, the Law of the Danes; by which Law heretofore the 15 Eastern and Northern Counties were judged, to wit, Middlesex, Suthfolk, Northfolk, Herth­fordshire, Cambridgeshire, Huntingdonshire, Lincoln­shire, Nottinghamshire, Derbyshire, Northampton­shire, Leicestershire, Buckinghamshire, Beddefordshire, and Yorkshire, which County of York heretofore con­tained all Northumberland, from the water of Humber, to the River of Twede, which is the beginning of Scot­land, [Page 317] and is now divided into six Shires. Now out of the foresaid three Laws, Merchenelega, West-Saxenelega, and Danelega, this King Edward set forth one com­mon Law, which even to this day is called the Law of Edward. The like is recorded by Hygden in his Polychronicon, l. 1. c. 50. Mr. John Fox in his Acts and Monuments, vol. 1. p. 213, 214. Samuel Daniel his Collection of the History of England, p. 22. John Speed his History of Great Britain, p. 410. Fabian, H [...] ­linshed, Caxton, Grafton, and others, almost in the self-same words. These Laws are no where extant in any Manuscripts, or printed Authors, as they were originally compiled and digested into one body by him and his Barons, but as they were presented upon Oath to, and confirmed by King William the Conqueror, in the 4th. year of his reign, of which Historiae p. 914. Ingulphus Abbot of Croyland, in the close of his History (to which they are Io. Sel­deni ad Ead­merum Notae, p. 171, 172. annexed in some Manuscripts) gives us this ac­count, flourishing in that age. ‘Attuli eadem vice me­cum de London [...]is in meum Monasterium, Leges ae­quissimi Regis Edwardi, quas Dominus meus incly­tus Rex Willielmus autenticas esse, et perpetuas per totum Regnum Angliae inviolabiliter tenendas sub paenis, gravissimis proclamarat, et suis Instici­ariis commendarat, eodem idiomate quo editae [...]unt; ne per ignorantiam contingat, nos vel nostros aliquan­do in nostrum grave periculum, contraire & offende­re ausu temerario, regiam majestatem, ne in ejus cen­suras rigidissimas improvidum pedem ferre, contentas saepius in eisdem, hoc modo.’

These Laws are partly Ecclesiastical, partly Civil, re­corded by Roger de Hoveden Annalium pars posterior, p. 611. to 631, by Mr. Lambaerd in his Archaion, Hen­ry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae, l. 2. c. 4. Spel­manni Concili. p. 613. Mr. Iohn Selden, ad Eadmerum & Notae, & Spicelegium, p. 172. to 195. Mr. Iohn Fox his Acts and Monuments, vol. 1. p. 214. wherein those [Page 318] who please may peruse them.

In these Laws it is observable: 1. That all capital, cor­poral, pecuniary punishments, fines for criminal offen­ces, and all reliefs, services, and duties to the King, are Lex 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 19, 10 27, 30, 31, 35, 37. 40, 41, 50, 53, 62, 64, 67, 70. in Mr. Seld n. reduced to a certainty, not left arbitrary to the King, his lustices, or other Officers, for the Sub­jects greater liberty, ease and security. 2. Lex 1, 2, 3, 6, 7. in Hoveden and Spelman. That they protect, preserve the Possessions, Privileges, Per­sons of the Church and Clergy from all Invasion, inju­ry, violence, disturbance, and specially enact, That not only all Clerks and Clergy men, but all other persons shall enjoy the peace of God and the Church, free from all as­saults, arrests, and other disturbances whatsoever, both on Lords-days, Solemn Festivals, and other times of pub­like Church meetings, eundo, & subsistendo, & redeun­do; both in going to, continuing at, and returning from the Church, and publike duties of Gods worship; or to Sy­nods, and Chapters, to which they are either summoned, or where they have any business requiring their personal presence (wherewith the Statute of 8 H. 6. c. 1. con­curs, as to the later clause) Therefore all Quakers, A­nabaptists, and others, who disturb, affront and revile, assault, or abuse our Ministers, or their people, (as many now doe) in going to, or returning from the Church, or whiles they continue in it, as well before or after, as during Divine Service, Sermons, or Sacra­ments there administred, may and ought by the Com­mon Law o [...] England, (confirmed both by Confessor and Conquerour in their Parliamentary Councils) to be duly punished, as Breakers of the Peace, by all our Kings, Justices, and Ministers of publike Iustice, being ratified by Magna Charta, c. 1. and the Toiles Mag. Cha [...]t. 1 R. 2. rot. claus. m. 44. rot. Parl. 1 H. 4. n. 17. Exact. Col­ [...]ect. p. 712, 713, 714. Coronation Oaths of all our Kings, (which all our Judges, and Ju­stices are bound to observe;) To keep to God and holy Church, to the Clergy, and to the People Peace and Concord entirely, according to their power, (especially during the publike worship of God in the Church, and [Page 319] in going to, tarrying at, and returning from the duties which they owe unto him, both as his Creatures and Servants) And to grant, keep, and confirm the Laws, Customs, and Franchises granted by the glorious King Edward. 3. That they Lex 8, 9. in Hoveden, Lambard, and Knyghton. prescribe the due payment of Tithes to God and his Ministers, as well personal as praedial, under Ecclesiastical and temporal penalties, being granted and consented unto a Rege, et Baro­nibus et Populo. 4. That the Lex 3. in Hoveden, Lambard, Knyghton. Causes and pleas of the Church ought first to be heard & ended in Courts and Councils before any other, Iustitia enim est, ut Deus [l] Lex 11. in Hoved. Lamb. Knyghton. ubique prae cateris honoretur. 5. That they thus de­fine Danegild: ‘Danegaldi redditio propter Piratas primitus Statuta est. Patriam enim infestantes va­stationi Proposit. 1, 9. ejus, pro posse suo insistebant. Ad eorum quidem insolentiam reprimendam, Statutum est Danegaldum annuatim reddi, scilicet, duodecim de­narios de unaquaque Nida totius Patriae, ad con­ducendos eos qui Piratarum eruptioni Resistendo obviarent. (To which Hoveden, Knyghton, Lambard, and others subjoyn.) ‘De hoc quoque Danegaldo, om­nis ecclesia libera est & quieta, & omnis texra quae in proprio dominico Ecclesiae erat, ubicunque jacebat, ni­hil prorsus in tali redemptione persolvens, quia magis in Ecclesiae confidebant orationibus, quam in armo­rum defensionibus, usque tempora Willielmi junioris, qui Ruffus vocabatur, donec eodem a Baronibus An­gliae auxilium requirente ad Normanniam requirendam & retinendam, de Roberto suo fratre cognomine Cortehose Ierusalem proficiscente, Concessum est ei, nonLege sancitum, neque confirmatum, sed hac ne­cessitatis causa, ex unaquaque hida sibi dari quatuor solidos Ecclesia non excepta. Dum vero collectio census fieret, proclamabat Ecclesia, suam reposcens li­bertatem, sed nil profecit.’ By which it is apparent, 1. That this grievous Tax of Danegeld, was first gran­ted and appointed by a publike Law in a Parliamentary [Page 320] Council, to hire men to resist the eruption of the Py­rates and Enemies. That it amounted but to 12 d. a year, upon every Ploughland. That the Church and Demesne Lands of the Church, where ever they lay, were exempted from it, till William Rufus his time, who first exacted it from the Clergy upon a pretended ne­cessity, and raised it, from 12 d. to 4 s. a Ploughland, by grant of the Barons, without any Law to enact or confirm it, for fear of drawing it into consequence.

6ly, That these Laws thus describe the Duty and Office of a King; Cap. 15, & 17. in Hoved [...]n, Knyghton, Lam­bard. The King, because he is the Vicar of the highest King, is constituted for this end, that he may rule the earthly kingdom and the Lords people, and above all things, that he may reverence his holy Church, and defend it from injuries, pluck away evil doers from it, and utter­ly to destroy and disperse them; Which unless he shall doe, the name of a King agreeth not unto him, the Prophet (Pope) John witnessing, Nomen Regis perdit, qui quod Regis est non faciat; he loseth the name of a King, who dischargeth not the duty of a King. Pepin and Charls his Son, being not yet Kings, but Princes under the French King, hearing this definitive Sentence, as well tru­ly as prudently pronouneed concerning the name of a King, by William the bastard King of England, foolishly writ to Pope John, demanding this question of him; Whe­ther the Kings of France ought so to continue, being content only with the name of a King? Who answe­red; That it is convenient to call them Kings, who do watch over, defend, and govern the Church of God and his people, imitating King David the Psalmograph saying, He shall not dwell in my House which worketh pride, &c. (After which it followeth in Acts and Monuments, vol. 1. p. 214. Mr. Fox, and some others, but not in Hoveden, and Knyghton,) Moreover, the King by his right and by his Office, ought to defend and conserve fully and wholly in all ampleness, without diminution, all the Lands, Honours, Dignities, Proposit. 10. Rights and Liberties of the Crown of his Kingdom. And [Page 321] further, to reduce into their pristine state, all such things as have been dispersed, wasted and lost, which appertain to his kingdom. Also the whole and universal Land, with all I lands about the same in Norwey and Denmark, be appertaining to the Crown of his kingdom, and be of the appurtenances and dignity of the King, making one Mo­narchy, and one Kingdom; which sometimes was called the Kingdom of Britain, and now the Kingdom of Eng­land: such bounds and limits as is above said, be appoin­ted and limited to the name of this kingdom, A King, a­bove all things, ought to fear God, to love and observe his commandements, and cause them to be observed through his whole kingdom. He ought also to keep, cherish, main­tain and govern the holy Church within his kingdom with all integrity and Liberty, according to the constitution of his ancestors and predecessors, and to defend the same a­gainst all Enemies, so that God above all things be honou­red, and ever before his eyes. He ought also to set up Good Laws and Customs, such as be wholesom and Proposit. 5, 6. approved: Such as be otherwise, to repeal them, and thrust them out of his kingdom.

Item, he ought to doe Judgement and Justice in his kingdom, by the counsel of his Realm. All these things ought a King in his own person to do, taking his Oath upon the Evangelist, swearing in the presence of the whole State of the Realm (as well of the Temporalty as of the Spiritualty) before he be crowned of the Archbishops and Bishops. Three Servants the King ought to have under his feet as Vassals, Fleshly Lust, Avarice, and Greedy desire; whom if he keep under as his Seruants and Slaves, he shall reign well and honourably in his King­dom. All things are to be done with good advisement and premeditation: and that properly belongeth to a King. For hasty rashness bringeth all things to ruine, according to the saying of the Gospel: Every kingdom divided in it self shall be desolate, &c. (A clear evidence that our Saxon Kings had no arbitrary nor tyrannical power to [Page 322] condemn, banish, imprison, oppresse or Tax their Sub­jects in any kinde, against their Laws, Liberties, Pro­perties.) And thus much touching King Edwards Laws, Qui ob vitae integritatem, Regnandi Iustitiam & clementiam, Legumque sive à se latarum, sive ex ve­teribus sumptarum, & Equitatem, inter Sanctos relatus est, as Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 88. Matthew Parker records of him.

In the year of Christ, 1053. as many, or 1054. as others compute it, that old perjured Traytor Earl God­win, came to a most soddein, shamefull exemplary death by divine justice, which the Ailredus Abbas, de Vita & Mirac. Ed­wardi Consesso­ris, col. 394▪ 395. Malmsb. de Gestis Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 13. p. 81. Hen. Hun­tindon, Hist. l. 6. p. 366. Ingul­phi Hist. p. 898. Mat. Westm. An. 1054 p. 424. Radulphus de Diceto Abbrev. Chron. col. 476. Chronicon 10. Bromton, col. 944. Hen. de Knyghton, de Eventib. Angl. l. 1. c. 11. Hyg­den. Polychron. l. 6. c. 25. Ead­merus Hist. No­vorum, l. 1. p. 4. Fox Acts & Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 213. marginal Historians thus relate; and Abbot Ailred thus prefaceth. Inserendum Anno 1053. arbitror quomodo Godwinum proditionum suarum do­natum stipendiis, divini judicii ultrix ira consumpserit, detestandique facinoris quod in Regem fratrem (que) ejus cō miserat, populo spectante, ipsam quam meruerat poenam exolverat. This Godwin being the Kings Father-in-law, abusing his simplicity, multa in regno contra jus et fas pro potestate faciebat, did many things in the Realm, against Law and right, by his power; and often attemp­ted to incline the Kings minde to his Injustice. At last his subtilty proceeded so farr, that by fraud, deceit and circumvention, he banished out of the land almost all the Kings kinred and friends, whom he had either brought with him, or called out of Normandy, as well Bishops as Clerks, and Laymen of other dignities: believing that all things would succeed according to his desires, if the King deprived of all his friends, should make use only of his Counsels. But Edward dissembling all things, in regard of time, place, and out of religion, addicted himself wholly to divine duties, sometimes predicting, That divine Justice would at some time or other revenge so great malice of the Earl, and telling Godwin himself so much. Whereupon on a certain day when the King was celebrating the Feast of Easter at Winchester (as most,) or at Windsor, (as some,) or Hodiam (as o­thers) relate; which feast was famous among the peo­ple; Proposit. 8. [Page 323] the King sitting at his royal Table at dinner, the Kings Cup-bearer (Harold, Godwins own Son as some record) bringing the Kings cup filled with Wine to­wards the Table, striking one of his feet very hard a­gainst a stumbling block on the pavement, fell almost to the ground, but his other foot going straight on re­covered him again, and set him upright, so that he had no harm, nor shed any of the wine. Upon which ma­ny discoursing touching this event, and rejoycing that one foot helped the other, Earl Godwin (who customari­ly sate next to the King at Table, being his Father-in-law) laughing thereat, said by way of merriment; Here a brother helped a brother, as some; or, So is a Brother helping to a Brother, and one assisting another in necessi­ty, as others report his words: To whom the King up­on this occasion ironically answering, said; Thus my Brother (Alfred) might have assisted me, had it not been for Godwins Treachery, who would not permit him. Which Speech of the Kings Godwin taking over-grie­vously, was sore afraid, and with a very pale and sad countenance, replied; I know O King, I know, it hath been often reported to thee, that I have sought to betray thee; and that thou O King dost as yet accuse and suspect me concerning the death of thy Brother Alfred; neither yet doest thou think that those are to be discredited, who call me either his or thy Traytor, or betrayer. But let thy God who is true and just, and knoweth all secrets, judge between us; and let him never suffer this piece of bread I now hold in my hand, to pass down my throat with­out ch [...]aking me, if I be guilty of any Treason at all a­gainst thee, or had ever so much as a thought to betray thee; Or, if I be guilty of thy Brothers death; or if ever thy brother by me, or my counsel, was nearer to death, or re­moter from life. And so may I safely swallow down this morsel of bread in my hand, as I am guiltlesse of these facts. When he had thus spoken, the King blessed the piece of bread; whereupon Godwin putting it into his [Page 324] mouth, swallowed it down to the midst of his throat, where it stuck so fast, that he could neither get it down nor cast it up by any means, till through the coopera­tion of divine vengeance, he was so choaked with it, that his breath was quite stopped, his eyes turned up­side down, his arms grew stiff, being conscious to him­self of what he thus abjured, and so he fell down dead under the Table: Deus autem justus et verax audivit vocem Proditoris, et mox eodem pane strangulatus, mor­tem praegustavit aeternam; writes Abbrev. Chron. col. 476. Radulphus de Diceto. The King seeing him pale and dead, and that divine judgement and vengeance had thus passed upon him, said to those who stood by, Dragg out of this dog, this Traytor, and bury him in the high way, for he is unworthy of Christian burial. Whereupon his Sonnes there present beholding this Spectacle, drew him from under the Table into a Bedchamber, ubi debitum pro­ditoris fortitus est finem; and immediately after they buried him privily in the old Monastery at Winchester, without hononr or solemnity. Abbot Historia, p. 389. Ingulphus thus briefly relates the story of this his death. Anno Domini 1053. cum Godwinus Comes in mensa Regis de nece sui fratris impeteretur, ille post multa Sacramen­ta tandem per buccellam deglutiendam abjurabit, & buccella gustata continuo suffocatus interiit.

As this judgement of God upon Earl Godwin for murdering Prince Alfred right heir to the Crown, and the Normans who accompanied him, (17 years after the fact) was most exemplary: so Gods justice upon his posterity is remarkable, which (to omit their forementioned exiles troubles) are thus epitomized by De Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 13 p. 82, 83. See Speeds History, p. 418. Will. Malmsb. Godwin in his younger years had the Sister of, Cnute for his wife, on whom he begat a Son; who having passed the first years of his childhood, whiles he was riding on a horse given to him by his Grandfather, in a proud childish bravado giving him the spurr and rains, the horse carried him into the swift [Page 325] stream of the River of Thames, where he was drown­ed. His Mother also was slain with the stroke of a thun­derbolt, receiving the punishment of her cruelty; who was reported to buy whole droves of slaves, especially beautifull maides in England, and to send them into Denmark, that she might heap up riches by their defor­med sale. After her death he maried another wife, on whom he begot Harold, Swane, Wulnoth, Tosti, Girth, and Leofwin. Harold, after Edward, was King for some Moneths, and being conquered by William at Hastings, lost both his life and kingdom, with his two younger Brothers, (there slain in battel:) Wulnoth sent into Normandy by King Edward, because his father had gi­ven him for an hostage, was there detained a Prisoner without any release, during all King Edwards life, and being sent back into England in Williams reign, conti­nued in bonds at Sarisbury till his old age. Swane of a perverse wit, treacherous against his King, revolted oftentimes both from his Father and his Brother Ha­rold, and becomming a Pyrate, polluted the vertues of his ancestors with his maritime Robberies and murder. At last going barefoot to Jerusalem in pilgrimage, (out of conscience, to expiate the wilfull murder of his Cosen Breun [...], and as some say his Brother) in his return thence, he was circumvented and slain by the Saracens. Tosti being advanced by King Edward to the Earldom of Northumberland after the death of Earl Syward, ru­led the County near two years, which being expired, he stirred up the Northumbrians to a Rebellion with the a­sperity of his manners: for finding him solitary, they chased him out of the Country, not thinking fit to slay him, by reason of his Dukedom; but they beheaded all his men both English and Danes, and spoiled him of all his horses, arms and houshold-stuff; whereupon being deprived of his Earldom, he went with his wife and chil­dren into Flanders, and at last invading Northumber­land, and joyning with the Danes against his own bro­ther [Page 326] King Harold, was there slain by him in battel, (with all his forces;) His daughter Queen Egitha, (besides her forementioned repudiation by King Edward,) and the imprisonment and disgraces put upon her by him for her Fathers sake, was never carnally known by him as his wife, out of a detestation to her Father Godwin, be­cause he would not ingender heirs to succeed him in the royal Throne, out of the Race and séed of such a Tray­tor, as many Historians assert: Even so let all other such like perfidious Traytors & their Posterities perish, who imitate him, and them in their Treasons, Perjuries, Rebellions, and will not be warned nor reclaimed by his, or their sad examples.

The same year Earl Godwin thus perished, Mat. West­minster, Wigoun. Sim. Dunelmen. Hoveden, Bromton, Anno 1053. Fabian, Holinshed, and others. Rheese brother of Griffin King of Southwales, was slain by King Edwards command, and his head brought to Glocester Anno 1053. to the King on the Vigil of Epiphany, for his manifold Treasons, rebellions, and frequent depredations upon his English Subjects.

King Edward Anno 1054. commanded Marianus Scotus, Wigoun. Mat. westminst. Sim. Dunetm. Huntindon, Hoveden, Knyghton, Bromton, Ra­dulphus de Di­ceto, col. 478. VValsingham, Hist. Angl. p. 17. 51. Sywara the valiant Duke of Northumberland, to invade Scot­land with an Army of horse and a strong Navy, to re­move Mackbeoth K. of Scots (to whom he had formerly Anno 1054. given the Realm of Scotland to hold it of him) and make Malcolm (the King of Cumberlands Son) King in his place; Who thereupon entring Scotland with a puis­sant Army, fought a set battle with Mackbeoth, slew many thousands of the Scots, and all the Normans who went to him out of England, chased him out of Scot­land (then totally wasted and subdued by Syward) and deprived him both of his Life and Realm. Which being effected, King Edward gave the Realm of Scotland to Malcolm, to be held from and under himself. Not long after Duke Syward being likely to die of a flux, when he saw death approaching, said; What a shame is it, that I who could not die in so many battels and warrs, should be reserved to die with disgrace, like a Cow? Where­fore put upon me my impenetrable coat of male, gird me with my sword, set my helmet upon my head, put my buck­ler [Page 327] in my left hand, and my gilt battel-ax in my right hand, that being the strongest of all Souldiers, I may die like a Souldier. Whereupon being thus armed as he commanded, he said; Thus it becomes a Souldier to die, and not lying down in his bed like an Ox; and so he most honourably gave up the Ghost. But because Waltcof his Son was then but an insant, his Earldom was given by the King to Tosti, son of Earl Godwin, whose Earldom after Godwins sudden death, was bestowed on Harold, and Harolds Earldom given to Algarus Earl of Chester: Earldoms in that age being only for life, not hereditary.

In the year 1055. Huntindon, Hist. l. 6 p. 366. Marianus Sco­tus, Mat. west­minster, VVi­gorniensts, Sim. Dunelm, and Bromton, Ann. 1055. Hen. de Knyghton, de Event. Angl. l. 1. c. 11. Poly­chron. l. 6. c. 26. VVill. Malmsb. De Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 13. In­gulphi Hist. p. 898, Holinshed, Speed, and o­thers. King Edward, Habito Lon­doniae A [...]no 1055. Concilto, holding a Parliamentary Councill at London, banished Algarus, Son of Earl Leofric, quia de Proditione Regis in Concilio convictus fuerat, be­cause he had been convicted in the Council of Treason a­gainst the King, as Henry Huntindon, Bromtons Chroni­cle, and Hygden record: Yet Florentius Wigorniensis; Simeon Dunelmensis, Hoveden, Henry de Knyghton, and others write, He was banished sine culpa, without any crime. Whereupon passing over into Ireland, he soon after repaired with 18. piratical Ships to Griffin King of Wales, requesting him to give him aid against King Edward. Who thereupon forthwith assembling a ve­ry great Army out of all his Realm, commanded Alga­rus, to meet him and his Army with all his forces at a certain place; where uniting their forces together, they entred into Herefordshire to spoil and depopulate it. Against whom timorous Earl Ralph, King Edwards Si­sters Son, raising an Army, and meeting them two Proposit. 2, 4, 5, 6, 9. miles from the City of Hereford, commanded the Eng­lish to fight on horseback contrary to their custom: But when they were about to joyn battel, the Earl with his French and Normans, fled away first of all; which the English perceiving, followed their Captain in fly­ing; whom the Enemies pursuing, slew four or five hundred of them, and wounded many more; and ha­ving [Page 328] gained the Victory, took the City of He [...]ford, slew some of the Citizens, carried away many of them cap­tives, annd having burnt and pillaged the City, return­ed enriched with great booties. The King being in­fotmed of it, commanded an Army to be presently as­sembled out of all England, which meeting together Proposit. 3. at Gloucester, he made valiant Earl Harold their Gene­ral; who devoutly obeying his commands, diligently pursued Griffin and Algarus, and boldly entring into the coasts of Wales, encamped at Straddle. But they knowing him to be a valiant man, not daring to fight with him, fled into South-wales. Upon which, Harold leaving the greatest part of his Army there, comman­ded them manfully to resist the Enemies if there were cause, and returning with the rest of the multitude to Hereford, he enviroued it with a broad and deep trench, and fortified it with gates and barrs. At last Messen­gers passing between them and Harold, they made a firm Peace between them. Whereupon Earl Algarus his Navy returning to Chester, there exacted the wages he had promised them; but he repairing to the King, received his Earldom from him again. This same year Malmsbury de Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 13. See Godwin in the life of Bishop Herman. Herman Bishop of Salisbury requested of the King, and almost obtained leave to remove his See from Ramesberg to the Monastery of Malmsbury: sed Re­ge jnxta Consilium Procerum id nolente, he there­upon resigned his Bishoprick, went beyond the Seas, and took upon him the habit of a Monk; but repenting of his rashness, he returned into England, three years after, and held the Bishopricks of Salisbury and Sher­borne united together, till the 9th year of King William the Conqueror. Anno 1057.

In the year 1057. Wigornien­sis, Hoveden, Huntindon, Sim. Dunelm. Mat. Westminster, Bromton, Hygden, Fabian, Holinshed, Fox Acts & Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 213▪ Cambdens Britannia, p. 568. Prince Edward, son of Ed­mond Ironside, came out of Hungary (where he had long lived an Exile) into England, being sent for [Page 329] thence by his Unkle King Edward, who had decreed to make him heir to the Crown after himself; but he di­ed at London soon after his return, leaving onely Edgar Athelin his son, very young, and two daughters Mar­garet, and Christiana, under the Kings custody and tu­ition. This same year, Earl Leofric, at the request of his devout Noble Countess Godina, freed the City of Coventry from a most grievous dishonest servitude, Proposit. 1. and heavy Tribute, wherewith he had formerly op­pressed the Citizens, being very much offended with them; which (though frequently importuned by her) he would remit upon no other condition but this; That his Lady Godina should ride naked through the street of the City from the one end of the market to the other, when the people were there assembled; Which she, to obtain their Liberties from this Servitude and Tribute, performed, covering her self so with her long fair hair, that she was seen and discerned by no body. Whereupon the Earl her husband by his Charter, exempted the Citizens of Coventry for ever from many payments, which he former­ly imposed and exacted from them; the wisdom of which Earl much benefited the King and people whiles he li­ved.

(t) Algarus his son succeeding him in the Earldom Anno 1058. of Mercia in the year 1058. was banished the second (e) Wigornien­sis, Hoveden, Sim. Dunelm. Anno 1058. Ingul. Historia p. 898. Speed, and others. time by Kiag Edward; but by the assistance of Griffin King of Wales, and help of the Norwey fleet, which be­yond expectation came to assist him, he suddenly re­covered his Earldom again by force, of which he con­ceived himself unjustly deprived against Law. Griffin King of Wales having (contrary to his former league and agreement) invaded, infested England, slain the Proposit. 2. Bishop of Hereford, burnt the City, harrowed the Coun­try, and twice assisted Earl Algarus against King Ed­ward; Anno 1063. thereupon Anno 1063. Mat Westm. Hoveden, Wi­gorn. Sim. Dunelm. Bromton, An. 1063, 1064. Malmsbur. de Gests Reg. l. 2. c. 13. Hen. de Knyghton, de Event. Angl. l. 1. c. 14. Ingulphi Hist. p. 899. Holinshed, Fa­bian, Grafton, Speed. Duke Harold by [Page 330] King Edwards command marched hostilely into Wales, with his forces to infest Griffin: who having notice of his comming, took Ship, and hardly escaped his hands. Hereupon Harold raised a greater Army, and likewise provided Ships and furniture; after this his brother To­sti and he, joyning their forces together, by the Kings command, began to depopulate Wales, and invaded it both by Sea and Land: whereupon the Welshmen com­pelled by necessity, gave them Hostages, and promised, That they would thenceforth pay a Tribute to K. Edward, as their Soveraign, and banish their King Griffin: whom they expelled accordingly that year: and An. 1064. they cut off their King Griffins head, and sent it unto Harold, who presently transmitted it to K. Edward: whereupon the King made Griffins Brothers Blethagent and Red­wallo, Kings over the Welshmen, to whom he gave that land, who sware Fealty to King Edward and Harold; et ad imperium illorum mari terraque se fore paratos, ac omnia quae prius de terra illa Regibus anterioribus fue­rant Proposit. 4, 8, pensa obedienter se pensur [...]s responderunt, as Wi­gorniensis, Hoveden, Simeon Dunelmensis, and others record their Oath. Anno 1065.

The next year Ailredus Abbas, de Vita & Mirac. Ed­wardi confesso­ris, col. 394. Malmsbur. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 13. Mat. West. Huntindon, Hoveden, Wi­gorniensis, Sim. Dunelm. Rad. deDiceto, Brom­ton, Polychron. l. 6. c. 27, 28. Fox Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 213. Speeds History. p. 418. Daniel. p. 24. Fabian, Caxton, Holinshed, Grafton. Tosti Earl of Northumberland, moved with envy against his Brother Harold, in the Kings own presence at Winsore, took Harold by the hair as he was drinking wine to the King, and violently struck the Cup out of his hand, using him most dis­honourably, all the Kings Houshold admiring at it. Upon which Harold provoked to revenge, taking Tosti between his arms, and lifting him up on high, threw and dashed him violently against the pavement. At which sight the Souldiers round about ran in on all sides, and parting the began fray perforce between these Brothers and stout Warriers, severed them one from the other. But the King upon this predicted, that the destruction of these two Brothers was now near at [Page 331] hand, and that their deadly f [...]ud was not long to be defer­red. For all the sons of the Traytor Earl Godwin were so ungracious, covetous, oppreffive, and so extremely un­just, that if they had seen any fair Mannor or Mansion Proposit. 2, 4. place, they would procure the owner thereof to be slain in the night, withall his posterity and kinred, that so they might get possession thereof for themselves. Who not­withstanding which their soft and honied speeches, (al­though they were but swords) did so circumvent the over-credulous simplicity of King Edward, that after many enormous wickednesses committed by them, he made them Regni Iusticiarios, Regni Rectores & Dis­positores; both Justices, Rulers and Disposers of the kingdom; and likewise Generals and Admirals of his forces both by Land and Sea. The many acts of Inju­stice committed by the sway of power and passion by Earl Godwin and his sons proportionate greatness and the Kings weakness, did much blacken that bright time of Peace, and made a good man (not by acting, but in­during ill) held to be a bad King. Tosti after this con­test and quarrel with his brother Harold, departing in a rage from the Kings Court, and comming to the City of Hereford, where his Brother Harold had provided a great intertainment for the King, slew and cut all his Servants in piece [...], and put either a legg, arm, or some other member of their bodies thus mangled, into every vessel of wine, meade, bear, and other sorts of liquors he there found, wherin they lay steeping, stopping up the Vessels again: Which done, he sent word to the King, that when he came to his Farm at Hereford, he should find his flesh well powdered, and that he would provide him sweetmeats. The King being informed of this his bar­barous villany and scoff, commanded that he should be banished for this detestable wickedness, which he abhorred. Soon after Tosti departing into Northumberland, about the 5. of October, divers Gentlemen and others of that [Page] Country assembling together, came with about 200 armed men to York, where Tosti then resided, both to revenge the execrable murder of some Noble Northum­berlanders, servants to Gospatric, whom Queen Egi­tha, in the cause of her brother Tosti, had commanded treacherously to be slain on the 4th day of the prece­dent Christmass, and of Gamel the son of Orne, and Ulfe son of Delfin, whom Tosti the year before had com­manded to be treacherously murdered in his chamber at York, under pretext of making a Peace with them; necnon pro immanitate Tributi quod de tota Northim­bria Proposit. 1, 2. injuste acceperat; as also for the excessiveness of the Tribute which he had unjustly received out of all Northumberland, without their common consent and grant. These chasing the Earl himself out of the Coun­try (pro contuitu Ducatus occidendum non rati) slew and cut off the heads of all his Servants, and Courtiers, as well English as Danes, being above 200. on the North part of the river of Humber; then breaking up his Treasury, they took away all his Treasures, Horses, Armes, houshold-stuff, and all things that were his. The rumor whereof being brought to the King, and the Country in an uproar, almost all the Nortkum­berlanders met together, and elected, constituted Mor­char, Earl Algarus, son for their Earl in the place of Tosti; who marched with them into Lincolnshire, Not­tinghamshire, and Derbyshire, wasted and pillaged those Counties, slew many of the Inhabitants, and carryed many thousands of them away captive, leaving those Counties much impoverished many years after. Here­upon Harold was sent against them to revenge those in­juries, to prevent further mischiefs, and to mediate a reconciliation between them and Tosti. Upon this the Northumberlanders met Harold, first at Northampton, and afterwards at Oxford, and although they were more in number than he, yet being desirous of quietness and peace, they excused the fact unto him, saying: Se [Page 333] homines liberè natos, liberè educatos, nullius Ducis fero­ciam pati posse: A majoribus didicisse; aut Liberta­tem, aut Mortem, &c. That they being men freely born, freely educated, could not suffer the cruelty of any Duke. That they had learned of their ancestors, either to enjoy Liberty, or death. Therefore if the King would have them his Subjects, he must set another Earl over them; even Morehar, who had had experience how sweet­ly they knew to obey, if they were sweetly handled. But all of them unanimously refused any reconciliation at all with Tosti, whom they Dutlawed, together with all Proposit. 1, 2, those who had incited him to make an unjust Law, and impose an illegal Tribute upon them. Harold hearing these things, and minding more the Peace of the Country, than his brothers profit, recalled his Army; and the King having heard their answer, confirmed Morchar for their Duke. Tosti hateful to all men, by the assistance of Earl Edwin, was expelled out of Eng­land by the Northumberlanders, and driven with his wife and children into Flanders, whence returning a­bout two years after, and joyning with the Danes, he entred with the Danes into Northumberland, miserably harrowed the whole Country, slaughtered the inhabi­tants; and at last was there slain with most of his Souldiers by his own brother King Harold, Anno 1066.

King Edward, (as Abbot Historia, p. 899, 900, 911. Ingulphus living in that age, records,) Anno 1065. being burdened with old age, perceiving Prince Edgar Atheling (his Cosen Edwards son, lately dead) to be unfit for the royal throne, tamcorde, quam corpore, as well in respect of minde as body, and that Earl Godwins many and wicked proge­ny did daily increase upon the earth, set his mind upon his Cosen William Duke of Normandy, et enm sibi suc­cedere in Regnum Angliae voce stabili sancivit;