A SEASONABLE, LEGALL, AND HISTORICALL VINDICATION AND Chronologicall COLLECTION of the Good, Old, Funda­mentall, Liberties, Franchises, Rights, Laws of all English Free­men (their best Inheritance, Birthright, Security, against Arbitrary, Tyrannicall, and Egyptian Burdens) and of their stre­nuous Defence in all former Ages; of late years most dangerously undermined, and almost totally subverted, under the specious Disguise of their Defence and future Establishment, upon a Sure Basis, their Pretended, Greatest Propugners.

Wherein is Irrefragably evinced by Parliamentary Records, Proofs, Presidents, That we have such Fundamentall Liberties, Franchises, Rights, Laws, That to attempt or effect the Subversion of all or any of them, (or of our Fun­damentall Government) by Fraud or Force, is High Treason: The principall of them summed up in 9 Propositions: The chief printed Treatises asserting them, specified: A Chronologicall History of our Ancestors zeal, vigilancy, courage, prudence, in gaining, regaining, enlarging, defending, oft confirming, and perpe­tuating them to posterity, by Great Charters, Statutes, New Confirmations, Ex­communications, Speciall Conservators, Consultations, Petitions, Declarations, Remonstrances, Oaths, Protestations, Vows, Leagues, Covenants, and like­wise by their Arms, when necessitated during all the Britons, Saxons, Danes, Normans and English Kings Reigns, till this present; collected for present and future publick benefit: With a Brief Touch of their late unparalelled Infringements and Subversions in every particular: The Triall of all Ma­lefactors by their Peers, and Juries, justified, as the onely legal, best, most in­different; and all other late arbitrary Judicatories, erected for their Triall, ex­ploded, destructive both to our Fundamentall Laws and Liberties.

Collected, recommended to the whole English Nation, as the best Legacy, he can leave them.

By William Prynne of Swainswick, Esquire.

Psalm 11. 3.
If the Foundations be destroyed, what can the righteous do?
Psalm 82 5.
They know not, neither will they understand, they walk on, &c.
Dan. 7. 24 25, 26.
And another shall arise after the Kings, &c.

London Printed for the Authour, and are to be sold by Edward Thomas in Green Arbour, 1654.

A Seasonable, Historical, Legal, VINDICATION, AND CHRONOLOGICAL COLLECTION
Of the good Old Fundamental Liberties, Franchises, Rights, Laws, of all English Freemen; (their best Inheritance, Birth-right, Security, against Arbitrary Tyranny, Egyptian Slavery and Burdens) of late yeers most dangerously undermined, oppug­ned, and almost totally subverted, under the speci­ous feigned Disguise of their Defence, Enlarge­ment, and future Establishment upon a sure Basis.

IT is an universal received Principle, and experimental Truth, beyond all contradiction, That no natural stru­cture, no artificial Building, no Civil or Ecclesiastical Corporation, Realm, Reipublike, Government, or Society of men; no Art nor Science whatsoever, can possibly be erected, supported, esta­blished, preserved, or continued in their being or well-being, without FOUNDATIONS; whereon as they were at first erected, so they must necessarily still [Page 2] depend, or else they will presently fall to utter ruine.

Hence it is, (to wave all Humane Authorities in so clear a Verity) that in God's own sacred unerringJo [...]. 17. 17. 2 Cor. 6. 7. Eph. 1. 13. Jam. 1. 18 Word of Truth, we find frequent mention of the natural2 Sam. 22. 8, 16. Jo [...] 38. 4, 6. Psal 18. 15 & 102. 25. & 104. 5. Prov. 8. 29 Isa. 24. 18. & 40. 21. & 48. 13. & 51. 13, 16. [...]er. 31. 17. Zech. 12 1. Mi­ca. 1. 6. Jo [...]. 17. 24. Ephes. 4. 4. Heb. 1. 10. & 4. 3. & 9 26. 1 Pet. 1 20. FOUN­DATIONS of the vast natural Fabrick of the Earth, Hea­vens, and World it self; of the Artificial Material1 King. 5. 17. & 6. 37. & 7. 9, 10. Ez [...]. 4. 13 & 6. 3. Psa. 137 7. Ezek. 41. 8. Hag. 2. 8. Zech. 4 9 & 8. 9. Mat. 7. 26, 27. Luke 6 48, 49. FOUN­DATIONS of the material Temple, walls, City; of Gods own most famous city Jerusalem; and of private houses: of the SpiritualIsa. 28. 16. & 54. 11. Psal. 87. 1. 1 Cor. 3. 10, 11, 12. Heb. 11. 10. 1 Pet. 2. 6. Rev. 21. 14, 19. FOUNDATION of the Spiritual Temple, City Jerusalem, and whole Church of God; even Jesus Christ him­self: of the Doctrinal2 Tim 1. 19. Heb. 6 1, 2. FOUNDATIONS, and first Principles of Religion, Christianity, Salvation: yea, of the Poli­tical Jer. 50. 15. Micah 1. 6, 7. Luke 6. 48, 49. M [...]t. 7. 26, 27. FOUNDATIONS of Kingdoms, Reipublikes, Chur­ches, Governments, States: which being once shaken, under­mined, subverted, razed, or destroyed, bring unavoidable ruine and desolation upon them, (Psal. 11. 3. Psal. 82. 5, 6. Jer. 50. 17. & 51. 15, 16. Mic. 1. 6, 7, 9.) even as we daily see Castles, Walls, Houses, to fall instantly to the ground, and become an heap of Confusion, when their Foundations are blown up, decayed, or demolished.

Upon which consideration, those Publike Laws, which establish, fence, fortifie, support the Fundamental Consti­tutions, Rights, Liberties, Priviledges, of any Nation, Kingdom, Reipublike, (essential to their being and subsist­ence, as a free or happie people, against the Invasions, Under­minings, Encroachments, of any Tyrants, Usurpers, O pressors, or publike Enemies, are usually stiled FUNDAMENTAL LAWS; and have ever been reputed so sacred, inviolable, immutable, in all ages, upon any Pretences of Necessity, or Publike Safety, that most Nations, and our own English Ancestors, above others, have freely chosen to hazard, yea lose their Estates, Lives, in their just defence, against such exorbitant Tyrannical Kings, and other Powers, who by force or policie have endeavoured to violate, alter, or sub­vert them, rather then out of Cowardize, S [...]tt [...]shness, Care­lesness, or want of cordial love to the Publike, to suffer the least infringement, repeal, or alteration of them, to the in­thralling of Themselves, or their Posterities, to the arbi­trary [Page 3] Wills of such Domineering Tyrants, and Usurping Powers.

Now because, after all our Old and New (many yeers) bloody, costly, dangerous Contests and Wars, for the main­tenance of our Good Old Fundamental Liberties, Laws, Rights, Priviledges, against all secret or open underminers of them, I clearly behold, with grief of heart, that there is a strange monstrous Generation of New TYRANNICAL STATE-HERETICKS sprung up among us; who are grown so de­sperately impudent, as not onely to write, but publikely to assert in Print, (inLilb. tryed and cast, p. 39, 40, 142, to 148. 154. J. Canne's Voice from the Temple, which perswades the subversion and abolishing of all former Laws, especially for Tythes & Mini­sters support. Books printed by AUTHORITY, even in Capitals in the very Title-page) That the Free-men and People of England have no such unalterable Fundamental Laws and Liberties left them by their forefathers, (as our An­cestors heretofore contested for, both in the Field and Parliament-House, with William the Conqueror, Henry the first, King John, Henry the third, Edward 1, 2, 3. Richard the second, with other Kings and Princes; and our late Parliaments and Armies too, with King James, and King Charles.) That neither Magna Charta, nor the Petition of Right, nor the Laws for trying malefactors by Juries of their peers, are Fundamental, or unalterable; but that the STATE-PHYSITIANS (or rather Mountebanks) of our time, (who are not tied up to them, but left free unto themselves) may lay them quite aside, either in part or whole, as they see cause: Yea, (having now attained to such a super-transcendent Autho­rity, as) may (as they assert) LAY ASIDE ALL PAR­LIAMENTS and PARLIAMENTARY WAYS, and appoint SOMETHING ELSE, as more seasonable and pro­per to us, and as Providence makes way for it, if they see it more conducing to the safety and good of the Commonwealth, (that is, to their own private Interests, Honours, Profits, Securities, Designes, Oppressions, Rapines, gilded over with this specious pretext.) And then peremptorily con­clude, That to plead for these and ot [...]er Fundamental Laws and L [...]berties, as unalterable, (though the onely Bulwarks and Badges of our Freedom) is nothing else but to enslave the Nation: for by such a Principle, People do not onely lose their [Page 4] Liberty, but are brought under such a kinde of Tyranny, out of which (AS BEING WORSE THEN THE AEGYP­TIAN BONDAGE) there is no hope of deliverance. An absurd Tyrannical Paradox, transcending any I ever yet met with in any Author; stripping us naked of all our long-enjoyed Laws, Liberties, Franchises, Great Char­ters, at once; tending onely to reduce, and perpetually inthral us under such an absolute AEGYPTIAN BON­DAGE and Tyranny, without any hope of future delive­rance from it, which some now endeavour to enta [...]l on us and our posterities for ever, by an Iron Law, and Yoke of Steel, in stead of restoring to us that Glorious Freedom, which we have so long expected from them in vain.

And because I finde the Generality of the Nobility, Gentry, Clergie, Commonalty, of our Nation, after all their late yeers expensive bloody wars, and Parliamentary Disputes, for the defence and preservation of these our Ancient He­reditary Fundamental Charters, Laws, Liberties, Privi­ledges, so strangely degenerated both from themselves, and their Heroick prudent Ancestors, as that they are more readily inclined, upon every occasion, out of a base, un-Christian, unmanly, un-English fear, or sottish cowar­dice and stupidity, wittingly to desert, betray, surrender them all up into the hands of any invading Usurpers, with­out the least Publike Claim, Dissertation, Defence, or Dis­pute; then diligently or couragiously to contend for them, as of late they did: So as that which Paul once taxed in the slavish besotted Corinthians, 2 Epist. 11. 20. may be most truly averred of our degenerated, insatuated, English Nation: Ye suffer if a man bring you into bondage, if a man devour you, if a man take of you, if a man exalt himself, (a­bove your Laws, Liberties, Franchises, Parliaments, Kings, Nobles, Properties, Lives, Consciences, and2 Thes. 2. 4. all that is called God, or worshipped) if a man smite you on the face; notwithstanding all their manifold lateSee Exact collect. and a general Collect. of all Ordinan­ces, &c. Protestations, Vows, Covenants, Remonstrances, Declarations, and Publike Engagements, to the contrary. And withal, after diligent enquiry, discovering scarce one man of Eminencie or Power [Page 5] in the Nation, nor so much as one of my degenerated tem­porizing Profession of the Law, (even when theSee Culpe­p [...]r's & Lilly's Merlins & Al­manacks, John Can's 2 Voice, Lilb. tried and cast; with many Pe [...]itions and Pamphlets a­gainst the Law and Lawyers. The Order of Aug. 19. 1653. That there should be a Committee se­lected to con­sider of A NEW BODY of the Law, for the go­vernment of this Common­wealth. whole Body of our Laws, and all its Professors, are violently assault­ed, and devoted unto sudden ruine, by many lawless spirits) who hath so much Courage, Magnanimity, Honesty, Zeal, or cordial Love to his native Country, remaining in his brest, as manfully to appear in Publike, for the strenuous necessary defence of these our Hereditary, Fundamental Laws, Liberties, Rights, Franchises, (though their own, and every other English Freeman's best Inheritance and Security) for fear of being persecuted, imprisoned, close imprisoned, exiled, condemned, destroyed, as a Traytor, Rebel, Sedi­tious person, Enemy to the Publike, or disturber of the Kingdoms Peace, by those who are truely such: I there­upon conceived, I could not undertake or perform a more necessary, seasonable, beneficial Service for my Country, (and not to be like those, who are ashamed, afraid, for the most part, to own, visit, or be seen in the company of those Gallant men, much less to assist, defend, and stick close un­to them in their dangers, according to the sixth Article of their late Solemn League and Covenant, who have suffered, acted, and stood up most for their Common Liberties, Rights, Freedoms, Religion, against all invading Tyrants, to their great discouragement and betraying) nor pitch upon any Subject more proper for me, either as a common Lawyer, or as a constant Advocate and Sufferer for the Publike Cause, and Liberties of the Nation, as well under our late extravagant Free-State, as former Regal and Episcopal arbitrary Tyranny, then in this juncture of our publike affairs, to present our whole distracted unsetled Kingdom with An Historical and Legal Vindication, and Chronological Collection, in all Ages, of these Ancient Hereditary Liberties, Franchises, Rights, Contests, Laws, Charters, Records, Monuments of former and late times, for their Confirmation, and inviolable Observation, which our Ancestors and our Selves have al­ways hitherto reputed FUNDAMENTAL, UNALTER­ABLE, INVIOLABLE, upon any pretext; and have most eagerly contended for, with the prodigal expence of many [Page 6] millions of Treasure, and whole oceans of gallant Christian Engl [...]sh blood.

And if, upon the serious perusal of them, the universa­lity of our degenerated Nation, after their many late solemn Protestations, Vows, Leagues, Covenants, Remonstrances, invio­lably to defend and maintain them, shall still so underva­lue them now at last, (as most actually have done) as not to esteem them worth the owning, maintaining, vindicating, or perpetuating any longer; and thereby draw upon their heads the real guilt of all those bloody Wars, Murders, Tu­mults, Violencies, Rapines, Oppressions, Sins, Mischiefs, Illegal Taxes, Excises, Exorb tancies, which their many late yeers pretended Necessary Defence and Preservation have brought upon our three whole Nations; let them henceforth, like so many dastardly conquered Bondslaves, bored thorow the ears, publikely disavow, disclaim, renounce, abjure them, for themselves and their Posterities for ever, as meer worthless toys, or pernicious inventions, fit onely to kindle perpetual Wars and Discords between King and People, Head and Members, Superiours and Inferiours; or, as poor slender Cobwebs, (as now they prove) fit to hold none within compass but the very weakest flyes; broken thorow with ease and impunity by every greater fly, creeping up into any Power or Supreme Authority, by Right or Wrong; and swept down to the very ground, by every New Broom in the hand of upstart Innovators.

But if, upon saddest deliberation, they shall really esti­mate them to be such incomparable, rich, precious jewels, and ancient inheritances, as are every way worth the infinite Treasures, Wars, Blood, Cares, Consultations, Troubles, heretofore and of late yeers expended, both to gain, re­tain, confirm, and perpetuate them, to them and their po­sterities for ever, as their principal earthly Security and Pea [...]itude; I hope they will all then unanimously hence­forth conclude with the Poe [...],

Non minor est virtus quàm quaerere, PARTA TUERI: and both by their Votes, and Actions, return the self-same peremptory magnanimous answer to any Caesar, Conqueror, [Page 7] Potentate, Power, or Combination of men whatsoever, (who shall endeavour by force, fraud, or flattery, to compel or perswade them, to sell, resigne, betray, or give up these their Ancestral Priviledges, Inheritances, Birth-rights, to them) as Naboth once did to King Ahab, 1 King. 21. 3. The Lord forbid it us, that we should give (sell, or betray) the INHERITANCE OF OUR FATHERS (and our Poste­rities likewise) unto thee, or you; though they should suf­fer for this Answer and refusal, as much as Naboth did from bloody Ahab and Jezebel.

But whatever lowe price or estim [...]te this spurious, stupid, sordid, slavish Age may set upon these richest Pearls; yet for my own particular, upon serious consideration of these Chronological Collections, and the Solemn Oathes, Prote [...]a­tions, Vows, League and Covenant, obliging me to defend them to the uttermost; I value the whole Nations publike, and my own (with my cordial friends) private interest in them, at so high a rate, that I would rather chearfully part with ten thousand lives, and all the treasures of the Nation, were I owner of them, then wittingly, negligently, or un­worthily sell, betray, or resigne them up to any Mortals or Powers whatsoever, upon any Pretences or Conditions, after all my former Publications, Contests, Sufferings, &c. for their just Defence.

Now to the end all others might now take special no­tice of the inestimable value our Ancestors in all Ages have set upon them, and what successive Wars, Conflicts, they have chearfully undertaken for their preservation; I have, at vacant hours compiled this ensuing Vindication and Collection of the O [...]d Fund [...]mental Liberties, Franchises, Laws of all E [...]glish Free-men, which I shall bequeath to my most beloved native Country in general, and every real Heroick Patron of them in particular, as the best Legacie I can leave behinde me, both for their present and future Enfranchise­ment, Immunity, Security from all Arbitrary tyranny, Slave­ry, and yokes of Bondage, under which they have a long time langu [...]shed, and lamented, in the bitterness of their spi­rits.

[Page 8] The Method I resolve herein to pursue, is this:

1. I shall produce some punctual Authorities of mo­ment, to evidence, That the Kingdom and Free-men of Eng­land have some ancient Hereditary just Rights, Liberties, Pri­viledges, Franchises, Laws and Customs, properly called FUN­DAMENTAL; and likewise a FUNDAMENTAL Go­vernment, no ways to be altered, undermined, subverted, di­rectly or indirectly, to the Publike prejudice, under pain of high-Treason in those who shall attempt it, especially by fraud, force, or armed power.

2. I shall in brief Propositions present you with the chiefest and most considerable of them, which our Ance­stors in former ages, and our latest real Parliaments have resolved to be, and eagerly contended for, as FUNDA­MENTAL, essential to their being and well-being, as a Free People, Kingdom, Reipublike, unwilling to be en­slaved under any Yokes of Tyranny, any Arbitrary Imposi­tions or Powers whatsoever. And then give you a brief Touch of their several late unparallel'd violations, both by the Edicts and Actions of usurping Powers.

3. I shall in a Chronological way tender you a large Hi­storical Catalogue of Contests, Votes, Declarations, Re­monstrances, Oathes, Vows, Protestations, Covenants, En­gagements, Evidences, Statutes, Charters, Writs, Records, Judgements, and Authorities, in all ages, undeniably evi­dencing, declaring, vindicating, establishing, perpetuating these Fundamental Hereditary Rights, Liberties, Priviledges, Franchises, Customs, Laws, and abundantly manifesting the extraordinary care, industry, zeal, courage, wisdom, vigilancy of our Ancestors, to defend, preserve, and perpetuate them to posterity, without the least violation or diminution.

4. I shall vindicate the excellencie, indifferencie, and lega­lity of trying all Malefactors whatsoever by Juries of their peers, upon legal Process and Indictments; and manifest the illegality, injustice, partiality, dangerous consequences, of ad­mitting or introducing any other form of Trials, by New, Arbitrary, Martial Commissions, or Courts of High Justice, (or ratherSummum jus, est summa inju­ria. C [...]c. de Of­fic [...]s, p. 611. Injustice) inconsistent with, and destructive to the [Page 9] Fundamental Rights, Liberties, Priviledges, Laws, Franchises of the English Nation, and of most dangerous President to Posterity; being set up by the greatest Pretenders to Pub­like Liberty, Law, and the chiefest inveighers against Ar­bitrary Regal Tyranny and Power, which never publike­ly established them by any Law, and may fall to imitate them in future Ages.

Each of these I intend to prosecute in distinct Chapters in their order.

For the first of these: That the Kingdom and Free-men of 1 England, have some Ancient Hereditary Rights, Liberties, Pri­viledges, Franchises, Laws and Customs, properly called FUN­DAMENTAL; and likewise a FUNDAMENTAL [...]O­VERNMENT, no ways to be altered, undermined, subverted, directly or indirectly, under pain of High-treason in those who shall attempt it, especially by fraud, force, or armed power.

I shall confirm the first part of it, by these ensuing pun­ctual Authorities of moment, against thoseLilb. tryed and cast, p. 39, 40, 142. to 148 and elsewhere. John Canne's 2 Voice from the Temple. John Rogers Mene, T [...]k [...]l, Per [...]z, p. 6. Lilly and Cul­peper in their prognostications Anno 1653. & 1654. See the Armies Propo­sals. traytorous late-published Pamphlets, which professedly deny it, and endeavour a total abrogation of all former Laws, to set up a New Model and Body of the Law, to rule us for the future, according to their Pleasures.

The first is, the express words of the Great Charters of the Liberties of England, granted bySee Matth. Paris, p. 216 & Magna Chart. 9, 11. 3 H. 3. c. 1. & 38. 25 E. 1. c. 1, &c. 28 E. 1. c. 1, &c. Cook's 2 Instit. p. 2, 77. King John, Anno 1215. in the 17 yeer of his Reign; regranted and con­firmed by King Henry the third, in the ninth yeer of his Reign, and sundry times afterwards; and by King Edward the first, in the 25 and 28 yeers of his Reign: wherein these three Kings successively, by their several Grand Char­ters under their Great Seals, did grant, give, and confirm, to all the Free-men of the Realm of England, FOR THEM­SELVES AND THEIR HEIRS FOR EVER, the Cu­stoms, Liberties therein contained; TO HAVE AND TO HOLD THEM, TO THEM AND THEIR HEIRS, FROM THEM AND THEIR HEIRS FOR EVER. Con­cluding their Charters thus: All these Customs and Liberties aforesaid, which we have granted to be holden within this our Realm, as much as appertaineth TO US AND OUR [Page 10] HEIRS, WE SHALL OBSERVE. And ALL MEN OF THIS OUR REALM, AS WELL SPIRITUAL AS TEMPORAL, (as much as in them is) shall observe the same against all persons in likewise. And we have granted unto them, THAT NEITHER WE NOR OUR HEIRS SHALL PROCURE OR DO ANY THING WHERE­BY THE LIBERTIES IN THESE CHARTERS CON­TAINED, SHALL BE INFRINGED OR BROKEN. We ratifying and approving these Gifts and Grants aforesaid, CONFIRM and CORROBORATE ALL THE SAME, FOR US AND OUR HEIRS PERPETUALLY: and by these Pr [...]sents (as the later Charters run) do renew the same: Willing and granting, FOR US AND OUR HEIRS, THAT THESE CHARTERS, AND ALL AND SIN­GULAR THEIR ARTICLES, FOR EVER SHALL BE STEDFASTLY, FIRMLY, AND INVIOLABLY OBSERVED.

Sir Edward Cook, (that reverend learned Judge and Professor of our Laws) in his Preface to his second Insti­tutes, and p. 2. and 77. thereof, wherein he comments on this Great Charter, (printed by two Orders of the House of Commons in Parliament, dated 12 Maii 1641. and 30 Junit 1642.) resolves in direct terms, That the Great Char­ter was for the most part declaratory of the Principal Grounds of THE FUNDAMENTAL LAWS OF ENGLAND: That these words therein, [for us and our heirs for ever] were added, to avoid all scruples; THAT THIS GREAT PAR­LIAMENTARY: CHARTER MIGHT LIVE AND TAKE EFFECT IN ALL SUCCESSIONS OF AGES FOR EVER. A clear Resolution, that the principal Li­berties, Customs, Laws, contained in these Great Charters, and ratified by them, are both Fundamental, perpetual, and unalterable; being since confirmed in all points by neer fourty several special Acts of Parliament in succeeding Parliaments: and likewise by the Solemn Oathes of our Kings, Nobles, Judges, Great Officers, and of the People too, (all several times sworn to defend and maintain the same) and by sundry Solemn Excommunications against the infringers or contemners [Page 11] of them in any kinde; as I shall prove more fully in the third Chapter.

The second is, the punctual Resolution of the whole 2 Parliament of 1 Jacobi, even in a Printed Act of Parlia­ment, chap. 2. and of King James himself, in his Speech therein, as is evident by this Prologue to that Act: Whereas his most excellent Majestie hath been pleased, out of his great wisdom and judgement, not onely to represent unto us, by his own prudent and Princely Speech on the first day of this Parliament, how much he desired (in regard of his inward and gracious af­fection to both the famous and ancient Realms of England and Scotland, now united in Allegiance, and by all subjection IN HIS ROYAL PERSON, TO HIS MAJESTY AND HIS POSTERITY FOR EVER) that by a speedy, mature, and sound Deliberation, such a future Union might follow, as should make perfect that mutual love, and uniformity of Maners and Cu­stoms, which Almighty God in his providence, for the strength and safety of both Realms, hath so far already begun, in apparent sight of all the world; but also hath vouchsafed to express many ways, how far it is, and EVER SHALL BE, from his Royal and sincere care and affection to the Subjects of England, TO ALTER OR INNOVATE THE FUNDAMENTAL AND ANCIENT LAWS, PRIVILEDGES, & GOOD CUSTOMS OF THIS KINGDOM; whereby not onely HIS ROYAL AUTHORITY, but THE PEOPLES SE­CURITY OF LANDS, LIVINGS, and PRIVILEDGES (both in General and Particular) ARE PRESERVED AND MAINTAINED;Nota. and, BY THE ABOLISHING OR ALTERATION OF THE WHICH, IT IS IMPOS­SIBLE BUT THAT PRESENT CONFUSION WILL FALL UPON THE WHOLE STATE AND FRAME OF THIS KINGDOM, &c. In which memorable Clause, these four things are observable 1. That the Kin [...]dom and People of England have Fundamental anci­ent good Laws, Priviledges, and Customs. 2. That these are no ways to be altered or innovated; and that it always hath been, is, and ever shall be, far from the thoughts and intents of all good Kings, Governours, and Parliaments, [Page 12] who bear a sincere care and affection to the Subjects of England, to alter or innovate them. 3. That by these an­cient good Laws, Priviledges, and Customs, not onely the Kings Regal authority, but the Peoples Security of Lands, Livings, and Priviledges, (both in general and particular) are preserved and maintained. 4. That by the abolishing or altering of them, it is impossible, but that present confu­sion will fall upon the whole State and frame of this King­dom. Which I wish all Innovators and New Modellers of our Laws, would now at last say seriously to heart, and the whole Kingdom and English Nation sadly consider, who have found it an Experimental truth of late yeers, and no imaginary feigned Speculation.

3 The third is, The Remonstrance of the whole House of Commons in Parliament, delivered in writing to K. James, in the Parliament of 7 Jac. anno 1610. which begins thus.

To the Kings most Excellent Majesty.

Most gracious Soveraign,

WHereas we your Majesties most humble Subjects, the Commons assembled in Parliament, See Prop. 1. & 6. in chap. 2. have received, first by Message, and since by Speech, from your Majestie, a Command of restraint, from debating in Parliament your Majesties Right of imposing upon your subjects goods ex­ported out of, or imported into this Realm, yet allowing us to examine the grievance of these Impositions, in regard of quantity, time, and other circumstances of disproportion thereto incident: We your said humble Subjects nothing doubting but that your Majestie had no intent by that command, to infringe THE ANCIENT AND FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS OF THE LIBERTY OF PARLIAMENT, in point of exact discussing of all matters concerning them and their Posses­sions, Goods, and Rights whatsoever; which yet we cannot but conceive to be done in effect by this command, Do with all hum­ble duty make this Remonstrance to your Majestie.

First, We hold it an AN ANCIENT, GENERAL, and UNDOUBTED RIGHT OF PARLIAMENT, to debate [Page 13] freely all matters which do properly concern the Suject, and his Right or Estate: which freedom of debate being once fore-closed,Nota. THE ESSENCE OF THE LIBERTY OF PARLIAMENT IS WITHAL DISSOLVED.

Here the whole House of Commons, in a special Remon­strance to King James, (printed and published by Order of a Committee of the House of Commons for licensing of book [...], dated 20 Maii, 1641. 17 Caroli) declare, resolve, vindi­cate, and maintain, One principal, ancient, Fundamental, general, undoubted Right of the Liberty of Parliament, against the Kings intrenchment on it: Of which should they be but once fore-closed, the Essence of the Liberty of Parliament is withal dissolved.

And peradventure it may not be unworthy the most se­rious Disquisition of the next ensuing nominal or real Par­liament, to examine, whether some Clauses and Restrictions in the 9, 12, 14, 16, 17, 21, 22, 24, 25, 27, 30, 32, 33, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40 Articles (or Strings) of the New Instru­ment, intituled, The Government of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the Dominions thereunto belonging; as it was publikely declared at Westminster the 16 day of December, 1653. &c. do not as much, nay far more intrench upon the ancient, Fundamental, General, un­doubted Right and Liberty of Parliament, and Parliamentary free Debates, to the dissolution of the Essential Liberty of all future Parliaments, as this Command of King James did, or as the Bishops late Canons imposed on the Clergie in and by the Convocation, Anno 1640. ever did; and this Clause in their &c. Oath then made, (now imitated by others, who condemned it:) I A. B. do swear, that I will never give my consent TO ALTER THE GOVERN­MENT OF THIS CHURCH BY ARCH-BISHOPS, BISHOPS, DEANS, AND ARCH-DEACONS, &c. AS IT STANDS NOW ESTABLISHED, AND AS BY RIGHT IT OUGHT TO STAND:See Cant. Doom, p. 19, 26. 40. Diurn. Oc­currences, p. 13. Resolved by the whole house of Commons, and Peers too, without one dis­senting voice, in Parliament, Decemb. 1640. to be a most [Page 14] dangerous and illegal Oath, contrary to THE RIGHTS and PRIVILEDGES OF PARLIAMENT, and to the FUNDA­MENTAL LAWS & STATUTES OF THE REALM, &c. and OF DANGEROUS CONSEQUENCE. The con­triving whereof was objected to the late Arch-bishop of Canterbury, in his Original and Additional Articles of Im­peachment, to be HIGH TREASON; for which, amongst other things, he lost his head.

4 The fourth is, the notable Petition of Grievance of the whole House of Commons in Parliament, presented to King James in the seventh yeer of his Reign, after their Vote against his right to lay any Impositions on Goods imported or exported, without assent of Parliament; in these en­suing words.

THe Policie and Constitution of this your Majesties King­dom,See Propos. 1. in chap. 2. appropriates unto the Kings of this Realm, with as­sent of Parliament, as well the Soveraign power of making Laws, as that of taxing or imposing upon the Subjects Goods or Merchandizes, wherein they have justly such a Property, as may not without their consent be altered or changed: this is the cause, that the People of this Kingdom, as they haveO how are they now degenera­ted! ever shewed themselves faithful and loving to their Kings, and ready to aid them in all their just occasions,Nota. with voluntary Contribu­tions: SO HAVE THEY BEEN And should they not be so now, then? EVER CAREFUL TO PRESERVE THEIR OWN LIBERTIES AND RIGHTS, WHEN ANY THING HATH BEEN DONE TO PREJUDICE OR IMPEACH THE SAME. And therefore when their Princes, either occasioned by War, or by their own bounty, or by any other Necessity, have without consent of Parliament set on Impositions, either within the Land, [...]r upon Commodities exported or imported by the Merchants, they have in open Parliament complained of it, in that it was done with­out their consents; AND THEREUPONAnd shall we now at last fail h [...]rein? NEVER FAI­LED TO OBTAIN A SPEEDY AND FULL RE­DRESS, without anyHowdare then any self created powers, who are neither Kings nor Parliam [...]n [...]s now arrogate to themselves, or exercise such a super-Regal ar­bitrary power & prerogative? Claim made by the Kings, of any Power or Prerogative in that point. And though THE LAW OF PROPERTY BE ORIGINAL, and carefully [Page 15] preserved by the Common Lawes of this Realm, WHICH ARE AS ANCIENT AS THE KINGDOM IT SELF; yet those famous Kings, for the better contentment and assu­rance of their loving Subjects, agreed, THAT THIS OLD FUNDAMENTAL RIGHT (observe the words) should be further declared, AND ESTABLISHED BY ACT OF PARLIAMENT, wherein it is provided, That no such Charge should ever be laid upon the People without their Com­mon consents, as may appear by sundry Records of former times.

We therefore your Majesties most humble Commons assem­bled in Parliament,Nota. And O that we would sol­low it now a­gain! FOLLOWING THE EXAMPLE OF THIS WORTHY CARE OF OUR ANCESTORS, AND OUT OF OUR DUTY TO THOSE FOR WHOM WE SERVE, finding that your Majesty, without advice of your Lords and Commons, hath lately (in times of Peace) SET BOTH GREATER IMPOSITIONS, AND FAR MORE IN NUMBER THEN ANY YOUR NOBLE ANCESTORS DID EVER IN TIME OF WAR, do with all humility present this most just and necessary Petition unto your Majesty, THAT ALL IMPOSITIONS SET WITHOUT ASSENT IN PARLIAMENT, MAY BE QUITE ABOLISHED AND TAKEN AWAY. And that your Majesty likewise in imitation of your Royal PRO­GENITORS, will be pleased, that a Law in your time, and during this Session of Parliament, may be also made, to de­clare, THAT ALL IMPOSITIONS OF ANY KIND SET, OR TO BE SET UPON YOUR PEOPLE, THEIR GOODS OR MERCHANDIZES, SAVE ONLY BY COMMON CONSENT IN PARLIAMENT, ARE AND SHALL BE VOID; wherein your Majesty shall not only GIVE YOUR SUBJECTS GREAT SATIS­FACTION IN POINT OF THEIR RIGHT; but also bring exceeding joy and comfort to them who now suffer, partly through the abating of the price of Native Commodi­ties, and partly through the raising of all Forraign, to the overt [...] row of Merchants, and Shipping, the causing of ge­neral dearth, and decay of all wealth among your people, who [Page 16] will be thereby no less discouraged, then disabled to supply your Majesty when occasion shall require.

In which memorable Petition, the whole House of Com­mons resolve in direct terms: 1. That the Subjects of Eng­land have old original Fundamental Rights, (and more particularly in the Property of their goods, exempted from all Impositions whatsoever in times of Peace or War, without their common consent in Parliament) declared and establish­ed both by the ancient Common Law of England, and sundry Acts of Parliament, and Records of former times. 2. They declare, the constant vigilant care, zeal of our Ancestors and former Parliaments in all Ages, inviolably to main­tain, defend, preserve the same against all encroachments, together with their own care, duty and vigilancy in this kind in that very Parliament. 3. They relate the readiness of our Kings to ratifie these their Fundamental Rights by new Acts of Parliament, when they have been violated in any kinde. 4. They declare the benefit accruing both to Prince and People, by the inviolable preservation and establishment of this old Fundamental Right, and the mis­chiefs accruing to both by the infringement thereof, by arbitrary illegal Impositions, without full consent in Parlia­ment. 5. They earnestly (in point of conscience, pru­dence, and duty to those for whom they served) Petition his Majesty, for a new Law and Declaration against all new Impositions and Taxes on Inland Goods, or Merchandizes im­ported or exported without the Peoples free consent in Parlia­ment, as null, void, utterly to be abolished and taken away. Whether it will not be absolutely necessary for the whole English Nation, and the next ensuing Notional, or real Parliament to Prosecute, Enact, Establish such a Declarati­on and Law against all such future arbitrary, illegal, oppres­sive Taxes, Impositions, Excises, that have been imposed and continued for many years together on the whole Kingdom, by new extravagant, self-created, usurping Ar­my-Officers, and other Powers, without free and full con­sent of the People in lawful English Parliaments, against all former Laws, Declarations, and Resolutions in Parlia­ment, [Page 17] to their great oppression, enslaving, undoing, and that in far greater proportions, multiplicity, and variety, then ever in former Ages, without the least intermission; and likewise against their late declared design, to perpetuate them on our exhausted Nation, without alteration or diminu­tion, (beyond and against all Presidents of former Ages) both in times of Peace and War for the future, by the 27, 28, 39, 30, 9. Articles of the Instrument entituled, The Government of the Commonwealth of England, &c. I remit to their most serious con [...]derations to determine, if ever they resolve to be English Freemen again, or to imitate the wisdom, prudence, zeal, courage, and laudable examples of their worthy Ancestors, from which they cannot now degenerate without the greatest Infamy, and enslaving of themselves with their Posterities for ever, to the arbitrary wills of pres [...]nt or future Usurpers on their Fundamental Rights and Libe [...]ties, in an higher degree then ever in any precedent [...]ges, under the Greatest Conquerors or Kings, after all their late, costly, bloudy Wars for their Defence a­gainst the Behe [...]ded King.

The fifth is, A learned and necessary Argument made in 5 the Commons House of Parliament, Anno 7. Jacobi, to prove, That each Subject hath a Propriety in his Goods; shew­ing also, the extent of the Kings Prerogative in Impositions up­on the Goods of Merchants exported or imported, &c. By a late learned Judg of this Kingdom, printed at London by Richard Bishop, 1641. and Ordered to be pub [...]ished in Print, at a Committee appointed by the Honourable House of Com­mons, for examination and Licensing of B [...]oks. 20. Maii, 1641. In which Parliamentary Argument, p. 8, 11, 16. I finde these direct Passages: That the New Im [...]ositions contained in the Boo [...] of Rates, imposed on Merchandizes, imported and exported by the K [...]ngs Prerogative, and Letters Patents, without consent in Parliament, is against THE NA­TURAL FRAME AND CONSTITUTION OF THE POLICY OF THIS KINGDOME, which is Jus Publi­cum Regn [...], AND SO SUBVERTETH THE FUNDA­MENTAL LAW OF THE REALM, and introduceth a [Page 18] new form of State and Government: Can any man give me a reason, why the King can only in Parliament make Lawes? No man ever read any Law, whereby it was so ordained; and yet no man ever read, that any King practised the contrary; therefore IT IS THE ORIGINAL RIGHT OF THE KINGDOM, Nota. AND THE VERY NATURAL CON­STITUTION OF OUR STATE AND POLICY, being one of the highest Rights of Soveraign Power. If the King alone out of Parliament may impose,And do not those do so [...] as [...]lay mont [...]ly [...], Customs, and N [...]w-Impost on us daily out of Parliament, and that for many moneths and years yet to come, against the Letter of their own In­strument and Oath too? HE ALTER­ETH THE LAW OF ENGLAND IN ONE OF THESE TWO MAIN FUNDAMENTAL POINTS; He must either take the Subjects Goods from them, without assent of the Party, which is against the Law, or else he must give his own Letters Patents the force of a Law, to alter the property of the Subjects Goods, which is also against the Law.

In this and sundry other Arguments, (touching the Right of Impositions) in the Commons House of Parliament by the Members of it, arguing against them, it was fre­quently averred, and at last voted and resolved by the House, 7. Jacobi. That such Impositions without consent in Parliament, were AGAINST THE ORIGINAL FUN­DAMENTAL LAWS AND PROPERTY OF THE SUBJECT, and Original Right, Frame, and Constitution of the Kingdom; as the Notes and Journals of that Parliament evidence: An express Parliamentary resolution in point, for what I here assert.

The sixth is, 6. A Conference desired by the Lords, and had by a Committee of both Houses, concerning the Rights and Pri­viledges of the Subject, 3. Aprilis. 4. Caroli, 1628. entred in the Parliament Journal of 4. Caroli, and since printed at London, 1642. In the Introduction to which Confe­rence, Sir Dudley Diggs, by the Commons House Order, used these expressions: My good Lords, whilest we the Com­mons, out of our good affections, were seeking for money, we found, I cannot say a Book of the Law, but many A FUNDAMENTAL POINT THEREOF NEGLECT­ED AND BROKEN, which hath occasioned our desire [Page 19] of this Conference: Wherein I am first commanded to shew un­to your Lordships in general, That the Laws of England are grounded on Reason more antient then Books, consisting much in unwritten Customs, yet so full of Justice and true Equity, that your most Honorable Predecessors and Ancestors propug­ned them with a NOLUMUS MUTARI; and so ancient, that from the Saxons daies, notwithstanding the injuries and ruines of time, they have continued in most parts the same, &c. Be pleased then to know, THAT IT IS AN UNDOUBT­ED AND FUNDAMENTAL POINT OF THIS SO ANCIENT COMMON LAW OF ENGLAND, THAT THE SUBJECT HATH A TRUE PROPERTY IN HIS GOODS AND POSSESSIONS, which doth preserve as sacred that Meum and Tuum, that is the Nurse of Indu­stry, and the Mother of Courage, and without which there can be no Justice, of which Meum and Tuum is the proper ob­ject. Bu [...] the UNDOUBTED RIGHT OF FREE SUB­JECTS, hath lately not a little been invaded and prejudiced by Pressures, the more grievous, because they have been pur­sued by imprisonment, contrary to the Franchises of this Land, &c. which the Commons House proved by many Statutes and Records in all Ages, in that Conference, to the full sa­tisfaction of the Lords House; since published in print.

The seventh is, 7. The Vote of the See Can­terburies Doom, p. 19. Di­urnal Occur­rences, p. 13. whole House of Commons, 16. December, 1640. Nullo contradicente, en­tred in their Journal, and printed in Diurnal Occurrences, p. 13. That the Canons made in the Convocation (Anno 1640.) ARE AGAINST THE FUNDAMENTAL LAWS OF THE REALM, the Property and Liberty of the Subject, the Right of Parliament, and contained divers things tending to Faction and Sedition.

The eighth Authority is,8. Exact Col­lection, &c. p. 112, 113. The Votes of both Houses of Parliament, concerning the security of King­dom of England, and Dominion of Wales, 15. Martii 1641. Ordered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament to be forth­with printed and published (as they were then by themselves, and afterwards with other Votes and Orders) Resolved [Page 20] upon the Question, nemine contradicente; That in case of extream danger, and of his Majesties refusal, the Ordi­nance agreed on by both Houses for the Militia, doth ob­lige the people,See Chap. 2. Proposition 3, 7 and ought to be obeyed, by THE FUN­DAMENTAL LAWS OF THIS KINGDOM. A very vain, false, absurd, and delusory Vote, if there be no such Law [...], as some now affirm.

The ninth punctual Authority is,9. Exact Col­lection, p. 850, 854, 887, 888. A second Decla­ration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, concerning the Commission of Array; printed by their speci­al Order of 12. Januarii 1642. Wherein are these ob­serveable passages. The main drift of the answer is to main­tain, That the King by the Common Law may grant such a Commission of Array as this is, upon this ground, be­cause it's for the defence of the Kingdom: And, that the power which he hath to grant it by the Common Law, is not taken away by the Petition of Right, or any former Sta­tute, but the King notwithstanding any of them, may charge the Subjects for Defence of the Kingdom, so as the charge imposed come not to himself, nor to his particular ad­vantage.

These grounds thus laid, extend not to the Commission of Array alone, but to all other charges that his Majesty shall impose upon his Subjects, upon pretence of Defence of the King­dom; for there is the same reason of Law for any other charge that is pretended for Defence, as for this. If his Majesty by the Common Law may charge his Subjects to finde Arms, and other things in the Commission injoyned, because they are for Defence of the Kingdom; by the same reason of Law, he may command his People to build Castles, Forts, and Bulworks, and after to maintain them with Garrisons, Arms, and Victu­als, at their own charges: And by the same reason he may com­pel his Subjects to finde Ships, and furnish them with Men, Ammunition, and Victuals, and to finde Souldiers pay, coat and conduct-money; provide victuals for Souldiers, and all other things NECESSARY FOR AN Do not the Army-Officers now enforce them to all this without a Par­liament? ARMY; these things being as necessary for Defence, as any thing that can be [Page 21] done in execution of this Commission. And for that exposition of the Petition of Right, and other Statutes therein noted, (if it should hold) doth it not overthrow, as well the Petition it self, as all other Lawes that have been made for the Sub­jects benefit against Taxes and other Charges, either in this or any other Parliament?

These Positions thus laid down and maintained, DO SHAKE THE FUNDAMENTAL LAWS OF THE KINGDOM, (THE ANCIENT BIRTH-RIGHT OF EVERY SUBJECT) both for THE PROPERTY OF HIS GOODS, AND LIBERTY, OF HIS PERSON: Nay, they strike at the root of Parliaments: What need his These Expo­stulations reach to those at White-Hall now, who pre­sume to impose Taxes, Cu­stoms, Excises, and make b [...]nd­ing Laws, which no Kings there ever did in like nature, no [...] their Counc [...]ls in any Age. Majesty call Parliaments to provide for Defence of the Realm, when himself may compel his Subjects to defend it without Parliaments? If these grounds should hold, what need the Sub­jects grant Subsidies in Parliament for Defence of the King­dom in time of real danger, if the King for defence at any times, when he shall only conceive or pretend danger, may im­pose Charges upon his Subjects without their consent in Parlia­ment?

Upon that which hath been said in this and our former De­claration, we doubt not but all indifferent men will be satis­fied, that this Commission of Array is full of danger and in­convenience to the Subjects of England, AND AGAINST THE FUNDAMENTAL LAWS OF THE LAND, both for PROPERTY OF GOODS, AND LIBERTY OF PERSON, &c. 2. As it is against THE FUNDA­MENTAL LAWS OF THE REALM, so no Statute makes it good, &c. And the Lords and Commons do upon the whole matter here conclude, that they are very much ag­grieved, that after so many Declarations and solemn Pro­testations made by his Majesty to rule by the known Laws of this Land, his Majesty by advice of his ill Councel­lors should be perswaded to set such a Commission on foot, which is so clearly contrary TO THE FUNDAMEN­TAL LAWS OF THIS LAND, the Right of Property, and Liberty of the Subject, contrary to former Resolutions of Parliament, and to the Petition of Right.

[Page 22] I am certain the generality of the Nation are now as much and more aggrieved, that some who were Parties to this Declaration, and others who have made as many or more Declarations and Protestations as his Majesty ever did, to rule by the known Laws of the Land, should since this, far exceed his Majesty in the like, or more exorbi­tances in the Militia, Excises, Taxes, Impositions, Im­prisonments, arbitrary extravagant proceedings, and ca­pital executions in new-erected Courts of Injustice, as di­ametrically contrary as the Kings Commissions of Array, to the Fundamental Laws of the Land (four times together so stiled and insided on, as such, in this one Declaration of both Houses) the Right of Property of the Subject, contrary to former Resolutions, and the Petition of Right; yea (which is most abominable) to their own Declarations, Remon­strances, Votes, Protestations, Vows, Solemn Leagues and Co­venants in Parliament, to their own eternal Infamy, as well as the peoples intolerable oppression and Slavery, who thereupon may justly conclude and protest against them, as both Houses did in the close of that Declaration against the Array, viz▪ Exact Collec­tion, p. 888. And the Lords and Commons do and shall adhere to their former Votes and Resoluti­ons, That all those that are Actors in putting of this Commission of Array in execution, shall be esteemed di­sturbers of the Peace of the Kingdome, and the Properties and Liberties of the Subject.

The tenth evidence is, 10. A Collection of all [...] Order [...] [...] and De­clarations of Parliament, p. 451, 452, 457, 458. the Vote and Letter of both Houses of Parliament sent to his Majesty at Oxford 9. March 1643. in answer to his Majesties of the third of March, wherein there is this passage: We the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England, &c. have resolved, with the concurrent advice and consent of the Commissioner [...] of Scotland, to represent to your Majesty in all hum [...]ity and plainness as followeth; That this present Parliament convened according to the known and FUNDA­MENTAL LAWS OF THE KINGDOM (the continu­ance whereof is established by a Law consented to by your Ma­ [...]esty) is in effect denied to be a Parliament, &c. And here­upon [Page 23] we think our selves bound to let your Majesty know, That since theYet forcibly dissolved by the Army, and some new in Power, against their Commissi­ons, Oaths, Trusts, Prote­station, Coven­ant, and an Act of Parliament for their conti­nuance; who may do well to peruse this [...]. See Chap. 2. Proposition 6. 7. continuance of this Parliament is setled by a Law, (which, as all other Laws of your Kingdom, your Maje­sty is sworn to maintain, as we are sworn to our Allegiance to your Majesty, these Obligations being reciprocal) we must in duty, and accordingly are resolved, with our lives and fortunes, to defend and preserve the just Rights and full Power of this Parliament: To which the Earl of Essex (then Ge­neral) by both Houses direction, in his Letter to the Earl of Forth, Jan. 30. 1643. adds this Corollary, My Lord, the maintenance of the Parliament of England, and the Pri­viledges thereof, is that for which we are all resolved to spend our bloud, as being THE FOUNDATION WHEREON ALL OUR LAWS and LIBERTIES ARE BUILT: Which both the Lords and Commons assembled in Parlia­ment, in their Declaration of 23. Martii 1643. touching their proceedings upon his Majesties Letter concerning a Treaty of Peace; (wherein this Earls former Letter is recited) thus second: The Parliament of England is the only Basis, the chief Support and Pillar of our Laws and Li­berties, &c. And if notwithstanding all these Obligati­ons, the King shall How much more [...]h [...]n, if the Army, o [...] Army-Officers shall do [...], without questi­on or exempla­ry punishm [...]nt again and again, and i [...] ­stifie it still in [...]? at his pleasure dissolve this Parlia­ment, the Kingdom is not only deprived of the present, but made uncapable of enjoying the benefit of any future Parliament or Laws, any longer then shall stand with the will and pleasure of the King, and consequently THE FUNDAMENTALS OF ALL OUR LAWS & GO­VERNMENT ARE SUBVERTED. Let the Parliament-dissolving Officers, Army, and their Confederates seri­ously ponder this, with all who shall hereafter sit in Parli­amen [...], consider it in the first place.

The eleventh is, [...]1. the A Collecti­on, &c. p. 504. Ordinance of both Houses of Parliament, 13. Junii 1644. for the Forces raised in the County of Salop, which begins thus: The Lords and Com­mons assembled in Parliament, taking into their serious consi­derations, the great oppressions under which the Inhabitants of the County of Salop, by reason of insupportable Taxes, &c. and the present condition of the County, by reason of [Page 24] the great number of Irish Rebels that have invaded it, and joyned with Papists and other ill-affected Persons now in those parts, doth threaten the extirpation of the Protestant Religion, and the s [...]b [...]e [...]sion of THE FUNDAMENTAL LAWS & GOVERNMENT OF THE KINGDOM. For prevention whereof, &c.

The twelfth is A Collecti­on, &c. p. 877, 878, 879. A Declaration of the Commons of Eng­land assembled in Parliament 17.12. Aprilis 1646. Of their true intentions concerning the AN [...]IENT & FUNDAMEN­TAL GOVERNMENT OF THE KINGDOM, securing the people against ALL ARBITRARY GOVERNMENT, &c. wherein they complain, That the Enemy being in despair to accomplish his designs by War, do misrepresent our intentions in the use we intended to make of the great Successes God hath given us, and the happy opportunity to settle peace and truth in the three Kingdoms; to beget a belief that we now desire to exceed or swerve from our first Aims and Principles in the Undertaking of this War, and to recede from the Solemn League and Covenant, and Treaties between the two Kingdoms; and that we would prolong these uncomfortable Troubles, [...]nd b [...]eed­ing Distractions, INAnd is not this now proved a real exper [...] ­mental [...], in some of [...] Remonst [...]s, to their shame? ORDER TO ALTER THE FUN­DAMENTAL CONSTITUTION & FRAME OF THIS KINGDOM, to leave all Government in the Church loose and unsetled, and our selves to exercise THE SAME ARBI­TRARY POWER OVER THE PERSONS & ESTATES OF THE SUBJECTS, which this present Parliament hath thought fit to abolish, by taking away the Star-Chamber, High Commission, and other Arbitrary Courts, and the exorbitant Power of the Councel Table: (all which we have seen since experimentally verified in every particular in the highest d [...]gree, notwithstanding this Declaration, by some in late and present Power, notwithstanding this Publication:) All which being seriously considered by us, &c. We do declare, THAT OUR TRUE & REAL INTENTIONS ARE, & OUR ENDEAVOR SHALL BE, to settle Religion in the purity thereof,And can most of the [...] mon­st [...]ns [...] or present pow­er, [...] joy this [...] truth or re­ally? And must not they be utterly asham [...] ­ed, confounded before God and men, when they consider how they have dis­sembled, prev [...] ­ri [...]ated with God and men herein in each particular? TO MAINTAIN THE ANCIENT &FUNDAMENTAL GOVERNMENT OF THIS KING­DOM, TO PRESERVE THE RIGHTS & LIBERTIES

[Page 25] In the Walsingha [...] Stow, Hollin­shed, Speed, Grafton, Baker An. 5. R. 2. John Stows Survay of Lon­don. p. 89. 10 103. Mr. St. Iohns Argu­ment at Law, at Straffords Attainder, p. 14 fifth year of King Richard the second, the vulgar Rabble of people and Villains, in Kent, Essex, Sussex, Nor­folk, Cambridgeshire and other Countries, under the Conduct of Wat Tyler, Jack Straw and other Rebels, assembling together in great multitudes, resolved by force and violence to abrogate the Law of villenage, with all other Lawes they disli­ked, formerly settled; to burn all the Records, kill and behead all the Judges, Justices, and men of Law of all sorts, which they could get into their hands; to burn and destroy the Innes of Court, (as they did then the new Temple, where the apprentices of the Law lodged, burning their Monuments and Records of Law there found) to alter the tenures of Lands, to devise new Laws of their own, by which the Subjects should be governed, to change the ancient Hereditary, Monarchicall Government of the Realm, and to elect pettie elective Tyrannies and Kingdoms to themselves in every Shire: (a project eagerly prosecuted by some Anar­chicall Anabaptists, and Jesuites, Levellers, very lately: and though withall they intended to destroy the King at last, and all the Nobles too, when they had gotten sufficient power, yet at first to cloak their intentions for the present, they took an Oath of all they met; Quod Regi & communibus fidelita­tem servarent, that they should keep Allegeance and faith to the King and Commons, this their resolution and at­tempt thus to alter and subvert the Laws and Government, upon full debate in the Parliament of 5 R. 2. n. 30, 31. was declared to be HIGH TREASON against the King and against the Law; for which divers of the chief actours in this Treasonable Design were condemned and executed, as Trai­tors, in severall places; and the rest enforced to a publick submission, and then pardoned.

2. In the Stow, Holin­shed, Sp [...]ed, Graften, Baker in XI. 21. R. 2. and 1. H. 4. Satutes at large, 11. and 21 R. 2. & 1. H. 4 M. St. [...]ohns Speech concer­ning the ship­mony Judges, p. 28. to 37. And Argument at Law, at Straffords At­tainder. Parliament XL. R. 2. (as appears by the Par­liament Rolls and printed Statutes at large) three Prive Councellours, the Archbishop of York, the Duke of Ireland, and Earl of Suffolk; the Bishop of Exeter the Kings Confessour, five Knights, six Judges, (whereof Sir Robert Tresilian Chief Justice was one) Blake of the Kings Councel at Law, Ʋsk and others, were impeached and condemned of High Treason, some of them executed as Traytors, the rest banished, their Lands [Page 26] and goods forfeited, and none to endevour to procure their pardon, under pain of Felony; for endeavouring to overthrow a Commis­sion for the good of the Kingdome, and contrary to an Act of Par­liament of force of arms and Opinions in Law delivered to the King, tending to subvert the Laws and Statutes of the Realm, o­verthrow the Power, Priviledges, and proceedings of Parliament, and betray (not all the house of Lords, but only) some of the Lords of Parliament, which Judgement being afterwards reversed in the forced, and packed Parliament of 21. R. 2. was reconfirmed in the Parliament of 1 H. 4. c. 3. 4, 5. and the Parliament of 21. R. 2. totally repealed, and adnulled for ever, and hath so continued.

3. In the Mr. St. John at Law against Straffords At­tainder. p. 13. 14, 17. Parliament of 17 R. 2. n. 20. and Pas. 17. R. 2. B. RS. Ror. 16. Sir Thomas Talbot was accused and found guilty of High Treason for conspiring the death of the Dukes of Glocester, Lancaster and other Peers, who maintain­ed the Commission confirmed by act of Parliament, X. R. 2. and assembling people in a warlike manner in the County of Chester, for the effecting of it, in destruction of the Estates of the Realm; and OF THE LAWES OF THE KING­DOME.

4. In the 29. year of King Henry the sixth, Jack Cade, under a pretence to REFORM, alter, and abrogate some Laws, Purveyances and extortions importable to the Commons (wherupon he was called JOHN AMEND ALL) drew a great multitude of Kentish people to Black Heath in a war­like manner to effect it: in the Parliament of 29. H. 6. c. 1. this was adjudged High Treason in him and his Complices; by act of Parliament: and the Parliament of 31. H. 6. c. 1. made this memorable Act against him, and his Imitators insucceeding ages; worth serious perusall and conside­ration by all who tread in his footsteps and over-act him in his Treasons.

"

Whereas the most abominable Tyrant, horrible, odious, and errant FALSE TRAITOR, John Cade, calling himself sometimes Mortimer, sometime Captain of Kent, (which Name, Fame, Acts and Feats, to be removed out of the speech and mind of every faithfull Christian man, perpetually,) falsly and [Page 27] trayterously purposing and imagining the perpetual destruction of the KINGS PERSON and FINALL SƲBVERSION OF THIS REALM, taking upon himAnd have not others of late assumed to themselves, more Royal power than he? resolved to be Treason by 21. E. 3. Rot. Parl. n. 15. ROYALL POWER, and gathering to him the Kings people in great number, BY FALSE, SUBTIL, IMAGINED LAN­GUAGE, and seditiously made a stirring Rebellion, and in­surrection, ƲNDER COLOƲR OF JƲSTICE FOR REFORMATION OF THE LAWS OF THE SAID KING, robbing, slaying, spoiling a great part of his faithfull people: Our said Soveraign Lord the King, considering the premises with many other, which were more odi­ous to remember, by advice and assent of the Lords spirituall and Temporall, and at THE REQUEST OF THE COMMONS, and by authority aforesaid, hath ordained and established, that the said John Cade shall be had named and declared A FALSE TRAYTOR to our said Soveraign Lord the King;Nota. and that all His Tyranny, Acts, Facts, false Opinions, shall be voyded, abated, adnul­led, destroyed, and put out of remembrance for ever. And that all indictments in time coming, in like case under power of Tyranny, Rebellion and stirring had, shall be of no regard, nor effect, but void in Law: and all the Petitions To wit by Cade and his confederates for the altera­tion of the Laws, &c. delivered to the said King in his last Parliament holden at Westminster, the sixth day of November, the 29. of his Reign, against his mind, by him not agreed, shall be taken and put in oblivion out of remembrance, undone, voided, adnulled and destroyed, for ever, as a thing purposed against God and his Conscience, and against his Royall estate and preheminence, and also DIS­HONOƲRABLE and ƲNREASONABLE.

"

5. In theSee Mr. St. Iohns Argu­ment against Strafford, p. 178. Halls Chronicle and Hollinshed. 8 year of King Henry the 8. William Bell, and Thomas Lacy, in the County of Kent conspired with Thomas Cheyney (the Hermite of the Queen of Fairies) TO OVERTHROW THE LAWS AND CƲSTOMES OF THE REALM: for effecting whereof, they with 200. more met together, and concluded upon a cause or raising greater forces in Kent, and the adjacent Shires, this was adjudged high Treason, and some of them executed as Traytors. Moreover, itCooks 3. insti­tutes, p. 9. 10. was resolved by all the Judges of [Page 28] in the reign of Henry 8. that an Insurrection against the Sta­tute of Labourers, or for the inhansing of Salaries and wages was TREASON, a levying war against the King, BECAUSE IT WAS GENERALLY AGAINST THE KINGS LAW, and the offendors took upon them THe RE­FORMATION THEREOF, which Subjects by gathering of power ought not to do.

Cooks 4. In­stitutes, ch. 8. p. 89. to 96.6. On December 1. in the 21. year of King Henry the 8. Sir Thomas Moore, Lord Chancellour of England, with 14. more, Lords of the Privy Councel, John Fitz-James, Chief Justice of England, and Sir Anthony Fitzher­hert, one of the Judges of the Common Pleas, exhibited sundry Articles of impeachment to King Henry the 8. against Cardinall Wolsy: That he had by divers and many sundry wayes and fashions committed High treason, and NOTABLE GRIE­VOUS OFFENCES, misusing, Altering, and subverting the order of his Graces Lawes, and otherwise; contrary to his high Honour, Prerogative, Crown, Estate and Dignity Royall; to the inestimable great hinderance, diminution and decay of the uniuersall Wealth of this his Graces Realm. The Articles are 43. in number: The 20, 21, 26, 30, 35, 37, 42, 43. contain, his illegall, arbitrary practices and proceedings to the subversion of the due course and order of his Graces Lawes, to the undoing of a great number of his loving people. Whereup­on they pray. Please therefore your most excellent Majesty of your excellent goodnesse towards the Weal of this your Realm, and Subjects of the same, to see such order and direction upon the said Lord Cardinall, As may be to terrible example of o­ther, to beware to offend your Grace, and your Lawes hereafter: And that he be so provided for that he never have a­ny Power, Jurisdiction or Authority hereafter, to trouble, vex, or impoverish the Common wealth of this your Realm, as he hoth done heretofore, to the great hurt and dammage of every man almost, High and low. See Speed, Holished, Graf­ton, Stow, An­tiquitates Ec­clesiae, Brit. p. 378. & 379. and Goodwin in his life time. His poysoning himself prevented his judgement for these his Practises.

M. St. Iohns Argument a­gainst Strafford7. The Statute of 1. Marie c. 12. Enacts that if 12. or more shall endeavour By force to alter any of the Laws or Statutes of the Kingdome; the offender shall from the time therein [Page 29] limited be adjudged ONELY AS A FELON: whereas it was Treason before; but this Act continuing but till the next Parliament, and then expiring, the offence remains Treason, as before.

Cook 3 Inst. c. 1. 9, 10. and M. St. Iohns Argument at Law, a­gainst Strafford p. 15, 16.8. In the 39. of Queen Elisabeth, divers in the Coun­ty of Oxford consulted together, to go from House to House, in that County, and from thence to London and other parts, to excite them to take arms for the throwing down of inclosures throughout the Realm; nothing more was prosecuted, nor Assemblies made; yet in Easter Term 39. Elisabeth, it was resolved by all the judges of England (who met about the case) That this was High Treason, and a levying Warre a­gainst the Queen, because it was to throw down all inclosures throughout the Kingdome, to which they could pretend no right, and that the end of it was, to OVERTHROW THE LAWS AND STATUTES for Inclosures. Whereupon BRAD­SHAW and BURTON (two of the principall offenders) were condemned and executed at Aiciston Hill in Oxfordshire, where they intended their first meeting.

See the Jour­nals of both Houses, and Act for his Attainder, Mr. Pyms De­claration upon the whole mat­ter of the Charge of High Treason against him, April the 12. 1641. M. St. Iohns Argument at Law at his Attainder, and Diurnal Oc­currences.9. To come nearer to our present times and case. In the last Parliament of King Charls, Anno 1640. 1641. The whole house of Commons impeached Thomas Earl of Strafford, Lord Deputy of Ireland of High Treason, amongst other Articles, for this crime especially (wherein all the other centred,) That he hath TREASONABLY ENDEVOU­RED by his Words, Actions and Counsels, to SUBVERT THE FUNDAMENTALL LAWS OF ENGLAND and IRE­LAND, and introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannicall Govern­ment. This the whole Parliament declared and adjudged to be High Treason, in and by their votes, and a speciall Act of Parliament for his Attainder; for which he was con­demned and soon after executed on Tower Hill, as a Tray­tour to the King and Kingdome, May 22. 1641.

See the Com­mons and Lords Iournals, his printed im­peachment, Mr. Pyms Speech thereat, Can­buties Doom. p. 25, 26, 2 [...] 38, 40▪10. The whole House of Commons the same Parliament impeached William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury of HIGH TREASON; in these very terms, February 6. 1640.

First, That he hath trayterously endeavoured to subvert [Page 30] Fundamentall Lawes and Government of this Kingdome of England, and instead thereof to introduce An Arbitrary and Tyrannicall Government against Law: See chap. 2. Proposition 1.

"and he to that end hath wickedly, and TRAYTEROUSLY advised his Ma­jesty, that he might at his own will and pleasure, L [...]vy and take money of his Subjects without their consent in Parliament, and and this he affirmed was warrantable by the Law of God.

Secondly, He hath for the better accomplishment of that his Trayterous design, advised and procured Sermons and o­ther Discourses, to be preached, printed and publish­ed, in which the Authority of Parliaments, and the force of the Lawes of this Kingdome have been denyed, and absolute and unlimited Power over the persons and estates of his Maje­sties Subjects maintained and defended, not onely in the King, but in himself and other Bishops against the Law.

Thirdly, He hath by Letters, Messages, Threats and promises, and by divers other wayes to Judges, and other Ministers of Justice, interrupted, perverted, and at o­ther times by means aforesaid hath endevoured to interrupt and pervert the course of Justice in his Majesties Courts at West­minster and other Courts, TO THE SUBVERSION OF THE LAWS OF THIS KINGDOME, whereby sundry of his Majesties Subjects have been stopt in their just suits, deprived of their lawfull Rights, and sub­jected to his Tyrannical will, to their ruine and destru­ction.

Fourthly, That he hath trayterously endevoured to cor­rupt the other Courts of Justice, by a vising and procu­ring his Majesty to sell places of Judicature, and other offices, CONTRARY TO THE LAWS and CU­STOMES in that behalf.

Fifthly, He hath TRAYTEROUSLY caused a Book of Canons to be compiled and published, without any lawfull warrant and Authority in that behalf; in which pretended Canons many matters are contained, contrary to the Kings Prerogative, to the fundamentall Laws and Statutes of this Realm, to the Rights of Parliament, to the Property, and Liberty of the Subject, and mat­ters [Page 31] tending to sedition and of dangerous consequence; and to the establishing of a vast, unlawfull, presumptuous power in himself and his Successors &c.

Seventhly, That he hath trayterously endevored to al­ter and subvert Gods true Religion BY LAW ESTABLISH­ED; and instead thereof to set up Popish Religion and Idolatry, And to that end hath declared, and maintain­ed in Speeches and Printed Books, divers Popish Do­ctrines, and opinions, contrary to to the Articles of Religion, ESTABLISHED BY LAW. He hath urged and enjoyned divers Popish, and Superstitious Cere­monies WITHOƲT ANY WARRANT OF LAW; and hath cruelly persecuted those who have opposed the same, by corporall punishments, and imprisonments; and most unjustly vexed others who refused to conform thereunto by Eccclesia­sticall Censures, Excommunication, Suspension, Deprivation and Degradation, CONTRARY TO THE LAWS OF THIS KINGDOME.

13. He did by his own authority and power contra­ry to Law procure sundry of his Majesties Subjects, and enforced the Clergy of this Kingdome to contribute towards the maintenance of the war against the Scots.

That to preserve himself from being questioned for these and other his Trayterous Courses, he hath laboured to Subvert the Rights of Parliament, and the an­cient Course of Parliamentary Proceedings, and by false and malicious slanders to incense his Majesty against Par­liaments.

"

All which being proved against him at his Triall, were after solemn Argum [...]nt by Mr. Samuel Brown in behalf of the Commons House proved; and soon after adjudged, to be High Treason at the Common Law, by both Houses of Parliament; and so declared in the Ordinance for his At­tainder: for which he was condemned and beheaded as a Trai­tor against the King, Law and Kingdome, on Tower hill, Ja­nuary 10. 1644.

11. In theSee the Com­mons and Lords Journals, Durnal Occur­rences p. 15, 16 19. 37. 191. to 264. and Mr. St. Iohns Speech at a conscience of both Houses of Parliament concerning shi [...]mony and these Judges. Together with the Speeches of Mr. Hide, Mr. Walker, Mr. P [...]erpoint, Mr. Denzill Hollis, at their impeachments [...]uly 16. 1641. aggravating their offences in Diurnall Oc­currences and Speeches. same Parliament, December 21. Jan. 14. Fe­bruary 11. 1640. and July 6. 1641. Sir John Finch, then [Page 32] Lord Keeper, chief Justice Bramston, Judge Berkly, Judge Crawly, Chief Baron Davenport, Baron Weston, and Baron Turnour, were accused and impeached by the House of Commons, by several Articles transmitted to the Lords, OF HIGH TREASON, for that they had Traitorously and wickedly endeavoured to subvert the Fundamentall Laws, and est [...]blished Government of the Realm of ENGLAND, and instead thereof to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyranni­call Government against Law; which they had declared by Traiterous and wicked words, opinions, judgement, and more e­specially in this their extrajudiciall opinion subscribed by them in the case of Ship-money, viz. We are of opinion, that when the good and safety of the Kingdome in generall is concerned, and the whole kingdome in danger; Your Majesty may by Writ under the Great Seal of England (without consent in Parliament) command all your Subjects of this your Kingdome, See ch. 2. Pro­position 1. at their charge to provide and furnish such a number of Ships, with Men, Victu­all and Ammunition, and for such time as your Majesty shall think fit, for the Defence and safeguard of the Kingdome, from such danger and perill. And we are of opinion, that in such case, your Majesty is the sole Judge both of the danger, and when, and how, the same is to be prevented and avoided. And likewise for ar­guing and giving iudgment accordingly in Master John Hempdens case, in the Exchequer Chamber, in the point of Ship money in Aprill 1638. which said Opinions are De­structive to the Fundamental Laws of the Realm, the sub­jects Right of Propriety, and contrary to former Resolutions in Parliament, and the Petition of Right; as the words of their several Impeachments run. Sr. John Finch fled the Realm to preserve his head on his Shoulders; some o­thers of them d [...]ed through fear, to prevent the danger soon after their Impeachments; and the rest put to Fines, who were lesse peccant.

12. Mr. John Pim, in his Declaration upon the whole matter of the Charge of High Treason against Thomas Earle of Strafford, April 12. 1641. before a Committee of both Houses of Parliament in Westminster Hall; printed and publish­ed by Order of the House of Commons; proves his endeavour [Page 33] to subvert the Fundamentall Law of England, and to intro­duce an Arbitrary Power; to be High Treason, and an of­fence very hainous in the nature, and mischievous in the effects thereof; which (saith he) will best appear, if it be examined by that universall and supream Law, Salus Popu­li: the element of all laws, out of which they are deri­ved: the end of all Laws, to which they are designed, and in which they are perfected.

1.

'It is an offence comprehending all other offences. Here you shall finde several Treasons, Murthers, Rapins, Oppressions, Perjuries. There is in this Crime, a Semi­nary of all evills, hurtfull to a State; and if you con­sider the Reasons of it, it must needs be so. The Law, is that which puts a difference betwixt Good and Evill: betwixt just and unjust.Nota. If you take away the Law, all things will fall into Confusion; every man will become a law to himself, which in the depraved condition of hu­mane nature must needs produce man great enormities. And are they not so now?Lust will become a Law, and Envy will become a Law; Covetousnesse and Ambition will become Laws; and what Dictates, what decisions such laws will produce, may easily be discerned in the late Governm [...]nt of Ire­land, (and England too since this.) The Law hath a po­wer to prevent, to restrain, to repair evils: without this all kind of mischiefs and distempers will break in upon a State. It is the Law that doth the King to the Allegi­ance and Service of his people: it intitles the People to the Protection and Justice of the King, &c. The Law is the Boundary, the measure betwixt the Kings Prerogative, and the peoples Liberty, whiles these move in their own O [...]b, they are a support and security to one another: but if these Bounds be so removed that they enter into contestation and con­flict, one of these mischiefs must needs ensue. If the Preroga­tive of the King overwhelm the Liberty of the people, it will be turned into Tyranny: If Liberty undermine the Prerogative it will turn into Anarchy. The Law is the safeguard, the custody of all private interests, your honours, your lives, your liberties, and estates are all in the keeping of the Law, without this eve­ry [Page 34] man hath a like Right to any thing: and this is the condition into which the Irish were brought by the Earl of Strafford, (and the English by others who condemned him.) And the reason which he gave for it, hath more mischief than the thing it self: THEY ARE A CONQUER­ED NATION (Let those who now say the same of England, as well as Scotland and Ireland, consider and observe what follows,) There cannot be a word more pre­gnant and fruitfull IN TREASON, then that word is. There are few Nations in the world, that have not been con­quered, and no doubt but the Conquerour may give what Laws he please, to those that are conquered. But if the succeeding Acts and agreements do not limit and restrain that Right, what people can be secure? England hath been conquered and Wales hath been conquered; and by this reason will be in lit­tle better case than Ireland. If the King by the Right of a Conquerour give Lawes to his people, shall not the people by the same reason be restored to the Right of the conquered, To re­cover their Liberty if they can? What can be more hurt­full, more pernicious than such Propositions as these?

2. It is dangerous to the Kings person: and dange­rous to his Crown: It is apt to cherish Ambition, u­surpation and Oppression in great men: and to beget Sedition, Discontent in the people, and both these have been, and in reason must ever be causes of great Trouble and Alterations to Prince and State. If the Histories of those Eastern Countries be perused, where Princes order their Affairs according to the mischie­vous Principles of the Earl of Strafford, LOOSE and ABSOLVED FROM ALL RULES OF GOVERN­MENT; they will be found to be frequent in combu­stions, full of Massacres, and of the tragicall end of Princes. If any man shall look into our own Stories in the times,Nota. when the Laws were most neglected, he shall find them full of Commotions, of Civil Distempers: whereby the Kings that then raigned were alwayes kept in want and distresse, the people consumed with [Page 35] CIVIL WARRES: and by such wicked Counsels as these, some of our Princes have been brought to such mi­serable ends, As Note this all whole com­mons-house Opinion then. no honest heart can remember without hor­rour and earnest Prayer, that it may never be so again.

3. As it is dangerous to the Kings person and Crown, so it is in other respects very prejudiciall to his Majesty, in honour, profit and greatnesse (which he there proves at large, as you may there read at leasure) and yet these are the Guildings and Paintings, that are put upon such Counsels: These are for your Honour, for your Service.

4. It is inconsistent with the Peace, the Wealth, the Prosperity of a Nation. It is destructive to Justice, the mother of Peace: to Industry, the Spring of Wealth; to Valour, which is the active vertue, whereby the pro­sperity of a Nation can onely be procured, confirm­ed, and enlarged. It is not onely apt to take a way Peace, and so intangle the Nation with warres, but doth cor­rupt Peace, and powrs such a malignity into it, as pro­duceth the effects of War: both to theIs not this an experimen­tall truth now. NOBILITY and others having as little security of THEIR PER­SONS OR ESTATES, in this peaceable time, as if the Kingdome had been under the fury and rage of warre. And as for Industry and Valour, who will take pain [...] for that, which when he hath gotten, is not his own? or who fights for that wherein he hath no other interest, but such as is subject to the will of another? &c. Shall it be Treason to embase the Kings Coin; though but a piece of twelve pence or six pence, and must it not needs be the effect of GREATER TREASON to And were they ever so base, cowardly, slavish as now? embase the Spirits of his Subjects, and to set a stamp and Character of Servitude upon them, whereby they shall be disabled to do any thing for the Service of the King or Common-wealth?

5. In times of sudden danger, by the Invasion of an enemy, it will disable his Majesty to preserve himself and his Subjects from that danger. When war threatens a Kingdome, by the coming of a forreign enemy, it is no [Page 36] time then to discontent the people, to make them wea­ry of the PRESENT GOVERNMENT, and more in­clinable to a change. The Supplies which are to come in this way, will be unready, uncertain; there can be no assurance of them, no dependence upon them, either for time or proportion. And if some money be gotten in such a way, the Distractions, the Divisions, Distem­pers, which this cause is apt to produce, will be more prejudiciall to the publick safety, than the Supply can be advantageous to it.

6. This crime is contrary to the Pact and Covenant between the King and his people; by mutuall agreement and stipulation, con­firmed by OATH on both sides.

7. It is an Offence that is contrary to the ends of Go­vernment.

1. To prevent Oppressions; toWas ever their power, vi­olence so un­limited, un­bounded in all Kinds as now? limit and restrain the ex­cessive power and violence of great Men: to open passages of Ju­stice with indifference towards all.

2. To preserve men in their Estates, to secure them in their Lives, and Liberties.

3. That vertue should be cherished, and vice suppressed: but where Laws are subverted, and arbitrary and unlimited power set up; a way is open not onely for the security, but for the Advancement and Incouragement of evil. Such men as are Is it not most true of late and still? aptest for the execution and maintenance of this power are onely capable of Preferment, and others, will not he Instru­ments of any unjust Commands, who make conscience to do any thing against the Law of the Kingdome,Nota. and Liberties of the Subject, are not only not passable for imployment; but SUBJECT TO MUCh JEALOUSIE and DANGER, (Is not this their Condition of late and present times? expertus lo­quor.)

4. That all Accidents and events, all Counsels, and Designs should be improved to the publick good. But this arbitrary power is apt to dispose all to the maintenance of it self. And is it not so now?

8. The Treasons of Subersions of the Lawes, violation of Liberties can never be good or justifiable by any circumstance or [Page 37] occasion, being evil in their own nature, how specious or good so­ever they be pretended. He alledgeth it was a time of GREAT NECESSITY and DANGER, Nota. when such Counsels were necessary FOR THE PRESERVATION OF THE STATE, (the Plea since, and now used by others, who condemned him:) If there were any NECESSITY IT WAS OF HIS OWN MAKING. He by his evil Counsel had brought the King (as others the Kingdome since) into a necessity; and by no Rules of Justice can be allowed to gain this advantage to his Justification; which is A GREAT PART OF HIS OFFENCE.

9. As this is Treason in the nature of it, so it doth exceed all other Treasons in this; that in the Design and endevour of the Authour, it was to be A CON­STANT and PERMANENT TREASON; a standing, perpetual Treason, which would have been in continu­all Act, not determined within one time or age, but transmitted to Posterity, even from Generation to Ge­neration. And are not others Treasons of late times such, proclaimed such, in and by their own Printed Pa­pers, and therein exceeding Straffords?

10. As it is a crime Odious in the nature of it, so it is odious in the Judgement and estimation of the Law. TO ALTER THE SETLED FRAME AND CON­STITUTION OF GOVERNMENT IN ANY STATE. (Let those consider it who are guilty of it in the highest Degree, beyond Strafford, Canterbury, or the Shipmony Judges in our own State) The Lawes whereby all parts of a Kingdome are preserved, should be very vain and defective, if they had not a Power to secure and preserve themselves. The Forfeitures inflicted for Treason by our Law, are of Life, Honour and Estate, even all that can be forfeited: and this Prisoner, although he should And others, as well as he, of farre inse­riour place and Estate. pay all these Forfeitures, will still be a Debtor to the Common wealth. Nothing can be more equall, then that he should perish by the Justice of the Law, which he would have subverted. Neither will this be a New way of blood. There are marks enough to trace this Law to the very Origi­nall [Page 38] of this Kingdome. And if it hath not been put in execution, as he alledgeth this 240 years; it was not for want of Law, but that all that time had not bread a man But have not our times bred men much bolder then he, since this Sp [...]ech was made, and he executed. bold enough to commit such crimes as these: which is a circumstance much aggravating his Offence, and making him no lesse liable to punishment, because he is THE Since he hath many follow­e [...]s. ONELY MAN, that in so long a time hath ventured UPON SUCH A TREASON AS THIS.'

Thus far M. John Pym; in the Name and by the Order and Authority of the whole Commons House in Parliament, wch I wish all those, who by their Words, Actions, Counsels (and printed Publications too, have trayterously endevoured to sub­vert the Fundamentall Lawes, Liberties of England and Ire­land, and to introduce an arbitrary and Tyrannicall Government against Law, as much as ever Strafford did, and out stripped him therein, (even since his execution) in all particulars, for which he was beheaded; would now seriously lay to heart, and speedily reform, lest they equall or exceed him in conclusion, in Capitall punishments for the same, or end­lesse, Hellish Torments.

The next Authority I shall produce in point is, The speech and Declaration of Mr. Oliver St. John at a Conference of both Houses of Parliament, concerning Shipmony upon Judge Finches Impeachment of High Treason, January 14. 1640. printed by the Commons Order, London, 1641. where­in he declares the sense of the Commons. p. 12. &c.

'That by the Judges Opinions (forecited) concerning Shipmony THE FUNDAMENTAL LAWS OF THE REALM CON­CERNING OUR PROPERTY and OUR PER­SONS ARE SHAKEN. Whose Treasonable Offence here­in, he thus aggravates. p. 20. &c. The Judges as is declared in the Parliament of 11. R. 2. are the Executors of the Sta­tutes, and of the Judgements and Ordinances of Parliament. They have here made themselves theHave none done so since them. EXECƲTIONERS OF THEM; they have endevoured THE DESTRƲ ­CTION OF THE FƲNDAMENTALS OF OƲR LAWS and LIBERTIES. Holland in the Low-Countries lies un­der the Sea: the Superficies of the Land, is lower than [Page 39] the Superficies of the Sea. It is Capitall therefore for any man to cut the Banks, because they defend the Country. Besides our own,See chap. 2. even Forreign Authours, as Comines observes,Proposition 1. That the Statute DE TALLAGIO, and the other old Laws are the Sea walls and Banks, which keep the Commons from the innundation of the Preroga­tive. TheseAave not o­ther Pioners and Jasses done the like? Pioners have not onely undermined these Banks, but they have levelled them even with the ground. It one that was known to be Hostis Patriae, had done this, though the Dammage be the same, yet the Guilt is lesse; but the Con [...]ervatores Riparum, the overseers intrusted with the Defence of these Banks, for them to destroy them; the breach of Trust aggravates, nay alters the na­ture of the offence. Breach of Trust though in a private Person, and in the least things, is odious amongst all men: much more in a publick Person, in things of great and publick concernment, becauseThis is now grown a meere Paradox. GREAT TRUST BINDS THE PARTY TRUSTED TO GREAT­EST CARE AND FIDELITY.

It is TREASON in the Constable of Dover Castle to deli­ver the Keys to the known enemies of the Kingdom, be­cause the Castle is the Key of the Kingdome: wheras if the housekeeper of a private person, deliver possession to his Adversary, it is a crime scarce punishab [...]e by Law. The What are they now of late times of pub­lick Changes? Judges under his Majesty, are the Persons trusted with the Laws and in them with the Lives, Liberties and Estates of the whole Kingdom. This Trust of all we have, is prima­rily from his Majesty, &See 27 H. 8. c. 24. 26. Ma­gna Charta. c. 12. 29 32 H. 3. c. 1. 3, 5. 9, 20 3 E. 1 c. 44. 45, 46. 13 E. 1. 10, 12 30 31. 35, 39. 44. 45. 25 E 1. c. 1, 2. 27 E., 1. c. 2, 3. 34 E. 1. c. 6. 12 E. 2. c. 6. 2 E. 3. c. 3. 14 E. 3. c. 10. 16. Rastal Ju­stices. in him delegated to the Judges. His Majesty at his Coronation is bound by his Oath TO EXECUTE JUSTICE TO HIS PEOPLE ACCOR­DING TO THE LAWS, thereby to assure the people of the faithfull performance of his Great Trust: His Ma­jesty again, as he trusts the Judges with the performance of this part of his Oath; so doth he likewise exact ano­ther Oath of them, for their due execution of Justice to the people, according to the Laws: hereby the Judges stand intrusted with this part of his Majesties Oath. If therefore the Judges shall do wittingly against the Law, [Page 40] they do not onely break their own Oaths, and therein the Common Faith and Trust of the whole Kingdome, but do as much as in them lies, sp [...]rce and blemish the sacred Person of his Majesty with the odious and hatefull sin of Was it ever so freque [...]t a sia as now in all sorts of late Judges, Officers Subjects? Perjury.

My Lords, the hainousnesse of this offence is most le­gible in theDo none de­serve as severe now? severe punishment which former ages have inflicted upon those Judges, who have broken any part of their Oaths wittingly, though in things not so dan­gerous to the Subject, as in the case in question.See Cooks 3. Instil. p. 146, 147▪ and f. 133 Hollirshed p. 284, 285. Speeds History p. 651. S [...]ow, Walsingham, Daniel in 18 Ed. 1. Sir Thomas Wayland, Chief Justice of the Common-Pleas, 17 E. 1. was attainted of Felony for taking bribes, and his Lands and Goods forfeited, as appears in the Pleas of Parliament, 18 E. 1. and he was banished the Kingdome, as unworthy to live in the State against which he had so much offended. See Cgoks 3. Instit. p. 145. Sir William Thorp Chief Justice of the Kings Bench in Ed­ward the thirds time, having of five persons received five severall Bribes, which in all amounted to one hun­dred pounds, was for this alone, adjudged to be hanged, and all his Goods and Lands forfeited: The reason of the Judge­ment is entered in the Roll in these words. Quia praedi­ctus Wilielmus Have none of this Name, or of his Functi­on since done the like in an higher degree? Thorp qui Sa cramentum Domini Regis erga populum suum habuit ad custodiendum, fugit malitiosè falsò & rebelliter, quantum in ipso fuit. There is a notable Decla­ration in that Judgement, that this Judgement was not to be drawn into example, against any other officers, who should break their Oaths, but onely against those, qui praedictum Sacramentum fecerunt, & fregerunt, & Let Custodes Legum & Li­b [...]rtatum Angliae remem­ber it. ha­bent Leges Angliae ad custodiendum: That is onely to the Judges Oaths, who have the Laws intrusted unto them. This Judgement was given 24 E. 3. The next year in Parliament 25 E. 3. Num. 10. it was debated in Parlia­ment, whether this Judgement was legall? Et nullo con­tradicente, it was declared, TO BE JUST AND AC­CORDING TO THE LAW: and that the Let the Re­pater and o­thers consi­der it. same Judge­ment may be given in time to come upon the like occasion. This case is in point, That it is death for any Judge wittingly, to break his [...]ath in any part of it. This oath of Thorp is entred in [Page 41] the Roll, and is the same verbatim with the Judges Oath in 18 E. 3. and is the same which the Judges now take. (And let those who have taken the same Oath, remember and apply this President, left others do it for them.)

Your Lordships will give me leave to observe the diffe­rences between that and the case in question.

1. That of Thorp, was onely a selling of the Law by Retail to those five persons, for he had five severall bribes, of these five persons; the Passage of the Law to the rest of the Subjects for ought appears, was free and open. But these Opinions are a conveyance of the Law by wholesale, and that not to, but from the Subject.

2. In that of Thorp. as to those five persons, it was not an absolute deniall of Justice, it was not a damming up, but a straitning onely of the Chanel. For whereas the Judges ought Judicium reddere, that is, the Laws being THE BIRTHRIGHT and INHERITANCE OF THE SƲBJECT, the Judge when the parties in suit demand Judgement, should re dare, freely restore the Right unto them; now he doth not dare, but vendere, with hazard onely of perverting Justice; for the party that buyes the Judgement, may have a good and honest cause. But these Opinions, besides that they have cost the Subjects very dear, dearer than any, nay, I think I may truly say, than all the unjust Judgements that ever have been given in this Realm, witnesse the many hundred thousand pounds, which under colour of them have been levyed upon the Subjects, amounting toThis is no­thing in com­parison to the late Taxes, or Excises impo­sed on the Sub­jects, without a Parliament a­mounting to a­bove 20 times as much as the Kings Shipmo­ny, and more frequent, un­cessant, and endlesse than it seven hundred thou­sand pounds and upwards, that have been paid unto the Treasurer of the Nav [...], (in sundry years) besides what the Subjects have been forced to pay Sheriffes, Sheriffes-Bayliffes, (and now an hundred times more to T [...]oopers, and Souldiers, who forcibly levy their unlawfull Contributions, and Excises) and otherwise; which altogether as is concei­ved, amounts not to lesse than a million (in five years space, whereas now we pay above two Millions in Taxes, Imposts, Excises, every year) besides the infinite v [...]xati­ons of the Subject by suits in Law, binding them over, [Page 42] attendance at the Councel Table, taking them from their necessary imployments, in making Sesses, and Col­lections, and imprisonment of their persons (all now trebled to what then) I say besides what is past, to make our miseries compleat, they have as much as in them is MADE THEM ENDLESSE (as others since have done) for by these Opinions they have put upon themselves and their Successors, An impossibility of ever doing us right again, & an incapacity upon us of demanding it so long as they continue (as the Compilers of the late Instrument, with 42. Strings, intitu [...]ed, The Government of the Common-wealth of Eng­land, &c. Artic. 1, 2, 3, 9, 10, 12, 22, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28. 31, 32. 36, 37, 38, 39. have done, as far as they, and much be­yond them.)

In that sore famine in the Land of Egypt, when the in­habitants were reduced to the next doore to death (for there they say, why should we die?) for bread, First they give their money, next their flocks and Cattle, last of all their persons and Lands for bread; all became Pharaohs; but by this Lex Regia, there is a transaction made, not onely of our persons, but of our bread like­wise, wherewith our persons should be sustained; that was for bread, this of our bread. For since these Opini­ons, if we have any thing at all, we are not at all be­holding TO THE LAW FOR IT, but are wholly cast UPON THE MERCY and GOODNESSE OF THE KING. Again, there the Egyptians themselves, sold themselves, and all they had to the King, if ours had been so done; if it had been so done by our own free consent in Parliament, we had the lesse cause to complain: But it was done against our wills, and by those who were trusted, and that upon Oath, with the preservation of these things for us. The Laws are our Forts, and Bulwarks of Defence: If the Captain of a Castle, onely out of fear and Cowardice, and not from any Compliance with the enemy surrender it, This is TREAON, as was adjudged in Parliament, 1 R. 2. in the two Cases of Comines and Weston, and in the Case of the Lord Gray, for surrendering Barwick Ca­stle [Page 43] to the Scots, in Edward the thirds time, though good defence had been made by him, and that he had lost his eldest son in maintenance of the Siege: and yet the losse of a Castle loseth not the Kingdome, onely the place and adjacent parts, with trouble to the whole. But by the Opinions, there is a Surrender made of all our Legal defence of Property: that which hath been preacht is now judged; that there is no Meum & Tuum, between the King and people; besides that which concerns our Persons.

The Law is the Temple, the Sanctuary, whether Sub­jects ought to run for shelter and Refuge: hereby it is be­come Templum fine numine, as was the Temple built by the Romane Emperour, who after he had built it, put no gods into it. We have the Letter of the Law still, but not the sense: we have the Fabrick of the Temple still, but the Dii Tutelares are gone. But this is not all the Case, that is, That the Law now ceaseth to aid and defend us in our Rights, for then possession alone were a good Title, if there were no Law to take it away: Occupanti concederetur, & melior esset Possidentis conditio: But this, though too bad is not the worst: for besides that which is Privitive in these O­pinions, there is somewhat positive. For now the Law doth not onely not defend us, but the Law it self, (by temporising Judges and Lawyers) is made the Instrument of taking all away. For whensoever his Majesty or his Successors, shall be pleased to say, that the good and safety of the Kingdome is concerned, and that the whole Kingdome is in danger, the when and how, the same is to be prevented, makes our persons and all we have liable to bare will and Pleasure. By this means, The Sanctuary is turned into a Shambles; the Forts are sleight­ed, that so they might neither do us good nor hurt; But they are held against us by those who ought to have held them for us, and the mouth of our own Can [...]n is turned upon our own selves: and that by our own military Officers, Souldi­ers and others since, as well as the Ship money Judges then)'

Thus far Mr. Oliver St. John (by the Commons Order) whose words I thought fit thus to transcribe at large, because not onely most pertinent, but seasonable for [Page 44] the present times; wherein as in a Looking Glasse, some pretended Judges and Grandees, of these present and late past times, may behold their own faces and deformities; and the whole Nation their sad condition under them. In the residue of that his Printed Speech, he compares the Treason of the Shipmony Judges, and of Sir Robert Tresy­lium and his Complices in XI. R. 2. condemned and exe­cuted for Traytors by Judgement in Parliament, for en­devouring to subvert the lawes and statutes of the Realm by their illegall Opinions then delivered to King Richard at Notting­ham Castle, not out of conspiracy, but for fear of death and corporall Torments wherewith they were menaced: whose offence he there makes transcendent to theirs then in six particulars, as those who please may there read at leisure, being over large to transcribe, I could here inform you, that the Fundamentall laws of our Nation, are the same in the Body politique of the Realm, as the Arteries, Nerves, Veins, are in, and to the naturall Body, the Bark to the tree; the Foundation to the House: and there­fore the cutting of them asunder, or their Subversion, must of necessity, kill, destroy, disjoyn and ruine the whole Realm at once: therefore it must be Treason in the highest degree. But I shall onely subjoyn here some mate­riall Passages, in his Argument at Law, concerning the At­tainder of high Treason, of Thomas Earl of Strafford, before a Committee of both Houses of Parliament in Westminster Hall, April 29. 1641. soon after printed and published by Order of the Commons House: wherein p. 8. he layes down this Posi­tion; recited again, p. 64.

That (Straffords) Endeavouring To subvert the Fun­damentall Laws and Government of England and Ireland, and instead thereof to introduce a Tyrannicall Govern­ment against Law, is Treason by the Common-Law. That Treasons at the Common-Law, are not taken away by the Statutes, by 25. E. 3. 1. H. 4. c. 10. 1. Mar. c. 1. nor any of them.

The Authorities, Judgements, in and out of Parlia­ment which he cites to prove it, have been already men­tioned, [Page 45] with some others he omitted; I shall therefore but transcribe his Reasons to evince it to be Treason, super-added to those alledged by him against the Shipmony Judges.

Page 12. It is a Warre against the King (Let our Mili­tary Officers and souldiers consider it) when intended. The alteration of the laws or Government in any part of them. This is a levying Warre against the King (and so Treason within the Statute of 25 E 3.)

1. Because the King doth maintain and protect the laws in e­very part of them.

2. Because they are the Kings laws. He is the Fountain from whence in their severall Channells, they are derived to the Subject. Whence all our indictments run thus: Trespasses laid to be done, Contra pacem Domini Regis, &c. against the Kings Peace for exorbitant offences; though not intended against the Kings Person; against the King his Crown and dignity.

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Page 64. In this I shall not labour at all to prove, That the endevouring by words, Counsels and actions, To subvert the Fundamentall Laws and Government of the Kingdome is Treason at the Common Law. If there be any Common Law Treasons at all left, NOTHING TREA­SON IF THIS NOT, TO MAKE A KINGDGME NO KINGDOME. Take the Polity and Government away, England's but a piece of earth, wherein so many men have their commerce and abode, without rank or distinction of men, without property in any thing fur­ther than in possession; no Law to punish the murdering, or robbing one another.

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Page 70, 71, 72. The horridnesse of the offence in endea­vouring to overthrow the Lawes and present Government, hath been fully opened before. The Parliament is the repre­sentation of the whole Kingdome, wherein The King as Head, your Lordships as the more Noble, and the Commons, the other Members are knit together in one body Politick. This dissolved, the Arteries and Ligaments that hold the body together, THE LAWES. He that takes away the Laws, takes not away the Allegiance of one Subject onely, but [Page 46] of the whole Kingdome. It was made Treason by the Sta­tute of 13 Eliz. for her time to affirm, That the Lawes of the Realme doe not bind the descent of the Crown. No Law, no descent at all, NO LAWES NO PEERAGE, no ranks nor degrees of men, the same condition to all. Its Treason to kill a Judge upon the Bench; this kills not Judicem sed JƲDICIƲM. There be twelve men, but no Law; never a Judge amongst them. Its felony to embe­zel any one of the Judiciall Records of the Kingdome: THIS AT ONCE SWEEPS THEM ALL AWAY and FROM ALL. Its Treason to countefeit a twenty shil­ling piece: here's a counter feiting of the Law: we can call neither the counterfeit nor the true coin our own. Its Treason to counterfeit the Great Seal for an Acre of Land: No property is left hereby to any Land at all, Nothing Treason now, against King or Kingdome; No Law to punish it.

My Lords, if the Question were asked in Westminster Hall, whether this were a Crime punishable in Star cham­ber, or in THE KINGS BENCH, by Fine or imprison­ment? They would say, It were higher. If whether Fe­lony? They would say, That is an offence onely against the life or goods of some one, or few persons. It would I believe be answered by the Judges, as it was by the Chief Justice Thirning, in 21 R▪ 2. That though he could not judge the Case TREASON there before him, yet if he were a Peer in Parliament; HE WOƲLD SO ADJƲDGE IT. (And so the Peeres did here in Straffords, and not long after in Canterburies Case, who both lost their Heads on Tower Hill.)

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I have transcribed these Passages of Mr. Oliver St. John at large for five Reasons.

1. Because they were the voice and sense of the whole House of Commons by his mouth; who afterwards own­ed and ratified them by their speciall Order for their pub­lication in print, for information and satisfaction of the whole Nation, and terrour of all others who should af­ter that, either secretly or openly, by fraud or force, di­rectly [Page 47] or indirectly, attempt the subversion of all, or any of our Fundamentall Laws, or Liberties, or the altera­tion of our Fandamentall Government, or setting up any arbitrary or Tyrannicall power, Taxes, Impositi­ons, or new kinds of arbitrary Judicato [...]ies, and impri­sonments against these our Laws and Liberties.

2. To mind an inform all such who have not only equal­led, but transcended Strafford and Canterbury in these their High Treasons, even since these Publications, Speeches, and their exemplary executions, of the hainousnesse, in excusa­blenesse, wilfulnesse, maliciousnesse, Capitalnesse of their crimes; which not onely the whole Parliament in generality, but many of themselves in particular, so se­verely prosecuted, condemned, and inexorably punished of late years in them: that so they may bewail, repent of, and reform them with all speed and diligence, as much as in them lies. And withall, I shall exhort them seriously to consider that Gospel terrifying Passage, Rom. 2. 1, 2, 3. Therefore thou art inexcusable O man, whosoever thou art that judgest; for wherein thou judgest another, tbou CON­DEMNEST THY SELF; FOR THOU THAT JUD­GEST, DOEST THE SAME THINGS. But we are sure that the judgement of God is according to truth, against them which commit such things. And thinkest thou this, O man, that judgest them which do such things, and doest the same, that thou shalt escape the Judgement of God.

3. To excite all Lawyers, especially such who of late times have taken upon them the stile and power of Jud­ges, to examine their consciences, actions, how far all or any of them have been guilty of these crimes and Trea­sons, so highly aggravated, and exemplarily punish [...]d of former and later times, in corrupt, cowardly time­serving, degenerate Lawyers and Judasses, rather than Judges, to the disgrace of their Profession, and prejudice of the Fundamentall Lawes, Liberties, Rights, Priviled­ges of our Nation, Peers, Parliaments, subversion of the Fundamentall Government of this famous Kingdome, whereof they are Members.

[Page 48] 4. To instruct those Jesuited Anabaptists, Levellers and their Factors, (especially John Canne, and the rest of the Compilers, Publishers, Abetters of the Pamphlet inti­tuled, Lieutenant Colonel Lilburn, tried and cast, and other forementioned publications:) who professedly set them­selves by words, writing, Counsels and overt Acts to sub­vert both our old Fundamentall (and all other Laws) Li­berties, Customes, Parliaments, and Government, what transcendent Malefactor [...], traytors and Enemies they are to the publick, and what Capitall punishments, they may thereby incurre, as well as demerit, should they be legally pro­secuted for the same; and thereupon to advise them timely to repent of, and desist from such high Treasonable Attempts.

5. To clear both my self and this my seasonable De­fence of our Fundamentall Lawes, Liberties, Government, from the least suspition or sh [...]dow of Faction, Sedition, Treason, and Enmi [...]y to the publick peace, weal, settlement of the Nation, which those, (and those onely) who are most Factious and seditious, and the greatest Enemies, Traytors to the publick tranquility, weal and establish­ment of our Kingdome, (as the premises evidence) will be ready maliciously to asperse both me and it, with, as they have done some other of my writings of this nature; with all which, they must first brand Mr. St John Mr. Pym, the whole House of Commons, the last two, with all other Parliamens forecited, ere they can accuse, traduce, or censure me, who do but barely relate, apply their words and judgements without malice or partiality, for the whole Kingdomes benefit and security.

To these punctuall full Jury of Records and Parlia­mentary Authorities in point, I could accumulate Sir Edward Cook his 3. Institutes, p. 9. printed and authorised by the House of Commons speciall Order, the last Parli­ament: The severall Speeches of Mr. Hide, Mr. Walker, Mr. Pierpoint and Mr. Hollis, July 6. 1641. at the Lords Bar in Parliament, by order of the Commons House, at the Impeachment of the Shipmony Judges of High Treason, [Page 49] printed in Diurnall Occurrences, and speeches in Parliament, London 1641. p. 237. to 264. Mr. Samuel Browns Argu­ment at Law before the Lords and Commons at Canterbu­ries Attainder; all manifesting, their endevouring to subvert the Fundamentall Laws and government of the Nation to be HIGH TREASON; with sundry other printed Authorities to prove, That we have fundamentall Laws, Liberties, Rights, and a fundamentall Government likewise, which ought not to be innovated, violated, or subvert­ed upon any pretences whatsoever, by any power or prevailing Fa­ction. But to avoid prolixity, (the double Jury of irrefra­gable and punctuall Authorities already produced, being sufficient to satisfie the most obstinate Opposites formerly contradicting it) I shall onely adde three swaying Au­thorities more, wherewith I shall conclude this point.

The first is a very late one, in a Treatise intituled, A true State of the Common wealth of England, Scotland and Ireland, and the Dominions thereunto belonging, in Reference to the late established Government, by a Lord Protector and a PARLIAMENT. It being the Judgement of DIVERS PERSONS, who throughout these late troubles, have appro­ved themselves faithfull to the Cause and interest of God, and their COUNTRY: presented to the Publick, for the satisfacti­on of others. Printed at London 1654. who relating the miscarriages of the last Assembly at Westminster, use these expressions of them, p, 13, 14, 16, 17, 21, 22. But on the contrary, it so fell out in a short time, that there appeared many in this Assembly of very contrary Principles to the interest afore­said, which led them violently on to attempt and promote many things, the consequence whereof would have been: A Subvert­ing of the fundamentall Laws of the Land, the Destru­ction of Property, and an utter extinguishment of the Gospel. In truth their Principles led them TO A PUL­LING DOWN ALL? AND ESTABLISHING NO­THING. So that instead of the expected settlement, they were running [...]ut into FURTHER ANARCHY and CONFU­SION. As to the Laws and Civil Rights of the Nation, nothing would serve them, but A TOTALL ERADICATION OF [Page 50] THE OLD, and INTRODUCTION OF A NEW: and so the Good, Old Laws of England, (the Guardians of our Lives and Fortunes) established with prudence, and confir­med by the experience of many Ages and Generations: (The Preservation whereof, was a principall Ground of our late Quarrel with the King) having been once abolished, what could we have expected afterward, but an inthroning of Arbitrary Power in the Seat of Judicature, and an exposing of our Lives, our Estates, our Liberties, and all that is dear unto us, as a Sacrifice to the boundlesse Ap­petite of Meer Will and Power, &c.

Things being at this Passe, and the House (through these pro­ceedings) perfectly disjointed, it was in vain to look for a settle­ment of this Nation from them, thus constituted on the con­trary, nothing else could be expected, But that the Common­wealth should sink under their Hands, and the great cause hitherto so happily upheld and maintained, to be for ever lost, through their preposterous management of these affairs, where­with they had been intrusted. Whereupon they justifie their dissolution, and turning them forcibly out of doores by the Souldiers, with shame and infamy; to prevent that destruction which thereby was coming on THE WHOLE LAND, but this New Powder Treason Plot, set on foot by the Jesuites and Anabaptists, to destroy our Laws, Liber­ties, properties, Ministers, and Religion it self, at one blow, and that in the very Parliament House, where they had been constantly defended, vindicated, preserved, esta­blished in all former ages by all true English Parliaments.

The second is, See my Speech in Parliament. p. 100. to 108. The Votes of the House of Commons, concerning a Paper presented to them, entituled An a­greement of the people for a firm and present peace, upon grounds of Common Right 9. November, 1647. viz.

Resolved upon the Question, That the matters contained in these Papers, Are destructive to the being of Parliaments, and to the Fundamentall Government of this Kingdome,

Resolved, &c. That a Letter be sent to the Generall and those Papers inclosed, together with the Vote of this House up­on them; And that he be desired to examine the proceedings of [Page 51] this businesse in the Army (where it was first coined) and re­turn an Accompt hereof to this House.

These Votes were seconded soon after with these en­suing votes, entred in the Commons Journall, and printed by their special Order, 23. November, 1647.

A Petition directed to the Supream Authority of England, the Commons in Parliament assembled, The hum­ble petition of many Free born people of England, &c. was read the first and second time.

Resolved upon the Question, that this petition is, A sediti­tious and contemptuous avowing and prosecution of a former petition and paper annexed, stiled, an agreement of the people formerly adjudged by this House, to be Destructive to the being of Parliaments and Fundamentall Government of the Kingdome.

Resolved, &c. That Thomas Prince Cheesemonger, and Samuel Chidley, be forthwith committed prisoners to the Prison of the Gatehouse, there to remain prisoners during the pleasure of this House, for a Seditious avowing and prose­cution of a former Petition, and Paper annexed, stiled, An Agreement of the People, formerly Ajudged by this House to be destructive to the being of Parliamen's and fundamentall Go­vernment of the Kingdome.

Resolved &c. That Jeremy Jues, Thomas Taylor and William Larnar, be forthwith committed to the Prison of Newgate, there to remain Prisoners, during the pleasure of this House, for a seditious and contemptuous avowing and prosecution of a former Petition and Paper annexed, stiled, An Agrement of the people, formerly adjudged by this House, to be destructive to the being of Parliaments and Fundamen­tall Government of this Kingdome.

Resolved, &c. That a Letter be prepared and sent to the Generall; taking notice of his proceeding in the exe­cution (according to the Rules of Warre) of a muti­nous person (avowing and prosecuting this agreement in the Army contrary to these Votes) at the Rendezvouz near Ware; and to give him thanks for it: and to desire him to prosecute that Businesse to the bottome; and to bring [Page 52] Such guilty persons as he shall think fit, to condigne and exemplary Punishment.

Resolved, &c. That the Votes upon the Petition and Agree­ment annexed, and likewise the Votes upon this Petition be forth­with printed and published.

After which by a Speciall Ordinance of both Houses of Par­liament, 17 December, 1647. No person whatsoever, who had contrived, plotted, prosecuted or entred into that Engagement intituled The agreement of the peo­ple declared To be destructive to the being of Parliaments, and Fundamentall Government of the Kingdome, for one whole year, was to be elected, chosen or put into the office or Place of Lord Mayor or Alderman, Sheriffe, Deputy of a Ward, or Common-Councel man of the City of London; or to have a voice in the Election of any such Officer.

All these particulars, with the Capitall Proceedings against White and others who somented this Agreement in the Army, abundantly evidence the veriey of my foresaid Proposition, and the extraordinary guilt of those Mem­bers and Souldiers, who contrary to their own Votes, Or­dinances, Proceedings and Censures of others, have since prose­cuted this, the like, or far worse Agreement, to the destru­ction of our ancient Parliaments and their Priviledges, and the fundamentall Government, Laws and Liberty of our Nation, which I wish they would now sadly lay to heart.

The third is the memorable Statutes of 3. Jacobi ch. 1, 2, 4, and 5. Which relating the old Gunpowder Treason of the Jesuites and Papists, and their infernal, inhumane, bar­barous, detestable plot, to blow up the King, Queen, Prince, Lords, Commons, and whole House of Peers with Gunpowder, when they should have been assembled in Parliament, in the upper House of Parliament, upon the fifth of November, in the year of our Lord 1605, do aggravate the hainousnesse and tran­scendency thereof by this circumstance, That it was (as some of the principall Conspirators thereof confessed) purposely devised and concluded to be done in the said House, That where sundry necessary and Religious Laws for Preservation of [Page 53] the Church and State were made, (which they falsely and slanderously term, Cruel Laws enacted against them and their Re­ligion) Both Place and Persons should be all destroyed and blown up at once: And by these dangerous consequen­ces if it had not been miraculously prevented, but taken effect. That it would have turned to the utter ruine, overthrow and Subversion Of the whole State and Common-Wealth of this flourishing and renowned Kingdom, and Gods true Religion therein established by Law, and of our Laws and Go­vernment. For which horrid Treason, they were all at­tainted, and then executed as Traytors, and some of their heads, Quarters, See Speeds History, p. 1250 and Mr. John Vica [...]'s History of the Gunpow­der Treason, and the Ar­raignment of Traytors. set up upon the Parliament House for terrour of others. Even so let all other Traytors, Conspirators against our Fundamental Laws, Liberties, Government, Kings, Parlia­ments, and Religion, treading presumptuously in their Jesuiticall footsteps,Judges 5. 31 perish O Lord, but let all them who cordially love, and strenuously maintain them against all Conspirators, Traytors, Underminers, Invaders what­soever, be as the Sunne when he goeth forth in his might: That the Land may have rest, peace, Settlement again, for as ma­ny years at least, as it had before our late innovations, Warres, Confusions, by their restitution and establishment.

CHAP. II.

HAving thus sufficiently proved, That the Kingdome, and Freemen of England, have some ancient, hereditary Rights, Liberties, Franchises, Priviledges, Customes, properly called FƲNDAMENTALL, as likewise a Fundamentall Go­vernment, no wayes to be altered, undermined, subverted, direct­ly or indirectly, under the guilt and pain of High Treason in those who attempt it; especially by Fraud, Force, or armed Power.

I shall in the second place present you in brief Proposi­tions, a Summary of the chiefest and most considerable of them, which our prudent Ancestors in former ages, and our latest reall Parliaments, have both declared to be, and eagerly contested for, as Fundamentall and Essentiall to their very being and well being, as a Free people, Kingdome, Republick, unwilling to be enslaved under any yokes of Tyranny or arbitrary power, that so the whole Nation may the more perspicuously know and discern them, the more strenuously contend for them, the more vigilantly watch against their violations, underminings in any kind, by any Powers, or Pretences whatsoever; and transmit, perpetuate them intirely to their posterities, as their best and chiefest inheritance.

I shall comprise the Summe and Substance of them all in these 9. Propositions; beginning with the Subjects Property, which hath been more frequently, universally invaded, assaulted, undermined by our Kings, and their evill instruments; and thereupon more strenuously, fre­quently and vigilantly maintained, retained by our No­bles, Parliaments and the people in all ages (till of late years) than any or all of the rest put together, though every of them have been constantly defended, maintain­ed, when impugned, or incroached upon by our Ance­stors and our selves.

[Page 55] 1. That no Tax, Tallage, Aid, Subsidy, Custome, Contribution, Loan, Imposition, Excise or other As­sessement whatsoever, for Defence of the Realm by Land or Sea, or any other publick ordinary, or extraordinary occasion, may or ought to be imposed, or levyed upon all or any of the Freemen of England, by reason of any pretended or reall Danger, Necessity or other pretext; by the Kings of England, or any other Powers, but onely with and by their common consent and Grant, in a free and lawfull Parliament duly summoned and elected: Except onely such ancient, legall Ayds, as they are spe­cially obliged to render by their Tenures, Charters, Contracts, and the Common Law of England.

2. That no Freeman of England ought to be arrested, confined, imprisoned, in any private Castles, or remote, unusuall Prisons under Souldiers or other Guardians, but onely in usuall or Common Gaols, under sworn, responsible Gaolers, in the County where he lives, or is apprehended, and where his Friends may freely visit and relieve him with necessaries: And that onely for some just, and legall cause expressed in the Writ, Warrant, or Pro­cesse, by which he is arrested, or imprisoned; which ought to be legally executed by known, legal, responsible sworn Officers of Justice, not unknown military Officers, Troopers, or other illegall Catchpols, That no such Freeman ought to be denied bail, Mainprise, or the be­nefit of an Habeas Corpus, or any other Legal Writ for his enlargement, when bailable or incumpernable by Law; nor to be detained prisoner for any reall or pretended Crime, not bailable by Law, then untill the next Gene­rall or Speciall Gaol-delivery, held in the County where he is imprisoned; where he ought to be legally tried and proceeded against, or else enlarged by the Justices, without deniall or delay of Right and Justice. And that no such Freeman may or ought to be outlawed, exiled, condem­ned to any kind of corporall punishment, losse of Life or Member, or otherwise destroyed or passed upon, but onely by due and lawfull Processe, Indictment, and the [Page 56] lawfull Triall, Verdict and Judgement of his Peers, ac­cording to the good old Law of the Land, in some usuall Court of Publick Justice: not by and in new illegall▪ Mi­litary, or other Arbitrary Judicatories, Committees, or Courts of High Justice, unknown to our Ancestors.

3. That no Freeman of England, unlesse it be by Spe­ciall Grant and Act of Parliament may or ought to be compelled, enforced, pressed or arrayed to go forth of his own Countrey (much lesse out of the Realm into forreign parts) against his will in times of Warre or Peace, or except he be specially obliged thereto by anci­ent Tenures and Charters; save onely upon the sudden coming of strange enemies into the Realm, and then he is to array himself onely in such sort, as he is bound to do by the ancient Laws and Customes of the Kingdome still in force.

4. That no Freeman of England, may or ought to be disinherited, disseised, dispossessed or deprived of any in­heritance, Freehold, Liberty, Custome, Franchise, Chattle, Goods whatsoever without his own Gift, Grant, or free Consent, unlesse it be by lawfull Processe, Triall and Judgement of his Peers, or special Grant by act of Parlia­ment.

5. That the old received Government, Lawes, Sta­tutes, Customes, Priviledges, Courts of Justice, legal Processe of the Kingdome and Crown ought not to be altered, repealed, suppressed, nor any new form of Go­vernment, Law, Statute, Ordinance Court of Judica­ture, Writs, or legal Proceedings instituted or imposed on all or any of the Free-men of England, by any Per­son or Persons, but onely in and by the Kingdomes free and full consent in a lawfull Parliament, wherein the Legislative Power solely resides.

6. That Parliaments ought to be duly summoned, and held for the good and safety of the Kingdome every year, or every three years at least, or so often as there is just occasion. That the Election of all Knights, Citizens and Burgesses, to sit and serve in Parliament (and so of all o­other [Page 57] Elective Officers) ought to be free. That all Mem­bers of Parliament hereditary or Elective, ought to be present, and there freely to speak and vote according to their judgements and Consciences, without any over­awing Guards to terrifie them; and none to be forced or secluded thence. And that all Parliaments not thus duly summoned, elected whilst held, but unduly packed, and all Acts of Parliament fraudulently and forcibly pro­cured by indirect means, ought to be nulled, repealed, as void, and of dangerous president.

7. That neither the Kings nor any Subjects of the Kingdome of England, may or ought to be summoned before any Forreign Powers or Jurisdictions whatsoever, out of the Realm, or within the same, for any manner of Right, Inheritance, Thing belonging to them, or Offence done by them within the Realm.

8. That all Subjects of the Realm are obliged by Alle­giance and duty to defend their Lawfull Kings, Persons, Crowns, the Laws, Rights and Priviledges of the Realm, and of Parliament against all Usurpers, Traytors, vio­lence, and Conspiracies. And that no Subject of this Realm, who according to his duty, and Allegiance shall serve his King in his Warres, for the just defence of him and the Land, against Forreign enemies or Rebels, shall lose or forfeit any thing for doing his true duty, service, and Allegiance to him therein; but utterly discharged of all vexation, trouble, or losse.

9. That no publick Warre by Land or Sea ought to be made or levied with or against any Forreign Nation, or Publick Truce or League entred into with Forreign Realms or States, to bind the Nation, without their Common advice and consent in Parliament.

10. That the ancient, Honours, Manors, Lands, Rents, Revenues, Inheritances, Right, and perquisites of the Crown of England, originally settled thereon for the Ease & Exemption of the people from all kind of Taxes, payments whatsoever (unlesse in cases of extraordi­nary necessity) and for defraying all the constant, ordi­nary [Page 58] expences of the Kingdome, (as the expences of the Kings houshold, Court, Officers, Judges, Embassadors, Garisons, Navy and the like) ought not to be sold, ali­enated, given away or granted from it, to the prejudice of the Crown and burdening of the people. And that all Sales, Alienations, Gifts, or Grants thereof, to the empair­ing of the publick Revenue, or prejudice of the Crown and people, are void in Law, and ought to be resumed, and repealed, by our Parliaments and Kings, as they have frequently been in all former ages.

For the Readers fuller satisfaction in each of these propositions (some of which I must shew here but briefly, touch for brevity sake, having elsewhere fully debated them in print) I shall specially recommend unto him the perusall of such Tractates, and Arguments formerly published, wherein each of them hath been fully discus­sed, which he may peruse at his best leasure.

The first of these Fundamentalls (which I [...]ntend prin­cipally to infist on) is fully asserted, debated, confirmed by 13. H. 4. f. 14. By Fortescue Lord Chief Justice, and Chancellour of England, de laudibus Legum Angliae, dedica­ted by him to King Henry the 6. f. 25. c. 36. f. 84. By a learn­ed and necessary Argument against impositions in Parliament, of 7. Jacobi: by a late Reverend Judge, printed at London 1641. By Mr. William Hakewell, in his Liberty of the Subject against Impositions, maintained in an Argument in the Parliament of 7. Jacobi: printed at London 1641. By Judge Crooks, and Judge Huttons Arguments concerning Shipmony both print­ed at London 1641. By the Case of Shipmony briefly discussed London, 1640. by Mr. St. Johns Argument, and Speech against Shipmony, printed at London, 1641. By Sir Edward Cook in his 1. Institutes, p. 46. and 57. to 64. and 528. to 537. By the 1. and 2. Remonstrance of the Lords and Commons in Par­liament, against the Commission of Array. Exact Collection p. 386. to 398. and 850. to 890. and by my own Humble Remonstrance against Shipmony, London, 1643. The fourth part of the Soveraign power of Parliaments and Kingdomes, p. 14. to 26. and my Legall Vindications of the Liberties of [Page 59] England against Illegall Taxes, &c. London 1649. and by the Records and Statutes cited in the ensuing Chapter, re­ferring for the most part to the first Proposition.

The second, third, and fourth of them are largely de­bated and confirmed by a Conference desired by the Lords, and had by a Committee of both Houses, concerning the Rights and Priviledges of the Subject, 3. Aprilis, 4. Caroli printed at London 1642. By Sir Edward Cook in his Institutes on Magna Charta. c. 29. p. 45. to 57. By the 1. and 2. Remonstrance of the Lords and Commons against the Commission of Array, Ex­act Collection p. 386. &c. 850. to 890. By Judge Crooks, and Judge Huttons Arguments against Shipmony: By Sir Ro­bert Cotton his Posthuma p. 222. to 269. By my Breviate of the Prelates encroachments on the Kings Prerogative, and Sub­jects Liberties. p. 138. &c. My new discovery of the Prelates ty­ranny, p. 137. to 183. and some of the ensuing Statutes, and Records.

The fifth and sixth of them are fully cleared and vindi­cated in and by the Prologues of all our Councils, Sta­tutes, Laws, before and since the Conquest. By Sir Edward Cooks 4. Institutes. ch. 1. Mr. Cromptons Jurisdiction of Courts. Title, High Court of Parliament: My Soveraign power of Parliaments and Kingdomes, p. 1, 2, 3, 4. My Legal Vindication against illegal Taxes, and pretended Acts of Parlia­ment, London 1649▪ Prynne the Member, reconciled to Prynne the Barrester, printed the same year. My Historicall Colle­ction of the ancient great Councils of the Parliaments of Eng­land. London 1649. My Truth triumphing over Falshood, Anti­quity over Novelty. London 1645. and some of the Records hereafter transcribed. In this I shall be more sparing, be­cause so fully confirmed in these and other Treatises.

The seventh is ratified by Sir Edward Cooks 1. Institutes, p. 97, 98. 4. Institutes p. 89. and 5. Report Cawdries Case of the Kings Ecclesiasticall Lawes: and Rastals Abridge­ment of Statutes. Tit. Provisors, Praemunire and Rome, 11. H. 7. c. 1. and other Records and Statutes in the ensu­ing Chapter.

The eighth and ninth are fully debated in my Sove­raign [Page 60] Power of Parliaments and Kingdomes, Part. 2. p. 3. to. 34. Part fourth, p. 162. to 170. and touched in Sir Robert Cottons Posthuma p. 174. 179.

How all and every of these Fundamentall Liberties, Rights, Franchises, Lawes, have been unparalelledly violated, subverted, in all and every particular of late years beyond all Presidents in the worst of former ages, even by their greatest pretended Propugners; their own printed Edicts, Instruments, Ordinances, Papers, together with their illegall oppressions, Taxes, Excises, Imposts, Rapines, violences, Proceedings of all kinds, (whereof I shall give a brief accompt in its due place) will suffici­ently evidence, if compared with the premised propositi­ons. Which abundantly confirm the truth of our Saviours words, John 10. 1. 10. and this rule of Johannis Angelius, Wenderhagen: Politicae Synopticae. lib. 3. c. 9. sect. 11. p. 310. Hinc Regulae loco notandum, Quod omne Regnum Vi Ar­mata acquisitum in Effectu Subditis Semper in durioris Servitutis conditiones arripiat, licet à principio Ducedi­nem prurientibus spirare videatur. Ideo cunctis hoc caven­dum, Nè temerè se duci patiantur.

FINIS.

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