IT is not safe to judge another, yet if the tree may be known by the fruit, and the secret and hidden dispo­sition of the heart, by words which proceed out of a mans mouth; then my Lord of Canterbury his acti­ons being considered, and his last Speech examined, he may be judged otherwayes, then according to that verdict which he hath pronounced of himself in that his last Speech: but to passe by his actions, but as they shall onely occasionally inter­veen, we will examine his Speech, without wresting it to a worse sence then of necessity it must bear; and as all is not gold that glisters, so upon review and examination, it will not be found to be so charitable, as by some positive affirmations it pretends to be, and all along the Reasons inforcing will be found contradicting those affirmative conclusions exprest therein, whether they intend himself or others; for of himself, a great deal of humility and cha­rity is affirmed, when much presumption and want of charitie may be collected. For presumption, his speech is full of it, and chiefly in his comparisons and instances: for first he compares his Innocencie with reference to his sufferings, to Christs, in these [Page 2] words, that Jesus despised the shame for him, God forbid but he should despise the shame for Jesus. In which words, is implyed, that as Christs sufferings in regard of himself were undeserved, so were his suffer­ings without any just cause on his part, but that his ignominy and shame was no lesse for Christs sake, and for his fidelity to Christ, then Christs sufferings were for his love to mankind; and from thence concludes, that his hope was, that God was bringing him to the land of Promise, in regard he was to passe through the Red sea, alluding to his suffering by the effusion of his blood: but he could not be ignorant that it was causa non paena that makes the Martyr; and therefore his argument will onely hold if his cause were just, and that he suffered undeservedly: but if otherwayes, his passage through the Red sea, or his forced passage out of this world by a violent death, will prove but a weak argument, that God was therefore bringing him to a land of Promise, for then no death, so desirable as a violent death, if it were a concluding argu­ment that therefore, he who is forced to suffer, is entring into a land of Promise. Neither doth his next instance conclude better, that because the Passeover was to be eaten with sowre herbes, that therefore his present sufferings (which he confesseth that in regard of his weaknesse and infirmity of flesh and blood, were unpleasing and unwelcome unto him) should by their resemblance into sowre herbs, prove, his forced submission unto death to be either a Passe­over or a willing submission to the will of God: for whosoever sub­mits onely to the will of God when he cannot otherwayes choose, submits not to the will of God, but is compelled by necessitie. And by the words following, it appears plainly, that whatsoever he af­firmed to the contrary, yet was he angry with the hands that ga­thered those herbs, or brought him to that place to suffer.

And out of all question had it been as much in his power to have prevented their purposes, by executing of vengeance, as it had been formerly to inflict punishment on those who did professe any dislike against his and other the Prelates unwarrantable usurpa­tions, nothing on his part should have been referred to the justice of God, but if he himself could not call down fire from heaven to consume them, he would have raised a persecution upon earth to scourge them. But the date of his power was now expired, yet did [Page 3] his indignation remain which he did not conceal, but when he could do no more he did think it fit to put the good people in mind, that when the servants of God, old Israel, were in this boysterous Sea and Aaron with them, the Egyptians which persecuted them, and did in a manner drive them into that Sea, were drowned in the same waters, while they were in pursuit of them; and he knows, his God whom be served, is as able to deliver him from this sea of blood, as he was to deliver the 3 Chil­dren from the furnace, Dan. 3. In which words are implyed two things; the first is hope of vengeance from God on those that did prosecute him. The second is hope of a temporall deliverance to himself. The first argueth want of charitie; the second implyeth want of true faith, or which is equivalent an erroneous faith.

And what is implyed here is evidenced in the words following, by which he most humbly thanks his Saviour, that his resolution was now as theirs was then; their resolution was, that they would not worship the Image which the King had set up, nor shall be the imaginations which the people are setting up, nor will forsake the Temple and truth of God, to follow the bleating of Jeroboams Calves in Dan and in Bethel. Where nothing is or can be clearer, then the manifest difference and dissimilitude between the different conditions of the severall parties proposed, and from the result, the grounds of his faith will appear. For the 3. Children, to whom he doth resemble himself, were meerly pas­sive, preferring a passive sufferance before any actuall obedience, to unlawfull and prohibited Idolatry: Whereas on the contrary, he was brought to that place of execution, for his active introdu­cing of reall changes in the worship of God, expresly against the Word of God, and the Laws of the Land. For by the Word of God, we are taught that we must not make to our selves any graven Image, nor the likenesse of any thing that is in heaven above, nor in the earth beneath, nor in the waters under the earth, to bow down to them, and worship them: and we are moreover taught by the same Word, that the Judiciall and Ceremoniall Law being fulfilled by the death of Christ, all externall worshipping of God, arising from any Commandment either of God or man, is in it self inacceptable before God, and therefore superfluous and needlesse: If not first springing from a true and lively faith, begetting true ho­linesse and inward sanctification, and by consequence onely, ex­ternall [Page 4] reverence and worship, and therefore the chief duty of the Ministers of the Gospel, is by information and instruction to be­get in the people true knowledge as a foundation of sound belief, from whence onely springeth true faith; and then to incite them to externall duties, as evidences of their faith, but have no com­mission from the Word of God to injoyn or command any exter­nall duties, but to exhort onely to the performance of those which were commanded and ordained by God himself: neither had they ever any spirituall authority committed unto them for the infor­cing of obedience unto any thing that should be ordained by themselves: For the Apostles never had, nor never exercised any such authority. In brief, the summe of all is briefly thus, that as under the Law, all bowing down to any graven Image, and the worshipping of God in the likenesse of any thing in heaven or in earth was Idolatry: So under the Gospel, which was the end and consummation of the Law, all externall worship of God that doth not spring from faith, as from the root, is to be accounted Idola­try, as being a counterfeit worship set up by the imagination of men, not according to the will of God. And my Lord of Cant. doth here in some sort acknowledge this for a truth, but removes the guilt from himself to lay it upon the people; for here he doth account the worshipping of God according to the imaginations of the people to be Idolatry; but doth not consider that what he esteemed Idolatry in them, might be in himself. If he could pro­duce no better warrant then his own imaginations, for with God there is no respect of persons; but then the question will be, whe­ther he was brought to that place to suffer, for refusing to submit to that idolatry, which here he affirmeth was setting up by the people, or for imposing upon them a will worship according to his own imaginations onely? And if he himself had given the answer, he could not say that the people did impose any thing upon him in the worship of God, but it was apparent and undeniable that he did upon the people: for doing whereof he neglected his Ministe­riall Office consisting chiefly in Information, Instruction, and Ex­hortation; thereby to convince the conscience, which is uncapable of constraint from the authority of man, and usurped an autho­rity which is onely peculiar to God, and cannot be communicated [Page 5] to man: for which the people notwithstanding were not his Judges, but the Law of the Land, against which he did no lesse transgresse, for imposing upon the people any thing by a lawlesse authority not warranted by the Laws, then he did offend against the Word of God by usurping a spirituall authority not warrant­ed in the Word. For the Law of the Land restraineth the making of all Laws and constitutions, and the imposing of any new thiug upon the Subjects of this Kingdome, to the Authority of Parlia­ments; And albeit the Clergy might assemble in Convocation, yet were all their Acts and Constitutions of no force nor validity, untill confirmed and ratified by Parliament: whereas my Lord of Canterbury did not onely innovate many things in the worship of God, but did introduce and impose many new things in the Church by his own authority, and in the State by his credit with the King by the Regall Power, directly against the Laws of the Kingdom, for which he was at that time brought upon the Scaf­fold to suffer, not because he did preferre a passive sufferance be­fore an actuall obedience to unlawfull and prohibited Idolatry as did the 3. Children; but because he did exact obedience from others to his lawlesse commands, without any warrant from the Word of God, nor from the Laws of the Land, but by an usurped authority over both: wherefore his case can no wayes be compa­red to the 3. Childrens, but without any injury done to him, he may justly be taxed with presumption for his paralels or compa­risons.

And as his presumptions are notorious, so is his want of chari­tie manifest, notwithstanding his seeming professions to the con­trary, as appeareth in his next Section, which he beginneth with a charitable prayer, That God would blesse all this people, and open their eyes, that they may see the right way. The which his charity doth ter­minate and end in himself, which is not charity, for charity ex­tendeth chiefly to others; and the inference which he maketh, doth discover the summe of his desires for a blessing upon this people, for the opening of their eyes to be chiefly meant, that they might see and acknowledge his Innocencie which he doth here present to their consideration, not obscurely implyed, but positive­ly affirmed against all accusation whatsoever by the attestation of [Page 6] his own conscience: Having upon this occasion ransacked every corner of his heart, where he hath not found any of his sins that are there, deserving death by the known Laws of the Land. Certainly he was not, nor could he be so ignorant, as here he pretends to be innocent; for he could not choose but know that it was death by the known Laws of this Kingdom, for any Subject to innovate against the established Government. But supposing there had been no positive Law against it, yet was it to have been esteemed an unpardonable crime deser­ving the most rigorous of deaths for any Subject to attempt it; no lesse then it had been in an Athenian to murther his own father, when the Laws were silent for the punishment, as presupposing no such crime would be committed: nor could his conscience be so seared as not to dictate unto him, that he was the adviser to the King, needlesly to assume an arbitrary power, for the introducing of many things, whereof he himself was the chief Author, against the known Laws of the Land. And if nothing else had been pro­ved, yet one thing was so manifest, that it needed no proof at all, the assuming of a Legislative power, by making of Laws and Con­stitutions in a Provinciall Assembly, binding to the whole Sub­jects, and Clergy in generall, to be inforced by Spirituall Autho­rity or Ecclesiasticall censures; and imposing a generall tax upon the Clergy without any confirmation but of the Kings Letters Pa­tents, which was a manifest usurpation over the consciences of men, and a breach against the fundamentall Laws of the King­dome, the King himself having no such power nor prerogative, and former Kings having never assumed it; besides the cheat which he did put upon the King in perswading his Majestie to establish that by his Prerogative, which was not onely derogatory, but de­structive to his Prerogative, as shall be opened more pertinently hereafter; and yet he would here perswade the people he dieth innocently, not deserving death. For which his undeserved sen­tence, notwithstanding he is so charitable, as to charge nothing, not in the least degree upon his Judges, for they are to proceed by proof, by valua­ble witnesses, and in that way he or any Innocent in the world may justly be condemned.

If he had ended here, it had been against charity not to beleeve him; but as fire cannot long be concealed, after it hath taken hold [Page 7] any combustible matter, but will break forth and appear: So the fire of his indignation against his Judges, being kindled in his breast, must needs break forth in despite of dissimulation, and his next words demonstrate clearly what opinion he had of his Judges, whom he compareth to the Danes when Heathens, to the fury of Wat Tyler, and his fellows, to the malice of a lewd woman, to a persecuting Sword, and lastly to Herod, and to the persecuting Jews, and maketh the charge against himself to look like that against St. Paul, in the 25. of the Acts, and against St. Stephen in the 6. of the Acts. To whose cases his had no more resemblance then it had to the 3. Childrens; for St. Paul and St. Stephen, were persecuted for opening the kingdome of heaven, by shewing a clear way to enter therein, by a true and lively faith, grounded upon the death and mediation of Jesus Christ onely, without any reference to our selves, and our own merits. But he on the contrary did what in him lay to shut the kingdome of heaven to such as was desirous to enter, directing them into false wayes, such as could never bring a man thither. For if the old Israelites, by following after the Lavv of righteousnesse attained not into the Law of righteousnesse, be­cause they sought it not by faith, but as it were by the works of the Law, Rom. 9. 31, 32. and therefore were excluded from the pro­mises; what must become of them, who going about to establish not the righteousnesse of the Law, which once was the ordinance of God, but a righteousnesse of their own prescription, consisting for the most part in externall rites and ceremonies, commanding the observation of them as the principall part of Gods worship and of mans duty; when in the mean time they neglect the ordi­nance of God which is their Ministeriall office, consisting chiefly in reforming of the will, and informing the understanding, by the operation of the Word preached, which may be performed by In­formation and Instruction; but can never by any authority or command, for there is a vast difference between him, who endea­voureth the production of desired effects by the operation of neces­sarie and appointed means, and him who commands onely the performance of the like effects, without the application of such means as are necessary: for the one requireth an omnipotent power; the other may be performed by a creature of a finite capa­city. [Page 8] What affinity or resemblance then can my Lord of Canter­buries case have with St. Pauls or St. Stephens, who suffered under the rage of the people for offering their pains, to shew them onely, a clear and infallible way for purchasing the kingdom of heaven, which was left to their own choice to beleeve or not beleeve? But my Lord of Cant. neglecting the wayes of St. Paul and St. Stephen, (consisting onely in demonstration and in the efficacy of perswasi­on for the obtaining of their purposes and ends) was legally pro­cessed and condemned, for making use of externall force, and com­pulsion for the obtaining of his, which St. Paul nor St. Stephen ne­ver did: and moreover, he having screwed himself into the favour of the King, did make the Regall Power instrumentall to his ends, and (which among other things is inexcusable) did endeavour to lay the odium and obloquy of all upon the King when it could not otherwayes be defended; as if that had been sufficient, that he was onely instrumentall to the Kings commands, when it was too well known that he was the director of those commands. And as his case differed from theirs in the means, so must it differ likewise in the ends, for the end of all their labour and pains, was to bring men in subjection to the will of God, by declaring unto them the power of God and of the Deity, and manifesting the inexpressible love of God to mankind, in sending his onely begotten Son into the world to take upon him our humane nature, and expounding unto them the vertue and efficacy of Christs death and resurrecti­on; but the end of his labour and pains, was to bring men in sub­jection to his own will, by making them sensible how dangerous it was to offend him. For he took more pains to inflict punishment on such as offended him, then to instruct such as were ignorant.

But odious is his next comparison, comparing himself with Christ, and his accusers to the Pharises, who having accused Christ for fear, that if they did let him alone, all men would beleeve on him, and the Romans would come and take away both their place and Nation. Con­cluding from thence, with a prayer to God, that God would not reward this people as then he did the Jews for their causlesse fears and unjust sentence; but the cases being so different, and the com­parisons so odious, it were a superfluous labour to go about to in­form any mans understanding in the discovery. Nor needs any [Page 9] time be spent in detecting his vain presumption, and arrogant boasting in applying that deserved triumph of Saint Paul to him­selfe, as if he could no lesse truely, then Saint Paul did, say, by honour and dishonour, by good report, and evill report, as a deceiver and yet true, he was now passing out of this world, for it is mani­fest that he coveted and courted that honour, which Saint Paul accompted but losse and dung, and did runne a cleer contrary course to Saint Paul, for Saint Paul accompted it no shame, To the weake to become as weak, 1 Cor. 9. 28. that he might gaine the weake▪ nor to be made all things to all men, that he might by all meanes save some, but hee accompted it not onely a shame but an indignity, to condiscend one jot to the weaknesse of any man, and rather then hee should bee crossed in his purpose and will, those gifts and abilities, which God had bestowed upon him, for other purposes and ends, and that credit and esteeme which he had purchased with his Majesty, by those gifts and abilities, and in reverence of the holinesse of his calling, should bee all imployed to ingage King and Kingdome in a War, as was evi­dent by the Warre with Scotland, especially after the first paci­fication at the camp neer Barwicke.

But having taken all this paines in a generall justification of himself to the people, who were his Auditors at length he thinkes of it not amisse to speak of some particulars, and first is he bold to speake of the King, who he saith hath bin much traduced by some for labouring to bring in Popery, which he might truely affirme, If any such affirmation had been made of His Majesty but the truth hereof is prevaricated as other truths are by him, and made useof, for his own justification rather then for the Kings, the King being rather aspersed then justified by such manner of justification, for no man did ever affirme that the King was a Papist as is here implyed, nor that His Majestie did labour to bring in Popery as is here affirmed, but that he was overreached by the subtilty and fraud of some, and he himselfe esteemed the principall de­ceiver and undermyner of the King, and it alwayes hath been one of his chiefest subtilties, so to confound the Kings actions and his owne, that they could not easily be distinguished, that by so doing he might never be reached but by wounding the [Page 10] King first, building thereby great hopes, if not assured confi­dence to escape himselfe, and here labouring to justifie himselfe to the People, from having ever had any intention to introduce Popery, he purposly makes mention of the King, for whose purposes & intentions he might safely take any deep Protestation, as if that conduced much to clear himself in the opinion of his Auditors (which was the chiefe thing he now aimed at) of all practices tending to that end, as a thing impossible for him to bring about, without the concurrent consent of the King, which was but a fancy but no solid argument necessarily con­cluding what he would have beleeved, for the worke might be advancing, without any discovery in the King, that it was ne­cessarily tending to such an end, untill such time that it should be too late, if not impossible to retire, as a Deere may be dri­ving into a toyle, not suspecting any danger, but having leisure at some times to feed by the way, untill such time as seeing and apprehending his owne danger, by being unawares reduced to such a straight as doth leave him no variety of choice, but to place his onely safety and meanes of escape in leapping into that snare which had been prepared for him, and to which much paines had been taken to drive him; for it is not to be imagined, that either his Majestie or any other Christian King, should sub­mit themselves to the bondage of Popery if they rightly under­stood what they did, for (to passe by the danger which it bring­eth to their soules, by leading them into by-pathes of errour which can never bring them to heaven,) it subjects all temporall authority into a vassalage and subordination to its spirituall, and that not so much by any accident or contingency arising from the different dispositions of the severall persons who sit upon the severall thrones spirituall and temporall (which may be turbu­lency and ambition in the one, and infirmity and weaknes in the other) as by the very principles and Fundamentall constitution of Popery, by reason of the acknowledgement of, and sub­mission into a spirituall authority, being once rooted and firmely fixed in the beliefe or imagination by all who embrace it, and the naturall effects which doe necessarily spring from thence; For when the world was blinded by ignorance as by darknesse, [Page 11] at what time the Popes did sit as God in the Temple of God and by their spirituall authority in excommunicating and absolving whom they pleased, and for what they pleased, did uncontrol­lably oppose and exalt themselves above all that is called God, that is above all Magistracy and power in earth: What lamen­table and sad effects, did Christendome groane under and feel from such transcendent and omnipotent a Power, so long as from a generall beliefe, it was universally submitted unto? But when mens eyes began once to be opened, and by the cleer light of the truth revealed in Scripture, some men did cleerly see and perceive that no such power was ever, nor could be given into any one man upon earth, yet the apprehension of such a power and authority, that it was given unto some, being sunke deeply into all mens understandings, great difference did arise where the same should reside, and all men acknowledging it to apper­tain to the Clergy onely, did place it amongst them as it were by a generall consent, in some one of those formes which are knowen to be best capable to preserve authority, all or the most part of all concluding that it must be preserved in one of them, each imbracing and submiting into that forme, which was pre­ferred and made choice of by those who bare the greatest sway, or had the greatest esteem and reputation with them, but none of them foreseeing into all effects and events which might follow, hath bin the chief cause why so much discord & contention hath risen and continued, which will never be wanting so long as the cause remains, that is, until it be clearly understood what the pow-of the Church, and of Churchmen is, whether any such thing as spirituall authority doth appertain to them, & by what right, and to what end, whether or no, it be conducing to Religion, or be compatible with the end of government, for albeit there be no such thing as spirituall authority acknowledged, yet all power is not thereby taken away from the Church, but the consequence will only be, that the power of the Church, & of Church-men, is no more then opperative, and declarative, not at all authoritative, and having no authority, they can have no legislative power of making Lawes and constitutions, (call them by what name so­ever they will) binding to the conscience, having no penalties [Page 12] to inforce obedience; and why should any such thing as spiri­tuall authority be admitted to be when it cannot be evidenced what execution doth follow, for authority without execution ceaseth to be authority by losing its vertue, for if authority say to one go, he must go, or to another come, he must come, and likewise to a third, doe this, he must do it, but no Clergy man nor Minister of the Gospel can say, enter thou into heaven, and goe thou into hell, all hee can say is, thus beleeve and do, and thou shall be saved, but if otherwise you will be damned, but both the doing and beleeving dependeth upon the hearers owne choice, nothing is determined by the appointment of the Minister, all that rests in the power of the Minister is to declare to others, the effectuall meanes of their salvation, from the revealed will of God, to which whosoever submits by a voluntary profession testifying his beliefe, and re­ceiving of baptisme which is the seale of his beliefe, but brings not forth fruit according to his Profession, and walkes not according to the rules set down in Scripture, and will not be convinced nor reclaimed by no admonition nor reproofe, then may the Minister safely and boldly pronounce that he is still in the state and condition of an Infidell and unbeleever, no more capable of any thing that may accrue unto him by the death and mediation of Christ then a heathen or pagane, and therefore may debar him from admission into the holy Com­munion, which is, or ought to be, the Communion of Saints or true beleevers, and is Gods Sacrament to us, that is to say his Covenant and seal unto us, of the fruits and benefits, that we hope for hereafter, by vertue of Christs death and resurrection, but the party offending is not presently cast into hell by that sentence, and though hell fire may follow upon it hereafter, yet is it not the Ministers sentence, nor the debarring him srom the Sacrament, that doth send him thither, but his want of faith, which is made evident and nortorious, by no single act of any declared sinne, but by an obstinate perserverance in any one sin or more that hath been judged already by the unappealable judgement of God, to be an evidence of want of faith in him who commits it, and doth take pleasure and delight into it, [Page 13] which is made manifest and apparent to men by a perseverance in it onely; and therefore it is the sentence of God, and not of the Minister, the Minister being onely Gods Herauld or mes­senger to declare to others the revealed will of God, and for doing thereof he hath an expresse warrant from God recorded in Scripture; nor must it be any part of the Ministers purpose to send any man to hell (but purpose and intention of doing exe­cution upon the offender is essentiall to authority and inseparable from it) but onely to prevent (what in him lieth) his going thither: for albeit that the Ministers sentence, being rightly pro­nounced, be ratified in heaven, (which is undenyable) yet may it be recalled again, but never at the Ministers will and pleasure (which at sometimes is incident to authority) but by the contrition and repentance of the obstinate party publikely promising, and vowing his amendment, upon which evidence the Minister may pronounce his absolution receiving him again into the bosome of the Church, and admitt him againe into the Com­munion of Saints, and this sentance is likewise ratifyed in Hea­ven, If the parties repentance be unfained and sincere, which notwithstanding may be hypocriticall and dissembled in him, albeit he doth refraine and forbeare from the performance of that wherein he gave the offence and scandall, and doth moreo­ver proceede to amendment of his life, not onely in that particu­lar, but doth walke unblameably and without any deserved re­proofe from the judgment of men in all other, howsoever upon a visible purpose of amendment, the Minister not onely may, but must receive him againe into the bosome of the Church, and ad­mit him againe into the holy Communion with others, so that nothing is left to the will of the Minister, nor to the finall judge­ment of the Minister, but all is referred to the will and know­ledge of God, and where will and knowledge are excluded, their Authority is wanting, and though much may be effected and brought to passe by them, yet whatsoever is effected deserves not the name as differing from the nature of Authority: and the Mi­nisters of Christ having no Authority in those things wherein they cannot ere so long as they follow the cleare light revealed in Scripture, they can much lesse have any Authority for such [Page 14] things which flow from their owne Invention, nor can they in­force obedience by any spirituall meanes or censures of the Church, unto any thing whereof they themselves are Authors, when no spirituall meanes are compulsive in regard of the In­strument that must apply them, and whatsoever efficacy or vertue they have, yet may they never be applyed for the inforcing of a­ny thing whereof man is Author, for then it would follow that the will of man or something proceeding from the will of man would be a rule to the Justice of God, when one man must be as a Publican, or Heathen and consequently uncapable of the fruits of Christs death, for disobeying onely the will, or something de­pending upon the will of another, which no man dares to af­firme, and having no compulsive meanes to inforce obedience, they can have no legislative power of making of cannons and constitutions binding to the conscience, for a law without a pe­nalty or power sufficient to inforce it, is no law, nor neede they have any such power, for such a power is not conducible at all to that end of Religion which is committed to them, & to their care and paines, but is destructive to the end of government; for Religion hath a two fold end, the one respecteth God, the o­ther man, the end of religion in respect of God is to glorify God, that man who was therefore created to glorify his Maker should by a true knowledge of the true God glorify him aright, and the end of religion in respect of man, is to bring a man from all con­fidence in himselfe or the creature, to rely upon the Providence and goodnesse of God who is the Creator, to the end he may renounce his own righteousnesse to be made partaker of the me­rits and Righteousnesse of the Sonne of God, the Redeemer of Mankinde, that by faith in him he may obtaine grace and some measure of sanctification in this life, for the remission of sinnes, and fruition of Glory hereafter: and for this end of religion no humane lawes do contribute any thing at all, for unto this the Scriptures are sufficient being compleate in themselves, and the chiefe duty of the Ministers of the Gospell is to explaine and expound the true meaning of scripture to others, for doing whereof they should be learned in all necessary learning and skil­full, as also have a lawfull Calling by a lawfull Ordination, and [Page 15] for which it is very fit that they be set apart from all other im­ployment, and have a sufficient maintenance that they may the better attend that to which they are called; but for the other end to glorify God, humane lawes doe contribute much, but they are required of Christian Kings and Magistrates, and not of Christian Ministers, for God did from the begining put Autho­rity into the hands of the Magistrate, and endowed them with effectuall meanes for inforcing of obedience to what should be commanded by them, so did he never in the hands of the Priests and Levites under the Law, nor of the Apostles under the Go­spell, and by consequence into the hands of no Ministers what­soever succeeding them, and God doth require of the Magistrate to improve his Authority (which is the talent that God hath gi­ven him) for the gaining of others by force and compulsion, (when no other meanes will prevaile) to the performance of those dutyes that are required of them, as he requires of all who are called to labour in the Ministeriall function and office, to im­ploy their gifts and graces (which are the talents bestowed upon them) painfully and dilligently for the enlightning of the under­standing of others, whereby every exalted thought and imagina­tion may be brought downe, which the Magistrates Power and Authority can never reach, for the Power of the Magistrate reacheth no further then to the outward life & conversation, when the operation of the Ministry subdueth the will, and therefore the principall care of the Magistrate is and ought to be to enforce men to live uprightly and justly as they ought to doe, for by so doing men glorify God, but this is not all, the glory that is to be performed by man to God, for besides there must be a ready submission to the Will of God, springing from a perfect love to God, and grounded upon an assured confidence of Gods love to us, which may be begotten and kindled in a man, but can never be inforced, and to this duty tendeth the Ministers paines and la­bour, but it is and ought to be the Christian Magistrates care to provide for all that can onely be introduced by force and com­pulsion in the Service of God, wherefore the severall ends of Magistracy and of the Ministry are different but not contrary, but the severall meanes by which they attaine their ends are not one­ly [Page 16] different but contrary, and those meanes which are effectuall to the one, are not only ineffectuall but uselesse to the other, for the Magistrate can never attaine that end to which his Authori­ty conduceth by no perswation nor information onely, nor can the Minister subdue the will nor informe the understanding by any Authority from or in himselfe, and both of them have their Commission immediately from God, and each of them are sub­ject to the other without any subordination of offices from the one to the other, for the Magistrate is no lesse subject to the ope­ration of the word from the mouth of the Minister then any o­ther man whatsoever, and the Minister againe is as much subject to the Authority of the Magistrate as any other Subject whatso­ever, and therefore though there be no subordination of offices, yet is there of Persons, the Person of the Minister remaining a Subject, but not the function of the Ministry, but there needes not two Tribunalls nor Independent Courts be erected to pro­vide for their severall ends and dutyes required of them, for the Minister can never attaine the end of his labours, by no Judiciall processe nor legall proceedings whatsoever, and therefore all Ju­diciall courts are needelesse and uselesse to his ends, yet are they not so to himselfe having other ends then what are required of him for the discharge of his duty and function, but it is essentiall to the Magistrate to have a tribunall and judiciall Courts, for the attaining of his ends and duties required of him, without which he can never discharge his dutie as he ought, but whensoever the like Tribunall is erected in the Church as is necessary in the State, they must be Independent one of another in regard the severall offices governing Church and State are so, but all that is to be got by Independant Tribunalls, is either dissention and dis­cord, which is the usuall fruite that devision of Authority bear­eth, or by compliance to provide for one anothers Interests, or particular ends differing from their publick dutyes, with the manifest losse of true religion on both sides, which many times drawes downe the Judgment of God upon one or both, as be­ing a third person no lesse interressed in Justice and Honour then either, and many times the Justice of God is most greeveous when least apprehended, as suffering men to wallow in their sins [Page 17] to dye in security, nor is it a small Judgment to leave men to the necessary effects, which division of Authority produceth: for the end of all government is the preservation of humane society, the meanes of doing whereof is by union and unity, and Authority is the effectuall meanes of producing and propagating unity? and therefore whensoever Authority is divided, Vnitie may al­waies, and sometimes must admit of division which destroyes it, for unity and division are destructive one of another, and when two Tribunalls are erected for the determining of severall and different causes and crimes, both armed with a forcible Autho­rity, weilding swords of a different nature, agreable to their dif­ferent constitutions, and without any dependency and subordi­nation the one to the other, what lasting concord and agreement can there be beweene these two, they that mannage them must be juster then men are knowne to be, or advantages will be ta­ken when given by the one, (as no sublunary substances which are subject to change can remaine long in an equall ballance) for subjecting the other; and therefore it was, when the Christi­an world did by a generall consent beleeve that the Church ha­ving a sword though invisible, for the cutting off of all schisma­ticall and refractory Members, no lesse really and truly then the State hath a visible materiall sword, which for the preservation of union and unity, was esteemed necessary to be put into the hands of one, and therefore willingly submitted their necks, un­der the Imaginary stroake thereof, from the sentence of Popes, or Bishops of Rome; How easie was it for them by reason ther­of to subject all Christian Princes and Magistrates unto a depen­dency and subordination unto them and their Authority, and how did they trouble the Christian world, by transferring of rights and stirring up of rebellion whensoever any of those Princes did oppose them, or contradict their wills by a supposed Intrenching upon their pretended Prerogatives though usurped▪ but when the Popes right began to be questioned by some, whereby his reputation did decline, even amongst those who ad­hearing still to the doctrine of the Church of Rome as to that in which they had beene educated and bred, yet did not beleeve his censures to be so dreadfull as before they apprehended them to [Page 18] be; but the edge of his sword being thereby blunted, and the edge of the temporall sword being not onely visible but sharpe, the advantage returned to Princes, whereby those Princes who continued in union with the Church of Rome, professing subje­ction and obedience to the spirituall Authority thereof, doe not­withstanding now reduce that power and Authority to which they professe subjection, unto a subordination of them and their Authority to be directed by them, which will be of no longer permanency, then that Church can insnare the world againe to an apprehension and beleife of the reality of their power, to be­get which they continually indeavour and aspire, and have no small hopes from the differences and divisions amongst Pro­testants, for the increasing and fomenting whereof it is not to be imagined that they are idle; but whatsoever their hopes and pra­ctises are, their greatest strength remaineth in this, that it is ge­nerally beleeved that the Church hath a spirituall Authority for the cutting off of all schismaticall Members, and that this Au­thority is to be preserved in some one forme or other without any derivation thereof from any humane power, for then it cleerely and undoubtedly followeth, that whosoever by such principles of reason taken from the end of government doth incline to Monarchy, and that this spirituall Authority can best be preserved by the Supremacy of one man, then the Bishops of Rome, having had for a long time, and for a long succession, and still having the possession, besides other advantages of greatnesse and power which begetteth strength and reputation, must and will be acknowledged by all those to be the onely spirituall Mo­narch in the Church armed with spirituall Authority; and who­soever out of prejudice against the Church of Rome, taken a­gainst her by reason of either her errours or abuses, or both, doth seperate themselves from the Communion of that Church, and by consequence onely free themselves from her subjection, but doe notwithstand adheare to and retaine the grounds of those errours and abuses, by acknowledging and beleeving that the same spi­rituall Authority (which was presupposed to have beene abused by the Popes and Bishops of Rome as Vsurpers onely over the rest of the Clergy, or too great a power and consequently dan­gerous [Page 19] in the hands of any one man) is not onely lawfull but ne­cessary as being Inherent in the function, and essentiall for the preservation of union and unity, to be preserved in some other forme which they agree upon and like better then the incontrol­lable Supremacie of one man, then this doth necessarily follow, that albeit they free themselves from all the errours and abuses which were introduced by the Supreamicie of one man, yet so long as they acknowledge that the same power and Authority is resident in others, they can never free themselves of all errours and abuses which are introducible by Authority, but that the property and condition of things in themselves indifferent will be changed from being indifferent and converted into the nature and necessity of absolute duties, which ever begets bondage and subjection, and sense of bondage doth ever beget desire of liberty, which can never be obtained so long as the opinion of a necessity of Authority in some forme or other is retained; and experience hath now taught us, what could not be foreseene by reason alone, without some additionall helpe from divine illu­mination, that in the Church of England which did not onely shake off the Supreamicie of the Pope, but had purged her selfe of all those errours which had either crept in, or were introduced by the power of that Supreamicie, by retaining of Bishops, and giving them a part onely of that spirituall Authority, which for­merly was acknowledged to Popes, and though quallifying that part by restraining it from all legislative power, or a power to inact any thing, but allowing it a Power of Iudicature, the effectuall operation and proper working of that part of spiritu­all Authority, hath now fully manifested it selfe to tend to pro­pogate superstition and errour▪ rather then the sincerity and truth of Religion; and as the naturall motions of different bodies, dif­fering in quality and substance tend to different centers, the na­turall motion of Episcopacy, hath now discovered it selfe to in­deavour continually to unite it selfe to such a head to which it is capable to aspire, rather then to be in subjection under such a head to which it hath no capacity to aspyre, and that received principle of State, that Episcopacy, is a support to Monarchy, is now likewise discovered to be fraudulent and deceitefull, for [Page 20] it is true that it is a support to a spirituall Monarchy or Monar­chy in the Church, as being the basis and foundation thereof, but doth undermine and destroy Monarchy in the State, especi­ally in that State which doth trust unto it as to a supporter, and the reason is cleere, for all supporters which have no solid foun­dation, doe ruinate those buildings, which are erected upon them being of greater weight and substance then the foundation can beare, and the foundation of Episcopacy being layed in the en­grossing of spirituall Authority or Ecclesiasticall censures; Spiri­tuall Authority it selfe hath no other existence nor being, but what it hath in the Imagination and beleefe, which is too slip­pery a ground to support a solid substance, such as temporall Monarchy is, but may be sufficient to support an aery and ima­ginary bulk, such as spirituall Monarchy is, which Episcopacy not only supports, but continually tends towards as to its proper cen­ter, and my Lord of Cant. when he obtained the Kings good will to confirme by his Letters Patents, the late Canons, did put a di­rect cheate upon his Majesty, for thereby the Kings Supreamicy in causes Ecclesiasticall was cut off, and from thence forth his Supreamicy over Ecclesiasticall persons should have been rather titular then reall, If the consent of Parliament could as easily have been obtained as his Majesties own: But to conclud this part of my Lord of Cant. Speech he might safely protest upon his con­science, that his Majesty was a sound Protestant, according to the Religion by law established, yet did it not thereupon follow, that he himself was guiltles from the sentence of the law, because his actions being all warranted by his Majesties consent, they could not be divided from the Kings; which is the cheife thing implied by this particular. His second particular is concerning th [...] great and populous City, to which he is very kind and prayeth God to blesse it, but all his prayers for those who he conceiveth had done him injury have a sting in them, and this prayer ends re­proaching those he prayes for, as if some had subordned witnesses against his life by gathering of hands, which he affirmeth to be a way that might endanger many an innocent man, and may plucks innocent blood upon their own heads, and perhaps upon this City also, which be­fore he prayed God to blesse, and now again to forbid this Judge­ment, but his prayers are mixed with threates and all tending to [Page 21] justify himself to his Auditours, whereof he is never unmindefull upon all occasions, and having here occasion to mention the Par­liament, he bestowes glorious and honourable Titles and epi­thrates upon it, as if that were sufficient to testify his respects thereof, but he doth contradict his owne testimony by his Infe­rences and Applications, for by Inference he applyeth the ga­thering of hands, (which he affirmeth to have been practised a­gainst himself,) to the stirring up of the people against Saint Ste­phen, and to Herods lying in waite for Saint Peters death, by obser­ving how the people tooke the death of Saint James. By which In­stance he must meane that great, honourable, and wise Court of the Kingdome, the Parliament, (those be the titles he bestowes upon them) for it was they that gave sentence against him, as Herod did against Saint James, and would have done agaynst Saint Pe­ter, which no Christian thinkes was either honourably or wisely done of him, and therefore what opininion he had of that great, honourable, and wise Court for sentencing of him may be col­lected, and that his esteeme of them was not so honourable as his expressions; but whatsoever his esteeme of them was, they were his Judges so will he never be theirs which he here appre­hended, when he did put the City in mind of the Justice of God, and how fearfull a thing it was, to fall into the Hands of the living God, because God remembers and forgets not the complaynts of the poore, a lesson which he never remembred when he himselfe did sit upon the Tribunall, but is of speciall comfort unto him upon the Scaffold, for his blood was innocent blood, and not onely innocent blood in his owne esteeme but he had a speciall Com­mission from God to tell them so, as Jeremiah had, in the 26. Chap. of Jeremiah, ver. 15. the words were not expressed by him but directions given to the place, the words be these, But know ye for certaine, that if ye put me to death, you shall surely bring inno­cent blood upon your selves, and upon this City, and upon the Inhabi­tants thereof: for of a truth the Lord hath sent me to you to speake all these words in your eares. The words are so plaine they need no comment.

His third particular is, this poore Church of England, as he calls it, but from thence no observation is to be drawne, for it is [Page 22] an undeniable truth what is there affirmed, onely it would be in­quired after, who hath beene the principall and Instrumentall cause of this great change, but he hath made no application and so will I.

His last particular is himselfe, and that about his religion, in which he is very breefe, choosing to expresse himselfe by cir­cumstances which admit of a latitude that may deceive the hea­rer or reader, rather then positively and cleerly whereby he leaves the hearer or reader as little satisfied as if he had said nothing at all, yet doth he confesse his labouring to keep up an Ʋniformity in the externall worship of God, but makes no mention at all of what meanes he used to doe so, for in the wayes which he tooke and in the meanes which he used consisted his cheefest guilt, but that he passeth over, and so comes at last to speake of his accusation, which was no lesse then an accusation of High treason, and by no meaner persons then by the whole Commons of England as­sembled in their representative body in Parliament, and there and by them proved agaynst him, yet hath he the confidence to say it was a crime his soule ever abhorred, howsoever he proceeds to the parts of his charge being two, an Indeavour in him to subvert the Law of the Realm, and a like Indeavour to subvert the true Pro­testant Religion established by those Laws, both which he seemeth to deny, but so mistically as that his meaning is rather to be collect­ed, then that it can be cleerely discerned. For he expresseth him­selfe variously, and answereth in another forme of words then which were proposed by him; for having propounded them, that the charge against him was an Indeavour to subvert the Law of the Realme, and a like Indeavour to overthrow the true Protestant Religion established by those lawes, he answereth having first protested, In the presence of Almighty God, and all his holy and blessed angels, that hee did take it now upon his death, that he never endeavoured the subversion of the Lawes of the Realme, nor never any change of the Protestant Religion, into Popish superstition; the sense of which words doth imply a great change from what they were, when first propounded, for by his first proposition of them he expresseth himselfe, to have been accused of an en­deavour to subvert the Law of the Realm; by which word Law in the singular number as in the abstract may bee understood the [Page 23] legislative power, or power of law-making, comprehending the frame of this government, and including King and Parliament, which he was charged to overthrow, by an Indeavour to intro­duce an Arbitrary government, depending upon the will of the King alone, and excluding the Parliament; and in his answer he makes mention of the subversion of the lawes in the plurall num­ber, where they are confined to different subjects, as to so many individuall substances, by which may be meant the particular acts and laws issued forth and derived from that power, and may com­prehend them all, which no man did ever thinke or lay to his charge that he indeavoured the subversion of all the whole lawes, and of every particular, and therefore here doth appeare a fallacy and deceite, which is agreable to his former practises, so likewise in the other branch about Religion he first propounds it, of an Indeavour to overthrow the true Protestant Religion established by those lawes, and answereth, of any change of the Prottestant Religion into Popish superstition which is a manifest difference, whereof hereafter: having occasion to speake first of his esteeme of Parliaments, which he takes occasion to mention here as hav­ing bin accused as an enemie to them, the which he denies expres­sing a Reverend esteeme of them in the generall, as of the greatest Court over which no other Court can have any Jurisdiction in the Kingdome; but professeth his dislike against some few one or two Parliaments in particular, for some misgovernments in them as he did conceive, but what those misgovernments were hee doth not expresse, onely in stead thereof a generall reason is given, Coruptio optimi est pessima, but from thence he might condemne and destroy all Parliaments and the best of govern­ments, and of every thing as often as he pleaseth, if nothing more be required but that his affirmations must be admitted for proofes, for there is nothing wherein the frailty of man must bee imployed but may admit of errour, and corruption, but it doth not follow, that whatsoever may, doth; nor doth it any where appeare that any of those Parliaments, which hee here con­demneth, were guilty at all of any such corruption as he layeth to their charge, but the contrary is manifest, and if for no other thing yet for this his esteem of them, for undoubtedly by him they should have been better esteemed, If really and truely [Page 24] they had been more corrupted; for Parliaments may be then said to be corrupted, when all or most part of the members do subject their Votes to the determination and judgement of o­thers, preferring the particuler pleasure, interrest or ends, of some whom they respect, before the generall good of all whom they represent; neither is it any impossible thing so to pack a Parliament as not onely the things to be proposed and debated, but the greater number of the Members Votes shall depend up­on the pleasure of others, being agreed and united amongst them­selves for a particular and sinister end; for it is no false report but a well known and undenyable truth, that in the choice of the Members of the lower House of Parliament which doth depend upon a free Election by the Gentry, Communalty, and free­holders in England, the major number within their severall limits and jurisdictions giving it to whom they please, yet the reputa­tion of some in some places especially, hath been such as to pre­scribe to those who were to choose, who should be chosen by them, whereby many have been returned by the favour and re­commendation of others rather then by any merit of their own, and it is probable that a designe of changing Religion and alter­ing the government having been for a long time pursued by a faction of men who had obtained power and favour about the King that they were not negligent, in making use of this advan­tage for their own ends, & it plainly appears that they were not, because at divers times they had recourse to Parliaments in time of prosecution of the designe, before it was finished, which to some might seeme a likely meanes in all apperance to have over­throwne all such designe for ever, but the successe of those Par­liaments and the conclusion which they made, doth cleerely de­monstrate what the designers purpose and intention was in cal­ling them: for the end of calling of all Parliaments, is either a purpose and desire of releiving the Kings wants, and to supply his necessities or to redresse the grievances of the subjects, or both: for such hath been the prudence of our ancestors, in setling the frame of this government, not only to deny to their Kings all power of imposing any taxes upon the Subjects with out their own free consents, by their representative body as­sembled in Parliament, but did as it were binde the hands of [Page 25] their Kings, by their own consents signified by divers Acts of Par­liament, from so doing for ever. For which their Kings were re­compensed, with a speciall and absolute Prerogative of calling and dissolving of Parliaments, at their will and pleasure onely. The people being thereby assured, that if a desire to right the peo­ples grievances, and for providing of beneficiall Laws were not sufficient motives and inducements to the King for calling of Par­liaments; yet the confideration of, and respect to his own necessi­ties and wants would move him: and divers Parliaments having been called, during the prosecution of this designe, which have been dissolved again, by the same Prerogative that called them, without any application of redresse either to the grievances of the Subjects, or to the Kings wan [...]s, doth manifest that (whatsoever the pretence was) the chief end and purpose of calling those Par­liaments, was never neither for redresse of the Subjects grievauces, nor for relief of the Kings wants; but chiefly to make triall what strength they could make in the Parliament to finish their designe by Authority of Parliament. For having advanced their designe so farre at Court by their prevalencie with His Majestie, that they had obtained the possession of the greatest places, and places of greatest trust, both about His Majestie and in the Kingdom: they were thereby of that credit and reputation, that none were pre­ferred to places of trust, nor to dignities, nor honors, without their approbation, if not recommendation. Which did so secure them, that they needed not fear the disappointment of their de­signe by any opposition at Court, and so farre as the Kings power and Prerogative could further it. But the Kings Prerogative being not absolute, the Laws of this Kingdom, and the Constitution of this Government, having neither conferred an absolute power nor Prerogative upon the Kings thereof, they could never finish their designe (whatsoever it was) by the Kings Prerogative alone, without an additionall confirmation by the Subjects consents as­sembled in Parliament whereof they were likewise assured; if by the reputation and strength of their Faction they could procure such a certain number to be returned Members of the lower House, as they might be confident of, would suffer their Votes to be di­rected by them, by which means they might hope to carry any [Page 26] thing in that House which should be proposed by His Majestie, or in His Majesties name, of whose deliberations and determinations they were the chief disposers.

As for the House of Peers, there was no doubt at that time of a prevalent party to concurre with them, by reason of the Bishops Votes, and Court Lords, and others who were obliged to them by many favours; they being the chief disposers of all favours, which did either depend upon or proceed from His Majesties gift. For all which causes and considerations there was no danger to call a Parliament, whensoever they pleased: For if the Parliament did not answer their expectation, it was in the same mens power to perswade the King to dissolve it, who had the credit to perswade His Ma. to call it. His Majesty suspecting no ends in them but what was pretended for His Majesties service. But the succes of those Par­liaments declared, that the credit of the Faction was not so great in the countrey as at Court; for which my L. of Cant. doth here tax them with misgovernment, professing his dislike, against them one­ly, which must be conceived was, because they were not yet moul­ded nor brought to that frame to condescend to every thing that he and others should project, as was the late Synod. And the great number of Patentees, and Monopolists chosen this Parliament, and others who have deserted the Parliament, and have sitten since in an Anti-parliament at Oxford, doth sufficiently demon­strate upon whom they depended, and for whose Interests their Votes have been devoted from the beginning, whether for the ge­nerall benefit of King and Kingdom, or onely to serve the particu­lar ends of such who either in all probability did recommend them, or otherwayes from whom they did expect preferment or some other reward.

But from hence may be collected, that the designe for al­tering Religion, and the frame of the Government being two different things, that they were not alike intended by the De­signers, but that the designe for altering of Religion was prin­cipally intended by them; and that the other designe of introdu­cing an Arbitrary government to the King was but the bait to de­ceive the King, thereby to insinuate the better with him, and to ingage His Majestie to them, and was chiefly made use of, as sub­servient [Page 27] and conducing to the other designe of Religion that was the onely designe with them: which is made manifest by the progresse of both designes. For as all motions which by their slownesse or distance seem insensible to the beholder, so as at first view it cannot be discerned whither they tend, yet are easily per­ceived by their progresse: so the dark and disguised ends of this designe, which could not endure the light of open profession, is clearly discernable by the progresse which it hath made. For al­beit that an Arbitrary power in the King hath been made use of in many things, to the great prejudice of the Subject, tending to the manifest destruction of the Subjects Liberties, and Priviledges of Parliament; yet when a true account shall be taken, what great benefit hath returned to the Regall Authority by all that hath been done, the totall sum will be found at the end of the Church-mens bill, but none at all at the Kings; where on the contrary, ma­nifest detriment and losse will appear, and that the Kings Prero­gative hath been stretched upon the tenters beyond its true by as, to set up and settle an absolute or Independent Prerogative in the Church to Church-men, which is inconsistent with the Preroga­tive of the Crown: for whensoever the Prerogative of Church-men is advanced to such a height, as that it groweth either absolute or Independent, the Prerogative of the Crown is either subjected or undermined, and the King parts with a reall Authority, depend­ing upon his own reason and judgement chiefly, to be directed by the will and judgement of another, unlesse the smart of his Sword doth terrifie more nor the apprehension of theirs, which is all the remedie that will be left him whensoever the chief Governor or Governors of the Church and he do differ. And the remedy which the late Cannons applyed for the securing of all men, against any suspicion of revolt to Popery, hath manifested to all men how far the progresse to Popery was advanced, when it durst appear no­thing at all disguised, but under a thin vail of some few deceitfull words, in a Pontificall robe of absolute Authority constituting and ordaining; and to shew how absolute and Independent the Pro­testant Church of England was grown, the words; We straitly com­mand all Parsons, Vicars, and Curates, and we injoyn all Archbishops and Bishops, and We decree and ordain; are used all along in the severall [Page 28] Articles published, which are all words of absolute Authority and command, and the penalties inforcing obedience to all those ab­solute commands, are either suspension and deprivation to the Clergy, or the dreadfull censures of Excommunication, and casting into hell to all others. For no lesse punishment doth the sentence of Ex­communication imply, because the party excommunicate being cast out of all communion with the Church, is thereby presuppo­sed to be deprived of all the benefits that he may hope for by ver­tue of Christs death and mediation, so long as he remains in the state of excommunication, which is a great terror to all them that do not rightly understand the nature of Excommunication, and what the authority of Church-men is, which is ever the much greater part of those who are members of any Church, besides the great number of others which be in all Churches that sleight the censure of Excommunication, as being a censure from which they feel no present smart, without which it hath no operation with them, for the inforcing of whom especially, it was by these Can­nons injoyned, that every Bishop shall once every yeer send into His Ma­jesties high Court of Chancery a Significavit of all such who have stood ex­communicated beyond the time limited by the Law, and shall desire that the Writ De Excommunicato capiendo might be at once sent out against them all, Ex Officio. And for the better execution of their Decrees, They did most humbly beseech his most sacred Majestie, that the Officers of the high Court of Chancery, whom it shall concern, may be commanded to send out the aforesaid Writ from time to time, as is desired, and that the like command also may be laid upon the Sheriffes and their Deputies, for the due and faithfull execution of the said Writs, as often as they shall be brought unto them. Which whensoever they should obtain, would put the Supremacy of all Authority into the hands of some of the Clergy, by necessitating the smarting stroke of the Magistrates Sword to follow of course upon notification of theirs, whereby all Magistra­cie and Law should be but executioners of their sentence, from which there was no appeal, but by submission deserving absolu­tion, which was ordained by the authority of the foresaid Synod, not to be given, untill the party to be absolved should come as a penitent, humbling himself upon his knees, and first take an Oath, De parendo Juri, & stando mandatis Ecclesiae. And for a perpe­tuall [Page 29] subjecting of all men into a vassalage and subjection to the Authority of Bishops and others of the Clergy, it was there de­creed, That all Clergy men, and all others who should take any degree of learning in any of the Ʋniversities, and all that should be licensed to pra­ctise Physick, all Registers, Actuaryes and Proctors, all Schoolmasters, and all others that should come to be incorporated in any of the Ʋniversities here, having taken a degree in any forraigne Ʋniversitie, should take an Oath in a prescribed and set form of words, before they should be ad­mitted to take their degrees, Never to give their consent to alter the go­vernment of this Church by Archbishops, Bishops, Deans, and Archdeacons, By which means, an equall allegiance should have been payed to them as to the King and his Successors for ever: And all this was presented to the blinded world, and abused King, as a remedy to secure men against any suspicion of revolt to Popery, which was nothing else but a publick setting up of Popery, though not yet of the Popes supremacy, which was to follow; and imploying the help and assistance of the Magistrates Sword, and the force and power of the Laws of the Land to that very use and end; For Po­pery consisteth neither in this or that superstition nor Idolatry, nor in this or that erroneous Doctrine, nor in all-together, princi­pally and chiefly; but in the absolutenesse of spirituall authority commanding Implicite obedience, to whatsoever Doctrine or Su­perstition shall be invented by man, as necessary and essentiall to the true worship of God, under the threatned pain and penalty of Excommunication and Interdiction, and promising the kingdome of heaven to whomsoever it pleaseth, as a gift or reward within the power of man: and the assumption of which so divine and in­competent a power to any man or mankind united together, and the deriving thereof from one solely to others, as inherent in the person or function of one onely, doth necessarily inferre and presuppose the gift of Infallibility in him who doth so assume it, that he may become an unappealable Judge, which doth exalt him, in the sight and esteeme of those men who do beleeve in him, and willingly submit unto him, to the nature and dignity of the incommunicable prerogative of God, and makes him undeniably the revealed Antichrist to others, by usurping and possessing the throne of Christ upon earth, for whom onely, such dominion and authority is reserved in heaven.

[Page 30] And the root of Popery or Antichristianity (for so it may be termed, as tending continually thither by the Doctrine which it teacheth, and the Authority which it usurpeth) lieth in this very principle, that a power of excommunicating and absolving, or sending into heaven or hell, is assumed by some as depending up­on the purpose and will of man, according to the nature of Autho­rity, and consented to and beleeved by others; aud the danger to temporall Authority lieth in the universality and generality of the beleef and assent, and the difference between the incontrolable supremacy of the Pope, and the exalted Prelacy of Bishops pre­tending to the same Authority is but a difference of degrees, but not of kinds. For, for the setling of this Authority into the su­premacy of any one, there is a necessity of ingrossing it into the hands of some few first; and Popes had never mounted to their omnipotent throne of Supremacy, if a superiority of some of the Clergy invested with spirituall authority over others had not been first assented unto. For the same rule, necessity, and end requi­reth the supremacy of one Bishop over all other Bishops, that re­quireth the superiority of any Clergy man into the dignity of a Bishop over many others of the Clergy: and the same danger of spirituall error indangering the soul lyeth upon all that are sub­ject to this spirituall authority, whether it be derived from the su­premacy of one, or a superiority onely of others, or from the De­mocracy of all the Clergy assembled together, or from the Inde­pendencie of everyone within their severall Congregations, so long as it is entertained and received in the beleef as a sufficient ground or warrant for obedience to what shall be ordained by it: and the exercising of spirituall authority under a different form of externall government onely, being a difference rather in form then substance, all of them may divide unity in the ends and con­sequences of government, by dividing of Authority which is the preserver of unity; but each of them doth admit of degrees of more and lesse, according as the form imbraced is more or lesse absolute. The superiority therefore of Bishops over the rest of the Cler­gie, which may be as Independent as any other form, but can ne­ver be so absolute as the supremacy of the Pope, in regard it can never beget nor inforce so generall a dependencie and subjection [Page 31] of all men unto it, wherin union and strength consisteth, is never so dangerous to that State which entertains it, as when it declares its Independencie, and aspires to be absolute. And albeit that Epis­copacy doth continually endeavour and aspire to be united by the Supremacy of one of their own order, because thereby they arise to a further degree of strength and perfection, to which all sublunary creatures have a naturall propension, inclination, and desire; yet can they not at all times, nor whensoever they please, attaine to their desires. And the Archbishop of Canterbury having discovered and manifested unto the world how independent the authority of Church-men here in England was grown, and how absolute they coveted to be, did give a clear evidence at the same time how farre the progresse to the Popes Supremacy was advan­ced; which is made more manifest by the concurrence and joynt endeavours of Papists of all sorts, not onely agreeing with, but la­bouring in the same designe with some of our Clergy-men and others. For their indefatigable labours and renewed pains, with so much blood and danger to the undertakers ever since the Re­formation, have all tended to that end chiefly, as to the onely mark at which they have ever aymed. The threatning Bals, and many dangerous conspiracies and invasions in Queen Elizabeths time, and the most damnable Gunpowder Treason in King James his time, are clear proofs how implacable their malice hath been against all Reformation, that did depose the Pope from his pre­tended right of Supremacy, and how violently they have been transported to reinthrone him again, which is but the ultimate end of all such dangerous and desperate undertakings, but the im­mediate is alwayes and ever hath been for some particular ends to the undertakers, springing from their own ambition, and co­vetous desire of dominion and rule, from which Papists are exclu­ded by the Laws of this Land establishing the Reformation: for the desire of authority, and to have a command over others is a na­turall desire to all ambitious men; and ambition is an inherent quality in all men, flowing from the operation and effectuall wor­king of the spirituall substance of the soul, which coveteth to mount and aspire continually, but is predominant onely in some. And no man (that may choose) doth hazard his own life, for resti­tution [Page 32] of another to his right being lost, but he that hopes to par­ticipate and share with him or under him after the recovery, in some proportion and measure, though not in an equal degree. And since the Gunpowder Treason, they having not onely forborn all forcible attempts, against either the life and safety of the King, or the publick peace and tranquillity of the Kingdome, untill the present Rebellion in Ireland did break out, upon which the warre against the Parliament ensued; but seeming extraordinarily and strangely converted in their dispositions and desires, and of deadly and implacable enemies, appearing the most dutifull Subjects of all others, pretending to be the most zealous instruments for the inlargement and promotion of that power and authority which was bound by speciall interest to suppresse them, is an argument of some well studied and close followed designe, rather then any symptome of change of disposition; for they can never change their dispositions, so long as they retain their wicked principles and false doctrines, which principally gives life and motion to the wickednesse of their dispositions, and the desire of dominion and rule is impetuous and incessant, to which they can never have a legall right in this Kingdom untill all those Laws be repealed which disable them; the doing whereof and not the Kings Prero­gative is a principall motive with them in all their undertakings and designes, and the great potencie and prevalencie of Papists about His Majestie in all his consultations and actions, do manifest and declare what their purposes and intentions are; that this In­dependent authority of Bishops coveting to be so absolute (which hath been set up of late in the Church of England, and confirmed by the King, and by his Prerogative Royall) shall acknowledge the Pope for their Head and not the King: for Popes were never so munificent rewarders of any mans deserts or duties, as to part with that which they accounted their right, to give it away to another; and Papists were never so undutifull sons as to labour for the set­ting up of an Arbitrary power and unlimited Prerogative to an hereticall King: when his Holinesse hath given sentence that no Heretick is capable of any Authority at all, and that all men are to be accounted for Hereticks who deny the Popes Supremacy; wherfore in the conclusion, His Majestie must either part with that [Page 33] Supremacy which the Law hath given him, and submit to the Popes, or be deprived of all Authority whatsoever, which is all he must expect from them, or by their aid and assistance. And the great favours which hath been alwayes shewed to Papists since the be­ginning of His Majesties Reigne, but more especially now, the par­tiall indulgence towards the bloodiest and cruellest of all Rebel­lions, and to the most perfideous of all Nations, the Irish, account­ing them for good Subjects after so many barbarous massacres and horrid executions of an infinite number of English & Scottish Protestants, rather then the King shall agree with his Parliament in England, for the saving of the lives of his Protestant Subjects here, and choosing to continue the warre in England at the ex­pence of his English Subjects lives; by whom his Majestie hath ever, and must still, if ever, subsist in power, dignity, and honour; and to the great perill and manifest hazard of His Majesties own life, ra­ther then break off that Cessation, which His Majestie had not power to make with the Irish, from whom His Majestie never re­ceived better fruits then at a great expence of treasure, and of his other Subjects lives, to reduce and keep them to a forced duty and allegiance; and the over-ruling of His Majesties reason and judge­ment to approve and consent to the Popes Supremacy in Ireland, which is known and acknowledged to be destructive to His Ma­jesties Supremacy and just Prerogative, rather then an extirpation of Episcopacy which is the foundation and assent to the Popes Su­premacy shall be consented to in England, upon a bare presuppo­sall that it is a necessarie support to Monarchy; when it hath never been yet examined what Monarchy it supports, whether spiritu­all or temporall: and whether that which is a necessary supporter to the one, is compatible with the other, having shaken off the yoke of spirituall Monarchy, and renounced not onely all subjection to it, but all communion with it; and trusting of Papists upon their bare words and deceitfull professions, against their known unsound tenets and doctrines, rather then the Parliament and Protestant Subjects shall be beleeved upon their solemne Vow and Covenant for the preservation and defence of His Majesties person and Authority. And lastly, imploying of known and profest Re­eusants, trusting them with Arms and Authority, without any [Page 34] caution or consideration how they may be disarmed again, rather then that the Parliament shall be suffered to dispose of the Militia of the Kingdom for the safety and security thereof for some limit­ed time, are all clear and manifest proofs what their power and prevalence with the King is; And do all conclude, that an Arbi­trary power and unlimited Prerogative pretending for the King, having been made use of and exercised by them, yet was never in­tended for the King, nor for the improving nor advancing of the Kings Prerogative; but onely to make use of it for erecting and setting up of an Independent Authority in the Church to Eccle­siasticall persons: and by means thereof to introduce the Popes Supremacy as the chief and ultimate end of their designe. And that His Majestie hath been grosly abused, and craftily over-reach­ed by disguised Impostors, and deceitfull parasites, pretending one thing when intending the contrary. Whereof amongst other things my Lord of Canterbury his equivocall expressions at the houre of his death giveth some light; at what time being desirous to justifie himself publickly to the world, of his endeavours for changing the Religion, he expresseth himself of endeavouring one­ly to change the Protestant Religion to Popish superstition, as if there had been no other danger from Popery but of introducing of grosse and absurd Superstition, to many of which imbraced by them, and set up by Papall Authority, it may be granted him and beleeved that he was no reall friend, but might condemne them in his own opinion and judgement; when notwithstanding it was certain and clear, that he not onely befriended, but courted and ambitiously coveted that honour and authority which did esta­blish that superstition; and which must of necessitie still produce some superstition or other in the worship of God: and hath now sufficiently discovered it self to endeavour continually to intro­duce Superstition and Ignorance as the principall means to in­duce men, by a blind devotion to submit to an implicit obedi­ence of what shall be required of them, and imposed upon them. But that was passed over by him as a thing wherein he was not concerned; yet his practises tending thither was the chief thing concerning Religion whereof he was accused, and for which he was condemned: and possibly he might be deceived himself by the [Page 35] fallacy of deceitfull grounds and false principles, the consequen­ces whereof might not appear so clearly to himself as to others, which might be the cause, why he did endeavour to justifie him­self of his intentions onely; when the charge against him, was for his practises and actions chiefly which he acknowledged to have been proved against him, by acquitting his Judges as having pro­ceeded secundum allegata & probata. For he might flatter himself with an opinion of good intentions, thinking all was necessarie and good which he went about: but thinking so, he did but de­ceive himself as well as others, which is the best charity that can be allowed him by the most charitable Christians that are not misled by the same principles and grounds that did deceive him; and the most favourable construction that can be made of him is, that al­beit he was a great Doctor and Statesman also, yet was he to learn the true principles of the Christian Religion, when he went out of the world, and that his principles of government were no better, then his principles of Religion.

By the result of all which two things are demonstrated and de­clared. The first is, that they who do beleeve and are of opinion, that they are the onely assertors and defenders of the Kings Pre­rogative, and of the Regall power, by fighting against the Parlia­ment, for the maintaining and defending of all that is established and approved by the King in this difference between King and Parliament, do but contribute their help and assistance for the un­dermining and destroying of the Regall power, and of the Kings just Prerogative The second is, that the King is not resisted be­cause his will is opposed by his Parliament, which is the Kings great Councell, and the representative body of his Kingdom; and the reason of both is, because by the constitution and frame of this Government Kings of this Kingdom may never give away their rights, and that power and authority which they themselves have over the Subjects, nor transferre the same upon any other, without the generall consent of the Subjects; which can never be obtained but by their representative Body assembled in Parliament. And the obtaining of His Majesties will in this, would be of more dan­gerous consequence to himself, and to the Regall Authority, then ever yet appeared to himself, or can ever appear, so long as he is [Page 36] separated and divided from his great Councell, where, by a free debate of all consequences, and by a clear discovery of all sinister ends and fraudulent practises, the truth of all can onely appear; and without whom His Majestie can determine nothing by him­self, nor by his own judgement therein. The question being of ex­posing himself, his Successors, all his Subjects, and their posterity to a bondage, and subjection under a heavie yoke and forraigne Head; usurping a spirituall Authority, and claiming homage and universall obedience thereunto by Divine right, as being, Christs Vicar generall, and the supreme Head of the Church upon earth: And the consequences of which being, that the acknowledgement of this claime, and a generall beleef thereof onely, doth necessa­rily subject all other power and Authority unto it; by reason that the faculties of the soul upon which this spirituall authority hath the chiefest influence and operation, do easily subject and subdue all the powers of the body. And it is now experimentally known, that men being once subdued to the apprehension and beleef of this spirituall Authority, by their intellectuals and rationall parts chiefly, they are kept in obedience as to their duty by their sensitive parts, and by all manner of forcible means, which makes it a reall power and authority that before was onely imaginary; and by means thereof becomes a power superior, to all humane power, and cannot be contradicted nor controlled by no power nor authority, that is in man, and can neither be limited nor con­fined within any certain bounds, nor be directed by no rule nor Law whatsoever.

But notwithstanding would suddenly vanish, if the grounds and ends of all spirituall authority, to be exercised under any form of Ecclesiasticall government, were fully examined, and discovered to be nothing but the imagination of man, which would infalli­bly follow if nothing were taken for granted without evidence and proof, which is the end of all Councels and Consultations, and the principall duty of every rationall man: and reason is in nature before all the other faculties of the soul, and is the founda­tion of all other gifts and graces whatsoever, but not the perfe­ction, and therefore is it given to all men as a difference and distin­ction between man and beast: when other gifts and abilities are [Page 37] given onely to some; And the end of Government is discovered to man by the light of reason, and conduceth to the very being of man, which must be provided for, before any thought or conside­ration can be had of well being, or of any other perfection. And therefore unity, which is the preserver of humane society, must be provided for before any other duty that is required of man. For the preservation of humane society tendeth to the propaga­tion of mankind, in which the being of man consisteth, as from which it is derived, without recourse to a new creation; and all Authority, which is the preserver of Unity, must be derived from one head or fountain which in this Kingdom is from the Regall Power. For no man denieth that the King is the Head of his peo­ple; and all men know and acknowledge that He is never in his Supremacy nor absolute but by his Parliament. Which as it is the representative Body of the people; so is it the Supreme Councell of the King. And therefore without it He is neither the head of a com­pleat body (but of a Faction) nor a compleat head; For the Par­liament being the representative of the people becomes thereby their living soul, including the will and desires of all the people, as comprehending them all: But being the Kings great Councell, who is the head of the people, it doth supply the office and nature of all the externall senses which are placed in the head for the use of the body, and especially to inform and assist the intellectuall fa­culties inhabiting the head, for the giving of due influence upon the body, without which a body politick doth languish and consume; being fed and nourished by the vigorous operation of the intellectuals descending from the head, as a body natural doth by sustenance and meat. Wherefore what God hath conjoyned, let no man separate: and whosoever wisheth well to the prosperity of this Kingdom, let him endeavour the conjunction of King and Parlia­ment: And whosoever nourisheth division between them, let them be esteemed as the betrayers of their Countrey, and enemies to mankind; and let God arise and his enemies will be scattered. But as my Lord of Canterbury had a legall triall, and just sentence, so may all such disguised Traitors to the Kingdom, and fraudulent de­ceivers of the King, in going about to steal from him his reall right and Authority, by a counterfeit shew of making it better, [Page 38] perish and be confounded in their own craft as publick Enemies to King and Parliament, where onely the Supremacy of all Authority in England doth rest, with the King, and in the King; but not in the Kings will, but in his reason: which as it rendreth him most absolute, so doth it appear most eminent, by concurring with the desires of all his people, when exhibited to him by them who re­presents them all; and are likewise his supreme Councel, to which all other Councels and Courts whatsoever are subordinate and accountable: by doing whereof onely he is united with his people, and his people with him, wherein the strength of both consist­eth, and then may he confidently say, If God be with us, who can be against us.