The Generall JUNTO, OR THE COVNCELL OF UNION, Chosen equally out of England, Scotland and Ireland, for the better compacting of three Nations into one Monarchy, &c.

Trojugenis Paries quid amantibus obstas?
Quantum erat, ut sineres toto nos corpore jungi?

Printed, Anno Dom. 1642.


IN a Person of so great Worth as Your self, Ver­tue and Goodnesse must needs be not onely diffusive, but attractive also, and that farre more then in inferi­our men. The boldnesse therefore assumed by me at this time, in tendring to Your View and Judgement this poor Essay (a weak endeavour of Service to our Countrey (of which You are so true a Lover) will appear (I hope) the more excusable: For as those Parts which deserve Admira­tion in You, cannot but command Offices of Hommage and Gratitude from all good men; so those Parts which render You humble, and gentle, and willing to pardon other mens Mistakes, will induce you to interpret well that Hommage and Gratitude. Sir, I have a very low conceit of this Constitution, as it is now by me fashion­ed; but I have a strong Imagination, That it might prove Publiquely advantagious, if it were by wise and consi­dering men better formed and compleated. I have therefore purposely left a large Margent to my short Dis­course, that a better pen, and direction might change and supply my failing Invention, and take the same liberty to expunge the vanities of my tedious expressions. If there be any thing here tha may but administer the least Oc­casion or hint to your Worth to be a more beneficiall [Page] Patriot, I shall think it a happy Service; if not, yet let not my fruitlesse wishes want your excuse; and you shall ob­lige me to be

Yours most humbly devoted in all Service and Observance to my utmost power, H. PARKER.

The Generall Junto, or the Councell of Union, &c.

TO perswade to Ʋnion, and commend now the benefit of it to England, Scotland, and Ire­land, would (I think) be unnecessary: it will be sufficient to make an Overture, how a further, and more intimate Ʋnion may be maintained amongst us. Divide, & impera, is fit Advertisement for a Nero to take, which aims onely at the dissipati­on and perdition of his Subjects; and for a Machia­vel to give, which aims onely at the pleasing of such Masters as Nero was: Good Princes, from honest Counsellors, have ever received contrary advice; and indeed it were impossible, that the very essence of God should be Love, Peace, and Ʋnity, if there were any good to be expected from Dissention; or that it should be Sathans proper title to be a Spoyler, a Mur­therer, and a Scatterer from the beginning, if Amity and Concord could be dangerous. It is true, Vnity in large and spreading Dominions, is not altogether so easie to be preserved, as in States of narrower bounds; nor is Government so feasible over severall Nations, in seve­rall Continents divided, and by severall Laws, and [Page 2] Customes eloigned, as over one Countrey close scitu­ated and compacted. And yet 'tis frequently seen, That Art and Industry in prudent Princes, overcome naturall hinderances and obstructions, and many times by Politique Nerves and Ligaments happily knits and conjoyns men together, whom Nature hath placed farre asunder. The Poet having in contempla­tion before him a fair Pile of building curiously ce­mented, gives these words to his admiration;

Si lapis est unus; dic quâ fuit Arte levatus?
Si duo, vel plures; dic ubi congeries?

The juncture of many stones in a building may be scarce perceivable; and where it is not altogether so exquisite, yet (if Art be not too much wanting) they may prove as firm, as fit for duration, and do as faith­full Offices to the whole Fabrick, as if they were all one solid Rock or Quarry. And after the same man­ner in Politicall Bodies, an Artificiall coalition or coag­mentation sometimes proves as vigorous, as that which is more Naturall, if it be wisely constituted, and orderly disposed. Howsoever, as no kindely means of Union amongst Nations ought to be neglect­ed, so no violent means ought to be used, for both ex­tremes may prove equally pernicious and destructive to the ends which we propose. Philip in the Nether­lands was too rigorous a prosecutor of Vnion; for whilst he would confide in no Vnion betwixt the Dutch and Spanish, but such as should wholly change the One [Page 3] Nation, and covert it (as it were) to all purposes, in­to the other, he wholly rent Both of them asunder, and temerated that tie, which otherwise in time by gentle means might have grown sufficiently valid. And in my opinion, we in England, Scotland, Ireland have of late, in our endeavors of Ʋnion, and Conso­ciation, been as much too remisse, as Philip was too in­tense, and have neglected to prepare such further Barres, and hoops as might have bound us yet more neer together. To make this appear, is the intent of this discourse at this time; wherein, for Methods sake, I shall confine my self to these three points:

In the first place, I shall endeavour to unfold What the nature of Ʋnion is.

In the next place, I shall set forth that Ʋnion which is already setled betwixt England, Scotland, and Ireland, and wherein it is yet imperfect.

In the last place, I shall give some Demonstration of a new Ordinance, whereby Ʋnion may be further improved, and perfected in all His Maiesties severall Dominions.

Politicall Ʋnion is observable for its severall kindes, orders, and degrees. One Ʋnion is more Externall, and another more Internall in kinde; But that which is In­ternall, and seated (as it were) in the hearts of Nations, and is held together by the bonds of true Amity, is farre to be valued before that which is Externall only, and consists in meer Politicall Acts, and Pacts, be they never so many or strong. Thus the Scots have for­merly [Page 4] affected the French, and the Irish the Spaniards, by I know not what kinde of Natural Sympathy; and had not many other strange Obligations crossed the same, their hearts could hardly ever have been tem­pered for Ʋnity with the English. It is therefore true­ly noted, That Vires Imperii in consensu sunt Obedienti­um, & Omnis potestas fundata est in Voluntate: and sayes another, Errat longè qui credit Imperium stabilius aut fir­mius esse, quod vi adjungitur, quàm quod facilitate & cle­mentia. The Romanes being to grant peace to a Neigh­bour Nation lately subdued, asked first upon that Peace granted, What fidelity they should expect from the Petitioners: it was answered, That if the Con­ditions of Peace were granted with Clemency, they could not but be entertained with sincerity; but if the terms of the Conquerours were rigorous, the engagements of the Conquer­ed could not but be the lesse faithfull. And this stout an­swer in Suitors did not disrelish their more stout Vi­ctors. Had Portugall joyned hearts with Spain, as it did hands (as doubtlesse it had, if Love or Charity, and not too much violence had made the Contract) this late Divorce had not so soon happened; for it were very behoovefull for both those Nations, if they could agree to yoke sweetly together, and their mutuall conflicting against each other may probably draw on the ruine of both. Dum singuli pugnant, Om­nes vincuntur. Two Nations seated together in one competent proportionable Continent, are like two [Page 5] Merchants trading at Sea in one Bottome, being both equally owners of the same; an unfriendly partition makes each Moity unserviceable, but a wise partner­ship doth not onely preserve, but enrich both. I wish therefore the Government may be ever sweetned a­mongst us in England, Scotland, and Ireland, by Justice, and Equality; for what attracts love amongst Nations, we all know; and how far the Attraction is general­rally helpfull, we all know; and how farre Nations naturally desire that help, we all know. Smaller Do­minions are lesse subject to intestine distempers and miscarriages in Government, but are more obnoxious to forraigne violence of Invaders; and therefore if e­quall Conditions might be equally rendered, it were unnaturall for Nations not to affect Ʋnion. The Can­ton Towns in Helvetia, though of severall professions in Religion, and Aristocratically governed, yet ad­here lovingly in one Symmetricall Body together, and this is by the sweetnesse of Equity; for certainly the Ligaments of one and the same Religion under Rule Monarchicall, were much more available to fa­cilitate and corroborate Ʋnion.

The Orders of Ʋnion are next observable; for the foot is united to the head as well as the heart, but not after so honourable a manner; the heart obtains prio­rity and superiority above the foot, notwithstanding the force of Ʋnion: Now this Order is to hold onely in One and the same Body particularly considered, [Page 6] but not in such Principall Integrall parts as may be con­sidered in severall bodies for some purposes. Where severall Kingdoms are united, one must not be the head, the other the foot; Integrall parts may have such order in themselves, but not among themselves; for all must equally partake both of superiority and infe­riority: some in each Nation may enjoy command, and undergo burthen; and 'tis not necessary that this Na­tion be assigned wholly to command, and that to bur­then; for Order may be sufficiently preserved by In­equality in each Nation, without inequality of any one Nation over the other. Rome in this was not more noble then wise, for as she did admit all Nations to an Equality of Priviledges, and Franchises with her self, so by the same admission she did extend her bounds into all Nations, she merited to be called Terrarum Dea, because she would truely be Communis Patria, and Mundi compendium.

Haec est in gremium quae victos sola recepit,
Humanumque genus communi nomine fovit.
Matris, non Dominae ritu.

The number of the Senators wanting a recrew in the Raigne of Claudius, some dispute was thereupon between the French, and the Italians; the French sought to have their Nation honoured with an equality of Election to that degree; the Italians held it derogatory that other Nations should participate therein: but Caesar, like a true Romane in that, gave his decision in [Page 7] favour of the French, alleadging for his reason, That his Ancestors had enlarged the Empire by this cour­teous Association of Strangers; and that the Lacedae­monians by their rigid Inhospitality, and disdain of others, had frustrated their own Victories, and with­stood their growing Fortunes. That miserable Schism and Revolt of the Ten Tribes from the Line of David, was occasioned by an unequall distribution of favour and indulgence; and (Oh) how great a wound did the true Worship of God receive in the bloody pursuance of that unnaturall Quarrell? Judah claims to be neerer in Blood to the King, then Israel; Israel being so injured, claims to have ten parts in the King by a more considerable interest, then that of Blood: and how cursed a thing was it, that such fond claims should one moment of time rest undecided? I can­not here but assume the Kings Person, and thus ex­postulate with both contesting Parties. YOU MEN OF JUDAH, I am bound to love and honour you by the ties of more immediate Consanguinity; but in Civill Negotiations by the Laws of Soveraignty, which exceeds Naturall Affections, I am as firmly obliged, and as neerly allyed to Israel as to you. You are to me Both as One and the same Body, and to be orga­nized by a vertue and residence in every part, as well as in the whole Totall. You men of Israel, You are the greater and more considerable proportion of my Subjects; and if I must needs be dilacerated, and suffer a dissection by your absurd Contention, you are to receive the greater share of me. But [Page 8] to what purpose is such violence, or what Justice can be in it? for the right of Judah to me, is the same in Nature as yours, and wholly incorporated with yours, that it can suffer no just Partition; and if it could, your Advantage thereby would be none at all. Royalty is as the Sun, and sends forth beams in­divisible, and sufficient for all; and if all were blinde as one man, that one man should enjoy no more light then he did be­fore, when all did partake in his happinesse. You men of Judah and Israel, Let the peace of the Naturall mem­bers compose this your groundlesse dispute, the left hand quar­rels not with the right for precedence, they both receive from the Head in equall measure, and remain officiously tributary to the Head in equall manner. When I put on Magistracy, I did withall put off Affinity in matters of Justice.

Tros, Rutilusve fieret nullo discrimine habebam. As I shall expect from you nothing but equall service and loyalty, so do you expect from me nothing but equall Love and Protection. Had Israel and Judah been thus treated, when the Coles of Emulation were first blown by malignant Mutiners, so great a flame had not risen therefrom: for Partiality is the fewell of Discontent; and where that is taken away, the beame of Justice keeps all in Peace and Awe.

Justa pari premitur veluti cum pondere libra:
Prona nec hâc plus parte sedet, nec surgit ab illâ.

Neverthelesse, though it were commendable in Cleo, at his first Arrivall unto Publique Rule, to call his friends together, and discard them as to all Pub­lique [Page 9] Affairs; so this condemns not Themistocles, if in Domesticall, or meer naturall offices, he gratifie his former friends before others. But this is obvious, and I come now to the Degrees of Ʋnion.

As that Vnion which is betwixt Brothers, is of more vigour then that between servants, because it is more internall, and that betwixt servants of the same Rank and Condition, then where great distances and dispa­rities are, because it is more equall; so that Vnion is most sure and inviolable, and most intense in Degree, where both these Atrributes (internall, and equall) do most eminently meet and concenter: where the most zealous affection of the Heart naturally, and the most exact Equality of Interests Politically doth cement and close People together, there Vnion is in it's most ex­cellent strength and perfection; then it is more pro­perly stiled Ʋnity it self. This is that Ʋnion, which I shall pray to see established betwixt England, Scotland, and Ireland; then which, there can be none more inti­mate in kinde, more equall in Order, more perfect in Degree.

2. In the next Place therefore, having this for our Aime, we must consider what advantages these three Nations have already, conducing to such Ʋnion, and what the Hinderances are, which seem most to indis­pose us, and make us averse from the same.

Those things which are of favourable Aspect, and more propitious to the uniting of England and Scot­land are,

[Page 10] First, That both Nations are ruled by one Head, and owe Allegiance to the same Master; and even this hath a strong Unitive power in it, and such as works internally, as well as externally; for we see the English and Netherlanders are many wayes engaged in the same Interests, and have had many interchangeable Obligations and endearments (as things are now bal­lanced in Europe) and yet by reason of their depend­ance upon severall Potentates, there cannot be setled betwixt them that certain Correspondence and Con­fidence, as might be, if one Scepter commanded both. And we see the Ʋnion of England, and Scotland under one Prince, hath planted new Affections in both Na­tions, as hath been attestated by many Noble Offices of Friendship, needlesse now to be repeated.

Secondly, There is the same Profession of Religion in both Kingdoms; and this of all Bonds ought to be the most indissoluble, for it is something more then meerly Physicall, or Ethicall.

Thirdly, The same name of Britain is common to both, the same Language spoken by both; and this, together with their great similitude in Complexions, and dispositions, testifieth the same Antient extracti­on, and kindred.

Fourthly, The same Sea surrounds both, immuring them from all the world besides, and by Consequence, the same ends ought to steer both, since no other Nati­ons can be more helpfull by Ʋnion, or pernicious by [Page 11] Dis-union: and since both joyned together make up but one, and that no very considerable large Monarchy.

Fifthly, The same Laws of God and Nature are re­verenced and known by Both; and if their Laws of Monarchy, Municipall Customes, and Statutes be not the very same, they are very little disagreeing; that variety which is in them is very consistent with Harmony.

Sixthly, The same Impressions have been made up­on both by late Offices of Love, and such Brotherly Assi­stance hath been yeelded, that not onely all old Enmi­ties are drowned therein, but also both Nations for the future are more enflamed to merit of each other.

All these things tending to the great Advance­ment of Ʋnion, those things which seem repugnant to the same by able Politicians might be much corrected, or wholly removed. As for the Independence of each Kingdom, that is no barre at all to Ʋnion; for whilst the line of King James remains unspent, the Crowns are utterly inseparable, and as really marryed toge­ther, as to all purposes of mutuall defence and comply­ance, as Castile, and Arragon, or any Kingdom whatso­ever. And if any doubt were of Separation by the extinguishment of that Royall Race (which God a­vert) I do not see but that by consent of both King­doms, that doubt may be prevented, without injury to either. And as for the Distance and Extension of both Kingdomes, that can be no barre to Ʋnion; for [Page 12] France in its Circuit and dimensions is equall to Eng­land, Scotland, and Ireland, and yet is but one entire Monarchy, and hath been assembled in one Generall Parliament, and therein consists the soul of Ʋnion. And the meer holding of severall Parliaments in seve­rall Counties, possibly at the same time, the same Head regulating all by faithfull Dispatches, and Missives is no hinderance, but that the same understanding may be in all, and work the same effects, as One and the same could. If there be any thing worthy to be in­sisted upon seeming opposite to Ʋnion, tis the different Revenues of both Kingdoms, and some disadvantages caused thereby to each: for it will be said, That Eng­land, as the richer, draws away some Priviledge therby from Scotland; and Scotland being the lesse plentifull in Treasure, draws away much of the English Patri­mony. But I shall answer this hereafter; and so for the present I set my Sayls for Ireland.

Those things which are apt to promote Ʋnion be­twixt England and Ireland, are,

First, That both Kingdoms have not onely one Head, but are one Body also, inseparably knit to that Head, no independance or possible severance remain­ing, but such as shall be violent and injurious. Eng­land hath formerly been subject to severall Princes, but all those independant Principalities are now in­corporated, and connaturalized by Act of Paliament, and reduced to a perfect Unity of Dominion; and yet [Page 13] all England is not more it self, and one with England, then Ireland is in all that is Essentiall to Dominion. By the Laws of England and Ireland, both the Kingdoms are so connexed and coinvested, that Wales and Cornwall are not more individed from England, then Ireland now is. Wales is still a Principality, and Cornwall a Dutchy, but neither are independent. So that nothing in truth remains, but the meer names or titles; and the inde­pendance of Ireland being in the same manner taken a­way, the Kingdom of Ireland is indeed but an Integrall member of the Kingdom of England; Neither is Ire­land dependent; because it is independent, we tearm it rather annexed, and by that we mean wholly con­substantiated. The addition of Ireland to England is like the Naturall growth of a man at full yeers, which makes him not another Creature then what he was, in the narrow confinement of the Cradle, but still leaves him One and the same. England and Scotland are uni­ted by two Royall Lines centring in our King; but one and the same Line conveighs England and Ireland, and that Line is indivisible; so that though the King be Owner of England and Scotland, yet he is not Own­er of England, quatenùs Owner of Scotland, or Owner of Scotland, quatenùs Owner of England, but he is Owner of Ireland quatenùs of England.

But because some of the Rebells now pretend to an independence, and some upbraid the Rebells with a meer servile dependence, I will a little step out of the way, to [Page 14] encounter with both these Incendiaries, and perturb­ers of our Peace.

Against the Irish Rebells I shall maintain, That the Kings Title to Ireland is of a mixt Nature, partly by the Victories of his Ancestors, and partly by Consent of the Na­tives, and in both points strongly fortified by a long, unque­stioned, uninterrupted possession. And what more can be added? No Prince of Christendome can hold one foot of Land by any title more cleer and undefeseable then where all these clayms are wreathed together. And in this respect Ireland is further united to England then Scotland is, for England and Scotland are two Bodies joy­ned under one Head; but England and Ireland are but one Body, and have but one Head, they are not separa­ble justly as Scotland is. Conquest and Consent both have conjoyned them, and except the same, nothing can dilacerate them. And thus upon the Norman Con­quest England lost it's Independence, and became One with Normandy; for if nothing but the hand of War twisted their Titles, nothing else can untwist them.

Against the enemies of Ireland, which object the right of Conquest (as some did lately at my Lord of Straffords Tryall, to justifie his cruell oppressions) I shall maintain, That the right of Conquest doth not afford any true Warrant for Oppression. In Conquest three things ought to be searched into, Whether it be just, totall, and pure or no. If it be just (as we will suppose the Normans to be) it onely ejects the Desseisor, and [Page 15] it ought to look no further then the Prostration of the Competitor. If Harold will not do right to William but by Compulsion, this shall not inslave the whole English Nation; nay, Harold being in possession, those of the English which take up Arms, and wait the De­cision of the sword, in a case to them doubtfull, can­not justly be charged of Treason. Twas not suffici­ent that William did forbear to dispossesse those of our Ancestors, which had born no Arms against him, he ought to have holden his hands also from those which had been Active in their former Masters Service, the Cause of both being disputable. Of unjust Conquests nothing needs to be said.

In the next Place also, if Conquest extend it self over a whole Nation, if the Conqueror have no Consider­able Party therein to favour his Claym, if he enter without any Professions of Clemency (as scarce any Prince ever entred) yet even thus he is not disobliged and acquitted of the Laws of God and Nature; nor is entitled to a Right of spoyling, wasting, and inthral­ling of Gods People. Gods Law is indefinite, and reacheth to all Kings, as well clayming by the Sword, as by any other Paction, That they shall not heap up Treasure, or multiply Horses, or lift up Themselves against their Brethren. Our Magna Charta doth not limit our English Kings so farre, it restrains not from filling the Exchequer, or encreasing their Guards; and if they will arrogantly contemn us as slaves, and not embrace [Page 16] us as Brethren, it affords us no cleer Remedy. But we see Gods Charter intimates that Princes were or­dained for the Protection of the People, and not the People created for the Drudgery of Princes. And therefore it doth not onely prohibite all Actuall op­pression (as the Law of England doth) but it fur­ther restrains from all Power of Oppression, nay it curbs all haughty thoughts, the very seeds of Oppres­sion. Parasites may ascribe nothing but Divinity to Princes, and insult over Subjects as meer Beasts of la­bour, and so as a main Axiome of State, above all things inculcate the raising of Money and Ammunition, and dejecting of the People. But God prescribes the Con­trary, His Law aims at the humbling of Monarchs, and endearing of their Charge to them, and disswading from all strength and Confidence, but in the unfailing Magazin of the Peoples hearts. Of that Conquest then which is not Ʋniversall, and without all Assist­ance from the Countrey Conquered, 'little needs be said; for it is most evident, that neither England nor Ireland was ever so over-run.

The last thing to be enquired after in Conquest, is it's Absolutenesse from all Quarter, and freedome from Conditions offered, or accepted: and if it be the most pure Conquest that can be imagined, yet it doth not ab­solve the Winners from the ties of common Piety, and Civility. I need not instance in Religious Moses, who out of zeal to save the Community, from destruction, [Page 17] offered to forgoe his Interest in Heaven; or in holy David, who to exempt Gods Flock from the raging Plague, prayed that it might be diverted upon him their Shepherd. Paganisme may instruct us sufficient­ly in this. Alexanders Conquests in the East were as pure and unmixt as any, yet it is a great Addition to his fame, That he treated the Persians with the same indulgence as the Macedonians, shewing himself an e­qually tender Shepherd to both, and complying there­in rather with Plato's Politiques then Aristotles. Adri­an also an Emperour, as unlimited as any, confessing himself born for his Countrey, not for Himself, made these words good: Ita se Rempublicam gesturum, ut sciret populi rem esse non Propriam. Pastor populi non sui-ipsius, sed subditorum quaerit commodum, & Officio suo semper fun­gitur utilitati consulens & societati. I wish a Christian had spoke this, or that no Christian did disapprove it; it were vain to pursue this further. Howsoever, I deny not the due Operation of a just, totall, and unmixt Conquest (though I scarce ever read of any such) for Conquerors coming in by Violence, cannot be assured in a strange Nation, without some Violence at first, but that which is Policy before Establishment, is not Justice after it. And secondly, Though Victors ought not to induce any Conditions contrary to Gods Law, or grievous to the Conquered; yet perhaps they are not bound to restore all former extraordinary Immuni­ties in so ample a manner as they were before enjoyed. [Page 18] And thirdly, Conquests have great force in taking away Competitions, and extinguishing concurrent pretence of Titles; and as to the Crown it self, they cut off all independency, as is now apparant in Ireland, and in o­ther parts of England now incorporated, and consolid­ated into one numericall Masse thereby. But they are most wretched Politicians that ground upon Con­quest (be it rightfull, totall, and without Conditions granted by the Conqueror, or contracted by the Conquer­ed, or not) a Right of destroying and inthralling, and an exemption from all Law for the present: And yet they which by Conquest abolish all Rights of the People, and that beyond all Power of Restitution for the future are further opposers of truth, and Enemies to Mankinde. Had the Conquests of England and Ireland at first been just over the whole Nations, and that without all Pactions of Grace (as they were not) and without all Consent of the People; yet that there­fore all subsequent Oathes and Grants of our Kings, and Agreements of the Nations should be utterly voyd, and all the Laws of God and Nature of no Ver­tue, but that our Kings are left still to their own Di­scretions, and Arbitrary, Absoute Prerogatives is an inference to be wondered at amongst Rationall Crea­tures.

The second thing that qualifies Ireland for Ʋnion is, That the Protestant Religion is so farre dilated and known there. The well-wishers of Popery pretend [Page 19] for the upholding of their own blinde superstition, That Conscience is not to be forced, and that without Bloody force Papists are not to be reduced. This weak Pretence hath done unspeakable Mischief both in England, and Ireland (as appears this day by our unnaturall Wars) and we have been not onely very ignorant, but very wicked, I fear, and very guilty in admitting it. That force which borders upon Cruelty is not to be used, I would not that it should be done to Babel by way of Retaliation, as Babel hath done to us; But certainly Magistrates are responsible for all those souls, whom they may reclaim by Politique severity, and do not; and we see what effects Politique severity hath produ­ced in Denmarke, Sweden, Scotland, &c. without effusi­on of blood; and he that will deny the same, that it might have been as effectuall in England and Ireland, must alleadge some strange or unexpected Reason. 'Tis not so difficult to draw from falsity, as from truth, to make a Turk a Christian, as a Christian a Turk. And as for the Populacy of any Nation, we know they are to be driven by Shoals, almost into any Religion, where the Magistrate, and Spirituall Minister co-operate to­gether: The frequent and suddain Conversions, and Perversions of sundry Nations in all Ages, testifie this to be a matter of no great difficulty. And as for some few of the more knowing and Conscientious sort, the meer want of a Toleration, their own Paucity (if some other Encouragement be not supplyed by Conni­vence, [Page 20] &c.) in some reasonable time would wear them out. And if the breeding of their children within these last 60 yeers had not been omitted; nay, if coun­tenance under hand had not been afforded to Papists, these Wars had never happened: But now things so standing, 'tis just in God that Papists be so cruell to Us in Temporalls, as we have been to Them in Spiritualls. 'Twere Advantagious for Ʋnion, that we were All of One, but more especially of the true, pious, charitable Protestant Religion. And though this Advantage hath been hitherto neglected, yet still we have Power enough, by the Grace of God, to provide better for the future.

The third help to Ʋnion is, That Nature hath pla­ced both our Islands like twins in a remote Angle of the World; and as if she intended more to estrange Ireland then England, she hath further seated her from the Commerce of forraigne Nations; and it may be supposed, that they are both divorced from Others, that they may be wedded to Themselves. And surely as Ireland's love and vicinity is very usefull unto Eng­land, so Englands cherishing fidelity must needs be to­tally necessary unto Ireland. Did the Irish depend up­on the Protection of Spain, or some other distant Countrey to guard them from the Forces and Arma­do's of England, that Protection could not but cost them very dear; for besides the Calamities of endlesse War, in a Nation so intermingled, the very Burdens of Pro­tectors [Page 21] would perhaps prove as grievous, as the en­counters of their Assaylants. Flanders now by its subjection to Spain, is made the Theatre of affliction, almost beyond hope of Redresse; and though she draw from Spain many Millions for her defence, yet without doubt she is more wretched by serving Phi­lip, then Philip is weakned by supporting her.

It is fourthly probable, that both Nations were an­tiently descended from the same originall Plantations and Colonies, and if the name of Hiberno-Britaines may not be applyed to the Irish, as Cambro-Britaines is to the Welsh; yet now Scottish, English, Welsh, and the mixt Irish being so indifferently blended in Ireland, and congregated (as it were) at a generall determinate Randevouz, and the same Language being so general­ly current, and the temperature of the Clime, and the Congruity of the Antient Natives in disposition so inclining to Ʋnion, it must be wilfull neglect in Us, if we do not close yet more amiably together.

Fifthly, In Laws, Customes, and Constitutions for Peace and War, there are lively Resemblances.

Facies non una duabus,
Nec diversa tamen; qualem decet esse sororum.

Nay if there be not altogether the same Lineaments in both, yet there is more then a Sisterly correspond­ence.

Sixthly, Though some execrable Offices have of [Page 22] late been done in Ireland against our Nation, yet we must account that Quarrell to be Religious, not Nati­onall; for we see they have not spared the Scots; they have not spared the English Irish; they have been cru­ell to all Protestants, of what Countrey soever. The same Whorish Inchantresse also, which is now bloody in Ireland, hath ever been so in all Countryes: the Scrip­ture characters her by making her self drunk with the blood of the Saints, and dipping her Garments in the same Dye. The same false Religion hath formerly made England flame with mercilesse Executions, and Spain grone un­der Diabolicall Tortures, and France swim in inhu­mane Massacres.

Quae Regio in Terris, Nostri non plena cruoris?

Let Cruelty be the certain Test of false religion, and let England and Ireland, and all Nations abide the try­all of the same. For Protestants are so farre from de­stroying their known Enemies, that they are cruell to themselves in sparing, where they hope lesse of be­ing spared. Protestants are not bound alwayes from doing, as they have been done to by their enemies, or from disabling and repressing future Malice in their enemies; yet Ireland is a witnesse this day, that they are more prone to favour unappeasable foes, then to prevent the most horrid treasons. But I leave this as remediable hereafter. As for the separation and di­vulsion of that Sea, which runs betwixt England, and [Page 23] Ireland, I conceive it to be no considerable hinderance of Ʋnion; for we see Venice, and Cyprus, and divers o­ther Countries by the Art and happinesse of just Go­vernment, love and embrace at a further distance, though other People are also interjacent, as are not here. And if any other heart-burning or distaste have happened of late betwixt the Nations, by Inju­stice, or Mis-government (as perhaps hath befallen as eminently amongst our selves) the Redresse and Cure thereof will not be hopelesse.

3. I come now to my Overture it self; whereby fur­ther Ʋnion may be promoted and confirmed amongst us. That Ordinance of State which shall most equal­ly diffuse, and breath abroad into all Nations govern­ed under the same Scepter, the self-same Measure of right and benefit, shall be most effectuall and vertuous to unite those Nations. Now it seems to me, that such an Ordinance is now wanting in England, Scotland, and Ireland, and yet that neverthelesse it is not difficult to be framed and reduced into Act. In England there are divers Courts of Iustice, and Councells of State, whereby Government riseth from the Basis to the Pyramis, by a farre Symmetricall Conus; and there is not any matter of concernment to the Crown of Eng­land, for which there is not a proper Place appointed, and proper Persons assigned to attend, and transact the same for, and under, or together with the King. The same Policy also is in Scotland, and Ireland, for matters [Page 24] peculiar to Scotland and Ireland: but in England, Scot­land, and Ireland for matters concerning all three Kingdomes, or that remain in debate betwixt any two of them, besides the Kings sole Brest (thereby too much over-burthened) there is not any other Judica­ture assistant, and common to all the Nations to which the same may be committed. And yet in my opini­on, this Chasma in Government is more irregular, and of more dangerous Consequence, being it concerns Great Generall matters, and high Points, then a low­er defect would be, in businesse of a more narrow and private Nature; for if the King be served and attend­ed by such Councellors so chosen and qualified as He is Lord of our Kingdome, is it not more expedient, that he have the same Service and Assistance as He is Lord of three Kingdoms? Some few yeers since, some of the Kings Subjects under an English Commission, and others under a Scottish, met it Greenland to fish, and upon a Qnestion of their severall Grants blood was drawn, and force carryed it for the English: out of this fire a Nationall flame might have been kindled, and till this day the blood remains unexpiated, and the Controversie undertermined. Not long since also the King was deeply incensed against the whole Scottish Nation, and the Scots complayned of Violations to them offered. In this unhappy Dispute the King so engaged, was the sole Judge; and yet the English being neither Parties nor Judges, nor having any Cogni­zance, [Page 25] or witnesses, or otherwise, were to incurre gene­rall danger of Ruine, to decide this with their swords. Although in all private Suits and Questions of Right betwixt the King and any Vassall of any one of His Kingdoms, the King ever referreth Himself (accord­ing to his Oath) to qualified and indifferent sworn Judges, yet here the lives of Millions being endanger­ed, and the Honours of Nations engaged, the King on­ly by the Sword must give judgement. That which then happened to Scotland upon as small a ground, may perhaps hereafter become the case of England, and (for ought I know) is now happened to Ireland. But to what reason or equity can this seem commensurate, that whole Nations should be worse provided for in points of judgement, then the poorest Members of each Nation. And as it is in Common-Pleas, and Pleas of the Crown, so it is also in matters of Honour, and Acts of State, 'tis injurious and repugnant to Ʋnion, that any one Nation should be debarred from an Equa­lity of Priviledge, or Advantage, or interest in the King and His most generall Actions and Councells.

My Result then is, That to make Ʋnion perfect be­twixt the three Nations some Common Court of Justice and Councell of State must be erected, to which each Na­tion, or any Member of each Nation, in a Nationall difference, may have recourse with equall Confidence for the redressing of all Injuries, for the deciding of all Controversies, for the preventing of all Dangers, for the [Page 26] removing of all Jealousies, and for communicating of all State or Court-Benefits, and for the transacting of all matters of Generall concernment. Charles the eighth, then made Brettaign One with France, when he level­led and equalized both in Parliament, possessing both Nations One of Another, par my, & par tout; for by this means the same Crown overshadowed and spread its wings over Both, investing both with the same Propriety in it self. In the same manner also Wales and England did Inter marry, and of two became One; for there is no Burden of the Crown whereunto the English-man is not now as lyable as the Welsh-man, me­diately or immediately, nor no Priviledge of the Crown whereunto the Welsh man is not equally inti­tled with the English-man. The same must also be brought to passe betwixt England, Scotland, and Ireland, or else the same perfection of Amity and Unity can never be established; and that can never be, but by the same, or very like means. Where there is the same Law to limit the Judge, and the same Judge to pro­nounce and execute according to the true intent of that Law, and where both contesting Parties are equally interessed, both in the Judge and Law, the judgement is ever finall and satisfactory to Both; and thus it is with England and Wales, but thus it is not as yet with England and Scotland, and therefore between England and Wales there is no fear of Division, but betwixt England and Scotland there is; and the King alone [Page 27] ought not in all Cases to be both the Iudge and the Law, or can fully satisfie all; for the King may have more neer Naturall relation to one Kingdom then another, and by other respects more by as't to favour the one Kingdom then another, & without assistance he is not competent for all things. And therefore the Quali­fication of that Assistance that it be equall and impar­tiall, and trusted by all, is of great and weighty mo­ment. And this is true in matters of State, where no Law is written, but in matters of Right, where Laws are as requisite almost as Iudges, it is necessary that both Partyes be as fully assured in the Laws which are to regulate the Iudges, as the Iudges which are to enlive the Laws. And this cannot be, unlesse all our three Na­tions have equall Consent and concurrence in Parlia­ment, to sit as Iudges, and to passe Laws, or to convene re­presentatively and vertually in some lesse Court and Councell, branching (as it were) out of the Parliament, severall, and approaching also in power as neer there­unto as may be. Nationall Parliaments shall still move in their proper Orbs, taking Cognizance of all particular Nationall Affairs, and this new erected Seat or Table, though it may have much of Parliamentary vigour in it, especially in the vacancy of Parliaments, as to Cases of Generall Consequence; yet it shall have no Iurisdiction at all in meer Nationall Expedients.

By this means (as I conceive) the Three Kingdomes shall be contempered into One indivisible Monarchy, [Page 28] and be made One solid Naturall Body, and such Ʋnion entertayned as shall be to the Advantage of all three Nations, and to the disadvantage of no One; such as shall distribute all Priviledges equally to be enjoyed, and all services equally to be born, and leave behinde no shew of inequality to be a ground of envie or disu­nion. 'Tis true, the King cannot be corporally present in all the Nations at once, but whatsoever the benefit of a Royall Court may be, the disposing of that is left Ar­bitrary to the King; and this may seem perhaps great Inequality to those Nations which have lesse attracti­on in them. The meer Residence of a Prince, if it be a Commodity, it goes many times accompanied with divers great Discommodities; and as the Sun, though it be the most auspicious of all Celestiall Bodies, yet it doth not alwayes inrich those Tracts of Earth most, which it most violently heats with its torrid perpen­dicular beams: so neither doth the Majesticall Court of a King alwayes make those Territories most hap­py, which enjoy it at least Distance. But be this Be­nefit what it will, in this, England intrusts as much to the Kings meer Discretion, as either Scotland or Ire­land, knowing that without unnaturall force he can­not be restrained in it, nor without cutting Monarchy into Mammocks, that all Countries or Corporati­ons can be thus satisfied; and presuming that no King will ever withdraw Himself where he may be most usefull, or so confine His Person to one Place, as that [Page 29] His influence shall be wanting in any part of His Do­minions, no Umbrage can be taken of Emulation in this. And as for all other things, Equality, that un­moveable Centre of the Universe, and Impartiality, that blessed Ballance of Government, shall be most exact­ly and Mathematically pursued in this new erected Synedrion; the Heptarchy of England shall not be more abolished then the Tritarchy of England, Scotland, and Ireland. I need not therefore say any more of this Ge­nerall Junio, or Court it self, or of the end for which it is so convocated, 'tis sufficient that I have fancyed it to be equally chosen out of all the Three Nations, for the making them into One by an equall dispensation of all Rights and Priviledges, and an exact Distribution of Burdens and Chastisements. I shall onely now adde somthing of some Requisites, and Qualifications due to it.

That this Counsell may be effectuall for those ends for which it is ordained, all Parties should equally confide in it, for which Purpose it must be dependent upon the King, as Parliaments now are, and also be chosen equally out of all Three Nations by Parlia­ment, and in each Nation of the Lords and Commons, or severall Ranks in number proportioned for their mutuall Assurance. For Example, I will suppose a Trienniall Parliament in each Nation setled, and the same Parliament to nominate a convenient number in each Nation for their own Order to be indued with power as their standing Committees, to continue from [Page 30] one Parliament to another, and no longer, unlesse for an Honour and Testimony of Publique Confidence they be then longer continued. I will wish also, that in all Cases nothing be determined by fewer then one of the Nobility, and two or three of the Commonalty of each Nation, and that Plurality of Votes in grosse, may not carry any thing but Plurality of Kingdoms. And if any high difficulty arise betwixt Kingdome and Kingdom, let it be reserved for further Resolution in all three Parliaments. And if it happen that there be not one of the Nobility, or two or three of the Common­alty surviving from Parliament to Parliament, then the King to chuse and supply that Temporary fail. Considering it also as a Councell of State, Let it assist the King in all Embassages, and Publique Treaties, and un­der Him superintend all forraigne Plantations and Mysteries of Trade. Let it have a confined Power to mingle the Nations in Blood by Inter-marriages, to conform them in Language, Manners, and Religion, and to reward all Nationall offices of friendship, and to punish all Publike Enmities; and let it's authority be greater then that of the Privy Councell. And con­sidering it as a Court of Justice, Let it hold Cognizance of all Publique Quarrells and Divisions; Let it sup­presse all Incendiaries, declaring themselves either by words or Actions; Let it uphold all Orders of E­quality, and cut off all opposers of the same. And for this purpose let it obtain a Iurisdiction in such Pub­lique [Page 31] Nationall Causes, equall at least to that of the Kings Bench. And that they may the better esta­blish Generall Ʋnion by preventing and removing all Occasions of Division and Emulation, and by sup­plying and corroborating the surest Nerves of mu­tuall Affection and Correspondence, Let the Per­sons of these grand Councellors be sacred, their Maintenance Honourable, at the Charge of their respective States, and let severall Parliaments derive or consigne Power to them, and demand Ac­count from them, as Occasion shall require. Let the place of their Residence, and the times of their con­vening be designed by the King, as reason of State shall bear, and let them attend His Pleasure as the Lords of the Councell, and as the Judges of the Kings Bench now do. Let all Warres, especially with forraign States, be undertaken by their Advice; And let the Levies of Men, Money, and Ammu­nition be proportioned in all the three Kingdoms by their Discretion, and let all Truces and Leagues be made and preserved as they shall counsel.

To conclude, My hope is that by some such whole­some Constitution Ireland may be better reduced, and the like Rebellions for the future prevented, and per­haps other States, by the Harmony of our Ʋnion, invited into an Incorporation with us, till we all grow up into a Body equall, and able to poyse [Page 32] with any State now in Europe. But I leave the further Maturation of this Overture to men of profounder knowledge, and stronger judgements.

Let the Motto of King James be never forgotten,

‘Faciam Eos in Gentem Vnam.’

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