A brief necessary vindication of the old and new secluded Members, from the false malicious calumnies; and of the fundamental rights, liberties, privileges, government, interest of the freemen, parliaments, people of England, from the late avowed subversions 1. Of John Rogers, in his un-christian concertation with Mr. Prynne, and others. 2. Of M: Nedham, in his Interest will not lie. Wherein the true good old cause is asserted, the false routed; ... / By William Prynne of Swainswick Esq; a bencher of Lincolns-Inne.

A brief necessary vindication of the old and new secluded Members, from the false malicious calumnies; and of the fundamental rights, liberties, privileges, government, interest of the freemen, parliaments, people of England, from the late avowed subversions 1. Of John Rogers, in his un-christian concertation with Mr. Prynne, and others. 2. Of M: Nedham, in his Interest will not lie. Wherein the true good old cause is asserted, the false routed; ... / By William Prynne of Swainswick Esq; a bencher of Lincolns-Inne.

Table of contents

Title page

A brief necessary Vindication, of the Old and New secluded Members, &c.

ERRATA.

[Page]

[Page]

A brief necessary Vindication, of the Old and New secluded Members, &c.

ON the 17. of this instant September, (during my private retirement in the Country for my health and quiet,) I received 2. Books, fraught with malicious calumnies, bitter scoffs, insufferable Reproaches, against my Self and other secluded Members; yea destructive to the very fundamental Rights, Liberties, Privileges, Government, Interest of the Freemen, Parliaments and Realm of England, for which we have so many years contested.

The 1. of these thus intituled, A Christian Concertation, with M. Prynne, M. Baxter, M. Harrington: for the true Cause of the Commonwealth, &c. by J: Rogers. A most scurrillous Pasquil, fraught with absurd impertinencies, conjuring, canting, new-coyned2 Pet. 2. 18. Jude 16. swelling words of vanity, odious comparisons, bitter scoffs, rayling Epethites,In his, p. 35. to 41. loathsom, stinking obscene Queres, defiling the very air;pag. 4. 119. boyish tricks, playing with mens names and reputations, (which he p. 20, 21, 22, 24, 98, 57. severely censures in others, yet is most guilty of himself) displaying him to be, rather a His own phrases, p. 3, 4. conjuring Sorcerer, than Gospel-Minister, an Apostate scoffing Lucian, than sober real Christian, standing [Page]much in need of the p. 59, 65, 26. several Pills he prescribes Mr. Baxster, to purge his filthy stomack, spleen, brain, heart, pen, from such rotten stinking humors for the future; almost every page in his book, being either p. 24, 25. Scandalum Magnum, or Scandalum Magnatum, to use his own expressions often distilling from him; but his p. 10, 17, 18, 19, &c. egregious flattery of his own faction.

The 2. Interest will not lie: Or, a View of Englands True Interest, by Mar: Nedham; which had he intituled, Interest will lie: Or, a View of Englands False Interest, by Mar.—England; it had been a true Character of it.

The first, most furiously chargeth me, and my secluded companions in the Van, the later in the Rear: The one with whole Vollies of fired squibs, more like a Whiffler, than a Muskateer; shooting nothing but wild-fire, andPsal. 64. 3. bitter words, without bullets. The other like a Trumpeter, rather than a Trooper, sounding a fierce charge against us with his Trumpet, without wounding us with his Lance or Sword, which are very obtuse.

To avoid prolixity, impertinence, and repetitions, I shall reduce all the material Differences between us into 6. distinct Questions, wherin I shall refute what they have published, relating to my self, the other secluded Members, the Rights, Privileges, Interest of our Parliaments and Nation, with all possible Brevity; omitting their personal scoffs, and scurrilities.

The 1. Question,Question 1. between J. Rogers and Mr. Prynne, (wherein Nedham hath no share) is but this. Whether the Defence, maintenance of the true Protestant Religion; the Kings royal person, authority, government, posterity, the privileges and rights of Parliament, consisting of King, Lords and Commons, the Laws, Statutes of the Land, the Liberty, Property of the Subject, and peace, safety of the Kingdom, were the only True and Good Old Cause, for which the long Parliament, and their Armies, first took up Arms in 1642. and continued them till the Treaty with the King, 1648. as Mr. Prynne asserts and proves (like Rogers, p. 2. a Lawyer, by punctual Evidences, Witnesses, Votes, Declarations, Remonstrances, Ordinances of both Houses; yea of the Army-Officers, Generals, Council, during all the [Page]wars) in his Good Old Cause rightly stated; his True and perfect Narrative; The Re-publicans and others spurious Good Old cause briefly and truly anatomized; and in his Concordia Discors: Or, whether the erecting of a New Commonwealth, and Parliament without a King and House of Lords, and Majority of the Commons House upon the ruines of the late King, Kingdom, Parliament, since 1648. to 1653. and the reviving of it May 7. 1659. by some swaying Army-Officers, and the farr Minor part of the old Commons House confederating with them, by meer armed power secluding the greatest Number of the surviving Members, and whole House of Lords; Which J. Rogers endeavors to prove like a Logician, without any evidence, witness, but his own Ipse scripsit; though See My Speech, Dec. 4 1648. p. 79. to 94. professedly disclamed by both Houses of Parliament, and the Army too, in sundry printed Declarations, as the highest scandal, never once entring into their loyal thoughts? When this Logician with all his Sophistry, Anatomy, Pills, Physick, can make that which was never in being, but since 1648. as we all know, and himself asserts in his Concertation, p. 7, 9. to be the Good Old Cause (in beingAs himself proves Concertation, p. 43, 44. long before the last Parliament of King Charles) for whose defence they first took up arms, in 1642. Or, that cause which never once entred into their thoughts, and was professedly disclamed till 1648. to be the cause they proclamed and fought for, from the wars beginning; he must yeeld up his Spurious Good Old Cause, as desperate; his scurrillous Goos-quils (to use his page 1. own words) dashing the GALL of his ink upon Mr. Prynnes former papers to little purpose, in this particular; but to blot them a little, not to answer them a line, nor the Argument of them in the least.

The 2. Question is this, Quest. 2. Whether Mr. Prynne, with the Majority of the Commons House, and whole House of Peers, were forcibly secluded the Parliament by the Army, for any real breach and forfeiture of their trusts, in 1648. or ever legally impeached, convicted thereof either then, or since, before any lawfull Judicature?

This Rogers briefly and not very positively affirms, p. 7. but Nedham averrs and makes it his Masterpiece, insisting on it at large from p. 28, to 37. (wherein his Interest doth [Page] nought else, But Lie;) as the basis whereon his present Parliament, and Republike are bottomed; which fall or stand upon the truth or falshood of it: wherein he is so peremptory, as not only to proclame us guilty (to the present and succeeding Generations) in the Highest Degree, without hearing or trial, but to pronounce this peremptory Sentence against us;Page 36, 37. That not only by the Law of Necessity (which they pleaded that acted it) but by the Law of the Land, they might have been called to account for their lives in a Capital manner: But were Favourably, as well as Iustly dealt with, in being deprived only of their Interest in the House, when as their heads might have béen required. So this Headsman, ex Tripode, magisterially determines.

This Question, so highly concerning us in our present and future reputations; and the right, freedom of Parliaments and their Members in all generations, I shall more largely debate; and for ever acquit my self and fellow-secluded Members, from this Scandalum Magnum st Magnatum, long sinceIn my Epistle before my Speech, Dec. 4. 1648. and Vindication of the secured and secluded Members. cleared, refuted by us, yet now revived afresh against us, in the highest degree. I shall desire the Readers to consider;

1. Those who first accused us as breakers of our Parliamentary Trusts reposed in us, were neither the respective Counties, Cities, Boroughs, who elected, authorized, returned, trusted us for their Knights, Citizens, Burgesses in Parliament, the only fit accusers and judges of us out of Parliament, who all absolve and justifie us against this Calumny; nor yet our fellow-Members, or House of Lords, the onely meet impeachers, judges of us in Parliament, if guilty; But onely the General Council of Officers in the Army, who neither elected nor intrusted us; were only our mercinary, sworn Servants, not our Iudges; and yet most notoriously, trayterously, perfidiously violated both their trusts, faith, duties, by waging war against us, and forcibly seising, secluding us, against their Commissions, the Protestation, Solemn League and Covenant they had all subscribed. And were these fit persons to accuse us then or now of breach of trust, who are such Grand Trust-breakers themselves?

[Page] 2. That this breach of trust, was not so much as objected against us by them, before, nor at their treasonable sodain secluding and securing us, Decem. 6. & 7. 1648. and therefore could not be the true cause of our seclusion, but a subsequent pretence: Yea these Officers to mutiny the common Souldiers against us, told them; That the Members they seised at the House door, were those who pursed up and kept away their pay from them; and that was the only cause the common soldiers assisted them to secure us, else they would not have medled with any of us; as they told me and Col: Birch in the Queens Court the day we were seised. Whereupon I assuring them, it was a grosse untruth; for neither of us then secured, was a Treasurer or Receiver of monyes; they answered, They were informed the contrary by their Officers, and were sorry we were thus abused, and kept out of the House upon such a false suggestion.

3. That they never charged us with breaking our trusts, till near a full month after our seclusion and securing; and that upon this occasion, as Nedham himself relates, p. 31. Upon the Armies seising us, Decemb. 6. the Members then sitting in the House, sent out the Serjeant into the Queens Court, where we were detained, to command our attendance in the House; but the Soldiers detaining us Prisoners, would not permit us to go to the House: Thereupon he was sent the second time, with the mace to fetch us in; but the Officers staid him at the House door, and would not permit him to pass: which was entred in the Iournal Book, as a Contempt. Being startled with this sodain force on the House, they concluded not to procéed in Business till their Members should be restored. (Therefore they judged them no breakers, but performers of their trust, when seised and secluded by the Army;) and in the mean time ordered, that the General should be sent to, to know the reason of the Armies proceedings in seising the Members? Upon this, The General Council of Officers not before Ianuary 3. 1648. (when they had not left 50 Members in it) returned their Answer to them, That they were necessitated thereunto; (upon meer forged pretences) and that these Members had broken their trusts, which occasioned them to seclude and seise them. A pretty excuse and cloak for so transcendent a Treason.

[Page] 4. That in this Answer, they most falsly scandalized, traduced the secluded and secured Members (as Nedham doth in their terms, with some additions of his own) which I shall briefly refute:

1. He saith, that Mr. Prynne and his party heretofore and now secluded, did seclude and separate themselves from the Publike Interest before they were secluded, p. 28. But wherein he tells us not. And is this either evidence or conviction to seclude us?Tertull. Apologia pro Christianis. a Quis insons erit si accusasse sufficiat?

2ly. He addes, our seclusion is justifiable by Lex talionis, because We had some time before secluded the honest party of the House, by encouraging the Apprentices who came to the House door, drave away the faithful party (of which the Members now sitting are principal) so that the Speaker and they were forced to fly out of Town for protection to the Army, &c. And Mr. Prynne and all his party approved this Procéeding. Here Interest lies for the whetstone: For 1. Mr. Prynne sate not at all as a Member in the House, till Novemb: 7. 1648 being elected but in August before, without his privity, and much against his will: This tumult was in July, 1647. above a year and quarter before; yet Mr. Prynne must then assent to it, as a Member, and be guilty of it and all his charges, p. 30, 31, 32. before he was a Member, and be for ever [...] and silenced thereby. 2ly. There was never the least [...] of truth or proof, that any of the secluded Mem [...]ers raised, or encouraged this tumult of the Apprentices. 3ly. Most of them, to my knowledge, did then both in publike and private, declare their dislike thereof as much as any now sitting. 4ly. These Apprentices secluded not one Member out of the House, much lesse secured any, as the Army did; but only kept most of them in the House, till their petition was answered by them; upon which they all departed without any future force: After which the House adjourned from Monday night till Thursday morning, because of the general Fast the Wednesday following. 5ly. The Members pretended to be forced out of Town by this tumult, and to fly for protection to the Army, departed not thence, till some Army-Officers sollicited them by perswasions and menaces to repair to the Army and leave the House, against [Page] their judgements, as divers of them have confessed. Particularly Mr. Lenthall the Speaker being at the Fast in Margarets Church the Wednesday following, discoursing with Sir Ralph Ashton, Sir Benjamin Rudyer and 4. more Members sitting with him, between the two Sermons; told them of his own accord; That there was a scandalous report raised in Town, that he meant to leave the House and run away to the Army: but for his own part, he had not any such thought or intention, but resolved to continue in Town, and to live and die with the other Members in the House, if there were cause. On Thursday morning most of the Members appeared at the House, expecting the Speakers coming till near 11 of the clock, and sent 2 or 3 Messengers for him. At last they were informed, that he was sent for, and gone that morning to the Army. Whereupon Sir Ralph Ashton and those who sat with him at the Fast, related his words in my hearing (being then casually in the House) to the other Members, and sundry times since to the House and to my self; Hereupon the Members present were necessitated to chuse another Speaker pro tempore, (as they had oft times done in case of sickness or absence, both before and since) to supply his place, adjourn and dispatch the businesse of the House: So as the Speaker and Members then departing to the Army, without the Houses leave or privity, voluntarily secluded themselves, and were neither secluded by the Apprentices, nor their fellow-members; who were so farr from secluding, that they sent sundry Messengers to call them to the House, and were highly discontented at this their causless departure from it. 5ly. These Apprentices came without any arms at all to the House, only with a Petition (occasioned by the Army-Officers encroachments upon the Cities Militia, and Privileges,) without any intention to seclude or secure any one Member, departing from the House that day, and never returning to disturb them after. But the undutifull Army-Officers, who so much declame against this unarmed force as Treasonable; against both Houses Votes, Orders, Letters to them, not only brought up the Army to Westminster, placed whole Regiments of them in arms at their [Page] very doors, who secluded the whole House of Peers, and above two parts of three of the Commons House; giving the Captains of the guards a particular list whom to secure, whom to seclude, and whom only to admit; but likewise continued their forcible great armed guards upon the Houses, several weeks, yea moneths, and detained me with other Members Prisoners under them two or three moneths; and that after this pretended force of the Apprentices, (no wayes parallel to theirs, who were purposely raised to guard us, not seclude us) which they so much condemned; and the Speaker himself in his printed Letter of July 29. with the rest upon their return to the House in their Ordinance of August 20. 1647. so far branded, as to make and declare all proceedings during their absence voyd, by reason of it. Therefore what ever other men may do, Nedham (to use his own words, p. 29.) and his now sitting party, the Army-Officers and all their adherents, must henceforth be silent, and for shame lay their mouthes in the dust for ever, as to this particular. For, if our falsly pretended encouraging, conniving at this unarmed sodain tumult of the Apprentices in July, 1647. were a sufficient ground for our seclusion from the House as infringers of our trusts; then their evident, apparent fore-plotted encouraging, conniving at and justifying the Armies force upon the House it self and the XI. Members twice or thrice, Anno 1647. and on the Majority of the Commons, and whole House of Lords, 1648. and now again on Mr: P: and others of them May 7. & 9. 1659. must for ever disable and seclude them to sit or act as Members in the House, by their own Law and Plea.

3ly. All the rest of his Objections, p: 29, 30. (taken out of the Officers Answer, Jan: 3.) as they concern not Mr: Prynne, being then no Member; so they were so satisfactorily answered, refelled as most false and scandalous, by the secured and secluded Members themselves, in their Vindication in answer thereunto, printed 1649: p. 7, to 22. that impudency it self might blush to revive them now: to which I referr the Reader for satisfaction. Only whereas the Officers then, and Nedham now Object, That the Malignant and [Page] Neutral party in the House to gain the Major Vote, upon new elections, by indirect means, brought in a floud of Malignants or Neuters into the House; I shall adde to what the secluded Members then replied unto this forged Aspersion in their Vindication, p. 7, 8. First, That all the secluded Members came in upon fair and unquestionable elections, upon the new recruit; but many of those who sate both before, at, and after our seclusion, upon most foul ones, voted voyd long before by the Committee of Privileges, as Humfry Edwards, and Fryes elections were, continued sitting. 2. That most of these new Members were brought in by the force, power, and menaces of the Army, and solicitation of their Solicitor General and Chaplain, Hugh Peters; who like an Ʋ biquitary, was present at the elections for most Counties, Cities and Boroughs throughout England, and well bribed for his pains, to Canvas for voices for the Armies Instruments. 3ly. That 22 of those 42 Members called in by the Army-Officers, May 7. 1659. and above half of those who sat with them since, came in upon this new Recruit of Malignants and Neuters. 4ly. Col: Ireton, Harrison, Skippon, Rich, Ludlow, Ingoldesby, Mountague, White, Sydenham, Bingham, Jones, yea Fleetwood himself, (the swaying Army-members when we were secluded, and chief Actors in it) came all in upon these New elections; some of them being prime Authors, Members of this New Convention invited in Fleetwoods name and Army-Officers to sit, and authors of our new seclusion: Therfore the Armies and Nedhams slander of our pretended filling the house upon the new recruit with Malignants (as these have proved to us at least) must recoyl wholly upon themselves, as such, and be a real ground for their, not our seclusions. Lastly, if our filling the House by New Elections to get a Major Vote, were a Crime demeriting seclusion from it: Certainly their emptying the House then and now to get a Major vote by secluding most of the Members, must be a Crime and practice, demeriting an expulsion.

5. The Army-Officers themselves in their very answer, waved all these Calumnies, as no ground of our seclusion; declaring to the sitting Members; That the sole ground of [Page]our seclusion, was, The Vote we passed upon the long nights debate: That the Answers of the King to the Propositions of both Houses, was a ground for the House to procéed upon for the settlement of the Peace of the Kingdom: Which Vote being passedSee the Epistle & Appendix to my Speech, 1648. after 3 dayes and one whole nights solemn debate, without dividing the House, notwithstanding the Armies march to the very doors. Hereupon the Army-Officers (to wrest both the Regal and Parliamental power, & Kings Revenues into their own hands, prevent all hopes of future peace, settlement, and involve us in endless wars, changes, revolutions, as visible sad experience hath evidenced ever since) mutinying the common soldiers against us by misreports, the very next morning Dec: 6. marching with several Regiments of horse and foot to the doors of both Houses, guarding all accesses to them; where they seised my Self, with above 40 Members more at the House door going to discharge their trusts, pulled two Members out of the House it self; secluded and chased away above 200 Members more, besides the Lords whole House. And whether the passing of this vote alone after 6. years intestine wars, at the earnest desire of our whole 3 Kingdoms, almost ruined by them, according to our judgements, consciences, Oaths, Protestation, Covenant, Duty, and the trust reposed in us, by our electors, upon such ample Concessions of Liberty, benefit to the Subjects, security to Religion, and safety to our 3: Kingdoms, the Army, Parliament, all adhering to them, as our ancestors, selves never formerly possessed, expected, desired; and we never since enjoyed, nor can expect under any New Republike, or Parliamentary Conventicle whatsoever; was a breach of our Parliamentary trusts, and a closing with the King upon his own terms, and such as within a short time would (of necessity) have yeelded up & betrayed our lives, liberties, and whole cause contested for into the Kings tyrannical power, as these Army-Officers, and this impudent Mountebank most scandalously affirm, let their own consciences and our whole 3 Nations judge; the secured and secluded Members in their Vindication, and I, in My Speech in Parliament, and Epistle before it, having so largely resuted it, that the Devil himself (the [Page] John 8. 44. Father of lies) would blush to revive such a Lie and Slander as this: And how destructive it is and hath been not only to the privileges and freedom, but being of Parliaments, for Soldiers and those who are no Members, without hearing or accusation, to pull the Major part of the Members out of the House, only for voting according to their consciences, after free and full debates, against the votes or designs of the lesser, inconsiderabler part confederating with the Army; let all wise men, and the sad effects thereof ever since, determin.

6ly. These Army-Officers never impeached any of the then secluded Members for breach of their trusts, to those few sitting Members they left behind of their own party, by way of Charge or Article, to which they might give a legal answer, and be brought to a publike trial; and when they were pressed to charge some of them they secured as the greatest Delinquents in this kind, with particular breaches of their trusts, they answered, They had yet no charge at all ready against any of them, but hoped to provide one in due time; which they never did to this day. As for their scandalous Answer, Jan: 3. being no legal Charge against the Members, but a pittiful false excuse of their own breach of trust, faith, duty in seising and secluding them; Mr. Prynne in particular in his Epistle to his Speech, and the other Members in their Vindication, gave such a satisfactory Answer to all the Calumnies in it, as they never yet replyed to: And therefore must stand clear from this Scandalum Magnum & Magnatum in the sight of God and Man.

7ly. Sundry of the Members sitting since our seclusion, and now again, have confessed to me; that our seclusion was most unjust; and that their forcible seclusions since, April 20. 1659. and in 1654. was but a just retaliation and punishment of God upon them, for consenting to our unjust seclusion in December 1648. yea, a means to deprive us from all future hopes of a free Parliament, so long as we had any standing Army in England. And yet must we be guilty of breach of trust?

8ly. Major Packer himself (an Anabaptist) then and now again a Member of the Army, in the last Convention at Westminster, publikely acknowledged in the House, in a long [Page] Speech, that he and others of the Army who had a hand in securing and secluding us, were seduced and instigated thereunto by Cromwels (and Iretons) suggestions; that wee were dishonest men, who pursued our own private interests and the Kings, to the prejudice of the publike: But afterwards he clearly discerned, That we were very honest Gentlemen, pursuing nothing but the publike Interest; acting according to our consciences; and that he had often cryed God mercy in private; and did there again and again cry them mercy in publike; and hoped they would all forgive him, for having a hand in secluding us: which he oft repeated. And others have acknowledged, they were knaved and fooled into this Action, by slanderous Misinformations. Wherefore malice it self must needs acquit us from this forged Calumny.

9ly. Those principal Officers of the Army, who accused, and secluded us as Trust-breakers in Dec. 1648. both accused those who sate from 1648. till April 20. 1653. turned them all out of doors, and declared them actually dissolved, for sundry years, as farr greater Infringers of their Parliamentary trusts than we; stiling them inThe Armies Declaration, Apr. 20. 1653 August 12. 1653. And a true State of the Common wealth of England, p. 8, 10. two printed Declarations, A Corrupt party, carrying on their own Designs to perpetuate themselves in the Parliamentary and Supreme Authority; never answering the ends which God, his People, and the whole Nation expected from them, &c. Therefore if their single accusation of us alone by way of Answer (which we refuted in print) disabled us for ever to sit in the House since 1648. and now again since May 7: 1659. by Nedhams and Rogers resolutions and the Army-Officers who secluded us; Then much more this their doubled and trebled Accusation against all sitting after our seclusion, and now resitting, by way of Declaration (which they never yet answered) must much more disable them now to sit and act again as a House, especially without us, as Members of that Parliament, if continuing still in being.

10ly. The trust reposed in all Members of the Commons House secluded or unsecluded in the last Parliament of King Charles, is punctually expressed, comprised in the [Page] Writs and Indentures by which they were chosen, returned, empowred, trusted, to sit and act as Members by the Commonalties who elected them; and in the Oathes of Supremacy and Allegiance, which they all took, and ought to take, by the Statutes of 5 Eliz. c. 1. & 7 Jac. c. 6. before they could sit or vote as Members. Now this trust was wholly and solely, to do and consent to those things which should happen to be ordained by Common Consent of the King, Lords and Commons, by Common counsel of the Realm, concerning certain arduous and urgent affairs, touching the Defence, State, Crowns of the King and his Kingdom, and of the Church of England: to bear faith and true Allegiance to the King, his heirs and successors; and him and them to defend, with all rights, jurisdictions annexed and belonging to the Imperial Crown of England, against all attempts and conspiracies whatsoever: As the Writs and Returns themselves, with allSee the second part of my Register, & Kalendar of all Parliamentary Writs. antient Writs of this kinde, and their returns, with the expresse words of these Oathes resolve; with the Protestation, League, Covenant, and manifold Declarations, Ʋotes, Remonstrances of both Houses, to which those sitting from 48. to 53. and now met again, gave their full, free consents and subscriptions, as well as the secluded Members. Let heaven, earth, our whole 3. Kingdoms, and our Accusers themselves then, now resolve, whether I and my secluded Companions, who constantly, loyally, strenuously in the forecited vote, and all other our proceedings, pursued those Trusts, Oathes, Duties, in despite of all Oppositions; or those unsecluded sitting and re-sitting Members and Army-Officers, who have most apparently, perfidiously violated it in every branch, by and since our seclusions, to the destruction of our King, Kingdoms, Kingship, Parliament, Church, all rights and jurisdictions of the Crown, and subversion of the Liberty, Property, Privileges of their fellow Members and all other subjects; be the Greatest Trust-breakers, Traytors; and which of us best deserve to lose not only our right of sitting any more in the House, but our very lives, heads, liberties, estates, in point of justice, and conscience.

All that is or can be objected against us,Objection. with any shadow [Page] of reflection, is theNedham, p. 31. Vote of January 11. 1648. made upon the Armies Answer touching our securing, Jan: 3. That the House doth approve of the Substance of the Answer of the General Council of the Officers of the Army to the Demands of this House touching the securing and secluding of some Members thereof: And doth appoint a Committee (of 24.) or any 5. of them, to consider what is further to be done upon the said Answer, and present the same to the House. But doth this Vote fix any breach of trust upon us for which we deserved perpetual seclusion, without any hearing, impeachment, trial? Surely not in the least degree. For 1. it approves only the substance of the Armies Answer, which is general and indefinite: 2ly, It is not touching the securing and secluding of all the Members then secured, or secluded by the Officers; but only of some of those Members who were secured, as well as secluded; without naming any one of them in particular, most of them being released before this vote: Therefore it can fix no guilt or crime upon any one particular Member of us, unlesse those some had been nominated: 3ly, This Vote was past behind our backs, without hearing any of us before it passed: 4ly, A special Committee was appointed to consider further of their answer, and report what was further to be done therein; which they never did: 5ly, This Vote was made above a full Month after our secluding and securing, when all the Members but 42. were secluded or driven thence; and the rest sitting under the Force, Guards, of the Army; and so by their own Votes and Ordinance of August 20. 1647. this Vote, with all their other proceedings were mere Nullities. 6ly, Ten of those who passed this Vote, were the very Army-Officers who made the Answer, the chief Contrivers, Authors of our seising, securing, and chief Accusers; Therefore most unfit to be our Judges, or passe any Vote against us behind our backs: especially since they promised to conferr with us at Wallingford House the Evening they seised us; and yet lodged us all night on the bare boards in Hell. After which they promised to conferr with us the next morning 9. a clock at Whitehall; and there kept us waiting in the cold till 7. at night, [Page] without once vouchsafing to see us, sending us away thence through the dirt, guarded on every side like Rogues to the Kings head, and Swan in the Strand; where they promised several times to conferr with us, but never came to do it. Now, whether there can be any credit given to their Ʋotes or Answer, who so frequently brake both their trusts, words, faiths, promises to us, before this their Answer, let the world, and our greatest Enemies determin. Finally, the chief Authors of and instruments in this our Accusation and seclusion, were the very selfsame Army-Officers and Members who in April 1653, dishoused, dissolved those now sitting, and then accused, branded them twice or thrice in print, as farr greater Infringers of their trusts than we: as for the House of Lords, secluded, suppressed by them,See their Declaration & Votes M. 17. for suppressing the Lords House. there was never the least breach of trust objected against them; Neither had the Army, See my Plea for the Lords. or smaller Garbled remainder of the Commons house, the least right or jurisdiction to seclude or eject the Majority of their fellow Members, much lesse the whole House of Peers. Upon all which premises, I here appeal to all the Tribunals of Men on Earth, and Gods, Christs Tribunals in Heaven (before which I summon all our Old and New Accusers whatsoever) to judge; Whether this Great Charge of breach of our trusts, ever justly could, or henceforth can be objected against us civilly or criminally, without the greatest scandal; and whether this could be a lawfull ground for any to justifie our first or last seclusion?

The 3d Question is this; Question 3. Whether the last Parliament summoned by King Charles his Writ, assembled at Westminster, 3. Nov: 1640. was not totally and finally dissolved by his beheading, January 30. 1648. notwithstanding the statute of 17 Caroli c. 7?

In this my 2. new Antagonists are divided. Rogers, p. 7. confesseth it to be dissolved; and that I have learnedly proved it in my Narrative, p. 24, to 34. Adding, How Néedlesse that long Discourse is, to prove what we never denied. But though he, and his wee, denied it not; yet those who sate from 1648. till 1653. by pretext of their first writs, elections, and of this Act, as they then affirmed in and by their Speeches, Declarations; Mr. Abbot and Purefoye, in their [Page] Prynne against Prynne, (both of them Members, and one of them now sitting) with their President John Bradshaw, who condemned the King, and sundry denyed it; yea most now sitting denyed it by words and action; therefore I unanswerably refelled them, and satisfied most others by that long Discourse: Therefore it was not needless, as this Critick rashly censures it.

Nedham, p. 35, 36, 37. though he confesseth; That according to Law the Parliament was dissolved by the Kings death; and that whiles the old Constitution of Parliaments remained without disturbance it is reason this Law should be retained, for the reasons I have rendered: Yet in this particular case, by reason of the warr between King and Parliament, he will by no means yeeld the Parliament to be dissolved by the Kings death, but to remain intirely in the Members sitting at his death; and that it is now again revived in them, after above 6. years interruption: to prove which strange Chymaera, by stronger Mediums, hePag. 35, to 42. spends some pages, to convince and satisfie all Contradictors. I shall a little examin his absurd and most dangerous Principles from whence he draws his Conclusion. His main Principle to prove it, is this.

That the King by his actual war against the Parliament, did thereupon forfeit his Kingship and Crown, and became a private person and enemy; dissolved the Constitution both of the Kingdom and Parliament; and not only violated all Law in the branches, but plucked up the very root of it, in destroying the Parliamentary Establishment, as much as in him lay, and thereby introduced another Law of Arms. From whence he deduceth 3. Conclusions: 1 The Justice of secluding the Members: 2ly, The Sufficiency of the authority that condemned and executed the King: 3ly, The Legality of the remaining Members continuing and sitting as the Parliament, and Supreme Authority of England, which after the Kings beheading, and other Members and Lords seclusion, descended and was transmitted to them by the Law of war, for the people. This he determines to be Law and Reason too, sufficient to convince both Royallists and Presbyterians of the Lawfulnes of the Power, and present sitting, acting as a Parliament, by those few Members at Westminster, secluding all the rest.

[Page] To which I answer: 1. That if the Kings death by Law, Reason, dissolved the Parliament in an orderly cause, because his writs of summons abated by his death, & they could not treat with him concerning his and his Kingdoms affairs, nor he consent to any Bills after his decease: Which he freely grants: Then by the self-same Reason, Law, his violent death must dissolve this Parliament, as I have largely proved. 2ly, If the Kings levying war against the Parliament, did actually dissolve the very Constitution, Law of the Parliament and Kingdom, and made him no King at all, but a private person; which he layes for his foundation; then it must necessarily dissolve the Parliament and Kingdom too, and make them no Parliament, no Kingdom at all, as well as himself no King. For how can the Parliament continue, when its very Constitution is dissolved? 3ly, By this Position it inevitably follows, that we had neither King, Parliament, Kingdom, nor any Laws at all but only of Warr, from the beginning of the wars or first battel at least, between the Kings and Parliaments forces many years before his death; But this the King, kingdom, Parliament, the sitting as well as secluded Members, both Armies, and our whole 3. kingdoms ever denied in all their Votes, Orders, Ordinances, Declarations, Remonstrances, Petitions, Treaties, Propositions whatsoever from 1641. till December 1648. and Nedham himself in his Diurnalls and Mercuries; In all which the Parliament, both Houses, and Army-Officers stiled him their KING, and the King and his party ever stiled them the Houses of Parliament. Therefore this position must be a most Notorious Falthood, wherein Interest doth grosly lie. 4ly. Those he stiles the honest faithfull Members, in their very Votes of Non addresses (passed by force and fraud) in their Knack for the Kings tryal [...], Impeachment, Proceedings, Sentence of condemnation against him, after our seclusion, in their Declaration of 17 Martii 1648. after his death, and sundry other Papers, ever stiled and acknowledged him TO BE KING, and ENGLAND HIS KINGDOM, notwithstanding the wars between him and the Parliament: Therefore the very war did not Ʋnking, nor make him a Private person, nor [Page] dissolve the Constitution of the Kingdom and Parliament: else there could not be a war against or between the King or Parliament, if the war it self unkinged him, unparliamented them, and dissolved all their constitutions. 5ly. No person by theDeut. 17. 8. c. 19. 15. Law of God, Nature, Nations, the Great Charter, Laws, Statutes of England, and Votes of Parliament, ought actually to forfeit,John 7. 51. or to be ipso facto deprived of his Office, Acts 19. 38. c. 25. 17. Freehold, Liberties, Estate, Life, without a legal proceeding, Magna Charta c. 29. & Cook ibidem. tryal, conviction, judgement, attainder: Much less then the King himself, the Supreme Magistrate, and Governor of the Realm (in whom all have a common interest) unkinged and made a private person, or publike Enemy, and totally deprived of his Crown and Soveraignty: Therefore his actual levying war against the Parliament, without, before any legal impeachment, conviction, or sentence of deposition, could not unking nor make him a private person, as the cases of Edward the 2. and Richard the 2. and theSee my Plea for the Lords, p. 424, to 460. Parliaments which deprived them of their Kingships after their resignations, clearly resolved, against this Jesuitical new Doctrine. 6ly. If the King by his bare levying war against the Parliament, actually lost his Kingship and became a meer private person before any sentence of deprivation, then by the self-same reason, law, every Traitor levying war or conspiring against the King, every Murderer, Theef, Felon, corrupt Judge, Justice, Mayor, Sherif, Inferior Officer, by the very committing of Treason, Murder, Felony, Adultery, Bribery, Injustice, and breach of their respective trusts, should be actually attainted of those offences, their Lands, Offices presently confiscated, without any Indictment, trial, verdict, judgement against them: yea every act of Adultery by any Husband or Wife should actually dissolve the bond of marriage for ever, without and before any Sentence of divorce between them: whichIn his Bridebush. Mr. Wheatly publikely recanted as a dangerous error. And how destructive such new Nedham, Interest Law would prove to all mens lives, liberties, estates, yea to every mans soul (since every act of sinne by like consequence should actually damn, and make even Saints themselves to fall totally and finally from Grace and Gods [Page] favor) let all judicious men resolve. 7ly. If this be Law, then had the King and Parliament upon any Treaty after the wars accorded; he ought to have been new proclamed, installed, crowned King again; and the Parliament resummoned by new writs. 8ly. He confesseth this to be the very principle of Barclay the Jesuit, from whom he borrows it, p. 34. Therefore his present Parliament and Republike built thereon, are purely Jesuitical by his own confession. 9ly. This Jesuits position is not so bad as his; He speaks not of every Civil war made by a King upon his Subjects, for which there may be just occasions; but only of a King warring upon his people of purpose to extirpate and destroy them: which he saith, it seems almost impossible any King should be so mad as ever to attempt. Which the King in his war against the Parliament, by his victories, proceedings against the Prisoners, Members, Towns he took during the wars, in sparing all their lives actually, really, and oft times verbally and professedly disclamed in all his Proclamations, Speeches, Remonstrances, Messages to, and Treaties with the Houses. Therefore his war against them, did neither unking him, nor make him a private person and publike Enemy, by this Jesuites resolution. 10ly. If the Kings war against the Parliament did really unking him; then certainly the Generals, Army-Officers, and Armies actual levying war upon both Houses of Parliament, by secluding, securing the Members and King, did really uncommission and unarmy them, and made them no Officers, no Army at all, but a rebellious rout; and all Members concurring with them therein, no Members, no Parliament at all. The sequel is infallible. Therefore Nedham must either now disclaim this desperate Jesuitical position, with all his 3. Treasonable Conclusions from it; or else henceforth disclame the Army-Officers, Army, and their formerly suppressed, now revived Parliament. 11ly. Admit his Paradox true, that the King by his war against the Parliament, actually ceased to be a King, &c. yet his Inference thence, that the Parliament was not dissolved by his death, but continued after it, is most false; yea the contrary thence inevitably follows, that it was wholly dissolved long before his death, so soon as he ceased [Page] to be a King and became a private person; and that by the expresse resolution of the whole Parliaments of 22 R. 2. and 1. H. 4. rot. Parl. n. 1, 2, 3. in a case most like to ours. See Speed, Trussel, Holinshed, Walsingham, Hall, Stow, and others in R. 2. & H. 4. My Plea for the Lords, p. 424, to 456. Henry Duke of Lancaster, raising a great Army to lay Title to the Crown, King Richard the 2d. bringing an Army to suppresse him; the King finding his forces over-weak, and the Dukes too potent for him, having seised Bristol, and other sorts; thereupon a Parlee was had between them, and agreed, King Richard should summon a Parliament at Westminster, wherein he should resign his Crown, renounce his Kingship, and the Duke to succeed him. Upon this he accordingly summoned a Parliament, where he formally resigned, renounced his Kingship, and was actually deposed of it by sentence, and Henry the 4. who claimed the Crown upon his resignation, declared King. Which done, it was resolved, declared both by the Parliament, King, Lords, Commons, Judges, that this Parliament was actually dissolved by King Richards deposing to all intents; and a new Parliament ordered to be summoned by King Henry in his own name, wherein he was declared, crowned King, and the resignation, deposing of Richard the 2. ratified, and recorded. Therefore by the resolution of both these Parliaments, (by Nedhams own position, if true) the last Parliament of King Charles, was so farr from being continued only by his wars, even after his death, which else would have dissolved it without dispute, that it actually dissolved it in his life time, six years before his death, by degrading him from his Kingship, and making him a private person. And then his Westminster Juncto sitting from 1648. to 1653. and now again, cannot have the least shadow of right, law, reason, to sit, act as any part of the last Parliament summoned by the King, neither could the whole Parliamentary and supreme power descend or be transferred to them alone by any Law or colour of right whatsoever, by the Kings war, death, or our seclusions, as he most absurdly concludes. 12ly. The sum of all Nedhams discourse to support his present Parliaments and Republikes right, title, is but this: That in civil wars and commotions the conquering or prevailing party gains a legal Supreme Authority and Parliamentary power over [Page]over the whole: That the Kings royal authority devolved by conquest to the Parliament: the whole Parliamentary Authority to his Juncto by their forcible seclusion of the Majority of the Commons, and suppression of the House of Lords. And if so, then by the self-same consequence; the whole Kingly and Parliamental Authority was lawfully devolved on the Lord General Fairfax and Army-Officers when they seised the King, secluded the Members, suppressed the Lords, and placed Guards on those that sate in 1648. Or at least to such of them as were then Members of the Commons House; not to the Juncto since or now sitting; That afterwards it descended, devolved to General Cromwell, when he conquered and turned the Juncto out of doors, April 20. 1653. as he and the Army-Officers then argued; who thereupon (after some Moneths exercise thereof by making New Laws, and imposing New Taxes at Whitehall, Anno 1653.) afterwards transferred it by deed to their Litle Conventicle elected by them in September, part of which resigning back their Supreme power to Cromwell, he thereupon claimed it as wholly and absolutely vested ia himself, without any limits (as he declared in his printed Speeches 1654. and 1657.) whereupon he detained it under the Title of A ROYAL PROTECTOR, till his death, then delegating it to his Son Richard, who by this original Title enjoyed it; till overpowred by his Brother Fleetwood and other Army-Officers, who by this right of the Long Sword alone, unprotectored him, and then called in the remainder of the Old Juncto to sit and act as a Parliament under them. So that by Nedhams Doctrine, the Supreme Regal and Parliamental power is legally residing in those Army-Officers who have conquered all the rest, till some other greater, stronger power shall be able to conquer them; and his Westminster Conventicle is but their Substitute to act, vote what they shall prescribe. And by the self-same principle, as the Army-Officers by rebelling against and suppressing the Parliament and their Masters, who raised, waged them for their defence, contrary to all Laws of God, man, their own Oathes, Commissions, thereby gained a just and legal Title (as he argues) to the Supreme Regal and Parliamental [Page] Authority of the Nation (not the people in whom they pretended it to be vested) so any Traytor by killing or dispossessing his lawfull Soveraign, any Son by killing or disseising his Father, any Servant by imprisoning, killing, or turning, keeping his Master out of doors, every Theef, plunderer in the world, able by force to take away any persons purse, goods, house, lands, or shall by power make himself a Judge, Justice, Magistrate, or take away another mans wife, shall have a just and legal Title against the owners and all others: and Nedhams Parliament and new Republike can neither condemn nor execute any Thief, Pirate, Murderer, Plunderer, Adulterer, Ravisher, nor punish any disseiser or wrong-doer whatsoever that was stronger than the party injured; since they all may justifie their force, actions, to be lawfull against the letter of the 6, 7, 8, 9, and 10 Commandements by the self-same Law, Divinity, Saintlike Title of the longest Sword, the greatest might, and prevailing party. I hope by this time, he and all others clearly discern the desperate fatal consequences of his Jesuitical position, and that his Interest will not lie, is but a meer sink of Lies, and destructive paradoxes.

If all this will not help to prop up the legal Soveraign Authority of his present Parliament and Republike, he hath 3. other Pillars to support them, p. 37. 1. The Law of Necessity, a pretty bull, when as the old proverb resolves, Necessitas non habet legem; I am sure it will now admit of no Law, Justice, Conscience, Equity. 2. Did not the beheaded King plead this Law for Ship-money, Excise, and other illegal projects? yet the longSee the Acts, Votes, Declarations against them. Parliament adjudged necessity in these cases, to be no Law, nor Plea at all. And shall those very Members plead it in their own case now, who then judged it no Law nor Plea in his? 3ly. This Law was pleaded by Cromwel and the Army-Officers in April 1653. for the dissolution of those now sitting, who together with Nedham, p. 40. resolve it no Law or Plea at all; and can it be justly urged now for their restitution? 4ly. It is a pretext for all villany, treachery, impiety, violence being acted in the world, as I have proved in my Epistle to my Speech, and the secluded Members in their Vindication, when [Page] the Officers pretended it for our seclusion; and can it then be made the foundation of Commonwealths and its Junctoes constitution? 5ly. He addes out of Grotius, l. 2. de Jure Belli, cap. 6. Necessitas summa reducit res ad merum jus naturae. If so, and we are now reduced to such a necessity, as he argues: then it followes, 1. That this extreme necessity which exempts any part of a Kingdom, Republike, City from the power, jurisdiction of the whole, as Grotius there resolves, hath much more exempted our whole three Kingdoms, the intire Lords House and Nobility, the Majority of the old Commons House yet surviving, with all Counties, Cities, Boroughs for which they served; from the power, jurisdiction of the present usurping Juncto, Army, so that they have no right, authority, colour at all to impose any new Laws, Taxes, Militiaes, Excises on all or any of them; nor yet to imprison, sequester, punish any of them for defending themselves by force of arms against their unjust usurpations over them. 2ly. That they can impose no new Government or Republike on all or any of them, without their own free voluntary elections, consents; because all politick Governments and Corporations are and ought to be made by voluntary contract and free consent of all the parts, ac propterea jus ejus, in partes ex primae va voluntate metiendum est, as Grotius there resolves. 3ly. That all the integral parts of any politick body, when the first agreement and Government which united them into a Kingdom or Republike is dissolved (as Nedham asserts our Kingdom and Parliament are) by the meer right and Law of Nature have as inseparable, inherent a right, vote to cast themselves into another new form of Government, as any one prevailing party of that body, being all equally men, Englishmen, free-men by Nature, and having no superiority over each other. Therefore the Supreme authority and Parliamentary power in our present condition and extreme necessity by Grotius his decision is not devolved to the Westminster Juncto, or Army-Officers, as Nedham absurdly concludes, against his Oracle Grotius, but to the generality of the people, as this very Juncto voted Jan: 6. 1648. and the Army-Officers declared, in their Agreement of the people presented [Page] to them November 20. 1648. and Jan. 20. 1649. Therefore by their own Votes, resolutions, practices, the generality of the people, not the Juncto, are now the Supreme authoritie; and those 50 or 60 Members of the old Parliament and Army, have not the least pretext of Right, Law, Reason, power to domineer over all the Nobility, Gentry, Clergy, Freemen of the Nation, and the secluded Members, nor totally to seclude them all from their Councils, Company; muchlesse to secure, disarm, plunder them at their pleasures, to double, treble their Taxes, to use them not like their fellow freemen, but their Aegyptian bondslaves, as now they do. What such an Extremity, Necessity may put then our whole three Nations justly upon by Grotius and Nedhams Law too, let them wisely and timely consider for their own and the publike safety.

His 2. Pillar is this of Grotius, That In a civil warr, the written and established Laws of Nations are of no force; (Indeed we now finde it true by sad experience under our New Legifers and Tax-masters) and then that only is to be admitted Law, which shall be setled by the prevailing party. How this new doctrine will suit with all our late Parliamentary Votes, Ordinances, Declarations, Remonstrances, Protestations, League, Covenant, Soldiers Commissions, and Army-Remonstrances; or with our Civil war, which was only for the preservation and defence of our antient fundamental Laws, Statutes, and Great Charter of our Liberties, against all arbitrary encroachments, alterations, violations of them; Or with the Junctoes Declaration, March 17. 1648. for turning our Kingdom into a Free State; wherein they promise over and over, inviolably to defend and maintain these antient Laws, The Badges of our Fréedom, and the most excellent of all other Laws in the world, by violation, alteration, or abrogation whereof greater mischiefs would inevitably befall us, than ever we suffered under our Kings and Kingly Government: Or how it will accord with their Proclamation, May 7. 1659. to like purpose; let Nedham, and that power for which he pleads resolve us: To whose arbitrary wills and tyranny (if this monstrous paradox be Oracle) he prostrates all our Laws and Liberties, after [Page] full 17 years bloody contests, and most cruel Concertations for their Defence, against this his position and practice.

His 3. pillar is this, which he applies to the particular case of the secluded Members, p. 37. Si qui jure suo uti non possunt, eorum jus accrescit praesentibus: Grotius l. 2. c. 5. His meaning is, that if any Members of a Senate, Court or Parliament be absent through sickness, or any other voluntary or necessary occasions, the rest may sit and act: will it thence follow, as this Mountebank argues, Ergo, the Minor part of the Commons House may sit and act now and heretofore, not only as a Commons House, but absolute Parliament; because they and the Army forcibly secluded the Major part, the whole House of Lords, and beheaded King. Such a grosse Nonsequitur as this, is no better justified from Grotius words, than this; The Army may forcibly seclude all but 5. or 6, of those now sitting, or leave Fleetwood, and Sir Henry Vane alone: Ergo, in such a case the whole right and power of the Parliament accrues to them alone, and they may sit, vote as a Parliament, and make what Laws, Acts, and impose what Taxes, Excises they please, as Cromwell and his Council did at Whitehall upon the self-same ground. Ʋno absurdo dato mille sequuntur.

You see now by this time the falshood, absurdity, and dangerous consequences of Nedhams Atheistical, Jesuitical Principles, whereon he would bottom the continuance, revival, justice, legality of his pretended Parliament, and Republike, laying a ground for, and encouraging all disorders, confusions, violences, treacheries and villanies whatsoever by the Law of Necessity and the longest sword: and what a necessary Tool he is for the party, because he can say or print any thing for them, though never so false, absurd, mischievous, and yet not be in danger of his head: (they are his own expressions, p. 32. 37.) I shall inform him of some other Principles prescribed to all Saints, Christians, and Souldiers, by God and Christ himself, which they ought to follow under pain of damnation. The first is Mat. 7. 12. All things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so to them, for [Page] this is the Law and the Prophets. The 2. is Mat. 22. 21. Render therefore to Caesar the things that are Caesars, and unto God the things that are Gods. The 3. i, Luke 3. 14. Do violence to no man, neither accuse any falsly, and be content with your wages. The 4. is Rom. 13. 7, 8. Render therefore to all their dues, &c. Owe nothing to any man, but love one another. The 5. is Prov. 24. 21. My Son, fear thou the Lord and the King, and meddle not with those who are given to change. The 6. is Ps. 4. 8. Whatsoever things are true, whatsoever things are honest, whatsoever things are just, whatsoever things are lovely, whatsoever things are of good report, do. And if he can found his present or former Parliament, Republike, or Interest will not lie, and forecited Conclusions on these Principles, I shall be his Proselyte; till then I cannot, I dare not but renounce them.

I shall not follow him in his Wild-goose chase any further, to prove the old Parliament undissolved, and now revived: what he writes ofPage 40, 41. Cromwels Parliaments and Conventions, during the preternatural dead Interval from April 53. to May 59. That they had not the legal force and vertue of Parliaments: That they were nothing in Law of themselves, being creatures of another extraction: (though he writ the quite contrary in his life-time) That the Members of this revived Parliament sitting in them, did not own them for legal Parliaments: That their sitting in them as Parliaments, could not prejudice nor conclude the Body now sitting, becanse a body of men in equal power and right, cannot be concluded by particular acts done by their own Members without consent of the rest; And that though they did not own those Parliaments, nor the power that called them, yet their many and great complaints of their being secluded from them (by force, or new Oathes) as an infringement of the Peoples right in Parliament, were just, and they might well complain, because their complaint of violation was grounded only upon the General Right inherent in the People, will fully manifest the Parliament of King Charles to be fully dissolved by his death, notwithstanding any private Members sitting in it afterwards, his pretended Parliament of Commons then and now sitting, to be no Parliament at all, nor yet revived in Law or verity; that yet M. Prynne and other Members, might justly complain of their [Page] forcible seclusion from it, in the peoples general inherent right, as themselves did when secluded from Cromwels Parliaments, which they held void and null. And that if it be still in being, and was only suspended by Cromwels 6. years force, in respect only of the actual exercise of their power, not their inherent right, which is now revived: All the secluded Members, Lords, and Charls Stewart too, ought in right and justice to be recalled and remitted to their rights, from which they were forcibly interrupted, as well as those now sitting, having no legal power, ground, nor colour to seclude them, as I have already proved.

To cloze up this Question, I shall propose this Dilemma to my dissenting Opponents. If the old Parliament were totally and finally dissolved by the Kings death, as Rogers confesseth, and Nedham grants in point of Law and Reason: Then those few Commons sitting after his death, and now again, cannot possibly be a Parliament, nor Committee of Parliament in any sence. 1. Because never summoned by any writ to any such Parl. as this. 2. Because never elected, intrusted by the people, who elected thē in the old Parliament, to sit in this, or any other Parliament, without a King and House of Lords. 3ly. Because not new elected by their old electors, or any other Counties, Cities, Boroughs since the Kings death to sit alone, as then or now they do. 4ly. Because permitted, desired to sit at first only by the Army-Officers, their former mercenary Servants; and now invited to sit again only upon some of their motions; having no pretence of Law or right to elect or create them a Parliament, or Representative of the People of England: much lesse then of Scotland and Ireland. 5ly. Because they are not the fifth part of a Commons House for number or quality, by our old Laws, Statutes, or the new Instrument or Advice, most Counties, Cities, Boroughs of the Nation having not so much as one Knight, Citizen or Burgesse in it to represent them, and Scotland, Ireland none at all: and so by the Armies own Declaration at St. Albans, their own Agreement of the People, and own Votes for An Equal Representative, can be no Parliament at all, but the highest, archest usurpers over the whole Kingdoms Rights and Privileges.

[Page] In theTotles Mag: Charta, f. 52. Hen. de Knyghton de Event. Angl. l. 3. c. 14. My plea for the Lords, p. 268, 269, 278, 279, 280, 193. Exact Abridgement, p. 53. 195. 368. 376. to 386. Parliament of 15 E. 2. in the Act for the Exile of the two Spencers, Cl. 15 E. 3. m. 32. dorso, the Parliaments of 4 E. 3. rot. Parl. n. 1. 28 E. 3. n. 9, 10. 21 E. 3. rot. Parl. n. 21. 21 R. 2. rot. Par. n. 15, 16. 22 R. 2. rot. Par. n. 3. & Plac. Coronae n. 7, to 16. it was adjudged, resoved, declared by the King and Parliament, that the accroaching and usurping of REGAL POWER, by the 'two Spencers, Roger Mortymer Earl of March, the Duke of Glocester, Arundel Archbishop of York, the Earls of Arundel and others; by keeping the Lords, Great Men and Counsel of the King from his presence, the Parliament and Council: by placing and displacing publike Officers at their pleasures; By condemning, executing Lords and others of the Kings Subjects without his privity by might and power both in and out of Parliament: By not permitting the King to hear the petitions and complaints of his Nobles and People, and to do them justice against these usurpers oppressions to their own and the Kings disinheriting: By compelling the King to grant pardons to Rebells and others who slew his faithfull Lords and Subjects: By seising, disposing of the Kings Treasure and Revenues at their pleasures; and enforcing the King to grant them a Commission to manage his Royal affairs, trust and revenues, in restraint and derogation of his royal power and prerogative: was no lesse than High Treason by Law: For some of which encroachments of Regality, some of them were Banished, others of them Beheaded and Executed as Traytors, and their Estates confiscated by Iudgements and Acts of Parliament. If then the encroaching and usurping of REGAL POWER in any of these particulars, be no lesse than HIGH TREASON by the resolution of these Parliaments, then questionlesse the usurpation, exercise, not only of Regal power in the highest degree, in calling, creating, dissolving Parliaments, giving the royal assents to Bils, Pardons, executing Lords, Commons, creating publike Officers, making new Seals, issuing out Writs, Commissions, making Warr and Peace, coyning Money, &c. but also of Parliamental power too, in making new Laws, Acts, Treasons, repealing, altering old Lawes, and forms of Processe, imposing new Taxes, Excises, Forfeitures, Militiaes, erecting new Courts, Judicatures, neither of all which the King [Page] can do by his regal Power, but in and by the Parliament only, wherein both the Power of the King in its highest orb, and of all the Lords, Commons are united, concentred, must needs be the highest Treason that possibly can be committed, both against the King, Kingdom, Parliament, Lords, Commons, People; all injured, usurped on, tyrannized over, dishonored, and oppressed thereby in the highest degree. Which should discourage, deterr all those who have any dread of God, Men, or love to Parliaments, and their Native Country, from usurping such a power, as well for their own, as the publick weal.

If the long Parliament be still in being and now revived, (as Nedham pleads, but proves not at all, his own principles evincing the contrary) then all the Lords and secluded Members ought in right and Justice to be freely admitted for the premised reasons; else those now sitting and acting without them, will incurr the guilt of High Treason for Usurping both Regal and Parliamental power, by meer force, without any Act of Parliament, which an express Act of Parliament made by assent of all the 3. Estates cannot transfer unto them, as the Statute of 1 H. 4. c. 3. and Parliament of 1 H. 4. rot. Parl. n. 25. expresly resolve, and I have proved in my Narrative, p. 22, 23, 24. since the Highest regal and Parliamentary trusts for the publike good, safety, reposed in many by the people, cannot be transferred nor delegated unto a few, nor the Parliament power, trust, assigned over, any more than the Hobards Reports, p. 155. 183. Regal.

Having dispatched these grand questions, I shall be briefer in the 4th. being only this.

Whether the Oathes of Supremacy,Quest. 4. Allegiance, and Homage to the late King, his Heirs and Successors; were finally determined by, and expired at his death?

Nedham, p. 41, 42. and Rogers, p. 33. affirming they are; because the old form of Kingly Government is lawfully (as they say) extinguished, and a new form introduced, and so the Oath impossible, because the persons and things to whom they were made are at an end: Which opinion having largely refuted, in my Concordia Discors, proving those Oathes to be still obligatory and binding, by unanswerable Scripture-presidents [Page] and authorities, to which neither of these Antagonists reply one syllable; I shall briefly reply to what they object, 1. That the frame of our Kingly Government was not legally dissolved, but violently and trayterously interrupted only, as he saith this Parliament and Republike were by Cromwels intrusion. 2ly. That by the resolution of our Statutes, Judges, Laws, which admit no Interregnum, we have still a Kingdom, a King, an Heir and Successor to the Crown in actual being, (though out of actual, not legal possession) to whom we may and ought to make good our Oathes. 3ly. That our fellow-members and subjects who took these Oathes as well as we, can neither absolve themselves nor us by their perjury or treachery in violating them, by their late forcible, illegal proceedings, and new Ingagement against the King, his Heirs and successors. 4ly. That it is both possible, just, necessary, safe, honourable, Christian, for them and us, and our 3. Kingdoms, Churches, Religion, to call in the right heir and successor to the Crown, upon honorable Terms; there being no obstacle to it but only want of will, or the covetousness, rapine, ambition, guilt or fear of punishment in some particular persons in present power, against the general desire and interest of our 3. whole Kingdoms, Nations, endangered, embroyled, oppressed, and well-nigh totally ruined, exhausted by his long seclusion. 5. That these Objectors and others slighting, neglecting, violating, absolving themselves and others from the conscientious obligation, legal performance of these sacred Oathes, obliging themselves in particular and the whole Kingdom in general, to the late King his Heirs and Successors in perpetuity, is no argument of their piety, saintship, religion, fear of God, honesty, truth, justice, but of their avowed Atheism, Impiety, Injustice, contempt of God, and all his threats, judgments denounced, inflicted upon Perjured infringers of their Oathes, Covenants to their King and others. 6ly. That for the violation of these Oathes, the whole three Kingdoms have deeply mourned, suffred in sundry kinds ever since 1648. and are now likely to be ruined by Taxes, Contributions, Oppressions of all sorts, losse of trade, unseasonable weather, diseases [Page] epidemically reigning, and other judgements. 7ly. That Abraham himself the father of all the faithfull; swearing by God, that he would not deal falsly with Abimelech, nor with his Son, nor with his Sons son, but according to the kindness he had done to Abraham, Gen. 21. 23, 24, &c. and his care to perform his Oath; hath justified not only the lawfulness of all our Oathes to the King, his heirs and successors, but confirmed our Obligation to them all, and how conscientiously we ought to perform them without fraud or falshood, yea disowning all those from being of his faith or spiritual seed, who make little conscience to perform them. 8ly. Thus as the Apostle resolves, Gal. 3. 16, 17. That the Covenant made by God to Abraham and his seed in Christ before, the Law which was made 430. years after cannot disannull, that it should make the Promise of no effect: So the New Ingagement made, taken after these two Oathes to our New Governors, and their late Oath to be Constant, as well as True and Faithfull to their new Republike, without King, or Single person, or House of Lords, (obliging those who take it, if binding, not only to sundry Perjuries, Treasons, and constant perseverance in them without repentance) cannot disannull these former Oathes to the King, his heirs and successors, and make them of no effect, as Rogers tells us, which I have elswhere proved. 9ly. John Rogers, p. 9. informs us, that Cleomines the Lacedemonian, sware to his friend Archonides, that he would do all things joyntly with him, and Act nothing without his HEAD were in it. After which watching his time, he cut off his Companions head; and to keep his Covenant, after he had par boyled it, he kept it by him, honored and preserved it; and upon every weighty matter or consultation would set his Scull by him, and tell it what he purposed; saying that he did not violate his Ingagement, or break his Oath in the least, séeing he did ever take counsel with the head of Archonides, and did nothing without it. Verily my Antagonists and those Members they plead for, have dealt more falsly with the late King, Lords, and their fellow Members, than Cleomines with Archonides; they twice Swore, Protested, [Page] Vowed and Covenanted too over and over, to be true and faithful to the King, and to act all things Ioyntly with him, the Lords, and their fellow Commons in Parliament, and transact nothing without their heads and advice were in it. But though afterwards watching their opportunity, they cut off the Kings head, and some of the Lords, as he did his Friends; suppressed the whole House of Lords, and secluded most of their fellow Commoners; yet they do not set either their heads, sculls, or any of their seeming persons before them in the House when they consult upon every or any weighty matter, nor tell them what they purpose: And yet they and these their Advocates tell us and others; They doe not violate their Protestations, Vows, Covenants, nor yet break their Oathes. Whether of them are the greatest Hypocrites, Impostors, let the world now judge.

The 5. Question between J. Rogers and me alone,Quest. 5. is this.

Whether the Jesuites and our forein Spanish, French and other Common Popish Adversaries, were the Original Plotters, and Ʋnder-hand fomentors, of the change of our antient Hereditary Kingship and Kingdom into a NEW COMMONWEALTH, and of the late Exorbitant violent Proceedings against the Kings, Parliament, and secluded Members, to accomplish this their design?

Mr. Prynne hath abundantly proved the affirmative by punctual Testimonies out of Parsons, Campanella, Watson, Clerke, Richelieu's Instructions, Conte Galeazzo, the Lord Digbies and others Letters, Mutatus Polemo, and other Evidences; by pregnant Reasons and Demonstrations, both à priori et posteriori, in his Speech, Memento, Epistles to his New Discovery of Free-State Tyranny, Jus Patronatus, Seasonable Vindication; The Republicans Good Old Cause anatomized, and in his Narrative, p. 18, 19, 20. 40, to 64. 85, to 89. These Evidences P. 27, to 36. J. Rogers neither doth, nor can deny in any particular; only he contradicts the Conclusion, as not sufficiently warranted by the premises; when as most judicious Protestants of all professions and degrees who have seriously [Page] perused them, are abundantly satisfied, and conclude the contrary to this Johannis ad oppositum; who bestows whole sheets and volumes of rayling Epithites, Scurrilous scoffs, unchristian P. 34, to 41. obscene Queres and sarcasmes upon me, only upon this accompt; that I have translated the Odium and guilt of the contriving, fomenting the late Gunpowder Treason which blew up our King, Kingdom, Parliament, Lords House, and Kingly Government, to erect a New Republike, from the Protestants, to the Jesuits and those of their religion, who plotted the old one, and would have fathered it on the Puritans, had it taken the like effect as this hath done; which I thought would have deserved thanks, rather than such reproachfull usage from such a Zealet as he pretends to be. But since he will needs appropriate the glory and honour of this last Powder-Plot, (transcending the former) to those worthies for whom he pleads, and to himself and his disciples, and allow the Jesuites (a many of whom he confesseth are doubtlesse in England under disguises and folding-dores p. 35.) no share at all in its projection, or execution; I shall no waies envy them this new Garland, wherewith he Crowns their Temples; let them wear it in triumph to their graves, or Tiburn; I shall not envy them this new Crown of glory, of which they are so ambitious, that Rogers spends many leaves, p. 27, to 37. to evade the Authors I quote to prove the Commonwealth a spurious issue of the Jesuits projection, by his impertinent answers to them.

1. He endeavours to evade my quotations of Parsons and Campanella, the first projectors of turning our English Kingdom, into an Holland Commonwealth, by the agency of the Jesuits, confederating with Anabaptists and other Sectaries agreeing with them in Antimonarchical principles, by the help of a prevalent seduced party in the Parliament house, when purged, reformed after Parsons new model; and by raising wars, tumults, in the Realm, and then infusing this Principle into the Common Soldiers, people and every Prec [...]pe, or factious multitude, getting the Title of a Publique State, or Helvetian Commonwealth, to examin their Soveraigns[Page]by what Title they hold their Crowns, and to alter, change the course, inheritance and succession of the Crown and publike Government at their pleasures, and disseise the right heirs general to the Crown, and put them to their Formedon to recover them. To which he answers, 1. That these their Politicks were calculated to the State of the Nation as it was in Queen Elizabeths time when they writ; to divide us with factions, and divisions at home, stir up the seeds of an inexplicable, irreconcilable war between England and Scotland, to deprive King James of the Crown of England; to promote the Spaniards interest, and hinder the English from infesting his Fleet, and Indies: Ergo the Jesuites were not the original projectors of turning our Kingdom into a Commonwealth, though he produceth none else before or besides them; nor yet prosecuted this design (so long since laid) afresh (as I have proved they did) in 1647. and 1648. for the self-same ends, in substance, by the self-same means and instruments. 2ly. He saith, I should prove that This, this is the same Commonwealth they plotted then in every circumstance: I prove it produced by the same instruments, means, pattern they prescribed, and that it pursued the same ends, designs, which is sufficient and punctual. The rather, because himself and those he pleads for, are not yet agreed what form or kinde of creature their new Commonwealth shall be; they being much divided about it, as himself attests: who spends some sheets against Mr. Harringtons and others Models of it. 3ly. He adds, their design proved abortive in Qu. Elizabeths reign, and in the powder-plot against King James; What then? Ergo, they pursued it not since, as I prove by late pregnant Testimonies, and more than probable arguments, is a meer inconsequent. 4ly. He objects, the Jesuits Commonwealth admits no toleration of Religions; never was against Kingship and the Office of it, as theirs is, nor hath any similitude with Jesuitism. All false; the Jesuits pleaded alwayes forSee their printed Petitions to that effect to King James Mr. Edwards Gangraenaes and Treatise against Toleration. a free toleration of religion in England, that themselves might be tolerated, though they deny it elswhere: they areSee my Epistle before my Historical and Legal Vindication. professed enemies to the office, as well as persons of all Protestant, yea and [Page] most Popish Kings, and projected to make up a Commonwealth upon this account in opposition to Kingship: it hath similitude with Iesuitism both in its principles, witness those of Barclay and Mariana, cited by Nedham, whereon he founds it; and in its practices of murdering Protestant Kings, blowing up Parliaments, absolving Subjects from their Oath and Allegiance, &c. by which it was founded, supported, revived. What else he allegeth, is but meer Froth of his wanton brain, and scurrillous pen, unworthy reply. Only because he calls upon me for more evidence, if I have it, to prove his Good Old Cause and Commonwealth a Plot of the Iesuites, I shall gratify him herein. 1. Hugh Peters himself, very well acquainted of late years with the Jesuits persons, plots, principles, practices, in his Letter to a great Army-Officer (quoted by himself, p. 12.) stiles it, A Cheat of the Iesuites put upon the Army; and that with much regret of heart and spirit. 2ly. A grave Protestant Gentleman of the Temple last Trinity Term riding up to London, meeting with a Popish Gent. of his acquaintance on the way, they discoursing of these last Revolutions and changes of Government, the Protestant told him, that these alterations were but the Plots and productions of the Jesuites and those of his Religion, who did but laugh at us in their sleeves, to see what fools they made us. At which the Papist growing somwhat angry; He desired him to be patient, since they were antient friends, and what he spake was not in jeast or scoff, as he took it, but in sober sadness; desiring him (having great acquaintance amongst the Papists) to inquire out the truth of what he spake, when he came to London, where most Papists in England were then assembled, for both their satisfactions, and to give him an account thereof; which he promised to do. About 5. or 6. dayes after, this Papist told him, That according to his request, he nad made diligent inquiry of the truth of what he spake on the way; and that he found, all or most of the Iesuites were Knaves, they and most of the Iesuited Papists being against the King, and wholly for a Commonwealth, as being most advantagious for the King of Spains Interest; using more words to the same effect. Which the Protestant (being [Page] my old familiar acquaintance) about two dayes after related to me in Westminster- hall, as a concurrent testimony with that I had published to this effect in my True and perfect Narrative, and the Republicans Spurious good old Cause truly Anatomized. 3ly. Lilly (a zealous Republican) in his Almanack, Anno 1651. prognosticated; That the Stars did then promise Acts of Grace and Favor to Popish Recusants, who in their Zeal and Loyalty to the New Republike excéeded most Presbyterians. An argument it was a creature of the Jesuites and their projection, to procure them more grace and favor than before, and promote their designs against us. 4ly. Nedham (Rogers his Confederate and fellow Champion against me) makes use of the Jesuit Barclay his forecited Jesuitical Principle, as the chief corner-stone of our New Parliaments and Republikes structure whereon they are both built: And not only so, but he useth the very Arguments of Campanella, which he prescribed the King of Spain to suggest to the English Nobility, Protestants and Clergy, to hinder and keep out King James from the Crown of England upon Queen Elizabeths death; to disswade and draw them all off from King Charls; and oppose his restitution now. Campanellaes words are these, cap. 25. De Mon. Hispanica, p. 207, 208. Praeterea suspitionem incutiat amicis Elizabethae, saepius iis inculcando fore ut Jacobus in amicis Elizabethae caedem maternam vindicaturus sit, &c. praesertim cum Maria ipsius mater moriens ei Religionem Catholicam, et suae caedis vindictam serio commendaverit. Exasperandi etiam sunt mimi Episcorum et Ministrorum Anglicorum, proponendo illis, Regem Scotiae Calvinismum amplexum esse spe et cupiditate Regni, adactumque vi a Baronibus haereticis: Quod si vero Regnum Angliae etiam obtineat, tum illum cito priorem Religionem revocaturum esse, quandoquidem non solum Mater defuncts, verum etiam Rex, ipse Galliarum summopere ei illam commendarint. Quibus modis fiet ut semina belli inextricabilis inter Angliam & Scotiam jaciantur, &c. to keep King James from the Crown. Which Nedham thus imitates and pursues, with a little variation, [Page] in his Interest, Sect 3. of the Presbyterians, p. 12, 13. The Royal party will never leave buzzing into C. Stuarts ears to quicken his memory, that the interest of your party was in its infancy founded upon the ruine of HIS GRANDMOTHER, continued & improved by the perpetual vexation of his GRANDFATHER, and at length prosecuted TO THE DECAPITATION OF HIS FATHER. Be not so weak as to fool your selves that you shall fare better than others. It is the common sence of the Cavaliers, that you prepared his FATHER for the block, and are incensed at others because they took from you the honor of the execution. Dr. Creighton told him, That the Presbyterians pulled his FATHER DOWN and held him by the hair, while the Independents cut off his head. And after him it was more elegantly expressed by Salmatius, Presbyteriani Sacrificium ligarunt, Independentes jugularent, &c. And p. 5, 6. The PAPISTS having had so fair a Creature of the Father, for many reasons they have no cause to fear foul dealing from the Son. As for HIS RELIGION (if any) it is at best, but a devotion to Prelacy, which was bequeathed to him by Legacy. All his other pretences of Religion in Scotland, he forfeited before ever he left that Countrey. What profession he hath since owned abroad, hath (for reasons of State) been kept very close, yet not so close but he discovered it. But if this be not evident, let us have recourse to reason, and then consider, HOW LONG HE WAS UNDER THE WING OF HIS MOTHERS INSTRUCTIONS IN FRANCE, and what a Nursery Flaunders hath been for him since, which IS THE MOST JESUITED PLACE IN THE WORLD: consider also the urgency of his necessities, disposing him to imbrace any thing, or take any course to get a Crown, being under the same influence of the wandring Star, called Reason of State, as was his GRANDFATHER H. the 4th of France, who shifted his Religion to secure a Crown, &c. These put altogether into the ballance, are ground enough to believe him sufficiently affected, if not sworn to Popery. Here we have Nedham, plowing with Campanella his heifer, using his very policy, words, arguments in substance to exasperate the Presbyterians, Independent, and Protestant party against [Page] Carles Stuart, and keep him from the Crown, as Campanella suggested to the King of Spain, and the English Protestants and Prelates, to exasperate them against his Grandfather King James for the self same end, by traducing both in their Religion, and meditation of revenge of their respective Mothers and Fathers decollations.

Here I shall desire the Readers to take special Notice of 4. particulars. 1. Of Campanellaes, the Jesuites, forein Popish Princes and their Instruments Machiavilian practice; secretly, seriously, frequently to suggest to Protestant Subjects, that their most Orthodox Protestant Kings, and right heirs to the Crown, are inwardly inclined and well-affected to Popery, that they profess themselves Protestants, only for politick ends, to gain or retain the Crown; that when they are setled in their thrones, they will either profess, or introduce Popery (which would be the Jesuites and Papists greatest advantage who thus suggest it, if true) purposly to exasperate their Protestant Subjects against, and alienate their affections from them; yea make them the visible instruments to keep them from their hereditary Crowns, to the scandal, prejudice of the Protestant Religion, though they be most real, cordial, constant Professors of it. And whence such scandalous suggestions originally spring▪ 2ly. Of the inexcusable malice of Nedham, professing himself a Protestant, not only in imitating this Jesuitical Romish practice against his own hereditary Protestant Soveraign Ch. Stewart, but transcending it many degrees; First, by pretermitting his beheaded Fathers long education of him in the Protestant Religion whiles he lived; and this charge unto him in [...], p. 235, to 251. Writing a little before his death, viz. Above all, I would have you, as I hope you are already, well-grounded and setled in your Religion: the best profession of which I have ever estéemed that of the Church of England, in which you have béen educated: Yet I would have your own Judgement and Reason now seal to that sacred Bond which education hath written, that it may be judiciously your own Religion, and not other mens Custome or Tradition, which you profess. In this I charge you to persevere, as coming nearest to Gods word for Doctrine, and[Page]to the Primitive examples for Government, with some little amendment, &c. Your fixation in matters of Religion will not be more necessary for your Souls, than your Kingdoms peace, when God shall bring you to them, &c. If you never see my face again, I do require and intreat you, as your Father and your King, that you never suffer your heart to receive the least check against or disaffection from the Religion established in the Church of England. I tell you, I have tried it, and after much search and many disputes, have concluded it to be the best in the world, not only in the community, as Christian, but also in the sperial notion, as Reformed, keeping the middle way between the Pomp of superstitious Tyranny, and the meanness of fantastique Anarchy. The scandal of the late Troubles, which some may object and urge to you, against the Protestant Religion established in England, is easily answered to them and to your own thoughts. Kéep you to true principles of Piety, Vertue and Honour, you shall never want a Kingdom. For those who repent of any defects in their duty towards me, as I fréely forgive them, in the word of a Christian King: so I believe, you will find them truly zealous to repay with Interest that Loyalty and Love to you, which was due to me. In summe, What good I intended, do you perform, when God shall give you power. Next, in urging, how long he was under the wing of his Mothers instructions in France (but a few Moneths space at most) and what a Nursery Flanders hath been for him since, which is the most Jesuited place in the world; as his principal reason, to perswade both Papists and Protestants, to believe him sufficiently affected, if not sworn to Popery, as if he had been there educated by his own voluntary election; and not necessitated, yea forced thither by the Army-Officers, and those in late and present power (professing themselves the most zealous Protestants, and eminentest Saints) full sore against his will. The General Council of Army-Officers, in their Remonstrance of Novemb. 20. 1648. presented to the Commons House, as they demanded the King to be brought to speedy Justice; so they propounded, That the Prince, and Duke of York, [Page] might be declared uncapable of any trust or government in this Kingdom, or any Dominions thereunto belonging; and thence to stand Exiled for ever, as Enemies and Traytors, and to die without mercy, if ever taken or found within the same. After his Fathers beheading, when he was called in and crowned King by his Protestant Subjects in Scotland (where he took the Solemn League and Covenant) according to their Oaths, Covenant, Duty, Laws and principles of the reformed Religion; our Republican Grandees and their Gen. Cromwel, by a bloudy, unchristian, unbrotherly invasive war, expelled and kept him out thence and out of England too, and all his other Dominions, by force of arms after the battel of Worcester, Septemb. 3. 1651. From whence he was forced to fly disguised, to save his life, into France; where he landed at Newhaven, Octob. 2. and some weeks after departed into Holland to the Princess of Orange his Sister (a Protestant) residing with her, and other Protestants there, remote from the company and seducements of his Mother, and all Jesuites, Papists that might any wayes seduce him in his religion; living wholly upon the charity of forein Protestants; his own Protestant Subjects then and since swaying, being so stupendiously unjust, uncharitable, as not to allow him or his Brothers one farthing, out of all the Lands and Revenues of his 3. Kingdoms, for their necessary support in forein parts, and making it High Treason for any of his Protestant Subjects to contribute any thing towards their support in this their distressed condition; so conscientiously did they practise these Gospel precepts, Mat. 5. 44, 45. c. 22. 21. Rom. 12. 13, 19, 20, 21. c. 13. 1, to 12. c. 15. 26, 27. 1 Cor. 16. 1. Matt. 25. 34, 35, 36, 37. for which they may justly expect that fatal sentence, v. 40, to 46. Yet not content herewith, to deprive Him, his Brethren, and followers, both of the relief, company, comfort of all their Protestant Friends and Allies in the Netherlands, and force them thence into Popish Quarters, to the hazard of their Souls as well as Lives, exasperate them all against the Protestant Religion, and enforce them (if possible) unto Popery, they engaged [Page] themselves and the English Nation not only in a most unchristian, bloudy, costly, destructive warr with our antient Protestant Brethren of Scotland til they had totally subdued them, but also with our old Protestant allies of the Netherlands, which war continued from Jan. 1651. til April 1654. almost to the ruin of both Nations, & then O. Cromwel concluded a Peace with the Dutch on these terms, (sufficiently evidencing the true ground & end of that bloudy war) That Charls Stuart, with his Brothers, followers, & adherents, should be forthwith banished out of the Low Countries, and none of them permitted to reside there, or return thither again. Upon which, by command from the States, these distressed Exiles were forced to remove into France, much against their wills, having no other place of safety to retire themselves to: where they enjoyed the company of their Mother, and relief of their Popish allies; as likewise the comfortable Christian Society, Charity, assistance of their French Protestant Friends, Churches, Ministers, Ministry, to confirm, edifie them in the Reformed Religion: which Cromwell and their English inveterate Enemies maligning, endeavoured to expell them thence, and by quarrelling with the French, and entring into an intimate League with Cardinal Mazarine, (by the agency of Sir Kenelm Digby a Jesuited Papist) concluded a Peace with France in Novemb. 1655. upon this condition; That Ch. Stuart, with all his brothers, followers, adberents, should be forthwith removed out of France, and all the French Kings Dominions, and not permitted to return or reside therein. Being thus driven out of Holland and France from the Society of all Protestants, they were necessitated sore against their wills, to cast themselves upon the protection and charity of the Spaniard, and fly into Flanders, having no place else to rest their heads, and there to sojourn among Papists and Jesuites in great danger, and extreme necessity; where to their immortal Honour, the Admiration of all true Protestants and Papists too, and the Envy of their Protestant malicious persecutors who forced them thither, they constantly adhere to, and publikely professe the Protestant Religion,[Page]and will not be seduced from it to Popery, notwithstanding the manifold affronts, injuries, provocations, reproaches, persecutions of some of their own Protestant Subjects; their exile from their Protestant Kingdoms, their Protestant Friends in France, Holland, their extreme pressing necessities, and the frequent sollicitations, arguments, perswasions, promises, temptatious of Priests, Jesuites, Papists and Popish Princes, See Militiere his Victory of truth, dedicated to him: & Mutatus Polemo p. 32, 33. to turn Papists, as the only means to regain their rights, and restore Ch. Stuart to his Crowns and Kingdoms. Now that this his forced Exile into France and Flanders by a prevailing party of his own Protestant Subjects, (against all their Oathes, Protestations, Vowes, Covenants, Remonstrances, Declarations, Allegiances, Duties, our Known Laws, the practice of all the primitive Christian, and other Protestant Churches, the principle of Christian Religion, and of our own Protestant Church, both in our Articles, Homilies, Canons, Writers, Liturgies,) and his forced sojourning there amongst Jesuites, Papists, with his grand necessities, of which they have been the only Authors, (to their own eternal infamy, and intollerable scandal, dishonour, shame, reproach of our Protestant Kingdoms, Churches, Religion) enforcing him to cry out with holy King David, (when forced by Saul, and his rebellious Son Absolom out of his Kingdom from Gods Ordinances, among Pagan Idolaters) Ps. 120. 5. Wo is me that I sojourn in Mesech, that I dwell in the tents of Kedar. My soul hath long dwelt with them that hate peace, &c. should be thus objected against him by this rayling Shimei, and the Authors of it, over and over, as a convincing evidence, that he is sufficiently affected, if not sworn to Popery; notwithstanding his open constant avowed profession of the Protestant Religion, to the admiration of the world, the joy of all true Protestants, and Gods great glory as well as his own; and made now a motive to excite his Protestant Subjects (in this juncture of time and revolution of affairs) to take up arms afresh against him, to keep him still in exile amidst Jesuits, Papists, and hinder his restitution to his hereditary Kingdoms, and the benefit of Gods Ordinances among his own Protestant [Page] Subjects for his and their preservation, and of the reformed Religion, now much endangered by intestin wars, the policies of Jesuits, and combination of the Pope, and Popish Princes, to be totally extirpated throughout the world; is not only a most unparalleld piece of malice and calumny, but the very quintessence of Jesuitism, and Jesuitical policy. The rather, because all our Protestant Bishops, Ministers, Martyrs in Queen Maries daies, when imprisoned by her for their Religion (though restored to her Crown, against the usurpations of Queen Jane, a Protestant, by their assistance, and theRerum Anglicarum, Annales, Lond: 1616. p. 3. p. 116. & Mr. Fox, Vol. 3. Suffolk Protestants, quorum propter Religionis causam propensissimus favor Janae adfuturum inde sperabatur;) by their joynt Letter to all their Protestant Brethren, (recorded inActs and Monuments, Vol. 3. p. 101, 102. Mr. Fox,) not only declared Queen Maries open obstinate profession of Popery, to be no just cause in Law or Conscience, to keep her from her hereditary Right to the Crown; but likewise humbly required, and in the bowels of our Lord Jesus Christ beseeched all that feared God, to behave themselves as obedient Subjects to Her Highness, and the Supreme powers ordained under Her; and rather after their example to give their Heads to the block, than in any wise to rebell against the Lords Anointed, Quéen MARY, in no point consenting to any Rebellion or Sedition against Her Highness. Much lesse then ought his slight suggestions of Ch. Stuarts secret inclination to Popery, against his constant avowed profession of Protestantism in the very midst of the most Jesuited Papists, to be any argument at all for his Protestant Subjects not to assist, but to rise up and rebell against him, to keep him from the Crown. 3ly. The extraordinary sottishnesse and infatuation of those Protestants, who will be cheated, seduced by such Jesuitical suggestions, calumnies, as Nedham and others have published of him, touching his inclination to Popery, to withdraw their affections, assistance from him, either to supply his necessities, or restore him, if not to his hereditary Civil Rights, yet at least to the comfortable fruition of Gods Ordinances and Christian Society in our Protestant Churches and Kingdom for his spiritual Consolation [Page] and Salvation. 4ly. The most barbarous infernal matchlesse malice of those degenerated Republican and Army-Saints, professing themselves Stars of the greatest Magnitude in the Protestant Orb, in expelling their undoubted natural hereditary Protestant King, not only out of all his own Protestant Realms & Dominions, but likewise out of Holland and France, where he lived in exile, and had the relief and society of Protestants, into Flanders, the most Jesuited place in the world (as Nedham prints) where are none but Papists; enforcing him there to live upon their alms alone, and keep him there in Exile; on purpose to necessitate him, with his Brothers, followers, adherents, to renounce the Protestant Religion and party, and become professed Papists; to destroy, murder his and their souls and bodies at once; and deprive him of his eternal Crown in heaven, as well as of his temporal Crowns on earth.Jer. 2. 12. Be astonished, ô heavens, and be ye horribly afraid, at this unpresidented Tyranny and Treachery; the highest Malignity of Jesuitism, and express revived Image of the Jesuites design, against his Grandfather King Henry the 4. of France; who shifting his religion, by the Jesuites perswasion to secure his Crown and Life against their malicious designs; was soon after,See the General History of France. Hospinian, & Ludovicus Lucius, Hist. Jesuitica, l. 3. c. 2. Speculum Jesuiticum, p. 75, 80. by their instigation, deprived of both, if not of his eternal Crown; by a stab through his heart, by one of their disciples, though he had bequeathed his heart to them by will, and built them a magnificent College, richly indowed by him with lands and plate. If then Mat. 7. 16, 20. the tree (as Christ himself resolves) may be certainly known by its fruits, we may easily judge, from whence these rotten bitter fruits of Jesuitism originally sprung, and who were the planters of those trees which bear them. But if they cannot effect this infernal design to destroy his Soul and body together; yet they will make use of it to murder his reputation, and render him a suspected, if not a devoted proselyte to Popery, to debarr his return to his Protestant Kingdoms.Jer. 5. 9, 29. And shall not God visit for these sins? Shall not his Soul be avenged on such a Nation as this?

I shall add a 4th Evidence, (I only pointed atTrue & perfect Narrative p. 62. before) worthy special observation; which will fully answer the [Page] late printed Sheet, intituled, A clear Vindication of Roman Catholicks from a foul aspersion cast on them by Mr. Prynne, and Mr. Baxster; as if they made and headed Sects, had a powerful influence upon the Army, in relation to their proceedings against the late King, and Changes, to reduce us under the power of ROME; which the namelesse Author, saith, the chiefest of their Clergy and Laity (with whom he hath spoken) protest to be a black Calumny. Mr. P. and Mr. B. do neither of them charge the Roman Catholicks in general, but only the Jesuites, some of their Priests, Friers, and Iesuitical faction, with these and other like practices, fully charged and proved against them, in Iesuitarum per Ʋnitas Belgii provincias negotiatio, printed 1616. Hospinian, and Ludovicus Lucius, Historia Jesuitica, Speculum Jesuiticum, and others, as well Papists as Protestants. For their heading Sects and the late Quakers, I have divers instances, besides those published, to evidence it; and for their deportment in relation to the Kings death, and the change of our Government, this one instance may satisfie them and others. When the King was executed before Whitehall, Jan. 30. 1648. Mr. Henry Spottesworth riding casually that way just as his head was cut off, espied the Queens Confessor there on Horseback in the habit of a Trooper, drawing forth his sword, and flourishing it over his head in triumph, (as others there did) at this spectacle. At which being much amazed, and being familiarly acquainted with the Confessor, he rode up to him, and said; O Father! I little thought to have found you here, or any of your profession at such a sad spectacle. To which he answered, There were at least forty or more Priests and Iesuites there present on Horseback besides himself; and that one end of his and their coming thither, was, That if the King had died a Roman Catholick he might not want a Confessor, had he desired one. This the Gentleman (now dead) and his Sister (whom the Confessor oft sollicited to turn Papists) within few daies after, and at other times seriously related to a Bencher of Lincolns Inne his familiar acquaintance (who oft reported it to me and others) using it as one chief reason, Why they [Page]refused to turn Papists; and because they also found the Jesuits and Popish Priests both before and after the Kings death, had divers meetings about London, to alter the Government, and disinherit the Kings posterity. Which compared with their releases from Imprisonment, and free liberty they enjoyed, ever since the Kings death til now under the New Republike, whiles divers Protestant Ministers, Gentlemen, Noblemen, and some Members were under close restraints, With the late proviso in the Proclamation of Iuly last (occasioned by my Narrative) for Banishing Iesuites, Priests, and such Cavaliers of the Kings party who had not compounded, (the principal parties aimed at) by the 1. of August, under pain of High Treason: Provided, that if any of them, (Jesuites or Popish Priests,23 Eliz. c. 1. 27 Eliz. c. 2. 1 Jac. c. 4. 3 Jac. c. 5. Traytors by sundry Laws yet in force, as well as Protestant Cavaliers, made Traytors only by this New proclamation, equally ranged with Iesuits, Priests, and only inquired after) should submit themselves to the present Government, and give security for their obedience and peaceable deportment; that this proclamation should not extend unto them; but that they might still continue amongst us. Since which I hear of sundry Protestant Ministers, Gentlemen, Noblemen, and some secluded Members, secured, imprisoned, prosecuted in most Counties, which every Diurnal is fraught with, but not with one Iesuit or Popish Priest yet apprehended, though there be multitudes of them in England. Which New Evidences, compared with those in my Narrative and other publications, will I trust fully satisfie all disinteressed persons in this grand Question, til time shall discover further proofs (as it doth each year) to resolve this controversie, if these be not sufficient. As for 1. Rogers and his Disciples, they deny the Jesuits and Popish party to have any share in our late Changes, because they would monopolize the honor and reward thereof to themselves alone: witnesse this querulous passage to his revived High Court of Parliament, p. 96. We can tell you, that no men in England did more (if so much move, run, write, méet, counsel, pray, sit up night and day to effect your return into the place of Trust where you [Page]now are, than those whom you grieve, slight, frown upon, and do least for, in point of justice, conscience, or encouragement, This is grievous, and must needs prove dangerous to the whole at the last. And p. 119. We have suffered Bonds, banishment, plunderings, perils of life, liberty, estates, 5, or 6. years together, in many prisons one after another; and yet no reparation, restitution, provision, or encouragement, for holding out like Fortresses, against so hard a siege. All this for the Cause, and Commonwealth: worthy of thanks at least, who have béen Instruments of your Restitution: but these are slighted by friends and foes: the Pipers, Dancers, and Devisers of New Forms to trouble us with: that are rather the Incubus than Incumbents of a Frée-State. If this his Complaint be true, it is either a just punishment of God upon him and them for their Innovations, Prov. 24. 21, 22. or an Evidence, the Jesuits and Romanists had a greater share and activity in the Cause, and our Changes, than He and his. Wee, which makes them so much slighted, and them in greater favor than before.

The last Question, Question 6. professedly handled by Nedham, obliquely by Rogers, (the substance of both their Pamphlets) is this, which concerns me as an English Freeman briefly to debate; that the World may judge, whether I and other secluded Members be soRogers, p. 6. 10, 37, 38, 119. Nedham, p. 32, &c. Bedlam-mad, or such Breakers of our Trusts, and Enemies to the publike, as they scandalously report us.

Whether our old hereditary Kingly Government, and restitution thereof to the Right Heir; or late, yet unformed, revived Commonwealth, and future establishment thereof, to prevent a Relapse to Kingship and Kingly Government, be Englands true publike Interest, as Men or Christians?

What I formerly alleged in my Speech and Memento 1648. Anatomy and Narrative 1659. in defence of Kings and Kingly Government, and the mischiefs of a Republike, (to which these Antagonists have not answered one syllable) is sufficient to resolve this Question: I shall only adde thereto by way of Supplement,

1. In the affirmative: That the restitution and preservation [Page]of our old hereditary Kingly Government by Common consent (especially upon the substance of the late Kings large Concessions in the Isle of Wight) is the only true publike Interest of England, both as Men and Christians: As Men,

1. Because it is that form of Government which all our Predecessors in this Island, whether Britons, Saxons, Danes, Normans, English have constantly embraced, continued, maintained, (as all ourSee Gildas, Beda, Aethelred, Mat. Westminster, Geoffry Monmouth, Wigorniensis, Malmsbury, Huntingdon, Hoveden, Matt. Paris, Walsingham, Simeon Dunelmensis, Brompton, Knyghton, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, Fox, Baker, Cambdens Britannia. Historians assert) from its first plantation by Brute, till 1648. (except during their sore bondage under the Roman Emperors and their Deputies) in all publique changes, revolutions, as the best, safest, freest, happiest, universallest, antientest, honorablest, durablest, divinest, least inconvenient, least oppressive, and most agreeable to the temper, welfare, desires, liberties of the people, of all other forms of Government whatsoever.

2. Because all our Great Councils, Parliaments in all ages (as their proceedings, Acts, Canons, and Writs of Summons attest) have constantly maintained, continued, established, defended Kings and Kingly Government, as their only publike Interest, wherein the unity, peace, wealth, welfare, safety, liberty, property, and hereditary succession of all the Subjects and their posterity in their Lands and Inheritances 25 H, 8, c. 22. 1 Eliz. c. 1, 3, 4. 5 Jac. c. 1, 2. with the Acts in the Narrative, p. 91, 92. most principally and specially, above all other wordly things, consist and rest: whereupon they have most carefully and vigilantlySee Rastal Treason, Crown, Provision, & Praemunire, Rome, Recusants. provided for the security of the Kings royal person, succession, heirs, successors, the rights, privileges, jurisdictions, prerogatives, lands, revenues of the Crown, and Kingly Government, against all Treasons, conspiracies, insurrections, rebellions, attempts whatsoever to destroy, disinherit, suppresse, alter, subvert, impair them, or any of them, by sundry successive Acts of Parliament, sacred Solemn Oathes, Obligations, Securities of all kinds, in all ages, till 1648. and the last Parliament of Kings Charls (whereof most now sitting were Members) by more solemnSee An Exact Collection, and Collection of them, My Speech, Memento, Prynne the Member reconciled to Prynne the Barrester, The Good Old Cause truly stated. printed Oaths, Protestations, Vows, National Leagues, Covenants, Petitions, Votes, Remonstrances, Declarations, Ordinances, than any or all precedent Parliaments whatsoever, as I have elswhere proved at large, and the imprisoned and secluded Members too in their Vindication.

[Page] 3ly. Because the manifold incessant intestine and forein Wars, Insurrections, Tumults, Divisions, Factions, Revolutions, Alterations, Subversions of Governments, Parliaments, Republikes, Legal Processe, proceedings; the unconstant fluctuating condition of our State and Civil affairs, the intollerable doubled, trebled, quadrupled Taxes, Excises, Imposts, Militiaes, and other Exactions (amounting under our former and present Free State to one intire subsidy every week in the year, when as our former publike Taxes under our Kings, exceeded not usually one subsidy or fifteen in 2. or 3. years space) the infinite unspeakable Oppressions, Rapines, Plunders, Sequestrations, Confiscations, Forfeitures of our Offices, Lands, Estates; Imprisonments, close Imprisonments, Confinements, Banishments, illegal Restraints, Executions of our persons, ransacking of our Houses, Studies, Writings, and other grievances, outrages, violences we have suffred by Unparliamentary Conventicles, arbitrary tyrannical Committees, new High Courts of Injustice, Army-Officers, Souldiers, Sequestrators, Excise-men, and other Instruments of Oppression; the Sales, dissipations of all the Crown Lands, Rents, and standing publick Revenues of our 3. kingdoms, which should defray the ordinary expences of the Government; of Bishops, Deans, Chapters, and many thousands of Delinquents lands, estates, woods, timber, without any abatement of publike Taxes; the impoverishment, destruction of most of the antient Nobility, Gentry, Corporations throughout our 3. Realms; the infinite decay of all sorts of Trade by Land and Sea, of publick and private justice, truth, honesty, integrity, charity, amity, civil society, hospitality, neighbourhood, friendship; the inundation of all sorts of vices, treachery, perjury, hypocrisie, cheating, lying, dissimulation, subornation of perjury, false accusations, forcible ejectments, detainers, robberies, murders, treasons, destruction of Houses, Timber, Parks, Woods, Ponds, Forests, with other miseries tending to publike desolation, we have felt, suffred, groaned under, without intermission, or any hopes or probability of redresse; [Page] with sundry other incroachments upon the City and Country in the Freedom of their Elections of Mayors, Aldermen, Officers, Knights, Citizens, Burgesses; and the frequent securing, secluding of Parliament Members, & forces upon Parliaments themselves to interrupt, dissolve them ever since the abolishing of our Kings, Kingly Government, the erection of a pretended Free State, or Commonwealth, and prologues thereunto; compared with Judges 17. 6, &c. c. 18. 1, &c. c. 21. 25. Ezech. 19. 12, 13, 14. c. 21. 27. c. 29. 14, 15. Hos. 3. 4. c. 10. 3, 7, 15. Are an infallible, experimental, sensible evidence, and demonstration, that Kings and Kingly Government are Englands true, only publike interest, as Men.

That it is so, as Christians, is apparent:

1. By Gods own promise to his Church and people under the Gospel:Isay 49. 23. c. 60. 3, 10, 11. That KINGS shall be their nursing Fathers, and QUEENS their nursing Mothers; more particularly ps. 72. 10, 11. Isa. 42. 4, 12. c. 51. 5. c. 60. 3. 9, 10. c. 66. 19. KINGS OF THE ISLES, (chiefly verified of our Island, as I have evidenced in my Narrative, p. 84. and Sir Henry Spelman in his Councils, and Epistle to them) and none other kinde of Governors expressed by name, but they, in sacred Writ.

2. By the 1 Tim. 2. 1, 2, 3. I exhort therefore, that First of all supplications, prayers, intercessions, and thanksgivings be made for all men; for KINGS, and for all in eminent places (under them) that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty; for this is good, and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour: Compared with Ezra 6. 10. c. 7. 23. Jer. 9. 7. Which duty of making Supplicatious, prayers, intercessions for Kings and Emperors, whether Pagan or Christian, Heterodox or Orthodox, Protectors or Persecutors, the Churches, Christians & Saints of God in all ages, places, kingdoms have constantly & conscientiously practised, as their Interest, and the principal means prescribed by God himself, for their quiet, peace, good, welfare, safety, prosperity, increase in godlinesse, honesty, and well-pleasing unto God their Saviour (whose Ps. 63. 3. loving kindnesse is better to them than life, and their greatest felicity) as I intend to evidence in a particular [Page] Treatise. Neither hath the Church and people of England been inferior to any others in this duty, as I could abundantly evidence by ancient Canons, Missals, Processionals, Liturgies, theCl. 22 E. 1. dors. 10, 11. Cl. 24 E. 1. d. 8. 10. Cl. 27 E. 1. d. 7. Cl. 32 E. 1. d. 7. 16. Cl. 34 E. 1. d. 9. 16. Cl. 35 E. 1. d. 9. 15, 17. Clause Rolls in the Tower, and other testimonies, with the praiers used at our Kings Coronations before the Reformation of Religion, which I pretermit, and shall give you only a brief touch of their loyalty and practice since we became Protestants. At the respective Coronations of King Edward the 6. King James, and King Charles, there were sundry excellent servent Prayers and supplications powred out to God with ardent affections on their behalfs: wherein all the Prelates, Clergy, Nobility, Gentry, people present at this solemnity prayed frequently for the KINGS long life, health, wealth, honor, safety, prosperous reign, victory over all his Enemies, increase of all royal graces, Liber Regalis. Ms. The Breef of the Rites & Prayers used at the Kings Coronation Ms. vertues, for all temporal, spiritual blessings, and eternal glory in heaven, &c. to be abundantly powred forth upon his own royal person; and likewise for the increase and succession of his royal posterity in the throne in all ages, in these ensuing words in 3. several praiers. Establish him in the Throne of this Realm, Visit him with increase of children, that his children may be Kings to rule this Kingdom by succession of all Ages. Let the Blessings of him that appeared in the bush descend upon his head, and the fulness of his blessings fall upon his children and posterity. Let his horn be exalted as the horn of a Ʋnicorn, by which he may scatter his enemies from the face of the earth. The Lord which sitteth in heaven be his Defender for ever and ever, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. After sundry such prayers and his Coronation, all the Spiritual & Temporal Lords present kneel down and do their Homage to him in these words. I become your Man, and shall be faithfull and true, and troth bear unto you our Soveraign Lord, and to your heirs Kings of England, of life and limb, and of earthly worship, against all men that now live and die. And I shall do and truly knowledge the service of the Lands which I claim to hold of you, So God help me. All of them kissing the Kings left cheek.

[Page] The Homage being ended, they all touch the Crown with their hands, by way of Ceremony, as promising to support it with all their power. Which done, they All holding up their hands together, in token of their Fidelity, with one voyce on their knees say, We offer to sustein and defend you and your Crown with our Lives, lands and goods against all the world: and with one voyce cry, God save King CHARLES. Which all the people follow with reiterated shouts and acclamations. After the Coronation of every King, and of our last King Charles, in all Churches, Chapels, and religious Families throughout his Dominions, and in both Houses of Parliament every day they sate (as well after as before the wars) constant publique and private prayers, were continually made to like effect for Him and His royal posterity, as the Liturgy, Collects in the Book of Common Prayer, the Directory it self, the Practice of Piety, and other Prayer-books prescribing forms of Prayer for private persons and Families morning and evening, and every mans experience attest; yea such was our zeal and devotion in this kinde, that most persons concluded all their Graces before and after meat, with this prayer, or the like in effect, God save his Church, our King, Prince, the Royal issue and Realms; God send us peace in Christ our Lord, Amen. As being Englands true Interest both as Men and Christians. How can, how dare we then unpray, renounce, abjure, engage, subscribe, vote, fight against all those publike, private prayers, Graces we thus constantly, fervently made to God for sundry years together, and the Oathes, Homage, Fealty, Protestation, Solemn League and Covenant we successively swore in the name, presence of Almighty God, with hands and hearts lifted up to him, by praying, engaging, subscribing, voting, fighting against the Kings right Heir, Successor, and Royal Issue, and banishing, dishinheriting, renouncing, abjuring, secluding them out of all our Churches, Prayers, Realms for ever, to set up an Ʋtopian Republike, withoutGal. 6. 7. mocking God himself to his very face, willfully violating this Evangelical precept, contradicting the practice of all the Churches, [Page] Saints of God in all ages, places, yea disclaiming Englands publike with our own private Interest, and forfeiting our own eternal Interest in heaven, as we are Saints and Christians? I beseech all Christian Englishmen in the name and fear of God, most seriously to consider and lay it close to their consciences, without delay, and examin how they can justifie, excuse it either to God or man.

3ly. By the extraordinary inundation, growth, increase of all sorts of Blasphemies, Heresies, Errors, Religions, Sects, Atheism, Irreligion, prophanesse, contempt, rejection, denial of Gods word, Sacraments, Ministers, Ordinances, Prayer, singing of Psalms, Catechising, repetition of Sermons, Apostacy, Lukewarmnesse, Hypocrisie, Perjury, Spiritual and outward pride, effeminacy, luxury, whoredom, incest, hypocrisie, formality, envy, hatred, malice, back-biting, slandering, sacrilege, libertinism, covetousness, oppression, cruelty, all sorts of sins and wickednesses whatsoever. The strange decay, decrease of true real Christian zeal, piety, devotion, saith, love, charity, brotherly kindnesse, heavenly-mindednesse, contempt of the world, fear of Gods threatnings, judgements, and all other Christian graces, virtues: substractions of Ministers Tithes, Dues, Glebes, Rewards, Pensions, Benefices, Augmentations; scorned, reviled, railed against, disturbed, persecuted by Sectaries, Quakers, sequestred, suspended, ejected, silenced by Arbitrary Committees, as meer Tenants at will of their Ministry and Freeholds, ever since the abolishing of Kings, their Nursing-Fathers, by those various Step-Fathers, and Plunderers of the Church and Ministers who have hitherto succeeded them, and given publike toleration, protection to all Religions, Sects, Seducers, almost to the total extirpation of the true Orthodox Reformed Religion throughout our Dominions.

To this I shall adde, that as there neither is nor can be any possible ease, or cure of dislocated, fractured joints, bones, limbs in the natural body, nor restitution of health and soundnesse to it by any unguents, cerots, balms, bolsters or artifices whatsoever, but only by the timely, speedy [Page] restitution of every bone, joynt, member to its proper place, and keeping them therein by strong astringent medicaments and ligaments: So all our new State-physicians, Chirurgions,See their Declaration, May 6. 1659. Politicians, Councils at Westminster, Whitehall, or in the Army, with all their art, skill, for near 12. years space together, by all their New-projected models of Republikes, Parliaments, Governments since the abolishing Kings and Kingship, could not hitherto ease, cure, or restore to health, the inverted, broken bodies of our Church, State, (which have grown every year more and more consumptive, convulsive, decrepit, incurable, disquieted, tormented, and lie now at the very point of death, under all their several applications, as we feel by sad experience) because they have not endeavoured to restore the fractured, dislocated chief Members, bones, joynts thereof to their proper places, but laboured all they could to keep and put them further out; When as there neither is nor can be any probable or possible way of restoring ease, health, soundnesse, safety, prosperity to them, but by a speedy restauration of their lawfull hereditary Head, and Noblest Members to their due places, offices in them. This consideration, not only the secured and secluded Members made the ground-work of their premised Vote, Decemb. 5. 1648. upon the long Debate; but likewise both Houses, Kingdoms, and those now sitting together with them, the basis of their Protestation, League, Covenant, Petitions to, and Treaties with the late King, and of these two Memorable Protestations, Passages in theirExact Collection, p. 663, 664, 695, 696, See p. 631, 632 633. 641, to 645, 657, 658. Declarations of October 22. and Novemb. 2. 1642. worthy consideration. We the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament assembled, do in the presence of Almighty God, for the satisfaction of our Consciences, and the Discharge of that great trust which lies upon us, make this Protestation and Declaration to the Kingdom and Nation, and the whole World; That no private passion or respect, no evil intention to his Majesties person, no design to the prejudice of his Just Honor and Authority, engaged us to raise forces, or take take up Arms against the Authors of this war, wherewith the Kingdom is now enflamed, and We[Page]have alwaies destred from our hearts and souls, manifested in our astions and proceedings, and in several humble Petitions and Remonstrances to his Majesty, professed our Loyalty and obedience to his Crown, readiness and resolution to defend his Person and support his Estate with our lives and fortunes to the uttermost of our power: And by our loyal affections, actions and advice lay a sure and lasting foundation of the greatness and prosperity of his Majesty, and his royal posterity in future time. Mark their reason: For though the happiness of this and all other Kingdoms dependeth chiefly upon God; Yet we acknowledge that it doth so mainly depend upon His Majesty and the Royal Branches of that Root, that as we have heretofore, so we shall hereafter esteem no hazard too great, no reproach too vile, but that we shall willingly go through the one, and undergo the other, that we and the whole Kingdom may enjoy that happiness, which we cannot in an ordinary way of providence expect from any other Fountain or Streams than those from whence (were the poyson of evil Counsels once removed from about them) we doubt not but we and the whole Kingdom should be satisfied most abundantly. The PhilosopherDe Clementia, l. 1. c. 3, 4. Seneca asserts, That all Nations are most ready not only to guard and defend their King, though old or decrepit, but to preserve his life with the hazard of thousands of their own; not out of any basenesse or frenzie, but because it is their own interest and safety. Ille est enim vinculum per quod Respublica cohaeret; ille spiritus vitalis, quem haec tot millia trahunt, nihil ipsa per se futura, nisi onus & praeda, si mens illa imperii subtrahatur.

—

Virgil. Georg. l. 2.

Rege incolumi mens omnibus una;

Amisso rupêre fidem:

Hic casus Romanae (I may add Anglicae) pacis exitium erit, hic tanti fortunam populi in ruinas aget. Tamdiu ab illo periculo aberit hic populus, quamdiu sciat ferre fraenos: quos si aliquando abruperit, vel aliquo casu discussos reponi sibi passus non erit, haec unitas, et hic maximi Imperii contextus in partes multas dissiliet, idemque huic urbi Dominandi finis erit, qui parendi[Page]fuerit. (which we have found true by sad experience) Ideo Principes, Regésque non est mirum amari ultra privatas etiam necessitudines. Nam si sanis hominibus publica privatis potiora sunt; sequitur, ut is quoque carior sit, in quem se Respublica convertit. Olim enim ita se induit Reip: Caesar ut diduci alterum non possit sine utriusque pernicie: nam ut illi viribus opus est, ita et huic capite. Therefore let Nedham, Rogers, or other Pseudo-politicians scrible what they please, to flatter any prevalent, ambitious, covetous faction or Grandees whatsoever, yet if all our antient Parliaments, Lords, Commons, Seneca, our own experience, God himself, or Solomon the wisest of men, of Kings, may be credited (Prov. 24. 21. c. 28. 2. Eccles 8, 2, 3. c. 12, 13. Hos. 10. 3, 7. Hab. 1. 10, 14, 15. Ezech. 37. 19, to 28. Zach. 9. 9. Lam 4. 20.) there is no other probable, safe, speedy way to prevent our ruine, cloze up our breaches, settle our Church, State upon lasting foundations, and recover their pristine honor, wealth, peace, unity, prosperity, but by restoring our hereditary King and Kingship, the real Interest of all England, and of Scotland and Ireland too, both as Men and Christians: which we ought in prudence, justice, conscience, dutie, pietie, loyaltie, now zealously, constantly, unanimously to pursue against all contradictions, oppositions of any private persons, parties self-interests whatsoever: who if they had any true fear of God, any conscience of their former Oathes, Protestations, Vows, Covenants, Declarations, Remonstrances, any Loyaltie to their hereditarie King, any bowels of compassion or cordial affection to their Native Countries peace, safety, ease, settlement, or zeal to the Reformed Religion, would like that heroick publike spirited Pagan Roman EmperorSuetonius, Tacitus, Eutropius, plutarch, & Grimston in his life. Otho, chuse rather to make a voluntary sacrifice of themselves and all their usurped power (as he did, against all the dissuasions of his Army, Soldiers, Friends, relinquishing the Empire to Vitellius his competitor) than imbroil the Empire and Romans any longer in bloudy destructive wars, not against Hannibal, Pyrrhus, or any other common Enemies of Rome, but against the Romans themselves, wherein both the Conquerors and [Page]conquered did but weaken, ruine and destroy their own Country, Nation by their contests, and make themselves a derision, prey to their forein Enemies: as our Grandees do now.

For the Negative; That the late revived yet unformed Commonwealth, and its future establishment, to prevent a Relapse to Kingly Government, neither is, nor can be Englands true interest as men or Christian, is evident by the premises: and these ensuing Reasons.

1. It never was once in imagination or projection of the Parliament or Army, before the year 1648. but only of the Jesuites, Campanella, and our Spanish, French, Popish adversaries, purposely to ruine our Protestant Kings, Kingdom, Religion.

2. It was professedly disclamed, Exact Collection, p. 657, 658, 695, 696. See my Speech, p. 80, 81, 101, 102, 103. voted, declared against, as Treasonable, and destructive to the being of Parliaments and fundamental Government of the Kingdom (when objected by the Kings party, 1642. and propounded to the House by the Levellers and Agitators) by both Houses of Parliament and the General Council of Officers in the Army: in June, July, August, November 1647.

3. The Commonwealth contested for as Englands Interest, is as yet but only Ens in potentia, or meer Chaos, Ovid Metamorph. lib. 1. rudis indigestaque moles; Gen. 1. 2. without form and void, and darkness is upon the face of it; the chief Sticklers for it, being not yet accorded what kinde of creature it shall be; and much divided both in their debates, judgements, affections, opinions concerning it: Some would have it to be anRogers Concertation, p. 62, 70, &c. Aristocraty, others a Democraty, many a Theocraty, some an Oligarchy; Many are for a Roman, some for an Athenian, others for a Lacedemonian, not a few for a Ʋenetian, another partie for a Helvetian, or Dutch Commonwealth. Some for a vast body with two heads; others for a head with two bodies; a third sort, for a body without any head: printing against each others models with much eagerness. Now that such an Individuum vagum, rude Chaos, and Commonwealth as this, not yet agreed upon, should be Englands Interest, and THE GOOD OLD CAUSE, as Rogers, Nedham, Harrington, and others would make men believe, is not only a Fancy, [Page] but Frenzy to assirm; seeing Englands Interest was ever in being since it was a Kingdom, and their Ʋtopian Republike like the Chymists Philosophers-stone, never yet in esse, but in fieri, or fancy at the most, and a meer NEW NOTHING, as their Mercuries inform us.

4ly. The late unshaped, revived Commonwealth and pretended Free State, at its first erection, like a prodigious All devouring, unsatiable Monster, raised our monethly contributions, from 30. to one hundred, and sixscore thousand pounds contribution each moneth, and since its new revival hath raised a whole years tax upon our exhausted purses in 3. Months space, and then imposed no lesse than one hundred thousand pounds each Moneth, in lieu of the former 35 thousand; besides Excises, Customs, New intollerable Militiaes, amounting to thrice as much more: Besides it consumed all the Crown-lands, Church-lands, & publike Revenues of our 3. Kingdoms, with thousands of Delinquents estates, all alienated, dissipated, being more expensive, oppressive, wastefull to our Nation in ten years space, than all our Kings since the Norman Conquest, or Saxon line; only to make us greater slaves to our late Mercinary Army, Servants, & Fellow Subjects, than ever we were to our beheaded King, or any of his roial predecessors, whose 2 Chron. 10. 10. loyns were nothing so heavy, as their little finger; chastising us with Scorpions in new arbitrary, tyrannical Committees, High Courts of Justice, and other exorbitant Judicatures; when as our Kings corrected us but with rods. It hath subverted our Kings, Parliaments, Peers, Laws, Liberties, Properties, Great Charters, legal Courts, Writs, Seals, Commissions, Judges, Justices, Sheriffs, Officers, Coyns, Government; destroyed our publike and private wealth, Trade, Unitie, Amitie, Peace, Timber, Palaces, Woods, Shipping, and many thousands of our gallantest Sea-men, Land-men, by bloudy wars with our Protestant Brethren, Allies, and brought us to the very brink of ruin in all our Civil Concernments, as Men. As Christians, by its toleration, fomentation of Sects, Heresies of all sorts, it hath shaken, undermined in a great measure, the very Deitie of God the [Page] Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost, the Trinitie of Persons and Unitie in the Godhead; the Authoritie, Divinitie of the Scriptures; all the Articles of the Creed, the Sacraments, Ministers and Ministrie of the Gospel; the Fabricks of many, the Freeholds of all, the maintenance of most of our Churches, Ministers, all now meer Tenants at sufferance, and removable, sequestrable, taxable at our Republican Grandees pleasures, yea their new Heralds, Baylifs to proclame in Chnrches whatever they prescribe, under pain of ejectment or their heaviest indignation. In brief, the introduction of our unshaped Republike by Perjurie, Treacherie, Violence, bloud, fraud, Injustice, destruction of our Protestant Kings, Lords, Parliaments, hath made many zealous professors of Religion Jesuites in their policies, principles, practises,Titus 1. 16. 2 Pet. 2. 1. Jude 4. Atheists in their works; Christ himself and the Gospel (as the Atheistical Pope esteemed them) a meer Fable, in the repute of many, yea the Protestant Religion, a meer seminary of Treason, Rebellion, Sedition, Hypocrisie, Perjury, Disloyalty, Villany, Ataxy, Antimonarchy; and the zealous Professors of it, the meer firebrands of Rebellion, Sedition, high Treason against their Soveraigns, in the estimation ofCornelius Cornelii Praefatio in Minores Prophetas. Militiere his Victory of Truth. See my Narrative, p. 55. Foreign Jesuits, Papists, and Popish Princes; who endeavour their total extirpation throughout the world as such. And can it be then Englands true Interest, as Men or Christians?

5. J. Rogers himself (the Grand Champion for the Good Old Cause and Commonwealth) in his Concertation, p. 100, 103, 104, 116, 117. informs us; That Commonwealths are alwayes subject to frequent changes and alterations, every one more oppressive, tyrannical, cruel, bloudy, prejudicial, destructive to the peoples Liberties, properties, lives, than the others; instancing in the Romans, and Athenians, which committed the greatest outrages upon the people, being little better than a daily Massacre of the most eminent Worthies, and Hangmen, Tormentors of the Commons; Which Vicissitudes, Alterations, proved the Athenians utter destruction, and may be a fair warning to us; because the Causes of such mutations, are the most dangerous Commotions, which tend to the Ruine of All; as he proves out [Page]of Aristotle, Polit. l 5. c. 1. for prevention whereof he prescribes 12 Considerations, unable to cure the fluctuating uncertain state and mischief of a Commonwealth; of which we have already had, and shall sodenly have again sufficient experience. And can a Commonwealth then be Englands present or future Interest in any sence?

In brief, as it is the beautie, safety, interest of every natural living body, whether of men, beasts, fowls, fishes, or creeping things to have only one head to govern, one Soul to animate it by Gods own most divine and wise institution; a two-headed bodie being an unnatural uselesse Monster, and a double-souled man, creature, unstable in all his wayes, Jam. 1. 8. So it is the safetie, beautie, interest, ligament of every Politick bodie whatsoever. Hence we find not only in all Monarchies, but in all Republikes themselves, one Master over every Family, one Mayor over every City, one Rector over every College, School, Hospital, Fraternitie; one Sheriff over every County, one Governor over every Province, one Rector over every Parish Church and Congregation, as there is butEzech. 37. 23. Ephes. 4. 4, 5, 6. 1 Cor. [...]. 4. 6. one King, Lord, Head, Mediator Jesus Christ, over the Catholike Church; one Pilot over every ship, one Admiral in chief over every Fleet; and in Armies themselves, one General and Chief Commander over every Army, Brigade, Partie; one Colonel over every Regiment; one Captain over every Companie, Troop, one Governor over every Fort, Garison both abroad and at home; a Pluralitie of Lords, Masters, Generals, Governours, Rectors, &c. being alwaies in all and every of these not only dangerous, troublesom, inconvenient, chargable, but distractive and destructive too, as all Ages, Nations have concluded from reason and experience. Therefore, a Monarchical, hereditarie Kingly Government (let Rogers, Nedham, and our Innovating frantick Republicans prate what they will) must be Englands true and only Interest, honor, safety, felicity, both as Men and Christians, so long as there shall be butGen. 1. 16. Ps. 136. 8. one Sun in the heavens to rule the day, and one Moon the night, Monarchy and One-nesse being the only Ground, ligament of Peace, Unity, Safety both in Church & [Page] State; but Polarchie the cause of ruin, confusion; as God only wise resolves against all brain-sick Novellers, Ephes. 4. 3, 4, 5, 6, 1 Cor. 8. 6. c. 12. 4, 5, 6, 11, to 31. Pro. 28. 2. Isay 19. 2, 3. c. 9. 19, 20, 21. Ezech. 37. 22, to 28. 1 Kings 14. 30. c. 15. 7. 16.

Let this last Question be now put to all the Freemen of the English Nation and of Scotland, Ireland too) whom it all alike concerns, and theIn their Agreement of the people, & Declaration 20, Novemb. 1648. Army with thoseJan. 6. 1648. now sitting, have formerly voted, TO BE THE ONLY SUPREME AUTHORITY OF THE NATION, and themselves to be but their Servants, not their Soveraigns, and therefore cannot in reason, justice, conscience deny them, or any of them the freedom of their voices herein, in the present juncture of our affairs; and then I dare pawn my reputation, life, against my Antagonists, I shall have above a thousand voices concurring with me, to one, consenting with them: And having both Vox Populi, and Vox Dei too, thus suffragating with me, in the Supreme universal Parliament of all English Freemen without the House, I hope no private Persons, not commissioned by the peoples free elections, will presume to contradict or repeal their Major Vote, within the Commons House, though they have thrice secluded me out of it by armed guards, before any legal Accusation, trial or conviction whatsoever, from pleading of this their publike cause therein: which I wholly submit to their Universal Censure and Decision, till we can gain a full and free, much-desired legal Parliament in both houses, to resolve this doubt, which Gods wonder working Providence, I trust will ere long effect, by dashing the Army and their new Juncto sudainly in pieces against each other, and turning them all out of dores, with greater contempt, violence, hatred, dissipation than before, April 20. 1653. It being a principle in Law, Policy, Nature; Eodem modo quo quid constituitur, dissolvitur, and a just Judgement of God, to cast them out of the House, for their most treasonable Ʋsurpation of a Regal and Parliamental power over the whole three Kingdoms, and secluding the majority of their fellow Members against all Rules [Page] of Law, Justice, Conscience, the Rights, Privileges of Parliament, and their former Protestation, League, Covenant, Remonstrances, by the self-same Army-Officers, who secluded them by their confederacie; and now have called them in again, for the ends recited in my Narrative; Which if they refuse to prosecute, at the Armies and Sectaries instigation, John Rogers his scurrilous Passages and Queres, against the old secluded Members, p. 7, 38, 39, &c. and Nedhams large Justification of their former seclusion, upon false, irrational, Jesuitical Principles, will sufficiently animate them to thrust their Masters out of doors, uppon the self-same reasons and false pretences he allegeth for that seclusion, with their approbation; yea Rogers his discontented Passages forecited (p. 46, 47.) threaten some sudden approaching storm and ejection to them which they shall not escape;

—Nec enim Lex justior ulla

Quam necis artifices arte perire suâ.

So that all the surviving re-secluded Members, and our oppressed wearied Nations shall ere long once more have cause to say and sing with the Kingly Prophet, Ps. 9. 15, 16. The Heathen are sunk down in the pit that they made; in the net which they hid, is their own foot taken. The Lord is known by the judgement which he executeth, the wicked is snared in the works of his own hands. Haggaion. Selah.

Swainswick, Sept. 23. 1659.

FINIS.

§

§

[Page]

A Brief Necessary VINDICATION Of the Old and New SECLUDED MEMBERS, from the false malicious CALVMNIES; AND Of the Fundamental Rights, Liberties, Privileges, Government, Interest of the Freemen, Parliaments, People of England, from the late avowed Subversions

1. Of John Rogers, in his Un-christian Concertation with Mr. Prynne, and others.

2. Of M: Nedham, in his Interest will not lie.

Wherein the true Good Old Cause is asserted, the false routed; The old secluded Members cleared from all pretended breach of trust; The old Parliament proved to be totally dissolved by the Kings death; The sitting Juncto to be no Parliament and speedily to be dissolved by the Army-Officers; The Oathes of Supremacy, Allegiance, Fealty to the King, his Heirs and Successors, to be still binding, continuing: The New Commonwealth to be the Iesuites Project; Ch. Stewart not sworn to Popery, as Nedham slanders him; The restitution of our Hereditary King and Kingly Government, not an Vtopian Republike, evidenced beyond contradiction to be Englands true Interest both as Men and Christians; and the only way to peace, safety, settlement. By WILLIAM PRYNNE of Swainswick Esq a Bencher of Lincolns-Inne.

Jer. 51. 9, 10.

We would have healed (ENGLISH) BABYLON, but she would not be healed; forsake her, and let us go every one to his own Country; for her judgement reacheth unto heaven, and is lifted up even to the skies: The Lord hath brought forth our righteousness; come and let us declare in Zion, the work of the Lord our God.

Ps. 63. 11.

But the mouth of them that speak Lies shall be stopped.

London, Printed, and are to be sold by Edward Thomas at the Adam and Eve in Little Britain, 1659.

ERRATA.

COurteous Reader, correct these Errors at the Press by means of the Authors absence in the Country. Page 2. l. 5, 6. often distilling, r. against all disserting, l. 6. his, an, p. 9. l. 10. r. who yet continued, p. 11. l. 32. r. 1653. p. 13. l. [...]0. it. r. them, p. 16. l. 4. therefore, whereupon, l. 18. stronger, r. stranger, p. 17. l. 2. cause, r. course. p. 19. l. 6. r. Barclay and the very Jesuites, l. 9. & 22. this Jesuits, r. the Iesuites. He speaks, they speak, p. 21. l. 20. in, l. 22. retained, p. 22. l. 37. being r. over, p. 31. l. 10. disowned, l. 12. Thus, that, l. 21. and, but, p. 34. l. 9. seeming, r. surviving, p. 31. l. 3. Volumes, Vollies, p. 35. l. 2. up, us, p. 38. l. 14. r. Jesuites and Barclay p. 37. l. 7. jugalarunt.

Information about this book

Title statement

A brief necessary vindication of the old and new secluded Members, from the false malicious calumnies; and of the fundamental rights, liberties, privileges, government, interest of the freemen, parliaments, people of England, from the late avowed subversions 1. Of John Rogers, in his un-christian concertation with Mr. Prynne, and others. 2. Of M: Nedham, in his Interest will not lie. Wherein the true good old cause is asserted, the false routed; ... / By William Prynne of Swainswick Esq; a bencher of Lincolns-Inne.

Prynne, William, 1600-1669.

Edition statement

1659

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A91153

ID [STC]

Wing P3913

ID [STC]

Thomason E772_2

ID [STC]

ESTC R203220

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

99863260

ID [PROQUEST]

99863260

ID [VID]

115450

Availability

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Series

Early English books online.

Notes

(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A91153)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 115450)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 118:E772[2])

Source

— A brief necessary vindication of the old and new secluded Members, from the false malicious calumnies; and of the fundamental rights, liberties, privileges, government, interest of the freemen, parliaments, people of England, from the late avowed subversions 1. Of John Rogers, in his un-christian concertation with Mr. Prynne, and others. 2. Of M: Nedham, in his Interest will not lie. Wherein the true good old cause is asserted, the false routed; ... / By William Prynne of Swainswick Esq; a bencher of Lincolns-Inne., Prynne, William, 1600-1669..

Extent

[2], 62 p.

Printed, and are to be sold by Edward Thomas at the Adam and Eve in Little Britain,. London, :: 1659.. (In part a reply to: Rogers, John. Diapoliteia.) (Annotation on Thomason copy: "9ber [i.e. November] 7.".) (Reproduction of the original in the British Library.)

Creation

Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford.

Editorial practices

EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO.

EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org).

The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source.

Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data.

Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so.

Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor.

The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines.

Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements).

Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site.