THE Citie Representative; as it is made up, and chosen by the Citie collective; so should it act for the good of the same; but it is more common then commen­dable, for men betrusted with other mens good, to behave themselves to their trustees hurt.

There are foure cases wherein the City collective is not bound to the City representative, but ought in duty to dissent from it, if not to protest against it.

1. When the City representative acts in a direct, evident, and obvious manner, against the expresse will and word of God.

2. When in the like plaine, and direct manner, it acts a­gainst the apparent welfare, peace, and good of the Kingdome.

[Page] 3. When it acts after the same manner against the proper end of its own being, the Cities welfare.

4. When it acts beyond the bounds, limits, and extents ap­pointed, to the endangering of all its immunities and free­domes.

All which granted (as cannot be denied) the serious exami­nation of the late Remonstrance and City Petition presented to the Parliament, May 26. 1646. by the Citie representative, yeelds matter & reason sufficient for our utter dislike of, if not protestation against the same, & that will appear if we consider,

First, the Narrative and Remonstrative part of it.

Secondly, the Prayer or Petitionary part of it.

Thirdly, the probable tendency, & dangerous effects of both. First, for the Narative and Remonstrative part of it.

First, we observe the Phrase, Stile, and Dialect thereof, car­rying a full compliance with his Majesties wonted Declarations against the Parliament, and (as if indeed) drawn up by the same hand, framed by the same head, insinuating into the peo­ple, that all manner of heresies, schismes, and blasphemies, are tolerated, and the fomentors thereof, with all swarmes of Se­ctaries, are encouraged, emboldened, yea, admitted into pla­ces of profit and trust, in Martiall and Civill affaires by the Parliament, and that under a pretence of a Christian respect unto tender consciences, (evidenced in their late Declaration) they designe a toleration for all these. All which are dangerously insinuated, page 2.

Secondly, a close, but cleare intimation to the people, that a sacred obligation lieth upon them from their solemn League and Covenant, unto a down-right suppression of all those who cut either of weak or tender consciences, cannot fully sub­mit unto Presbyteriall government, though it is notoriously known, that the Parliament did promise in severall Declara­tions, a gracious respect unto tender consciences, & did act ac­cordingly in the beginning of this Parliament, releasing many poore men of different judgements, from their heavie pressures, under the cruell tyranny of the late Prelats (to the general con­tentment, joy, and acclamations of all the people) for non-con­formity unto their government, though established by the [Page] Law of the Land: and most evident it is, that the end of the Covenant was not at all a rigid exaction of a forc'd uniformi­ty unto Presbyterial government, upon the subjects of England; and the truth is (all things considered) it is a most putid and irrationall thing, once to conceive, that any such thing was ever intended by our present Parliament in the imposing therof. For

First, could any suppose it could consist with the Parliaments wisdom, to swear themselves, & enforce the people to covenant a subjection, unto that Church government w^ch they, nor the peo­ple, did not at that time understand? Could it enter into their hearts, at least to imagine that such a blind Sacrifice would ever atone the wrath of the Almighty for our former abuses in mat­ters of Church government, to lay the first stone of a blessed Reformation in blindnesse and ignorance, and so to destroy Pre­lacy by Popery?

Secondly, if they did understand this plat-form of Church-government, to what end hath the Assembly been searching out the will of God about Church-government ever since the impo­sition hereof? Was it to frame their Reformation according to the Word, or the Word according to their resolutions? Did they first resolve and then enquire? First conclude, and then debate? If any reformed Church must be the exact pattern for us to walk by; what need any further expence of toyle, and time, to find out the mind of God herein, when the resolved pattern is before our eyes?

Thirdly, it is notoriously known that the dissenting bre­thren in the Assembly, Citie, Countrey, have taken this Cove­nant, and were as forward in the promotion hereof by all due meanes, as well as others; knowing full well the true intent and meaning thereof: and could we think they were so farre at variance with their own peace, and future welfare, as thus freely and voluntarily to contrive and promote the ruine hereof, as it necessarily must follow upon the aforesaid interpretation?

Fourthly, the Parliament did never yet give any such inter­pretation of the Covenant, and who ought to explain the mea­ning but the makers thereof? Is it not most absurd, that they shall compose and enjoyn the Covenant, and others shall put their sense upon it, and endeavour the enforcement of their [Page] own sense both upon them and the whole Kingdome; for no lesse is insinuated in this Remonstrance, page the 3^d.

But you will say, the very expresse letter declares the sense, it is the very Text, and not the interpretation which they plead, being plain and obvious to every mans eye: We reply,

The letter thereof doth not tye us to a perfect conformitie to Presbyteriall government already established in any reformed Church in the world; for wee are tyed by our Covenant unto a sincere, reall, and constant endeavour in our severall places and cal­lings, the reformation of Religion in the Kingdomes of England and Ireland, in Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, and Government, accord­ing to the Word of God, and the best reformed Churches. So that here is no positive determination of any thing; but an engage­ment unto an inquisition after the best; and the word of God to be our chiefe informer, and directer herein; and we are tyed likewise to the like endeavour of our nearest conjunction and unifor­mitie in Religion, confession of faith, forme of Church-Government, Directory for worship and Catechizing, viz. according to the word of God, that possibly we can, so that if our Brethren of Scot­land have taken the same Covenant with us, they are bound as well to hearken to what this Kingdome shall propound unto them, as this Kingdome is to consider what is tendred from them to us; and if they have not taken the same Covenant with us, yet wee are bound by our Covenant (in case this Kingdome finde out a more perfect way of Church-Govern­ment, according to the word of God, then that Kingdome of Scotland hath done) wee are bound (we say) more to perswade, and reason them over, to conformitie with us, then in such a case, to conforme to them. But

Lastly, It's as cleare as the Sunne, that the true intent of the solemne League and Covenant, was a more plaine discovery of the Parliaments enemies, and not for a snare to the Parliaments friends, and (as touching reformation in matters spirituall and ecclesiasticall) to root out Popery, Prelacy, Superstition, Heresie, Schisme, and prophanenesse; and God forbid, but that all these in a due, and Christian way, should be endeavoured against; But are wee bound by this, to ruine the Parliaments friends, who loveth not their lives unto death in the Parliaments cause? [Page] Men cordiall to the State, conscientious in Religion, yea, holy, godly, learned, and that by the testimony of their hottest ad­versaries, and for no other reason, but their non-resolution, to sweare subjection to what they know not; as if the tender con­science was the troubler of Israel, when the want hereof is the onely plague of this wicked world, the naming whereof is an evident offence, yea no lesse then a provocation unto these angry Remonstrants, who can hardly beare it, even from the pen of the Parliament of England. This is the second ground of our utter dislike of the narrative part of this Petition.

Thirdly, You tell the people in print, as well as the Parlia­ment, by your written Remonstrance, what Vowes you have made in the Covenant as well as in former Protestations, to preserve the Rights and Priviledges of the Parliament, and the Liberties of the Kingdomes, and to preserve and defend the Kings Majesties Person and Authority, in the Preservation and Defence of the true Religion, and Liberties of the Kingdomes, that the world may beare witnesse with your Consciences, of your Loyalty, and that you have no thoughts or intentions, to diminish His Majesties just power and greatnesse, and doe humbly rest in the assurances you have received in the many former Declarations of both Houses, concerning their intentions to­wards his Majesty, his Royall Posteritie, and the Peace of this King­dome.

But to what end is all this? is it to call for the popular testi­mony of your constant care, you ever have had, of the Parlia­ments Priviledges? if it was meet for us to remember, what the Parliament have forgotten, to unvaile for detection, what in love, they have buried in oblivion; you very well know, what truth can say to this particular; Is it to call for a popular ob­servation of the Parliaments neglect, of their obliged care, not to diminish his Majesties just power and greatnesse? As for the Par­liament, let envie her selfe disgorge her poyson, and speake her worst; nay, in this case, speak Malignants, speak the Oxfordian Aulicus; but first consider a word or two, what an unnaturall warre hath been raised amongst us? how managed on the Kings side? how maintained? how much innocent bloud split in the three Kingdomes? what slanders have been cast upon the Par­liament of England? how they have been written, remonstra­ted, [Page] and declared again and again, Traytors, Rebells, a pre­tended Parliament, and what not? how theThe Author of Truth it's manifest posi­tively affirmes that his Ma­jestie himselfe sent a Com­mission from Scotland, sea­led with the S [...]ots broad Seale, unto the Irish Re­bells, to au­thorize them in that bloudy work, Page the 20. Irish, Scottish, and English warres did rise, what murtherings, killing and slaughte­ring the poore subjects? what tearings, rendings, and crip­pling the poor people? what burning, wasting, and plundering mens estates? how many poore, distressed, and afflicted father­lesse and widows are made? what wofull, bitter, and sad com­plaints, and showers of teares are shed in corners, and secret clo­sets by many men, whose former quality, with the remembrance thereof, makes them wipe their eyes, and counterfeit cheerful­nesse in the sight of men? What tamperings with forein Nati­ons, for the utter ruine, and perpetuall enslaving of the three Kingdomes, to an arbitrary power? what evident, plaine, and palpable detections, to the perfect discharge of all doubts, and scruples; from whom, and whence all this hath been, the rela­ting whereof will fill volumes, and will be the affecting subject of the Readers heart, in another age; and yet, how tender hath the Parliament been still to maintaine his Majesties honour, by charging all upon his evill Counsellors? making him meer­ly passive, and onely seduc'd, as if altogether innocent, notwith­standing all this, almost to the very regret of charity it selfe. And as for their care, of his Majesties royall posterity, bloud, and family, how carefull have they been for the princely educa­tion of his Majesties children within their quarters? their boun­tifull provision, and noble respects, for, and to his Majesties Sister, and her royall family? All this considered, and many things more, which may be asserted, I challenge againe the de­speratest Malignant, in Citie or Kingdome, on this side the grave, to let his tongue articulate his Consciences thoughts, and give an answer, whether the Parliament hath not had a tender care to his Majesties honour, his bloud, and family. Doe you rest in the assurance you have concerning the Parlia­ments intentions about the peace of the Kingdome? why are they then interrupted in their worke? are not they in the fairest way to a happy peace, that ever they were in since the warres began? and will you now obstruct them herein? doth this course of yours, promote in the least the pub­licke peace? what now to discourage the Parliament? now [Page] to presse them in all haste unto a suddaine enfeebling their strength by crushing a considerable party of as cordiall friends as ever they had since the warres began, and that because they will not sweare a submission unto that Church Government, which neither they nor your selves yet understand? Presbyte­riall Government, the Modell whereof is yet unseen? Is this your requitall for their winters worke? have not you lived (shall I say by the sweat of their browes?) nay by the expence of their blood? is this in lieu of their promised arrears? what, have they been walls and Bulwarks to you, and will you prove briers and thornes to them? have they watch'd whilst you sleep? hazarded danger for your peace? undergone such separations from their wives and children, friends, and Families, such hardships of hunger and thirst, cold and nakednesse, lived in the valley and shadow of death, for yours and the Kingdomes sake? and shall London be the unworthy pattern of inhumane unthankfulnesse to the whole Kingdome? You rest satisfied in the assurance of the Parliaments respects to the King; but doe you rest so satisfied in the like assurance of the Kings respects unto the Parliament? Let your Consciences speak, are you so satis­fied? if so, what is the ground of this perswasion? is it be­cause of his late good words, fair, sweet, and pleasant lines he hath written to his Parliament of England, sitting at West­minster? or to his right trusty, and well beloved the Lord Ma­jor, Aldermen, and common-Counsell of London? how can London be thus deluded? is the word of a King now so taking in Londons thoughts? If you have not pledg'd a health of the waters of forgetfulnesse, to his Majesties successe in his Prero­gative designes; look back a little to former times, surely it was not in the former age that you have, (or at least seem to) for­get, how his majesty hath writ to his Parliament, sometimes calling them his Parliament of England sitting at Westminster; suddainly after in his printed Declarations, the pretended Houses; anon after his Parliament at Westminster, within a while after, Rebels, Traitours, men that seek the ruine of him and his; and as for London, is it not notoriously known, how he hath call'd it that rebellious City, prohibiting all trading with it throughout his quarters, endeavouring the utter ruine, and [Page] spoile of it? how many times hath he offered the spoyles of London as the wages of those who would help him on in his de­signe, which his soule so longs for? How many stories to this purpose may you read, in a late Book called Truth its Manifest, which as some say, calls a Scotch brother the father thereof, which affirmes, that once he, viz. the King, plotted with his Ar­my, which he raised against the Scots, to come and destroy the Par­liament of England, and to take the spoyle of London, for their re­ward, p. 17. line ult. and after that, tempts the Scots to comply with him in his designed worke, and offers unto them for recom­pence, not only the spoyle of London; but also the foure Counties neare adjacent unto their Countrey to be adjoyned hereafter to it, &c. pag. the eighteenth, line 4. and can a Court Complement so strangely intoxicate the chief City of the Kingdome of Eng­land, as now to be ensnared and entangled thereby?

But you will say, we have now deeds as well as words, his Majesty is come to our Parliaments Quarters, hath committed himself to our own Armies, is in safe Custody with our faith­full friends, our Scotch Brethren.

This must be premised, that we will not question the love, and faithfulnesse, truth and integrity of our Scotch Brethren, for although,

First, seldome ever any Nation came in to the help of this Kingdome in its necessity against the Enemies thereof, that did willingly depart the same upon termes of love, amity and friendship, (the milk, and honey of this Land of Canaan) I meane the riches, and treasures thereof being a snare upon them: and although,

Secondly, we have been often upbraided by the malignant party (formerly vext at the Scots forwardnesse to help the Par­liament) that we should boast of their love, when they depar­ted from us; and that they would at last prove our deare Bre­thren indeed: and although

Thirdly, further jealousies are still fomented by the common people from severall passages from our Scotch Brethren, as the continuall rumour of their keeping our English garrisons in their own hands, sore abuses of the English people by the Scotch soul­diers, the keeping back of Ashburnham, and the escape of Hudson [Page] from the Scots hands; the encreasing rumor of many Scots come into the Kingdom, whether true or false we know not, with se­verall notions of this nature, although these are jealousies of the fearfull people, yet can we hardly suppose, that our deare Brethren after so many Protestations of their brotherly love; such an obligation, by so sacred, and solemne a Covenant; such a profession of piety, and holinesse; such zeale for a blessed reformation; that after all this, they should prove our enemies, false, deceitfull, self-seekers, making Religion and zeale of refor­mation, a meere pretence, for base designes; no doubtlesse; they very well know, that, that God, which hath beaten the pro­phanenesse of this Kingdome with rods, will scourge such hypo­crisie with Scorpions, that they will then prove the first-borne of abominations, both to God and man, the scorne and odium of all Nations; wee are full of hopes, that it cannot stand with many things wee have seene in them; therefore this premised, though we doe not question our Scots brethrens love and re­spects to the Parliament; yet have wee the same reason, to thinke so well of his Majesties love, as of the Scots? Let our reasons, and judgements give an answer to this question, Had his Majesty no fine designe in this? was he as cordiall to the Kingdomes good; as wee hope our Brethren are? If so, why then doth he not give present order to all his Garri­sons, in all the Kingdome, for their present surrender unto the Parliaments Forces as he did to the enemy in Scotland, without any conditions? You will say, He hath done so. We answer; Not so absolutely, but upon honorable termes; and what is this more then a delusion, a casting a mist to amaze the the people? What meanes he by honorable terms? There is no doubt, but that all the Garrisons in his Majesties quarters, might long before this have been surrendred, the warres con­cluded, and all ended, upon that which his Majesty calls hono­rable terms; doe not his poore subjects still lie a bleeding? If his Majesty be so cordiall to the Kingdomes peace, how is it that the Malignants every where, and our profest enemies in the Kings Garrisons rejoyce hereat, wil not surrender, stand upon their terms, professing themselves in a better capacity to keep and maintain his Majesties cause, against the Parliament, then ever [Page] they were in since the New Modell began? Can his Majesties going to the Scots (all things considered) be so full satisfaction to reasonable men, of his reall intentions for the Parliaments cause? Hath he not addrest himself by many attempts, secret in­sinuations, frequent tamperings, to Danes, Dutch, French, Irish, English; to Papists, Prelats, Protestants, Independents, Pres­byterians, to accomplish his designe? What stone hath he left unturned, what means unattempted to promote the same? Doe not you think his coming to the Scotch Army was a new design, a last cast, one game more, which if it miscarry, all is lost? Alas, alas, what security doth his Majesty give you more then his word? And is this so forcing in Londons eyes? Doe you hear of any reall remorse upon his heart? any relentings for the inno­cent bloud that hath been spilt by his meanes? Have you any hear-say of his personall reformations? What's become of Lon­dons reason? Had you not as good words concerning the bleed­ing condition of his distressed subjects; and his hearty endea­vours for the peace of the Kingdome, in the midst of his hottest violence against the Parliament, as he hath given you now? Call to mind your former experiences, the several transactions in the Scottish, Irish, and English warres, have not the deepest designes, and fairest words, the most desperate and horrible actions, and the most zealous professions, deepest imprecations, and strange protestations, been alwayes discovered at the same time? Shall London now be charm'd by these into its own misery, perpetuall slavery, and utter undoing, as most undoubtedly, the truth will be, if Englands Parliament should now be dis­couraged? Shall London, that hath stood out so nobly, been a speciall instrument in the Parliaments hands, to save the King­dome, spent so much treasure, lost so much bloud, stood so fast in the libertie that God hath given them, and would not be entangled with the yoke of bondage, be now bewitch'd as it were into its own misery, and utter undoing? Shall the glory of your former fame be throwne in the dust? your gallant re­solutions, and unparallel'd transactions, be all buried in the grave of oblivion? and at the last gasp (as it were of our ene­mies hopes) London should revive their fainting spirits, and put life into their dying hearts? Shall the whole Kingdome, that [Page] was almost ready, in all its quarters (consulting of tokens of thankfulnesse) to congratulate with London, for all its love, and care, paines, and purses, and their generall safety (through Gods blessings) the fruit hereof, throw by these thoughts? and with sad hearts, and pale faces, wringing hands, and running eyes, tell their wives, and children, friends, and neighbours, Woe, and alas, London will ruine us, London begins to decline the Parliament, London begins to close with the King, London is fild with the Malignants language! London Remonstrates, to the Parliaments prejudice! Will not this prove the perpetuall language of succeeding ages, that (if London should now desert the Parliament, and tyranny once get up in the throne by means hereof) Londons Citie is Englands woe?

Fourthly, You further acknowledge the particular assurance this honourable House hath again given the whole Land, in their late De­claration, to lay hold on the first opportunity of procuring a safe and well-grounded Peace in the three Kingdomes, which you doubt not but this honourable House will pursue with all speedy dispatch of Pro­positions to His Majesty, now whilst God doth so mercifully and mi­raculously goe along with your Armies in all the parts of the King­dome.

That Declaration, that gave you this assurance, assured you likewise, whence it was, the thing was not done, but suppose, that (providence quite altering the state of affaires) the Par­liament judge Propositions for Peace are not now so sutable, so seasonable, as then they were, when they promised the same; must not they judge, what is most meet to be done in such a case? Propositions for Peace, are to be tendred to enemies, not to friends; doth his Majesty continue the Parliaments enemy? if so, his comming to our Quarters, is evidently then, a designe of mischiefe, and not of peace; and the truth is, an enemy will doe more mischiefe in his adversaries quarters, then in his own; but, if he be our enemy, and yet in our hands, such Propositi­ons, as before were tendred, may not consist with wisdome, and policie, to tender now, the case is altered, the Market is fallen▪ men will not give for the commoditie thereof, as they would before; now you see his Majesty is in our own quarters, and God doth mercifully and miraculously goe along with our Armies in all the parts of the Kingdome.

[Page] Fifthly, You minde the Parliament of our brethren of Scot­land, how they were first invited to engage with this Kingdome in Gods cause, when yet they were at peace at home, in what Covenant this Nation is mutually linked with them, at what time, in relation both to the weak condition of our Forces then, and the season of the yeare, they adventured upon an Enemy warmly lodged, and well ar­med, and prepared; what they have since suffered for this Cause in their own Kingdome, how succesfull ever since God hath made our Forces in suppressing the Common Enemies of both Nations, and what present hopes wee have of a well-setled Peace, while wee continue in this mutuall Amitie; And then cannot but lament the many jea­lousies which the Enemies of our Peace, Ʋnion, and good Government, doe now strive to beget between both Nations, and tremble at the sad effects thereof, if not timely prevented by the wisdome of the Parlia­ment of both Kingdomes.

It is most true, their love, and kindnesse, is never to be for­gotten; for although it is true,

First, that both they, and wee, are embarqu'd in one and the selfe-same vessell, and wee sinke and swim; stand and fall together, and Englands misery, will be Scotlands woe, so that what ever they have done for us, it is virtually for themselves: and although,

Secondly, these miserable warres, and bloudy blowes, which fell upon us, were first attempted for our Scotch brethren, but Englands Parliament (then in beeing) would not consent to such unnaturall warres, and by that means kept off the blows from our Scotch Brethren, as all can witnesse; and al­though,

Thirdly, this Kingdome hath been likewise ready to helpe the Scots, in a former case, of their like necessitie, against their enemies; as is most apparent by authentick Histories, and a forme of thanksgiving, formerly appointed by the Church of Scotland, for the good successe of their English ayde, (a Copie whereof is added at the end of this Book) that wee may ever observe the due care both Kingdomes should have for the mutuall peace and prosperitie of both Kingdomes; and al­though,

Lastly, we must not look so much on our Brethrens successes, [Page] as their good intentions, measuring their love by their endea­vours, and not events; yet let that mouth be for ever shut up, and that hand wither, which shall maliciously speak, or write the least word, to foment jealousies between both Kingdomes; and confident I am, that this heavie curse will fall upon none, but that party who joyne issue with the old designe, of promo­ting their personall Interests and base ends, of Honour and greatnesse in the publick misery.

Sixthly, you say you cannot but with reverence look upon this Honourable House as trusted with a great share of the supreme pow­er of this Kingdome, and as it is the representative of the whole Na­tion, out of which and by whom, the Members thereof are chosen, doe fixe your hearts the more upon the same, and doe by the mercy of God, so long as this Kingdome doth adhere to our Covenant, promise your selves now and in all future ages, great blessings and assurances from the endeavours and labours of this Honourable House; and in regard of this dignity of Trust, you have and doe submit to all Priviledges of Parliament; yet because it may now become a Tenure for life, if this priviledge should be so made use of by such Members of Parliament as owe great summes of Money, and protect divers under them as Ser­vants, Attendants, Officers, yea, and their Servants, if all these should be exempted from course of Law, how many Citizens of Lon­don, and other Subjects of this Kingdome may be undone? you doe therefore with all Duty and Thankfulnesse put this Honourable House in minde, that in a Remonstrance to the Kingdome, 15. December, 1642. you find this expression; viz. That for the matter of Pro­tections, the Parliament is so sensibe of it that therein they intend to give whatsoever ease may stand with Honour and Justice, and are in a way of passing a Bill to give satisfaction concerning the same.

Is it the great share this Honourable House hath of the supreme power of this Kingdome, which makes you looke with reverence upon it, or an opinion, that it hath but a share of the supreme power of this Kingdome that you have no more reverence unto it? will you not allow so much unto the representative Kingdome, in reference to the whole Kingdome, as the representative Ci­ty will assume unto themselves in reference to London? Is not the Parliament of England the representative Kingdome? And doth not the whole Supreme power of this Kingdome reside [Page] therein? And if so, why say you they have a Share? Unfold your Riddle, and speak it out; if our judgement deceive us, we are willing to be informed. Was the like insinuation, and divi­ding principle ever suggested unto the common people; except it was from his Majesties Declarations? there is little doubt, that (however the City is blinded herein) the rise of this businesse come from Court, let the Author of a little book lately pub­lished, entituled, A full answer to the Plea for the Commonalty of London, (except he himsel is become enervatus in his judgement and reason) stand up like a man of right Principles, and true thereunto, and plead the just power of the Parliament of Eng­land, as he hath well done of the Commons of London, and therby he wil shew himself the Parliaments friend, as he hitherto hath done: But what do you mean, when you say the Parliaments priviledges may now become a tenure for life? Surely had this passage been found from one of the old Declarations frō Oxf [...]rd against the Parliament, it could not be judged any thing else, but a malignant scorn, & a notorious jeer, being of the same affinity with the like passages found therein: viz. a perpetuall Parliament, and an everlasting Parliament. If any Members of that House doe owe great summes of Monies, and protect divers under them as Ser­vants, whereby they plead exemption from the course of Law; and so Citizens or others are undone, or endammaged thereby; let the parties agrieved frame their Petitions and complaine of the men, and let not London remonstrate this to the Parliaments prejudice: it is very true, the intention of the Parliament is the good of all, the butt of none; every mans benefit, no mans undoing; yet remember your Covenant, the preservation of the Parliaments Priviledges is a maine Article thereof, if any priviledge proves prejudiciall to the Subjects benefit; you your selves say, they did anticipate your desires, by that Remonstrance of the 15. of December, 1642. Yea were then in a way of passing a Bill, to give satisfaction concerning the same, and have any Bills been past since that time, and that neglected? and is the case now, with the faithfull Members of this present Parliament, as it was then? Is it not notoriously known, that their faithfull sticking unto the Kingdomes Cause, hath been the utter undo­ing of themselves, and their Families? whilst they have been [Page] here in the Kingdomes service, the common enemy hath wa­sted, spoyled, burned, plunder'd, and ruin'd their Estates, but the truth is, this kind of Dialect concerning the Parliament, in Print (for the peoples view) doth import no lesse then an evi­dent charge, that Parliament men are now mean men, of bro­ken Fortunes, men that cannot, or else (which is worse) men that will not▪ pay their debts, but live upon the people, and make a trade of it, and the same shall be a tenure for life.

Seventhly, you proceed further, and tell the people the Kingdome is almost reduced, by which meanes the Revenues of the Kingdome will be unburthened, and the Customes and Excise increase, and the publike charge of the Kingdome decrease, now that Delin­quents doe daily come in and compound, and now that the Enemy hath but few Holds left, we hope that the great and extraordina­ry Taxes and burthens on this City and their Trade, shall be in the future abated; that the Debts owing to the City and Citizens of London, either by particular Assurances of the Parliament, or up­on the publike faith of the Kingdome, be taken care for and dischar­ged, as well as those assigned upon the Excise, and may not be diver­ted from the uses appointed by former Acts and Ordinances.

If so; have a little more patience, your debts owing you, are coming apace, eight per. cent. shall reward you for it, you can­not but see extraordinary charges doe still appeare, the pay­ment of our Armies; long in Arrears, though sufficiently a­ctive in the Kingdomes service; the vast summes paid to the Scotch Army; the relief of Ireland; and many wayes more, so many Garrisons, so many Parties, so many Sieges doe pray your patience a little longer; but must every particular have a charge in the bowels of it? What summes of monies are by the Parliament diverted from the uses appointed by their Acts and Ordinances? if none, what is the ground of this particular thus remonstrated? is it because of some few gratuities lately con­fer'd upon deserving men, for their valiant, painfull, and faith­full services for the publick safety? are not such sums employed in the uses appointed in their Acts and Ordinances? must the Par­liament of England advise with London, about the disburse­ments of the publick stock?

Eightly, you complaine of the Committees work at Haber­dashers-Hall, [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] as a grievance to the City: viz. that any more Malignants should be detected, or further course taken, to find out Delinquents, which have not as becomes them assisted the Parliament: surely they little thought the times would so face about, as that London should turne Delinquents advocate; we say no more to this, but remember your Covenant.

Ninthly, you further proceed, and professe your zeale for our bleeding Brethren of distressed Ireland, &c. It is a good motion, and for Gods sake doe not binder so good a work, by weakning the Parliaments Party, by any more such Remon­strances, as these.

Tenthly, in the last place, you heap up your deserts and your grievances together: to the first, we confesse you did run well; Suffer not your Crowne to be taken away by your discontinu­ance in your work begun; but yet consider, have you done more, then the Law of God, of nature, of Nations engaged you? Hath all this been for the Parliament, or for your selves? was not your Estates, your Liberties, your freedomes the grand price of your Enemies race? the Crowne they strive for? the spoyles they fight for? Speake your Consciences; what had become of you by this very day, if the present Parliament had not stuck to you? what of your Religion? what of your E­states? what of your Liberties? Hath it not been in their pow­er every day to ruine you, yea, and (perhaps) by their perso­nall preferments to advance themselves? Have not the Subjects Liberties been deare in their eyes? have they not layen under many temptations, many discouragements, to continue con­stant under them all? were all able to abide the same? why then did many desert the House? How often have they prote­sted by word of mouth in your common Halls, and many De­clarations, in the publick view of Heaven and Earth, that they would live with you and dye with you, stand, or fall with you, that they would never leave you, till they had made you free, and have they not been faithfull in their promise herein? Is not their preservation your security? their glory your Crowne? their freedomes your Liberties? As for your grie­vances, we consider them as they lye.

First, you complaine, that the Letter sent you from the Parlia­ment [Page] of Scotland, should still be detained though petitioned for, as if this Honourable House were doubtfull of your fidelity: We suppose the House is not bound to be accountable to you, though you are obleiged to account to them in this particular; and whether they be doubtfull of your fidelity or no, we cannot tell, onely we wish they may have no cause. Your next complaint is, that in the last Propositions to his Majesty at Uxbridge the power of the Militia of this City was fully represented, that it should now be re­assumed, and endeavoured to be altered, to the endangering of this City, and parts adjacent: as if you now deserved lesse trust from this Honourable House, then a twelvemoneth agoe: We think it not safe to taxe the Parliaments wisdome, in their ordering and dis­posing the power of the Militia, of City, or Kingdome, as they shall see cause: and it cannot be asserted, that their reassu­ming the Militia of London, into their owne hands, is matter of danger to the City of London, and parts adjacent; without an unworthy aspersion upon that Honourable House; such, that will say so, give just cause to think, that they deserve lesse trust from that Honourable House then a twelvemoneth agoe, when they were better affected then so to affirme. Thirdly, you complaine and remonstrate, that some late Petitions of this Citie, presented to this Honourable House, should lie yet unanswered; If the Parlia­ment were bound to answer all your Petitions, and that forth­with even in your owne time, why did not you rather enjoyn then petition? and if all your Petitions should be answered to your owne content, we well perceive how the case would stand with this poore Kingdome; the Parliaments love both to City and Kingdome may cause them to deny the Petitions of the City; as the case may stand. Your fourth complaint, that Quarterman a notorious Sectary, one whom the City not long since cast out for his misdemeanors, should presume, in the contempt of the priviledges and Government thereof, to enter the City, and to make Proclamation with Trumpet, without acquainting the Lord Major therewith; the like of which (to our best knowledge) in no age, when the City was most neglected, was ever so much as attempted.

What Quatermain doe you meane? there are many in the Kingdome, for all that we know, but we presume you intend Roger Quatermain, late Marshall to the City. That this Qua­terman [Page] is a Sectary, lies upon you to prove, and him to de­fend; and herein you will befriend our intellects, and helpe us to understand, what you mean by your Sectaries, against whom you so much stickle in this Remonstrance: That the Citie cast him our (viz. from his Marshallship) for so wee presume your meaning is, (though you speake as disturbed, that the Reader must study to finde out your meaning) will be denied by one of the chiefe promoters of this Remon­strance, except he hath changed his judgement in the Go­vernment of the Citie, (as sometimes it falls out, men conti­nue not their judgement, especially in matters of govern­ment both civill and ecclesiasticall) for it was neither the Citie representative, or collective, but the Lord Major, and Court of Aldermen, that put him out of the place, and surely, they are no more the Citie in that act (except the Common Counsell gave them power herein, as wee can­not understand they have) then any other Citie Justices, or Officers in the Citie are so. As for his misdemeanors, none were urged as the causes hereof, except this was his crime, that one Marshall should serve the Citie. And though it is a crime circumstantiable to a great aggravation for one man to wrong a whole Citie; yet it is more strange (because lesse usuall) that a representative Citie should wrong a poore man, by taking away his good name, and so his livelihood in his present employment. As for his great transgression herein specified, wee dare presume, the poore man is ignorant of the Citie priviledges, i [...] this be one, that the Parliament of Eng­land cannot make Proclamation, in the Citie of London, with Trumpet, or otherwise, without licence given by the Lord Major of London. If the case be thus, well may you say, that the Parliament of England is betrusted but with a share of the supreame power. Custome is one thing, priviledge another; that it is a custome to acquaint the Lord Major in such cases, is quickly granted: and if he did willingly, and wilfully, in contempt of the Major, or customes of the Citie, performe that worke, he is blame-worthy, and not to he pleaded for; but when such customes, of single Corporations, shall en­trench upon the power of Parliaments, and change their [Page] names, and call them Priviledges; it is high time, to change those customes. Many customes, in former times, had almost undone the Kingdome; wee would not now meet with any that raze our foundation, and strike at the Parliament.

And lastly, You complain that after the present Lord Major had so faithfully behaved himself in his Office, and with the testimony of the Citie, so carefully discharged the same, that yet he should be suspected and questioned upon generall informations, which (it may well be doubted) might be designed to divide between the Parlia­ment and the Citie.

If generall informations that doe greatly concerne the publique danger of the Citie, or Kingdome, should be so far neglected, as not so much as to make an enquiry, according thereto; how could they, to whom they doe come, discharge their consciences, and Covenant, to God, or the people? The Lord Majors faithfulnesse can never hurt him; and a faithfull man, may lie under suspition, but will take no offence at a through purgation; as we heare his Lordship himselfe is suf­ficiently satisfied; and if former faithfulnesse should for ever discharge all future jealousies, (though but generall informati­ons be given of danger) the two Hothams, and many more, might have now lived, and by this time seen the Parliament and Citie weltering in their own bloud.

More you could adde, but you have done enough, if not too much of this nature, and more, I presume, then was ever ex­pected from this Citie. You presently slide from your re­monstrative part, into the prayer or petitionary part; and so shall wee, and give you to understand, wherein wee can, and wherein we cannot joyn with you in your desires to the Par­liament; with the reasons thereof, which is the second gene­rall head of our present method; you resolve your complaints into prayers.

1. That some strict and speedy course may be taken for the sup­pressing all private and separate Congregations.

Wee know not your meaning by private and separate Con­gregations, if your meaning be the private meetings of Chri­stian people, for prayer, exhortation, repetition of Sermons, or any other laudable and Christian duty amongst the Saints, [Page] in their private assemblies, as sure we are, your words doe import, abhorr'd be your request by God and good men, and the Lord prevent the Parliament from ever stumbling at that stone. What you mean, wee cannot tell; wee would not de­sire, wee doe not know what; wee cannot joyne with you in this Petition.

2. That all Anabaptists,This is the selfe same et cae [...]ra that was in the Bi­shops Oath, and [...]ub [...]lesse the Episcopall party cannot but look upon this as the resurrection from the dead, onely herein it differs, they enjoyned men to sweare to what they knew, this would have men resolve upon what they know not; and so it is a step nee­rer to Popety. Brownists, Heretiques, Schismalicks, Blasphemers, and all such Sectaries as conforme not to the publique Discipline established, or to be established by Parliament, may be fully declared against, and some effectuall course setled for proceed­ing against such persons.

First, Anabaptists, Brownists, &c. in the Kings Declarati­ons did alwayes intend the Parliaments friends; and besides these, whom you mean wee cannot tell.

Secondly, if all such Sectaries as conforme not to the publique Discipline established or to be established by the Parliament, must be fully declared against, and some effectuall course taken for proceed­ing against such persons; What shall become of our Presbyte­rian brethren, which hold Presbytery to be jure divino, and cannot submit unto Commissioners over the Presbytery, though established by Ordinance of Parliament? Surely the Remonstrants are not of that opinion, but if they be, their feet are taken in the same snare they laid for their brethren. If this Petition should be granted, our Presbyterian brethren as well as others, must be suppressed: and for that cause (though no such allowance is given by them unto their weak brethren) wee cannot joyne with you in that Petition.

3. That as wee are all Subjects of one Kingdome, so all may be equally required to yeeld obedience unto the Government set forth, or to be set forth by the Parliament.

To resolve to submit to what wee know not, in matters of Religion, and to Petition the suppression of all that will not subject thereunto, is against the principles of Religion and Reason; wee cannot conceive, a Parliament so religious, so rationall, will prove so irreligious, so irrationall, as to enforce the Subjects to stifle the light of their own Consciences; and let God and conscience say what they will, to sweare confor­mitie to the will of man, in matters of Church-Government wee cannot joyne with you in this Petition.

[Page] 4. That no person disaffected to the Presbyteriall Government,The Bishops to our best remembr [...]nce did never so publiquely make the like motion to the Magistracy of this Kingdom. set forth, or to be set forth by the Parliament, may be employed in a­ny place of publick Trust.

Wee judge our selves bound, to leave that businesse to the Parliaments wisdome, as supposing them best able to judge what is meet to be done in that particular. If men prove faith­full in their trust, intamperable by their adversaries, succes­full in their worke, untainted in their integrity, courageous in their services, &c. such men are not usually after many experiences of such particulars, put out of their publick trust (though they should be an Army of Turks) and why men should be discharged from their publick trust for so small a punctillo, as difference in judgement about Church-Govern­ment; nay, so much as dis-affection to the Presbyteriall Govern­ment, for that's your expression, we see no cause; and truly, if this desire should be granted, as the case now stands, the Parliaments strength would be much abated, and the Malig­nant Rovalists very much pleased, wee are none of them, wee cannot close with you in this Petition.

5. That this Honorable House will please to hasten Propositi­ons to his Majesty, for setling of a safe and well-grounded Peace a­mongst us, after so long and unnaturall a Warre.

A well grounded peace is our hearty desires as well as yours; but whether to be sought for by tendering Propositi­ons from the Parliament to his Majesty, the wisdome of the Parliament, not wee, must determine. When a man meets mee to take away my purse, my life; if the combate be over, and the party disarm'd, and his weapons in mine own hands, I will not indent how much he shall have to doe no more; when the truth is, he hath done his worst; A well grounded Peace we desire with you, the means hereunto wee leave to the Parliaments wisdome, wee would not offend them, wee therefore wave this Petition.

6. That this Honourable House, according to the Covenant and Treaties, will please to study all meanes to preserve the Ʋnion be­tween the two Nations of England and Scotland, and to remove all jealousies which may endanger our mutuall agreement.

We close with you here with all our hearts, and heartily [Page] pray that wisdome may be given to them from God to direct their studies to so good a work.

VII. That this Honourable House will please to consider of some meanes whereby the priviledge which its Members their Servants and others enjoy by being protected and exempted from being proceed­ed against for their Debts, may be sa qualified, as that the Subject may be able to recover his owne in some due time.

This Petition implies a charge; we will not at all intermed­dle herein.

VIII. That all publike Revenues and Receipts may be employed to publike uses, that so the Taxes of the City may be abated.

We know no publike Revenues imployed at all by the Parli­ament of England, for any other then publike uses; and if this Petition may be altogether cleare from secret aspersions of our worthy Parliament, we can fully joyn with you in this particular.

IX. That the Estates and Compositions of Delinquents, may, ac­cording to the engagements by Ordinances of Parliament, be applyed to discharge the great summes owing to this City and Citizens.

The publike Faith for the publique debts will be valid (we doubt not) and in due season will so appeare; we hope they minde the main what ever becomes of particular cases, due time will be time enough, we durst not engage (as the case stands) with this Petition.

X. That the Plymouth Duty may be taken off the Trade, especial­ly now the West is reduced.

That poore Garrison is still to be encouraged: Surely these are the last times when mercy and charity waxeth cold, we ut­terly wave this Petition.

XI. That the Committee at Haberdashers-hall may be presently dissolved; or at least so limited and regulated, as that the City may have no cause of complaint.

This Petition seems, in the first part of it, to favour Malig­nants, we remember our Covenant; wee cannot close with you in this, the later is ours as well as yours.

XII. That the reducing of the Kingdome of Ireland may be ta­ken into consideration, before the good party there be too farre wasted and discouraged.

This is our Petition and prayer to God, wee joyn with you here with all our hearts.

[Page] XIII. That the Originall Letter of the Parliament of Scotland to this Citie may be returned.

Wee leave this to the Parliaments wisdome, and shall not at all intermeddle therewith.

XIV. That the City may enjoy the Militia fully, as it was pre­sented at the last Treaty at Uxbridge.

Wee leave that unto the Parliaments wisdome, and God di­rect them what to doe therein; we neither joyne with you nor against you in this particular, but onely wave it.

XV. That Quarterman may be brought to some exemplary pu­nishment, for the affront done by him to the Priviledges and Govern­ment of this Citie.

When wee are convinced of Quatermains affront to the privi­ledges and Government of this Citie, wee shall desire with you his exemplary punishments; to condemne the innocent, is a great abomination, wee judge Quatermain so, till the contrary ap­peare; wee cannot joyn with you in this Petition.

XVI. That the Lord Major of this City may be fully vindicated.

When wee once understand how, wherein, and by whom his Lordship was wronged, we would Petition with you for his vindication; in the mean while wee wave this Petition.

XVII. And lastly, and above all, That this honorable House will please not to looke upon any expressions of this our Remonstrance and Petition, as charging any thing upon this Honorable House, or as in­tended to intrench upon any priviledge thereof, but favourably to ac­cept thereof, and so to interpret the same, as from a single and humble heart it is sincerely, and without any by-ends, or to comply with any Party whatsoever, intended and breathed forth from the sad heart of the Petitioners, who are overwhelmed with many feares on all sides. And who call God, the Searcher of all hearts, to witnesse, that accord­ing to their Covenant and duty, their zeale, devotion and obedience, is as fervent and prostrate as ever to serve the Parliament with their Lives and Estates, against all the Enemies of our Peace, to conjoyne the Citie more and more to the Parliament, and to maintaine the Ʋni­on of both Nations against all opposers whatsoever.

This is an Apologie for the whole businesse, and the truth, is, you have cause sufficient, and we verily believe the like Remon-pray [Page] that wisdome may be given to them from God to direct their studies to so good a work.

VII. That this Honourable House will please to consider of some meanes whereby the priviledge which its Members their Servants and others enjoy by being protected and exempted from being proceed­ed against for their Debts, may be so qualified, as that the Subject may be able to recover his owne in some due time.

This Petition implies a charge; we will not at all intermed­dle herein.

VIII. That all publike Revenues and Receipts may be employed to publike uses, that so the Taxes of the City may be abated.

We know no publike Revenues imployed at all by the Parli­ament of England, for any other then publike uses; and if this Petition may be altogether cleare from secret aspersions of our worthy Parliament, we can fully joyn with you in this particular.

IX. That the Estates and Compositions of Delinquents, may, ac­cording to the engagements by Ordinances of Parliament, be applyed to discharge the great summes owing to this City and Citizens.

The publike Faith for the publique debts will be valid (we doubt not) and in due season will so appeare; we hope they minde the main what ever becomes of particular cases, due time will be time enough, we durst not engage (as the case stands) with this Petition.

X. That the Plymouth Duty may be taken off the Trade, especial­ly now the West is reduced.

That poore Garrison is still to be encouraged: Surely these are the last times when mercy and charity waxeth cold, we ut­terly wave this Petition.

XI. That the Committee at Haberdashers-hall may be presently dissolved; or at least so limited and regulated, at that the City may have no cause of complaint.

This Petition seems, in the first part of it, to favour Malig­nants, we remember our Covenant; wee cannot close with you in this, the later is ours as well as yours.

XII. That the reducing of the Kingdome of Ireland may be ta­ken into consideration, before the good party there be too farre wasted and discouraged.

This is our Petition and prayer to God, wee joyn with you here with all our hearts.

[Page] XIII. That the Originall Letter of the Parliament of Scotland to this Citie may be returned.

Wee leave this to the Parliaments wisdome, and shall not at all intermeddle therewith.

XIV. That the City may enjoy the Militia fully, as it was pre­sented at the last Treaty at Uxbridge.

Wee leave that unto the Parliaments wisdome, and God di­rect them what to doe therein; we neither joyne with you nor against you in this particular, but onely wave it.

XV. That Quarterman may be brought to some exemplary pu­nishment, for the affront done by him to the Priviledges and Govern­ment of this Citie.

When wee are convinced of Quatermains affront to the privi­ledges and Government of this Citie, wee shall desire with you his exemplary punishments; to condemne the innocent, is a great abomination, wee judge Quatermain so, till the contrary ap­peare; wee cannot joyn with you in this Petition.

XVI. That the Lord Major of this City may be fully vindicated.

When wee once understand how, wherein, and by whom his Lordship was wronged, we would Petition with you for his vindication; in the mean while wee wave this Petition.

XVII. And lastly, and above all, That this honorable House will please not to looke upon any expressions of this our Remonstrance and Petition, as charging any thing upon this Honorable House, or as in­tended to intrench upon any priviledge thereof, but favourably to ac­cept thereof, and so to interpret the same, as from a single and humble heart it is sincerely, and without any by-ends, or to comply with any Party whatsoever, intended and breathed forth from the sad heart of the Petitioners, who are overwhelmed with many feares on all sides. And who call God, the Searcher of all hearts, to witnesse, that accord­ing to their Covenant and duty, their zeale, devotion and obedience, is as fervent and prostrate as ever to serve the Parliament with their Lives and Estates, against all the Enemies of our Peace, to conjoyne the Citie more and more to the Parliament, and to maintaine the Ʋni­on of both Nations against all opposers whatsoever.

This is an Apologie for the whole businesse, and the truth is, you have cause sufficient, and we verily believe the like Remon­strance [Page] was never known from the City of London to the Parlia­ment of England. You would not have them look upon any expressi­ons in this Remonstrance and Petition, as charging any thing upon the honourable House; that is, you desire them to throw by their un­derstanding when they read your Remonstrance. Though wee cannot joyn with you in this Petition, to accept your Remon­strance, and grant your Petitions; yet wee humbly desire this honourable House, to passe by all provocations herein, and to measure their respects to this famous City, not according to some few weaknesses, which through some powerfull insinuati­ons may surprize the same, but to the constant, setled, and re­solved practises of the Inhabitants thereof, of which wee are confident there are many thousands, that are still ready to sa­crifice themselves to the service of the Parliament: the onely means under the Almighty to preserve both us and our posteri­tie from slavery and misery.

You have done with your Remonstrance; but have you un­derstood what you have done? Let us propound two or three Queries.

First, is it proper for one single Corporation to Remonstrate to the people their grievances, or indeed rather complaints a­gainst the Parliament? do you not know the nature, the maje­sty, the power of a Parliament? do Londons Magistracy no bet­ter understand the Parliaments Authority? are you become the primary pattern, and popular example to all the Kingdome of an unparalleld Remonstrance? are you the chiefe Magistracy of London, and give such a president? We say no more, but make this use of it, that wisdome and weaknesse may have their habi­tation, (yea sometimes the latter may be predominant) even among wise and religious Rulers.

Secondly, did the Commons of London give you authoritie in their name to do that which is not at all within their Charter? if you act as Subjects, you act for your own persons, and you have liberty of your selves so to doe, standing or falling to your own perill; but if you act in the name of the Citie, whom you represent, know your bounds, looke to your rule, the Citie col­lective never gave you further authority, then to act within your [Page] spheare, the Citie Charter; and if you doe otherwise, upon your perill be it, they'l not stand by you.

Thirdly, who were the chiefe promoters hereof? doubtlesse Royalists, (to give it out in the softest language) the stile, the dialect, the matter, doe not these insinuate prerogatives ad­vance, not a word throughout for punishing Malignants, for re­quiring justice against Delinquents; (a main article of our so­lemn League and Covenant) men would think that doubtlesse some of the old Patentees, or men that builds their houses by the subjects bondage, were the chiefe framers of this Remon­strance. Surely, if that heart was right for the Parliament that framed this Remonstrance, he hath an unhappy hand that tran­scrib'd his thoughts in so strange a dialect; for the truth is, if this Remonstrance had not been presented by the City of London, our after-ages would ever have knowne it by the black Chara­cter of the Malignant Remonstrance; it is not to be doubted but the Citie, though well affected, may be overtaken in an act un­worthy, (for even Parliaments have slipt, for they are but men) and therefore it is this one act, and not the persons are here found fault withall.

But now to come to the last generall head, we desire this ho­norable City seriously to consider, what are the dangerous ten­dencies, and effects of such kinde of Remonstrances, and that in few particulars, very briefly, for wee are unwilling to harpe too much upon this unpleasant string.

First, it tends to the manifest grieving of the hearts of our faithfull Parliament, who for our sakes have suffered more base affronts, injuries, and losses, then ever any Parliament did be­fore them; Have we not often acknowledged them againe and againe to be the onely means (under God) of all the peace and liberties, estates and comforts that we doe enjoy? suppose their failings appear before us, have we never a garment to cover their nakednesse, but Ham-like wee call for the eyes of brethren and fellow-subjects to behold the same? was it not of God that the Parliament and London were joyn'd together, hand in hand, and heart in heart? and whence is it that this knot begins to be loos­ned? have they not brought us (through the mercy of God) to [Page] the sight of our Inheritance, our liberties and freedomes, our Land flowing with milke and honey? shall wee now begin to murmure against our deliverers? is it not likely that God for this should bring us back againe into the troublesome wildernesse, more warres, and the bitter, bitter effects thereof? the clouds con­dense & thicken again, let us not grieve our God and our friends, the Parliaments faithfulnesse God will not forget, and our un­thankfulnesse he will not put up.

Secondly, Consider whether such kinde of Remonstrances as these doe not weaken the Parliaments strength? co [...]fident wee are, (how ever London comes thus to be deluded, which cannot but be the amaz [...]ment of the Kingdome,) that the first originall of this Remonstrance must needs be bred in a Malig­nants brest, such complaints for the peoples view, such p [...]titi­ons, to suppresse the Parliaments friends, to remove faithfull, valiant, untamperable, and succesfull Officers from places of trust, to take away those waies and means, whereby monies are procured to maintain the warres against the common ene­my, to presse them in all haste to the payment of their debts; what are all these, but the direct desires of the Parliaments e­nemies? and doe not all these things weaken the Parliaments strength?

Thirdly, Consider how this doth rejoyce the Malignants hearts, observe their faces, their discourses, look into the pri­sons, where Malignants are, what is their dialect? all will be well, the day is ours, the times face about, round-heads must fall, this Parliament must down, the City declines them, their armies must presently be disbanded, the Kings friends exalted, their services rewarded, all things work well, the City Re­monstrance speaks our minds, it strikes at the root of the round heads prosperity, wee see now how the game goes.

Fourthly, consider the probable tendency of this Remon­strance in the opinion and judgement of the most considerable both of the Parliaments friends and enemies, the feare of the one sort, the expectation of the other, and that is, implaine termes, the disbanding of our Armies, the discouraging of our friends, the utter disenabling of the Parliament against any ad­versaries [Page] either foreine or domestick, that shall appear against them, the advancing of prerogative and arbitrary power, the exalting of all those bloudy oppressors that in all these wars have sought our ruine. Do not say these are the irrationall no­tions of a melancholy minde, the groundlesse conceits of a crazie brain? no certainly, that kind of reason that draws na­turall conclusions from undoubted premises, or which judgeth of the proper effects from proper causes, steers the judgement in these assertions; let your own reason decide the matter, if the Parliament should be disabled in their Armies, in their monies, in their friends, as the granting of your petition would quickly effect; what would hinder the things wee affirme, take away the Parliaments strength, and then the promise of setling the Militia to your hearts desire, would secure you from slavery, as the setling of Presbytery would preserve you from Popery; but the word of a King, and the faith of a favou­rite, will be all your security for the one and the other; is this a time to weaken the Parliament? is there no fear of incursions from a foreine adversary? hath not the French the sword in his hand? do we not know, that the Quondam factors for Englands misery, and those that almost had ruin'd the Kingdome, have been tampering there for the old designe? is there no feare of incursions from Ireland? are not they as ready to advance pre­rogative as ever they were? is our own nation setled in peace? is not every County almost disturbed? and a party appearing upon any advantage in prerogatives quarrell? We say no more, we have discharged our Consciences, it is not disrespect to au­thority, but conscience of duty; not contembt of Magistracy, but love to the City; not private interest, but publick good which was the reall cause of what we have written; if London must tast of that cup of trembling with the rest of the Kingdome, it will be bitter indeed, when this will be minded, that Londons folly is Londons misery; that God sent Saviours for London, and would deliver it, & they would not be delivered, but rejected the means of their own good, would none of his mercies, despised his coun­sells, discouraged his people, did shut their eyes against as glori­ous visions of kindnesse and goodnesse, as ever was seen in all the [Page] world; Moses, and Aaron, Josuah, and Gideon, were not instru­ments of more glorious victories for Israel of old, then those de­liverers, whom God sent London, have been of late, the despifing whereof may bring down wrath, but God will finde a way to save his people.

In the last place consider this for the conclusion of all, which might rather have been a Preface.

It is the great unhappinesse of well meaning and plain heart­ed men, to be still made instrumentall to the masked and dis­guised designes (and to have their innocency imposed upon by the craft and practise) of those that dare not owne their owne endeavours, lest they should alarum those whom they would deceive, and hinder the concurrence of those multitudes with­out which their ultimate end cannot be attained: There were two hundred in Jerusalem (that never wished ill to David) went along with Absolom in the simplicity of their spirits, (knowing nothing) who yet gave the beginning to that horrid Rebelli­on, in which he endeavoured to dethrone his Father, and de­prive him of life, who severall wayes gave him his, which pra­ctise (with the parellel in hand) although it be so ordinary as a Designe can hardly be instanced (that must be acted openly) that hath not first obtained credit by the patronage of abused simplicity, (appearing in it) yet it still takes as often as it is at­tempted, like Stratagems military, where those of curious con­trivance are many times abortive: Those that are every day practised, doe notwithstanding every day take effect. For the sake of such as are so abused, it were a work worth the chari­ty and labour of a free leasure, and an able pen to undeceive the world in this particular, to set open the windowes of this dark Cabinet, to discover the Methods of these impostors, to let simple integrity see how these approches are made upon it, and to unlock those cyphers in which (unknown to themselves) they maintain a dangerous intelligence & correspondence with their enemies; In which imployment, if some happy Genius had before this time disposed it selfe, it might have proved an Antidote to this spreading plague, and might have prevented the birth of that Mulate conception which now calls it selfe the [Page] Remonstrance of the Common Councell of the Citie of London. For it cannot be imagined, that so many honest pious men (as the ma­jor part of that Councel are known to be, who have hitherto shewed themselves in all these troubles so faithfully devoted to serve the interest of free-born English-men, in adhering to, & de­fending the Parliament of England) should now be brought (by putting forth & pressing this Remonstrance) to serve the implicate designes of a triple (if not quadruple) faction, were not they de­ceived & abused by the finenesseand artifice of these Impostors, wooing them from their duty, and into ruine, under specious and pious pretences; themselves the while propounding severall ends, though agreeing in one common (the destruction of the liberty and freedome of the English Nation) though in severall and differing degnees. And although the times will not now presently beare such an opening this mystery of Iniquity, as might convince those whose malignity, prejudice, or (per­haps) good opinion of some promoting it, have seald their eyes and muffled their own understandings, yet those whose confidence hath been abused, and whose facile dispositions car­ried down in the generall crowd, or whose piety taken with the specious shew of Reformation, & Uniformity, are desired seri­ously and maturely to weigh these few lines by way of Ani­madversion upon that Remonstrance, untill the times shall give leave to one more compleat, and we doubt not but such as shall remember their covenant (to maintain the priviledges of Parlia­ment, and continue stil in a sense of duty to it) which God hath thus far honored, owned, & carried on in delivering the King­dome from the attempts of tyranny, & which (in probability by the concurrence of the same blessing they are like to effect) if it be not hindered and endangered) will be so far satisfied there­by, as to esteem it as little for their reputation in this civill Schisme, as in that religious to be called Remonstrants.