1. For Arbitrary Power the case is plain.

For it is the confidence, and ordinary boast of these Men, that they do not fear this, while the Exchequer is low. This is plain in the Speech of the Noble Peer, and from numerous instances among that Party. And this very Libel saith, Pag. 5. That the King hath need of the Love of His People: by which it is there plain, he means their Purses, as well as Hearts. Whence they are so far from fearing the King should Press them; that even they are bold to Press the King: and will yield Him no Mony, unless He dearly Buy it, with His own Prerogatives. Men serve themselves on the necessities of the Crown; and are Arbitrary in making their own Will a Law, while they would have more simple minds believe the King is doing so.

Now what is thus able to hinder all, that is Arbitrary, in the present King, is as apt, and powerful in its own Nature, to hinder it in His Successor. There­fore upon what Grounds, or Reasons, they do not fear this Evil under His pre­sent Majesty; upon the same Grounds, or Reasons, they need not fear it un­der a Succeeding Prince. At present then we are free, and even these Men themselves do boast, we need not fear the Yoak: and consequently where they cry out of any Arbitrary Power, it must be from Design, and not from any real Fear.

Whereas if we follow the Association, or any Popular way of Exclusion, we do ipso facto, at the very first motion, step into all, that is Arbitrary. For hereby we cast our Religion, Lives, and Fortunes, into the Power of a few Men, whom Faction, Guilt, or Interest, shall persuade to head the Party. [Page 4]Which done, they must necessarily run us into another Bloody War, to beat down present Establishments, and to fix their own placits in their room. Which cannot be done, without great Expences, and severe Taxations, toge­ther with the pretty Tricks of Publick Faith, and the wheedling poor Girls out of all their Plate, viz. Thimbles, and Bodkins. Which Payments must be rais'd, not according to Laws, which are against them, but at their own plea­sures: and they, that this way take a part, may as well take the whole. Then as to Order and Government, none can say what they will be, because it will ever depend on the Wills of them, that at any time shall be uppermost. Here then our Persons, and Estates, lye all at the mercy of every Proud, and Gree­dy Committee, who will never want, while the Subject hath it. This then is the Height, and Perfection, of what is Arbitrary, which yet is the insepara­ble concomitant of Popular Proceedings.

Now in case these Men after a long, and profuse expence of Treasure and Blood, shall gain their point, in subduing the Powers; they must necessarily keep up a standing Army to support the Ʋsurpation; and likewise secure all Elections to themselves, that they may bring in one Member, as another fails; and Purge out that again, if it doth not just jump with the rest. By which means we doubly enslave both our selves, and Posterity at once; that is, both to the head Associators, or Covenanteers, call them what you will; and also to the Army that upholds them. Which two Bodies for Peace, and Mutual Pre­servation, must indulge each other, and divide amongst themselves the spoils of the People, and the Fat of the Land. And I am sure the People will find fellow Subjects, if once they gain the Government, more Proud, Covetous, and Tyrannical, than any, upon whom the Government Devolves by Legal, and expected Descents. For it hath ever been observed, that suddain, and great Advances, make Men insufferably Imperious, Proud, and Covetous. And when Crown, and Church Lands, are devoured by hungry Armies, and leading Commons; the necessary Charge of many Ʋsurpers, and of a standing Army, will much exceed the Expences of a Crown. Besides all the super­fluities, that Men of the Bench, and the Sword will have, when they are their own Carvers: which must all come out of the Subjects Pockets. There­fore the Association, or any Popular way of Exclusion, brings Men immediatly under not only Arbitrary Power, but withal, under the most certain, necessary, and unsupportable Oppressions too.

But some may here Object, that they will avoid all this mischief, for they will only put His Royal Highness by; and clap another in the Throne. They will alter a Person, but leave the Government untouch'd, till Parlia­mentary ways shall Purge, and Correct the Laws.

We answer, This is a right Fools Paradice; and as Impracticable a thing, as the building Castles in the Air. For,

1. A Rebellion, if prosperous, can never set Bounds to it self, that thus far, and no farther will we go. Which we prove two ways.

1. From matter of Fact; for the Commons that took up Arms against the late King, pretended they would only remove Evil Counsellors, and bring the King to His Parliament. And truly, I believe the Body of those Men did intend no more, but to make the King a slave to His Parliament, and them­selves. But this Army soon fell into many wretched Sects, and had as ma­ny Interests as Parties: by which means, while they all Conspired against what was an Obstruction to the whole; they were yet in contest, who should make his best advantage of it, when the point should be gain'd. Which done, the strongest Party carries away the Ball, and follows not what was in­tended by others, but what was most advantageous to themselves. And while these use the Sweat, and Blood of Fools, that first began the War, to their own ends; up starts a new Player, who changes the Scene, and be­fools [Page 5]them all. And upon every change things still run to a farther excess; till at last those, who began, and set Bounds to this Monster, viz. Popular Tumult, were inslaved with them, whom they first opposed. This is just like the Man in the Horn, the farther he creeps, the more he is straitned, till at last he would fain get out, if he could. When Men in these ways fight, as some yet speak, pro aris, & focis, they usually fight, till they have nothing, but smoak and ashes left them. For while Members were excluded; Generals, and other Commanders chang'd; and Governors crept up, and again thrust down one another; we gradually fell under a Monster of Government, that had so many Heads, we could neither number, nor well understand, which they were: and things were driven beside, and beyond, the first intention, to such Tragical events, that will blush in History to all Posterities.

2. From Reason, which gives us to expect the like mischiefs from a like success of Arms. For here are the same Parties, the same Principles, the same Interests, the same wicked Policies, cunning Heads, Self ends, and (which is the complement of all) the same Devil working in the Sons of Disobedience, that there was before: whence we must expect the same Contests, and Confu­sions; for the same Cause will still produce the same Effect.

If there be any alteration among these People, it is for the worse: for they are much more giddy-headed, rash, and implacable, than they were before the beginning of the last Rebellion. And the Presbyterians, who are for Govern­ment, though not for such; are generally sunk into Independency which is for such a Government, that it is indeed for none at all. For all our Conventicles are in their present state Independent; every such Body, like a flock of wild Geese, following none, but their own giddy motions. If any thing guides them, it is meer Opposition, which once ceasing, they fall by the Ears among themselves. Therefore having lived Libertines so many Years, they will ne­ver receive any Yoak: and consequently confusions must be greater, and things run to farther excesses, than before. But,

2. In case of success of Arms, these Men would never design, or yield to set up a King. For,

1. While they are in the way of Conquest, they will, as fast as may be, seize not only all Church Lands, and honest Mens Estates, but all the Revenues of the Crown too: which, as they are gain'd, must go not only to the necessary support of these kind of Commons, or States, and payment of the Army; but must be given to some as rewards of their Services, and to others to secure them to the Party; and when these leading Men have once got them in their Clutches, they will never resign them; but will be against a King, that they may still enjoy His Revenues.

2. Soldiers are always for continuing in Arms; and for that Reason alone, will be against a King, and a settled Government; which rendering them use­less, will soon Disband them.

3. If they yield to any Form of Government, it will be such, that them­selves may partake in; and therefore such, whereby they may farther secure their own Ʋsurpations, and Arbitrary Proceedings.

Men are quite-mistaken in their measures between Lawful Governors, and Ʋsurpers: The former have nothing, whether Power, or Revenues, but what is their own; and from them is to descend to their Heirs: therefore as they fear none, so they bend their thoughts to the good of the Subject, as well as of themselves: and many times prefer the Peoples, before their own particular advantages: as His Majesty hath done in many instances, viz. in making the Thirty Ships of War more large, and fit for Service, than the Tax given by the Parliament would do: in passing the Irish Bill; and in maintaining about Three Years War at Tangier, to the expence of near One Hundred Thousand Pound per annum, and bringing things to an honorable, and advantageous Ac­commodation; [Page 6]commodation; and all at the very time: when, beside the keeping a Fleet of Ships continually in the Streights, for preserving our Trade; the Commons did successively signifie, they would give no Mony, how pressing soever the ne­cessities of State might be. As Kings are Fathers of their Country in the Language of Nature; and Nursing Fathers in that of Revelation, so they have a Paternal Care, and Love of their Subjects; Providence hath made them a Sun, and a Shield, whose Influences, and Protection, reach to all Parts of their Dominions. The Peoples folly, and madness, may look upon their own In­terest, as distinct from that of the Crown; but Kings esteem them so entwisted together, that they cannot be separate.

But Ʋsurpers have at the most but their own Lives in the case, the Devil knows who may follow 'em; therefore they care not how Beggarly they leave the Soil to the next Invader. They have nothing, but what is other Mens; whence they fear both the Right owner, and what is their only due, viz. Sen­tence, and Execution for the Violences, they have done. Therefore all their Designs lie, not for the Peoples Good, but their own Preservation. And be­cause nothing is so jealous as Guilt, they never think themselves safe, but when their security, viz. the Sword, is in their own Hands: whence they will never part with their Power to any, for fear they should, at least accidentally, betray themselves. The King before His Restauration, promised Pardon to all, the Regicides only excepted; the performance of which Promise, they might have been Infallibly certain of, both from the King's Nature, and the then pre­sent circumstances of things: and yet both the Rump, and the Army, were as irreconcilably set against His Return, as if the One was to have been Roasted, and the Other Tyed up, the first day the King should set Foot on the Shore: and the Reason was not only that they might still Domineer, and Eat up the People; but might still stand their own Defenders. Nothing is so sweet as stolen Honors, and Command: nor so satisfactory to a Guilty Male­factor, as self-Defence.

But you will say the cases are not alike: for the Army will set up a Person, from whom they will have no Pardons, but Smiles to receive for their Services. Those looked upon the King at best, but as a reconciled Enemy; from whom they could hope for nothing, but to escape Hanging: but these will look upon this Person as their Friend, who will be ready to advance, and benefit them: and therefore will be more ready to set up him, than the others were to re­ceive the King.

We Answer,

1. That this supposed Army will be as unwilling to be put out of a way to Live, and to give up the Power, and Revenues, they have got into their Hands, as the other were before; and consequently will be as much against a King, as they.

2. The Heirs to the Crown must be supposed, at least some of 'em, still in being; and therefore waiting an opportunity of recovering their own: for which very cause, as well as others, they will not part from their Power, in giving the Sword out of their Hands; lest by some slip of Government, or any other means, the Right owner return; from whom (after a second Rebellion) they must not expect so large an Indemnity.

When the Roman Armies Rul'd the Empire, they were never willing to part from their Power; though indeed they made Emperors, yet they unmade them again at their pleasure, and forc'd the Senate to confirm their next Election, that for many successive Reigns, they still rode Masters of the Go­vernment. In like manner the Parliament Army would have shook off Oli­ver Cromwell, though at last their General, and set up by themselves: nei­ther could he have held it; had he lived but a little longer. Next they tumble down his Son Richard, and set up themselves again under their Ge­neral [Page 7] Lambert. Nor must you ever expect that another Army of the People, if it once come to tread down all Authority, and Laws, will act any other­wise; because it is their Interest to do so. They will not voluntarily give up their Arms, and become your Servants, and be turn'd a Begging at your plea­sure; when they are once become your Masters.

But to return a little back, whom will you suppose this Army to set up? It must not be the Lawful Successor, which is His Royal Highness, for whose Exclusion, they pretend to rise: nor His next Heirs, who will not take it over a Fathers Head; and in whose Hands Rebels will not put themselves, least Justice should overtake them. But it must be one, whom we must sup­pose a very Ʋsurper; who therefore, like the Protector, must keep up this Ar­my to secure himself. For if he Disband them, he is exposed to the Lawful Heir; to whom the Loyal Party will adhere, and great part of these Forces so Disbanded will fly; some out of revenge, and others, that they may still have somthing to do. Therefore in fine it comes to this, viz. that you must Petiti­on, and ask this Army first, whether you shall have a King or not: and then afterwards, how long you shall keep Him. For if they stand, they are able to put by your King at pleasure; and if Disbanded, they make way for the owner.

People are thus vilely mistaken, in reckoning what mighty feats, they may do by Arms; because they do not consider the different Interest of the Peo­ple, and of an Army. Take the People peaceably imbodyed together, and they are a Civil Society, whose Interest is Government, and Trade; without either of which they perish: but raise an Army from amongst this Body, let them ride over all Authority, and Power, and their circumstances are quite al­tered; for they are now unhous'd, disfurnish'd of Goods, Tools, Implements, and Commodities: and some never had any: they are now grown Idle, Proud, and Imperious: and can neither Beg, nor Work. Therefore their Interest is quite altered too: which is no more to sit under Laws, and follow their Labour, and Trades; but to continue in Arms, to inslave, and eat up the People. And those very Men of them, that have other thoughts now, yet will have these, if they ever fall into such Circumstances: a Man's mind, and sentiments, usu­ally vary with his condition. For Men are always ready to follow their Inter­ests, to take their advantages, and make their own markets. Therefore the People in such ways do but conjure up a Devil, which they will never be able to lay: and which will give them no King, unless such an one, as Jupiter gave the Petitioning Frogs, which devoured some, and made all the rest a weary of him.

Nor is there any help in such a case, unless it fall down from Heaven, as it did before; For the Commons, whom you suppose to have Commissioned these Forces, and from whom alone you can expect it; neither will, nor can help it. For,

1. They share with the Army in their stollen Revenues, and Estates, ergo, will not help it.

2. This Army, if displeas'd, will exclude some Members, and terrifie the rest; or set up a single Person themselves, who be sure shall be one, that hath no pretences to the Crown, lest he should keep it longer, than he serves their Interest; but must be a Person whom themselves may reign under: Ergo, the Commons cannot help it; but each must comply with the other for Mutual preservation. The Commons must Vote Mony for the Army, and themselves to­gether: and then the Army must force the People to pay it. Whence the Friends to this way will be utterly disappointed, and find themselves passed out of God's Blessing into the warm Sun; and will soon become a Thousand times more weary of their Arms, than they are of what they please at present to call their Grievances.

4. Look to the People, and there can be no expectation of a King from them, who are made up of so many, and so different Parties; of whom some can dispense with the Name, but not with the Power of Kings; they would possibly give the Title, so they may keep the Authority themselves: under whom (for he must not live above 'em) a King should not be half so happy, as a Man, that hath but five honest Tenants, whereof one pays Ten, another Twelve, another Fifteen, and the other each about Twenty Pound per annum. For this Man knows what he hath to trust to, and may command his own: but the other lives precariously, and can command nothing. Others are for an Universal equality: who, that themselves might never want, would have none above 'em. Here are a pure sort of Saints, that will indure none, but King Jesus. And there a late Sect of Puritans, yet descended with the rest from the old [...], demure things, a narrow Soul'd People, whose Consci­ences cannot stretch so wide, as to call any Man Master, or own any Guide, but the Light within 'em. A special Medley! A Parcel like to pull down, and destroy, if they can; but not to Establish, and Build up a Government. Dis­cord brought a Babel to nought, and shattered the first Monarchy in pieces, and hath ruin'd all the Empires of the World; Ergo the Poets, to signifie all her Works are Desolation, Paint her in a tatter'd Garment; and if (after the Observation, and Experience of all Ages to the contrary) we expect to see her Erect a Throne, and Build up a Church, and that while she is threatning the ruine of both; we betray our own weakness, and make our selves one of the greatest Instances of Vanity, that the wise Man hath found under the Sun. But,

3. They never can set up a King, if they would.

For finding so much fault with the Power of Kings, they will never set up One, unless upon certain Terms, and Restrictions; making Him to hold His Crown, as one did of old, by feeding of an Horse; or, it may be, some worse Creatures, as Mules, and Asses. We may conclude the particulars some such, as these, viz.

• Imprimis, That the King shall keep none but True Protestant Misses, such as the Noble Peer, and other good People, use to do.
• Item, That He shall keep no more Guards, than Oats, or Bedloe; upon pain of having them Indicted.
• Item, That He shall Borrow no Mony, lest He make His loving Subjects Enemies to the State.
• Item, That He shall be Ruled by His good Subjects.
• Item, —
• Item, —
• Item, — &c.

In which, the People will agree well enough. But the main difficulty will be about that, which they have the least of, viz. Religion, and Church-Govern­ment. It is this, they pretended to Fight for; therefore as every Party did ven­ture his Blood, so every Party must be satisfied. This then is a Boat, that eve­ry one must have his Oar in; till, like Noah's Ark, it have in it Forty Beasts for One Man. And if in this great concern, you put these Questions, viz. Whether the People shall meet in a Steple-House, a Barn, or Stable; or whether (lest the Spirit should be confin'd) they shall Assemble, as the Heathen did, in the open Air? Whether they shall have set Preachers, or Gifted Men; whe­ther this, or either Sex; and whether these shall Prophesie by turns, or as the Spirit moves? When Baptism shall be Administered; and whether the Per­sons shall be Baptized by Sprinkling, or Diping; and whether in a Wooden Dish, a Platter, or a Kookingstool? Whether they shall have Parochial, or Ga­thered Churches? Or whether the Preachers maintenance shall be rais'd by Tyth Pigs, or Womens Pettitoes? And you have cut them out Work for their [Page 9]whole lives. But take in all the great matters of Government, Do­ctrine, and Worship, and no two Parties can any more agree, than heat, and cold. For their Principles are monstrously different, and the Parties so intol­lerably stiff, they will yield in nothing: in all their Religious controversies every Party are like those, that told Queen Elizabeth, they would not leave an hoof behind, but are resolv'd to have every Beast of Opinion with 'em. And when the Church was fallen under them, they were set as much Tooth, and Nail, one against another. For the Bishops were not more severely dealt with, as to verbal Abuses, by all Parties; than the Presbiterian afterward was by the Independent; and the Quaker by the rest. Therefore though they now all Herd under the comprehensive shade of True Protestants, yet if ever they run down present Establishments, they fall into numerous little Fractions; which can no more accord, than Whig, and Tory: being as much Dissenters one from another, as they are from the Church.

If therefore any shall draw a Scheme of Ecclesiastical Polity, it must whol­ly accord either with no Party; but be in some points suited to more, or to all, and then it pleases none of 'em; or with only one, and then it displeases all the rest. It is therefore impossible they should ever agree upon what terms to set up a King; and consequently impossible they should ever set up any at all. But they must necessarily live in continual Feuds, and act as strength, and op­portunity shall enable 'em. Whence it must necessarily follow, that, either they must rend one another in pieces; or fall under some subtile head, that shall inslave the whole. Therefore after all the tricks of wickedness against King, and Government; and hope of Chimerical constitutions; which, like your entia rationis, shall never be found any where else, but in Mens fansies, these Men will at last (if they had their way) bring their Hogs to a fair Market; as the Devil before them, who choak'd 'em in the Lake.

Therefore notwithstanding this Objection of shutting out all these confusi­ons, by setting up such a Person; himself is like to fall from the greatest Glories of the Kingdom, matters of the Crown only excepted; which Glo­ries he once did, and may again, if himself please (and all good Men wish, and pray he would) injoy; to be tossed up and down, as the Peoples slights: and the People themselves to fall under that Arbitrary Power, and Tyranny, which an Association, a Covenant, or a Popular Exclusion, unavoidably leads to. In which, if I may not be believed, yet I am sure, that Cassandra like, I speak the Truth.

The result then is this, that instead of Evils in posse, this is the way to have them in esse. And thus to inslave our selves at present, lest we should be in­slaved some time hereafter, we know not when; is to Act worse than the Man, that Kill'd himself for fear of Death. For his Death was certain; but this supposed Slavery, Men fear, is not so. A deep piece indeed, whose Policies, we do not yet discern, to run into present, and intollerable Miseries under fellow-Subjects; rather than live in a possibility of being miserable un­der Lawful Governors.

Then,

2. The Association, or any such Popular way; is a more certain, or ready way to Popery, than a standing up to the Right of Succession, can in any Rea­son be supposed to be.

For the Persons, that must be supposed to Associate, are of many very dif­ferent, and irreconcilable Opinions; therefore such Association, or Popular way of Exclusion, must be carried on, not only by a War, but by an Ʋniversal Tolleration too. For if any Party be debar'd its Liberty, it falls off from the rest; and the Exclusion of one will signifie nothing; as reaching no ends at all, without the Excluding more; and the whole dividing will be soon de­stroy'd.

And if ever they gain the Government, an Universal Liberty must still continue: for no comprehension, nor any imaginable contrivance, can unite, and bring more than one Party to the same Rule; nor that one neither, un­less that Rule be of its own making: and consequently Establish any one way, what you will, and all the rest fly off, and conspire the breaking those Methods. Nor can any one Party oblige all the rest; because the rest in con­junction will ever be too strong for one. And yet to Establish a Tolleration by Universal consent is impossible too; for the Presbyterians, when uppermost, declared against this, as much as ever they did against Popery it self. There­fore take which part you will, a Tolleration, or no Tolleration; and all the Fat is in the fire, either on this hand or that. In fine then this must be such a Liberty, which the People took, when there was no King in Israel; every one doing what seem'd good in his own eyes.

By which means every Party becomes a Body distinct of it self, and we have as many Scisms, and Separations, and Interests, as Parties: whence every one is against every one: and whilst they are all endeavouring to promote every Man his Way, and Party above the rest; they do hinder, and pull back one another, till they all fall together by the ears. Therefore such Popular Associ­ations, have War, Liberty, and Confusion, their inseparable adjuncts. Which things do give the greatest advantage to Popery.

For which cause Oats tells you the Jesuits were stirring up the Scots against the Bishops, and in defence of their Covenant: and the spring following they did rise, and declare accordingly: and Fitz-Harys, who was an Irish Papist, made a disturbance the very design of that Libel, for which he suffered.

Nor doth the same Oats say any less of a Tolleration; but speaks it a great ad­vance to the Popish Interest. And Coleman in his long Letter, saith, that the next Session of Parliament, They, viz. the Papists design'd the procuring a Liberty of Conscience; which, saith he, if we gain, will be half our point. In which last are many Authorities: for he was a Man, that understood the sense of that Party, as much as any; and consequently we have herein not his pri­vate Sentiments only, but the Judgment of the Jesuits, who were ever ac­knowledged well seen in Politicks. And truly they had both Reason, and Ob­servation, to support this confidence.

1. Reason pleads that an Universal Toleration must be much more advan­tagious to the Papists, than to Dissenters; because the Papists are kept clear, and firm to their Principles, and lie in no danger of receiving any thing con­trary to the Doctrine of their Church: but Dissenters, being kept to no Rule, run into all extravagancy, and receive any wild conceptions, that are suggested to them: therefore while Dissenters are multiplying Opinions, changing, and opposing Parties; the Papists are gathering Proselytes from amongst them all. Therefore if such Toleration be advantageous to Dissenters, which yet they pre­sume; and therefore received it so joyfully, that Wild returns a Ballad of Thanks, and his Wise was so transported, she leaves her Gridiron, and runs with an Herring tail hanging out at her mouth to hear the news; it must needs be much more advantageous to the Romanists: and therefore considera­bly so.

But suppose such Liberty Exclude the Papists, yet it matters not much. For these creep into every Party, and under disguises of Mechanicks, and gifted Men, will have Liberty of maintaining old, and inventing what new Opi­nions they please.

Among which they promote especially.

1. Such as set every Party against every one; and incline them, as much as may be, to the destroying one another.

2. Such, that dispose Men for the receiving the Romish Faith: in which the Jesuit hath went very far already: as in Doctrines of Resistance, Infallibility, [Page 11]&c. which former, Dissenters have practiced beyond example: and the lat­ter they as really attribute to their own Teachers, and Parties; as any Papists do to the Pope, and the Church. Now keep these Notions abstractedly, and change but the Persons, to whom they are attributed, that is, your Teachers for the Pope; your Parties for the Church, &c. and the work is none.

Therefore under such a Liberty, the Jesuite either moves such Parties to weaken one another, till himself becomes able to deal with them all: or else carries them on to a conceited Perfection, to sit above Ordinances, to dream of Visions, and Revelations, and a Light within 'em; which supersede, and ex­clude the Scriptures. By which means every Man becomes a Guide, and a Rule to himself: and being beat off from all Religions, he is ready to receive that, which alone seems to promise him sure footing, and a quiet repose; and to which certain Opinions already received do dispose him. Then,

2. Observation, and Experience shew, that de facto, it hath been so al­ready: for the last Rebellion, Ʋsurpation, and Liberty, that did accompany each, brought us so near the Gates of Rome, that we cannot imagine what (in those Circumstances) could have stoped our course, but the expedient Mercy gave us, viz. His Majesties Restauration.

Popery never made such advances from the first of Queen Elizabeth, to the beginning of that Rebellion, as she did from the Rebellion to the end of the Ʋsurpation: nor had she been near so considerable as now, was it not for the strength, she gain'd then.

Therefore the Association, or any Popular Exclusion, which necessarily in­troduces a War, and Toleration both; is the very Bait the Romanists have been laying for us; the Game, they would fain have us at: and consequently had these Men design'd to turn all to Arbitrary Power, and Popery at once; they could not possibly have cut out apter Methods that way, than an Associati­on is. Whence the Nation must justly suspect either the Wisdom; or good in­tentions of such Men: however their Friends, who are Factors for another Rebellion, would persuade us they are True Protestants, and the King's most Loyal Subjects.

Whereas while we keep to the Right of Succession, we enjoy our Peace, our Liberties, Laws, and Religion; which every Wise, and sober Man, will hold, while he can: and not throw them away in a pet, because some Politick Pates, that would fain be making their own Markets, would persuade us to do so. And for the future there are so many hazards between His Royal Highness, and the Crown, from infectious Diseases, which seize the strong, and healthful; from decays of Nature, which the weak as well as age, are under; and from the many accidents, which the most careful, and reserved, are ex­pos'd to; especially Persons of generous, and braving Souls, as His Royal Highness is. Besides Men's ignorance of his present sentiments; and the changes, that time, Reasonings, and Observation, may make upon the best, and most knowing Persons: that it is very highly uncertain, whether he ever come to the Crown such, as is here represented.

But suppose he should, yet it is not in any Reason to be imagined, that it should be possible for him to settle Popery amongst us. Indeed when Men look upon the thing in the gross, they huddle up a thousand difficulties together, and make nothing of 'em: but when they come to consider the particular means, and ways, relation being had to the State, and Circumstances of things, whereby it must be done, if ever it be done; they will soon find their con­fidence broken; and themselves at a loss in shewing it fairly probable. For if it be done at all, it must be either by Law, or Arms; but by neither of these; ergo not at all.

1. Not by Law; because all our Laws are against Popery. Nor are any new ones like to be made in our times in favor of it. For in all our last Electi­ons [Page 12]of Representatives, let but a sly Knave set the Brand of Papist on the most known, and Loyal Protestant; and the People fly him as a Basilick, that is said to kill with sight, or breath; notwithstanding we are blessed with a Prince, who so constantly declares both by His Words, and Conduct, for the preserva­tion of the Protestant Religion, as it is now Established by Law; whence it is not to be imagined they will (in our time at least) be any way induced to Elect a Papist; or one, that shall seem Popishly affected, if ever we fall under a Prince, that may be suspected to look any whit that way.

For though nothing is more shallow, and unconstant, than the People; first in determining what is Popery, branding now this, and presently that Ca­tholick Doctrine, and Practice for such; while Popery in many instances goes unsuspected, and gives the denomination of a True Protestant: and then in selecting Methods of Exclusion, which are now one, presently another; and somtimes the very way to let it in; as throwing open, and pulling down the Church, which is the best Fence and Bulwark against it. Yet great is their constancy in opposing what they take to be Popery; and though they mistake in some particulars, yet they will easily see, when it is coming in the full Bo­dy upon 'em. And especially at such a critical time, they will be incompara­bly nice, and curious in their Elections.

Indeed People may, perhaps, run into another extream in Electing Persons, who by an over-hasty zeal, precipitant Councels, and a fearful flying, as they think, the farthest from Popery, may give it real advantages: but what it gains this way is not from design, but by accident: not from direct Laws, but by Consequence. And indeed this is the Road, in which she hath travel'd, and gain'd ground upon us, even under those Men, who, we doubt not, design'd her utter Extirpation. And how serviceable People may be to the ends of Popery in this way, we fear; but do not suspect they will Elect such, that shall introduce it by a Law.

Nor can we in Reason be affrighted at the instance under Queen Mary: be­cause the condition of things is quite different now from. what it was then. For in those times the Reformation was weak, and in it's Infancy, these Paths were uncouth, and strange, and few minds heartily reconcil'd to 'em; great part of the Nation lay disaffected, and stood Non-conformists to Protestant Establishments: and the rest of the People (a few only excepted) having real­ly no Religion in them, were for this, or t'other, and therefore ready upon a change to return to the old way, in which they were born, and their Fathers before 'em. Hearty Protestants were very few; Papists still made the mul­titude. It was therefore, perhaps, more easie for her to restore the Popish Re­ligion, than to continue the Reformation; and things seem'd rather to return, than to be brought to their former state. But now the Protestant Religion hath flourish'd so long amongst us, that it hath taken deep Root, and is grown into a Tree, whose top reaches Heaven, and whose Branches are extended to all the corners of the Land; in her Boughs the Fowls of the Air do build; and under her shade the Beasts of the People rest. Men have been so terrified with Popish Hags, and Furies; and night-mared with Monks, Priests, and Jesuits, that they think there is no Monster in Africa, nor Evil in the World, like these. Your Adamites, who are shameless as Naked Truth, and Sweet-Singers, who close their services with promiscuous mixtures; and the Muggletonian, whose Divine Discourses are the deepest Blasphemies, will unite against this. This Sect no sooner hears mention of a Pope, but it falls a quaking for fear it should loose it's own Infallibility, and be forced to transfer it to another; whilst that, drunk with Venner's Wine, flies to his Sword, and Musquet, lest the Vicar coming should keep out's master. The Atheist will Swear, not by his God, for he hath none, but by the Heavens; and the Ranter by him, that made him; they will have no Popery, lest they should be bound to some Religion. [Page 13]The late Divine, who turns from Coat to Gown, from Gown to Coat again; like amphibious Animal, or water Rat, that lives in this, or t'other Ele­ment; and now contrary to the Antipendium way, stands with Brazen head, and Silver Screw, fast set into all Sects at once: will for ever turn tail on Rome, lest he should be injoyn'd too hard a Pennance. Those, whose hungry Titles have eat up all their Grace, and Honor; with the whole Tribe of True Prote­stants, who matter no Religion, are however against this: and he, that would not give a Groat for continuance of the Gospel, is yet ready to venture his life against Popery. So disparate, and unlike, are our present things, to what Queen Mary found, that we must not think what was easie then, to be possible to a Papist Prince now; and consequently those expedients, that would not have been sufficient in her days, might yet have been sufficient in ours.

It is not likely then, that Popery should (in our days at least) come in by Law: Nor yet

2. By Arms; for if so, it must be either by our Arms alone, or in con­junction with Foreign aids. But,

1. Not by our own Arms alone: For most of the Nobility, and many considerable Gentry, are Interested in Abby-Lands, or Impropriations: which things alone will ingage them against it. Religion moves but slow against se­cular Interest, and present Advantages. And whereas it may be pleaded, that such shall be recompens'd out of the Estates of Protestants; let it be considered;

1. That Men will not easily part from an Estate in certain, for one in hopes only: with all Men present possession goes far.

2. Many of these will be suspitious that themselves may be the Prote­stants, out of the other part of whose Estates, some Sons of Rome must be rewarded.

3. There are so many, that have already, and will yet suffer, for the Po­pish Interest, before this day can be supposed to come, who must be first con­sidered; that they must needs think, there will be but little, if any thing left for them.

Therefore this Objection can be allowed but little, or no strength to the ends, for which it is made. Whence consider that the Body of our Nobility, and Gentry, are Protestants: the Papists being but like a few exceptions from a ge­neral Rule: and some of that Body, that some may think possible to be sway'd, are strengthned, and seeured by Interest. How few then are there, that are like to appear promoters of this Cause.

2. It doth appear upon all publick occasions, that the People are so far prejudiced against this way, that they are truly Impoysoned: and instead of promoting the Papal, are ready to promote another Interest, to the ruine of all present Establishments. So far are they transported with a blind, and pre­cipitant zeal against it; that they are ready to commit those very Treasons, Rebellions, Murthers, &c. for the keeping it out, which themselves say others would have done, for the bringing of it in.

3. The Loyal Church-man, who never made the Bible speak Treason, nor Religion the Patroness of Murther: but draws his Principles from precepts, and examples of Scripture; and from all Primitive Practice, hath learn'd to love his King, and therefore he will not resist him: and to Love his Religion, and for that Reason, he will not help to destroy it. He hath been taught in the same Acts to Fear God, and to Honor the King; by yielding Passive, where he cannot yield Active Obedience. Therefore if he shall ever fall under a King, that shall set up Popery; he neither helps forward the work, nor resists the Powers; but commits himself to Him, who governs the Kingdoms upon Earth: which of old was called, the Faith, and the Patience of the Saints. Now when these stand Neuter, it is utterly impossible that the Papist Party should ever do any thing by Arms, upon the numerous Body of Dissenters.

Indeed if Dissenters prepare, or begin a resistance, or if at any time they take up Arms against the King, the case is quite altered: for then the King, and all Loyal Subjects, whom these Parties all brand for Papists, are equally indangered: and then we are bound to defend both our King, and our selves, against fellow Subjects, who have no Authority to disturb us.

Now suppose we fall under so nice, and trying a case, that we conceive we cannot defend our King, but we must enable Him to inslave our selves and Ene­mies together: yet however, we must do our Duty, and leave the event to God. For we are not to sin our selves, that thereby we may prevent others from doing so. You cry Popery is coming, and therefore Rebel: now we do not see the Popery, but we see the Rebellion: we cannot tell whether that will ever come; but we see the other is come already. Now we are to take the safest side; but if we joyn with you, we may be gull'd into a needless War, as many were in the time of the late King; whereas by a Rebellion, the Powers, the Government, and every private Interest are indangered. Moreover, if we run on your side; we are sure to be undone, which way soever the Victory falls: for if you are overcome, we perish with you, as Malefactors; but if you do overcome, we are ruin'd by you: and if we sit still, you destroy us, and our King together. Therefore in such a case, as duty commands, so safe­ty presses us, to defend our selves, and King at once; without considering Him as such, but simply as our King, and therefore whether he be this, or that: which is agreeable to the voice of God, both in Nature, and Revelation too. And indeed if we allow any Liberty of resistance, we bring confusion, into the World; set all Government upon Hinges, and make a gap for all manner of Villanies to creep in at. Whence St. Paul discours'd like a Polititian, as well as a Divine, when he commanded the Romans to submit, and not to resist the Powers, even when Nero was their Emperor, who was justly branded for the Monster of Mankind. Therefore unless Dissenters by their Rebellions give such advantages to Popery; it cannot in our time come in by our own Arms. Nor,

2. By Foreign Aids. For,

1. If a King shall make use of such, He takes the readiest course imagina­ble to disoblige His Protestant Subjects. Especially since these Aids must be supposed to come from France: against whom the English have the greatest antipathy of any People in the World.

2. In case the French King come at all, he must come with very numerous Forces; and consequently leave himself weak at home: and thereby would draw all Neighbor Princes upon him; not only for the recovery of what he hath lately taken from them; but also to hinder his farther growth; where­by he may set up himself an Universal Monarch over this part of the World. By which means he would soon be drawn off to save his own at home.

3. We cannot in Reason think the King of England will ever call in those; who, if too weak, loose Him His Crown; and, if strong enough, will take it from Him. For hereby he would bring Himself into a certain ruine, either by His Subjects at home, or His Aids from abroad.

Look into the World, and tell me where Protestant, or Papist Princes, either in this or in former Ages, use to sell their Kingdoms into the hands of any, for the sake of forcing their Subjects to a Religion, they could not otherwise oblige 'em to. Honor, and secular Interest, cause Princes of the same Reli­gion to War one upon another. At this very time the Emperor, the King of Spain, the French King, and Italian Princes, though all Roman Catholicks, are either in a War, or upon their Guards, every one waiting but till another strikes. Queen Mary while settling Popery at home, lost the last of the English Conquests on the Continent of France. And can we think that the King of [Page 15] England will tread counter to all the Kings upon Earth? That he alone had rather have no Subjects, than not have them in all points such, as himself could wish? Judg by your selves, and you will believe there is no Man so mad, as rather to have no Estate, than not have a few incumbrances with it.

Indeed when Subjects are contending for the Government, they usually call in Foreign assistance: for when once it comes to this point, that they must have such Aids, or fall, it is easie determining what to do. For by such means they may reach their end; however they can but fall; and, they think, better fall under a Foreigner, who by their means may gain the whole; than under the Powers, they would have dispossess'd: for the former may give 'em Life: the latter the Gallows. Thus our True Protestant Rebels called in the Scots. And a piece Entituled, The growth of Knavery, tells you by what Lord they desired the French King to be ready, in case they should Pray his Aids. And this at that very time too, when they were charging the late King with Foreign Cor­respondencies; it being ever their way to charge those Evils on the Government, which they are Acting their own selves: as again in this case, because they may not Act: Arbitrarily in chusing Sheriffs, contrary to the Law, and usage of this City for many Ages before us; and contrary to their own Order, in the Reign of King Charles the first, they cry out of Arbitrary Power; as if they could never make Persons, and things appear so odious, as by putting them in their own Livery. Their Brethren the True Protestants in Hungary, having Rebelled against their Emperor, call in the Turk, and are shuting out the Bible by the Alcoran. But as Kings may fall, but cannot rise, so they are very jea­lous of their Interest both at home, and abroad, and industriously careful that they give none an advantage against them.

And certainly none could have thought such a thing of His Royal Highness, was it not for Coleman's Letter: which, as His Royal Highness did deny to be writ by His order, or knowledg, so we have all the Reason in the World to believe Him, not only from the unreasonableness of the Hypothesis, as before; but farther,

1. From Coleman's Interest, and Temper: who, if things succeded, was to have had a great place: and as he was a Man of zeal, and performances, so he had this vanity, that he loved to Magnifie each. Therefore that he might ap­pear considerable, and drive on things as fast as they could go; it is extream­ly probable he might exceed in the accounts, he gave: especially touching His Royal Highness, because the thoughts of gaining, or honor of using His name in this matter, would both have Magnified Coleman's fame, and merits, and also above any thing else, have put life into their affairs. It is usual for aspiring minds to derive a Reputation to themselves, and their affairs, by pretending the favour of those great Personages, who have but once Smiled, or passed a Courtship upon them. And especially Men of designs advance their matters under the umbrage of those Authorities, that they were never acquainted with. And in the case before us, the reproach, that might have been feared from the discovery of his prevarication, he might easily think to keep off, both by the commendation of his Zeal, and also by the present advantages, he expected to have made from such an Account.

2. From Oats, and Bedloe, who clear His Royal Highness from the PLOT: Oats in his Depositions Swears, That the Jesuits durst not trust Him with the knowledge of it: giving this Reason, viz. for he would never agree to it. And again they resolved, That if the Duke would not accept the Crown on their terms, they would send Him after the King. Now do you believe Oats, or no? If you do believe him, then acquit the Duke from the PLOT; if you do not, then you make him Perjured, and therefore to be believed in nothing: it comes then to this point, viz. that you must either believe the Duke was not acquainted with the PLOT, or else destroy all Oats's Evidence.

Now observe the prodigious impudence of Dangerfield. Oats Swears the Jesuits dare not trust the Duke with knowledge of the PLOT: and Bedloe, that they dreaded He would never be reconciled to their Methods: yet this Monster of Villains Swears, He was acquainted with the Design upon the King's Person. Now suppose such a Design, and that His Royal Highness, were a Roman Catholick; yet that the Jesuits should first acquaint the Duke with that Design, and then suffer Him to Act in it Himself, and that with such a Fellow as this, who hath always lived by wickedness; and whose Story, if true, exceeds that of Guzman, and the English Rogue, would justly render them as notorious in Folly, as ever they have been renown'd for Politicks. Was there nothing in it, but the Notoriety of the Person in forming, I could no more be­lieve Dangerfield in this, than I can commend the honesty of Don Tomazo. In the Lord Stafford's Trial, Mr. Treby, pag. 40. saith, they have proved the PLOT, by Evidence apparently invincible, — and by credible Persons: amongst whom was Mr. Smith, and Mr. Bernard Dennis. And Sir William Jones, another manager for the House of Commons, proves by Mr. Arnold a Member of that House, and divers others, that Mr. Turbervil, was a Man of the fairest Reputation, pag. 153. But when the same Men are Evidences for the King at the Old-Baily, they are loaded with numerous Crimes, and thence made utterly incredible: but among 'em all, shew me such a Fellow as this, and I shall hold him a Person worthy to be gaz'd at. Indeed the greater Vil­lain, the more likely to be imployed in such a concern; but withal the more unlikely to be entrusted by such a Personage; where a discovery would prove incomparably more disadvantagious to his Person, and the whole Cause too, than if acted by an inferiour hand. That the Jesuits should be so shy of the Duke, as to the PLOT in general, and dread His dislikes; and yet on a suddain should be so bare-faced in this, the top, and perfection of all wick­edness, charged upon them; is the most prodigious madness for any to suppose.

This Wretch was before Angling in another Water, but not catching the Fish, he comes to this: whence it is probable he was (according to his Me­thods) seeking where to make the best advantage; and if once they come to the factious, they are tyed in Golden Chains for ever stiring from 'em. And the rather may we conclude this, because his charge is so suited to the humor, expectation, and desire of those Men; who, while they commended the Pa­pist Evidences for so much as they had said; withal let them know they were yet short in not having charged the Queen, and the Duke of York. These Discoveries, like paultry Infects, and some wretched Vermin half formed, and just peeping out of Corruption, crawling abroad in time; after some warm gleams had a while rested upon 'em, we may easily guess their Cause, and Origen.

2. For the Jesuits to tell the Duke of the other point, viz. the bringing in a Foreign Army, had been in effect to let him know, that they were felling those Kingdoms into Foreign hands, which himself stands Heir to; which is in plain terms, that they were betraying his Interest, and destroying his Suc­cession: a thing, that no Man in his private, and narrow capacity, would ever be brought to; for every one is for securing his own: Therefore whatever some Jesuits might intend; yet that they should ever impart such a thing to His Royal Highness, or that His Royal Highness should Design, or Act in such an Affair Himself, is the most fond, and unreasonable fansie in the World.

Now Coleman in accusing the Duke as to what himself had writ, spoke what in that Confusion might seem His Interest; regarding not truth, but his own safety: whereas Oats in his deliberate Depositions, and unconcern'd in this particular, whether so, or not; clears the Duke from having any knowledge of the PLOT at all, and consequently of these Aids, which was one main part of it. Therefore if you believe Oats either an honest Man, [Page 17]or well acquainted with the intrigues of the Papist Party, and the particulars of the PLOT, without which he was not qualified for a Discovery, you must necessarily receive that part of his Depositions, which acquits His Royal High­ness from any knowledge of these matters. Therefore the Duke never know­ing, nor being ever likely to yield, to this supposal of Foreign Aids, Popery is not like to come in (at least in our time) by Arms; and because neither by Arms, nor by Law, therefore not at all.

Unless you plead that if a Papist King (if any such shall be) cannot settle it by Law, or Arms; yet he may do much by Favour, and Politick advances of it. It is true, by such means it may make some advances, but cannot come to an Establishment, or gain the Government: it is but an intruder, and will be soon thrust out by the next Successors, who after His Royal Highness, are con­fessed by all Men to be Protestants.

This Queen Elizabeth found very easie to do; and yet Popery was then of many Ages growth, and was but check'd, or interrupted, rather than removed. For though Henry VIII. dissolved Abbies, yet it was Edward VI. that settled the Reformation, which was not half received, nor well understood by the Body of the People, before he dies. After whom Queen Mary restores, and continues Popery near Five Years longer. Whereas now it is a stranger, and generally disliked; and in the Methods this supposition puts, it can make but very slow advances; nor can His Royal Highness be supposed (if He outlive the King at all) to have any considerable time to smile upon it. Therefore being not Established by Law, nor secured by the Sword, it lives only as a Favourite, which at the departure of a King, goes off, and makes way, for the Darling of the next Successor.

If the Church of England though Establish'd by Law, so hardly rubs through the crouds of Dissenters; who, every step she takes, grin, and shew their Teeth, and stretch out their threatning Paws; and deal by her as the Watchmen by the Spouse; or the Sober Party by the Lord Mayor, at the late Election of Sh— justle, and buffer, and pull, or beat off her Veil from her; can we think that Popery can obtain, meerly because supposed to be some little time up­on sufferance amongst us?

The result then is this, viz. an Association, or Popular way of Exclusion, puts us immediately under Arbitrary Power, and the ready Road to Rome; while Succession being circumstantiated as it is, may very probably be no way capable of effecting the Evils, which Men would persuade us to fear. Therefore while our Libel faith, we know what we must expect from a Popish Successor, we may more justly say, we know what we must expect from the True Protestant Asso­ciation.

In fine, it is certainly a most fond trouble, that we disquiet our selves withal, about the Succession, and the King of France.

For the Queen may Dye, the King Marry, and leave Heirs of his own body. Or the Duke may Dye first, and the Succession fall upon a Protestant. Indeed the King is the elder, but it is so little that it is recompenced in his advantages of being the first born: for it is held that the Seminal vertue is greater in the first, than in the second Generation; and in this, than in the third, and so downwards; whence it is observed that the Eldest Brother generally outlives the Younger; unless in case of accidents, of contagious Diseases, which seize the sounder, and stronger Constitutions, rather than the weak, and the more disposed to Corruption: and of ill Habits, or Diseases, contracted by any kind of intemperance: accordingly we see His Majesty is the stronger, and more likely to live; therefore it is not yet come to an even Cast, the odds lie on the King's side. Therefore for this Reason only, the Evils under a Popish Successor are improbable, because it is more probable they will not reach us, than that they will. And certainly it is the greatest folly in the [Page 18]World to trouble our selves with improbable Evils. Were these Evils certain, but yet at a distance, solely because they are at a distance, we ought not by the fear of them to imbitter our lives at present. An anticipation of miseries is a double misery; and the former, which consists in the fear, is the worst, because wilful; the latter more supportable, because unavoidable: that is our sin, this our unhappiness only. The one we bear as Men, the other as Fools. But that men should make their lives uneasie by a load of Plagues, which are both at a distance, which we may never live to see come, in case they ever come; and also unlikely ever to come at all; is the business of men, that want both wit, and something to do.

And as for the French King, we know not, whether: he may live to see an alteration here; and if his Son do, it is uncertain what Spirit he may prove of. That Kingdom is set round with Enemies, and may be disabled to transport Armies into another Soyl. Or, however these things happen, he is a likely instrument of seting up Popery in these Kingdoms, who is pul­ling it down in his own.

Upon the whole matter then, I cannot believe these Men fear what they talk of, it is not their Passion, but their Policy. Even this Pamphlet in the second part pretends the same fears under His present Majesty, and yet in this part pag. 4. saith, he hath too much goodness; and pag. 5. that he hath too little mony to do it: themselves Expound their own Riddle, and give us to understand, that by pretended Fears they would beguile us into real Evils.