OBSERVATIONS Upon the PROVINCES UNITED.
ABout the beginning of this STATE, all things did most notably concurr for the Rising and Maintenance of it; the disposition [Page 2]of the people being, as mutinous, so industrious and frugall. The Nature of the Countrey every where Fortisiable with water; the Situation of it, having behinde them the Baltique Sea, which yeelds them all materials for Ships, and many other Commodities: and for Men, hard before them France and England, both fearing the Spanish Greatness; and therefore both concurring for their Aid: the remotenesse of their Master from them; the Change of Reilgion falling out about the time of their Revolt; and now the [Page 3]Marquis of Brandenburgh, a Protestant, like to become Duke of Cleve. The discontentments of the Low-Countries did first appear soon after the going away of the Kings of Spain, while the Dutchesse of Parma Governed; to suppresse which beginnings, the Duke of Alva being sent, inflamed them more, upon attempting to bring in the Inquisition and Spanish Decimation, upon the beheading Count Horne, and Count Egmont, persecuting those of the Religion, and undertaking to build Cittadels upon all their Towns, which he effected at [Page 4] Antwerp; but enterprising the like at Flushing, that Towne revolted first, and under it began the War.
But the more generall revolt of the Provinces happened after the death of Don LEVVIS de Requiesens, and upon the coming down of Don JOHN of Austria, when all the Provinces, excepting Luxenburgh, upon the lack of Antwerp, and other Insolencies, proclaimed the Spaniards Rebels, and enemies to the King: yet the abjuring of their obedience from the Crown of Spain was not in a yeer or two after.
Holland and Zealand, upon their first standing out, offered the Soveraigntie of themselves to ELISABETH Queen of England, and afterward the Protection: both which shee neglected, and that while the French sent greater Aid, and more men of Quality then we: But after the Civill Warr began in France, that kept them busie at home; and then the Queen, seeing the necessitie of being supported, upon the pawning of Brill and Flushing, sent Money and Men: And after that, most part of the great Exploits there were done by [Page 6]the English, who were commonly the third part of the Army, being four Regiments, besides eleven hundred in Flushing and the Ramekins, and five hundred in the Brill. But of late the King of France appearing more for them then ours, and paying himself the French that were there, they gave equal, if not more countenance to that Nation. But upon these two Kings they made their whole Dependancie; and though with more respect to him that was stronger for the time; yet so as it might give no distaste unto the other.
For the manner of their Government: They have, upon occasion, an Assembly of the Generall States, like our Parliament, being composed of those which are sent from every Province upon Summons; and what these enact stands for Law. Then is there besides, a Councell of State, residing for the most part at the Hague, which attends daily occasions, being rather imployed upon affairs of State, then of particular Justice. The most potent in this Councel was BARNAVILL, by reason of his Advocates with Holland. And [Page 8]besides both these, every Province and great Towne have particular Councels of their own. To all which Assemblies, as well of the Generall States, as the rest, the Gentrie is called for Order sake; but the State indeed is Democraticall, the Merchant and the Tradesman being predominant, the Gentry now but few, and poor; and even at the beginning, the Prince of Orange saw it safer to relie upon the Towns then them: Neither are the Gentrie so much engaged in the Cause; the People having more Advantages [Page 9]in a Free State, they in a Monarchie. Their care in Government is very exact and particular, by reason that every one hath an immediate Interest in the State: Such is the equalitie of Justice, that it renders every man satisfied: Such the publick Regularity, as a man may see, their Lawes were made to guide, not to entrap: Such their exactnesse in casting the expence of an Armie, as that it shalt be equally far from Superfluitie and Want; and as much order and certainty in their Acts of War, as in ours of [Page 10]Peace, teaching it to be both Civill, and Rich: And they still retaine that signe of a Common-wealth uncorrupted, PRIVATE POVERTY, and PUBLICK WEALE: For no one private man there is exceeding rich, and few very poor, and no State more sumptuous in all Publick things.
But the Question is, Whether this, being a Free State, will aswell subsist in Peace, as it hath done hitherto in Warr; Peace leaving every one to attend his particular wealth; when Fear, while the Warr lasts, maketh them [Page 11]concurre for their common safety; And Zealand, upon the least security, hath ever been envious at the Predominancy of Holland and Utrick, ready to Mutinie for Religion: and besides, it is a doubt, whether the same care and sincerity would continue, if they were at their Consistence, as appears yet whiles they are but in rising. The Revenue of this State ariseth chiefely from the Earle of Holland's Demains, and Confiscated Church Livings, the rising and falling of Money, which they use with much [Page 12]advantage, their Fishing upon our Coasts, and those of Norway, Contribution out of the Enemies Country, Taxes upon all things at home, and Impositions upon all Merchandises from abroad. Their expences upan their Ambassadors, their Shippings, their Ditches, their Rampiers and Munition, and commonly they have in pay by Sea and Land 60000 men.
For their strength; The nature of the Country makes them able to defend themselves long by land, neither could any thing have [Page 13]endangered them so much as the last great Frost, had not the Treaty been then on foot; because the Enemy beeing then Master of the Field, that rendred their Ditches, Marshes, and Rivers as firm ground.
There belongs to that STATE 20000. Vessells of all sorts, so that if the Spaniard were entirely beaten out of those parts, the Kings of France and England would take as much paines to suppresse, as ever they did to raise them: For being our Enemies, they are able to give us the Law at Sea, and [Page 14]eate us out of all trade, much more the French, having at this time three Ships for our one, though none so good as our best.
Now that whereupon the most part of their Revenue and strength depends, is their Traffick, in which Mystery of STATE they are at this day the wisest; for all the Commodities that this part of the world wants, and the Indies have, as Spice, Silke, Jewels, Gold, they are become the Conveyers of them for the rest of Christendome, except us, as the Venetians were of old; [Page 15]And all those Commodities that those Northern Countries abound with, and these Southerne stand in need of, they likewise convey thither, which was the ancient Trade of the Easterlings: And this they do, having little to export of their own, by buying of their Neighbour Countreys the former, and selling them againe what they bring back at their own prices, and so consequently live upon the idlenesse of others. And to this purpose their Situation serves fitly; for the Rivers of the Rhene, [Page 16]the Maze, and Skeld end all in their Dominions; and the Baltick Sea lies not farre from them: All which affords them what ever the great Continent of Germany, Russia, and Poland yeelds; then they again lying between Germany and the Sea, doe furnish it backe with all Commodities forraign.
To remember some pieces of their Discipline as patterns of the rest; The Watches at night are never all of one Nation, so that they can hardly concurre to give up any one Towne. The Commissaries are no where [Page 17]so strict upon Musters; and where he finds a Company, thither he reduceth them: so that when an Army marcheth, the List and the Poll are never farre disagreeing. Their Army is ever well Clothed, well Armed, and had never yet occasion to mutiny for Pay or Victnalls. The Souldiers commit no where fewer Insolencies upon the Burgers, fewer Robberies upon the Country, nor the Officers fewer deceits upon the Souldiers. And lastly they provide well that their Generall shall have small meanes to invade their [Page 18]Liberties: For first, their Army is composed of many Nations, which have their severall Commanders, and the Commands are disposed by the STATES Themselves, not by the Generall. And secondly, Hee hath never an implicite Commission left to discretion; but by reason their Countrie hath no great bounds, receives daily Commands what to doe.
Their Territory contains six entire Provinces; Holland, Zealand, Utrick, Groningen, Overiscell, and Friezland, [Page 19]besides three parts of Gelderland, and certaine Towns in Brabant and Flanders; the ground of which is, for the most part, fruitfull; the Towns no where so equally beautifull, strong, and rich: which equality growes, by reason that they appropriate some one Staple Commodity to every Town of note: Onely Amsterdam not onely passeth them all, but even Sivil, Lisbone, or any Mart Towne in Christendome: And to it is appropriated the Trade of the East Indies, where they maintain commonly forty Ships; [Page 20]besides which, there go twice a year from it and the adjoining Townes, a great Fleete to the Baltique Sea: Upon the fall of Antwerp, that rose rather then Meddleborough, though it stand at the same River's mouth, and is their second Mart Towne, to which is appropriated our English Cloth.
Concerning the people, they are neither much devout, nor much wicked; given all to Drink, and eminently to no other vice; hard in bargaining, but just, surly, and respectlesse, [Page 21]as in all Democracies; thirsty, industrious, and cleanly; disheartned upon the least ill successe, and insolent upon good; inventive in Manufactures, cunning in Traffick; and generally for matter of Action, that naturall slownesse of theirs sutes better, by reason of that advisednesse and perseverance it brings with it, then the rashnesse and changeablenesse of the French and Florentine Wits: and the equality of spirits which is among them and the Swissers, renders them so fit for a Democracy; which kinde [Page 22]of Government, Nations of more stable wits, being once come to a Consistent Greatnesse, have seldome long endured.
Observatoins on the State of the Arch-Dukes Countrey.
AS soon as I entred into the Arch-Dukes Countrey (which begins after Lillow) presently I beheld works of a Province, and those; of a Province distressed with War; the people heartlesse, and rather repining against their Governors, then revengfull against the Enemies, the bravery of that Gentry which was left, [Page 24]and the Industry of the Merchant quite decayed; the Husbandman labouring onely to live, without desire to be rich to another's use; the Towns (whatsoever concerned not the strength of them) ruinous: And to conclude, the people here growing poor with lesse Taxes, then they flourish with, on the States side.
This War hath kept the King of Spain busie ever since it began; and spending all the Mony that the Indies, and all the Men that Spain and Italie could afford, hath withdrawn him from persevering [Page 25]in any other Enterprize: Neither could hee give over this, without forgoing the means to undertake any thing hereafter upon France or England, and consequently, the hope of the Westerne Monarchie. For, without that handle, the Mines of Peru had done little hurt in these parts, in comparison of what they have. The cause of the expencefulnesse of it, is the remocenesse of those Provinces from Spain; by reason of which, every souldier of Spain or Italy, before hee can arrive there, costs the King an hundred [Page 26]Crowns, and not above one of ten that arrives, proves good: besides, by reason of the distance, a great part of the Money is drunk up betwixt the Officers that convey it and pay it. The cause of the continuance of it, is, not onely the strength of the Emy, but partly by reason that the Commanders themselves are content the Warre shall last, so to maintain and render themselves necessaries; and partly, because the people of those Countries are not so eager to have the other reduced, as willing to be in the like state themselves.
The usuall Revenue of those Provinces which the Arch-Duke hath, amounts to 1200000 Crowns a year; besides which, there come from Spain every Month to maintain the War, 150000 Crowns. It was at the first, 300000 Crowns a month, but it fell by fifties to this, at the time when the Treaty began: Flanders payes more towards the warr then all the rest, as Holland doth with the States. There is no▪ Spaniard of the Councell of State, nor Governour of any Province, but of the Councell of Warre, which [Page 28]is only active; There they only are, and have in their hands all the strong Towns and Castles of those Provinces, of which the Governors have but only the Title.
The Nations of which their Army consists, are chiefly Spaniards and Italians, emulous one of another there; as on the other side, the French and English; and of the Countrey, chiefly Burgundians and Wallons. The Popes Letters, and Spinola's inclination kept the Italians there, almost in equality of Command with the Spaniard himself.
The Governours for the King of Spain there successively have been the Duke of Alva, Don Lewis de Requiesens, Don John d' Austria, the Prince of Parma, the Arch-Duke Ernestus, the Cardinall Andrew of Austrich, and the Cardinall Albert, till hee married the Infanta.
Where the Dominion of the Arch-Duke and the States part, there also changeth the nature of the Countrey, that is, about Antwerp: For all below being flat, and betwixt Medow and Marsh, thence it begins to rise and become Champion, and consequently, [Page 30]the people are more quick and spiritfull, as the Brabanter, Flemming, and Wallon.
The most remarkable place in that side is Antwerp (which rose upon the fall or Bruges) equally strong and beautiful, remaining yet so upon the strength of its former greatness; twice spoyled by the Spaniard, and the like attempted by the French. The Cittadel was built there by the Duke of Alva, but renewed by the Prince of Parma after his 18 months besieging it; the Town accepting a Castle rather then a Garrison, to mingle among them. There are [Page 31]yet in the Town of Citizens 30000 fighting men, 600 of which kept Watch nightly, but they allowed neither Canon upon the Rampier, nor Magazins of powder. In the Castle are 200 peeces of Ordnance, and commonly seven or eight hundred Souldiers. Flanders is the best of the seventeen Provinces, but the Havens therof are naught.
OBSERVATIONS On the State of FRANCE.
Having seen the forme of a Common-Wealth and a Province, with the different effects of Warres in them, I entred France, flourishing with Peace, and of Monarchies the most absolute, [Page 34]because the King there, not only makes Peace and Wars, Calls and dissolves Parliaments, Pardoneth, naturalizeth, Innobleth, Names the value of money, Presseth to the War; but even makes Laws, and imposes Taxes at his pleasure: And all this he doth alone: for as for that forme, that his Edicts must be authorized by the next Court of Parliament, that is, the next Court of Soveraign Justice; first, the Presidents thereof are to be chosen by him, and to be put out by him; and secondly, when they concurre not with the [Page 35]King, he passeth any thing without them, as hee did the last Edict for the Protestants: And for the assembly of the three Estates, it is growne now almost as extraordinary as a generall Councell; with the losse of which their Liberty fell: and when occasion urgeth, it is possible for the King to procure, that all those that shall be sent thither shall be his Instruments: for the Duke of Guise effected as much at the assembly of Bloys.
The occasion that first procured the King that Supremacy, [Page 36]that his Edicts should be Laws, was, the last Invasion of the English; for at that time they possessing two parts of France, the three Estates could not assemble; whereupon they did then grant that power unto Charls the Seventh during the War. And that which made it easie for Lewis the Eleventh and his Successors to continue the same, the occasion ceasing, was, that the Clergy and Gentry did not run the same fortune with the people there, as in England; for most of the Taxes falling only upon the people, the Clergy and [Page 37]Gentrey being forborne, were easily induced to leave them to the Kings mercy. But the King having got strength upon the Peasants, hath been since the bolder to invade part of both their Liberties.
For the succession of this Monarchy, it hath subsisted without intermission these 1200 years, under three Races of Kings. No Nation hath heretofore done greater things abroad in Palestine and Egypt, besides all parts of Europe; but for these last forty yeares, they have onely made Sallies into Italy, [Page 38]and often suffered at home.
Three hundred years the English afflicted them, making two firme Invasions upon them, and taking their King prisoner; the second Greatnesse of Christendome, next the Emperour, being then in competition betwixt us and them; And to secure themselves against us, rather then the house of Austria, as it then stood, they chuse to marry the Heir of Bretaigne before that of Burgundy. And for this last hundred yeares, the Spaniard undertaking them, [Page 39]hath eaten them out of all but France, and endangered that too. But for this present, France had never, as France, a more entire greatnesse, though it hath often been richer. For since the Warre, the King is only got aforehand, the Countrey is but yet in recovering; the Warre having lasted by spaces 32 years; and so generally, that no man but had an Enemy within three miles, and so the Country became Frontier all over. Now that which hath made them, at this time, so largely great at home, is their adopting [Page 40]into themselves the lesser adjoyning Nations, without destruction, or leaving any marke of strangenesse upon them, as the Bretons, Gascoignes, Provincalls, and others which are not French; towards the which Unions, their nature, which is easie and harborous to strangers, hath done more then any Lawes could have effected, but with long time.
The King (as I said) enjoying what Lewis the Eleventh did gaine, hath the entire Soveraignty in himselfe, because he can make [Page 41]the Parliament do what he please, or else do what he please without them. For the other three Estates; The Church is there very rich, being estimated to enjoy the third part of the Revenue of France; but otherwise nothing so potent as elsewhere, partly because the Inquisition is not admitted in France, but principally because the Popes ordinary power is much restrayned there, by the Liberties which the French Church claymeth: Which Liberties do not so much enfranchize the Church it selfe, as conferre [Page 42]the Authority the Pope loseth, upon the King, as first fruits, and the disposing of all Spirituall preferments. And by reason of this neutrality of Authority, the Church men suffer more there, then either in England, where they wholly depend upon the King; or in Spaine and Italy, where they wholly subsist by the Pope; because the Pope is not able totally to support them, and the King takes occasion ever to suppresse them, as being not entirely his Subjects: and to him they pay yearely both the tenth of all their [Page 43]Tithe, and of all their Temporall land.
The Gentrie are the onely entire Body there, which participate with the Prerogatives of the Crown; for from it they receive Priviledges above all other men, and a kind of limited Regality upon their Tenants, besides reall supply to their estates, by Governments, and Pensions, and freedom from Tallies upon their own Lands; that is, upon their Demaines, and whatsoever else they manure by their Servants; but so much as they let to Tenants is presently Tallie-able, [Page 44]which causeth proportionable abatement in the Rent; and in recompence of this, they owe the King the Ban and the Arriereban; that is, to serve him and his Lieutenant 3 Months within the Land at their owne charges. And as in Warre they undergo the greatest part of the danger, then is their power peremptory above the rest: wheras in time of Peace, the King is ready to support inferiour persons against them, and is glad to see them to waste one another by contention in Law, for fear they grow rich; because hee foresees, [Page 45]that as the Nobility only can do him service, so they only, misapplyed, can doe him harme.
The Ancient Gentrie of France was most of it consumed in the Warres of Godfrey of Bulloigne, and some in those of Saint Lewis, because upon their setting out they pawned all their Feifs to the Church, and few of them were after redeemed; by reason whereof the Church possesseth at this day the third part of the best Feifs in France; and that Gentry was after made up by Advocates, Financiers, and Merchants innobled, [Page 46]which now are reputed antient, and are daily eaten out again, and repaired by the same kind of men.
For the people; All those that have any kinde of profession or Trade, live well; but for the meer Peasants that labour the ground, they are onely Spunges to the King, to the Church, and the Nobility, having nothing to their own, but to the use of them; and are scarce allowed (as Beasts) enough to keep them able to do service; for besides their Rent, they pay usually two thirds to the King.
The manner of Government in France, is mixt, betwixt Peace and War, being composed as wel of Military Discipline, as Civil Justice, because having open Frontiers and strong neighbours, and therefore obnoxious to sudden Invasions, they cannot (as in England) join ever Peace and security together.
For the Military part, there is ever a Constable and a Marshall in being, Troopes of Horse, and Regiments of Foot in pay, and in all Provinces and places of strength, Governors and Garrisons distributed, [Page 48]all which are means for the preferment of the Gentry; But those, as they give security against the enemy; so when there is none, they disturbe the enjoying of Peace, by making the Countreys taste somewhat of a Province. For the Gentry finde a difference betwixt the Governours favour and disfavour, and the souldiers commit often Insolencies upon the people.
The Governments there are so well disposed by the King; as no Governour hath means to give over a [Page 49]Province into the Enemies hand, the Commands thereof are so scattered: for the Governour Commands the Countrey, and for the most part the chiefe Town; then is there a Lieutenant to the King, not to him, of the same, and betwixt these two there is ever Jealousie nourished; then hath every Towne and Fortresse particular Governours, which are not subalterne to that of the Province, but hold imediately from the Prince; and many times the Town hath one Governor, and the Castle another.
The advantages of Governours (besides their pay from the King) are Presents from the Country, dead payes, making their Magazins of corn and powder more then they need, at the Kings price; and where they stand upon the Sea, overseeing of unlawfull goods: Thus much in Peace. In Warre they are worth as much as they will exact. Languedoc, is the best, then Bretaign: Provence is worth, by all these means, to the Duke of Guise, twenty thousand Crownes a yeere: but Provence onely hee holds without a Lieutenant.
Concerning the Civill Justice there, it is no where more Corrupt nor expencefull. The Corruptnesse of it proceeds, first by reason that the King sels the places of Justice at as high a rate as can be honestly made of them; so that all thriving is left to Corruption; and the gain the King hath that wayes, tempts him to make a multitude of Officers, which is another burthen to the Subject. Secondly, the Presidents are not bound to judge according to the written Law, but according to the Equity drawne [Page 52]out of it, which Liberty doth not so much admit Conscience, as leave wit without limits. The expencefulness of it ariseth from the multitude of Lawes, and multiplicity of formes of Processes, the which two both beget doubt, and make them long m resolving. And all this Chiquanerey, as they call it, is brought into France from Rome, upon the Popes coming to reside at Avignion.
For the strength of France, It is at this day the greatest united Force of Christendome: The particulars in [Page 53]which it consists are these; The shape of the Countrey, which being round, no one part is far from succouring another; The multitude of good Townes and places of strength therein are able to stay an Army, if not to waste it, as Metz did the Emperours; the masse of Treasure which the King hath in the Bastile; The number of Arsenalls distributed upon the Frontiers, besides that of Paris, all which are full of good Armes and Artillery: And for ready men, the five Regiments bestowed up and down in Garrisons, together [Page 54]with the 2000 of the Guard; the Troopes of ordinary and light Horse, all ever in pay; besides their Gentrie, all bred Souldiers, and of which they think there are at this present 50000 fit to bear Armes: And to Command all these, they have at this day the best Generalls of Christendom; which is the only commodity the Civill wars did leave them.
The weaknesses of it are, first the want of a sufficient Infantry, which proceeds from the ill distribution of their wealth; for the Peasant, which containes the greatest part of [Page 55]the people, having no share allowed him, is heartlesse and feeble, and consequently unserviceable for all Military uses; by reason of which, they are first forced to borrow aide of the Swissers at a great Charge, and secondly to compose their Armies for the most part of Gentlemen, which makes the losse of a battaile there almost irrecoverable. The second is the unproportionable part of the land which the Church holds, all which is likewise dead to military uses. For as they say there, The Church will lose nothing, nor defend nothing. [Page 56]The third, is the want of a Competent number of Ships & Gallies; by reason of which defect, firsft the Spaniard overmasters them upon the Mediterranian, and the English and Hollander upon the Ocean. And secondly it renders them poor in forraign Trade, so that all the great actions of Christendome for these fifty years, having been bent upon the Indies, they onely have sate idle. The fourth is the weaknesse of their Frontiers, which is so much the more dangerous, because they are possessed, all but the Ocean, by the Spaniard: [Page 57]for Savay hath been always as his own for all uses against France. The last is the difference of Religion among themselves, which will ever yeild matter of civill dissention, and consequently cause the weaker to stand in need of forraign succours. The ordinary Revenue of the King, is, as they say now, some 14. Millions of Crowns, which arise principally from the Demains of the Crowne, the gabell of Salt, tallies upon the Countrey, Customes upon the Merchandize, sale of Offices, the yearly Tithe of all that [Page 58]belongs to the Church, the rising and falling of Money, Fines and Confiscations cast upon him by the Law; but Wardships, they are onely knowne in Normandy. His expence is chiefely Ambassadours, Munition, Building, Fortifying, and maintaining of Gallies, (As for Ships, when he needs them, hee makes an Embarke) In Pay for Souldiers; Wages for Officers, Pensions at home and abroad, upon the entertaining his House, his State, and his private pleasures. And all the first, but the Demains, were granted [Page 59]in the beginning, upon some urgent occasion, and after by Kings made perpetuall, the ocasion ceasing; and the Demaines it self granted, because the Kings should live upon their own, without oppressing their Subjects. But at this day, though the Revenue be thus great, and the taxes unsupportable, yet do they little more then serve for necessary publick uses. For the King of Spain's greatnesse and Neighbourhood, forceth the King there to live continually upon his Guard; and the treasure which the Spaniard receives from [Page 60]his Indies, constraines him to raise his Revenue thus by Taxes, so to be able in some proportion to bear up against him, for feare else hee should be bought out of all his Confederates and servants.
For the relation of this State to others, It is first to be considered, that this part of Christendome is ballanced betwixt the three Kings of Spain, France, and England, as the other part betwixt the Russian, the Kings of Poland, Sweden, and Denmarke. For as for Germany, which if it were entirely subject to one [Page 61]Monarchy, would be terrible to all the rest, so being divided betwixt so many Princes, and those of so equall power, it serves only to ballance it selfe, and entertaine easie Warre with the Turke, while the Persian with-holds him in a greater. And every one of those first three hath his particular strength, and his particular weaknesse: Spaine hath the advantage of both the rest in Treasure, but is defective in Men, his Dominions are scattered, and the conveyance of his Treasure from the Indies lyes obnoxious to the power of [Page 62]any Nation that is stronger by Sea. France abounds with Men, lyes close together, and hath mony sufficiently. England being an Iland, is hard to be Invaded, abounds with men, but wants money to imploy them. For their particular weaknesse: Spain is to be kept busie in the Low-Countreys: France is to bee afflicted with Protestants; and England in Ireland. England is not able to subsist against any of the other hand to hand; but joyned with the Low-Countreys, it can give Law to both by Sea; and joyned with either of them [Page 63]two, it is able to oppresse the third, as Henry the Eighth did.
Now the only entire body in Christendome that makes head against the Spanish Monarchy, is France; and therefore they say in France, that the day of the ruine of France, is the Eve of the ruine of England: And thereupon England hath ever since the Spanish greatnesse, inclined rather to maintain France, then to ruine it; as when King Francis was taken prisoner, the King of England lent Money towards the payment of his Ransome: And the late [Page 64]Queen (when the Leaguers, after the of Duke Guise his death, had a designe to Cantonize France) though offered a part, would not consent. So then this reason of State, of mutuall preservation, conjoyning them, England may be counted a sure confederate of France; and Holland, by reason it partly subsists by it; the Protestant Princes of Germany, because they have Countenance from it against the house of Austria; the Protestant Swissers for Religion and Money; the Venetians for protection against the Spaniard in Italy: so that all [Page 65]their friends are either Protestants, or en clining; and whosoever is extream Catholick, is their enemy, and Factors for the Spanish Monarchy, as the Pope, the Cardinalls for the most part, and totally the Jesuites, the hatholick Princes of Germany, and the Catholicks of England and Ireland. For the Jesuites, which are the Ecclesiasti call strength of Christendome, France, notwithstanding the many late Obligations, hath cause to despaire of them: for they intending, as, one Pope, so one King, to suppresse the [Page 66]Protestants, and for the better support of Christendome against the Turke; and seeing Spaine the likelier to bring this to passe, they follow the neerer probability of effecting their end.
No addition could make France so dangerous to us, as that of our Low-Countreys: for so it were worse then if the Spaniard himselfe had them entirely. As for their hopes of regaining Italy, it concerns the Spaniard immediately rather then us.
Concerning the state of the Protestants in France, during Peace they are protected [Page 67]by their Edict: For their two Agents at Court defend the Generall from wrong, and their Chambres-impartyes every particular person. And if troubles should arise, some scattered particulars might be in danger, but the main body is safe, safe to defend themselves, though all France joyne against them: and if it break out into Factions, the safest, because they are both ready and united.
The particulars of their strength are, first their Townes of surety, two of which command the River of Loyre.
Secondly, their Situation, the greatest part of them lying neer together, as Poictou, Zaingtongue, High Gascoigne, Languedoc, and Daulphine, neer the Sea; so consequently fit to receive succours from abroad: and remote from Paris, so that the quality of an Army is much wasted before it can approach them.
The third, is the sufficiency of their present Governours, Bulloigne and Desdeguiers, and other second Commanders. And for the Princes of the Blood, whom the rest may, in shew, without [Page 69]emulation obey, when they come once to open action, those which want a party will quickly seeke them.
The last, is the aide they are sure of from forraigne Princes; for whosoever are friends to France in generall, are more particularly their friends.
And besides, the Protestant party being growne stronger of late, as the Low-Countreys; and more united, as England and Scotland, part of that strength reflects upon them; and even the King of Spain himself, which is Enemy [Page 70]to France in generall, would rather give them succour, then see them utterly extirpated: and yet no Forraign Prince can ever make further use of them, then to disturbe France, not to invade it himself. For as soon as they get an Edict with better conditions, they turn head against him that now succored them, as they did against us at Newhaven.
Concerning the proportion of their number, they are not above the seventeenth or eighteenth part of the people, but of the Gentlemen there are 6000 of the Religion; [Page 71]but since the Peace they have increased in people, as principally in Paris, Normandy, and Daulphine, but lost in the Gentry; which losse comes to passe, by reason that the King when he finds any Gent. that wil but hearken, tempts him with preferment; and those he finds utterly obstinate, suppresseth: And by such means he hath done them more harm in Peace, then both his Predecessors in War. For in all their Assemblies he corrupts some of their Ministers to betray their Counsel in hand; and of the hundred and sixe thousands Clowns a yeer, [Page 72]which he payes the Protestants, to entertain their Ministers, and pay their Garisons, he hath gotten the bestowing of 16000 of them upon what Gentleman of the Religion hee pleaseth, whom by that means he moderates, if not gaines: and besides, they were wont to impose upon him their two Deputies, which are to stay at Court; but now he makes them propose sixe, out of which he chuseth the two, and by that obligeth those; and by notwithstanding all this, in some occasions hee makes good use of them too. [Page 73]For as towards England hee placeth none in any place of strength but firme Catholikes; so towards Spain and Savoy hee often gives charge to Protestants, as la Force in Bearne, Desdeguiers and Boisse in Bresse.
Concerning the King himself, he is a person wonderfull both in Warre and Peace: for his Acts in Warre, he hath manumized France from the Spaniard, and subdued the League, being the most dangerous plot that hath been laid; not weakning it by Armes, but utterly dissolving it by wit, [Page 74]that is, by letting the Duke of Guise out of Prison, and Capitulating with the heads of it every one apart, by which means he hath ye left a continuall hatred among them, because every one sought, by preventing other, to make his Conditions the better; so that now there remans little connexion of it amongst the Gentry; only there continues some dregges still among the Priests, and consequently the people; especially when they are angred with the increase prosperity of the Protestants.
For his Acts of Peace, he [Page 75]hath enriched France with a greater proportion of Wool, and Silk, erected goodly buildings, cut Passages betwixt River and River, and is about to do the same betwixt Sea and Sea, redeemed much of the Mortgaged demains of the Crown, better husbanded the Mony, which was wont to be drunk up two parts of it in the Officers hands, got aforehand in Treasure, Armes and Munition, increased the Infantry, and supprest the unproportionable Cavalry, and left nothing undone but the building of a Navy.
And all this may be attributed [Page 76]to himself only, because in a Monarchy, Officers are accordingly active or carelesse, as the Prince is able to Judge and distinguish of their labours, and withall to participate of them somewhat himselfe.
Sure it is, that the peace of France, and somwhat that of Christendome it self, is secured by this Princes life: For all Titles and Discontents, all factions of Religion there suppress themselves til his Death; but what will ensue after, what the rest of the House of Bourbon wil enterprise upon the Kings Children, what the [Page 77]House of Guise upon the house of Bourbon, what the League, what the Protestants, what the Kings of Spain & England, if they see a breach made by civill Dissention, I chuse rather to expect then Conjecture, because God hath so many ways to turn aside from humane foresight, as he gave us a testimony upon the death of our late Queen.
The Country of France, considering the quantity, is the fairest and richest of all Christendome, and contains in it most of the Countries adjoyning. For Picardie, Normandie, and Bretaign resemble England; [Page 78]Languedoc, Spain; Provence, Italy; and the rest is France.
Besides, all the Rivers that passe through it, end in it. It abounds with Corne, Wine, and Salt, and hath a Competency of Silke; but is defective in Wool, Leather, Metals, and Horses; and hath but few very good Havens, especially on the North side.
Concerning the People; Their Children at first sight seem men, and their men children; but who so, in negotiating, presumes upon appearance, shall be deceived: Compassionate towards their own Nation and Country; loving [Page 79]to the Prince; and so they may have liberty in Ceremony, and free accesse to him, they wil be the better content that he shall be absolute in matter of Substance; impatient of peace any longer then whiles they are recovering the ruines of Warre; the presentnesse of danger inflames their corage, but any expectation makes it languish; for the most, they are all Imagination, and no Judgement; but those that prove solid, excell. Their Gentlemen are all good outward men, good Courtiers, good Souldiers; and knowing enough in Men and Business; [Page 80]but meerly ignorant in matters of Letters, because at fifteen they quit books, and begin to live in the world: when indeed, a mediocrity betwixt their form of education and ours, would do better then either. No men stand more punctually upon their Honors in matter of Valour; and which is strange, in nothing else: for otherwise in their Conversation, the Custome, and shifting, and overspeaking, hath quite evercome the shame of it.
FINIS.