IT was never thought safe, much lesse prudent, for a supprest party to be in­temperate in speeches, and turbulent in their Actions; especially having no Power standing ready in the eye of probability, to protect them: Nei­ther are Examples easily found (all provocations considered) of grea­ter Clemency, then hath been used by our present Governours; Into whose hands God hath delive­red by an indubitable Conquest, some in his Anger, as others in his Mercy.

Though Envie cannot charge me, to have fallen from my first Love, The true Representative of England; yet I never wan­ted naturall bowels to those whom Prejudice and other more selfish respects had unhappily cast on the other side: but did daily lay out my supplications; and the poore Talent God intrusted me with, to buy them to the waies of Peace. And therefore I am not so much to be suspected of Partiality, but that I may possibly perswade at least the Vanquisht (and so [Page 2] in reason the most exasperated) to such a temper, as may ren­der, in their behalfe, the prevailing Power as admirable for Moderation, as Successe hath proclaimed them famous for their Valour.

That no Government extant this day, can possibly be de­molished by fowler hands, then it was erected; That, by the judgement of Truth it selfe, a strong man ought not in rea­son to be bound but by one more mighty; And That the sword in all ages, during the stormes of War, hath pretended to a priviledge of cutting such knots, as under a more serene Heaven might have puzled not only Reason but Religion to uniie; Are so notorious to all not wilfully or naturally blind in Story, as he that should endeavour the proofe of it, would to the wise seem an Owle, rather then an Athenian▪ there be­ing news of little else in all History both sacred & profane.

And though such changes are strangers to us hatched un­der a still peace; they were familiar to our Fathers; whose births stood ordinary dated from some Forraine Conquest or their Deaths from a civil Dissention at home: Yet, by the continuance of many of their Names in the same possessions, it doth plainly appeare they had more patience and wisdome then perpetually to oppose irreconsileable minds to succesfull and irresistible Powers. And where this was not observed, how fatall and impartiall the severity of Conquest hath pro­ved, is plain in Comines, who attests to have seen a Branch of one of the most illustrious Families in England, begging in Burgundy: whose Duke after that infamous defeat given him by the Helvetians, ran, as was supposed, the like fortune, his body not being found. Neither is there any thing like­lier to cast our Nobility and Gentry into this condition, then a chang by another Warre, which will lie most heavy upon them, besides the uncertainty of the event: when as a quiet and time­ly submission would estate them or their Children, in an un­doubted capacity to share in what is, or shall be established: Inabling them to alter what they may find amisse. Whereas otherwise it would be an act of the highest indiscretiō for peo­ple so long beaten by the cruell stormes of a Civil Warre, to re­fuse [Page 3] for the present any Harbour, though never so incommo­dious: and to venture againe the wrack of so sacred a Vessel as the Common-Wealth, for no richer commodities, then an un­certain hope of boying up such Honours, profits and Jurisdicti­ons, as the feares, wilfulnesse and evil Counsels of those formerly at the Helme, caused them to cast away; since experience hath taught us, we may live happily without them. Nei­ther are those thus desirous of alteration, able to procure it by their own strength; but must borrow of such suspected friends, or known enemies, as are unlikely to shew much more favour to their Inviters, then those that shall labour to keep them out.

Were it not more discretion, to let her lye quietly a while in the Dock, under the trimming of our new Masters? Who cannot be long uncompel'd, if not by affection to themselves and their Children, yet by strong necessity, to set her a float un­der Justice and good Government; hitherto obstructed by your selves and new declared Malignants, who have nothing to shew for their Lives and Fortunes, but the mercy and courage of those they so bitterly exclaime against; Yet are not able to screen themselves from their Power; although as far from being pleased with it, as they can be safe without it.

Others presuming on the Articles conceded at Oxford or elsewhere, protest themselves injured by that innocent Act for Subscription: But did they please to look back, now, upon the naked condition they stood in then, destitute of all hope of Reliefe; they might find greater cause to celebrate the goodnesse, then arraigne of rigor, those did begirt them: For had the total destruction of those Lords and Gentlemen, been so gratefull to the State, as some in spleen, others in igno­rance doe since represent; the siege need have been conti­nued but a few daies, and all must have perisht by the hands of despaire, or without caution have cast themselves into those of Mercy: or say the Commanders in chiefe (never known prodigall of blood or time) to give an honourable pretence for the rendition of that place, which the enemies had made impregnable by so many [Page 4] Oathes nnd Protestations, did yeeld to more then in reason could be asked, or granted, from so imperative a Power; It cannot be imagined they meant to situate them in a higher condition then they were themselves; making that arbitra­ry and at the will of the Vanquished, which is imposed with­out exception, on all that Overcame: By which they had not only bound their own hands from punishing all future diso­bedience; but left their enemies the liberty to subscribe to the ruine, that they refuse, to the preservation of themselves and their country.

Consult seriously your own consciences, and catechise them with this Question; What Oathes, Confiscations, Restraints, and Obligations should have been imposed on all had survi­ved your revenge, In case providence had cast the Die of War to the like advantage on your side? And you will not only blush at your own shame, but confesse your selves doubly subdued, first by the Valour, then the Civility of those you pronounce the meanest of men.

The Norman Conquest, hitherto the fairest flower in the Crowne of our Kings, and this of the Armie's, were cut out with the same Iron, by the hand and direction of a like Pro­vidence: The difference is, he was a Stranger, these Natives; He established a Monarchy, whose nature is to decline into Tyranny; These a Government stiled by all Politicians, Free; And if you find it otherwise, you may thank your selves, who will neither be happy, nor suffer others; But oppose so obstinately the Publique Establishment, out of no more weigh­ty reason, then to reinitiate splendid Titles, so farre from be­ing essentiall to humane felicity, that such Nations as have them, were never thought the happiest; no more then those that want them, the most miserable.

Were I so uncivil, as to draw the curtayne charity hangs before the Actions of dead Princes; I could match, out of the Annals of your own Government, as great disorders and oppres­sions, as you note in this; The latter being rendred so much the more excusable, because, not only precedented by the former, but created and continued to prevent such mischiefs, [Page 5] as your implacable Spirits doe foment in the hearts of ig­norant and abused people; To whom though a Govern­ment be most necessarie, this kind or that is as absolutely in­different. Yet if your doctrine be infallible, That a King is only responsible to God for his worst actions; it cannot but increase al wise mens affections to a Jurisdiction so modest, as to ac­knowledge their best correspondent to the people, at least in their Representative: And if you will suffer such a Go­vernment as these drive at, quietly to be setled, it may be gest, by Venice and the Ʋnited Provinces (though inconside­rable for strength in respect of England) what wonders may be expected; the first having stood a bulwarke for a­bove a thousand years against the Turkes, as the later hath, from her infancy, a wall to the King of Spaine's incroach­ments.

I doe not believe, those daily Alarum's, you give the State, are beaten by your consciences; but the lowder Passions of Am­bition, and Revenge: And if you could remaine quiet, you might abundantly satisfie both, by sharing in the Government; and helping farther to chastise the perfidious Scot, who (un­der God's vengeance for our Sins) was, you think, the cause of all these distempers.

You are to blame, if you have not already done your best to set up that Interest, your Consciences, for the pre­sent, taught you to maintaine, and if so, you are freed from the shackells of all former Oaths and engagements; Man being bound to no performance beyond possibility: yet least this should seem too weake a discharge for so much honour and fidelity, as you pretend to owe your King; God hath called him to an higher Court: And that he hath reserved all cognizance of the manner of his removeall wholly to himselfe appears, by placing the Authors of it above the reach of any power, but his own.

It shall not be the project of this Discourse either to natu­ralize, or make invalid the Lines of Princes: though the truth or falsehood of them is made so contingent by the infidelity of Women; as it doth much abate my zeale, and may doe all [Page 6] others in the prosecution of their interests, before that of a Free State; in a Nation so exhausted and tattered by divisions already, as it cannot but expire under a milder conflict, then these new and Victorious Governors will make, rather then part with their power, on which depend their heads, as deare to them as a Crown can be to those that bid for it; who be­ing out of possession, are not so likely to find friends as enemies; especially in this conjuncture, when most Nations have need of more swords then their own, and therefore likelier to bor­row then lend assistance: Neither is it a slight omen of their continuance that the wise Spaniard courts them: As for France they have worke sufficient cut out already, or in case of want, we are neere enough to send them more: Concern­ing Danes and Swedes, they may, like the Cat, desire the sweet milke of England, but will hardly venture wetting their feet, or the encountring an English Navy: It being not likely that such Forraine Princes as stood still all the Fathers time, who had an Army might secure their landing, will in his vanquisht Sons be active, who hath now almost nothing left to assure successe, but the unarmed discontent of some Sub­jects; which cannot be so unadvised, as to venture what is left at the curtesy of strangers; much lesse can their hopes be so buried in the dispaire of the moderate government of their coun­trymen, as to think to measure out a better by the splinters of that broken reed Scotland, That hath no cleanlier way to re­deeme her selfe from being the by-word and hissing of the World, for former Treacheries towards their Native Kings, then by selling us and our children to a perpetuall slavery under one of their exasperated Sons: Neither durst they have ventured so much beating, had they not been encouraged by a mouldy Prophecy, That England (in which you have yet a great share, and may keep it if you will be quiet) must be one day ruin'd by the basest of people; which, in their own apprehen­tion, can be understood of none but themselves.

The Apostle Paul commands Christians to submit to the pre­sent power, for Conscience sake; And justifies this Precept so far by his own example, as to appeare before a Court of Justice, [Page 7] no lesse illegall in regard of the Nation of the Jewes, then corrupt in respect of the Judges: where by his Rhetoricall expressions he teacheth us, to own all Jurisdictions God hath pleased to endow with an Imperative power: Else we should deny that to the Magistrate, which we make no conscience to con­cede to Theeves; from whom we take our selves to be happi­ly discharged, if we escape only with the losse of our mo­ny, and a promise never to doe any thing to their preju­dice.

Nor can I think Panl would have shewn lesse compli­ance, or used courser language, had his triall fallen out in the daies of Galba, Otho, or Vitellius; the which had no stronger titles then the sword estated them in; being all strangers to the line of the first Caesars, or any adopted by them.

Nay had Pisoe's Conspiracy succeeded, and Rome by wise Seneca's perswasion been reduced to their ancient Liberty; would the Apostles unwillingnesse have been more, to sub­scribe to that, then the Title of Nero? Can you think he would have pretended antiquitated Oathes, Covenants, or I know not what Protestations formerly exacted? which if of­fered, he could not have avoided; a refusall being as unsu­table to his Doctrine as safety: For we never heard newes, till these times, of State-Martyrs; The primitive Saints think­ing all Kingdomes too poore to dye for, but that of Hea­ven.

Indeed Shimei of the House of Saul, would needs be cur­sing where God blest; which gave occasion to Solomon to leave a Precedent under which you are sallen for the like luxuriousnesse of speech. And here note by the way, how short liv'd the love and forgivenesse of Princes are: Since the best, though he could forget Jonathan his friend, was sure to remember Shi­mei his enemy: both secured by Covenant, the first of Amity; the latter of Charity, in acknowledgement of his kindnes in meeting him.

Now if David could not dye quietly intestate to Revenge, what huge Legacies may we expect from the Heire of a Fa­her, who lost not only his Crowne, but the Head that ware [Page 8] it? or if so much temperance might be found in his Successor as might mortify so high provocations; Yet the daily cryes and clamours of the Widows and Fatherlesse, whose Husbands, Fa­thers, and Estates were lost in his defence, could not choose but call revenge up againe. It being an ordinary course for Princes to esteem that part of their assistance as is lost in ill successe, so little below enimies, as they oftentimes confis­cate their Estates, only to encrease the encouragement of those, from whom they hope to receive better. And if it be not the complexion of Kings to be ingratefull, I pray give me the Reason, why Henry the 7^th cut off Stanlies head, after he had set the Crown upon his own?

Therefore let not the sound of your discontent be heard in other Nations, to the prejudice of the happinesse of your own: By which the eares of all that delight in warre are so tickled, that the Sea, this Iland is encompassed with, were too shallow to keep them out, but that tis assisted by a grea­ter depth of Gods mercy.

Such as oppresse unnecessarily the people, shall never want enemies; nor those that truly stand for Liberty, friends: There­fore have patience, and assure your selves, that God, which harh taught the Army the waies to so much miraculous successe, will suddainly (after this generall submission I per­swade to) inspire them with an Enstablishment may make us happy: or in case they neglect it, undoubtedly send as exemplary a ruine upon their own heads.

Let me therefore entreat you to imitate your Ancestors, who suffered the Crown of England with more patience, to be transferred from one Strangers head to another, then you doe contribute to the setting it on your own and your childrens: There being nothing able to render you uncapable of it, but an unseasonable desire to wring it out of their hands, who, I hope, have no more ambitious ends in retaining it so long, then to make it fit and easy for you: Neither can any be in a right capacity to receive it, till brought to such a temper, as it is indifferent to them, either to obey or command.

If you are so desirous the letter of the Law should be [Page 9] exactly observed, doe nothing contrary to the sense of it, which is the preservation of the Government in being; whose quiet it is now as naturally to intend, as it was formerly that of Kings: Alter but the Name, and contribute the like obedi­ence, and you are just where you were. But if this be deni­ed, doe not wonder, that new trials are opposed to new of­fences: For if ordinary Jurers will assigne no punishment for them which act by the Kings Authority, it is fit the State should provide others to take care, that in case it be employed a­gainst their safety, such as doe it may not escape without punishment: Since God, that hath given them such vast suc­cesses, hath also endued them with more Prudence, then to be ruin'd by niceties.

Neither are they lesse resolved to defend themselves from unavoidable ruine, then you to obtaine a more uncertaine re­ward. This makes me believe you would have as much rea­son to bewaile an absolute victory, as they a totall losse. For in that case, if the Nation should escape the tyranny of Strangers, it were impossible to avoid falling into a greater of her own: It being the custome of all Princes, to proportion the weight of the peoples fetters, to their owne feares: Now how the Cavaliers can be free, when the Roundheads are slaves, is not to be found in the small volumne of my Politicks.

Though the High Presbyterian so suddenly swel'd with the hope he had swallowed of Soveraignty, that he brake in the o­piniō of the people, before he was able to set up for himself, by indeavouring to lay to every single Parish, a power judg'd too unweldy for a Dioces; Yet I thought not to have taken him so soon in the habit of a Malignant; which suits better with his passion, then the gravity & piety he pretends to; or dis­cretion, which cannot but dictate to him, that he hath sinned past forgivenesse, by reducing the Crown to the last extremity; And compelling the Army by an unparalleld ingratitude, to actions more sutable to his own, then the chiefe Commanders former deportment; in which if they lean'd too much on worldly po­licy, it was to avoid falling into that visible pit, the heads of this party had contrived for them.

What religious observers of the Covenant, they have been, & [Page 10] what enemies to the known faults of the Bishops, they with so much spleen, exploded, may appeare by the multitudes of preferments, and bunch of Steeples the have hung to their purse­strings: Besides their ungratefull desertion of that Army, who, when they durst not trust their own side, for feare of being betrayed; expunged, by their faithfull valour, that sentence of death, which those they seem to adhere to now, had writ up­on every wall against them.

Is it not a sad thing, to see Conscience like a cloake-bag, stuft with all carriages, be they foule or faire? Were not the Pa­pists truer friends to their Countries peace; who upon a change in Religion, and more to their generall disadvantage, then this can be, to any at enmity with Rome, swore Allegeance to those of contrary Tenents; The truth of which they so far maintained, as in the year 88, many appeared with considerable forces, in favour of a Protestant Queen, against him they stiled the most Catholick King?

For those they call Levellers, so many of their Propositions as may concern the equall administration of Justice, and the Li­berty of the People, ought no doubt to be harkned unto: But their Consciences being possibly agitated by subtiler heads then their own (the Divell never being in a greater capacity to act mischiefe, then when he is transformed into an Angel of light) it behooves them to be wary; least, pretending to a government more exact then humane corruption is capable of, they doe not fall into a worse then ever yet was establi­shed: For if they create a division in the Army, they promote the ends of their enemies, and shall set up nothing but tyranny, and the destruction of themselves and their Party.

Then since this Nation hath endured so many severall changes, in these later years, without any considerable dimi­nution of her splendor and felicity; I heartily pray it may not run a severer fortune hereafter; which cannot be better pre­vented, then for all Parties in their severall relations, quietly to submit to this present Government: Which having the only power of Protection, cannot in justice be denied the duty of Obe­dience. To perswade which the more easily, I most humbly beg of those in Authority, To concede to the just desires and Tears of the Nation.

NOTHING makes me more sensible of the wrath of God for sinne, then the considera­tion, That want and oppression are become the ill consequents of that primitive Blessing, Increase and multiply; from whence the Devill taking ad­vantage on our naturall selfe-love, raiseth up Covetousnesse, the parent of Propriety; out of whose bosome result all humane calamities: Amongst which this is one of the most severe, That it renders us uncapable to be gover­ned without Lawes; being too partiall, to judge uprightly betweene our owne interest, and our neighbours; so as where Right is absent, Power steps in and supplyes her place.

This at first necessitated Jurisdiction; And the example of one God might present a pattern for Monarchy: But Kings did so farre deviate from this precedent, that they quite forgot, their Election was to encrease the felicity and ease of their Subjects, not their owne: Which hath caused people in all ages to have recourse to Armes; whereby sometimes they impaired, [Page 12] seldome mended their Condition: Because out of pride, ignorance, or a superstitious reverence to custome, they re­fused to entrust more then one with their Obedience: And we have cause to believe, that the exorbitant power, and scan­dalous adoration given to Princes (in which, like Promotheus, they robbe God of his Divinity, bestowing the Attributes of Sacred, Worship, and Majesty upon a sinfull Man) grew at the beginning out of the bitter root of Idolatry; This dignity being at first found among the Heathen, and never taken into one Family by the people of God, till in likelyhood, the goodnesse of David had allured them, and the wisedome of Salomon in­snared them into an absolute tyranny, under the House of Jesse: Which they saw so much cause to repent of, as ten Tribes cast it off by a Defection, made legitimate by God him­selfe. And what frequent changes followed, appeares in Sa­cred Story; set downe no doubt not onely for the instructi­on of Kings, but as a direction for Subjects what to doe in such cases of oppression: Like causes being liable to the like effects.

Greece and Rome, from whom the grounds of Learning are deduced, did suffer their wanton Poets to endow their Princes with the powers and names of their Gods; and their Gods with the vices of their Kings; as Adulteries, Rapes, Op­pressions, Thefts, &c. not sparing Jupiter himselfe, whom they chalenge to have wrested the Celestiall Monarchy from his Father Saturne: (in which is morallized the un­naturalnesse of Ambition, breaking through all Relations, though never so sacred). But as the Idols of the Heathen can­not be distinguished from ordinary stones, unlesse by the wor­ship given them by those, who yet upon higher illuminations, doe breake or cast them away: So though Princes (such Monsters in power) are able to dazle the weake eyes of ig­norant men, by the false rages of Divinity, the flattering Clergy flash in the faces of such as oppose them; Yet it is no lesse then miraculous, that wise men should be so enamoured on the workes of their owne hands, as to place such so near God, and to pronounce them unaccountable for personall faults, much lesse for those of so epidemicall a nature, that they [Page 13] concern the welfare of all; forgetting that flesh and bloud is of so wild a condition, that nothing can restraine it but the fearfull apparition of some visible punishment; And that other Governments want not the blessings of the best of Monarchies, yet stand uncharged with their inconveniences (It being possible to be a bad King, though a good man in an in­feriour Relation: The whole masse of History being scarce able to furnish out one in all points accomplished with so many Regall virtues, as might compense the damages received from his Predecessour, or him that did immediatly succeed: Yet dazled with the splendor of a Title, whose foule originall con­tinuance hath razed out of the memories of the most, The ignorant multitude doe, without any scrutiny after worth or conveniency, thinke themselves obliged to submit to the untry'd discretion of the next of the same Line: So farre in­trusted in England before the Conquest, that the decision of all controversies lay incumbent in the person of the King onely; till corruption and oppression had given cause to mould Reason into a more certaine Law; which no respect to their Subjects good, but onely their owne trouble or visible con­straint, was able to tempt them to: Yet the people were so simple, that upon the least concession of ease, they buried the benefit which might have resulted from their expence of bloud and treasure, in the same Government, if not in the same person, they had opposed; who was made the more cunning, not the better, by any thing had pass'd; it being the businesse of all politique Princes, to rebate the edge of the Lawes towards themselves, for whose moderation they were chiefly inten­ded, and to render them mortall to the people; who in case they were too weake to make good the justest quarrell against their King, perished as Traitors, when the true treason was perpetrated by their Prince and his evill Counsellours; who are ordinarily the first causers of commotions by their cruelty and oppressions.

Now the indiscretion of our Ancestors hath beene such, tem­pted to it by the miseries incident to Civill Warre, as they gave concession to all the Lawes reason or experience could [Page 14] present were likely to strengthen the security of the King in fact; So as the justest opposition in the Subject lay under no slighter penalty, then the losse of Honour, goods, lands and life: Forgetting, That the stronger Fortification was raised before the gates of Kings, the more difficult they rendred all accesse to Liberty, when ever they were invaded by Tyranny, or the peoples con­veniency should call for another Government lesse ranting and expensive.

And I may be confident, this could not have been effe­cted with such ease, but upon a presumption That the power of Parliaments was thought subordinate to any Law, Experience being barren of occasion to make demonstration, where the Legislative power should reside, in case of a rupture between the King and both or either House, never till now in dispute, though tacitly implied in the cases of such as tis known they have deposed (which questionlesse was done without the Royall assent;) Therefore not being determinated in ex­presse words, it might be thought impossible, a Court so para­mount, should lye included under generall Rules, esteemed in all grants unable to prejudice the Crown, and therefore with better Reason unbinding to the Parliament, often known not only to dispose of that, but the heads that wore it, So farre as to determine some unable, some unworthy to governe. And if any should endeavour to set bounds to the power of this High Court, it was as vaine an attempt, as to limit the Nati­on to such an extent of felicity; which could no longer hold in nature or Reason, then those that did it were able by love or force to master her strength; which wisdome would perswade her to resume upon the first approach of advantage. Besides, the King owning himselfe but a third Estate (as you may find in one of his well-pen'd Declarations) he could not, by his absence, remove power so farre from the other, but that it did vertually remain in some hands for the good of the People (esteemed the supreme Law) supposed in all probability to be more cordially intended by the other, by reason they were inseparable companions with the people in any good or evill redounded to them from the Law; [Page 15] Then by the Prince, whose Interest was single, and so farre remote from epidemicall ends, that he might, by incroach­ment, improve his condition to a selfe-advantage, raising a particular gaine, at the cost of the Publique; not probably to be intended by the Nobility, unlesse their reason were quite lost in their dependance on the Crown; but impossible to be pro­jected by the Commons, who after dissolution, and their power returned to those that gave it, all markes of distinction cease, and they are mingled with the rest of the people, being e­quall sharers in what losse or advantage the Representative, in which they did reside, produced to the Commonwealth.

Wherefore if a Parliament falls in pieces, as this hath done, so much Legall power cannot remaine in both the other, as in the House of Commons, The fairest, most naturall, and least partiall Representative of the whole Nation, whose true and un­questioned proxcies they are; The Lords residing by birth, as the Bishops (in these latter times) by favour; And both found by experience, rather to intend their owne ends, then the publique.

And for such as maintaine, That we owed the liberty of electing Parliaments, to the benevolence of our Kings, May as well say, we were indebted to them for our being or nature; which abhorres to hold felicity, and what is assigned for supportation, at the will of another; a servitude impossible to be imposed upon a major part that are Masters of right reason.

Now for the King, I should not have looked for him a­mong the three Estates, much lesse have owned him for one of them, had he not pleased to name himselfe so, and, by this confession, made empty the formerly unquestion'd seat of the Church; By which he rather did weaken, then support, the unnaturall and destructive pretence he made to a Negative voyce: For where there is a Parity in an unseparable union, it is impossible to find room for so much difference in power, as that the most single and suspected part (in regard of an experi­mented selfe-interest), should determine of the fitnesse or inconveniency of what the other should present, without [Page 16] giving a stronger Reason then his own Will; never known, but upon constraint, or for want of money, to contradict it self for the peoples good.

And though in cases of equall correspondency there might seeme some colour of Justice, yet here there cannot; Be­cause the King professeth his Person so farre out of the point-blank of Law, as that he is responsible to none but God, for the worst, not onely that he can doe himselfe, but suffer to be done by his Instruments.

Therefore since no tie can be made strong enough to re­straine him from breaking in to his Subjects most sacred im­munities, this power must needs be too extravagant to mingle with theirs lesse interessed; who are so modest as to confesse themselves and their judgements implicitly contain'd in the suffrages of the Major part; though the Law pass'd be never so contrary to their sense: And I cannot but admire from whence this Infallibility should at first be derived, which were no lesse madnesse for the people to give, then presumption in any, below a God, to receive.

Such as allow the King a Negative voyce, forget they place the Abstract of all the Prudence, Power and Probitie of the Na­tion, in one Individuall; Juells of too high a value to be packt up in so single and weake Vessels, as our English Monarchs appeare to have beene: But were they better, they might upon this account, enervate the gravest results of the Su­preme Councell; yet denied by Law and Custome the ability to quash the sentence of an inferiour Court of Justice.

Then if no Example can be produc'd, of any King, that hath voluntarily, and out of no more impulsive respect, then meer conscience and indulgency to his poor prince-trodden people, offered a Bill to abate the power he found so abused by his Predecessours, and not likely to be better employed by such as might succeed; What greater Impudence can there be, then to maintaine, That this Negative vote is claimed only to avoid the abolition of good lawes, and to hinder the passing of worse: Since it is notoriously knowne, that all the customes people complaine of, have beene intruded and still kept in [Page 17] being by the countenance of an exorbitant power pretended by Kings: And therefore such a prerogative cannot be look'd upon as naturall and convenient, but destructive to the very essence of Liberty; and consequently void in it selfe.

In case of Minority, Madnesse and Folly, the triall of the Kings sufficiency is without question in the Parliament; and if that be allowed to determine the extent of his power in con­tingencies, no wayes chargeable upon any as faults: Shall wicked, contumacious and destructive principles and practises be exempt from their cognizance? Since the fool or mad man cannot be lyable to so severe a censure, as he that imployes his wit wholly to the destruction of his people. And if we trace our Kings through all the paths their incroachments have made over the peoples immunities, we shall find, it was not Cha­rity hath kept them from being more tyrannicall, but Weapons and constraint: all our priviledges having beene first written, and in all ages forced to be copied out, in the peoples bloud; An argument sufficient to prove, that little is to be expected from them, in favour of the Publique, but by constraint; Kings intending nothing more then the augmentation of their owne Arbitrary power: Therefore Flattery, rather then Truth, fonted them Fathers of their Country; to which they are in nothing sutable, unlesse in correction, the severest and least ho­spitable part of Justice.

They indeed, as domestique Fathers, are oftentimes suborn'd by a particular naturall love, to doe that which is destructive to the generall well being of a Nation; as where an equall affection to their children shall cause a division of their Kingdome into se­verall Cantons; by which the whole is weakned in regard of the expence of more Courts, and expos'd to ruine by divi­sion; as is not without a precedent in Story.

Next the affection they beare to their female issue, makes them raise great taxes to marry them, not onely sutable to their birth, but unlimited ambition: By which meanes a people are often made subject to the curse of a forrain Juris­diction: And in case it should happen to light upon France or Spaine, or any Prince else unwilling to remove his Throne [Page 18] further from the Sun, they must run the fortune of Naples, Si­cily, Millan, Navarre, &c. who are so miserable as to be under the Regiment of unnaturall Strangers.

And say they should be so mad, as to follow their am­bitious humours, in quest of honour, out of their owne territo­ries, as Francis and John of France did, they may like them, fall into captivity, and tie their Kingdomes to harder conditions, and a greater Ransome, then all the particular benefits re­dounding from that government are able to compense; or all the inconveniencies objected to a Popular State, parallel; who are confess'd on all sides to be responsible for their mis­government, in parcell, as particular Members; or in grosse, as the whole Councell, when dissolved: Whereas the flattering Clergy and Courtiers, by perverting the Scriptures, have in a single person situated Regality out of the reach of all question; so as he may shake or kicke about the world without any feare of other danger, then what the Poets faine fell to Phaëton from Jupiter himselfe: Which cannot but perswade wise men to keepe it out, where it never was; and upon all advantages to explode it, where misfortune hath brought it in.

Queene Elizabeth, though an excellent Prince, yet incroach'd upon the English Liberty, by denying them to enquire who should be her Successour; The unnaturalnesse of this tyranny being hid from the eyes of the people (whose interest it was to know it) by the delicate and soft hand she carried over them; defective in nothing, in their imagination, but that it was fraile earth, and so subject to mortality: which made the Commons winke at the commitment of Pigot and Wentworth; valuing the satisfaction of her mind, before the Members of their owne Body: Neither could they well have found wea­pons to have revenged this unparallel'd outrage, she stand­ing so faire painted in her Subjects hearts: Therefore though they did well to passe by a fault they could not punish; yet the goodnesse of her raigne cannot be said to expiate the curse she brought in by this example, the unnaturalnesse of the Scotch Line tooke advantage of: which I believe had never come [Page 19] in (especially without Caution) but that the feare of the Londo­ners (wanting time to secure their wealth) and the basenes of the Nobility, tempted them to betray themselves into the hands of those, who were ever enemies to this Nation: Now if there was so little care found in a Queene, raised from a prisoner; and goodnesse in a King taken from the barren moun­taines of Scotland; Who could expect more gratitude, then we have found in his Son, that to make good his Fathers Mono­polies and his own illegall taxes, covered the Kingdome with a Sea of blood?

It is impossible for a Popular Government to be so expensive as these two last Kings, though with Ieroboam they should sell themselves to work wickednesse; not having whereupon to be­stow it, without making so palpable a demonstration of their Covetousnesse, as the people would soon take notice thereof, and redresse it by their change or ruine; which might be obtained at an easier rate then by a Warre; without which no Monarch, though never so bad, is able to be removed; who commonly hath a power to defend him proportional to his prodigality, and the Honours he throws about; by which those multitudes who only hope, are as strongly taken, as the few that enjoy benefit by him.

Now Princes though generally bad, doe yet admit of com­parisons; as you may find the three Degrees in Elizabeth, Iames, and Charles. For though Queen Elizabeth incroached upon the liberty of particulars; She maintained Warre in France, the Low-Countries, with Spaine and Ireland; yet never had un­lawful tax, or more then two Subsidies at once; which put to the whole Revenue of the Crown (as I have heard) did not make 700000^l per annum: yet she kept a glorious Court, paid all debts, and was never known to breake her word with the Sub­ject. King Iames enters, who never paid Army, built House, or was any way magnificently hospitable, yet scrued the Re­venue to a double proportion, sold and gave away inestima­ble quantities of Woods and Lands, omitting nothing where­in he might poll his Subjects; Yet died in debt, and scandalous for his breach of Faith, besides the incomparable repute lost [Page 20] to the Nation by the sale of the Cautionary Townes to the Dutch. King Charles succeeds, who answers ths peoples love and vowes for his safe returne from Spaine, and assumption to the Throne, with a contempt of Parliaments, and augmentation of the Revenue (Ship-mony cast in) to 1800000^l (yet never equal'd the magnificence of Queen Elizabeth, nor the liberality of King Iames) summes not be concealed by a more popular State; or if possible, easy to be retrived by squeezing the purloiners; whereas this vast Treasure mouldred away in Masques and o­ther effeminate vanities, no waies for the honour or safety of the State. Not to say more, whose businesse is only to shew the blessings of a Free Regiment, not all the curses attending the Government, or faults incident to the persons of Kings; which are rendred by our Clergy incurable, as sheltred under a Di­vine Right.

But neither this foolish varnish, daub'd on by flatterers; nor prescription it selfe, back'd by an unquestion'd consent of our Fathers, can be of strength enough to dispossesse a people of so inherent a property, as nature hath estated all Reasonable creatures in; viz. The choise of the Lawes they intend to be gover­ned by: No more then a Parliament, which is virtually the whole People, can bind Posterity longer then shall sute with the will of the same power that did at first establish it. And if the Parliament is oftentimes so cautious, as to make Lawes pro­bationary; Can any think it sutable to the principles of Reason, that a King (obnoxious to the frailties of other mortals) should be borne to a right above them; and left to an absolute liberty; not only to doe what he please, but to cros any thing shall be offered from his Subjects, by the inspiration of I know not what negative Power? I wonder men are so indis­creet to give that to a child, foole, or mad man, which they de­ny to a grave, wise, and experimented Pope; whom they call Antichrist for nothing more justly, then the arrogance he shewes in advancing his single judgement above a Counsel. And if things be rightly considered, you shall find them both hang upon the same irrationall string, and likely to drop into the same bottomles pit; the one vaunting to be Vicar [Page 21] general for things temporall, the other for eternall.

Yet if we look neer, we may find markes to demonstrate it was not thus from the beginning, that Kings pretended to a Negative power; as appears by the modest words he useth at the crossing of a Bill offered to him; which are Le Roy s'advisera: Though time and neglect may have taken such precedents of the file, as they have a number more, by which Kings were chalked a way to their duty; a thing by them so much abhor­red, that the Records in the Tower have suffered a continuall suppression. Besides it is notoriously known that this Negative Power so much insisted upon, and employed by the last King against the peace of the Nation; hath in all ages been subor­dinate to the will of a Wife or Favorite, who have not sel­dome been found to give or sell it to the prejudice of the Common-Wealth.

Wherefore if the inconveniences of Kings assending with­out any opposition be so insufferable; what mischiefe can es­cape the imagination, (if the sense) of that people, who have all of them, according to Regal Law, forfeited as Trai­tors, all that is deare to nature; either for opposing, or want of assisting the dead King; should any of his Line succeed? which formerly so shackled us, but is now unravelled by the same meanes it was twisted, by William, stil'd, though unjustly, the Conquerour.

As for places of Scripture alleadged in favour of wicked Princes, by which their Parasites endeavour to remove them out of the way of Question; They will upon examination rather prove suborn'd, then competent witnesses; as taught to speak by intressed Divines, whose power and estates were wholly de­pendant on the Crown.

The extent of the Jurisdiction of our Monarchs, held no pro­portion with that of Israel, confessed by God, to be founded in his wrath; who used at first to allot them out of his own choice; which rendred it, if not presumption, yet useles to limit them by Lawes: But after this prepared Manna of just Govern­ment ceased to drop upon them from Heaven; They had reason to provide wholsome Ordinances of their own, to pre­serve [Page 22] them from corruption; As we find the ten Revolted Tribes did, by the processe against Naboth; whereas Solomon gave no other reason for the death of men, then his will, by which alone Ioab and his own brother were tried and condemned. And if want of wisdome, hast, or lack of experience, made the people forget their own conveniency, in the large ex­tent of power they afforded them; I know no place of Scripture binds us to follow their indiscretion; No more then it warrants our Kings to imitate the vices of theirs. And af­ter Solomon I doe not find any bad Prince longer endured then the people were constrained out of meer necessity; To whose distruction also they were oftentimes incited by God himselfe; whose silence now cannot in reason be taken for his consent, because he hath long since forborne to speake unto us otherwaies then by written examples, which afford plenty of them Deposed and put to Death.

The mercinary Lawyers, to keepe Kings safe behind the curtaine (where they play at boh-peepe with justice, as their ho­ly Father the Pope, doth by Religion) make the King a party in cases touching Life; By this meanes shrowding his Per­son so securely under his Office, as nothing could rescue the people from tyranny, but a through Reformation of the Common Law.

For in the condition we stood, Magna Charta, and all o­ther Lawes extorted from our Kings in favour of the peo­ple, are rendred invalid, if Kings were responsible for no mis­demeanors; It being the Lawyers position in all cases That the King can doe no wrong. Though it is apparent, that no mis­chiefe fell to us, but from his unlimited and usurped power: Since therefore so many years experience proclaimes it a thing impossible, to manacle a Supremacy in one single indivi­dual; it cannot but be most safe, to divide it amongst more: Many not being so apt, as one, to be intoxicated by the fumes of power and flattery.

The childish Love the Common people beare the gaudy per­son of a King, gives occasion to beleeve, that popular Gover­ments are rather results of Princes disorders, then the naturall [Page 23] effects of the peoples inclinations; and therefore founded with the more difficulty; But after establishment easiest maintained; wise men being apter to connive at a fault in this Goverment, out of hope to have one day the happinesse to mend, or com­mit it themselves.

The first Monarchies were purely tyrannicall as Babylon and Persia, who used to try both Plaintif and Defendant in a Starchamber of Beasts: Yet, though absolute tyrants over their people, so much enslaved to their own passions; as what was uttered against the life of the Prophet in folly, was not after repealable in judgement. And under these arbitrary Monsters the world laboured, till necessity, the pregnant Mother of all con­veniency, taught their Subjects to temper them with Lawes. But sinding absotute Princes of so faithlesse a nature, that they were not tenable by compact: delighting like the Demoniaques in the Gospell, to rome in the estates and among the graves of their Subjects; some Nations exploded them quite; as formerly severall Citties of Greece and Rome &c. and of later years the united Provinces, who having obtained their liberty, and so not being exhausted by the exorbitant and vast expences of a King, nor shackled by the distracted and contrary inte­rests of a foolish and suborn'd Counsel; were able from their in­fancy to teare such morsells out of the throat of his great Ca­tholick Majesty; as the weakenesse of France suffered him to swallow; and the feares of King James caused him to sell, to prevent the danger, he was perswaded by his jealousies, and some of his Counsellors (more servants unto that State then to him) wayted upon the delivery or deniall of the Cautiona­ [...]y townes to the King of Spaine; which this poore spot of Earth doth not only dare to owne, as their birthright; But have brought him to that passe, as he hath twice concluded peace with them, under the free notions of an Independant State.

And some Nations never at all admitted any Kings; and such as are celebrated for most wisdome, felicity, and continuance; Apparent in the State of Venice, who hath outliv'd the story of her own birth, and seen the often repeated funeralls of all [Page 24] the Kingdomes in Europe; being now by her account, onward of her twelfth Century: And though France seems to boast of little lesse continuance, deriving her originall from the uncer­tain history of Pharamond, supposed her first King: Yet the impartial reader may find her subject to the discipline of strangers, and her own inferior Princes, till Lewis the eleaventh's wisdome had compounded for her wardship: and if Edward the fourth his contemporary had been owner of so much pru­dence, as the Free Cantons of the Swisse; he had mis'd of his marke.

Fulnes of bread, that inclines a people to Idolatry, makes them so proud and wanton, as to think any of their own body too mean to Governe; choosing rather, with the Froggs in the Fable, a Storke for their King, though it be his nature to de­voure them, then a selected number of their own, tied in rea­son to preserve them. Not perceiving that Monarchy is a sa­crilegious overcharging a single person with more honour and power, then so fraile a creature is able to beare, without falling into the distempers of excesse: which renders indu­strious Nations more capable of freedome, as neerer to a parity; then such as time and luxury have overstock'd with Nobility and Gentry; who scorning to be subject to those of their own qua­lity, and not so well able to tyrannize over inferiours upon their own single score; cry up Princes, whose faults they co­ver with a false varnish, made up of an imaginary Divine Right, glistering only in the eyes of fooles; wise men owning it as borrowed from the Easterne Idolaters; who were never better pleased then when they saw something carried be­fore them gloriously adorned with the eare-rings, jewels, and spoyles of the people. Which gives all Politians occasion to to pronounce, that a Prince cannot disparrage his affaires more, then by suffering his power to fall under a popular contest; Nor a Republick decline sooner into a tyranny, then by continuing that sha­dow which decency constraines Free Governments to retain of Monar­chy, too long in one Family (as the Dutch did) without change or some vigorous opposition. For however Insurrections, like thunders are terrible for the present, They render Liberty more [Page 25] serene and cleere: Princes being apt, with Alexander, to ap­prehend themselves more then humane, unles they be now and then besprinkled with their own blood; Affliction and opposition be­ing better able to put them into the way of duty, then flat­tery or prosperity; so as if Feare were not more prevalent with them, then Love, Subjects would be farre more miserable: since it is without question, that the interest of Princes lookes with a contrary aspect to that of the People; His gaine being for the most part their losse, as in case of illegall taxes, which if once carried cleer without question, are conveyed as an inheri­tance to their posterity; who improve, rather then diminish a­ny thing layed in charge by their Predecessours: Therefore Governours out of their own body, in reason should be more natu­rall, then these fathers in Law, who see nothing about them but what they falsely imagine to be their own.

Now though a Senate may have inclusively the same power, they are more tender of using it; for feare the evill conse­quence should reach their Children, who in these impartiall Governments mingle among the people, and participate of all their inconveniencies; unles wisdome and good parts makes them capable of their Fathers dignities; which happens rarely; A­ble Statesmen finding their virtues commonly wanting in their Chil­dren: And this discovers another grosse inconvenience in successive Kingdoms, where not only Law and Custome, but Re­ligion, if you trust Regall divinity, teacheth the people to cry Hosanna to the next Heyre; Though nature, or which is worse, his wicked inclinations, render him unworthy the government of a Asse; Whereas a Senate is continually fill'd with the most able men.

Not to loose time in casting up the account Antiquity made of this Government; upon whose approbation it is the nature of men to looke through the prospective of multiply­ing opinion, as they doe upon lesse remote verities with the eies of envy and contradiction; The progresse and vertues of the State of Venice are patterns not found in the greatest, or match'd by the best of Kings: Who hath received nothing (her situation only excepted) but from the benevolence of Hea­ven [Page 26] and her own vertue; which hath inabled her (though but a Pamphlet in comparison of the Voluminous power of other Nations) to beare the opposition of all her Neighbours in their turnes, and sometimes united by the malice of his Holines; Though armed with no more naturall weapons, then what her mony puts into the hands of strangers; (the most unhappy Militia a State can imploy;) Yet because all her Senatours look one way, and not a squint upon Forreign Interests, as the Pri­vadoes of our Kings have beene knowne to doe, in relation to their respective Pensions; Unity improves their small force to so much advantage, as they have for these latter yeares, not onely disputed the dominion of the Seas with the Grand Seigniour, but forced him to wash away with his peoples bloud, divers markes of advantage his multitudes of Souldiers had purchased him in the Levant: So as if Monarchs were owners of so much Christianity, as to spend but the tith of what is consum'd yearly in Masques, and such unnecessary vanities, this way (a thing not to be hoped for, till our good God have discovered to all Na­tions, the curse of monopolized authority) this enemy to Christ might be easily reduced; Since all the force he can make, returnes him, from this single State, nothing but dishonour and losse; whereas the greatest German Caesar was never yet able to beare the least branch of his power, without imploring and receiving aide from most of Christi­an Princes, who are now so weltered in their own blood, as they omit the opportunity; Thinking themselves more charitably imployed in the ruine of their own people, or Neighbours; A Lunacy could never befall them, were they not agitated by such ridiculous humours, as Com­mon-wealths disdaine to be affected withall; where there is no roome for any disputation about such triviall things as crabbid Titles, Legitimacy &c. all being ejected there as spurious that conduce not to honour or safety. And what ad­vantage this State hath in the wise Conduct of affaires, may be easily discerned by any eye, that shall passe over the Trans­actions [Page 27] of this Senate and Paul the fift, during the Interdict; and compare them with the Treaties of our King James with Spaine: the first redounding no lesse to the honour of that Re­publique, then the latter to the shame and losse of this Na­tion.

Neither are these advantages peculiar to Venice onely, but to all found under this Government; which officiating in the double capacities of a King and a Councell both, cannot choose but be wiser then the first, and lesse subject to corruption then the latter; it being as unnaturall for them to betray their owne power, as it is usuall with the greatest Courtiers to sell the revelation of their Ma­sters most secret Counsels.

Though Offenders under Free States are punished with the greatest severity, it is with the least injustice and partiality: Single persons being more subject to be agitated by the tempests of Fury, Prejudice or Revenge, then Popular Tribunals, which in all reason are not capable of so totall a distemper, as to utter such intoxicated Censures, as ordinarily drop from single judgements; who rather then confesse a mistake, will, with the Tyrant in Seneca, make three guilty, because they find one inno­cent.

Neither doth Covetousnesse, the root of all evill, prosper so well, or spread so much in the hearts of Senaters, as in those of Kings; lest their Posterity should be forced to disgorge what they had devoured; Too vast estates being so formidable to this Government, as they cannot be pass'd by without observation, and jealousie, by such as know the cause of the reduction of the State of Florence under the House of Medici: But Kings are such bottomlesse pits, that they proclaime themselves responsible to none but God, for all their rapines and injustice: By which they doe not onely adjourne all reparation to the day of Doome, but leave their oppressions for lawfull inheritances to their suc­cessours; As the Monopoly Queene Elizabeth granted upon Glasses, was improved since to very Raggs and Marrow­bones.

All a Senate can justly be charged with by way of dis­advantage, [Page 28] after perfectly founded, is division; which if pure from popular ambition, may possibly occasion more good then hurt, by keeping them upright; One Faction remaining as a guard upon the rest: Their owne safety perswading all Cor­porations to intend the generall welfare, in which Reason gives the right hand of advantage to the Government by a Senate, rather then that of a King; whose best designes are retarded, if not buried with his person; whereas this Jurisdiction is never sick, much lesse subject to drink or death; but reacheth, through a continuall suppliment, to as immense an eternity, as Provi­dence hath afforded any humane Society; not being apt to be scared out of the paths leading to their advantage; con­sisting of too great a number to be subject to any clandestine attempt, or abused by evill Counsels, or corrupted by rewards; whereas experience teacheth, that Kings may be forced through feare, or allured by flattery, to resigne their reason, and concede things not onely contrary to their peoples, but their owne interest: as appeared by that celebrated Prince Henry the Fourth of France, who was not ashamed to confesse, he durst not for feare of his owne life, but revoke the just Ban, he and all the Parliaments of France had pronounced against the bloudy Je­suits; whose expulsion the Venetians make good against all their machinations, threats of the Pope, and mediation of Princes. From whence I may observe, That though experi­ence proves by this State, and the Catholique Cantons, &c. that the Roman profession may sute, in some measure, with all kinds of Government, yet undeniable Reason of State renders Monarchy most acceptable to the Pope, as it doth the Reformation to Free States; who are too wise to admit willingly a Forraigne interest into the Common-wealth, by a multiplicity of Ecclesiasticks, independent on any other power but that of Rome; which Kings, being but single persons, dare not resist, for feare of the Knife; it be­ing besides a maine disadvantage, in worldly policy, to pro­fesse a Religion so odious to their neighbours, that they are look­ed upon under no better notion, then Heretickes; and so no faith to be kept with them, nor marriage contracted, but by an especiall Indulgence from his Holinesse, which Republickes have [Page 29] no use of; And being already under the ill opinion of the Roman Church, doe but desire a faire opportunity to free them­selves from it, and make booty of the Religious Houses, long since looked upon by them, as dens of Traiters and idle persons. Therefore such as desire a through Reformation, displease their ends by abetting Monarchy: Kings being knowne not onely to have beene the Begetters and Nources, but the onely Main­tainers of Antichrist, if the POPE be the man. And if any, in opposition to this truth, object Queene Elizabeth (her Bro­ther Edward's Youth and short raigne rendring his inclina­tions abortive to the benefit of the Nation); I answer, who­soever considers how resolutely the Pope denied to reverse her Illegitimation, refusing to give a decent reception to her Embassadours; And with what affection the Parliament (out of pure zeale, hatred to the Clergy, or feare of refunding the profits made of Abby Lands;) did offer to cover her blemishes with the Crowne; must conclude, there could be no better refuge for her in prudence, then to side with such, as did maintaine the Church of Rome it selfe to be Basterdized. And for the dangers probability might threaten to such a totall de­fection, all being avoided by her tyrannicall Father, her Councell (in whom she was the happiest ever waved the English Scepter) thought a dispencing with them lesse prejudiciall to her af­faires, then the tedious ceremonies incident to a Reconciliation with Rome. Neither was the progresse the Protestants made in Ger­many, France and Switserland, a small provocation; who by letters instigated her to this resolution; (the hopes of the Councell of Trent not being quite lost,) because they found a generall desire in all Princes to see the power of Rome modera­ted.

And that she was rather throwne by necessity, then fell of her owne accord, from the Church of Rome, appeares by the Cere­monies used at her Inauguration, all purely Catholique; so as though she was not unwilling to give the new Profession hope, she could not be brought suddenly to put the old in despair; not indeavouring to bring in a greater Reformation then she found, but suffered the Bishops to besprinkle her Raigne with [Page 30] the bloud of some, and inrich her Exchequer with the live­lyhoods of many more, that were so zealous as to desire a review of such errours, as they presumed the base ends of Henry the Eighth had let slip: And these were then persecuted (though of most exemplary lives) whose followers God hath in our daies beene pleased to requite with the most miraculous suc­cesse that ever crowned the endeavours of an Army. And for a farther confirmation, that this totall separation from the Pope, grew rather in the minds of the people, then the Prince; All the en­deavours they could use, were not able to abrogate the ce­remonies of Crosse, Ring and Surpleece; though confess'd by all, of no more absolute necessity, then what they derived from the breath of Authority: But their true end was, to dis­cover such consciences as were irreconcilable to Rome, unto which they had then, and doe still drive on a designe of returning; Provided they could, by an universall conjunction of Princes, bring the Pope to renounce the power he pretends to have over Kings, in that which is meerly temporall: And if I am not fouly mistaken, the too vigorous prosecution of this pro­ject, was the cause of the murdering the two last Henryes of France. Therefore such as hinder the establishing a Free State, oppose the most probable way of suppressing Superstition, and discovering Truth; which in time will by the blessing of God, worke it selfe into Ʋnity.

I doe not write this out of an humour of singularity, or to cast dirt upon the Memory of Queene Elizabeth, who in my opi­nion deserves to be celebrated above all the Princes I ever heard of; but to manifest this truth, That Monarchs look upon all Religions with love or disdaine, as they find them sute with their worldly concernments. The like may be said of most of the Prin­ces in Germany who tooke part with Luther, to have a pre­tence to seize upon the rich Monasteries and Lands of the Church. (And though humane policy may inject the same thoughts into the minds of Senatours, yet purity of Religion is likelier to find friendship among many, then one.)

[Page 31] Neither is the small countenance the French give to those of the Reformation, under a shallower policy, then to balance all partiality, which, the Pope may be terrified, out of a dread of his power, to shew the King of Spaine, to the French King's disadvantage; being allwayes able by their assistance, to make the like booty of the Gallican Church, as Henry the Eighth did of the English.

Neither had the rich revenues of the Roman Profession (which Christian Princes have long since surveyed, as too great a patrimony for a few Priests) beene untaken in, but that the Catholique King is tied, not onely by a contrary, but a stronger interest, to keepe up the Pope from a totall suppression: because he hath nothing to shew for the possession of divers of his territories, and the dispensation of so many incestuous Matches, but the power his Holinesse arrogates to make any thing lawfull towards God or Man.

Yet if any desire farther satisfaction, Why Spaine remaines so true to the bondage of Rome, whilst other Nations are in labour with divisions? it may be said, That besides the Inquisition, her naturall pride and affected gravity renders her proofe against Innovation; especially in order to a Profession lesse splendid then her owne; being, like the Jewes, more delighted with well drest Ceremonies, then naked Truth: Neither have they any generall propensity to the study of Controversies, or the writing of any thing besides Romances, to which the Roman Religion best sutes, being replenished with the high Rhodomontadoes of Saints and miraculous Stories.

A Monarchy both in Church and State is most sutable to the En­glish Clergy, whose maintenance being raised out of the sweat of the Labourer, can find none so ready (the Pope excluded) as Princes to protect them: Commonwealths making no such roome for flattery, as Kings, to whom those Churchmen are dearest, and readiest to be preferred by them; as having the faculty to discover Virtues where none are, and hide Vices where they most abound: to which qualities James and Charles were the indulgentest Princes, since the Reformation: For Queene Eliza­beth, standing faire in her Subjects opinions, was bold to [Page 32] make exchanges with them to their disadvantage; The cause the sweetnesse of her Raigne is no more legible. This proves it madnesse, to expect a pure Reformation under Kings; the Ro­man Religion being in all policy most necessary for them, be­cause they have his Holinesse ready at any time, as an honoura­ble Ʋmpire, friendly to cement them together by fair means; or in case they will not agree, to excommunicate the contu­macious party: No small advantages to Kings, who parti­cipating of the same vindictive humours with other private mortals, fall upon most destructive wars, onely to revenge personall affronts: As the last quarrell we had with Spaine, rose from no more serious a bottome, then a misprision the Duke of Buckingham stumbled upon in his lust. And the same Kings Expedition to the Isle of Reez had as noisome a source: which are things below a Senate, not apt to run a madding like un­advised Princes, who are distempered upon the least bite of a passion.

Adde to what hath beene said, the vast summes correspon­dent to the charge of a Court, and wanton affections incident to Kings; (James of England having throwne away upon Dun­barre, Carlisle, Sommerset and Buckingham only, according to computation two millions) and you cannot but conclude a Free State the thriftiest Government for the people; about whom no such summes can be found, but under the hazard of a pre­sent or future question. Besides, consider the excessive ex­pence the Nation would be at, to repaire the utensils of a Crowne, which the charge or fate of warre hath exposed to sale or ruine.

We see it is the fortune of most private Families (notwith­standing their severer education) to fall within two or three ge­nerations, under a foole, or which is worse, one so infatuated with an immoderate thirst of pleasure, as to hazard the cutting off the strongest Intaile: And can people be pronounced so happy, who have no more to shew for their felicity, but the crazied and uncertain life of a King, (rarely found to be indifferently good in the first, but ever intolerable in the second or third Descent) as a Senate, which never dyes, but growes daily more [Page 33] acquainted with the Constitution of the Nation; being taught by experience how to administer to the peoples ne­cessities?

Whose children doe not remaine a burden and terrour to the Common-wealth, as those of Monarchs: Which makes the Great Turke to strangle them, like Vermin; and the Persian to put out their eyes, lest they should bewitch their Kingdomes into seditions: as in the Annals of our English Monarchs is legible in red letters; though many deepe markes of bloud have beene expunged by their power, or covered by the flattery of such as pen'd their Stories. And if we would seriously consider it without prejudice, we might clearly foresee, That no State is able (without stocking up the ancient Nobility and Gentry) to beare the true, much lesse the borrowed issue of three Queenes in succession so fruitfull as our last Mary: The pregnancy of whose head for mischiefe hath not yet beene so fatall to this Nation, as her wombe may prove hereafter to Posterity; that perhaps may be ignorant how few Kings come to the Crowne unspotted with the bloud of their Predecessours; And that Nature is so farre buried in their jealousies and feares, as oftentimes she cannot be heard in behalfe of her owne Children; manifested in Philip the Second of Spain, who put his owne Son and Heire to death; A Tragedy since revived and acted by the same Kings Players, upon the person of Prince Henry in England, at the especiall command, as was thought, of &c—, because he seemed averse from a Match with the Infanta, for whose sweet sake his Brother undertooke that honourable journey into Spain; by which (not to reckon the vast expence and shame it brought) the per­petuall quiet of this Nation was in hazard. And till any can parallel this, with a like absurdity committed by a Senate, they must excuse all who thinke Monarchy not the wisest or happiest Government.

Neither are the progeny of Kings lesse unmindfull of their filiall duty; since it is notorious, that Lewis the XI^th, and Charles his Son, were found in the head of an Army against their Fa­thers, before discretion could securely intrust them with a Sword [Page 34] for feare of hurting themselves: the eldest not having attained the age of twelve yeares.

What Tragedies the Royall issue have acted in England, is well knowne: But in Scotland they have beene so frequent and dis­mall, that their Crown seemes rather a snare to catch unadvised fooles, then a Symbole of Honour; proving as fatall to most have worne it, as the Shirt of Hercules, the Drab had poy­soned.

Though a Senate may be tempted to severity at first, out of care and love to the people and themselves; The disturbers of peace being subdued or reformed, it is as contrary to their na­tures and discretions to delight in bloud, as for a wise Phy­sician to use Phlebotomy when the distemper is over. Whereas un­der a Monarchy, the Nation runs a hazard of blouding upon every change; being ready to fall into a Feaver by the contrary hu­mours and claimes of those of the same line; who upon the least nicety they are able to create, raise a civill and destructive warre; as betweene Lancaster and Yorke, which lasted so long as the people, out of meere poverty and wearinesse, were wil­ling to sell themselves for Slaves to the succeeding Pharaohs of the prevalent Line: And having found such mischiefes to result from contrary claimes, they, to perpetuate a single Title, made the justest endeavours to oppose it, Treason; and so entail'd a perpetuall inconvenience unto Posterity, that fell into the clutches of the Law upon the least offer they made to free themselves from these arbitrary Taske-masters, at whose devotion they have ever since eaten the bread of affliction and constraint, which they might have avoided, by changing the Government: But that, like Lucian, they lay under so strong a fascination, as they were in their abused judgements capable of no cure, but first by recovering a Conjunction between the Roses, and then an union with Scotland. And though the vanity of this conceipt be made appa­rent by 40 yeares contrary experience; yet the generality cannot be wooed to assume their naturall shape of Free-men, but desire rather to remain Asses still under the heavy pressures of a King; not considering, that the old Line is so exasperated, That if any of it come to succeed, they cannot in Prudence or Safety, [Page 35] but so bush up all waies leading never so little towards liberty, as we may well groane, but shall not have so much as hope to be heard or redressed hereafter: When those that stand for Kings shall receive as severe a doome as the rest, out of feare, they may another time, be as well able and as willing to oppose as now to assist them.

After having weighed the deeds of the Ʋnited Provinces, and Venice; Consider what despicable Nations (if capable of that Title) these had been, under absolute Princes: Or what King, deduction being made for the expense of his Court only; (without reckoning the concomitant vanities of Plaie, Re­vels &c. in which our last Kings spent more then they have done, in bringing home Victory from Spaine or Turkey) would be able, with so small revenues, to pay so many Garrisons, and maintain such an Army as the Dutch have done for 80 years? Neither is the advantage lessened by objecting the vast sums they stand accountable for, to the Subjects of stranger Princes; which being intrusted without paune, is the greater honour; all mens repute in the world having been sutable to their debts: Therefore since no Prince was ever thought capable of so much credit with his Neighbours, as to be intrusted with the like inestimable sums; as these, and other Free States are known to be; (who are made depositaries for the Fatherlesse and Widowes) it is an infal­lible argument of their lesse esteem of Kings; never found true to their natur all Subjects; which makes none willing to lend to them, but out of feare or constraint, when mony is by heaps layed voluntarily at the feet of this more free government. And what is to be expected frō our redemption out of Monarchi­cal thraldom, may be guest by the words of the Kings own Agent; who urged as an inducement to Holland, to favour his par­ty, that if England could be free, they would be formidable unto them, not only by interrupting their Fishing, and all other Maritine advan­tages; but by robbing them of Trafick, as they had done the Veneci­ans: and not only so, but give Law to all Christendome, by rea­son of the commodiousnesse of their harbours, and multitudes of their ships: Yet our bl—brethren of Scotland were so lique­rish after the dainty shadow of being sharers with us in England, [Page 36] by the mediation of a King, they meant to have set over us, that they let fall the substance of as great a felicity of their own; having Sea roome and greater advantages then the Hollander began with, or can yet purely call his own.

To that obvious objection, That reason did alwaies concede an advantage to the absolute Jurisdiction of a single person in the field; prescribing to that end but one Generall to an Army, for feare of di­visions upon contrary Counsels and Commands; May be replied, that no King had ever greater successe waited on his person, then this Government hath been ordinarily presented with from her Subjects; Who are not only heated with as great a sense of Honour, but also moderated by that of Feare; being sub­ject to question, as well for Victory, if attained under too ha­zardous or improbable an adventure, as Losse; Whereas Princes take liberty to expose their people, without controle upon all occasions and pretences, though never so triviall, disadvantagious or unjust. Neither are Generalls taken up on trust, as Kings are, in successive Monarchies, who have nothing more to shew for their Legitimacy, then the word of their Mo­ther; nor better Reason and sufficiency for the execution of their Regality, then that his Majesties Father had rendred the people miserable before him. And here I am constrained by truth to attect, That no Nation was ever more blest in the con­duct and successe of a Generall, then England is now; whose va­lour and judgement hath not only broke through such difficul­ties, for which Kings were wont to Triumph; but is become so familiar with Victory, as it may seem shee dares not leave Him, for feare of being overcome her selfe.

Neither is the good use may be made of Kings, excluded in a Free State, but continued; as in the Duke of Venice, and here­tofore in the Prince of Orange &c. Who have the custody of such Honours and Ceremonies, as are not, with decency or con­veniency, communicable to more then one: And such a Prince is not likely (nor in my poor judgement fit) to be kept from a Common-Wealth: Provided his admittance be with that Caution, as no trespas may be committed upon the Peoples Li­berty.

[Page 37] Free States have been alwaies looked upon as most au­spicious to men of parts; Whereas Monarchs preferre a good face; the importunate recommendations of a Mistres; or their own so­litary affection; before all the desert attending upon parts or breeding: because empty themselves, they feare to be soun­ded by those more sufficient; Being as unable to resolve, as unconstant in the prosecution of the better councells of o­thers; which wise men communicate to Kings with much caution, as knowing that what they advise is upon no lighter penalty then their ruine, if it be not as sutable to the Favorites humours as their Masters own safety; which makes them either conceal their true judgement, or comply with such as preferre their single interest before the Publick. This renders the best designes of Princes addle, exposing their Subjects to a succession of evill events in the midst of their most probable advanta­ges: A punishment inflicted upon the generality of Kings, for their Murthers, Rapines and Blasphemies; it being rare for any of them to hold their Principalities from a more legi­timate Tenure, then Poyson or the Knife; their births being so sophisticated by the surer side, That they have oftentimes no more of the bloud Royall in them, then the consent they lent to their Predecessors destruction hath clog'd their consciences with­all. And if the possession of the Crowne alone be esteemed sufficient, in the sense of the Law, to expunge the grossest spots yet found in any that wore it; may it not as well charifie a Re­publick from any imputation can be objected to the means they ascended by? It being the custome of all supreme powers; to shape their Result, to the patterne, Prudence and successe hath cut out for them, and not according to the fashion of old forma­lities; so little regarded by Princes as the oath was never yet sworne but they have broken; nor Stipulation so strong as to hold, when they saw the least advantage before them: They have therefore the lesse cause to complaine, being only whipt with their own Rod; or like Haman rather, who was the justlier executed, because it was upon the same Gibbet, he had set up for the people of God.

Therefore if men will not render themselves deafe to the [Page 38] voyce of Providence, in no worldly thing so audible as a continu­ed successe; They may conclude, what is done, is by the appro­bation of God himselfe: He having manifested his power as well on the high and barren hills of Scotland, as in the fat and rich vallies of England and Ireland: Neither are his blessings wanting in the deepe, where our Navies are no lesse successe­full, then our Armies on the Land; Though looked on with an evill eye, and cursed by the Kings of the Nations: whom the same God hath so weakened or employed as they have had no power or leisure to doe us hurt.

So as he that after all this, shall seem to apprehend more Divinity lost in a King succeeding by Conquest &c. Then may be found in a State (using as decent a proceedure, as can be ex­pected in such a conjuncture, and from so many implacable humours and oppositions,) cannot but be blinded by Pas­sion, or some selfeish interest: For though Government may be by Divine Institute; yet This or That is as indifferent, as whe­ther your cloathes be made after the Dutch or the French fashi­on; It being sufficient, if They defend us from the injuries of the Weather, and This protect us against our enemies; and prevent Sin and Disorder, the true occasions of all Government.

I doe not find particular Interests, that are usefull and safe, much worsted by this change: For if our ancient Nobility con­sider how basely they were trampled upon by those two beggerly Princes Rupert and Maurice; who had nothing to beare the charges of their Pride, but the charity of those they scorned, and the gracious aspect of a Ʋnkle, who could not love them, but for his own ends; What precedency or Honour could they have expected, had the Royall Issue been dilated to the probable number in three Descents it might have attai­ned to, whereas now there is no likelyhood, any more will be made; it not being sutable to Republiques to give honours of that Magnitude; Though those few, the cruelty of the Ca­tholick King left in the Netherlands, still retain the same Digni­ties and Possessions, the State found them in; As I doubt not but th [...]se may doe here, if the implacablenesse of their Spi­rits doe not render them unworthy of that favour; in think­ing [Page 39] it not felicity enough, To be free from oppression themselves; un­lesse they be in such a condition, as they may exercise with im­punity a Tyrannicall power upon others; as formerly they did; when like burning glasses, they multiplied the heat of the Kings Op­pressions.

It is a wonder to me, to see, how nice they are now of their Honours; And what a scruple they make of submitting to this power, not to be denied Superlative; when I remember how basely I have seen them, or their Fathers, lying at the feet of the Court Minnion; scrambling for his durty Neeces; not leaving Innes, Shopps, and (if not belied) worse places, unsought, to find some of his femall Kindred, for their Heites: Forgetting that he is more Noble, who hath ventured his Life for Liberty; then he that hath nothing to shew for his Honour, but a good face, or an Acquittance for so much money.

Look upon our General in his Cradle, and you shall find him as good a Gentleman; as most of these (one of that House and Name having been a principall Instrument in overturning those Hives of Drones, and freeing us from the tyranny of the Pope:) But consider him in his Saddle, and you will think such low spirits unworthy to be his footmen: If he hath any faults, they lye neither in his Valour, Conduct, Prudence, nor Humanity: Being as far from Pride as Basenes; and known to be as faithfull in the Preservation of his friends, as Provi­dence hath made him successefull in the subversion of his ene­mies. I had not writ this, for feare of being accused of Flat­tery; but that I know he is so employed in purchasing new Honours, and setling this Nation, that he hath not the leasure to heare what he hath already deserved.

Concerning the Interest of the Ministry; I mean such as have no other end, then the glory of God; They may be more happy under this, then Monarchicall Government: For though sublimer Titles (the Diana of more licentious times) be ta­ken away; yet since the Kingdome of Jesus Christ is promised to be set up in the place; They ought with patience to ex­pect; Assuring themselves, That God would never give so mira­culous successe to men design'd for the ruine of Truth. Neither is it [Page 40] sutable with the rest of the Prudence used by those who have the absolute power of determining, to take away the decent maintenance of the Ministers of the Gospell, or to demolish the Ʋni­versities: But rather hold the hands of such as, like blind Samson might goe about to pull them down and ruine their own selves by their folly and indiscretion.

It is past humane prevention, That two factions, both so fruitfull in Learning as the Protestant and Papist, should not fall into so many subdivisions; as it is impossible to keep them all in Vnity, Under a lesse severe restraint, then an Inquisition (as repugnant to charity, as unsutable to the spirits of a free people); Or els by enjoying so indulgent a Liberty, as may leave every Conscience free (All civil Obedience presup­posed as due to the present Government). Now such as con­clude from this Permission, That the Catholicks will then in a short time Master all; Doe not consider, how much easier Oxen are kept out of a Pasture, then Conies or Hares: The Papist having rendred himselfe so unsociable to all opinions but his own, as he is detested in Amsterdam, where the Jewes find as good, if not better protection.

Therefore the Vnited Provinces and all other Free States, whose Foundations were layed under the mixt occasion of maintaining Religion and Liberty together; are not reprova­ble for making use of, and indulging tender Consciences, though they retaine some things superfluous, or have not yet the strength to concoct into practice, all things necessary: For as Rome was not built in a day; so it is as impossible to pull it down in so short a time.

Wherefore I desire men to be more charitable in their cen­sures; since the Primitive Christians were so farre Independent, That they retained only so much of the Truth, as the tyranny of those times, and the stronger or weaker light they walked by, gave them opportunity to snatch up. Some running away with a beleefe of the Holy Ghost; others without so much as ever hearing of such a thing: some with simple Baptisme; others with a mixture of Circumcision: Some with the bare knowledge of the Baptisme of John, yet judged mighty in the Scriptures: Some with [Page 41] a religious respect to Daies and Meats; others without it. And yet Paul is so farre from reproving them, that he attests, it was all done to the Lord. Neither is it lesse manifest, that they all did teach: And if the same Apostle would never eate Flesh ra­ther then offend a weake brother, what charity appears in those High Presbyterians, that clamour for a Coercive power, as Saul did before his conversion, that they might deliver these men bound. I would faine have them tell me, What is meant by building with Hay, Straw, Stubble which shall raise at least the Builders to heaven; provided Christ the Foundation be kept: And if so, let us take heed, least a woe doe not follow the scandalizing these men, who without doubt are our Saviours lit­tle ones. And since we cannot recover the whole seamles coat of Christs righteousnesse, let us not despise any, about whom we find the undeniable peeces, though spotted with the frail­ties of humanity.

The last Interest is the Peoples; which if not already better under this present Government, then a Kings, they may thanke themselves, who by their own intemperance and non-compliance, occasion the major part of these heavy taxes; Which the State can take no pleasure in raising, Their own lands being as obnoxious to them, as the meanest Subjects.

Therefore if all would willingly submit to the power, God hath set over them, The Tradesman might live free from being interrupted by Monopolies; and the Husbandman, from the ra­pine of Purvoyers, Comissaries, Deere, Carriages, Shipmony, Ward­ships, and an innumerable number of other illegall impositions.

Whereas otherwise it is impossible to make a Nation happy, that is resolved to be miserable; and to seeke their own ruine by hating to be Reformed.