Interest will not lie. Or, a view of England's true interest: in reference to the [brace] papist, royalist, Presbyterian, baptised, neuter, Army, Parliament, City of London. In refutation of a treasonable pamphlet, entituled, The interest of England stated. Wherein the author of it pretends to discover a way, how to satisfie all parties before-mentioned, and provide for the publick good, by calling in the son of the late King, &c. Against whom it is here proved, that it is really the interest of every party (except only the papist) to keep him out: and whatever hath been objected by Mr. William Pryn, or other malcontents, in order to the restoring of that family, or against the legality of this Parliament's sitting, is here answer'd by arguments drawn from Mr Baxter's late book called A holy commonwealth, for the satisfaction of them of the Presbyterian way; and from writings of the most learned royalists, to convince those of the royal party. By Mar. Nedham. Nedham, Marchamont, 1620-1678. 1659 Approx. 146 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2011-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 2). A89881 Wing N392 Thomason E763_5 ESTC R202968 99863084 99863084 115266

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Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 2, no. A89881) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 115266) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 117:E763[5]) Interest will not lie. Or, a view of England's true interest: in reference to the [brace] papist, royalist, Presbyterian, baptised, neuter, Army, Parliament, City of London. In refutation of a treasonable pamphlet, entituled, The interest of England stated. Wherein the author of it pretends to discover a way, how to satisfie all parties before-mentioned, and provide for the publick good, by calling in the son of the late King, &c. Against whom it is here proved, that it is really the interest of every party (except only the papist) to keep him out: and whatever hath been objected by Mr. William Pryn, or other malcontents, in order to the restoring of that family, or against the legality of this Parliament's sitting, is here answer'd by arguments drawn from Mr Baxter's late book called A holy commonwealth, for the satisfaction of them of the Presbyterian way; and from writings of the most learned royalists, to convince those of the royal party. By Mar. Nedham. Nedham, Marchamont, 1620-1678. 46 p. Printed by Tho. Newcomb, dwelling over-against Bainards Castle in Thames-street., London, : 1659. A reply to: John Fell. The interest of England stated. The words "papist, .. City of London." are bracketed together on title page. In this printing B4v last line begins: succession. Annotation on Thomason copy: "August 17.". Reproduction of the original in the British Library.

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eng Fell, John, 1625-1686. -- Interest of England stated. Baxter, Richard, 1615-1691. -- Holy commonwealth. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. 2020-09-21 Content of 'availability' element changed when EEBO Phase 2 texts came into the public domain 2010-06 Assigned for keying and markup 2010-06 Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2010-07 Sampled and proofread 2010-07 Text and markup reviewed and edited 2011-06 Batch review (QC) and XML conversion

Interest will not Lie. Or, a View of ENGLAND'S True Intereſt:

In reference to the PAPIST, ROYALIST, PRESBYTERIAN, BAPTISED, NEUTER, ARMY, PARLIAMENT, City of LONDON.

In refutation of a treaſonable Pamphlet, entituled, The Intereſt of England ſtated.

Wherein the Author of it pretends to diſcover a way, how to ſatisfie all Parties before-mentioned, and provide for the Publick Good, by calling in the Son of the late King, &c.

Againſt whom it is here proved, That it is really the Intereſt of every Party (except only the Papiſt) to keep him out: And whatever hath been objected by Mr. William Pryn, or other Malcontents, in order to the reſtoring of that Family, or againſt the legality of this Parliament's ſitting, is here anſwer'd by Arguments drawn from Mr Baxter's late Book called A Holy Commonwealth, for the ſatisfaction of them of the Presbyterian way; and from Writings of the moſt learned Royaliſts, to convince thoſe of the Royal Party.

By MAR. NEDHAM.

London, Printed by Tho. Newcomb, dwelling over-againſt Bainards-Caſtle in Thames-ſtreet. 1659.

Intereſt will not lie: Or, A View of ENGLAND'S True Intereſt, &c.
The Preamble.

IT is a Maxim among Politicians, That Interest will not lie: Which prudential ſaying hath a twofold ſenſe, the improving whereof is very uſeful to a man, either in the conduct of his own Affairs, or in diſcerning the conduct and end of the Affairs and enterpriſes of other men. One ſenſe of it may be this; That if you can apprehend wherein a man's Intereſt to any particular Game on foot doth conſiſt, you may ſurely know, if the man be prudent, whereabout to have him, that is, how to judge of his deſigne: For, which way ſoever you foreſee his Intereſt doth in prudence diſpoſe him, that way (provided he be ſo wiſe as to underſtand his own Concernment) he will be ſure to go, and ſo his Intereſt (provided alſo, that in your calculation thereof you be not miſtaken) will not lie to you, it will not deceive you in your judgement concerning the mans Intents and Proceedings.

The other ſenſe of that Maxim is, That if a man ſtate his own Intereſt aright, and keep cloſe to it, it wil not lie to him or deceive him, in the proſecution of his Aims and ends of Good unto himſelf, nor ſuffer him to be miſſed or drawn aſide by ſpecious pretences; to ſerve the ends and purpoſes of other men.

This being ſo, and Deſigns being now generally laid to engage the People a new in blood and confuſion, and this fawning Pamphlet having for the ſame cauſe been diſperſed throughout the Three Nations, it was neceſſary for the right information of our Countrimen of all Parties, to give them a view of their true Intereſts, for fear leſt by this and the other treaſonable Papers which fly up and down, or through the ſlie inſinuations and perſwaſions of cunning men, any one Party ſhould happen to be ſeduced from a right underſtanding of their Intereſt at ſuch a time as this, and imbarque themſelves for the Intereſt of a Publick Enemy, upon ſuppoſition of attaining thereby their own and the Publick welfare: Therefore give me leave to trace and overtake the Deceiver (I mean this Author) in his own Method; in the proſecution whereof I ſhall endeavor to manifeſt, That as it is a main Point of Intereſt among the Grandee-Cavaliers both here and beyond-ſea, by ſpreading Libels, falſe Rumors, fair Promiſes ſubtile Arguments of Perſwaſion, and all other waies imaginable, to rub mens diſcontents, and bewitch their ſenſes, that they may not be able to diſcern their own Concernments; So, on the other ſide, We who are the People, of all Parties, conſidering that thoſe Cavalier-Grandees are concerned to draw us in (if they can) to do their drudgery in War at the hazard of our Necks, ought to conceive it a principal part of our Intereſt to underſtand theirs and not to ſuffer our ſelves to be trepann'd by fine pretences and devices, to venture our own bloods, and ſhed the blood of others, for the erecting of their greatneſs upon our own particular and the general Ruine.—And becauſe this Author ſaith one thing well, That the real go d of the Nation conſiſts not in the private benefit of ſingle men, but the advantage of the Publi k and that it is made up, not by the welfare of any one Party, but of all; Therefore when I have made it appear, by ſcanning the Intereſts and Concernments of all Parties among us, that no one party, no, not the Royaliſts themſelves (except only the Papiſt) can hope for any good by the reſtitution of Charls Stuart, but muſt neceſſarily partake in the common calamity as well as others, then I ſuppoſe the Concluſion will naturally follow: That it is the Intereſt of all to keep him out.

SECTION I.

Of the Papiſt, whom our Author calls by the more ſplendid name of Roman Catholick.

HIs words are theſe. [Tis the Intereſt of the Roman Catholicks to bring in the King; for by that means the heavy paiments now on their eſtates, with other burthens, will be taken off: And as to the preſſures of Penal Laws, they cannot but remember how far from grievous they were in the late Kings time, the Catholicks living, here notwithſtanding them, in more flouriſhing condition than thoſe of France, Italy, or Spain did, under their reſpective Princes; and would do infinitely more under their natural King, than if any Foreiner ſhould acquire the Power by Conqueſt: Beſides, they generally having adhered to the late King in his Wars, have no reaſon to diſtruſt a favorable treatment from his Son.

'Tis well done of our Author to ſpeak out; and what he ſaith, we will eaſily grant: for the Papiſts cannot deny their own Intereſt ſo far as not to endevour by all means imaginable to reſtore the Son, who hath made as fair profeſſions to the Pope as ever the Father did, and no doubt he would (were he reſtored) as really perform them. We cannot forget what Tranſactions paſſed betwixt his Father and the Court of Rome, at the time of his being in Spain, and what a Letter of aſſurance he then wrote to his Holines; nor how both the Father and Grandfather betrayed the Proteſtan: Cauſe in Germany France, and all over the world; and how that to make way for Popery, Superſtition was countenanced, Papiſts preferred to greateſt places of Truſt, and were in greateſt credit at Court, while the beſt ſort of Profeſſors were forced to quite the Nation, and retire into wilderneſſes in another world: But to encourage Papiſts, they (as our Author ſaith) had all burthens taken away from them, and lived here in a more flouriſhing condition than thoſe of France, Italy, or Spain, did in their own countries. He doth well alſo to remember us, how cloſe they ſtuck to the late King in his wars; and we cannot forget that they had reaſon, conſidering how cloſe he ſtuck to them. They know how it came about, that ſome Hundred thouſands of Proteſtants were by unheard of and moſt inhumane butcheries offered up in ſacrifice to the grand Idol of the Popiſh Intereſt in Ireland; and all the world knows, the Papiſts had and openly declared and ſhewed they had, a Commiſſion for what they did there, and that it was tranſmitted thither vnder the great Seal of Scotland, yea and every one knows or hath heard, who was in perſon there at the time of its iſſuing forth, and had cuſtody of the Seal of that Kingdom in his own hands. And after thoſe barbarous Rebels of Ireland had in cruelty out-acted all the Monſters of former Ages, my Lord of Ormond can tell you, who it was that did as openly own them for what they had done, and ſollicited them to ſend ſix thouſand of thoſe Vilans into England againſt the Parliament, and Supplies into Scotland, and impowered him the ſaid Ormond to give them all manner of Aſſurances, ſave only that he would not yield they ſhould have liberty of making Appeals to Rome, becauſe it would have intrenched upon his Regal intereſt and prerogative: but as for the intereſt and honor of God and Religion, that he let go, and ſent particular Thanks to Brown Muskerry and Plunket, defperate Rebels) for their good ſervices who had been the chief Actors in that horrid Maſſacre. And if Ormond will not acknowledge theſe things, 'tis well we have the Letters to produce which were written to him by that Royal hand, and found in his Cabinet taken at the Battel of Naisby.

The Papiſts therefore having had ſo fair a Creature of the Father, we ſhal yield likewiſe (for many reaſons) that they have no cauſe to fear foul dealing from the Son; a Gentleman of as good a nature towards them as the Sire was! For, they ought not to forget, and they of the Scotiſh Nation cannot chuſe but with ſorrow remember, what a woful Convert they had of him, when being after his Father's death in the Iſle of Jerſey they invited him out of the very arms (as I may ſay) of the Iriſh Rebels, among whom he was then ready to go, having ſtrook up a Bargain with them, and ſent his goods beforehand by ſea to Kinſale, with intent immediatly to have followed them As for his Religion (if any) it is at beſt, you know, but a devotion to Prelacy (which was bequeathed to him in Legacy) for, he forfeited all his Coronation Oaths and Proteſtations to the Scots Nation, with all his other pretences of Religion there, before ever he left that Country. What profeſſion he hath ſince owned abroad, hath (for Reaſon of tate) been kept very cloſe, and yet not ſo cloſe, but he diſcovered it, when viſiting one of the Engliſh Jeſuits Colledges in Flanders, the ſhewing him in their Chappel the Eſſigies of ſeveral good Fathers of that houſe which had been Sainted at Tyborne, he pulled his Hat over his eyes, and turned aſide to the Wall. But if this be not evident, let us have recourſe to reaſon, and then conſider how long he was under the wing of his Mothers Inſtructions in France, and what a Nurſery Flande s hath been for him ſince, which is the moſt Jeſuited place in the World; conſider alſo the urgency of his neceſſities diſpoſing him to imbrace any thing, or take any courſe to get a Crown, being under the ſame influence of that wandring Star called Ragione di Stato, as was his Grand-father Henry the Fourth of France, who ſhifted his Religion to ſecure a Crown, and choſe rather to h zard his portion in Paradice, than his Palace in Paris (which ſome ſay were his own very words;) but to theſe conſiderations take along with you the yong Mans intercourſe with, obligation to dependance upon forein Preiſts and Papiſts; his frequent known applications and promiſes to the Pope by ſpecial Agents employed to Rome for that purpoſe, and to the Emperor, as well as the Spaniard: his Alliance to, and combination with him and other Popiſh Princes (eſpecially thoſe of the Auſtrian party) being put altogether into the ballance, are ground enough to believe him ſufficiently affected, if not ſworn to Popery.—Theſe things (we ſay) being conſidered, we are eaſily of the ſame opinion with our Author: That it is abſolutely the intereſt of the Roman Catholick party to reſtore him, and ſee him ſetled in that abſolute domination over England, which was the grand project of the Court, and for the attaining whereof, his Father firſt laid the foundation of our Civil Wars. Which being evidently the true intereſt of the Papiſts in reſpect to him, we cannot be-lie them, when we ſay, It is that which they and their forein Friends do make their great buſineſs to bring about, and ſo we know where to have them; on the other ſide ſeeing that in reverence to the principles and practiſes, both of his Father and Mother, and in reſpect to the Obligations he hath to the whole Popiſh party for his Bread, he is concerned to retain them as the beſt and ſureſt Friends (and the old Friends) of his Family, we do not be-lie him, if we conclude, that no party in England can expect any other thing by his reſtitution, but that they all muſt be always truckling under the Papiſt, to the extream hazard of the Reformed Religion profeſſed now with all freedom here among us; ſo that we ſhould abſolutely be-lie our own Intereſt, and deceive our ſelves, if we would (which God forbid) give ear to the Royal Charmer, charm he never ſo wiſely.

SECT. II.

Of the Royaliſt.

OUr Authors words are theſe: [The Royaliſt and Engliſh Proteſtant, beſides that his Principles oblige him chearfully to pay his obedience where it is due, and look no further, is likewiſe by his Intereſt concerned to be content with ſuch a reſtitution of the King, as alloweth no private reparations for paſt ſufferings, they thereby acquiring full poſſeſsion of what remains; and as the ſettlement of the Nation would make the ſmalleſt eſtate more advantageous than the greateſt would be, acquired by violence, which unavoidably would defeat all terms of Union, and involve the Nation in new Wars; ſo likewiſe, if the neceſſary parts of their way of worſhip be ſecured, other circumſtantial things will be eaſily ſetled by a fair and amicable Treaty.]

Before we proceed, let us animadvert a little upon particular expreſſions in this Paragraph. By his joyning the word Royaliſt and Engliſh Proteſtants, he intimateth, as if none were good Proteſtants-but Royaliſts: and truly this is generally the phantaſie of that party, who look upon all others with an evil eye, as Hereticks and Schiſmaticks.

And whereas he ſaith, The Royaliſts principles oblige him chearfully to pay obedience where it is due, this toucheth upon a new queſtion, intimating that he oweth not obedience to the preſent power, which doctrine, having been hotly banded heretofore, this is no place to diſpute about, and therefore I refer the Reader to another piece, which will ſhortly come forth, one part whereof will-be to confirm the point of Subjection, though the dueneſs thereof to the preſent Powers hath been formerly proved, both by reaſon and by teſtimonies drawn from the moſt eminent Penmen of all parties, whereby all Objections (as to our preſent caſe) have been abundantly anſwered.

Another expreſſion is, That an estate acquired by violence, will unavoidably defeat all terms of Ʋnion, and involve the Nation in new Wars. If ſo, then by telling the people ſo, he ſpoils the deſign of his Pamphlet which is to raiſe the Countrey; for, what man will be ſo mad as to run into arms, by violence to inſtate Charls Stuart? ſeeing by conſequence it would (as our Author foretells) ſow everlaſting ſeeds of diſunion and civil War among us? It is plain enough to be foreſeen, and it concerns us to believe the Gentleman, rather than make the experiment.

Another word is, Neceſſary parts of Worſhip; theſe he would have ſecured, and what the Royaliſt eſteems neceſſary in matter of worſhip, we all know, even nothing leſs than the old Prelatick H erarchy with all its dependants; and the queſtion then is, Whether in concluſion, the Epiſcopal Lands and Revenues would not after a ſhort ſpace be required as the principal medium for the maintenance of that worſhip. In the mean while, he a little after doth as good as tell us, that the old Church Government muſt be reſetled.

The laſt expreſſion which we take notice of, doth concern the Royaliſt himſelf, who is told that in the reſtitution of the Stuarts. He is not to look for any reparations for paſt ſufferings; and truly herein he may believe our Author upon his word, without an Oath, or lo g diſcourſe to convince him: However, becauſe the poor Royaliſt hopes to reap a great harveſt by the Regal Reſtitution, it will not be amiſs to give him a little ye-ſalve, that he may be able more clearly to diſce n his own condition.

The Royaliſts are of two ſorts, firſt ſuch as adhere to Charls out of neceſſity; ſecondly, ſuch as adhere to him out of humor. The former are thoſe, who being hopeleſs of a return, or of the recovery of their Fortunes by way of reconcilement, are conſtrained to run any hazard abroad with the head of their party; and therefore would turn every ſtone to over-turn the preſent power of the Commonwealth that they may ſet up themſelves. The latter ſort of Royaliſts are ſuch, who though they ſerved heretofore under the Royal Standard, yet through favor of the Parliament have regained poſſeſſion of their Eſtates, and equal immunities with the reſt of the people ſave onely that they are not yet thought capable of publick Truſts in great Offices, or to ſit in Parliament, but otherwiſe they enjoy the full benefit of that Oblivion which the Parliament gave; in hope thereby to oblige them. Theſe may (not improperly) be called humorous Royalists, bec uſe they have onely an obſtinate and vainglorious humor for the ground of their behavior, without any poſſibility of advantage thereby unto themſelves, but are ridden by the other ſort, to carry on the Highboy deſign of particular perſons. Theſe, to reſtore the ſingle Family of a Prince, caſt out by a wonderful hand of providence, ſeem willing to hazard the ruine of all their own Families, and to ſerve the ends of certain perſons about him (men whoſe fortunes are deſperate) they are ready to fool themſelves into a loſs of their own, as certainly they will, if Charls miſcarry in his enterpriſe, whereas on the other ſide if he ſhould carry it with ſucceſs, they will be then but where they were, they can be but maſters of what they have already; for, this Trumpet to Rebellion hath already proclaimed it in his Pamphlet, That they muſt not l ok for reparations for paſt ſufferings and ſo though they ſhould help to reſtore him, yet they muſt not expect to mend their Fortunes. The High-Rantors and Fugitives are they that ſhall be looked on at Court, thoſe Bell-weathers of Royalty will bear away the Bell of preferment, whilſt the poor Country Royaliſts (both Gentry and Yeomen) ſhall be glad to drudge and plow, to pay the yet unknown Taxations which muſt needs be eſtabliſhed to ſatisfie the Forlorn Brethren of the Sword, and the Grandees of the party, and finally be entailed upon the whole Engliſh poſterity, to maintain the pomp and pride of a luxurious Court, and an abſolute Tyrannie. Which being conſidered, it is a wonder to ſee how they feed themſelves with phantſies, who pretend to his reſtauration, ſuppoſing that the golden Age muſt needs return again with him, whereas (alas!) they will be but made uſe of as the Cat's paw was, to pick the cheſtnuts out of the fire for the ſervice of the Monkey. This being ſo, and ſeeing they have beforehand been told ſo in print by this Royal Advocate, certainly we may conclude, it is the true Intereſt of the great Body of thoſe, who pleaſe themſelves with the repute of Royaliſts in this Nation, by all means to leave the High-boys and Fugitives to themſelves, and avoid thoſe Inſinuations which are contrived by them, and preached by their Clergie, to draw them into Rebellion, and from thence into the net of new Compoſitions, or rather total Confiſcations. They cannot but remember, how ſignally God hath blaſted that Family, and all their Inſurrections, from time to time I Put caſe they ſhould be ſo mad as to ſtir again, yet what can be done by unweildy Bodies of raw men, taken from the ſtreets, the Alehouſe, the Plough and the Harrow, rude and unacquainted with Military diſcipline, againſt a well-diſciplined Army of old Soldiers? Remember what became of thoſe vaſt numbers Anno 1648. in Kent and Eſſex, &c. how quickly they flockt together like ſheep, yet when upon the advance of our Soldiery, they ſaw there was danger of being had to the ſlaughter, with the ſame quickneſs they diſperſed themſelves, and after a weeks airing found it was their Intereſt, and the wiſeſt way to return to their Beef and Bacon. And if the Gentlemen Royaliſts ſhould venture to make another experiment with them, what can they in reaſon expect in the end, but an execution of the Law upon their perſons, and the deſtruction of their families? Such broken reeds as popular Commotions, if ye lean upon them, 'tis a thouſand to one but they fail you; conſult Hiſtories, and you ſhall alwaies find it ſo; whereas if ye mind your true Intereſt, that will neither fail you, nor deceive you. The Royaliſts (we know) are perſons generally ſo ingenuous as to underſtand that every man hath a little Commonwealth within himſelf, and that the Affairs thereof he is naturally obliged to look unto, by vertue of that duty which he oweth to himſelf and his neer Relations; and they cannot but know likewiſe, that if the great Commonwealth or Body politick happen by Providence to be eſtabliſhed in a new form otherwiſe then they think it ſhould be, as it is in ſuch a caſe but folly to imbroil their Country, and engage all that is dear to them for the old form, which is in it ſelf a mere ſhadow, and like a ſhadow gone away; ſo 'tis but vain for them to ſcruple a ſubmiſſion, or adherence to the new, upon pretence of obligations to the old by Oath, becauſe all Caſuiſts who write touching Caſes of Conſcience, yea, their own Doctor Sanderſon (a moſt learned man) in his Book de Juramento, will tell them, that if they find a Government altered, and another power in poſſeſſion of it, they, being private men, are bound to ſubmit to the preſent Powers, becauſe ordained of God (for ſuch the Apoſtle hath declared all Powers in being whatſoever to be) and that the former Government ceaſing, which was the object of obedience, the Obligation thereunto muſt of neceſſity ceaſe likewiſe, whatever Mr. Pryn prattles to the contrary: For, no man can be concerned in any reſpect or relation to that which is not; and ſo when a thing cannot be done, the Obligation to it muſt needs be void (as their Doctor ſaith) Ex Impoſſibilitate Facti. Tis high time then for them to lay aſide diſcontents and frivolous pretences; and to obſerve their true Intereſt, as perſons conſcientiouſly concerned to doe it, in reſpect to all manner of Relations both private and publick; This is the way to ſecure themſelves in their poſſeſſions, and after they have manifeſted repentance of paſts Follies, to introduce them into an equal participation of Priviledge with others in this ſtate of Freedom; which will however render their poſterity happy, though the Parents in a pettiſh humor, ſhould alwaies look on it with an eye of diſdain and prejudice: But if at length they would lay aſide animoſities, and ſeek peace and enſue it, then the State not being conſtrained to keep up Forces at ſo vaſt a Charge to watch over them in their deſignes, the publick neceſſities would ſoon weare off and with them the greateſt part of our Burthens, and themſelves might perhaps live to ſee that happineſs which they would not believe, but might have ſooner enjoyed, if they had not been ſo obſtinate againſt Reaſon, and the Peace of their native Country.

But if for all this, they ſhall ſtand up and ſay, They cannot be ſatisfied without Epiſcopal government: They may talk what they will, yet there being no viſible footſtep in Scripture of its inſtitution, more than there is of the other waies of Government practiſed by others, why ſhould wiſe men contend for that as divine, which is merely prudential? ſeeing the late King pleaded conſcience for his inſiſting to maintain it only upon this account, that he was ſworn to do ſo, and we ſaw he did his utmoſt for it; which when he had done then, ſeeing the neceſſity of Affairs required the abolition of it, he in the Iſle of Wight-Treaty became content it ſhould be aboliſhed; to let his Friends ſee, that having done what he could to preſerve it, the thing it ſelf was of no ſuch ſacred Authority, but that it might be caſhiered by Authority when prudence did require it to be done. And therefore our Author likewiſe, having a point of prudence to diſpatch, which is, to hedge in the Presbyterian to his Royall party, he alſo makes the divine darling of Epiſcopacie a mere prudential matter, to be diſmiſſed as his Maſters occaſion ſhall require, that ſo the Royal Cauſe being to be ſwallowed, it may go gently down with the Presbyter, and not offend his tender ſtomack Upon this account, pag. 3. he tells his brother-Royaliſts, it will be difficult to ſet up the primitive Government of the Church ſo he calls Epiſcopacie,) at leaſt in its full height, becauſe againſt ſo great a multitude of eager diſſenters, according to probability it will not ſtand. Therefore pag. 11. he inviteth the Presbyterians to an Accommodation, telling them, the differences are ſpeculative, and that their Conteſts with the Epiſcopal Divines are in the opinion of moderate men of either judgment, eaſily attoned. Now if the Divines of both parties ſhall by conſent accommodate and complie with each other, (which appears to be one part of the preſent deſigne for bringing in Charls Stuart) what elſe do they both thereby but plainly confeſs, that the Frames they have ſo long contended for are but political and liable to alteration as prudence ſhall direct? Seeing then, that the Royaliſts obligation to the old State, whether Eccleſiaſtical or Civil, is wholly defunct, and that the generalitie of them may much ſooner marr their own condition, by endevoring to bring Charls in, than mend it, and that other things of Church and State are above their ſphere (as private men) to meddle with, what remains, but that they look through the Grandees Intereſt, which is merely to draw them in, and purſue their own Intereſt only in ſubſerviencie to the Publick; which is not to be done but by preſerving the Peace, and that cannot be otherwiſe than by a cordial uniting with us, to ſhut all the dores of hope againſt him that would come in to diſturb the Nation, and make all things worſe; as I ſhall ſufficiently ſhew in the enſuing parts of this Diſcourſe.

SECT. III.

Of the Presbyterian.

OUr Authors words are theſe: [It is the Presbyterians Intereſt to bring in C. Stuart, as the only way to preſerve himſelf from ruine at the hands of thoſe leſſer. Parties that have grown up under him, who utterly oppoſe all Government in the Church.]

Theſe are good words; and if we conſider the preſent carriage of the Presbyterian Miniſters in Lancaſhire, who are blowing the Trompet to Rebellion in thoſe Northern parts, we may ſay they are ſo mad as to believe our Author, that their joining with and for the Intereſt of C. Stuart, is the way to preſerve themſelves from ruine. But becauſe there are many ſober and pious men of that partie in theſe Nations, who as yet ſtand clear from the imputation of this foul deſign, therefore leſt any ſhould be tainted by the infection of that ill example of their Lancaſhire brethren, to imbarque with the Royaliſts, give me leave to lay before them ſeveral Conſiderations, to manifeſt, that by ſuch an imbarquement, a certain ruine muſt enſue to their way and party, in eaſe that ejected Family ſhould by their means be enabled to return.

Firſt, As to your way of Church-government, it is a thing the Royaliſts will hiſs at after you have ſerved their turns. For our Author himſelf cannot hold, but in the midſt of all his printed Courtſhips and Complements, he lets ſlip theſe words, which (if you pleaſe) you may read Page 5.

[The Presbyterians aim of ſetting up his Diſcipline hath ſeveral inconveniences; for, beſides that it's riſe must be the overthrow of all other parties, which are more conſiderable in the Nation than themſelves, that rigid Government no way complies with the genius of the Nation, nor the frame of our Municipal Laws; which the late King was well aware of, when he conceded to the ſetting of it up for three years, being fully ſatisfied, how effectual an argument the experience of that ſhort time would be, to perſwade the Nation to endure ſo galling and heavy a yoke no longer.]

If this be the Royaliſts opinion (as you ſee it is) how can ye cotton together? What can you of the Presbyterian judgment expect but certain ruine to your way, and your perſons, by ſuch a clenching and cloſure with inconſiſtent principles? Whereas, thoſe that he calls the leſſer parties which have grown up under you, have hitherto allowed the men of your way as great a freedom as they do enjoy themſelves, and have admitted you to an equal participation with others, of that grand priviledge, Liberty of Conſcience, which (however ſome of you may flatter your ſelves) ye can never enjoy under a ſort of people, that will never be at reſt without a Ranting Epiſcopacie.

Secondly Conſider the animoſity naturally inherent in the Royal party, and their Head, againſt you. They will never leave buzzing in his eares to quicken his memorie, that the Intereſt of your party was in its infancie founded in Scotland upon the ruine of his great Grandmother, continued and improved by the perpetual vexation of his Grandfather, and at length proſecuted to the decapitating of his Father. Be not ſo weak as to ſooth your ſelves, that you ſhall fare better than others, becauſe you never oppoſed this young Gentlemans perſon: It is ground ſufficient for his hatred, that you bandied againſt his Father, and the Prerogative, to which he conceives himſelf Heir; and to hate you the more, becauſe the making good of promiſes to you would be the clipping of that Prerogative. It is the common ſence of the Cavaliers, that you prepared his Father for the Block, and are incenſed at others becauſe they took from you the honor of the Execution: And in a Faſt-Sermon preached upon the news of his death before his Son, then at the Hague, Dr Creigheon told him, That the Presbyterians pulled his Father down, and held him by the hair, while the Independents out off his head: And after him, it was more elegantly expreſſed by Salmaſius in his Defenſ o Regia; Preſbyteriani ſacrificium ligârunt, Independentes jugulârunt. Nor will he count your party any whit the leſs guilty for your hypocritical proteſting againſt the death of his Father, ſeeing in Sermons printed ſeveral years before, you declared him over and over to be a Man of Blood; The Scotiſh Miniſters printed it, that he had ſhed more in theſe three Nations, than was ſhed in the Ten Chriſtian Perſecutions; and upon the ſame account, Mr. Love proclaimed in the pulpit at Ʋxbridge-Treaty, That no Peace ought to be had with him. It was your partie that reduced him (diminutione capitis) into the condition of a Captive; and the Cavaliers ſay, You unking'd him, you deprived him of his earthly Crown and kept him languiſhing, whereas (they ſay) others were more courteous in ſending him to an heavenly. In ſhort, you brought him (as it were) to the foot of the Scaffold, whoever led him up. Now trie the Cavaliers courteſie, if ye pleaſe, you that have fought and preached againſt them; but remember this (though I truſt ye ſhall never have occaſion) that when time ſerves, the Philoſophers Maxim will prove good Logick at Court, Qui vult media ad finem, vult etiam & ipſum finem; He that willeth the means conducing to the end, willeth alſo the end it ſelf. Ergo (will the Courtiers ſay) ſeeing the Presbyterians did put ſuch Courſes in practiſe, as tended to the Kings ruine, they certainly intended it, and are as deep in it as others. I wiſh you may underſtand rather then feel, what Concluſions will be drawn by them againſt you, from that Act of Juſtice.

Thirdly, conſider, that as he hath a moſt particular Antipathie againſt your party, as the old enemies of his Family; ſo, with what promiſes ſoever he may ſooth you, yet you, of all other men, have leaſt reaſon to truſt him: Had not your party in Scotland an experiment, when they entertained him there, how little conſcience he made of all his promiſes, and how (in a trice) he ſhuffled out your Presbyterian Intereſt in that Nation, and turn'd up Trump, the Cavalier. But that you may take a compleat view of both his Faith and affection toward you and your party, give me leave to refreſh your memories with a little Hiſtory, to prove him one of whom you can take no hold, by any Oaths, Promiſes, or Engagements whatſoever.

Take him before he went to Scotland, and the firſt place you have cauſe to obſerve him in, was in the Iſle of Jerſey. Being there, the Presbyterians of Scotland, by the conſent and concurrence of the principal of their party in England, made application to him, and it was declared a Treaty ſhould be held at Breda betwixt them, which by an Expreſs he ſignified to the Presbyterians in Scotland; nevertheleſs at the very ſame time, he privately ſent away another Expreſs to Montroſe, requiring him to go on vigorouſly with his deſigned Invaſion of Scotland againſt the ſame Presbyterians, becauſe at the ſame time likewiſe he was trucking with the Rebels of Ireland, hoping by their friendſhip to have made his way into England without the Presbyterian ſhackle at his heels. Yea, and that you may ſee, how hereditarily he hated the Presbyterian Intereſt and partie, he went far higher than ever his Father had done in expreſſions of hatred: For, he continued utterly averſe from Treating in good earneſt with the Presbyterian Scots and their friends, as long as he had any the leaſt hopes of effecting his buſineſs by Ireland, chuſing rather to have made an open Contract with thoſe barbarous Rebels (into whoſe country he had already tranſported his goods, and intended himſelf to follow) rather than want executioners of his revenge againſt the godly of all opinions (whom he equally deteſted) in England and Scotland: But at length, perceiving a fairer way paved for him by Scotland, he did then (but would never till then) relinquiſh the Iriſh, and ſeemed to cloſe with the Engliſh and Scotiſh Presbyterians in the Treaty concluded at Breda.—Now conſider, that as he never cloſed with them till his Iriſh hopes were blown over, ſo being brought into Scotland by pure neceſſitie, he would do nothing there but what the ſame neceſſitie conſtrained him to, as appeared by his refuſing to ſigne the Declaration of Kirk and State, till the Lord Loudoun the Chancellor told him plainly in a Letter written to him (which in thoſe daies was printed) that they would abandon and give him over except he ſubſcribed. Hereupon, he began to acknowledge and condole the ſins of his Family, &c. and to perſonate all that hypocrytical mockery of Repentance which followed after, and took the Solemn League and Covenant when at the ſame time his Counſels were privately and wholly ſet for the deſtruction of the Covenant and all its Abettors. For, no ſooner had he taken up that Viſor, but immediately, the Kirk-partie loſing the Battel at Dunbar, he laid it aſide again, and began openly to play his own game, rejoicing at their defeat, and preſently endevored to give them the ſlip, and run away to the Cavalierpartie, then up in the North of Scotland; wherein being prevented of his deſigne by force, his next refuge was, Divide & Impera, dividing the Preſbyterian partie of Scots both in Kirk and State, the moſt conſiderable whereof he overawed, or allured into his partie, ſo that the moſt conſcientious among them were forced to declare againſt his proceedings, and retire in diſcontent, and divers others were caſhiered, both of Kirk, State, and Army, to make room for the moſt notorious Cavaliers and Malignants; whereupon in a ſhort time, it was counted little other than Sedition and Treaſon, to preach up thoſe very Principles that their King had ſworne to in the Covenant and his Coronation Oath; and ſo by this means, immediately the Cavaliers had all that he held in Scotland at their own devotion. In theſe lines view his picture and ſee how you like him, concerning whom it was neceſſarie to be thus particular, in giving you his Inſide outward, that thereby it may be ſeen, the Complexion of his Soul is not different from that of his Body, and what confidence is to be placed by you, upon any Terms, in ſuch a one, who can break a ſunder the ſtrongeſt Ties of Faith, Oaths, Promiſes and Engagements, as ſo many ſtraws and ruſhes.

Truſt him then, if ye pleaſe, and bring him in if ye dare, that by new Experiments, to your own ſorrow and Confuſion, ye may learn, when it is too late, that it was your true Intereſt as Presbyterians, by all means to keep him out of the Nation. I ſpeak not this to the grave and pious men of that way (in which there are many ſuch) but to the Heady Hot-ſpurs (of which ſort there are too many) ready to imbarque themſelves upon miſtaken grounds, and run blindfold to deſtruction

Tis reported, that Conſcience is now pleaded again by vertue of the Covenant, which they ſay doth (together with the Oath of Allegiance) oblige them to the late King and his heirs. I ſhall not (becauſe here I affect brevity) ſay any thing now concerning the main Queſtion of the Obligation of both, but muſt refer you to what is ſaid before to the Royaliſt touching this; but becauſe they will needs talk of the Covenant again, and our Cavalier Author preſſeth it alſo upon them, let me have leave to add one word more, to ſtop their mouths for ever anent the Covenant: It is pure matter of Fact that ſhall convince them. In the daies of the late Protector Oliver, but more induſtriouſly and remarkably in the time of the late Protector Richard, did the principal men (both Clergie and Laity) of the Presbyterian party, in City and Country make moſt ſolemne Addreſſes, to declare their Subjection, Submiſſion, Allegiance, to the Government of Father and Son, and that they would live and die for it, adding their Prayers for all manner of Benedictions upon them, which is a matter I can affirm of my own knowledge. Now pray you let us reaſon a little upon this: When ye made thoſe Addreſſes, either the obligation of the Covenant to old Charls and his heirs did remain in force at the ſame time, or it did not; If it did remain in force, the queſtion is, with what conſcience ye could ſuſpend the obligatory power of it, and make ſo ſerious profeſſions (uſing the name of God and ſo much Scripture phraſe) to bind your ſelves in a Bond of Allegiance to a new Prince and Family? If it did not remain in force toward Charls at that time, then we would faine know, how it, and your other Oaths (as to the obligatory power of them) could die or take a nap for five or ſix years, and at the ſix years end revive, and ſtand in full force and vertue again for the Stuarts againſt the preſent Parliament; ſure nothing leſs then a magical Spel can conjure up that Covenant after it hath been ſo long dead, and make a goblin of it, to fright men out of their wits, and from their duty; there muſt needs be ſome inchantment or myſtery in the buſineſs and there is no way to unriddle it with the ſaving of your credit; for, wiſe men now plainly ſee there muſt be little of Conſcience, but much of the Party and Faction in any future pretence or Plea drawn from the Covenant for quarreling at this Parliament; becauſe if you could diſpence with it for a cloſing with the Protector, you may by the ſame Reaſon as well do it to cloſe with the preſent Power (for ought that the Covenant, in reſpect of the Stuarts can oblige to the contrary) ſeeing the ntereſt of the Protector as abſolutely led him to an excluſion of the former Family, as the Intereſt of this Parliament (and indeed of the whole Nation) doth to an utter abjuration of it for ever. Thus the matter of Fact being clear, and the Inference upon it, I ſee no excuſe, no hole that ye have to ſhift out at but one, and that is, by ſaying that when ye ſo highly addreſſed your ſelves to the laſt Protector, ye did it in word, but in deed ye reſerved your hearts for C. Stuart. How can this ſtand with the reverend reputation of ſuch men as Mr. Baxter? who, as the other eminent Miniſters addreſſed perſonally in a Body, ſo he in print (in the Epiſtle Dedicatory to the laſt Protector before his Disputations of Church-Government) concluded himſelf, after all other Complements, A faithful Subject of your Highnes, &c. And yet the ſame Mr. Baxter in his late Book entituled, A Holy Commonwealth, hath the confidence to inſiſt upon the Covenant, and though therein he pleads not poſitively for Charls Stuart, yet in many places of it we ſee which way he looks, he doth that which is equivalent thereto: He diſowned the pretended Covenant-obligation to Charls, by addreſſing himſelf to Richard; but when a third Power comes in play, then the Covenant comes up again for Charls. The only evaſion then which they and he can have, muſt be but a miſerable one, viz. That when they owned the Protector, they did it not really, but only (as a pious fraud) out of ſome deſign they had thereby to make way for his Rival, the other Single perſon; and truly, that would be moſt miſerable hypocriſie, to let the world ſee they can play faſt and looſe with Oaths and Covenants, take them up and let them fall, as may beſt fit their ends and purpoſes: God forbid they ſhould ſo debauch the reverence of their Function, as to ſhake hands with the Jeſuite before all the people, in the odious principle of Equivocating and mental Reſervation! But we have cauſe to expect better things from the generality of that party (both Miniſters and people) who being men of piety and prudence, cannot but condemn the practices of ſuch as have ſhewn themſelves extravagant, in the preſent dawnings of a new day of Rebellion, and muſt needs ſee, that if it proſper, whatever the pretences of the Ringleaders be at firſt, (fair and plauſible) yet of neceſſity the iſſue at laſt muſt be this, that the Game will be plaid wholly into the hands of him, who is the Head of your ſworne Enemies, from whoſe fury and revenges you have no way to ſecure your party but by keeping him out of the Dominion; which cannot otherwiſe be done, than by a cordial cloſe with this Parliament, under whom you poſſeſs ſo large immunities and enjoiments; their Authority being the onely viſible Fence againſt the others tyrannie: And if you pleaſe to ſtrengthen their hands, you will ſhorten their work, and enable them ſpeedily to ſettle a Real State of Freedom to your ſelves, and others, and tranſmit the ſame by a happy ſucceſſion of Parliaments to poſterity.

SECT. IV.

Of the Baptiſed.

THe words of our Author concerning them, are theſe, [As to the Intereſt of the Baptiſed Churches, their pretenſions of throwing down all other parties not being feizable, it is their Concern to acquieſce in the moſt moderate Church-Government, which is certainly the Epiſcopal, &c.]

For anſwer to this, Pray you remember onely, how moderate and tame a Government the Epiſcopal was, and how gently it dealt with tender conſciences, and men of different judgments, and then conſider, what may be expected for the future by you, againſt whom (of all other parties) the late King and his Prelacy did manifeſt (when time was) a moſt implacable enmity, as I ſhall prove by inſtances by and by; in the mean time, pray obſerve here, that while our Author courts you with the one hand, he throws dirt with the other, baſely branding you as a ſort of people, whoſe very pretenſions are deſtructive of all other parties: And if the Royaliſts dare thus openly tell you already, to your faces, what monſtrous opinion they have concerning you, ye may eaſily imagine what Quarter ye muſt look for under them and their Epiſcopacie.

But that you may more clearly foreſee, take notice what our Author ſaith further concerning you in another place, page 6. [The pretenſions of the Baptiſed Churches have theſe Inconveniences attending them; As firſt, importing the ruine of all other Profeſſions of Religion.] This is ſo odious a ſcandal, but ſo common in the mouths of the Cavaliers, that you cannot chuſe but imagine beforehand how kindly they will uſe you. But it's ſtrange, that ſo wiſe a Politician as our Author would ſeem to be, ſhould ſo far forget himſelf, and his deſign, as to betray it. You ſee in the former Section, he made it his buſineſs to court the Presbyterian to a compliance with Epiſcopacie, for a ſettlement, yet preſently after ſaith, the Riſe of their Presbyteria muſt be the Ruine of all other Parties; which being cleerly contrad ctory to what he pretends, he hath a wondrous method of perſwading men to a clo •• with his purpoſe: In like manner, while he is perſwading you to come into a ſettlement with the Cavaliers and the other Parties, his ſtomack is ſo high that it muſt have vent, to tell you, that no other Party can ſettle with you, you alſo will be the Ruine of all other.

Yea, he goeth higher, in the ſame place, and ſaith, [That your 〈◊〉 , if attained, cannot poſſibly ſubſiſt, it being a Maxim in Policie, Religion is the Cement of Government, without a publick Profeſſion of which, and the maintenance of Learning and Miniſtry, Atheiſm and diſorder must needs break in] So that the Author having ſcandalized you as incoherent with, and deſtructive of, all other parties he would alſo make the world believe you have no foundation to ſtand upon, intimating, as if by your principles there could be no publick Profeſſion of Religion nor Learning, or Miniſtry, but onely Atheiſm and diſorder. Yea more than all this, he will have you, by your principles likewiſe, to be enemies of Government it ſelf, either in a ſingle perſon, or a community: men that cannot incorporate into a Civil Society of any kinde, but would t ke away all prop rty of Eſtates, and found it onely in Grace and Saintſhip; for the exemplification of which, he referreth his Reader, to the practiſes in Germany by the Anabaptiſts there.

Now, admit there ſh uld be any ſorts of men in theſe Nations, who agree with you touching the controvertible point of Pædo-baptiſm: but in other things differ extreamly from you by new extravagant opinions, there is no reaſon that the extravagancies ſhould be faſtned upon all of you that are for the firſt point and opinion; for it is known that many learned men and others, have been, and are of the ſame judgment who touching other particulars are as Orthodox (if I may uſe the word) as any; beſides, Mr. Cawdrey ſaith, The Scriptures are not clear, that nfant-baptiſm was an Apoſtolical practiſe; and Biſhop Morton in his Appeal, lib 2. c. 13. ſect. 3. acknowledgeth there was antient practiſe for admitting Infants to the Sacrament of the Supper as well as to Baptiſm, and it held Six hundred years in the Church, yet in later time it was thought fit to be laid aſide. Shall any preſume then to faſten an odium upon a whole party which abounds with pious men (truly Proteſtant in the other points) meerly becauſe ſome others who think as they do concerning Pædo-baptiſm, do flie out into other Notions? By this rule of proceeding, I will eaſily condemn, not Popery it ſelf, and Prelacy onely, but other profeſſions of men, whom (to avoid offence) I will not now name, becauſe there is no one party of them but have their Tranſcendentals, which render them u pleaſant to the Civil power, and to diſſenting parties, and would, if they might have their way, prove as dangerous as any: But this ſhall not therefore be an argument againſt the whole parties themſelves, among whom the moſt are men of ſobrietie and gravitie and ſuch we muſt allow to be the conſtitution of the baptiſed partie, which our Author here would kiſs and kill, complement and cut the throats of both at an inſtant he pretends to ſettle with them, yet at the ſame time declares in effect, That it is impoſſible there ſhould be any ſettlement by them, with ſecuritie to any other partie. But enough of this

It is no wonder then if Charls Stuart the Son who is heir to the revenge, as well as to the partie and principles of the Father, ſhall endeavor to blaſt you of the Baptiſed Judgment before all others; but from thence you may collect what a portion of vengeance againſt you eſpecially, lies at the bottom of his heart, and the hearts of his party: In the beginning of the Civil War, the blame and envy of it was by the King, in his Declarations, caſt upon you as the principal cauſers; and now, could his Son by fine words allure you to a cloſe with him upon terms (which, conſidering you as men in your right ſences, I count utterly impoſſible) I might ſuppoſe you ſhould be the firſt that would finde what his intents are concerning his Fathers oppoſers, did I not fear he would prefer his new Presbyterian friends before you. But hear a little what the old Man ſaid of you in his Papers, which are to be ſeen in the Book of Collections. In a Declaration of his, publiſhed in anſwer to a Declaration of the Parliament, for raiſing all force and power, as well Trained Bands as others, &c. He chargeth the Parliament, that by their infinite arts and ſubtilty, and by that rabble of Browniſts, Anabaptiſts, and other Sectaries, which were ready at a call, they were enabled to carry on their work. And in his other Declaration, dated Auguſt 12. he iterateth the ſame, ſaying, The Parliament made their power up to oppoſe him, by a multitude of Browniſts, Anabaptiſts, and other Sectaries about London, who were ready to appear in a body at their command. And before he ends that long Declaration, he hath another fling at the odious licence (ſo he termeth it) which the rabble of Browniſts, Anabaptiſts, and other Sectaries took to themſelves In like manner he brandiſheth his fury againſt thoſe (ſo called) in another Declaration which he publiſhed after the Battel of Keinton. And in his Paper, entituled An offer of Pardon to the Rebels (ſo he was pleaſed to call the Parliament) he ſaith, Religion and his poſterity was threatned to be rooted out, and his life ſought after by Anabaptiſts, Browniſts, and Atheiſts, &c. in Rebellion. And in his Meſſage to the Lords of his Privy Council in Scotland, he faſtneth all manner of foul imputations upon the ſame party of men. The like in his Declaration, upon occaſion of the Ordinance and Declaration of the Lords and Commons, for aſſeſſing all ſuch as had not contributed ſufficiently, &c. As alſo in his Anſwer to the Petition of the Lord Major, Aldermen, and Commons of the Citie of London. And laſtly, in his Proclamation directed to the Counties of Surrey Kent, Suſſex, and Hampſhire wherein he once again reckoneth thoſe whom he calls Anabaptiſts and Brow iſts, in the ſame predicament with Atheiſts, and the onely perſons that threatned to deſtroy him, and to root up Religion and his poſteritie: All which (how falſe ſoever it was) may be ſeen in the aforeſaid Bo k of Collections; and the like with much more, in the Book publiſhed as his own, entituled, ΕΙΚΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΚΗ.

Theſe things being ſo declared by the Father, no matter whether they be true; but if Charls be his Son, he is in duty bound to believe him, and then there need not many words to minde you of your Intereſt and Concernment, which cannot lie to you nor deceive you; but if you keep cloſe to it, and at the remoteſt diſtance from that Family, you may promiſe your ſelves both Libertie and Safetie; otherwiſe, I leave to your own judgment, whether (in a Moral or Political ſence) it be not utterly impoſſible to ſecure it.

SECT. V.

Of the Neuter.

A Great part of the Nation may be ſaid to be Neuters; that is to ſay, perſons not addicted to any one Party, but would fain have Peace, and no Taxes, and are poſſeſſed with a phantaſie, that there is no way to procure he one, of be rid of the other, but by letting in Charls Stuart, and then 〈…〉 to promiſe themſelves good daies, with the enjoyment of Laws 〈…〉 , which they are ready to think they have loſt, if they be put to a ch •• ge m •• e than ordinary for the real ma ntenance of them. For the undeceiving of ſuch let me ſpread theſe following Conſiderations.

Firſt, That the Parliament have for the maintenance of their Authority, a moſt conſiderable Power in their hands. They have their Army conſiſting ſtill of their old Officers, and the Soldiery trained up in their old moſt xcellent way of military diſcipline; moreover, they have the Militia formed (or actually forming) in all parts of the Nation, beſides the hearts of h ndred thouſands engaged by Intereſt to fight (if the matter ſhould be at pinch) for keeping out the Stuarts; and you cannot but remember what B d es of them appeared in Arms, when this Young man heretofore inva ed E g and, and ſeated himſelf at Worceſter, by which means a ſetled war was at that time happily avoided. Now, if by Inſurrections way ſhould be made for him to come in again and he by that means fix himſelf in any place of ſ reng h, what can the iſſue of mens going in to him to augment this power be, but a rending of the Nation again by a war of continuance, ſeeing the Parliament have the Strong holds of the Nation, and ſeveral Armi s imme iately raiſable, if occaſion require: And if things ſhould come to this paſs 'tis lamentable to conſider what would then befall the Country; the Harveſt (now ready for the ſickle) would be devoured by horſe; Freequarter muſt unavoidably come on again, and that would be a welcom gueſt to call upon you in Winter, after you had loſt all the Fruits of the Summer: I ſuppoſe you have not yet forgotten the teeth of that devouring Monſter, and you would have cauſe to remember it to ſome purpoſe, if Foreiners ſhould be poured in again upon you, which we muſt thank our own Countrimen for, if they prepare the way for their com ng, as they already begin very fairly. And if Forein force come in (as who knows what may follow when a war is once begun?) then what can the preſent pretenders for Liberty with ſwords in their hands expect, but that Charls and his Cavaliers, with the help of Foreiners, will erect their Triumphs upon the ruine of all oppoſite parties (even thoſe of them who now wheel about for him) and the ſubverſion of the Rights and Liberties of the People, under the inſupportable yoke of an abſolute Monarchy? (for, what will promiſes ſignifie when he ſhall get the power?)

Secondly conſider, That after a dreadful War paſt, you are yet in poſſeſſion of the Bleſſings of Peace; and though you taſte not the ſweets of it ſo fully as we could wiſh, becauſe of the Payments now lying upon you, yet be patient and conſider, whence do theſe Payments ſpring? not from the nature of the Government it ſelf, nor from the Wills of the preſent Governors, whoſe Intereſt it is to have it otherwiſe, if they knew how, but from pure neceſſitie; and whence comes that neceſſitie? Charls Stuart and his Cavaliers can tell you, for, they make it their buſineſs to create it more and more by framing deſigns againſt the Peace and Government of the Commonwealth; and how come they to be able to do this? even by the folly and madneſs of Malecontented perſons and parties, who ever and anon ſuffer themſelves to be drawn in by them: It is this that puts the Parliament upon the neceſſitie of keeping Forces on foot, and conſequently of continuing Taxes to pay Forces, defray Publick Debts, and other neceſſary incident Expences, without which the Peace, Safetie, and Government of this People cannot be maintained. Therefore if Burthens be continued, blame not your Governors, but ſuch Boutefeus as are apt to take fire at the Enemies perſwaſions, and are now in Arms to ſet on fire the three Nations. If ſuch as they would be quiet and ſetled in their mindes, that the Parliament might have leave to ſettle free from the attempts of rebellious ſpirits, Neceſſities would begin to wear off from the face of the Commonwealth; by degrees we might be eaſed of Grievances and Preſſures, and be made ſenſible of the rich benefits of a State of Freedom; but if men will be hankering after the publick Enemy, and flying out by Inſurrections, neither peace nor eaſe can be expected

But if Charls Stuart (ſay ſome) were brought in and ſetled, then all things ould ſettle too. For Anſwer to this, though the vanity of expecting a convement ſettlement by him, be made clear enough to the parties treated of in the foregoing Sections, yet having faln upon a more popular way of arguing, to convince men of a Neutral temper, that are of no party, but all for peace and eaſe, let me apply my ſelf to them accordingly. Pray you let us reaſon the Caſe a little; If ye think ye ſhall be eaſed of Exciſe Taxes, &c. by letting in him ye will be miſerably miſtaken: For, theſe vaſt charges will preſently enſue; 1. A large expence for maintaining the ſplendor of a Royal Court, which muſt be had either by reſuming King, Queen and Princes Lands though ſome think that cannot be done, the thing in it ſelf not being feiſible, becauſe of the incredible confuſion it would introduce generally upon Property; or elſe, if it cannot be had that way, it muſt be drained perpetually out of the peoples purſes. 2. There muſt be a courſe taken to finde rewards for Foreiners, if any come in (as it is paſt queſtion they will, if a war go on again) and if they ſhould not come, yet Charls his Followers and Leaders, the yonger Brothers, with the Sons of Fortune, and the Brethren of the Blade, muſt all be provided for, at that day, thoſe who have been of no ſide ſhall be found as great ſinners as any, and the City of London, who (as the Cavaliers ſwear) have gained by the Wars, ſhall be remembred as the Beginner of them; and then it will be too late for the vaporing Companions of the ſmoaking Clubs to ſay, I, and I, and I was always (as our neighbors know) a Friend of his Majeſty. 3. Beſides the publick Debts of the Nation, which muſt be paid, the Yong Man hath innumerable vaſt Debts contracted by himſelf beyond Sea; thoſe muſt be paid too and which way (I pray you) but out of the general Purſe? Think ye then, that this is the way to be eaſed of Exciſe and Taxes? The neceſſities would ſo encreaſe by Charls that they muſt upon his coming in be trebled to what they are now upon you.

Thirdly conſider That as by his Reſtitution we ſhall be far from eaſe of Burthens, ſo we muſt of neceſſitie be much farther from attaining peace and ſettlement, becauſe the diſcontents of all parties, which muſt be taken in, in order to a ſettlement, will be raiſed to a higher pitch of animoſitie; which is eaſily concluded from the hints given by our Author, already noted in the former Sections. For, he tells us, Epiſcopacie ſhall be the chief Corner-ſtone in the Building of the ſettlement; the Presbyterian Intereſt (he ſaith) ſhall be taken in to carry on the work, and you know they were ever wont to be like two Pellets, one driving out the other; ſo that it would be a luckie hand that can make them agree now: Well, but admit they could walk in couples and comply, what then will become of the poor Sectaries (as they call them?) they alſo, being a huge body, ought to be taken in likewiſe with ſatisfaction, viz Independents, Baptiſed, Fifth Monarchy men, &c. or elſe where is your ſettlement? And how that wi l be done, God knows, ſeeing the two firſt (as they reckon themſelves) will be reputed the eldeſt Sons of our Mother the Church, and though they agree in nothing elſe, are like to agree in this, that having brachium ſeculare, the Arm of Secular power to uſe, they will be too ſtraitly lacing the tender Virgin, Liberty of Conſcience, or elſe raviſh her, and that will ſtir up all her Friends to the Reſcue. Our Author hath told you, that the Royal and Epiſcopal man looks upon the Presbyterian (as one whoſe Diſcipline cannot be ſetled without the overthrow of all other parties, beſides that it ſuits not (he ſaith) with the Laws, nor with the genius of the Nation; the like harſh ſentence he paſſeth upon thoſe of the Baptiſed way; and the Presbyterian, he thinks as hardly of the Royal Epiſcoparian, and of the Baptiſed, as theſe latter do of both them. There had need be extraordinary skill then in tempering Morter before you can daub or cement all theſe together; but that being impoſſible, the iſſue will be that his Majeſties darling, Epiſcopacie, being like to rule the roſte, may think it wiſdom to hold in a while with Presbyterie, to make uſe of her ſpleen in perſecuting and weakning the other diſſenting Parties and afterward wipe the noſe of Presbyterie her ſelf, and at length attempt to clap them all together under Hatches; now what would this be, but to put them to begin the world again, to redeem themſelves once more from that yoak of antient Tyrannie, after it had been but newly caſt off? But ſuppoſe that the Epiſcopal Project may not preſently mount ſo high, yet it will alwaies be Trump where there is a Stuart in the Throne (for old Charls in his Book ſtrictly enjoyns it); and what can either of theſe things produce but the ſame neceſſity of his keeping Forces on foot to ſecure the Tyrannie in his own and his Biſhops hands, againſt the reſt of the People, as the Parliament is conſtrained now to doe, for ſecuring Liberty of Conſcience, and all other Rights and Liberties of the People, againſt the Return of that Tyrannie? If ſo (as things would certainly, unavoidably ſo fall out) ſurely its evident the ſame Taxes, and Payments as are now, muſt be continued under Charls, with additions of new ones as yet unheard of, to be entailed upon the generations after us. Things therefore being thus, it is clearly concludible, that the way the Parliament is now in deſigne upon, viz. to ſ cure the Libertie of theſe Nations in Spirituals and Civils, and eſtabliſh Affairs upon that Foundation, which doth really take in the Intereſt of the whole people (except ſome who have contracted an unmanly falſe Intereſt to themſelves, in deſiring to be ſlaves) is the only courſe whereby men may rationally expect to arive unto a ſettlement and conſequently open a way for diminiſhing Taxes; whereas the other way of Charls Stuart is ſo narrow that it admits the Intereſt only of ſome few, a ſort of men who will alwaies be practiſing to domineer, to the diſſatisfying and diſobliging all other parties, the Conſequence whereof will be a continuation of ſuch diſcontents, as muſt put the Monarch to ſtand alwaies upon his guard to preſerve his Power, which cannot be done without great Forces ever to be kept on foot, and ſo the ſame or greater Taxes ever to be paid, and no way in reaſon left for a remedie while things ſtand upon a Monarchick Epiſcopal, or a Mongrel-Epiſcopo-Presbyterian Bottom (call it which ye pleaſe)

SECT. VI.

Of the Army.

THe great Block in the way of the Cavaliers deſign, hath alwaies been the Army, and if that could be removed or debauched, then they would eaſily compleat it: No wonder then our Author uſeth ſo many Arts of Inſinuation to attempt the ſeducing of them from a ſence of their own and the publick Intereſt, to an eſpouſing of Charls; which were a miracle indeed, could it be effected, but certainly not without wonderful Sorcerie, whereas, for ought yet appears in our Author, we cannot take him for a Witch, nor ſuſpect his Pemphlet to be guilty of any ſtrong Inchantment. Firſt, he would inflame the Nation againſt the Soldiery, ſaying, Their aim is to govern it by the ſword, and keep themſelves from being disbanded. The falſhood of this is evident for, they have reſtored the Parliament to the Law making part, and for the other part of Government, the execution and diſtribution of Law, it is as full and free as ever, as every man that frequents the Term can tell you. But he brandiſhes this diſcourſe of the ſword, on purpoſe to dazle mens eyes, that they may not diſcern that ſword of Charls Stuart which yet lurks in the Scabbard, but muſt, if he get in, of neceſſitie be drawn (as is ſhewn in the foregoing Section) and held over the people, to give Law to all other Laws which concern mens propertie, or their Libertie of Conſcience. It is the Armie's or rather the Parliament and peoples ſword in the Armie's hand, which ſecureth all men from the power and revenge of his ſword, which were it once in action, would ſoon cut the throat of all our Liberties.

Next, he ſtrikes upon another ſtring, to try whether that will make any jarring, telling the Army it is the Parliaments intereſt to pull them down, and that the raiſing County Troops and new Militia's, is deſigned onely to check and curb them. So here in two lines the Cavalier hath diſcovered his two notable deſigns: He knows there is no way for him to pull down both Parliament and Army, but in dividing them by diſcontents, and making them pull at one another; and he knows alſo, that the ready way to facilicate the effecting of his main purpoſe is, to beget a miſunderſtanding and an animoſi tie betwixt the Army and the Countrey Militia's, that they may jar with each other, and not be cordially united to cheek and curb that Cavalier deſign which is now on foot (though in a diſguiſe) and laid for the common ruine both of Parliament and Army, City, and Country.

The Author having projected his plot thus, he proceeds to improve it, and ventureth to tell the Army, it is their intereſt to bring in the King; but why? 1. Becauſe every Soldier is ſenſible we are concerned to be under a ſingle perſon. It is quickly ſaid without proof; and the Soldiers expect reaſon before they believe: for (as you ſay well) they are not like the French or Spaniſh Infantry, thoſe venal ſouls that underſtand nothing beſides pay and plunder, but, as becomes an Engliſh Army fighting for their Rights and Freedoms, have always argued matters before they acted, and ſtill owned a publick ſpirit; and the meaneſt of them can tell you, there are ſeveral ways of being governed without a ſingle perſon; and that it concerns them howſoever, as high as their heads to keep out that ſingle perſon whom God made them Inſtruments to caſt out, and never be inſnared either by promiſes from him or by diſcontents among themſelves. 2. Becauſe thereby they cut off the neceſſity of perpetual war. Before this in Page 4. the Gentleman ſaid, It is the Armies intereſt to be always engaged in War, that they may keep themſelves from diſ ding; and here he tells them tis their Intereſt to bring the KING becauſe that would put an end to War. Riddle my Riddle, and reconcile theſe two Points if you can, but the Author muſt ſay any thing to create diviſion and diſcontent, among us; and rather than ſaid he will ſcribble Contradictories, and cares not though he ſet one part of his Pamphlet a quarrelling with the other, to reach us the wit to avoid his deſign, and live in unity and amity.

3. Becauſe without calling in him, they will hazard their Acquiſitions. Cujus contrarium verum eſt; there is no reader way to hazard them Crown-Lands being by many of them acquired for their Pay; and if it be poſſible, a way will be found out by Charles for a Reſumption.

4. Becauſe it is the way to ſecure their Pay and Arrears, he being the only perſon that can (with a free Parliament) raiſe Contributions and Taxes in a Legal manner. Believe it if you liſt, but conſider, that firſt his own Party muſt be paid and provided for, and then he may be at leiſure to pay you with a vengeance. Beſides, admit he ſhould mean really to provide you your Arrears too, what an incredible vaſt Charge would both be to the Nation: what an opportunity would he have to deviſe new impoſitions and payments, and when you are paid off ye ſhall (ye may be ſure) be turned off, then none remaining in Armes but his own pure party, twill be eaſie to find pretences to continue thoſe Payments, and make Parliaments (which no doubt will then be led in a ſtring in a brave ſtate of Freedome) to eſtabl ſh them by a Law unto poſterity: It ſhall all be done in a Legal manner, and the Army, and we, and all ſhall be paid (I warrant ye) according to Law, (Club-law, Cavalier-Law, Warren-Law.)

They have often been attemp ing to bring Matters to this paſs; and therefore give me leave to ſpread a few more particulars for the conſideration of our Friends the Army. Firſt conſider, that having often failed by force, they now aſſail you by Force and Fraud both together; you cannot forget their malice, though now they ſawn, and would fain ſeem to hug you, that they may be able to get within you, and trip up your heels, or graſp you to death. Remember how often by your matchleſs courage and fidelity, ye have reſcued the Commonwealth out of their hands. They have drawn the poor people no leſs than three ſeveral times into open inſurrection and rebellion. Beſides this, they brought on the Scots, to a miſerable oppreſſion and devaſtation of the Land by two ſeveral invaſions, in all which God enabled you to defeat their expectations and forces; ſo that beſides the quelling of their power and intereſt in Scotland, the hand of the Lord hath gone out ſo viſibly againſt them in three diſtinct Wars, that they have been no leſs than thrice miraculouſſy and completely conquered here at home, and the blood which they ſought hath been drawn out of their own ſides, to fill up the Cup of the Lord's indignation and fury againſt themſelves and all their Partakers. Though it were poſsible you could forget their implacable temper, yet for theſe things they will never forget you.

Secondly Take heed of Promiſes, all ye that have ever been engaged againſt that Family and Party: Is it not ſtrange to hear that ſome who have been ſo active againſt him openly, ſhould now engage for him under a diſgaiſe? What ſecurity can they have therein for themſelves or the Nation? Oh, but our Author tells us, young Charles is a good man, in all reſpects; and as to his honeſty, no malice hath the impudence to blaſt it. Though we could ſay ſomewhat to one Part of his honeſty, yet we wave it, but in the other part of honeſty which concerneth oaths and promiſes, we might ſay he hath blaſted himſelf, but that he ought not to ſeem over-ſerious about them, leſt while he pretends to a Crown, he ſhould loſe his credit with the Politicians, that would think him unfit to be a KING. But they need not doubt him, he hath made proof enough of himſelf in that particular, having moſt Royally given evidence, that to truſt him is the right way to true Repentance: If ye look into my Third Section, ye may there ſee how like a KING he carryed himſelf in the Truſt given him by the Preſbyterians, when they made him a White Boy in Scotland, by cloathing him with the Covenant, and a Coronationoath, and Royal Robes all together.

Thirdly conſider, that as you have had the Honour hitherto, to ſtand firm to the Nations true intereſt in oppoſition to that Family; ſo while they pretend here in print to court you, their great buſineſs is at the ſame time to make you jealous of the Parliament, the Parliament of you, and at once to exaſperate all parties of men againſt you, that being diffident of each other, and diſcontented; ye may not be in a condition vigorouſly to unite your Counſels and Forces againſt the deſign which they have now in hand for the ruine of all. Make much then of this Parliament; they are the founders of the Nations Intereſt upon a better Baſis of Freedome than our Anceſtors could ever hope for, and queſtionleſs they muſt needs be moſt concerned and fitteſt to finiſh the Building, ſeeing it is their own Intereſt as well as the Publick, and they have moſt experience in the work. Charles Stuart is for the giving of our wiſe men, and our intereſted men, a Rotation as quick as may be. Therefore certainly it is your intereſt to ſtand by the Parliament with your ancient courage and affection; beat down the enemies before you, and ſo, when you have gained Victory, ye will be in the ready way of getting your Arrears out of the Purſes of your Adverſaries, which will be the greateſt comfort to your ſelves, and an eaſe to the People: more words might be uſed; but you ſee where your Intereſt doth lye, and if you follow it ſtrenuouſly, it cannot lie, it will not deceive you, whereas if you ſwerve but from a tittle of it, your enemies will ſoon ſlip into one Advantage or other, to bring trouble and deſolation upon the Land, ruine upon your ſelves and all your Friends.

SECT. VII.

Of the Parliament.

THe Parliament being the Butt, at which the Adverſaries ſhoot all their bitter Arrows of reproach and envy, it will be neceſſary to be particular in curing the Wounds which have of late been given to their Reputation, becauſe their Being is the grand Bulwark of our ſecurity.

But in the firſt place, to ſandalize them our Author ſaith, It is the deſign of the Parliament, to continue themſelves in abſolute Power by the ſpecious name of a Popular Government, and finally to ſet up an Oligarchy.

By this you ſee. 1. That which the enemy principally fears, is, leſt this Parliament ſhould continue over-long; could they but be rid of this Parliament, they preſume they ſhould do well enough afterwards, either with or without another, and therefore their Work is (if they knew how) to precipitate the ending of it: But to confute the folly of this Scandal, tis known they have by a ſpecial Vote already fixt a time (ſhort enough indeed, conſidering the greatneſs of their work, and the oppoſition like to be againſt them) beyond which they intend not to ſit.

2. As to the other Point of erecting an Oligarchy or Government by ſome few Perſons, this is as great a ſcandal as the other, and it were to be wiſhed, that the over-buſie talk and Prints of ſome of our own had not given too much occaſion for opening the mouth of the Enemy touching that particular. But how ſhould there be any ground for ſuſpition about an Oligarchy? ſeeing no ſuch thing can be (as by many reaſons might be proved) where a ſupreme Legiſlative Power is intended to be fixed in an orderly ſucceſſion of Parliaments, managed by elections rightly qualified and bounded: for which with all convenient ſpeed, a courſe will be taken by this Parlament.

Secondly, our Author endeavours to make this no free Parlament, by reaſon that a great part of its Members remain Secluded. This Argument hath been handled likewiſe with great fury by Mr. Pryn, and now the preſent Malecontents in Arms make uſe of it to countenance their Rebellion, and require that either the Secluded Members may be admitted to ſit again in this Parliament, or that a New one may be called. So that you ſee, they and our Cavalier Author do meet in one Point. For Anſwer to this, I wiſh Mr Pryn, and the other diſſatisfied Gentlemen, would take heed of this way of arguing; for, by it he may chance to condemn himſelf, and all others of his own judgment for their acting along with the Parliament, firſt, fter the King went away f om Weſtminſter, and then, after part of the Members of both Honſes withdrew, and ſate as a Parliament at Oxford, ſeeing thereby he will juſtifie the King in what he declared at that time againſt the Parliament, viz. That it was no free Parliament, and ſo that nothing they ſhould do, in the abſence of himſelf and thoſe Membe s, could be counted valid of Parliamentary, becauſe they had, in countenancing tumults, driven him, and their Follow members away by force, and ſo gained the Major Vote of the remaining part of the Parliament: Nevertherleſs, when the remaining part ſate and continued to Act, the Parliamentary partie made no ſcruple to Act with them, and Mr Prynne among the reſt as highly as any, as alſo did all thoſe of the Presbyterian Judgment, who, though the Parliament wanted the legal for malitie of the Kings preſence, and ſo great a part of its Members (who Printed in ſeveral Declarations, That a force was upon them;) yet rather than the publick Cauſe ſhould fall to the ground, they by Sermons, Purſes, and all other ways, ſeconded that remaining part of the Parliament in their actings, acknowledging them a free Parliament, to all intents and purpoſes, as if every Member had been preſent. But you will object and ſay, The Caſe of this Houſe now ſitting, is different from that Houſe who then ſate; for, they were deſerted by thoſe Members that went to Oxford, but theſe ſuffered the Army by force to ſeclude thoſe now commonly called the ſecluded Members. I anſwer; that before theſe Members were ſecluded, they firſt ſecluded and ſeparated themſelves from the publick Intereſt, as thoſe did, who ſome years before withdrew themſelves, and went to Oxford; beſides, the ſecluding of them is juſtifiable againſt them by Lex talionis, the Law of Retaliation; for even they had ſometime before ſecluded that honeſt partie of the Houſe (of which the Members now ſitting are the principal) by raiſing tumults in the City, and encouraging the Apprentices, who came to the Houſe door, and drave away the ſaid faithful partie, ſo that the Speaker and they were for ſafetie forced to go out of Town, and ſhelter themſelves under the protection of the Army: In the mean while, thoſe who now complain of ſecluſion, reckoning themſelves Lords of all, continued ſitting, choſe a new Speaker, (Mr. Pelham) acted all things as a full and free Parliament, and reckoned their Votes and Proceedings as Legal and Authentick, as if all the Members had been preſent; and would ſo have proceeded to compaſs and eſtabliſh the corrup: Intereſt contended for againſt the faithful partie: And Mr. Prynne, and all his partie, approved this proceeding, and ſufficiently ſhewed, that they meant to own all as Legal, that ſhould be do e while the faithful ones were under a force, had not the deſign been prevented by the Generals bringing back the Speaker, and the Members with him, to their Seats again in the Houſe. What ſhall we ſay then? Let me uſe the words of the Apoſtle to him, and the reſt of his ſecluded partie, and their Abetters, [Therefore thou art inexcuſable, O men, whoſoever thou art that judgeſt, wherin thou judgeſt another, thou condemneſt thy ſelf; for thou that judgeſt, doeſt the ſame things.] If you, after a violent ſecluſion of ſome, upon a corrupt account, could approve and cloſe with the proceedings of a remaining part as a Parliament, and intende the Nation ſhould do ſo to; why are not we, after a like ſecluſion made of your partie upon a juſt accotins, and a reſtoring of the faithful partie to be juſtified for acting along with them, and ſubmitting to their Authoritie as a Parliament? And the Nation hath as much reaſon to pay their obedience and acknowledgments thereto, as ye intended they ſhould have done to you. Therefore whatever other men may fa) Mr. Prynne and his ſecluded party muſt hence forth be ſilent, and for ſhame lay their mouths in the duſt for ever, a to th s particular.—But that we may give a more full anſwer to this ſo conſiderable a Point, and that the world may ſee how far the Houſe which now 〈◊〉 , is to be juſtified before their ſecluded oppoſites, who make ſo great a clamor to imbroil the Nation: I ſhall a little retrive the proceedings of former days touching that Secluſion, which is become the great Subject of Controverſie now among us.

Firſt, I ſhall ſhew, there was a juſt cauſe, and a real neceſſitie, for the doing of it. Secondly, How the faithful Members (now the Parliament) behaved themſelves after it was done. Thirdly, How it came to paſs, that the ſecluded partie did never ſit more ſince that time, and are ſtill excluded.

1. That there was juſt cauſe, and a real neceſſitie for the doing of it, is evident in theſe particulars: For, after that upon weightie conſideration, the Houſe had reſolved to make no more Addreſſes to the King, this ſecluded party (who then were in play) joyning Councils with the King and his party, caſt about which way to revoke and reverſe thoſe Votes of Non-Addreſs, and to bring in the King upon ſuch Terms, the effect whereof, in a ſhort time, would (of neceſſitie) have been a giving up into his hands the whole Cauſe that had been contended for. To this end, they by ſubtile degrees drew all things on fair toward a compliance with the Kings Intereſt, wherein there were ſome honeſt men (even of the Presbyterian partie) who ſeeing it was the way to caſt dirt in the face of their former Engagements, did deſert them. Nevertheleſs, they were engaged now upon new grounds, in oppoſition and hatred of thoſe, both in Parliament and Army, who deſired to remain faithful to the Cauſe and Intereſt of the Nation; therefore the next ſtep they made in the Houſe, was, to contrive how to ſtrengthen their partie there, and by indirect courſes to gain the Major Vote: For this end, it was the great endeavor of them, and of that Remnant of the Royal, and the Neutral partie, which yet remained in the Houſe, becauſe of the vacancy of Burgeſſes, to fill up the Houſe with Malignants or Neuters; and for that purpoſe, Writs were ſpecially procured and ſpeeded out for new Elections to fill the vacant places, and they were directed to ſuch places and poor Boroughs in Cornneal, Wales, &c. where the Procurers before-hand knew, that perſons would be enoſen ſit to ſerve their turns. Thus a Floud of new Burgeſſes were brought into the Houſe, ſome of them men that had been engaged againſt the Parliament, and incap ble of Truſt, yet were through the procurement alſo of the aforeſaid partie, admitted and kept in the Houſe; for, when divers of theſe were queſtioned as unduly elected, matters were by others ſo ordered, that the ſame new elected perſons under queſtion, ſitting in the Houſe while their buſineſs was in agitation, they eaſily wrought, that the ſence of the Committee concerning the undueneſs of their Elections was never reported, but held off from the Houſe.

Having thus fitted the Houſe for their turn, they then begin to play Rex for the King. They firſt debate the buſineſs of Ireland; from thence they recalled the Lord Liſle, and put the command into the hands of Inchiquin, a Native Iriſhman, one that had firſt ſerved the King, afterwards revolted from the Parliament, united with the Iriſh Rebels, and is now a Fugitive with Charls beyond Sea. They endeavored to bring in the King upon his Meſſage of the ſeventh of May 1647. (that is to ſay, upon his own Terms) and to this end to disband the Army before any peace made of aſſured. They would have raiſed a new War, by lifting and ingaging many Reformadoes, and other Officers and Soldiers in and about London, in June and July, 1647. To this end they by Tumults drave away the Speaker and faithful Members, choſe a new Speaker, paſſing by their ſingle Authoritie divers Ordinances, and giving large powers to raiſe a new War, by arming alſo the Prentices and other perſons which had acted that violence upon the Houſe, and this they did profeſſedly before the world, in maintenance and proſecution of that treaſonable engagement. Being thus gotten into poſſeſſion, they recalled the Votes of Non-Addreſs, and went down-right the way to bring back the King, without ſuch ſatisfaction as might ſecure the Kingdom. Voting that they would treat with him upon ſuch Propoſitions as himſelf ſhould make, ſo that had they had their purpoſe, the whole Cauſe. Parliamentary, and its faithful friends muſt have been clearly betrayed into his hands.

But it muſt not be forgotten, how craftily they went to work for the completing of their deſign; and it is the more needful to revive the proceedings, becauſe the ſame ſpirit appears at work again, in the like method, by thoſe who have now taken Arms, & thoſe who favor the preſent treaſonable undertaking; Their method (I ſay) and pretences appear one and the ſame; for thoſe did what they could to irritate and engage the Citie of London: In all Counties they had their Emiſſaries and Agents concurring with thoſe employed by the King, to form new Inſurrections (which you know afterwards brake forth all over the Nation;) and to uſher in theſe, the people were ſtirred up to frame Petitions, all cloathed in fine language, with fair pretences; viz. That they might have a full and free Parliament; they pretended for the Liberty of the Subject alſo, to free them from the oppreſſion of an Army, and to be for the Law of the Land againſt the arbitra y power of a Faction in Parliament ſetting up and ſupporting themſelves above Law by the power of an Army. They pretended likewiſe to be much for the eaſe of the people, to free them from Taxes and Contributions to an Army, and to be for ſettlement, that there might be no need of an Army. They pretended for Religion too againſt Sectaries; yea, and that no pretence might be wanting, they pretended for the army it ſelf alſo (as to the body of it) That all, but a Faction of ſome Officers, might be ſatisfied their Arrears: Pray you now compare theſe pretences with thoſe publiſhed by the preſent Rebels in Cheſhire, and the language of thoſe that ſavor them in other places, and judg whether the ſpirit of the ſame corrupt party be not now at work again by new Inſtruments, who would likewiſe (if they might have their ways) give up, not onely the preſent Parliament, but with it the whole Parliamentary intereſt of the Nation, and all men of all parties, yea, and themſelves to be diſpoſed of at the will of the Son (for what can hinder that Sea of boundleſs tyranny from overflowing, when the breach is once made, and he let in?) juſt as the other would by bringing on a Perſonal Treaty to conclude with the Father, have yeilded all up to his pleaſure. Actors (you ſee) are now on foot again, diſguiſed and cloathed with the very ſame pretences; and therefore what can be more clear than that theſe men are ſtudying to bring the Yong Man upon the ſtage, to perfect the Tragedy which was plotted ſo many years ago, in that endeavor for a reſtitution of his Father? which would aſſuredly have been compleated in an abſolute Tyranny, had not the Army then taken up a noble reſolution to prevent it, by ſecluding that deſperate party which ruled at that time in Parliament. So much (though much more might be ſaid) for the juſtice and neceſſitie of the Secluſion.

2. Let us ſee how the remaining Members behaved themſelves upon this Occaſion. They did not, as Mr. Pryn, and our Author, and others, have ſcandalized them, drive away their Fellow-Members, nor encourage the Army to do it (as Mr. Pryn, and his fellows had before encouraged the Apprentices to drive away the Speaker, and the beſt part of the Members) but when the Secluſion was made, the Houſe preſently ſent out the Serjeant with the Mace to the place called the Queens Court (where thoſe Members were then detained) to command their Attendance in the Houſe, but the Guards of Souldiers would not permit them to come. So the Serjeant was ſent out a ſecond time and then the Officers would not permit him to paſs, which was entred as a Contempt in the Journal-Book, they being ſtartled at the ſudden force upon the Houſe; and therefore they concluded alſo, not to proceed in buſineſs until their Members ſhould be reſtored, and in the mean time ordered, That the General be ſent to, that the Houſe might know the reaſon of the Armies ſo proceeding: Which being done, the General and Council of Officers ſending to the Houſe their Reaſons which neceſſitated them to the Action, and manifeſting therein, That there was no other way to preſerve the Rights and Intereſts of the Nation, which thoſe Members had laboured to deſtroy: thereupon the Houſe (who of their own knowledge could tell the particulars charged were true) being earneſtly importuned by the Army, That they would proceed to ſave the Nation, and ſecure the good Cauſe they had fought for againſt the King and his Party, choſe to ſit, (notwithſtanding all the difficulties and clouds of envy that were gathering over their heads) and to proceed towards the Nations ſettlement in ſuch a way as God in his Providence according to his Will, ſhould direct them, rather than deſert their Truſts; not conſulting therein with Fleſh and Blood (which becauſe of the hazard of their own perſonal concernments, might have taken them off), but with a Good Cauſe, and the common Good, which then lay at ſtake, and had been utterly loſt if thoſe Secluded ones might have had their wills, who now again make it their buſineſs, by clamours, to ſet the world on fire about their ears, & care not though themſelvs periſh at laſt in the combuſtion.

3. Let us ſee the Reaſon why it is, that being once Secluded, they have never ſince been admitted, and are ſtill kept out. The Reaſons are evident; for they were no ſooner Excluded but they went on Plotting and contriving as a diſtinct Aſſembly, without the Houſe, to carry on their deſign as they did before within. To this purpoſe they joynely put forth a Declaration, Entituled, A Solemn Proteſtation againſt the Houſe and the Army, declaring all void and null that ſhould be done their abſence; and inflamed Mr. Pryn (a neceſſary Tool of the Party, becauſe be can ſay and Print any thing for them, and yet not be in danger of his head) who put forth in his own name, a violent, virulent Proteſtation againſt the Houſe, the Army, their Cauſe, and all Proceedings, and divers other fierce Papers he hath let flie from time to time; ſo did his Parry alſo the like, under the Title of Declarations, &c. And to this day they have never omitted any occaſion they could lay hold on, to juſtifie themſelves, and revive that deſtructive deſign, for which they were at firſt Secluded; this is enough to ſhew, There was and is reaſon to keep them out of the Houſe ſtill: Unleſs any will imagine it reaſonable they ſhould be re-Admitted to take an opportunity, which they can never otherwiſe have, for the finiſhing of that miſchief which they (like a ſort of Madmen) by reſtoring the Ejected Family, would bring not only upon the Parliament and the well-affected, but on all Parties of men; yea, and themſelves in concluſion; as they may ſufficiently perceive, if God gives them hearts to weigh what hath been from reaſon deduced in the former Sactions.—But now let us return to our Author again.

He ſaith, This Parliament is no Parliament, becauſe by Law it is Diſſolved through the Kings Death that Called it. So ſaith Mr. Pryn alſo, and others. Thus when men are over-heated with Prejudice and Paſſion, they know not, or remember not, what they ſay: They affirm, The Parliament dyed together with the King, and ſo can no longer have a Being, yet they keep a clamour to get into the Houſe, and then they will be content it ſhall be a Living Parliament again, although the King be Dead, and ſhall ſerve the turn, and he ed a Full, a Free, and a Good Parliament; but (you may ſuppoſe) to no other purpoſe but their own. Why elſe did William Pryn, and his fellows, make ſuch a ſtir to get in? And why doth the 〈◊〉 Pa er (ſubſcribed G. Booth) intimate. That if the Houſe will let in the Old Members again, all ſhall be as well as if it were a new Virgin Parliament? By th s the world may plainly ſee, it is not the Publick Intereſt of the Nation (though they pretend it) but their own which they ſeek. If the ſecluſion of them be taken off, that they may ſit, then it will be as good a Parliament as it was at firſt, or as any new one can be: Speak out then, and ſay, O Houſe of Parliament, ye ſhall reign, and we will be content, provided we may reign with you: And who knows forſooth (if ſuch a bargain could be made) whether they would not upon thoſe terms leave Charls Stuart to commence his Reign Ad Græcas Calendas, or Latter-Lammas? But they have more wit than to believe ſuch a bargain poſſible; therefore not being able to get into the Houſe, their beſt way is to ſay it is no Parliament, and upon that account keep up a faction to bring in Charls, and try whether they can reign with him, by perſwading the Nation they are undone; and neither have, nor can have, any Government without him.

Thus far I have argued this buſineſs Argumento ad hominem, that is to ſay, in a way of Argumentation good againſt Mr. William Prynne, and the men of his party, quatenus Prynne and that party; ſo that they, above all other men, ought to hold their tongues: But becauſe it is neceſſary that both they and the Cavalier Objectors ſhould be confuted, and that others ſhould be ſatisfied, and likewiſe that the mindes of friends ſhould be confirmed, and all mens ſcruples be removed touching the legality and equity of this Parliaments ſitting, I ſhall now deſcend to handle the queſtion Argumento ad Rem, that is to ſay, by an Argument to the purpoſe, making good the thing it ſelf (as it now ſtands) againſt the world of Malecontents (of what party ſoever they be) and this I will do, not by ſuch principles as may be ſaid to be onely our own, but from ſuch as are owned by ſome of thoſe of the Presbyterian party who appear oppoſite to the Parliament, and by others alſo, Royaliſts of high reputation and judgment in the world.

This leads me to make Reply unto what our Author further ſaith, viz. That not onely many of the Members of this Parliament are ſecluded, but they were firſt diſſolved by reaſon of the death of the King that called them, ſo that legally they could ſit no longer, and at laſt by the late Protector: Which diſſolution was acknowledged by as many Members againſt themſelves as ſat in intermediate Parliaments. Here you ſee the utmoſt that the Cavaliers, and which Mr. Prynne and the other Malecontents do, or can ſay againſt this Parliaments ſitting. For Anſwer whereunto, give me leave to lay down theſe Prolegomena or Previous Poſitions, which are not points of my own invention, but as well founded upon the judgment of the learned, as agreeable to my own, which perhaps is but weak.

1. The firſt Poſition is drawn from Mr. Baxters own words in his late Book, entituled, A holy Commonwealth, and I ſuppoſe whatever he ſaith, his Brethren will approve. He, to juſtifie himſelf for his finding with the Parliaments Arms againſt thoſe of the King, declareth, That the King by the conſtitution of the Kingdom, had the Title of Soveraign, but not ſo as that the Soveraign Power was wholly in him; for, that according to the conſtitution was divided betwixt him and the Parliament; and ſo p. 46. he ſheweth, how that in this Kingdom the Title of Soveraign given to the King was Honorary, and ought not to be interpreted contrary to the conſtitution of the Kingdom, which allowed him but a part onely of the Soveraignty. So that though the perſons repreſenting the people in Parliament, were, being taken in their perſonal condition each of them but Subjects, yet in reſpect to the publick conſtitution of the Kingdom, they revera had one part of that Soveraign Power of Parliament, as the King had another part, and could really claim no more but his part in the Acts of Supremacy For proof of this, Mr. Baxter in Page 463, 464, 465, 466. citeth the Kings own Anſwer to the Nineteen Propoſitions, and from thence inferre that large his Royal acknowledgment of the truth of this aſſertion; therefore I ſuppoſe neither the Cavaliers will contradict this, ſeeing the King acknowledged it, nor the Presbyterians, becauſe not onely Mr. Baxter writes this, but becauſe alſo they all engaged in the War upon this principle, for the Parliament againſt the King; and queſtionleſs, a righteous principle of engagement it was.

2. This leads me to a ſecond Poſition, viz. That in a Kingdom where the Soveraignty is ſo divided, if the King ſhall grow inſolent, and by Arms ſeek to invade that part of the Soveraignty which belongs to the people in Parliament, he may by arms be lawfully oppoſed. For proof of this, Mr. Baxter becauſe he would now be courteous with the Cavaliers and win them, citeth the judgments of two the moſt learned Royaliſts that this later Age hath produced, viz. Barclay and Grotius; which citations being large, I for brevities ſake omit them; onely one out of Grotius give me leave to repeat in Engliſh, becauſe it hath the full ſence of the reſt: It is this, [If the Authority be divided betwixt a King and the People in Parliament, ſo that the King hath one part of is, the people another, the King offering to encroach upon that part which is none of his, may lawfully be oppoſed by Arms, becauſe be exceeds the bounds of his Authority. And not only ſo, but he may loſe his own part likemiſe by the Law of Arms.]

3. The third Poſition is That a King carrying on a War upon ſuch terms againſt the people, to the death and deſtruction of his people while they are contending for their right, remaine no longer a King, having diſſolved the conſtitution of the Kingdom, but hath loſt his Kingdom, and becoms an enemy, and a private perſon. For proof of this againſt the Cavaliers, Barclay, the great Champion of Monarchy, in his Book Contra Monarchomacos, doth grant it, onely he ſaith, Vix videtur id accidere poſſe in Rege meni is compote, It ſeems almoſt impoſſible a King ſhould be ſo mad as to proceed on that manner; and yet we all know who was ſo mad as to do it: And for further proof of it, both againſt Cavaliers and Malecontented Presbyterians together, the ſame Mr. B. in Page 483. tells us, That Grotius and other learned Politicians conclude, That if a King ſhall thus make himſelf an enemy of the people, engaging in War againſt them, he depoſeth himſelf, and may be uſed by them as 〈◊〉 enemy.

4. The Fourth Poſition is, That the conſtitution of the Kingdom being by this means diſſolved, and the Nation put into a ſtate of War, being divided into two parties, theſe two parties, though really they make but one Nation, yet during the War, they are no longer to be reckoned as one Nation, but as two Nations contending for distinct Rights. So ſaith Mr. Baxters Royal friend Grotius in his Tract De Legatis.

5. The Fifth Poſition is, That if while the War lasteth, the two parties are to be reputed two Nations, then the Rights and Laws of War do belong unto either party againſt the other, as abſolutely as they can belong unto one Nation againſt another, when they are at War. Beſides that this is confeſſed, the Reaſon is evident, becauſe no War can be managed or regulated, unleſs Jura belli the Laws of War be admitted for the direction and deciſion of matters relating to the Warlick occaſion and Controverſie The ſtate of War hath its known Laws among the Nations, as well as the Civil ſtate of a Kingdom or Commonwealth hath known Laws in its particular Nation, whereby matters of difference are to be ended. This is a confeſſed point; Why elſe are ſo many Books extant touching the Laws of War?

The main point of the Soveraignties being divided heretofore betwixt the King and the Parliament, and acknowledged to be ſo by the King himſelf, and the other Poſitions premiſed being proved by the Teſtimonies of ſuch as are reverenced by both Royaliſts and Presbyterians, I truſt then, that by building upon Foundations of their own, I ſhall give both of them ſatisfaction in the Building, and be able to convince them that there is both Law and Reaſon for the ſitting of this Parliament.

As to the grand Argument which both our Author, Mr. Pryn, and others doe uſe, that according to Law the Parliament was diſſolved by the Kings death; Tis true, that it was ſo provided by Law, that the death of a King diſſolved a Parliament; but you are to obſerve, that this was a Law relating to the Conſtitution of Parliament in the ordinary Courſe of its regulation, and reſpecting only the formality of the Writ, ſummoning the Parliament to adviſe with the particular perſon of the King in whoſe name the writ was iſſued forth; and truly when the old Conſtitution remained without diſturbance, it was reaſon it ſhould be retained in its ordinary Courſe; but in an extraordinary caſe, as that of this Parliament hath been in all the great revolutions from firſt to laſt; when the very Conſtitution Parlamentary it ſelf, as to the nature of the Powers and Rights of the ſeveral parties King and people therein concerned, fell under Queſtion, and when the ſword was drawn betwixt the parties to decide it, and the King perſiſted to claim the whole Right of Soveraignty contrary to that antient Conſtitution, and referred his Claim to the determination of the ſword, and thereby according to the equity of our ſundamental Laws, ſorfeited his Kingſhip, and became a private perſon, diſſolved the Conſtitution of the Kingdom, introduced another Law, viz. the Law of Arms, to trie his Cauſe by, and pleaded it with ſword in hand to the very laſt, is it reaſon in ſuch an extraordinary Caſe of this, that the ſurviving party of that King ſhould ground an Argument upon the formalities and ordinary uſages of a Conſtitution, whenas that Conſtitution it ſelf hath by the King himſelf been diſſolved long agoe? what legall or rational Plea can now be made upon the account of his Regal capacity, who, by proceeding contrary to the very Law and nature of the Conſtitution upon which he ſtood, juſtly loſt all the Benefit of it, and became a private perſon, and having made himſelf an enemy to the people, depoſed himſelf (as Mr. Baxter tels you out of Grotius) and therefore might be uſed as an enemy? with what face (I ſay) can any man after all this talk of Law in relation to him, who had not only violated all Law in the Branches, but pluckt up the very root of it in deſtroying the Parlamentary eſtabliſhment of the Kingdom, as much as in him lay, and would refer himſelf to no Law but (as I ſaid before) the Law of warr? Let the impartial part of the world then, yea, and our Adverſaries themſelves, from their own very doctrines here cited, be Judges.

The conſideration of theſe particulars may ſerve ſufficiently to clear

1. The juſtice of ſecluding thoſe Members, who in endevouring to bring the King (after all) to the Throne again, made themſelves Criminals, becauſe they would by treacherie have betraied the whole Soveraignty, contrary to the Fundamental Law of the Conſtitution, into his hands; which Secluſion is to be juſtified, not only by the Law of Neceſſity (as they pleaded that acted it) but by the Law of the Land, which might have called them to account for their lives, and alſo by the Law of Nations, which in ſuch caſe as this alloweth the victorious part of the People to create a new Law for another Conſtitution of Government.

2. This ſhews the ſufficiencie of that Authority which brought the late King to Juſtice. According to the Royal and Presbyterian doctrins, he made himſelf a private perſon, as well as a publick Enemy; therefore having ſhed ſo much blood and done ſo many miſchiefs deſerving death, he might legally, being a private man, be put to his Trial according to Law, for leſſer Crimes, as well as for that tranſcendent Crime of diſſolving the Fundamental Conſtitution of the Kingdom, by warring for the whole Soveraignty in himſelf.

3. This ſheweth (as is hinted before) the Legality of the remaining Parliaments ſitting to form a new Government; for, though they were but a part of the Parliament heretofore, yet being the only ones that remained faithful to the Peoples Quarrel againſt their Enemy the King, and the former Government having been (as the forecited Authors confeſs) diſſolved by the King himſelf, certainly the Law of God, the Law of Nature, and the Law of the Land intending there ſhould be ſome Government, and the Law of War (which the King himſelf brought in) having tranſmitted the Soveraign Power into their hands for the People, they by all manner of Laws are avowed to be the Supreme Authority and Parliament of England, and therefore legally qualified to ſit, to ſecure and ſettle a new Fundamental Law of Government (ſuch as may be moſt convenient) for the Nation. Which being once done, it becomes as valid de Jure, (that is to ſay, as Legal) as the former form of Government ever was.

But becauſe you ſhall not depend upon my ſingle Inference, you ſhall have one or two more Teſtimonies from Mr. Baxter's friend Grotius. He ſaith, if the Prevailing party had no other Law but the Law of Neceſſity, it might ſerve well enough to juſtifie ſuch a Proceeding; Neceſſit as ſumma reducit res ad merum Jus Naturæ, Grot. de Jure Belli, l. 2. cap. 6. And in his Prolegomena he ſaith, In beſlo Civili, ſcripta quidem Jura, &c. In a Civil war, written Laws, that is, the eſtabliſhed Laws of a Nation, are of no force, but thoſe only which are not written, that is, which are agreeable to the Dictates of Nature, or the Law and Cuſtom of Nations, and then that only is to be admitted Law which ſhall be ſetled by the Prevailing party: Jus dicitur eſſe id quod validiori placuit, ut intelligamus fine ſuo carere Jus, niſi vires miniſtras habeat; the Engliſh whereof is, That only which it pleaſeth the ſtronger party to ordain, is ſaid to be Law, ſince it cannot accompliſh the end of a Law, except it be attended by Force to conſtrain obedience. And as to the particular Caſe of the ſecluded Members, he hath one ſaying which hits our purpoſe right: Si qui jure ſuo uti non poſſunt, eorum jus accreſcit præſentibus, l. 2. c. 5. His buſines in that part of the Chapter is, to diſcourſe about the Major Vote in Senates or grand Aſſemblies, and concludes, That in caſe the greater number be abſent, or if there be any cauſe that they may not uſe their Right there, then the whole Right accrueth to them that are preſent or remain ſitting. What cauſe there was for the ſecluding of theſe Members, I think you have ſufficiently ſeen in the beginning of this Section; They had joyned iſſue in Intereſt and deſign with the Royal party and the King, who (according to what hath been already conceded) was a publick Enemy: So alſo did the Houſe of Lords, who likewiſe loſt all Right that they could pretend to, by compliance with the ſame Intereſt and deſign. For, ſeeing by the Equity of all Laws, Acceſſaries are as puniſhable as the Principal in a Crime, therefore by the Law of War (it being a Law of their own introducing, and no other Law remaining to be Judge in the Caſe) both They and the ſecluded Members, for adhering to the Conquered party, even after the Victory, might have been proceeded againſt in capital manner, but were favorably as well as juſtly dealt with, in being deprived only of their Intereſt in the Houſe, whenas their heads might have been required; and ſo the whole Supreme Authority deſcended lawfully to thoſe Members that now remain.

But here ſome may interpoſe, and ſay, We imagined and expected that the Laws of the Land ſhould be maintained, and Free Parliaments, but this doctrine talks of the longeſt ſword and a Prevailing party, maintaining that the ſtrongeſt muſt carry it; which is the way to lay a ground for, and to encourage diſorders and confuſions, ſo that they which can get uppermoſt by force, are ſtill to be juſtified by the ſame Rule. This language, I know, is frequently in the mouths of the undiſcerning ſort, yea and of ſome too who think themſelves very wiſe.

That I may make ſome Return to this ſort of people, and inſtruct them well, they muſt learn firſt to diſtinguiſh between Force uſed without good cauſe, and an uſe of Force upon a juſt cauſe or occaſion; Alſo betwixt the exerciſe of force by ſuch as have a Right of war, and by thoſe who have it not; Alſo, betwixt the Nation in a State of Warr, and the Nation in a State of Peace; Laſtly, betwixt the Laws which are fundamental to the Form or Conſtitution it ſelf of a Government, and the Laws Municipal, which concern the Rights, Liberties and Priviledges of a People under the ſame Government.

I. Seeing that to all Sword-engagements a good Cauſe is requiſite, then none can hereafter take example or occaſion from this rational diſcourſe, to have recourſe to the ſword, and afterward to improve it as this Parliament did, unleſs they ſhall be able to ground the undertaking, as they did, upon righteous principles, which have been acknowledged ſuch (as you read before) even by Royaliſts and Presbyterians themſelves, nor unleſs they ſhall have the ſame juſt reaſons to make uſe of the Law of Warr (which in ſuch Caſe becomes the Law of all Nations) to proceed to a final Arbitration of the Quarrell, after that the Adverſaries themſelves have admitted it, and rendred the ending of the Conteſt, both impractcable and impoſſible by any Law of the Nation.

II. Thoſe who intend to uſe the Sword, or the Law of Warr, cannot lawfully doe it, unleſs they can rightly claim Jus Belli, and have a Right to that Law, as the Parliament had, when the King graſping at the whole Soveraignty, they were neceſſitated to deſend that part of it which by the National Conſtitution belonged unto themſelves; as hath already been confeſſed by both ſorts of Adverſaries.

III. Conſider, this can afford no matter of Argument for Rebellions and Inſurrections; for if in ſuch a conteſt of War as this was in England, the Parliament had a right to War, the King having occaſioned the Nation to be in a ſtate of War, it doth not therefore follow, that in the ſtate of peace, private perſons, or any number of perſons leſs qualified than a Parliament, ſhould preſume to do what a Parliament might do, either in, or out of a ſtate of War; or that a part of a Parliament ſhould hereafter take upon them to make War, and exclude their Fellow Members and then exerciſe the whole Supremacy, without and againſt the conſent of thoſe Members, unleſs the great Platonick year ſhall revolve and revive the like Cauſes, Occaſions, and Circumſtances of Acting, and the ſame Treachery alſo in Fellow Members for betraying the Supreme power into the hands of ſome third party, or ſingle perſon. In the like extraordinary Caſe, the like proceeding may lawfully be again, but not otherwiſe; for, when after a Civil War, a Government is once again eſtabliſhed in peace, all men and powers are to ſteer their courſe of acting by the ordinary Laws and Rules of the Conſtitution.

IV. As touching the great Objection about our Laws, conſider, that though the old Fundamental which reſpecteth the former Form or Conſtitution of Government, be altered, yet the other ancient Laws Municipal, which concern our Rights, Liberties, Priviledges, and Properties, do remain entire unto the generality of the Nation (and they might be more ſenſible of the truth of this, did not the deſigns of diſturbers hinder the compleat enjoyment) or elſe will ſhortly be ſetled entire in that ſtate of Freedom which the Parliament is once again ſtrugling for againſt the common enemy. It is brutiſh therefore, to clamor and cry out, that the Laws of the Land are not maintained, when as onely the Law of that form of Government is aboliſhed, together with the Prerogative of the King, Priviledge of Peers, and the like, which were but the excreſcencies of Arbitrary power, which had (in a great meaſure) over-grown, not onely the Laws Municipal, concerning our Rights, Liberties and Properties, but exceeded alſo by uſurpation, the bounds of that very Law of the Kingdoms Conſtitution, upon which King and Peers themſelves had a ſtanding, and were to ſtand. To ſum up all in a word, the people have, or (if they would be pleaſed to ſettle) may and will more ſenſibly have their old Laws to be governed by, onely all the harm done is, That for the former Conſtitution or Form of Government, they have in their reach (and partly in poſſeſſion) a better, viz. A Fundamental Conſtitutional Law of Freedom, lawfully purchaſed by this Parliament, and by them ready to be ſettled unto us, and our Children after us.

There remain two Objections more uſed by our Author, and Mr. Prynne, and other Malecontents, Firſt, That this Parliament was actually diſſolved by the Protector. No ſuch matter, Ʋltra Peſſe non eſt Eſſe, he had no power to do it, therefore it could not be done by him. But you will ſay, We ſaw he had power that actually enabled him to effect the diſſolution.

To this I Anſwer, A Diſſolution it could not be, but (as now it is called) it is rightly termed onely An Interruption of its ſitting; for, in matter of power by Law, the Lawyers know well enough, it is a ſure Maxim, Id ſolum p ſſum quod jure poſſum, i. e. That a man can do nothing that is valid, but onely what he doth according to Law. Now then, if the Protectors Act of turning out the Parliament were a valid Diſſolution, it muſt have been ſo by ſome Law; and that Law muſt be either ſome Law of the Nation that enabled him to do it, or elſe it muſt be the Law of War. As to the former, it is evident he had no Law of the Nation to juſtifie the Action; and ſo, if any Law, it is that of War which muſt make it good. Now that he could not do it by the Law of War, is evident likewiſe, becauſe his Military capacity was derived from the Parliament, they (who had the whole Right of War in themſelves) having given him his Commiſſion to Militate for them (that is to ſay, for the people repreſented by them) and ſo he could not properly or lawfully Militate or uſe a Right of War againſt them, who had no lawful power but what he derived from them; whereby it being evident he could make no Legal Diſſolution of them, Ergo, By Law (notwithſtanding him) the Parliament remains in being, and the Soldiery having withdrawn the force that was over it, it followeth without ſtraining, That having never been lawfully diſſolved, they remain legally the ſame Parliament they were before.

Secondly, But there is a further Objection yet to be diſpatched, which is, That many of the Members of this Houſe having ſat intermediate Parliaments called by the Protector, have thereby acknowledged this Houſe was diſſolved by him.

1. The Anſwer to this is naturally conſecutive to the former, viz. that ſeeing the Parliament was ſtill in Being, being only ſuſpended for a time from the exerciſe of the ſupreme power, then all that was done in purſuance thereupon in reference to the exerciſe of ſupremacie, muſt in Law be void and null, and the intervening ſpace of time be reputed as a great Chaſma, a præternatural vacuity or dead Interval, wherein all the Acts of ſnpremacie, and matters relatiug thereto, that were uſed, became legally defunct as ſoon as they were done, coming into the world ſtill-born; and ſo thoſe Intervening Aſſemblies of the people, not having had the legal Force and vertue of Parliaments, they are now properly called Conventions for diſtinction ſake. Beſides as they were nothing in Law of themſelves (being creatures of another extraction) ſo he who created them by his own Power, preſently uncreated them to their firſt nothing, becauſe as he was a man of high courage and great ſpirit, he could not endure to ſee the work of his own hands riſe up and diſpute (as he conceived) againſt him

2. As to the ſitting of ſome Members of the preſent Parliament in thoſe intermediate Conventions, They did it, not as owning them for legal Parliaments, but ſat only in reſpect to the Intereſt of the people, who Originally and Fundamentally alwaies had and have a Right to meet to conſult for common Good; and if being under a Force, they be hindred that they cannot doe it as they ought and as they would, yet it alwaies concerns them to doe it as they can, and as they find Opportunity; upon this Account ſome of the Members did ſit in thoſe Conventions, with intent to have made uſe of thoſe Opportunities God did put into their hands for the Publick, yet without any further reſpect to the Power aſſumed to call them, than a mere appearance: For, in the firſt Convention, they preſently fell to claiming their Right in the behalf of the people, and ſo they did in all the following Conventions; for which cauſe ſecluſions were uſed againſt them. But ſome will ſay, if they did not own the Power, and thoſe to be Parliaments, why did they complain ſo much of their being then ſecluded, as an Infringement of the Peoples Right in Parliament? The Anſwer of this is reer of kind to the former; their Complaint concerning breach of priviledg, was not grounded upon ſuppoſition of any Right or priviledge of ſitting derived unto them from the Protectors writ of ſummons (for, they were alwaies ſo farr from acknowledging him, that they kept on foot a Continuall Claim, and thereupon oppoſed him to the utmoſt of their Power) but their Complaint of violation was grounded only upon that general Right inherent in the people, which is, if they cannot meet in a regular way, then (as I ſaid before) to doe it as they can, and as they find opportunity for aſſerting their own Rights; and ſo upon this Account it is, that being forced away from the meeting they might well complaine; that complaining muſt be conſtrued to be an effect of the ſence they had of the injury done to that general Right of the Peoples meeting, rather than a ſign of any acknowledgment of the Protectors power, or of thoſe Meetings to be Parliaments.

Laſtly, What if ſome Members of the preſent Parliament had acknowledged, or did acknowledge the power, ſummoning them to meet, and thoſe meetings to be Parliaments? yet that could be no prejudice to the whole Body of this Parliament now ſitting, becauſe a Body of Men remaining all in equal power and right, cannot be concluded by particular Acts done by ſome of their own number without conſent of the reſt; yea, if all of them at once had ſat in any one of thoſe Meetings, yet ſitting there but as an integral part of a Meeting, and not as a diſtinct Aſſembly, nor as the ſame entire Houſe of Parliament that they were before their Interruption; therefore nothing of this nature which they or any of them have done in other Conventions, ſince their Interruption, can be ſaid to be an Act done in their Free-State Parliamentary capacity becauſe that belongs onely to their whole Houſe and ſo the ſitting and acting of ſome part of them, cannot be interpreted Tantamount to a voluntary Diſſolution of this their Supream Aſſembly.

This being done, I might now fall upon the Adverſaries other Objections from the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacie and the Covenant and by Inferences drawn from their own principles here cited in this Section, confute all their pretences grounded upon thoſe Oaths, &c. But becauſe I have been already very much larger then at firſt I intended, let this one general Inference ſerve the turn, viz. That the Conſtitution of the Kingdom being extinct through the Kings own default, in relation to which only (as Mr. Baxter ſaith at the latter end of the ſame Book) we were by our ſeveral Obligations concerned to have reſpect to him while he kept within his Bounds; and a new Conſtitution of Government being now lawfully introduced (as hath been proved,) then (as may be collected out of the Royal Doctor Sanderſon's Book De Juramento) the Alteration being carried to ſuch a height, that neither the ſame perſon nor things are in being, which I ſware to maintain, the former Oaths are at an end, and the Obligation ceaſeth. And that this may be confirmed by one Witneſs more, take in Grotius alſo, who lib. 2 de Jur. bell. cap. 13. ſaith, An oath binds no longer, if the quality or condition of him to whom I ſware, be altered: As for example, if he that was a Magiſtrate ceaſe to be a Magiſtrate; as he muſt needs do (ſay I) who layeth claim to an old form of Government, after it and his own pretenſion is lawfully extinguiſhed, and another lawfully introduced in its place: which is the thing already ſufficiently proved by the preceding parts of this Section; and ſo all former Obligations to the late King and his Heirs become, upon that account, utterly void.

SECT. VIII.

Of the City of London.

LOndon, the Metropolis and Imperial Chamber of England! ſhe hath always been zealous and famous for the maintenance of Religion and Liberty; and if we look but twenty years backward, and conſider what vaſt ſums of money ſhe hath disburſed upon that account how liberal ſhe hath been of her own Blood in marching forth, and what bodies of men ſhe hath ſent abroad; how diligent and active, how reſolute and conſtant ſhe hath ſtood, in aſſerting the Cauſe Parliamentary, through various revolutions, to this preſent ſeaſon, againſt the late King and his party; and how victorious (by Gods own arm of Salvation) ſhe hath been on the behalf of the Commonwealth, I may without flattery ſay the Records of no City this day in Europe can in ſo ſhort a time ſhew more Triumphs of Honor, or greater Trophies of Renown than ſhe; and all theſe won from that Malignant and implacable party, who, whatever they may pretend, (both head and tail of them) do for theſe things moſt perfectly remember you, and look not on this or that party of men among you, but eye and hate your City quatenus London; London, that firſt beat them out of their Eſtates, and then took them into their own hands either upon Morgagemoney lent, or upon Purchaſe-money paid to enable them to pay their Compoſitions to the State; London, that began the War, as the King ſaid, and threatned them for it in his Declarations; but though in this I am able to acquit them, yet the Cavaliers, in reverence to their old Maſter will believe no body but him. They could not be ſo often tipling from time to time in your City, but you muſt needs have heard (when the Wine was in) all theſe things (with Curſes to boot) belched out concerning you. Which being ſo, take heed leaſt fits of the Spleen tranſport any part of you beyond your ſelves, to give an ear to them that with fair words (working upon diſcontent) do ſeek to enſnare you. Can London City think to thrive, while his Son ſhall fit upon the Throne, whoſe Father over and over declared it to be the beginner of the War?

Look into his Papers and Declarations in the Book of Collections, how he chargeth your City all along to be the place from whence the tumults ſprang which (he ſaith) forced him to go away from Whitehal, becauſe while he was there, he was in Danger of his Life (if we way beleeve him) and that out of the City the Five Members were guarded with Multitudes of armed men, and Ammunition, in a hoſtile and warlike manner to Weſtminſter; And how that near a hundred Lighters and long Boats were ſet out by water laden with Sacres, Murdering-pieces, and other Ammunition dreſſed up with M ſtclothes, and Streamers, as ready for Fight, and (ſaith the Declaration) they by water paſſed by our Windows as Whitehal, and ſcornfully asked, what was become of Ʋs (to wit the King) and whether we were gone? Alſo, in another Declaration, he ſets forth, how the City and their Lord Mayor ſent forth their Myrmidons to aſſault and terrifie the Members of both Houſes whoſe Opinions they liked not. In another Declaraion he proclaimeth, that ſuch of his Subjects as were dutiful and faithful to him, and labored for Peace, were reviled, injured and murthered even by the Magiſtrates of THAT CITY, or by their directions; In other Declarations he ſaid to this effect, that if they repented not then, they ought to look for no Favor; therein intimating, that a Revenge was due from him unto the City, if they proceeded any further. Page. 72. of that Book he ſignifieth, that the pride and power of the city was the means made uſe of to undo the Kingdom. And in his Letter to the City of London, dated from York, he tells them that if they did not then complie with him he was reſolved to proceed (when he ſhould be able) againſt the ſeveral Companies of the City (as oppoſers of his Authority) in the muſt exemplary way, AND QƲESTION THE CHARTER OF THE CITY. If theſe things were threatned when the Curſt Cow had ſhort Horns, what then may ye expect from his Son, and that party, if they (through the folly of any of you) ſhould gaine power into their hands?

Secondly, If not for your own ſakes, yet for Religions ſake, take heed what ye do. Ye have been (I know) a Religious zealous people, and upon that account ye were hated in the days of the Court; take heed that none of you be blinded by miſtaken Zeal, as well as paſſion, to run upon your own ruine; read over the Firſt, Second and Third Sections once again, and look before you leap ſeeing your Religion ſtands upon a precipice as well as your ſelves, if the yong man get in, who is heir to the principles as well as the pretenſions of his family: And what a friend that Family hath been to Religion, and its Profeſſors is worthy of your moſt ſerious conſideration Ifwe view them in their Engliſh Extraction, the Book of Martyrs will tell you how the Sluces of Blood were opened by King Henry and his Daughter Mary If we look on the Scotiſh ſide, it is ſad to conſider, how much blood was ſpilt by her of the Houſe of Lorraine, who was our King James his Grandmother She being gone, her Daughter (King James his Mother Mary a fierce Papiſt) ſucceeded, who after ſhe had maſſacred her own Husband (the Father of James) by poiſon, Gun-powder, and halter, for the love ſhe bare to Davie and Earl Bothwel (her Adulterers) perſecuted all of the Reformed Religion, endeavored to poiſon James her own Son, ſhed blood likewiſe by raiſing Civil War at home againſt her Proteſtant Subjects, and conſpired with forein Papiſts to deſtroy Queen Elizabeth: For all which God found her out, and gave her a due reward by the loſs of her head in Fotheringay Caſtle. The next was King JAMES, who wrote his Beati Pacifici in blood too: For, to ſay nothing of the death of Overbury, which blood he took upon himſelf by pardoning the Murtherers, nor of that of Raleigh (meerly to ſerve a turn of State) it is well known his ſon Henry came to an untimely death; and though it be not directly known by what hand he was taken away, yet (as a late Hiſtorian obſerves) there was a ſtrange connivence, and little mourning at Court after it was done. To theſe may be added (not unjuſtly) the Blood of the poor Proteſtants in Germany, which muſt be laid upon the ſcore of that Family; for, had K. James performed the duty of a good Proteſtant, or a loving Father, he might (if he had pleaſed) have preſently ſtopt the Iſſue that ran there 30 years together. I might inſiſt likewiſe upon his ſon the late Kings betraying the Proteſtant Cauſe alſo in Germany, and throughout France, eſpecially at Rochel, where, under a fained pretence of aſſiſting the Proteſtants with ſhips, &c. he gave order to his ſhipping to ſerve on the contrary ſide, to the utter ruine of that Cauſe and Party in France, and the loſs of many gallant Engliſh-men's lives by him expoſed to deſtruction; for, when Buckingham was queſtioned for it in Parliament, the King himſelf, to ſignifie to all the world, that what his Favorite had done was by his own approbation, ſtept between the Duke and the Parliament, and ſo took the guilt of all upon himſelf: All which moſt treacherous Actions towards them of our Religion abroad, were in thoſe daies, and have been ever ſince, reſented by all the Proteſtants throughout Europe, and the preſent excluſion of that Family is lookt on now by the moſt pious of the Nations round about, as a juſt recompence (which they have long expected) to fall from the hand of God upon the Family, for the Treachery of their Fathers toward his Church and people. But that which exceeds all compariſon, is their guilt in reference to the barbarous Maſſacre in Ireland. No more of this, but that it cannot be imagined, any Religious man who hath heard of theſe things, ſhould imbarque himſelf with ſuch a Family, the guilt whereof hath hitherto ſunk all the partakers I might likewiſe add the Negotiations of the Young man (that now is) with the Pope by his Agents at Rome, (Copies whereof I have by me in Italian, Latine, and French, and ſhall in due time publiſh them.)

Thirdly, if Religion cannot move ye, what thinke ye of your Liberties, and the Nations Liberties? Promiſes are but Baits that may draw you to the Net. The Chronicles will tell you, that when K. John had granted Magna Charta and Charta Foreſtæ, becauſe he could not help it, and 25 perſons were choſen as Truſtees for the people in the Government, yet the King after a ſhort time, worm'd them out of all power, and undid all that he had done before, and was revenged at laſt upon them all. The like miſery fell out by truſting Henry the Third, who having warred with his people, they got the better one while, and the another, and theſe viciſſitudes were frequent betwixt them; and all that the people gained by truſting him was the better learning of this Leſſon, Put no confidence in Princes; for at every turn, no ſooner did he by ſubtilty get the Power, but he fell heavy upon thoſe that had oppoſed him, eſpecially the Londoners, whoſe Charter he called in, and all his daies after made them examples of his vengeance; the like he did to the other Corporations. So Richard the ſecond, becau e the Londoners had oppoſed him, as ſoon as he got opportunity he cuſrtailed their priviledges, and placed continuall marks of his diſpleaſure upon them. I need not inſtance, how neer Edward the Firſt was to have burned the City upon the ſame account, after he had plagued it over and over, becauſe I would not be tedious in particulariſing theſe, or in citing other Inſtances out of our own ſtories; which every one may read at leiſure.

Fourthly, admit that Charls himſelf would be (of his own inclination) better than his Predeceſſors, yet his party are hungry, and will not be ſatisfied: And he having occaſion to uſe them, muſt not denie them their pleaſure, but muſt (above all things) keep his own party in heart, elſe they will not be firm to him, and ſo he may be expoſed to danger from all other parties, whom it will be his Intereſt to hold under, that they may never be in condition again to lift him out of the ſaddle. No doubt but he and they will remember his Fathers words in a particular manner, [The pride and power of the City of London.]

Fifthly, as to the pretended Title of this young man, pray you what is it? It will be found upon ſearch, like all the reſt of the Titles founded upon uſurpation, one after another, ſince the Conqueſt. If we look up to Henry the Seventh, its original, there will be little cauſe to admire it; for, he only deſcended from a Baſtard of John of Gaunt, who, though ligitimated for Common Inheritances, yet was expreſly excluded by Law from Succeſſion to the Crown: And as for his Wives Title, you know he never thought that worth the uſing; and yet from this ſpurious ſlip of the Lancaſtrian Root it was, that King James derived his Claim, and that but collaterally or at Second Hand, being (in effect) a meer Stranger in blood to the Engliſh; whereupon we may juſtly wonder, what Policy guided this Nation in thoſe days, when it ſo ſtrangely bowed down its Neck to the Yoak of a Stranger. But, admit this Title had been without Flaws in its derivation, yet this Man's Fathers Treaſons and his own (as is proved in the former Section) have moſt deſervedly cauſed the cutting off the Entaile. Beſides, it is evident, what a Governor for you this Pretender would prove, who ſuckt in his Fathers Principles with his Mothers milk, hath been bred up under the Wings of Prelacie and Popery, and as he ſuck't both breſts heretofore, ſo he hangs upon them both at this very day; One who from the beginning was engaged againſt the Cauſe of the Commonwealth, and your City, and who hath the ſame Counſellers his Father had (beſides a more intimate acquaintance acquired beyond Sea with the Jeſuits) to remember him both of the old Deſigne, and the ways to effect it; one who hath been bedabled in the Blood of England, Scotland and Ireland, and hath both his Father's and his own Scores to clear out of your Purſes, and hath long made it his Buſineſs to cajole and cheat all parties, in hope thereby to get in upon us, with a deſperate Rabble at his heels to execute his Revenges. What ſhall we ſay then of ſuch men, that now make ſhipwrack of their own Principles, to ſeek to let him in, and would be opening ſluces of blood out of their Countrimen and neareſt Relations, for the Intereſt of their own and the publick Enemy?

Laſtly, as to what concerns your Trade, its eaſie to gueſs what will become of that, when it ſhall be counted Reaſon of State to keep you poor and low. For the inference is ready at hand for him; viz. That if the Father complained of Pride and Power in you, and hath recorded that from thence proceeded the firſt Cauſes of his ruine, then the ſon is concerned to pull down your pride, (if I may uſe the Royal phraſe) and hold a ſtrong hand over you. And how do you think Trade can thrive upon his reſtitution? when (as you may read in the third, fourth and fifth Sections) there will be a neceſſity of trebling Taxes, and perpetuating of them paſt remedie, to maintaine another kind of Army than we have now, to tame diſſenting Parties, and to keep the Nation in an aſinine poſture of ſubmiſſion to bear all burthens that ſhall be laid either upon the Eſtate or the Conſcience, by the Lords of the Court, and the Lordanes of Epiſcopacie. As Trade therefore is the particular Intereſt of your City, ſo be wary, that the want of it at preſent do not irritate you to fall out with the publick Intereſt of your Country; but remember, that it being once ſetled, Trade and all other Concernments will ſoon flouriſh again; and that the way to ſettlement muſt be (as our Author well ſaid) by giving ſatisfaction to all parties, which (as I have before manifeſted from his own words) cannot be expected from C Stuart and his party, but may and will be eaſily had from the way of a free Commonwealth; ſo that all we have to doe is, to ſtick cloſe to the Parliament, that they may be enabled to eſtabliſh it, and employ our utmoſt to keep him out, becauſe otherwiſe war will follow, and that will inevitably bring on a deſtruction of Trade, with the ruine of Religion, Liberty, and your Renowned City; All which may proſper, if ye pleaſe: 'Tis you that have given all this Pail of good Milk; and what a thing would it be, that any of you ſhould aim to kick it down in the dirt!

En quò diſcordia Cives Perducet miſeros! Weſtminſter, Aug. 12. 1669.
FINIS.