THere was never any age before this, in which writing was so much in fashion, Scribimus indocti doctique; so as it should seem, there is a certain Letchery in Scribling; to which I fear, Mr. William Prynne of Lincolns Inne Esquire, is not a little given. For how much Paper he hath spoyled in this kinde, I leave to the judgment of all men that are not (as he) pretenders onely, to learning. When this disease first took him, he chose to make the Hierarchy his enemies, afterward the King, the Queen, and all the Court at a time; when neither his Pen nor sufferings (were he the man he would be thought) could ad­vantage the godly party. His Books were then as they are now, stuft with non-sence, railing, impro­per Instances misunderstood, and mis-applyed Au­thorities; onely he was ever most careful of a gin­gling Title, as unlovely love locks, unhealthy drinking of healths, &c. And indeed, this may be said for him, His whole Book is suitable to his Title. For writing these Books, he suffered very much; and truly (as I think) not altogether undeservedly; for it cannot appear to any reasonable man, that he brought himself into all his troubles, otherwise then following his own wicked spirit of contradiction. For the Parliament as soon, almost, as they were met [Page 3]together, sent for him (then a Prisoner,) they review all proceedings both in the High Commission Court, and Star Chamber against him, they vote them illegal, they restore what they can; his Liberty: but in­stead of his Ears (they being irrecoverable) he is voted 5000 l.

A man might now without fear of being judged rash, ingage himself for this mans honesty to the Parliament; but as a Dog to his Vomit, he returns to scribling, and having catcht at the desires of wise­men (who admitted him, because of his sufferings to their company) fit some yeers after for publication, he not being able to hold any longer, untimely ac­quaints the people with what they were not then enabled to understand; by which means, divers persons staggering betwixt honesty and malignancy, quite fell off; and many others pretty well inclined to the publike, began to waver: and thus fitted for temptation, soon found an opportunity of departing from us. Thus was the common enemy furnisht with friends, by the folly and letchery of writing of M. William Prynne, and his companions, and put into a better condition of rebelling against the Parliament, then otherwise he could have been.

The Wars begun, the Parliament seems some­thing too strong for the King; the Scots in consider­ation of a great sum of money, present us with a cheat, which they call a Covenant, divers honest men discovering the snare, avoyd it. Heres an op­portunity for the Crop-Eared Lawyer; he sees the Parliament breaking into faction, and now he lays about him. First, he writes for the Scotch Eccle­fiastick Government in England, and within six [Page 5]weeks (in maner) against it: The two Factions ob­tain names of Independent and Presbyterian, (which is malignant jure divino,) he now calls them by their names, and rayls at them one after another (till within these twenty months (or thereabouts) he hath contented himself to rayl onely on one side.) This humor of his puts me in minde of a Gentle­man that was as nimble with his sword, as this Mr. William with his Pen. It happened that two set up­on one; this blade taking pleasure in fighting, draws, and takes part with the single man: now they are two to two. It fell out, that two men, friends to the single man come by, and seeing their friend ingaged, take part with him; the contentious Gen­tleman seeing that, goes over to the other side, and making them three to three, fights as eagerly as before.

Were we so happy, as to close up all breaches, and that all parties were now resolved into one, this Mr. Prynne would singly oppose the whole Com­mon-Wealth, and rayl, as dogs bark against the Moon.

Should the Apostles come from Heaven, sent thence to institute a Government, Mr. Prynne would dissent from, and wrangle with them. I cannot therefore choose but wonder, that he should be so much troubled at his sufferings, especially at his present imprisonment: since, if he have but so much time as to look into himself seriously, he must needs finde that he can live in no place, nor in any age, but that he must suffer. For making his Protestation, and Printing it, I blame him not; for I beleeve he could not wellavoyd it, his fit thentaking [Page 6]him, which must have its course; but that he should so much complain of his former sufferings, is a non-sence (though non-sence be natural to him) that be­comes him not. His business is to write lyes in the Name of the Lord, as the Priests of that Sect Preach. To rayl, to jeer at Saints, being a name, in which he is uninterested, and misapply Scripture. By these marks (as himself, by his no Ears) hath his stile been hitherto known. I shall not advise him against writing, it being as necessary as meat and drink, a thing without which, he cannot live. But I would advise his Readers, to read him as they would read or hear a tale of Oyster women soolding with each other at Billings-Gate.

That his Books can be of no advantage to the people in generall, nor particularly to any person, is most plaine in themselves: for he doth not only make one discourse contradict another (which might be excused by his naturall infirmitie of being inconstant) but even the same discourse contradict it selfe. Besides, his scope is not to informe, but ca­lumniate, to cast dirt in the face (though if he throw it, it can stick no where long) of some one or more men; and commonly he picks out the honestest and most faithfull persons too, nay, saviours of the Common-wealth; Witnesse his Protestation, in which he endeavours, through the sides of Sir Har­dresse Waller, and Colonell Pride, to wound the whole Army, by whose valour the Common-wealth is safe, and from whom only a safe and wel-grounded peace may be hoped for, and expected. He complaines in his Protestation, that comming to the House of Commons to discharge his duty (his spleen [Page 7]he meant) for which reason he bought his mem­bership twentie pounds cheaper then Thomas Tem­ple, (as Master Harris told him) He was the sixt of December last stopped on the staires, neare the dore of the Commons House, and that ever since he hath been restrained of his liberty, which he calls a breath of Parliament Priviledge. I did intend to have given Mr. Prynne a particular answer, but because divers other gentlemen are involved in the same case with Mr. Prynne, I shall therefore give no other; Then (as briefly as may be) to shew that the Army was necessitated to what they have done, and that the people could be no other way made safe, lying then upon the brincks of ruine. The King (to whom the very name of Parliament was alwayes hatefull) having so much discontented all his people, that in Scotland an Army was raised against him, which he knew not how to oppose (the English looking upon them as friends, and fellow sufferers) as his last refuge; (finding no other way to secure him­selfe) calls this Parliament: for which, as soone as they meet together, they give him humble thankes, they bring him bills, which he (not da­ring to denie) signes and assents to, and with such humble reverence make their addresses to him, as if he were as much better then the best, as he is worse then the worst of his Ancestors. The King finding how weak adversaries he had to deale with, conceives new hopes of doing mischiefe, he tam­pers with divers men in the House of Commons, he corrupts some of the most eminent, as the Lord George Digby, Sir John Culpepper, with some others, but finding notwithstanding their Revolt, his par­tie [Page 8]in Parliament not strong enough to carrie on his base designes, he flies to other practizes; he deales first with the English Army, and that plot disco­vered, with the Scots, to destroy the Parliament, and for their reward to take the plunder of London.

This failing, he urgeth earnestly to disband the Scotch Army only, in which prevailing, he, against the Counsell of both Houses, in haste takes a jour­ney into Scotland, there he contrives two plots, the one of which tooke effect; the most horrid and bloudie that ever any age was witnesse to, the Irish Massacre, and Rebellion, acted by his Commissi­on, which was sealed in his owne presence, and sent into Ireland, as is confest by a Scottish gentleman, in a book called Truth its manifest.

Having done his worst in Scotland, he returnes to London, and is received by the Citizens in triumph; his hopes are every day more and more confirmed: Some young gentlemen of the Innes of Court, with a number of dissolute, needie, and debaucht Souldiers, and men of broken fortunes flock to White-hall.

Thus attended, he enters the House of Com­mons, and had he found them there, he had taken away five of their members; the next day he goes into London, and makes a faire speech, but obtaines no beliefe; He then goes to Hampton Court, sends for some Aldermen, whom he endeavours to make his friends, them he Knighted, and gave order to be sent home so drunke, that their heads aking the next morning, all but Sir John Gaire, repenting their friendship, never did his Majestie any service. From thence he goes to Dover with the Queen, whom he [Page 9]sends into the Low-Countries to pawne the Crowne Jewels, and then flies into open Rebellion.

The Parliament (though all his machinations and plots are discovered to them) seeke no way of remedy, but by Petition, (meanes very unlikely to worke upon his nature) till they were necessitated to take up Armes; and when they are to declare it to the Kingdome, they cant, and tell them, it is for the defence of the King and Parliament. Had they had but so much courage, as to have informed the Common wealth of the Kings guilt, and that his owne faults might have been written in his owne forehead, not an evill Councell (a thing without body or soule, an empty name, the old grave mens harmelesse bugbeare) the King either had not found so many abettors, or the Parliament had been able in a few moneths to have crusht all his forces, and to have brought himselfe to Justice.

In this canting course they steere the Common wealth, from the beginning of the yeare 1642. to the end of 1644. both sides seeming so equally strong, that (but for the cause) there was scarce any advantage discoverable: The Parliament new modell their Army, and in the meane time treate at Ʋxbridge. The treaty ended without successe, the new Modell goes on; Sir Thomas Fairfax is made General. The words, For preservation of the Kings person are not inserted in his Commission, the King is now a common Rebell; we have now an Enemy to fight with, and see how God blesseth us upon it.

They meet no Enemyes in the field, but they beat them (not as in the time of the old Generall, that [Page 10]fought drawn battles (with no more advantage, then might occasion a City feast) counting it a victory not to be beaten) they come before no Town, but they take it in; and in less then eighteenth months reduce all England and Wales to obedience.

The King thus broken in all places (least the har­rast Countrey should enjoy the benefit of Peace (which he might then have made) and miserable Ireland obtain relief) falls again to plotting.

A little before the siege of Oxford, in a disguise, with one or two, he rides through Norfolk and Suf­folk, endeavoring to raise new Commotions; but the Gentlemen of that Countrey, taking warning by other mens compositions, that designe came to nothing, so he leaves them, and commits himself to the Scotish Army. After some money paid, the Scotch, his Countreymen (knowing him too well, to care for his company, even in their own Land) de­liver him up to the Parliament. They, as men that never stated any quarrel, and could not tell what to have, if God should give them victory, having him now in their hands, know not what to do with him, They bring him to Holdenby, and put him into a con­dition of making all Knaves that come neer him; in a short time he administred, and sent (by his several Agents) so much poyson to the Parliament, that had it not pleased God to strengthen the hearts and hands of the Army, he had been a yeer and a half since restored to his place and power; and by this time, those few that had survived, had been the unhappy witnesses of a miserable Land.

For Mr. Denzil Hollis, who was long since touch­ed and infected by the King, and the disease being [Page 11]contagious, had in time infected divers of his com­pany, as Sir William Waller, Sir Philip Stapleton, and many others, (they together making up a Commit­tee of eleven, besides my Lady Carlile) plotted and contrived to restore the King upon his own conditi­ons: To which purpose they consider of how little the King may offer the Parliament, and how able they should be to perswade them that those offers were satisfactory; in hast they send Letters to the Queen, and in them their opinions, how the Com­mon-wealth might be cheated; she returns their Papers, with amendments, which they send to the King; who (following their advice) sends to the Parliament a Message, the twelf of May, 1647. Which caused all that Petitioning, and all those tumults which followed immediately after; forcing into the very house of Commons, compelling the Speaker to put what questions they pleased, and the Houses to vote them.

Upon these just fears (there being no other re­fuge) the honest Members of each House fly to the Army, the Army receive them, and marching up to London, reseat them in their several Houses, and return to quarter, as before, in the Countrey, every day drawning further from London, least they might seem to be a force upon the Parlia­ment.

The Parliament now freed from tumults, and the Heads of that Faction which had so long hin­dered Peace, fled into parts beyond the Seas, it was hoped that we might see an happy end of all our troubles. The Parliament consider of Condi­tions of Peace to be sent to the King, and accord­ingly [Page 10] [...] [Page 11] [...] [Page 12]send them to Hampton Court; but he refuseth them, and in hopes of doing mischief (which is the ground-work of all his designes) puts on a new disguise, and goes to try his fortune in the Isle of Wight; whither also they follow him with Propo­sitions for Peace: But he being vir sanguinum, will have no Peace, unless such an one, as may put him into a capacity of being heavier upon the people, then a continued War.

Hereupon, the Parliament Vote no more Ad­dresses to the King; the Army hearing of their Vote, ingage themselves to live and dye in maintain­ing it.

The eyes of all good men are now upon the Parliament, hoping to see the Common-wealth settled in a short time. But the Malignants having shaken hands with the Malignants jure divino, con­trive a new War, which begins with Petitioning, the Counties of Bucks, Surrey, Essex, and Kent, ply the Parliament with Malignant Petitions. Wales without that formality flies into actual Rebellion: This occasions the dividing of the Army; to each party of which, it pleased God to give such victory, as that his own hand was more especially seen in every one of them.

The Army now wholly imployed, the Malignant party of both Houses send divers of their Members of the honest party into their several Countreys, under pretence of suppressing Insurrections: And now (being able to Vote what they list) they call home, and restore to their places in Parliament, Mr. Hollis, Sir Iohn Clotworthy, and eight more, whom they had not long before expelled the House, as [Page 13]guilty of high Treason, and other misde­meanors.

Now they may truly be called the Kings two Houses, and as diligently act his part, as if it were their own; onely this misfortune intervened, the Countreys being a little beaten, inclined generally to peace; and the honest Members had leasure to attend the service of the House (a rub not easily to be removed.) However they continue their endea­vors; and since they can work it no more to their advantage, they Vote a Personal Treaty with the King in the Isle of Wight.

In this condition was the Parliament, from the beginning of the last Rebellion, to the coming in of the Army.

In publike Affairs, the King had bought the greatest part, in private their particular Clyents; no Justice could be had at any Committee, nor in the House it self, without money (except for Malig­nants of one sort or the other,) Venalis curia Patrum.

The Writs that were sent into Cornwal, under the Parliaments Seal, for Election of Burgesses, brought up a great number of Malignants to the House; for the Gentry of that County (who rule the people as slaves) having engaged in the Rebellion (and there­fore uncapable of being chosen) sold places to men ill-affected, for as much money as they could get. A Gentleman going to Mr. Harris, and acquainting him with his desires to serve in Parliament, received this Answer, That he knew not of any Burrough that was unprovided; but if any such there were, it could not now be had for a hundred pounds. To [Page 14]live under such a supreme power, is such a Tyranny, as never any English man was yet acquainted with.

And this Parliament must continue till it be dis­solved by Act: At the time when the Act was past for continuing the Parliament, till it should be dis­solved by Act, They had furnished the Kings neces­sities, they had removed that War which the King by his injustice had drawn upon the English Nation, they paid the Army which he had raised, they had contracted several great publike Debts, for which they could have no other security; as also that grievances should be redrest: they by reason of those troubles which the King still gave them, not having time sooner to consider of them: Besides, the Parliament was then honest, fit to reform, which it was not now, at the time when the Army came into London. If it be a sin in a particular person to neglect an opportunity of doing good, it is much more a sin in this Army, whom God hath owned so wonderfully in all their Actions, and whom (I am confident) he hath raised to do this work. It is (therefore) ignorance or malice in them, that pub­likely write and prate in Pulpits, and at other meet­ings, That it is a great Breach of Parliament privi­ledg, to stop the Members going into the House to discharge their duty: Had it been to discharge their duty to the Countreys and Towns, for which they were elected, they had not been stopt. But Mr. Prynne, and the rest of his imprisoned friends came with no such intention; they came to serve the common enemy, and to deserve at his hands the Offices, and such other things as he hath promised [Page 15]them, and would, should he be inthroned, cheat them of, except he chance to finde a knave or two amongst them, more able to help him in cousening the people, then those fellows whom he had earlier engaged in that employment. They indeed may live gallantly, and enjoy every thing but a good conscience; and dying, shall leave their children a rich inheritance of slavery and thraldom.

For my part, I honour Parliaments so long as they Act in Order to the publique good: But if, like standing pooles, they only gather mudd and filth, I thinke it very fit to cleanse them. This trouble the Army hath taken upon them, which if they had not done, this Nations ruine had been unavoidable. Can it be thought that the King likes the Conditi­on that he is in? or that he tooke it kindly to be beaten? or that he hath already forgotten his over­throwes? and that he may in a moneth or two, be­ing restored to liberty with honour, safetie, and freedome, forget his present imprisonment? Are not his Letters of most concernment printed by Or­der of Parliament, to his perpetuall dishonour? Votes past against any more addresses, his wife charged with high Treason, his revenue seized, &c. Are these such provocations as may be easily forgotten? In the tenth yeare of Richard the se­cond, the Duke of Glocester, unckle to the King, the Earle of Arundell, the Earle of Warwick, with o­thers raise Armes to redresse grievances (this Army doth lesse, and may doe more) they call a Parlia­ment, (this Army may as lawfully (if it be for the peoples good, and no other way be found) dis­solve a Parliament,) trie Delinquents, and bring [Page 16]them to punishment, (Kindred in either house was no reprieve.) The King after this seemes to forget all; all is kindnesse betwixt him and those Lords, till the 18th. yeare of his Raigne, when he calls a Parliament, overaweth them with an Army, en­forceth them to recall his Charters of pardon, puts his Unckle to death at Callis, without any forme of Tryall, beheads Arundell, and banisheth Warwick into the Isle of Man.

Better things are not to be expected from this King.