A LETTER Farther and more fully Evidencing the Kings stedfastnesse in THE Protestant Religion, Written by Mounsier de l'Angle Mi­nister of the Protestant Church at Roven in FRANCE to a Friend of his in LONDON.

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London, Printed by A.W. for Joshua Kirton at the Queens Arms in St. Pauls Church-Yard. 1660.

THe reverend Author judgeing it fit, and to good purpose to publish this Letter of his in France, both for the comforts and undeceiving of the Protestants of that Nation, in that great scandal cast on the King of Eng­land, as inclining to the Church of Rome; which scandal though it be now fully cleared, and made evident as our Author saith, that it came from Hell, so that it might seem to no purpose to pub­lish any farther vindication of his Majesty here­in. Yet the same reasons mentioned before for publishing of the original, together with the gra­vity of the Author, who is one of the ancientest Preachers in France, and the fulness of the Let­ter, wherein are many things not commonly known, were strong inducements for publishing this trans­lation, [Page]whereby all true English men and Pro­testants may also receive much comfort, and all prejudice removed from their hearts, who in the least doubt of the sincerity of the King, concerning the Religion he professeth.

A Letter of M. de l'Angle, Divine, to a friend concerning the Religion of the Serene King of England.

SIR;

TOgether with all known good men, I praysed God, when I understood the proceedings in Engl. tended to the re­establishment of your King; and again, I glorify'd him, for the evidence appears that he will have compassion on that miserable Kingdom, long known to me, and whereas you well know I did for some years preach the Gospel to a people that lov'd me, and in whom I observ'd much of piety. 'Tis true, the people, whereof the state at present is compos'd, make up a various co­loured garment, which God in his Law allows not of; And this prodigious compound of Frogs and Gras­hoppers, [Page 2]that is, the Sectaries, which cover allmost all England, made me feare the wrath of God would not long forbear this desolate Nation.

But God, who is rich in mercy, who for the sake of ten righteous, would have pardoned Sodom, hath yet more inclination to pardon his Hierusalem, for the pious multitude in the mid'st of it, who sincerely love God, and by whom his holy name is called on, especially I had a confidence that first or last the Presbyterians, those who at present make the strongest party in great Britain, would by examples of loyalty, when God should afford them opportu­nity, clear themselves of the infamy they are blasted wi [...]h, for being complices in the death of King Charles of blessed and glorious memory. And that to those of our Religion would be restored the glory. Cardinal Ossat in one of his Epistles ingeniously acknow­ledgeth our due, that is, never to have attempted the life of our Soveraignes, how cruel so ever they have been to us; and notwithstanding the massacres upon those of our Religion by their orders, these or such like are the Cardinals own words.

Whereupon Sir, I shall tell you that discoursing some dayes since with a person of Judgement, and one fearing God, of the state of your affairs, and par­ticularly of those affairs in this conjuncture so cross for the King, that seem to obstruct his re-establishment, we concluded that amongst others, two grand Obsta­cles concurr'd to hinder it, which would infallibly succeed, could they be taken away.

The first is, the apprehension that the Presbyterians, who only are capable to bring this about, in behalf of [Page 3]the Church and State, may have, that the King di­stastes them, holding them guilty of the parricide of the King his Father, as some have endeavoured to perswade him; some out of malice to foment an ir­reconcilible misunderstanding betwixt the King and his best Subjects, and so to order it, that they may ne­ver hereafter have confidence in each other. Others out of unadvisedness, being misinform'd in the re­ality of that said story, as the late Salmasius in his Apologie for the King of England, where this great person exasperates himself with a false generosity, when he declares he was not born for compliance, whereof no man ever suspected him, and that he spares neither brother, nor best friend, where he finds them deviated from their duty.

The other obstacle we judged to withstand the Kings re-establishment, is a perswasion that the ene­mies of Protestant Religion, and the King of England have sowed amongst many, that the King is not of the Religion he professeth, but that he concurs with Rome, wherewith he hath private engagements, in a word, that he is a Papist.

To take away the first obstacle, I shew'd this good man a letter I sometime wrote to Salmaslus, of whom I spake concerning his Apologie, which he did me the honour to send me. In this letter where I shew'd him that as Jacob said to Reuben his first-born,Gen 49. he was unstable as water, and should not excel; I have so evidently clear'd the Presbyterians of the injury he did them, and with reasons so considerable, that the person to whom I communicated them, thought it fit the letter should be published; whereto I willingly [Page 4]consented, judging the Letter would come forth to purpose, and in season.

But the posture wherein at present I view them, and the affection they testifie to their Prince, justi­fies them above all the reasons I alleadg'd, and if their great and glorious designe succeeds, as the re­formed Churches in all parts of the Wrold evident­ly pray, like Moses lifting up their hands, till God makes this happy day shine from above; their inno­cense will appear so manifest, that Calumny it self will not dare to attempt it. For what man of reason sees not that if their hearts condemn'd them, and that they were conscious of this crying sin, they would not be cautious of procuring the Kings return, since they must needs have cause to fear he should retain an immortal resentment; and though for a time find­ing their party, as the sons of Zerviah, too strong and potent for him, he dissembles the indignation conceiv'd in his heart, they must alwaies think he would make them feel the effects when time should favour him.

And this argument is confirmed by the example of the Sectaries, who fearing their hands should be found stain'd with the blood that cries so loud, apprehend the Kings re-establishment as a sad day for them; when this Prince may treat them in such termes, as he, of whom the Scripture tells us, did those who re­volted from their obedience, and that in his just re­sentments: he saith not, Bring me hither these my ene­mies which would not that I should raign over them; Though to deale ingeniously, I believe their fear will be their only punishment, and I am confident he is a [Page 5]Prince, who will do by his subjects as Joseph did by his bretheren, and as he had respect to the desires of his dying father Jacob, to pardon his bretheren, and not regard the evil they had done him, that so the King by the example of the sonne of God, by whom he shall raigne, God assisting, may make grace abound where sinne abounds, and in observance of the King his Fathers sage and Christian advice brought him by some that attended at his death, which were to par­don his people, and with a general Oblivion prevent their cries and lamentations.

But the other Obstacle stands yet, and is of more importance: that is, the Calumny taken upon trust from hand to hand, that the King is of the Roman Re­ligion, and will soon make it appear, when he gets the raines of the Realme in his hands, Sir, Upon this point I must tell you, that some yeares since this slan­der sprung from Hell, I have made it my work to know the truth, have us'd all sorts of means to disco­ver what his heart was as towards God; and if he were such as he was represented to me. For this cause I followed him with a vigilant eye all the time he stay­ed in France after the battel he lost against Cromwell, and again after he retired to Bruxells.

And that which drew me to this curiosity, was not the tenents of those, who hold, that if the King prove not of the Protestant Religion, we are not onely to abandon his Interests, but with our power to oppose his return to the Crown; for I have not so learned Christ; nor can I be perswaded that because a man is not of our opinion in matter of Religion, it is a sufficient title to deprive him of his Right: and I wil­lingly [Page 6]leave those deformed opinions that overturn the foundations of States, and render Chhristian Religion incompatable with all the Polices of the Universe, to such extravagant brains as hold the earth belongs pro­perly to the Saints, such as they take themselves to be, and that the portion which every one, who is not of the fraternity of these fanatick spirits, enjoys, is detain'd by injustice, and absolute usurpation. And by Con­sequence I cannot imagine the people of England were well principalled, to cast their naturall Prince out of his Kingdom, under colour that he was of a religion con­trary to theirs. For, I know amongst the people of God there was never any such practice. And, that under all the legall dispensation since the state of the Jewes was devolv'd into the hands of Kings, the people never rose against their Prince for his Ido­latry, but when oblig'd by expresse command from God.As that gi­ven to Jehu. And since Jesus Christ came upon earth, the Christians that first embrac'd his Doctrine, ne­ver esteem'd Idolatry, wherewith their Soveraigns were infected, sufficient to discharge them from their obedience. The example of Julian the A­postate is in this decisive, who revolting from Christianisme, and becoming an Apostate, and plunng'd in Pagan Idolatries, and by this means had return'd the Empire, which by a singular providence of God was fallen into the hands of Christians, to the enemies of Christ an Religion, yet receiv'd still homage from the Christians of those times, who bore their yoke with humility, because 'twas God that laid it on them.

And it clearly appear'd this submission of the [Page 7]Church was acceptable to God, by his timely relea­sing them from the persecution of this powerfull and malicious enemy: for this change was but like a storm that soon is over, and as a cloud, as an Anci­ent calls it, which for a time ecclips'd the glory of the Christian Church, but by the good providence of God was dispersed in the turning of a hand, and the Empire restor'd to Christian Princes, who set the Church in her luster again.

'Tis true that in our age that unfortunate faction call'd the League, stirred up by that spirit well known to all, insolently publish'd that pernicious heresy, that a Prince no sooner with Rome, but he loses his Rights to his Crown; and that the greater part of France poyson'd with this pernicious beleif, us'd their utmost endeavours to have hinder'd Henry the great from ascending the Throne, which he and his Posterity have since so gloriously enjoy'd. But this doctrine went against the haire with all the good people of those times, both of the one and the other Religion, and numbers of honest men set their tongues, their pens, and their swords, to work to maintain the Justice of that glorious Monarch, and beat back this dangerous Maxime down to Hell, where doubtlesse 'twas first contriv'd.

'Twas not then, Sir, for that I had the least thought the Re-establishment of the King of England in his Pa­ternall inheritance ought to depend on his Religion, and that if I found he were imbu'd with the errours of the Roman Church, I should have judg'd him incapa­ble of that high dignity; but for satisfaction of my self and all good people, to the end, that if according to [Page 8]the forejudgment I had allready in favour of his Re­ligion, which he deriv'd by tradition from his father of blessed memory, to the constant profession whereof he exhorted him at his death, I found him according to my hopes, my joy might be accomplisht, and I might spread the rumour every way, where I thought the welcom news might conduce to the procuring Justice for the best cause on earth, and that if amongst his subjects that differ in this poynt from the common sense of our Churches, which allmost unanimously will have us give to Caesar what belongs to Caesar, to Caesar I say, as to Caesar only, and not for that he is a Protestant Caesar, they may learn that their King is doubly the Annoynted of the Lord, and persectly of the quality, they wish him, and so there is nothing why they should not joyn with all other good subjects in the designe they appear to have of rein-throning him: since not only, there is no reason to oppose it, but more, there is not any pretence for it with the least colour of Justice.

To proceed, I learn for certain, he adher'd in his heart to the Protestant Religion, for as much as man can judge of the profundity of that part: I had it from such as have the honour to be near his person. I am assur'd of it by the testimony of Mr. Long who had a share in the weighty affayres of the late Charles the first, and of this likewise, and who was one of those attended him in his voyage to Scotland: A gentleman of an Excellent spirit, not easily to be tax'd with any thing, but a person of great integrity, and who for those many yeares he liv'd amongst us was an excee­ding help to our Church, by his constant frequenting [Page 9]of Sermons, and all acts of Piety can be required of a man fearing God; and who for my particular highly oblig'd me, not thinking me unworthy of his conver­sation, nor the honour of his friendship. He in the pri­vacy of our most intimate communications, hath a hun­dred times protested to me, that the King of En­gland in the bottom of his heart is of our Religion, and was assur'd the Church of God would ackowledge him, and the time should come she would hold him her most precious Ornament. 'Tis true, this Gentle­man hath his soul transfixt with the love of his King, but I am certain he hath a greater love to Truth, and would not affirm a falshood so constantly & with such affeveration for all the Crowns on earth.

I know likewise what he appear'd in this Town, which was one of his first retreats after his defeat at Worcester, and that all his discourse with those who had the honour to converse with him, came from a heart sanctifi'd with the truth of the Gospel. He spoke the very Language of Canaan, he reprov'd such as mur­mur'd, with David he conceal'd his deplorable condi­tion, Because 'twas God that did it. To some pious per­sons, friends of mine he shew'd divers excellent pray­ers for his divine entertainments, accommodated to the present estate he was reduc'd to. All his discourses were season'd with nothing but faith, humility, pa­tience, and absolute resignation to the will of God, who thrones, and dethrones Kings, as it pleases him, who girds them with the sword; but when he pleases to manifest his judgements, cryes over their Crowne, Subversion, Subversion. But by these discourses it ap­pears, that he gather'd great hopes of unexpected re­covery [Page 10]in the mercies of God; who, when he will, can raise with as great celerity as throw down, and when he pleases changes our Desarts into Carmel.

In a word, all that came near him, observ'd a great soul not to be dejected by affliction, who with a spirit perfectly noble & Christian fustain'd himself in God, to whom he resign'd his person and all his interests, and, who with the same devotion kiss'd the hand of God that came to take off his Crown with his Fathers head, as hereafter he will kisse it again when he shall please to restore it. Now Sir, 'tis not unknown to you, that none but the true Religion gives this temper, and none but the pure Gold stands the tryal of this teste. And as in Daniel, he who walked in the midst of the Fur­nace was known by his gate to be the sonne of God; certainly he hath little skill in men that could not ob­serve his carriage in these times of tryal to be the car­riage of a true child of God, and say of him, Thou art a Galilean, for thy language shews it.

Afterwards I am assur'd, he testified great affecti­on to such Pastors as had the honour to salute him in France, and by the Lady Isabella, daughter to the Earle of Holland, when she took her leave of him at Amiens, he sent to me to remember him in my prayers, which must not be attributed to any con­verse I have had with this Prince; for I protest be­fore God I never had any, that I never saw, nor spake to him, and that I have no engagement with him, nei­ther real, nor verbal, nor of personal hope, and though I wish him all happenesse imaginable, I neverthelesse expect not any thing from him, But I believe some ac­cidental occasion brought may name to his eare, and [Page 11]hearing I was Pastor of a populous Church, he was pleased to testifie by this obliging request, he was of the same Communion with me.

Again, I know him to be as you and I wish him out of the attests of his own Ministers, Doctor Cosins amongst the rest, a person venerable both for Doctrine and Piety. And by the testimony of the Messieurs Breuins and Durel, both eminent Pastours, really na­tive subjects of the King of England, and who are ho­nour'd with a share in his favours. But I have so thorough a knowledge of them, and so well know the candour and love they bear the Truth, which they teach with such happy successe; one with the Prince of Turenne, the other with the Duke De la Force, that I admire with as great acquiescence as a thing I had seen with my eyes, or touch'd with my hands, what they have oftentimes affirm'd to me, that the King of England is a Protestant, and of the best sort, and that 'tis not meerly secular interests engage him on this party; but that he is so at the heart, and that he makes the Religion he professes his Treasure; of which they could not well be ignorant, having attentively observed his wayes and carriage from his Infancy.

I suppose 'twill not be amisse to tell you, that of these two Gentlemen, Breuins and Durel, the King hath chosen the first for one of his Chaplains, that is his Ministers in ordinary, by reason this choyce con­firmes the proof, we endeavour to make of the Kings Religion: and, since he made election of one of the most zealous Professours of the Protestant Religion, most capable to defend it, and shew the beauty of it for one of the Directors of his conscience, 'tis an evident [Page 12]testimony, he consents with him in Religion, and will persevere under his example and conduct.

Which is likewise confirm'd by what I learn from all parts that he frequented o [...]r Sermons at Rochelie and other parts of France, but particularly at this Town, where, with the Marquesse of Ormond who at­tended him, without sitting down he heard the Sermon of Mounsieur Jansse my Colleague, and told one to whom he discovered himself, he had received greated fication. And 'tis observable he came incognito to these Assemblies, and by consequence for no other rea­son then Devotion. If he had been known to every one, and had come in a publick way, out of the violent inclination of his enemies to a sinister interpretation of this unfortunate Princes actions, they would have said this was but a designe, and he did it to regain credit with his people; but since he was concealed, 'tis an assured testimony, he had no other aime than his particular benefit.

Then the testimony of a Noble-man of note of the reformed Religion, that is the Count of Suze is very considerable to me, I saw him lately, and intrea­ted him seriously to tell me what he thought of the King of Englands Religion, I address'd my self to him for satisfaction herein, because he was diverse years at Bruxels with Monsieur the Prince, whose cause he had espous'd, and I knew moreover that the King of England was often with the Prince, and that there was a great familiarity betwixt them: The answer he made me was, but what I knew before, that the King of England while he was at Bruxels made high pro­fession of our Religion, and that every Sunday he [Page 13]diligently was very carefull to celebrate the duties thereof in his lodgings, that to his knowledge his pulse had been often felt, but he had made them un­derstand, he was not that way to be taken, and that he knew in whom he believed, and that his conscience was not like lands unknown, at the mercy of the first comer. I acknowledge I make great account of this testimony, because I know, he that gave it is a person of integrity, that he was ever present at the di­vertisements of these two great Princes, and in fami­liar conversations one may best discover a man, and know his waies. I know again with what indignation he receiv'd the Earle of Bristol not long after his re­volt. This Lord is a person of a great wit and high courage, but I leave it to himself to decide, if his conscience hath walk'd in as gracefull a posture, as the other two faculties, & whether he finde it very tender in matters of Religion, I will think the best I may, and will not despair, but God may recal him, and grant him mercy; but I should make a very sinister Judge­ment, if he were such as he is character'd, for I have been told he is a man can change Religion as his clothes, not alwaies for the better, but the more ne­cessary and convenient. Howsoever it is, I understood when he went hence, he address'd himself to the King, after his usual manner; but was much amaz'd when the King sharply reprehended him for the scandal he had given, and gave him to understand he was not pleas'd to see him in his traine or family, since he was not a domestick of the Faith.

I had almost forgotten one passage, that may assure you the King is sensible of this Article of [Page 14]Religion: and that he is not satisfied to believe to righ­teousnesse in his heart, but he will have the world to know him for what he is, and that he will make Con­fession with the mouth to Salvation. You are not unac­quainted with la Milletiere, and the vanities of that per­son, some yeares since, he had the boldnesse to addresse one of his works to the King of England, wherein he discours'd with this Prince, as if there had been some great intelligence betwixt them, and as if he had been upon the point to revolt. But the King in indignation shew'd him the boldnesse of his enterprize, the vanity of his hopes, and the impertinency of his reasons, by a learned Treatise, he caused the Bishop of London-Derry to compose, since translated into French by one of ours.

But Sir, after the History of the Duke of Glou­cester, I suppose there can remain no suspicion of this Prince his Religion, it may be you know the parti­culars as well as I, but truely I had the relation from the mouth of Monsieur Durel, who had it from the Governour of that little Prince.

Here then I shall deliver what I know. The Jesu­its had a designe to gain this Prince, for which purpose they sound a way to have his Governour discharged. In pursuance whereof they made many assaults upon his Religion; they shew'd him a thousand glorious hopes, they promised him the most important digni­ties of the Church should court him, assured him the Abbey of S. Dennis, the Archbishoprick of Rheims, and a Cardinal's cap. Briefly, these Gentlemen as­sured him he should be so rich, he should be able to restore the King his brother to his throne; but [Page 15]God assisted this Prince in an extraordinary manner, and for the reproach of Christ, whom he took for his portion, he generously despis'd the treasures of Egypt. Wherefore the Jesuits carried him from place to place, as the Devil heretofore did our Lord to tempt him. First to Pontoise, to a seminary of Jesuites, where God gave him grace to withstand strong assaults, and by the strength of his spirit, wherewith he ever assisted this excellent Prince, who was not then above ten or twelve years of age, he remained victorious over his potent enemies, who now resolv'd to bring him back to Paris, like Balaam that view'd the people of God on all sides, to finde a prize for his charmes. But all this succeeded not, God every where protected this il­lustrious Infant, and God gave him that wisdom from above, which the World cannot resist; and God that permits not his to be tempted beyond their strength, delivered him from temptation; for the King of Eng­land understanding by the banished Governour his brothers condition, sent Marquiss Ormond speedily to his relief, who took him out of this dangerous way, by the Queens orders, who had the goodness to give way to the pleasure of the King of England her son, and caused the Duke of Glocester to be remitted into the hands of the Marquiss, who brought him back to the King, since which time he hath taken care for his education, and confirm'd him in the knowledge of the truth.

Can there, Sir, be any thing more strong and evi­dent to assure you the King is not only a Protestant by profession, but that he professes it with zeale, and that he beleeveth it the only way to salvation, since he [Page 16]was so tenderly touch'd when he was inform'd they would pervert his brother? And if the Religion of the King of England, had been no more then formality and countenance, the advantage he might have hop'd for in his brothers change might have brought him to consent, since he might have pretended he had no hand in it, and have say'd, that being so many leagues distant, though Kings have long armes, he could not if he would stretch his so far to hinder his brothers fall.

But we are to make answer to what his enemies al­leadg to prove the King of England of the Roman Reli­gion. 1. He was say they brought up with Charles the late King his father who gave him the first seaso­ning. 2. While he was at Paris he never came to a Sermon at Charenton. 3. He was seen in the Jesuits house at Antwerp, At Paris and in other places, he was seen at Vespers: 4. Then they make a great noise of this, that they of the Roman Church conceive great hopes in the reestablishment of this Prince, and that the Jesuites and Monkes boast alowd they shall see the Popes authority flourish again, and Masse in more cre­dit in England then ever.

But Sir I suppose you beleive that none but the weak and malicious will give credit to such feeble reasons, whereof some are altogether false and blasphemous, others conclude nothing they undertake, and the rest conclude contrary to the intention of the alleadgers.

The first of these wicked Arguments which is the education of this Prince, in the Roman Religion by the late King his father is the most notorious calumny that ever was, which to falshood couples Blasphemy against the Powers,St. Jude and to falshood, and blasphemy, barba­rousnesse [Page 17]and cruelty beyond example. For was there ever greater cruelty then not to be satisfy'd to have made King Charles the most unfortunate Prince the earth ever bore, having taken from him, by wayes unheard of, and such as good people cannot think on without trembling and horrour, his Crown and life, but more to traduce him as the most deprav'd and artificiall hy­pocrite that ever liv'd. For they make him wear a vi­zard all his life, to the houre of this death inclusively, which is notwithstanding an hour when conscience makes the man speak truth in spight of himself, nor is there paint which melts not, when conscience approa­ches the fire of the Almighties wrath.

All the world knows King Charles protested before, that were present when he renderd his soul to God, that he dyed of the Religion authoriz'd by the laws of England, nor is there any one dares deny a truth so uni­versally attested. But such ridiculous miscreants there are, who have impudence to say this protestation was but a fiction, and suggested by the emissaries of the Pope. That 'twas done for policy, and that the Popes Indulgencies allow so far. But these impertinents tell not what was the politick end the Partizans of the Pope aym'd at, nor what advantage could redound to their religion, that the King of England even dying should openly and firmly protest he was a protestant. But ad­mit such an odde dissimulation was maintaind for some reasons to us unknown, who is it these people can per­swade, that this Prince, who during his life, had ever gi­ven testimony of his singular piety, should take plea­sure to damne himself by counterfeiting before God & man, to favour the Interests of the Roman Religion.

I do not know that the Pope ever gave indulgence for sinnes to be committed. Every one, neverthelesse, knowes the History of the great Bullisle Texel, the first that publish'd such sophisticated stuff in Germany. But I perswade my self there is no one can authorize fu­ture Hypocrisie, and false Oathes, when we stand so near the Throne of God; before whom we go to ap­pear.

And though Rome should grant things of this na­ture, which I believe it do's not, is it credible he would confide and rely more upon the Pope, who calls Bad, Good, and justifies so prophane an hypocrisie, than on God who assignes the portion of them, who take his name in vain, and of Lyars, and Hypocrites, to be in the lake of fire and Brimstone.

Sir, 'Tis then most evident the King of England lived and dyed a Protestant, and by consequence the allegation is most impudent, to say, he imbu'd the King his sonne in the Roman Faith.

The second objection they make to the Religion of this Prince is, that while he was at Paris, he frequented not the Sermons. If they could say while he was there he made no profession of his Religion, the accusation were of force and considerable, but that no man dares pretend, for 'tis well known the King of England had the exercises of his Religion, which is ours, in his Palace, and there had the Word of God preached, and the Sacraments administred, after the manner of Charenton. I should certainly have been glad he had been there; and 'tis to be wished those, who were then about him, had brought him thither. So great an ex­ample had brought joy and consolation to our Chur­ches, [Page 19]and confusion to our enemies, who thereby had been depriv'd of their most specious pretext to abuse the Religion of this Prince.

But there is no honest man excuses not this failing, (permit me so to call it, for so in effect I judge it, and I believe the edification might have been given to the Church of God, ought to have carried him, beyond all reasons could be alledged for doing as they did,) if they consider the many untoward conjunctures that hindered those who attended the Prince from giving him the advice I speak of, which certainly was and the most sure and safe.

It proceeded, Sir, from this, They who were next his person after his disasters were of different humours. There were many, who though they favoured the Hierarchy setled in England, under the raigns of Ed­ward, Elizabeth, and the two Kings who succeeded: thought neverthelesse that this distinction of degrees in Ecclesiasticall functions was a government so necessa­ry to the Church of England, that it might not be o­mitted, or chang'd into that they call the Presbyterian, judging that this distinction of degrees in Ecclesiasti­call functions is grounded onely upon a positive Law. These are peaceable people that heartily joyne with forraign Churches, who, though they live not after the same discipline as they, yet agree in all other doctrine, and I know divers Bishops whom their books and re­pute testifie to be of this temper: and they who were the more rationall and more knowing, could have been content the King should have been at Cha­renton. But there were others near him more passionate and rigid for the Hierarchicall Order, who, though [Page 20]they justify'd our Religion, as to the Doctrine, could not allow of the Order. This sort of people are Antipo­des to the Presbyterians both of England and Scotland. Who hold they must absolutely break with the Chur­ches that consent to Hierarchical Order, and who are governed by Bishops, and discover in this government something of pomp, which they hold incompatible with the simplicity of the Christian Church.

The others on the contrary hold the Hierarchicall Order so necessary to the Church, especially to that of England, they can endure no government but that, and have difficulty to communicate in our Churches, though in matter of Doctrine they acknowledge them Orthodox. Now of these was the greater number a­bout the Prince, who prevailed upon his spirit, and hin­der'd his coming to the preachings at Charenton, to which I have been told he had a great inclination.

But you may observe, if you please, two occasions whereof these Hierarchicall Gentlemen made use to divert the intention of the King: the one was, that af­ter this horrid revolution of the affairs in England, both in Church and State; and that Cromwell had invested himself in the Soveraign Authority, whereof he had despoyl'd his Master, the Agents of this Usurper pos­sessed at Charenton the Seat of the Embassadours of the Kings of England. And you will judge that since the King our Soveraign admitted them in the function of their Commission near his person, 'twas not for the Consistory, or any Protestant to dispute with these people concerning the Seat they possessed at Charen­ton: Now the party I speak of fayl'd not to take hold on this occasion, and told the Prince 'twere imprudence [Page 21]to go where he should have the grief to see his enemies in the place due to his Embassadours. This reason touch'd the young King, and he was easily perswaded, & I believe many others were guided by the same resent­ment. But howsoever, it appears, the reason he came not to Charenton was not any aversion to the Doctrine preach'd there, but because he could not resolve him­self against an object so provoking and horrid, and which he judged so injurious to his Majesty.

The other occasion these Hierarchical Gent, made use of to divert the Kings inclination from his designe of giving testimony to our Churches of his spiritual communion with us, was that the Pastours of the Church at Paris, who assembled at Charenton, went not to visit him; whereupon they sayl'd not to intimate to this Prince, that this was an evident proof of the aversion of those Churches, both to him and his in­terests, since those of Paris, who make the most consi­derable part, gave no testimony of any share in his af­fliction. 'Tis true Sir, the Parisians did so, and pos­sibly carryed themselves in this affair, quite after ano­ther manner than the other Churches of the King­dom would have done. I am nevertheless far from condemning them, they are persons that fear God, and which honour the King, and all those that bear the same character with the King of England, but they are both wise and prudent, and know there are eyes upon them, and must therefore live with circumspect on [...] they had doubtless good reasons that made them think it best [...]o forbear this duty: Other Churches would have thought to have as strong grounds, to have done in this business quite otherwise than they did at Paris. [Page 22]Nevertheless I am well assur'd that amongst their reasons there was neither neglect nor indifferency, nor any hardness of heart to partake in his distaster, much less any inclination for his enemies, whose way with our other Churches they ever detested as out­ragious and tyrannical. But to come back to our Subject, you may well perceive, if the King of England were not at the Church of Charenton, 'twas not that he disclaimed our communion, nor any dislike of the Doctrine taught there, but because there were those had incens'd him against the Governours of that Church.

The third reason scarce deserves to be spoken of, they object, who was seen with the Jesuits at Antwerp, and at Vespers at Paris, and it may be at other places also, and therefore a Roman-Catholick. Once his ene­mies said he was seen at Mass, but that they had not the impudence to speak again: If that were true, there were more colour for the consequence, but yet no necessity neither; he might for curiosity be there to see the diverse mysterious Ceremonies of the Masse, and hear the Musick us'd at certain solemnities, where­of there is so much talke. I have known many stran­gers that have been present without bending knee, and far enough from approving of it, and would have taken it for a very great injury to have been concluded Pa­pists, because they were at Masse: but they find more fa­vour than the King of Engl. for against him they have nothing but that he was at the Jesuits house at Antwerp, & to have heard the Musick at Vespers, yet neverthelesse they infer he is a Papist. As much as to say, that which passes for indifferent with other men is a qualifyed [Page 23]crime in the Prince. For all this, I do not approve the frequenting places of such devotions: For to omit the visit of the Jesuites house at Antwerp, one of the most sump uous structures of Europe, which in effect was but an innocent curiosity, and without the least ap­pearance of evill: I much blame those that assist at Vespers, for they are defil'd with Superstition, and there they sing hymns in honour of the Virgin Mary, which I hold is to rest upon the Border of the Couch of the strange woman, and to lead himselfe into temptation. I do not certainly know if the King of England were there, but if 'twere so; I cannot justifie the action. The Prince had done more like a Chri­stian if he had not been there at all, and he ought not at all to apply his eyes and eares to such Gaude­ries of Ornaments and Musick as they honour their Images with, least he should apply his heart, which I well know he Religiously reserves for God. But again, far be it from me to conclude cruelly with his Enemies that he is a Papist, because he was at Vespers, and I suppose you will judge it as unreasona­ble as I.

Lastly they object that the whole world believes him to be a Roman Catholick, and that the Jesuites promise themselves to be in London in the same credit, and free­dom, as they are now in Flanders, the Apogie of their domination. I am acquainted with one Father Talbot a Jesuit, that not long since, made bonfires in his heart, for the great prosperities he presag'd (for he is an Astrologer) the re-establishment of the King of England should bring to the Roman Catholick Church: But is there any thing more frivolous then to [Page 24]square ones opinion and belief by the discourse of peo­ple? that please themselves with these Idea's, and make their desires passe for Prophesies, and receive whatsoe­ver the Jesuites affirm and professe to believe, for sin­cere verities. Every one knows the tongue is not of the same use with them as with other men, & that they keep it not to declare what they think, but to manage & cloak their designes, who often ayme at the marke they seem to turn their back to. And in effect, Sir, I infer this in my judgment as a demonstration, because the Je­suits say the King of England is a Roman Catholick, therefore he is none. For did they believe him such, they would without doubt passionately wish the rains of the state might be put into his hands, that they might reap, what they suppose they have sowen in this agreeable government, and would be cautious of doing or saying any thing might obstruct his re-esta­blishment: Now the world knows there is nothing can so much deprave the affections of the better part of the English, nor nothing so capable to ruine their de­sign of re inthrowning him, as the opinion they give them that he is a Papist, which neverthelesse the Je­suites do. If the Kings re-establishment were to be wrought by a forraine strength of neighbour-Princes, to make an invasion on his dominions, and become Master by force, the Jesuites discourse might passe for a reall rejoycing, for the advantage they might hope should come to their Religion, and their Society in particular. But since they know 'tis the People, who of themselves must call him back, if they had so great a desire the businesse should succeed, they would be [Page 25]cautious how they broach'd any thing might pervert the affection of the people into an aversion against their Prince.

Let us conclude, Sir, this Prince is no such person as the Jesuites report him. That his reestablishment is not a thing they hope, but fear as a thunderbolt, be­cause they know if he be once restored, he will rectify those disorders they have fomented, which push on their designes, and help them to fish in troubled wa­ters, as they have done hitherto, and that 'twill arrive what the wise man observes, that a King that sitteth in the throne of judgment seattereth away all evil with his eyes, and by consequence their ways, and all they shall endeavour to introduce in his Kingdome.

And to set a period to this long discourse, as we con­clude the King of England is no Roman Catholick, because the Jesuits feare his re-establishment, being to their design, what ever countenance they put on; con­clude likewise with me, that 'tis an irrefutable argument his is a reall Protestant, since all the Ministers of the Protestant Religion in all parts of Europe, who are per­sons ignorant in the practice of equivocations, and speak as they think, pray for his re-establishment with so much instance, because they look upon it as an act of soveraign Justice, and a bud of infinite future bene­dictions, like the olive branch brought by the Dove, as a token the deluge was passed, and God no longer angry with his people. I professe, Sir. I am one of these, not for any consideration of temporall prosperity may redound to the Church of God, for God courts us not with any such hope, our great reward being with [Page 26]him in heaven and were it to be hoped for on earth, I am now become like Bazillag the Gileadite, I am to old to taste it. I beseech God to continue in me still the delight to taste How good the Lord is to me and the consolation of the portion he hath bestowed upon me. Amen.

Continue to love him that is YOURS &c.
FINIS.

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