A LETTER From A MEMBER OF THE HOVSE OF COMMONS, To a Gentleman now at London, touching the New Solemne LEAGUE and COVENANT.

OXFORD, Printed by H. Hall. An. Dom. 1644.

A Letter from a Member of the House of Commons, to a Gentleman now at London, touching the New Solemne League and Covenant.

SIR,

IT's no wonder, but common experience, that the division of King and People (so destructive to publique peace and private happinesse) drawes with it the breach of all relations: for when the foundation of publique order is subverted, we may soone expect the fractions of families and friends, (bonds sacred in all a­ges) the late strangenesse betweene us arising from our different wayes in the present distractions is one in­stance, which yet may not withhold me from expostu­lating your taking the new Covenant, and preaching with much vehemency (as is affirmed) the necessity of taking it by others. I shall not looke backe on the cau­ses of your engagement to that party, who have thus advanced themselves; though I conceive the clearenesse of your judgement must discerne the unsoundnesse of these grounds that were layed for taking up Armes a­gainst the King, and that you could not secure your conscience in partaking with such blacke designes by principles, which constitute the King onely passive in government, [Page 2]and that he must sic as an idle Spectator of the disorders and miseries of his Subjects, and thinke his ac­count well discharged towards God and Man, if he leave all to the Counsells of others, without his owne deliberation or triall of them by Scripture or reason. Surely the charge of a Prince is not so weighty, if this be the greatest burden, nor his finall account in this re­spect so terrible, neither were the prayers for him so necessary in respect of his people depending on him, as the Scriptures assure us, if their good or evill were so little concerned in him. Your former resolutions not to conforme to humane Lawes in any thing, wherein your conscience was unsatisfied of divine authority, ex­tended not to inforce others to repeale lawes by the sword, which they are perswaded were a sinfull disobe­dience to God and his Vicegerent. And unlesse your passions have darkened your judgement, and made you impatient of contradiction, though from your owne or the most undenyable principles of divine truth, I may hope you will satisfie or ease a doubting conscience, in this your Covenant. And first upon view of the Title, being a solemne League and Covenant amongst Sub­jects without, as much as a royall assent: or authority of law, without which all agreements to alter religion or government are a knowne high treason. I find most men though farre engaged on your party, stand amazed, how they can defend religion by treason, how they can breake the supreame lawes of government, without breach of duty to God, fidelity to his Vicege­rent, or peace of conscience. I have not yet found any answer to this, unlesse it be expected that our president of violence may aswell iustify, as cause another.

But it seemes the end of this Covenant is the foun­dation of its legality, and being for Reformation and de­fence of religion, &c. The Lawes of civill govern­ment must give place to it. A Position which I still ac­counted, till of late, the peculiar of the Jesuits; and if that be the support of your Covenant, the affinity it hath with that sect, should at least render it suspected, if not hated by your selfe: but the opposition it hath to the practice of Christians in all ages, the scandall it gives to the cause of religion, by shaking all govern­ments where it's entertained, make it odious to Christi­ans, that desire the union of truth and peace.

The name of Reformation and defence of religion hath seldome beene wanting to any rebellion, the foul­nesse of which crime seeke to lurke under the most plau­sible pretences. And as I plainely see by this Covenant not reformation or defence but alteration and introdu­ction is avowed, and there is no invasion or violence, but may usurpe the title of defence, if alteration of lawes & government by force against the mind of the Prince, be such. Therefore the penners of this Covenant wari­ly omitted lawes, out of the particulars to be defended by this Covenant, in the Title, which must cast shame on the front so contradictory to them.

The next end, the honour and happinesse of the King, whether sincerely intended, I appeale to your selfe, or any that take this Covenant, whether the maine Scope be not to take away his iust authority, divest him of po­wer, and place all, or the principall parts of Majestie in others, without whom he shall be disabled to resist any rebell or enemy: if this be a truth, as I thinke it's known to the most common understanding, you will stand [Page 4]guilty to God, aswell of grosse hypocrisy, as disobedi­ence; and I should gladly know what honour is meant the King, that shall be reduced to such a condition. I be­leeve few forraigne Princes will understand such an e­state of much honour, and they will quickely find it of lesse power; and that the peace and safety of the three Kingdomes will be kept by this Covenant, when the Soveraigne power, the band of union is dissolved, I may rather dreame then beleeve.

To the preamble, that makes the danger of Religion, the motive of this Covenant, whosoever lookes on the progresse of the present distractions, and by what de­grees they rose, that sees the credit and imployment that Sectaries and Schismatiques of all sorts have a­mong those Covenanters, that such, as in the cleerest and most unsuspected times were branded for distur­bance of Church and State, now undertooke to declare them enemies to Religion, that have beene the Cham­pions of Gods cause against the common enemies of our Religion, (if Papists are so intended by this Covenant) that sees by whom Armies have beene raised, Townes taken, the King pursued, will find plots against the true Religion and the professors thereof, under the maske of defending it, and all the miseries raised in the three Kingdomes, to take their originall from these Covenan­ters, who, while they violently acted their designes in England and Scotland, defrauded Ireland of necessary re­leife, and cast it into that infelicity it so long groan'd under.

The commendable practice of those Kingdomes in former times, and the example of Gods people in other Nations, is of weight, if the allegation were of credit, [Page 5]and the times had beene pointed out, that we might have beene informed of their certainety and authority. I have heard of the unholy league in France to resist Henry the 4 of that Kingdome, if he submitted not to the Roman religion: if that be one of your examples, as it hath great likenesse to your present Covenant, (and difference of true and false Religion makes not a diffe­rence in the legality of Armes against the Prince, which are rebelliously borne, if against him or his lawes, and you well know there is no law to alter Religion against the will of the King.) I shall not deny you the truth, but leave you the strength of that example.

There was an attempt of the Papists, neare the death of Queene Elizabeth, to oppose any successor not of their Religion: I remember but these that are so well like your case, and I beleeve there are none nearer in this or other kingdomes.

The first article, to endeavour the preservation of the reformed religion, in the Church of Scotland, in Do­ctrine, Worship, Disipline, and Government against our common enemies, carrieth such doubtfull sence, as I may justly suspect it, rather a snare to entangle, then a rule to guide the Conscience. It is not onely rash pre­sumption, but irreligious prophanenesse, to sweare pre­servation of unknowne precepts: and the Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, and Government of the Church of Scotland are knowne to few that take this Oath, who with an implicit faith sweare to preserve they know not what, perhaps that, which if they knew, they would ra­ther desire to destroy. I thinke your selfe would not sweare to preserve the Doctrines, &c. of all the reform­ed Churches, and I am sure, no law bindes me to pre­serve [Page 6]this, and Christian duty forbids me to sweare de­fence of that which I know not, which may be sinfull in it selfe, and must needs be sinne to him who sweares in ignorance, so much more to them that enforce it on o­thers, and whereof God will one day require an ac­count. And they, who formerly found the Canons of the late Convocation so full of exception, have herein justified them, and given all the offence they tooke at these Canons, and much more, in the injustice of this oath; being of things unknowne, of an other Church and Nation, of Discipline and Government which are of humane institution, and perhaps opposite to our owne fundamentall lawes, dishonourable to our Church and Nation, and destructive to both; a matter of worse con­sequence, then the late &c. and your selfe, if I heare truly, are much departed from your former resolutions, that thought subscription should be forborne to some tender consciences, and now judge there is no pretence for avoyding this Covenant, that hath not only doubt­fullnes but apparent danger of perjury and presumption, and in comparison whereof the most rigid of the for­mer Canons was a most innocent and tender Injunction.

I inquire not why Scotland may not be reformed, why England and Ireland must, but why in doctrine, I pray demand of these that have acknowledged the soundnesse of it by their oathes and preachinge and when that famous and conscientious Doctor Reynolds and others at Hampton Court moved a reformation of some things in Ceremony and Clergy, they openly professed their unquestionable assent to the Doctrine of the Church of England in the thirty nine Articles, and the oath of Supremacy (which how observed in this [Page 7]Covenant undertaken without the King, and to be per­formed without respect to him, is seene of all.) I may more then suspect these new reformers are not of our Church, that deny her Doctrine, and that these men, who had no conscience in their former subscriptions, will not expresse any in their reformation. The rule they pretend is the word of God, with an addition of the example of the best reformed Churches. Doubt­lesse the example of other Churches is not the touch­stone whereby we must try doctrine or worship, it seems the word of God will not doe the worke these men in­tend, they will herein allow the superstructure of tradi­tions; and they are contented to exclude the example of the primitive Church, (a name venerable to all Chri­stians, and in all true Christian Churches;) and to re­forme their mother, the Church of England, by other Churches, where neither the word of God, nor primi­tive practice covince her of errour, is farre from the du­ty of sonnes and Charity of Christians. I conceive the word [best reformed] will beget a Schisme, rather then close the breach of the reformed Churches, and while we expresse our esteeme of some, in such language, as upbrayds others with defects, we provoke their just complaint against us. There is not any reformed Church that I have heard of that accounts it selfe worse then other in their confessions of doctrine, and therefore some will be undoubtedly scandalized by this expression and a faction raised among our selves, while every man takes, [best reformed,] in his owne sence; and the consi­deration being of so great variety of circumstances, when some that are accounted best in government may be worst in doctrine, and the contrary, it must prove un­quietnesse [Page 8]to the conscience, and an uneven rule to re­forme the Church. We may depend on Gods promise, that he will dwell among us, that have one faith, one baptisme, one Lord Jesus Christ who died for us, and if in matters of forme and circumstances of government we differ, and yet retaine the unity of spirit in the bond of peace, as is our duty, we may be assured he will still delight to doe soe, rather then in the causeles rents for indifferent things. But the use these men make of scripture is for phrase, not for proofe.

2. For the extirpation of Popery, Superstition, He­risie, Schisme, and prophanenesse, and whatsoever shall be found contrary to sound doctrine, and the pow­er of godlinesse, you have an universall consent, that it's fit to be done by every one as he hath the warrant of a lawfull calling to it. But why Prelacy, &c. that hath the authority of longest continuance, and practice in the first and best ages of the Church of God, of legall esta­blishment in this Kingdome, that hath beene eminent for the Learning, Piety, Zeale, and Martyrdome of ma­ny in these Orders, and from whom we must in a great part by Gods great blessing, acknowledge the happy re­formation in this Church, may justly be demanded, if a­ny among us, as many doe, conceive this government as necessary to continue, as you doe to be destroyed, will you not put as great a burden upon their conscience in pressing it in this Covenant, as you imagine upon your owne by the continuance of this government? sure­ly more, for your Covenant in this very point is a breach of duty, being a plaine and wilfull resistance of the high­er powers, and not only contempt, but subversion of Lawes.

Sir, I have no intent to travell into controversies, but the Lord was and will be one, and his name one in the three Kingdomes, if this government continue; and I am sure a Covenant to take it away against the mind of the Prince, while it thus standes by law, is rebellion a­gainst God and his Vicegerent.

3. It might move any man to just indignation that reads your ostentations of loyalty, when the very act you doe and the formes of publishing these words de­nounce the contrary. I am sure the King is not consult­ed with, no reservation made of his consent in this very thing that is thus imposed on all his Subiects, and the World that is called to witnesse will testifie, loyalty is spoken, treason acted. And I appeale to your selfe, with what ingenuity the defence of the Kings Person is pro­fessed, the words are [defend the Kings Majesties Per­son and authority, in the preservation and defence of the true religion &c.] I pray observe the evasions of this profession, they will defend the Kings Person in de­fence &c. that is the defence of Religion is the defence of his Person and Authority, so as if they defend religi­on &c. in heir owne senses, they defend him, though they destroy him. Or if that evasion be not subtile enough, they have another, they will defend him &c. whiles he preserves and defends religion; both which equivocati­ons these words admit, no plaine meaning at all. I as­sure my selfe it was fitted purposely to avoyd the pro­fession of loyalty without condition, or ambiguity, and by these cautelous shiftes, it's evident they intend no subjection to any Christian Prince who is not of their owne opinions.

For the discovery of such as have divided the King [Page 10]and his people, or one of the Kingdomes from another, all the world hath discovered these Covenanters to be the men, who have made so many Declarations against the King, divided him and his people, denying his just authority, and forbidding his Subjects bounden duty to him, and if any man hath beene a cause that the King hath denyed any justice or right to his people, I shall ad­mit that part of this covenant into my private practice, to discover him, but I shall never thinke him Incendia­ry, Malignant, or evill Instrument, that shall assist him for preservation of his person and rights, and defend him against any that shall demand his consent to any thing by Armes, as is now done by this Covenant. For the Kingdomes, they are in themselves naturally and le­gally divided; what divisions of affections have beene wrought among the people, hath proceeded from the wayward passions of these men, that against all order nature and duty make an independent Kingdome, their native Country subject to the Subjects of another Kingdome, nay two Kingdomes to one, in whose laws they have no interest, destroy their owne lawes to re­ceive anothers, and cut asunder the band of all union, the power of the Prince, in all his Kingdomes. And herein I would gladly know, what the fault is of doing contrary to this Covenant, for certainely the crime as well as the punishment, is a stranger to law; and what conscience is left in these men, that punish without law, God will one day reveale; in the meane time, I see that law is no longer practiced by them, then it serves pri­vate purposes.

4 It was lately our happinesse, that we enjoyed the blessing of peace betweene these Kingdomes, which [Page 11]our progenitors wanted, and posterity may; we may re­ferre that peace, by Gods blessing, to our union under one King: but when we take away that band, and place the Soveraignty in divided bodies, we may not long rest secure of that former happinesse; and the alteration of this first article from the first edition, is an evill omen which leaves out the observance of the late treaty, and of justice to be done upon the opposers, which makes me thinke, they allready lay plots for retaining these un­happy divisions, which were formerly so hereditary to these Nations.

5. The resolution of constancy in this evill cause, as it makes the cure of the present miseries of this nation; so these men they were desperate, who bind themselves against their King and nation, and disavow all repen­tance and remorse of conscience, for the evill they have done.

Sir, Having thus expressed my sense of your Cove­nant, I shall, on occasion of it, digresse to give you the state of the present businesse, accounted a controversie so great, as nothing but the sword is likely to decide, which I thinke a mind free from prejudice and passion would soone resolve.

I am confident your selfe never doubted, that there was a necessity of the Kings personall consent, called the royall assent, to every act of Parliament. And that it could not binde without such assent; that the King had the same power over his Townes; Castles, Ships, and Subjects, sitting a Parliament, as when it sate not; that it is high treason in any Members of Parliament to make warre upon the King, or his Subjects, or to take his Townes, or any part of his Dominions, aswell sit­ting [Page 12]a Parliament, as not. If any of this be denied, the e­vidence of time, as farre as practice hath proofe, besides the testimony of law, as farre as it's knowne, makes it unquestionable. From hence I proceed, that if the two Houses of Parliament, declare a thing necessary for the Kingdome, being a fact, and therefore onely probable, and wherein they are subject to errour, the Kings dis­sent shall not give a power unto the Houses, to make a­ny ordinance without him to binde the people. This is a truth so undoubted, that he holds his Crowne but ad placitum of the Houses, if they have such a power. These premises I pray take into your thoughts, & satisfy your friends, what you have against any of them; and if no­thing, then I am sure the taking, fortifying and keeping Townes against the King, commanding the Militia without him, and raising Armes to defend the Ordinan­ces made for it, are illegall and high treason without contradiction: That Armes were raised for defence of these Ordinances before they were invaded, I cannot thinke any man doubts, and therefore some will justify these Armes for taking Delinquents, that is, such as as­sisted the King upon his command. I never yet heard any deny, that these Delinquents were pardonable, if faulty, and to be prosecuted for the King only, & that no Court in which capacity is the Lords House, or House of Commons, sends for any, can use any other power for their apprehension, or suppressing opposition, but the ordinary officers of law and justice, and in case of their want, or weakenesse, they have recourse onely to the royall power, resident in the person of the King. And I never knew yet a deniall of this truth; and it is as ap­parent, that the Members of Parliament sitting at West­minster [Page 13]having thus raised these Armies, and expelled all from their counsells that concurre not with them, that admit forraigne counsells, instead of the royall as­sent, that require a Covenant from their Members to repeale established lawes, and in case of refusall expell them, that awe their Members with Armies, Tumults, and Threats, that have called in strangers to invade the Kingdome, are thereby no longer a Parliament, having taken away all freedome from it, and the King to come to it, but on their conditions; and hence you see where to referre the effusion of so much Christian bloud, and all other miseries of this nation.

Sir, Though your confidence be great in the preten­ded Houses, yet weigh impartially their proceedings, & you will see the condition they have put themselves in, is not of Subjects, and consequently are not their Kings Parliament, which they must be, or none at all.

I conclude with your Covenant, that our great and crying sinnes have brought this evill upon us, that our present calamity is a scourge from Heaven, and yet these wicked hands by whom God afflictes a people, escape not his revenge of their treachery, cruelty and injustice. We have enjoyed the free use of our religion, the land was covered with knowledge as the waters co­vered the sea, forraigne Churches rejoyced in behol­ding our order, constancy and increase and all eminent gifts, yet we despise our Church, cast off the guides thereof as Antichristian, heape to our selves multitudes of Ignorant Teachers, please our selves best with these that take pleasure in despising dominion, and speaking evill of dignities; calumnies, disgraces and libells against those that were set over us, are cheifely affected by us; [Page 14]these were the seedes of the present rebellion by which God visits these and our other sinnes upon us: for aver­sion of whose wrath we must all confesse our owne, and the sinnes of our nation, and by timely repentance and sincere reformation of life, turne and cry mightily unto the Lord, that he will heare, and forgive, and heale the land.

FINIS.

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