A JUDICIOUS VIEVV OF THE BUSINESSES which are at this time between FRANCE and the House of AUSTRIA. Most usefull, to know the present po­sture of the affairs of all Christendom.

Translated out of French, by a Person of Honour.

LONDON, Printed by W. Wilson, for Henry Herringman, and are to be sold at his Shop, at the Anchor in the Lower walk in the New-Exchange, 1657.

A CHARACTER OF this Worke.

THis is the Map of the present in­teresses of Princes, the quintes­sence of the History of five or six Ages, and of as many Kingdoms; the State-resolve of a deep and con­summate Polititian, perfected by the perusing of many Volums of Histories, and by the experience of many years.

I am inclined to believe that these were private Notes of some great Statesman, gathered for readiness in [Page]his publique employments. And, that they were publisht without his name, makes me suspect that they came out without his leave. Howsoever, this is a Treasure for all that desire to know the world, and penetrate into the in­side of businesses; a help of me­mory for them that have read many Histories, and an ease of labour for such as want leisure to read them.

The true case of the businesses which are at this time between the two Houses, of France and Austria.


THe two Houses of France and Au­stria, are the greatest and most im­portant of Christendom, and such as draw to their motion all the other Crowns. Between these two Houses there hath been many Warres, Alterations, Treaties, Truces, and Peaces, since the rising of that of Austria; of which we may assigne the beginning at the marri­age of Maximilian, Son to the Emperor Fri­deric 3. with Mary the inheritrice of Charles, the last Duke of Burdundy, Prince of the seven­teen united Provinces of Netherland, dead be­fore Nancy, in the year 1477.

For the intellience of all their Divisions, [Page]Truces, and Alliances, I frame this discourse which shall consist of five Chapters.

In the first, The whole state of Europe shall be set down, the severall Princes thereof, their Religion, and what neighbourhood and dependance they have among themselves.

In the second, It shall be examined by what degrees the House of Austria is entred into the Empire, and into all those great estates which she now enjoyeth by her two Branches of Spain and Germany.

In the third, The differences between the two Crowns shal be discuss'd; what right the House of France hath in Catalonia, Portugal, Navarra, Naples, Milan, &c. Also what claim the House of Austria hath to Burgundy, Brittain Provence, &c. These are those disputable Rights which have begot so many Divisions and Wars between the Princes, and an unre­concilable hatred between the Nations.

In the fourth Chapter, The businesses shall be presented, which past between the two Kingdoms, from the Treaty of Arras, in the year 1435. to the Treaty of Vervins, in 1598. Wars, Battels, Treaties, Truces, and Peaces.

The fifth, shall relate all that past from the Treaty of Vervins, till now.

CHAP. I. The Princes that govern Europe

Paragraphe I.

EUrope, the least of the three parts of the world known to the ancient Geogra­phers, and the most Northerly, but the most populous, and that within which almost all Christendom is comprehended, hath on the South the Mediterranean Sea, and part of the Ocean, and begins at the Cap St. Vincent, in the extremity of Portugal, in the Kingdom of Algarba, near the Strait of Gibraltar, where the Mediterranean Sea begins, which takes several names, as it toucheth upon severall Provinces, as Spain, France, Italy, Sicily, Greece. The Isle of Candie is the utmost of Europe that way, and it is divided from Africa by the Me­diterranean Sea.

Eastward ascending to the North, Europe is bounded again by the Mediterranean Sea, under the names of the Aegean Sea, called now Archipelago, Hellospont now Burdanelles, or the Strait of Gallipoli, Propontis now Mar de Marmora, Bosphorus, Thracius now the Strait of Constantinople, Pontus Euxinus now the black Sea, or Mar major. Higher it is bounded by Meotides Paludes, and the River Tanais, now [Page 8] Don, remounting to its spring. And thence­forward a line is imagined drawne to the North, butting either at the Golph of St. Ni­cholas, or some such other place thereabout, in the great Duke of Moscovia's Country: for that nothern Tract unknown to ancient Geo­graphers is yet so little knowne, that the li­mits of Europe that way, could never be well assigned.

On all the East-side, Europe neighboureth upon the great Asia, and is Occidentall to it.

On the North-side, ancient Geographers have set no limits to Europe, but have com­prehended these Nothern extremities either under the name of Hyperborean hills, although there be no hills in that Tract; or under the name of Mare Glaciale or the frozen Sea, which we may take from the Golph of St. Ni­col [...]s; or the mouth of the River Oby, unto the Sea which is about Norway and Finmarch, and so towards the Isles of Freezland and Island. On that side, Europe buts upon the Pole, and is not near any considerable Lands, some few Ilands onely, ill inhabited, as Nova Zembla, and Niewland.

On the West-side, Europe hath the great Ocean, from the Iles of Freesland and Is-land, to the Cap of St. Vincent, which is the extre­mity of Portugal. And that Ocean takes di­vers [Page 9]names according to the divers Coun­tries that it toucheth; as the Britannique I­lands, Norway, Denmark, Germany, Holland, Ze­land, Flanders, the Strait of Calais, the coasts of Normandy, Brittain, Poitou, Saintonge, Gui­enne, the golph of Bayonne, the coasts of Biscay, Gallicia, Portugal, Algerke, to the Cap St. Vin­cent.

These are the limits, and as it were the four walls which inclose all that is comprehend­ed under the name of Europe. The length whereof may be taken from the Cap St. Vin­cent, to the golph S. Nicholas, or the mouth of the River Oby, which is two thousand French common leagues, or as far north-ward as one will. The breadth, from Morea, towards the Isle Cythera, to the North towards Finmarch and Lapland, which is twelve of fifteen hun­dred leagues.

A more exact description of the Topogra­phy of each Country is not for this place. Here only we will enumerate the States, con­tained within that extent, and that but in the great; as much as is necessary to understand that which belongs to the two Houses of France and Austria, the most considerable of Europe, of Christendom at least.

We shall be begin that enumeration by the West, and from thence passing to the East, we shall turn to the North, and there end.

Paragraphe II.

The first Prince on the West of Europe, is the King of Spain, who beares the name of the House of Austria, besides that which he hath in Africa, and in the East and West Indies. Be­sides a number infinite of Ilands, Caps, & Ha­vens, from the Isles Azores, to the Cap of good hope, and from that Cap to the extremity of the East, towards the Molukes and Philippine Ilands.

1. That which he holds in Europe, is com­prehended in that Peninsula enclosed within the Ocean, the Med terranean Sea, and the Pyrenean hills under several names of King­domes, as we shall say in the following Chap­ter. And these distinguisht into three general Jurisdictions, of Castilia, Arragon, and Portu­gal. It is true that since the late Wars, the revolts of Portugal and Catalonia, have clipt so much of his Domtnions, and the French have taken from him the County of Roussillon.

2. Upon the coasts of Spain, he possesseth the two Baleares, Mallorca, and Minorca, and the two Ilands in old time called Ophiusae, now Ivica and Fromentera.

3. In Italy, he hath all the Kingdom of Na­ples, which is almost the half of it; and the most Easterly part from Cajeta or Fondi, to the golph of Tarento, and the Strait of Messina.

4. In the same Italy, he hath the Dutchy of Milan, with the territories of Pavia, Tortona, Cremona, &c.

5. Upon the coasts of the Tuscan Sea, he hath Final, Piombino, Porto Hercule, and Orbi­tello. Of late, the Prince of Monaco hath sha­ken off his yoak. In Toscana, the great Duke of Florence doth him homage for the Com­mon-wealth of Siena, and oweth him ser­vice.

6. In that Sea about Italy, he hath the Isles of Sardima, and Sicily, and is soveraign of the Isle of Malta (which the old Geographers reckon among the African Ilands). The great Master of that Iland, oweth him some ho­mage for it.

7. In the Celtique Gaule he hath the Franche County, or the County of Burgundy; and in the Dutchy of Burgundy, he hath the County of Charrolois.

8. In the Belgique Gaule, he hath possest, till the end of the last age, all that was com­prehended under the name of the seventeen Provinces. He keeps to this day the Dutchies of Luxemburg & Limburg, the Dutchy of Bra­bant, but pared about by the losse of Mae­stritcht, the Bose Breda and Bergupzom; part of the Dutchy of Guelders, the Counties of Na­mur, Hainant, Artois, and Flanders, all maim­ed with the losse of some limbs, by our late [Page 12]Wars. Also the Marquisat of the holy Empire, which is Antwerp, and the Principality of Mechlen: The remnant of these seventeen Provinces, is in the hand of the States of the united Provinces, besides that which the King of France hath taken.

In all that large extent of Lands, the Spa­niard suffereth the exercise of no Religion but the Roman. Though he go for a great sove­raign, yet many of his Lands depend from o­other Princes. The See of Rome hath great pretences upon the soveraignty of Arragon: Heacknowledgerh without contradiction, the soveraignty of the Church over his Kingdom of Naples: Yet it is pretended that he oweth the same homage for Sicily. For the Dutchy of Milan, and other Lands, which he holds in Italy, he must acknowledge the Empire, from which he hath received the investiture of the same. Franche County, is an imperiall fee; as also the Provinces of Netherland not depending of France, did owe homage to the Empire: And in the year 1608. when the truce was made between Spain and Holland; these two States disputing of their soveraign­ty in the first Article, the Emperour Rodol­phus framed an opposition against that Ar­ticle, and claimed the soveraignty as belong­ing to the Empire, but the Treaty past without any reflection to that claim. Finally, although [Page 13]the Spaniard acknowledge our Kings no more, neither for Flanders nor for Artois, it is not well resolved yet, by what right he hath shaken off the yoak; and the French pretend that the Treaties of Madrid, Cambray, and Crespy in Va­lois, which contain that cession, have not been authorized by the generall States of France.

The King of Spain being possessor of such a great extent of Lands, is a neighbor to most of the Christian Princes, as will be shewed more at large in the second Chapter, and hath alwaies some difference with them. The now King of Spain, is Phillip the IV. of the Roman Religion.

Paragraphe III.

Here we will look upon the King of France, whose state is comprehended in the old Gal­ly, Narbonensis, Aquitanica, Celtica, and Bel­gica; yet doth he not possess them all: the whole Narbonensis belongs to him, excep­ting Avignon, Nice, Savoy, Geneva, and Orenge. The whole Aquitanica is his, since the small principality of Bearn (which with small rea­son hath been pretended to be soveraign in her Rights and Customs) hath been united to the Crown, and began to have the same Prince, by the coming of Henry the fourth to the Crown. The whole Celtica belongs like­wise to the King of France, excepting onely [Page 14]the Franch County, and the imperial Town of Besancon.

Of the Belgica, the King of France hath the least part, The Ile of France, Pays de Caux Bou­lonnois, Picardi, Beau-voisis Champagne, Brie; And by good or bad title, the Towns of Mets, Thoul, and Verdun; of which in the first inva­sion, he declared himselfe Protector onely. By the late Wars, he hath made himself Ma­ster of most part of Lorrain, of the Town of Brisach, and of other Towns of Alsatia, beyond the Rhine.

The subjects of the King of France, are commonly Roman Catholiques, yet Prote­stants are tolerated in the State.

The King of France is neighbouring upon Spain, by the Pyrenean hills. On that side the French and the Spaniards have not much trou­bled one another but of late yeares, in which the French have unfortunately attempted Spain about Fontarabie; but fortunately about Roussillon and Catalonia. But about the Low Countries, and Franche County, which lie open to both the Nations, there hath been much stir and action.

On the side of Provence and Daulphine, the Duke of Savoy is neighbour to France; for Savoy and Piemont joyn to the foresaid Pro­vinces. The County of Avignon belonging to the Pope, is inclosed within Provence. By [Page 15] Daulphine, the French touch the Common­wealth of Geneva. By the Country of Bresse, and the Bailliages of Gez and Verromey, they enter within Switzerland, into the Canton of Berne. By Champagne they have the Duke of Lorraine for their neighbour; but now they are possest of his Country. So all their neigh­bours are weak, the King of Spain excepted. The present King of France, is Lewis the XIV. of the Roman profession.

Paragraphe IV.

In this Paragraphewe will set downe all the Princes contained within the ancient Gaules, besides the King of France.

1. In Gallia Narbonensis, the Duke of Savoy holds the Dutchie of Savoy, the Countries of Chablais and Tarantaise, and the Towne of Chambery; and upon the Sea coast neare the River of Var, the Town and County of Nice, which was sometimes a member of Provence, and being upon the River of Var, it is partly in France, partly in Italy.

2. The Pope holds the County of Venaissyn or Avignon, an ancient member of Provence, with the four Bishopricks belonging to it, A­vignon, Carpentras, Cavaillon, and Vezon. There also is Orenge, belonging to the House of Nassau.

3. The City of Geneva with her Territory, [Page 16]made her selfe a soveraign Common-wealth about the year 1535. when the Duke of Sa­voy, the Bishop of Geneva, and the City being in contention about their right, the Citizens changed Religion, forced the Bishop to fly, and shut their Gates against the Duke of Sa­voy. But indeed that Towne, and all the o­ther States, were pieces depending from the Empire. But the Emperours power being by succession of time confined within Germany onely, retain almost nothing out of it, but the shade of their ancient authority.

4. In the Celtique Gaule, Franch County be­longs to the King of Spain,

5. The City of Besancon, inclosed within Franch County, is an imperial City.

6. Then many little soveraign Princes; the chiefe of them, the thirteen Cantons of the Suitzers, inclosed within the Alpes, between Franch County and the Rhine. Of them, four are Protestants; Berne (which alone is almost as large as all the others) Basel, Zurick, and Schaffouse, which is a Town beyond the Rhine. Seven Catholique (as they style them­selves) two greater, Friburg and Soleurre, and the five little Cantons, Uri, Switz, Underwall, Lucerne; and Zough, and two halfe Catholick, half Protestants, Glaris and Appenzel. All these Common-wealths making one body of State, have their Associates; the Abbot of Saint [Page 17]Gall, the commonalties of Valley, and the Bi­shop of Sion, with some other Towns, and be­yond the Rhine, the three Leagues of the Gri­sons.

7. To these adde many pieces about the Rhine, which are held to be parts of Germany, as the County of Montbeliard, which the Kings of France have bought of late years of the Dukes of Wirtinberg. Alsatia beyond the Rhine, which did belong to the House of Au­stria, and consisteth of imperial Towns, and other Towns which the King of France now holds. Then the Palatinate on this side of the Rhine, which is now partly in the hands of the Spaniards, partly in that of the King of France and the Protestants.

8. The Dutchy of Lorrain, which before ac­knowledged the Duke, is now almost altoge­ther in the King of Frances his hands.

9. The principality of Liege, is depending from the Bishoprick thereof.

10. The Dutchy of Juliers, and great part of the Dutchy of Cleves, now divided be­tween the Dukes of Newburg, and the Mar­quess of Brandenburg.

11. The Arch-bishoprick of Treues on both sides of the River of Mosella.

12. The seventeen Provinces of Netherland, four of which are Dutchies, Brabant, Luxem­bourg, Limbourg, and Guelderland. They be­long [Page 18]to the Spaniard, part of Guelderland ex­cepted, and some Towns of Brabant; the Mar­quisat of the holy Empire, which is the Town of Antwerp. Seven Counties, Namur, Hainault, Artois, Flanders. These four are in the hands of the Spaniard, excepting that which the French hold in Artois and Hainault; and the sluce and other places which the Hollanders hold in Flanders. The three other Counties are, Zeland, Holland, and Zutphen. There are five Lordships more, Mechlen which the Spa­niard holds, and Utrecht, Overissell, West-Fries­land, and Groning, which are possest by the Hollanders. All these are commonly called the seventeen Provinces of Netherlands, and the Belgique Gaule, although some of them be out of the extent of Gaule, and beyond the Rhine, as Overissel, Friesland, Groning, and part of Guelderland. All these estates contain­ed within the extent of Gaule, are of no great importance, neither are they able to resist the French, excepting those that are in the hand of the Spaniard, or protected by the Empire. To these, Cambray must be added, an Imperial and Archi-episcopal Town held by the Spa­niard.

Paragraphe V.

Here let us enumerate all the Princes con­tained in that great Peninsula called Italy, be­tween [Page 19]the golph of Venice, the coasts of Genoa, Toscana, Naples, the golph of Tarento, the Jonique Sea, and the Alpes. Within that extent there are many Princes; the most considerable are six.

1. The King of Spain holds the Kingdome of Naples, the Dutchy of Milan, with some places upon the Sea coast, and the soveraign­ty of the Town of Siena.

2. The Pope with the Church of Rome, be­sides the soveraignty over Naples and Parma, holds in proper dominion above three hun­dred miles in length, and a hundred in breadth, beginning from Caieta to Ferrara, and to the Country of the Venetians. He posses­seth the whole Latium, commonly call'd Cam­pagna di Roma, where the City of Rome stands, part of Toscana, with the Territory of St Pe­ter, the Towns of Perousa, Viterbo, Orvietta, the Dutchy of Spoleto, where Marca d' Ancona is seated; the Dutchy of Urbin, lately devol­ved to the See of Rome, by the extinction of the family of the Roveros which held it in fee; the Towns of Bolonia and Ravenna, the Dut­chy of Ferrara, returned to the Church un­der Pope Clement the VIII. an. 1598. by the extinction of the lawfull males of the fami­ly of Est. Also in the Kingdom of Naples, the Dutchy and Towne of Benevent. In these Countries there is above fifty Bishopricks, [Page 20]and above a million and a halfe of inhabi­tants.

3. The Common-wealth of Venice posses­seth (besides the city of Venice seated within the Marshes of the Mediterranean Sea) with­in the continent of Italy, Histria, a Peninsula; the Countries of Friuli, called in old time Forum Julii, Padua, Vicenza, Verona, Brixia, Ber­gumo; and out of Italy from Histria, to the Common-wealth of Ragousa, almost all that is on that coast of the golph of Venice, where the Towns of Zara Sebennico, Spalaro, Cataro. And every were Venice bordereth upon the House of Austria, and shareth with it the Countries of Dalmatia and Slavonia. In the Mediterra­nean sea, Venice holds the Iles of Corfou, Zan­te, Cephalenia, Cerigo, and the great Iland of Candy, now disputed to them by the Turk, and even before the Turks invasion, Candy cal­led it self a soveraign Common-wealth, ac­knowledging for their head Francisco Erizzo, of an ancient family. In the year 1470. one of his Ancestors being Governour of the Isle of Negrepont, was taken by the Turks, and sawed in two, contrary to the faith given to him.

8. The great Duke of Toscana is possest with the estate of three ancient Commonwealths, Pisa, Florence, and Siena; his Territories run along the coasts of the Toscan Sea, where he [Page 21]hath also the Isle of Elva. The now Duke is Ferdinand II.

9. The Common-wealth of Genoa, pos­sesseth almost all that which is comprehended under the name of Riviera di Genoa, and Li­guria. They hold also the Iland of Corsica.

6. The Prince of Piemont is the same as the Duke of Savoy; He holds in Italy, Valdosta, Vercellois, Piemont, the Marquisat of Salluces. The now Duke is Charles Emanuel.

Besides these six considerable Princes, there are some of a lower forme.

The Duke of Mantua, whose Country is compast by the Venetians on the one side, and the Dutchy of Milan, and the River of Po on the other.

The Duke of Modena and Rhegio, which is an imperial Fee, held by the remnants of the family of Est or A [...]estini.

The Duke of Parma and Placentia, who be­sides that Fee of which he was invested by Pope Paul the III. hath, or claimeth as a pro­per inheritance of the house Farnesi, the Dut­chy of Castro in Tescana near Rome, out of which he was lately expelled by the Pope.

The County of Mirandola, held by the fa­mily of Pici.

The Dutchy of Montferrat, sometimes the patrimony of the house of the Paleologi, is at this time in the hands of the Duke of Man­tua. [Page 22]There stands Cazal of St. Vaast, the so much disputed place.

The small Common-wealth of Luca in Toscana, between the two States of Florence and Genoa.

Besides these, two estates are attributed to Italy, though far from it; the one is the Com­mon-wealth of Ragousa in Slavonia, upon the Golph, in old time called Epidaurus. It is sove­raign, yet payeth to the Turk her next neigh­bour, a tribute of fifteen thousand Sequins yearly.

The other Estate is Malta, with the next Iland Goza, possest by the Religion of Saint John of Jerusalem. But that Prince hath but the shade of a Soveraigne, being as for his person a Religious depending of the Pope, and punishable by the Pope, and the Iland of Malta, acknowleding the King of Spain as a dependance of Sicily.

In all these States of Italy, there is no ex­ercise of any Religion but the Roman.

Although all these Princes will be acknow­ledged Soveraign, there is none properly so but the Pope, the Venetians, and the Com­mon-wealth of Genoa. All the others are ei­ther Imperial Lands, as Mantua, Milan, Mont­ferrat, Piemont, Modena, Mirdndula, Florence, or depend of the Pope, as Naples, Sicily, Par­ma, and Placentia.

Paragraphe VI.

In the end of the Golph of Venice East­ward, lyeth Greece, possest by the Turk, who holds all that was comprehended in the names of Peloponnesus, Achaia, Epirus, Macedo nia, Thracia, with the great City of Constanti­nople. Nearer to the River of Danubius, and above the mountaines of Thracia, he hold Bulgaria and Servia, which were the ancient Misiae, Bossena, great part of Hungary, as farre as Gran, or Strigonium, near the Towne of Commorra, and part of Slavonia and Dalmatia. By those more Occidentall Countries, he toucheth the Lands of the Venetians, and the the House of Austria. Beyond Danubius, he is acknowledged by the three Vaivodes, or Prin­ces of Transylvania, Moldavia, and Walachia.

The Turk holds also all the Ilands of the Mediterranean Sea, from Candia to Pontus Euxinus. Beyond the mouth of Danubius, and the coast of Pont Euxin, he holds as farre as the River Tyrus or Niestra; And higher in Taurica Chersonesus, the Town of Cafa, in old time Theodosia. His Dominion on that side buts upon the River Tanais, where his Fron­tier is the Town of Assou, taken about ten years ago upon the Muscovite. In all that Tract, though the Turk and the Ma­hometan Religion govern, most part of his [Page 24]People profess the Religion of Christ under the Patriarch of Constantinople. Yet there are many of the Roman Religion in Hungary, Bos­sena, and Servia. Transylvania is Protestant.

Paragraphe VII.

Above Pont Euxin towards Meotides Palu­des, there is a great extent of Countries bor­dering upon Podolia and Muscovia. And with­in that Sea is that Peninsula, sometimes called Taurica Chersonesus, now Precops. All that Tract is called Tartaria Precopensis, or the Crim Tartar; or about four hundred years ago, a Herd, for Army of Yartars, invaded that Country. It is now one of the conside­rable States of Europe, possest by a Mahume­tan Prince, named Cantemiro. It bordereth upon the Turks towards Pont Euxin, and is in league with them. Westward it joyns with Poland, Northwards with Muscovia, and hath War almost continually with these two Na­tions.

Paragraphe VIII.

Beyond the dominions of Poland, there is a River called Danambra, in old time Borysthe­nes, which severeth Sarmatia, (now called Po­land) from the old Scythia Europea, which comprehends that large tract of Land be­tween Borysthenes and Tanais, and North­ward [Page 25]unto the frozen Sea. This is that great Estate of Muscovia, denominated from the Capitall City Mosko; The Prince, the great Duke of Moscovia, besides that part of Eu­rope, stretcheth his Dominion very far into great Asia. He that reigned when the Au­thor writ this Book, which was in the year 1644. was Michael Fedorowitz, who was e­lected in the year 1612. In the confusion of Civil Wars after the extinction of the anti­tient Royall Family. That People is Christi­an, but of the rudest sort, acknowledging the Patriarch of Constantinople. Westward they join with Poland, Southward with the Crim Tartar, and with each of them have alwaies some war.

Paragraphe IX.

All the Country from the River of Odera, in Germanie, or at least from the River of Vi­stula, or Weissell, as far as Borysthenes, and Northward as far as the point of the Baltique Sea above Livonia; All that Country, I say, called antiently Sarmatia, containeth now the Kingdom of Poland, consisting of the greater and lesser Poland; Russia alba, the Country of the Cossacks; Podolia, and other Provinces with the great Dutchy of Lituania near Bo­rysthenes. That State of Poland, whose capital City is Cracovia, joyneth Southward with [Page 26]the Lands of the Empire, and Hungary so much as belongs to the House of Austria, and with Transylvania and Moldavia; East­ward it joines with the Tartar and Moscovite. The Court of Poland hath been of the Roman Religion hitherto: What it will be hereafter the successe of the present Warrs will shew. That State tolerates all sorts of Religions. Livonia or Liefland in the Baltick Sea is ac­counted as an appurtenance of Poland. Yet, because three Estates meet there, Poland on the South, Muscovia on the East, and North, and Sweden on the West; it is alwaies dispu­ted between these three Crowns, and is the occasion of great Warrs, which were appea­sed in some part by the peace between Poland and Sweden, An. 1635. but newly revived.

Paragraphe X.

By an arm of the great Ocean, that Medi­terranean Sea of the North is formed, which is called the Baltique Sea: There the Domini­ons of Sweden and Denmark are seated, two considerable States.

The Kingdom of Sweden comprehends great part of the antient Gotthia, the Town and Dutchy of Stockholm, the great Dutchy of Finland, and Northward Botnia, Scrifinia, and other unknown Countries. The present King is Carolus Gustavus, by the cession of his [Page 27]Cosen-German, Christina Daughter to the fa­mous Gustavus Adolphus. The whole Kingdom of Sweden is Lutheran: Yet in the North, there is some remnant of the antient Idolatry of Pagans.

The other State is that of Denmark, com­posed of the Hanse Teutonique, called antient­ly Cimbrica-Chersonesus, which is a corner of great Germany, containing the Dutchy of Holstein, Juitland, and Schleswick. A second part of that Estate lyeth in Ilands, the chiefe of them Zeland, where Coppenhagen is seated, the Capitall City of the Kingdom. The third part is in the Peninsula of the Baltique Sea, and herein the Kingdom of Norway and Fin­march. To that State also belong the Ilands of Friesland and Island, far in the North. They are all Lutherans. The strength and wealth of that Kingdom, lieth in the passage of the Sund, which makes it considerable to all that traffick to or from the Baltique Sea.

Paragraphe. XI.

From thence sailing Westward, one comes to the great Brittanique Ilands, of which we that inhabit them, know more then this Au­thor; and therefore leave that little which he saith of them.

Paragraphe XII.

Being now come to the VVest, we meet with the most considerable piece of Europe, which is the Empire of Germany. The Empire begun by Julius Caesar, but founded by Au­gustus, possest all the known Countries of the West. But was greatly diminished about the year of our Lord 400. for then by the incur­sions of the Goths, Ostrogoths, Alans, Huns, Herules, Vandales, Frankes, and others; many States were founded. And finally, the Em­pire ceased in the West, altogether in the year 445. by the death of Augustulus, and the whole Empire of the West was divided into many States.

In the year 800. the Empire of the West be­gun afresh in the person of Charlemaigne, who under that name, possest all the Gaules, part of Spain, almost all Italie, the great Germa­nie, Hungary, Slavonia, part of Poland and Denmark, and other Northern Countries. But his posterity having degenerated, that Empire went from his Family about the year 912. and after a long dispute about it, be­tween the Italian and German Princes, Othe Duke of Saxony made himself Master of it: And from that time, that which remains of the Empire, hath continued in the hands of German Princes.

That which is called the Empire at this day, hath more shadow then substance. I call a shadow all the pretences of the Emperour out of Germanie, which are worn out with age and lost, or remain with small vigour, as the pretences of Soveraignty over the Prin­ces of Italy and the Low-Countries, Savoy, Franche County, Besancon and the like. In Ger­many he hath some reall and effective power. Germany at this time comprehends all that Country between the border of Hungary and Poland on the East, the Baltique Sea and Den­mark on the North, the Germanique Sea and France on the West, and the River of Rhine. and the Alpes on the South. Neither is the Emperour absolute every where, or in the most part of that large space. For it is divi­ded into ten Circles, or great Provinces, which have a proper right to assemble them­selves to look to their own businesses, and send Deputies to the generall Diets of the Empire. And in every one of these Circles, there be many free Cities, and many Secular and Ecclesiasticall Princes.

The chief are the seven Electours, three Ec­clesiastical, the Archbishops of Mentz, Collen, and Treues, four secular, the Count Palatine, the King of Bohemia, the Duke of Saxony, and the Marquesse of Brandenhurg. And next to these the Duke of Banteres, the Duke of [Page 30] Wirtenberg, Luneburg, Mechelburg, Brunswick, the Lantgrave of Hesse, and many others. But above all these houses, that of Austria is con­siderable, of which we must speak in the next Chapter; for, besides the title of Emperour by election, now continued in their family for many descents; they possesse their antient Patrimony, Austria, Stiria, Carinthia, Carnia, Tirolis, Elzas. They hold also Bohemia and that little part of Hungary, which remains unto the Christians. All Germany is divided between Papists, Lutherans, and Calvinists. These three and the Mahumetan, and the Greek Religion, are the principall Religions known in Europe.

CHAP. II. By what degrees the house of Austria is come to those great Estates which it possesseth.

IT is certain, that among the Christian Princes, the two most considerable Fami­lies are those of France and Austria. And al­though it be known that the house of France hath all the Prerogatives of Antiquity, No­bility, and Glory above the other; yet that of [Page 31] Austria is more powerfull for extent of Lands, and multitude of People; and is in­vested with a more eminent quality, which is the Empire. But, because they hold it only by Election, they have that preheminence but for a time; so that the Family of Austria from a Soveraign, may become a Subject; which can never happen to the Soveraignes by succession, but by the ruine of the State.

Now, because these two Families draw to their motion, the most part of our Christian Western world, and that since one hundreth and fifty years the house of Austria hath ta­ken a stupendious growth: It will be to good purpose to examine in this Chapter her Birth, Progresse, and Greatnesse. For we shall not need to speak of the greatnesse of France, which is a grounded Monarchie of twelve hundred years standing. But it is but of late that the house of Austria dareth claim equali­ty with the house of France.

Paragraphe I.

Yet so much we will say of the house of France.

1. It is certain that this Kingdome was e­rected out of the ruines of the Roman Em­pire, in the year 419. Pharamond was elected King by the Frankes, beyond the Rhine, in the [Page 32]Country of Sicambria, which is Guelderland, Uretcht, Freeseland, and other Countries thereabout. But neither he, nor his Son Clo­dion the Chevelu, past ever into France for any thing that we read; but sent forth their Ar­mies to conquer it. Merovee the third King, was the first that came to Paris and took it, and setled himself with the Frankes in Gauls. From him was the first race of French Kings denominated, and called the race of the Me­rovingians.

2. Clouis the fifth King, was converted to the Christian faith in the year of Christ 500. and brought the French State to great splen­dour, by the expulsion of the reliques of the Romans, near Soissons, Laon, and Reins, by the Conquest of Gaule, Aquitanique, and by the defeat of Alaric, and the Kingdome of the Goths. The Sons of that Clouis about the year 527. conquered the state of the Burgundians, or Bourguignons: So that race of the Merovin­gians, about the year of 530. was possest of all the Gaules, yet divided into Tetrarchies by the children of Clouis, and again by their descent.

That race with the Gauls held great part of Germany, and having done great services to the Church, and protected desolate Popes, got from them the name of most Christians, & eldest Sons of the Church. When that title was given [Page 33]them, we cannot precisely tell; yet Saint Gregory who lived in the year 600. saith, that the King of France is as eminent a­bove other Kings, as every King is above his Subjects.

That first race kept long the fiercenesse of German-barbarousnesse, and about the year 650. after the death of Dagobert, they degene­rated to idlenesse, and so continued for a hundred years, which gave occasion to the Mayres of the Palace, to incroach upon the Soveraign Authority. Among whom Charles Martel was most eminent, who having defea­ted the Sarrasins near Tours, and killed three hundred threescore and six thousand men, and relieved the Pope against the Lombards; raised much the honour of France and his own, but to the destruction of the first Royal line, which ended in the degradation of the unfortunate Chilperic, in the year 752. having subsisted 333 years.

5. The second race much more illustrious then the first, began in the person of Pipin, Son to that Charls Martel. A valorous & fortunate Prince, devoutly addicted to the Roman See. He received Pope Stephen the first into France, and put down Adolphus King of the Lombards, who persecuted the Pope. But his Son Char­lemagne raised the State of France more then any. For he conquered great part of Italie up­on [Page 34]the Lombards, and quite destroyed them An. 774. overcame the Saxons, and other Na­tions of Germany, conquered part of Spain up­on the Saracens, and made himselfe master of most part of the old Empire of the West, and so was crowned Emperour of the West, An. 800. And three years after, limits were set in Italy, between the two Empires of East and West; Nicephorus being then Emperour of the East. And the bounds were the Rivers of Ly­ris now Garigliano, and Aufidus now Lofan­to, both in the Kingdome of Naples. So that excepting the farthest part of Italy, part of Spain, and the Brittanique Ilands, divided between many petty Kings, he was possest of the whole Empire of the West.

6. These first Kings were very liberall to the See of Rome. Pepin, and Charlemagne, gave them the Exarchat of Ravenna, and other Lands which the Popes pretended to have been taken away from them by the Lombards. Lewis the Meek, who succeeded his Father Charlemagne, confirmed and amplified that gift An. 817. the Charter whereof Baromus hath published, taken from the Vatican, as he affirmeth. Lewis the Meek dying An. 840. left the State of France in a great height, pos­sest of the Gaules, Germany, Italy, and part of Spain. All other Princes compared to the French Kings, were mean fellowes.

7. Lewis the Meek left three Sons, Lothaire and Lewis by his first wife, and Charles the Bald from Judith his second wife. These three Brothers for three years contended about their partage, the law of the eldest being not then in use among them, till that cruel bat­tel of Fontenay near Auxerre was fought, where above a hundred thousand men were slaine, and especially much Nobility and Gentry whereby the State was weakned, and the Brothers were forced to come to an arbi­trement; That Lothary the eldest, should have all the Lands beyond the Rivers of Scaldis and Mosa, as far as the Rhine, namely the Pro­vinces of the Low Countries, Liege, Treues, Ju­liers, Luxemburg, Lorrain, Alsatia, and others. Also that which lyeth beyond Saone and Rhosne, namely, Franch County, Savoy, Daul­phine, Provence. Also as much of Italy as was left to the Emperour of the West, by the par­tage with the Emperour of the East. This was the share of Lothary the eldest, who took with it the Title of Emperour. Lewis, the se­cond Brother, had all that their Father held in Germany, and there was called Germani­cus. To the third, Charles the Bald, France was left, much about as it is at this day, inclosed within the narrow Seas of England, Scaldis, Mosa, Saone, Rhosne, the coasts of Languedoc, and the Pyrenees. That partage of the three [Page 36]Sons of Lewis the Meek, An. 843. is the most remarkable date of the French History. Then was that great Monarchy cut in shreds, and the greatness of France humbled, the name of which remained onely to the proportion of a third part. And from that time, the French State thus clipt hath remained with little alteration. Onely we have lost Flanders and Artois, and many times the borders of the Kingdome have been changed towards Mosa and Scaldis. But in recompence we have got Daulphine and Provence, beyond the an­cient bounds.

8. As by this partage the State of France remained very much diminisht, so the French Kings lost the name of Emperours, which ne­verthelesse Charles the Bald took since. But his Descent being fallen to idlenesse as the first Race; the State of France thus shortned, lin­gered among many civill broyles and misfor­tunes, till the year 987. when that race end­ed, having subsisted about 235 yeares.

9 Hugh Capet, head of the third Race, was descended as it is thought, from an ancient House of Saxony planted in France, by Witti­kind the Saxon of the race of that other Wit­tikind, a Saxon Prince who so long made head against Charlemagne. This third race began to raigne in the year 987. It is that which this day subsisteth, and besides her ancient [Page 37]Nobility before she was Soveraign, hath now held the soveraignty above 660 yeares, and besides innumerable victories obtained over her neighbours, made great Wars against the Infidels in the East, and in Spain, and a­gainst Heretiques in all the Provinces of Eu­rope, keeping still a great respect to the See of Rome. All these wayes she hath maintained her selfe in the prerogative of precedence and glory above all others. And although he that beares now the quality of Emperour, go before the French Kings, because he retaines the name and place of those great Monarchs of all the West, yet he hath neither right nor pretence over the Kings of France; yea, Mr. de Breves, in the Appendix of the Negotiation of the East, added to the History of his voy­age, saith, That in Henry the 4ths time, he had the precedence before the Ambassadors of the Emperour Rudolphus, at the Porta of the great Turk, who judged that the prece­dences of Christian Princes, in relation to the Church of Rome, and the Popes, were of no consideration at his Porta, where the stron­gest and the most couragious finds most fa­vour. Also whereas the King of France was then in War with the House of Austria, he would not give his enemy any advantage o­ver him. Neither do the Turks acknowledge the Emperour but as King of Vienna, but [Page 38]have a great esteem for the French Kings. But without insisting upon the History of their third Race now reigning, or making Pane­gyricks of their glory; we will say that next to the precedence which they give to the Em­perour lawfully elected, they have it over all the Soveraigns of Christendom.

Paragraphe II.

Now to understand the Origine, progresses, and rising of the house of Austria, we must observe,

1. That the Empire which was left (as we said) unto Lothary, the eldest Son of Lewis the Meeke, subsisted (though weakly) in the house of Charlemagne, till about the year 912. when Lewis the last of that race being dead, there was a great contention betweene the German and Italian Princes, whereby the Em­pire was in confusion above fifty years, untill Otho the Great, Duke of Saxony invested him­selfe of that quality, made himselfe Master of Germany and Italy, the onely remaining pieces of the Empire, in the year 963. and ruined all his competitors. This Otho I. was Father of Otho II. and he of Otho III. after whose death the Germans assisted by Pope Gregory the V. who himselfe was a German, took upon themselves the right of creating [Page 39]Emperours. And from that time all that have peaceably reigned have been Germans, because the Popes having made themselves Masters of a great part of Italy, have done their utmost to expell the Emperours out of it, and confine them to Germany.

2. As in France, by the idlenesse of the last Kings of the 2d Race, the Governours of Pro­vinces made themselves Masters of them, and became Dukes and Earles. Likewise the idlenesse of the successors of Charlemagne in the Empire, and the confusions risen in Ger­many, after the extinction of that Race, gave a beginning to so many Fees both Secular and Ecclesiasticall which are now in Germany, the Governours having made themselves Lords, and laid the foundation of the great Houses now in being. Which neverthelesse have gone through many changes, some fa­milies being extinct, and some Fees sold, transported, or confiscated. Among these fa­milies, one of the chiefe, and indeed the most remarkable at this time, is that of Austria.

3. The French Kings of the first Race, pos­sessing a Kingdom of vast extent, which they divided into Ostrick and Westrick. Ostrick which by corruption and French termination, was called Austrasie, was the Eastern part, and comprehended the Countries towards the River Msa, and beyond the Rhine, and as far [Page 40]as Hungarie, Westrick, which by corruption was called Neustria, comprehended the We­stern part, from Mosa towards Britain. These names were long preserved, even to the age of Charlemagne, and being lost by the new par­tage between the Children of Lewis the meek; yet the name of Neustria stuck long to the Western part, which is now called Norman­die (for Brittain was a State by it selfe.) The name of Ostrick being lost by the same par­tage, remain'd nevertheless to the most Ea­stern part, and the next to Hungary, and is that which we call Austria, a word corrupt­ed from Ostrick and Ostenrick, and is that Pro­vince seated upon Danubius, where the Ca­pitall City of Vienna stands.

4. In that Country Otho the III. about the year 1000 establisht Leopold a Marquis, that is a keeper of those Marches against the or­dinary excursions of the Hungarians. That Leopold is the head of the first House of Mar­quisses since Dukes of Austria which con­tinued, till a certain Friderick who went to the War of Naples against Charles brother of St. Lewis, and being taken with Conradin a competitor of that Kingdom, was beheaded with him.

By his death without Children, Austria returned to the Empire. But Wenceslaus King of Bohemia, sought to joyne it to his State, and [Page 41]sent thither his Sonne Ottocarus, who having conspired against the Empire with the Hun­garians, was degraded and put to death by the Emperour Rudolphus, of whom we are now to speak.

5. By the death of the Emperour Friderick the Second, the great enemy of Popes, which was about the year 1231. the factions were so great about a new election, that there was an Anarchy of twenty years and above, un­der these titular Emperours, William Earl of Holland, Richard of England, and Alphonsus of Spain. In the end, after many assemblies and contentions, the Electors gave their Votes to Rudolphus Earl of Habsburg, who was acknowledged by the whole Empire. That E­lection was in the year 1255. five years after the death of St. Lewis. Philip le Hardy then raigning in France.

6. Between Basel and Soleurre, Cantons of Switzerland, there is Triestein Castle, the Lords whereof had the Title of Counts, and by the women inherited the County of Habsburg, and took the Title of the same. Of that House was this Rodolphus (before whom there is no certainty of the History of their House) who by his virtue was elected Emperour, An. 1275. and dyed in the 1291. The Dutchy of Austria being then vacant, and Ottocarus the Bohemian having invaded it, and made a [Page 42]league with the Hungarians against the Em­pire, Rodolphus divested him of it, and slew him; and An. 1282. invested his Son Albert in the same. In that Albert we must take the birth of the house of Austria. And although that Albert was also Emperour from the year 1298. till 1308; yet his descent return­ed not to that quality, but 130. years after, and went for Princes of the Empire, as other Imperial Families; Onely in the time of Pope John 22. there was a great contention for the Empire, between Friderick of Austria, and Lewis of Bavieres. The whole Pedegree of that house, is to be seen in the Tables of Bertius, from the Creation of Rudolphus of Habsburg, An. 1275. to the year 1438. when the Em­pire entred so into that hause, that it did not come out since.

Paragraphe III.

So much is known then, that the house of Austria by the death of Albert the first, lost the Empire and fell back into the State of a pri­vate principality; and that lesse considerable then the houses of Saxonie, Bavieres, and Lux­emburg, which furnished many Emperours, and so it continued till the Emperour Albert the II.

Sigismond the Emperour, of the house of Luxemburg, was Son to Charles the IV. Em­perour [Page 43]and Grand-child to John King of Bohe­mia. And that Charles the IV. was he that made the golden Bull, and establisht a certain form of Imperial elections. This Charles was Grand-child to the Emperour, Henry the VII. head of the house of Luxemburg. Sigismond had no male issue, and gave his onely Daugh­ter Elizabeth to Albert of Austria; who after the death of his Father in law, was elected Emperour, An. 1438. and this house hath e­ver since kept the Empire.

From that year these Emperours reigned. Albert the II. who reigned two years, Fride­rick the III. his Cozin who reigned 53 years. Maximilian Son of Friderick, who reigned 26 years. Charles the V. who reigned 36 years. Ferdinand I. brother to Charles, who reigned 9 years. Maximilian Son of Fer­dinand, who reigned 12 years. Rodolphus II. Son of Maximilian, who reigned 36 years. Matthias brother to Adolphus, who reigned 7 years, Ferdinand II. Cozin to the two precedent Em­perours, who reigned 19 years. To him suc­ceeded his Son Ferdinand III. who is the tenth of that house from the year 1438. To which if you adde the Three of antient date, there have been thirteen Emperours of the house and name of Austria.

That house may be considered, either in her Patrimonial estate which she held in [Page 44] Germany before her greatnesse; Or in her great rising, which sprung out of three heads.

1. The mariage of Maximilian with Mary, the Inheritrix of the seventeen Provinces of Netherlands. Franche County, and the goods, not masculine, of the house of Burgundy.

2. The mariage of Philip, Son of Maximilian, and Mary of Burgundy, with Jane the Inheri­trix of Spain, and by consequent of Sicily, Na­ples, and the West Indies, and soon after of Por­tugal, and the East Indies.

3. The mariage of Ferdinand, brother to Charles the V. with Anne the Inheritrix of the Kingdomes of Bohemia and Hungaria. The great estate of that house being accrew­ed to them by these waies: We will speak here of the Patrimonial Dominions of the house of Austria, reserving the rest for the following Paragraphes.

The Patrimony of the house of Austria wholly seated in Germany, and upon the Ri­ver Danubius; hath on the South the Moun­tains of Tirolis, and towards the Rhine Alsatia, Bounded Eastward with Hungary and Poland, Southward by the Venetians, Westward by the Switzers, and Northward by many Princes of Germany. That Estate is composed with many pieces, which were u­nited in one body as it followeth.

1. The Emperour Rodolphus of Habsburg, [Page 45]having overcome and slain Ottocarus, Son of Wenceslaus, King of Bohemia, gave to his Son Albert the Dutchie of Austria, where Vienna stands, the Dutchie of Stiria, where the Town of Gratz stands, the Lordships of Carniola and Windismark; otherwise the March of Sla­vonia, and Portenan in the Country of Friuli, wherein the house of Austria is a neighbour to the Venetians. This is the first Patrimony of the house of Austria, of which Albert was invested by his Father at Ausburg, by the consent of the Generall States of Ger­many.

2. In the year 1283. Henry Marquesse of Burgan in Suevia, between Ʋlm and Ausburg, being dead without Children, the same Em­perour Rudolphus gave that Marquisat to his Son.

3. Albert the III. Duke of Austria, Grand­child to the first Albert, was made Heir with his brothers of the Dutchy of Carinthia, and the Dutchy of Tirol within the Alpes neare Italy; by Margaret, Daughter to Duke Henry as her nearest kinsman, by their Grandmo­ther Elizabeth, Sister to the said Henry, and Wife to Albert the first; and because the house of Bavieres laid a claim to the County of Tirol, the said house renounced it by agree­ment, Ann. 1362.

4. The County of Ferretta, is a little [Page 46]Country above the French County, near Ba­sel, and on this side of the Rhine. It came to the house Austria, by Jane Wife to Albert the II. Duke of Austria, Daughter and Heir of Ulrich, Earl of Ferretta, about the year 1358.

5. Leopold Duke of Austria, bought of Agon Count of Friburg, in Brifgau, towards Alsa­tia, the Signory of that Town, and some other towards the Grisons.

6. Friderick the third, in the year 1458. af­ter the death of Ulrich Count of Cibey, dead without Children, seized upon that Coun­ty, and united it with the Dutchie of Stiria.

7. Maximilian the First, in the year 1501. seized upon the County of Goricia, vacant by the death of Count Leonard. So all these pieces make up the antient Patrimony of Au­stria, which hath many times been distracted and divided, for to make Portions to the youngest. And yet at this time the County of Burgau is in the hands of a Branch of that house which bears the Title of Marquesses of Burgau. And the County of Tirol belongs to the children of the late Archduke, Leopold, brother to the Emperour Eerdinand the II.

Paragraphe IV.

To make up the greatnesse of Austria, six of the gr [...]test houses of Europe have met in one; Aus [...]ia, Burgundy, Castilia, Arragon, Hun­gary and Portugal.

1. Of that of Austria, we have spoken be­fore.

2. The house of Burgundy was founded in the person of Philip, fourth Son to King John of France, who dying in the year 1363. left to his Son Philip the Dutchy of Burgundy. He and his three Successours, John, Philip the Good, and Charles slain before Nancy, gathe­red many Provinces by Marriages, Purcha­ses, Gifts, and Usurpations; whence that great Estate of the house of Burgundy was fra­med, four main pieces whereof depended from the Soveraignty of France: Namely, the Dutchy of Burgundy, the County of Flanders, with the Towns of Lilo, Doway, and Orches, the County of Artois, and that of Charalois. The rest he held from the Empire, Franch County, the four Dutchies of Netherlands, Luxemburg, Limburg, Brabant, and Gueldres. The Coun­ties of Hainault, Namur, Holland, Zealand, Zutfen, Mechlen, West-Fresland, Over-Issel, and Groninghen. And in the year 1528. the Bp. of Utrecht yielded to the Emperour, Charles the V. the Lordship of Utrecht, and his claim in [Page 48] Over-Issel, because he was not strong enough to maintain it against the Duke of Guelders his Enemy.

After the death of Charles, killed before Nancy, Mary his onely Daughter, p [...]etended to his whole succession; But Lewis the XI. King of France, seized upon the Dutchy of Burgun­dy, pretending that it was a masculin fee, gi­ven by King John to his Son Philip le Hardy, for him and his Heirs Male; for the reasons which we shall represent in the following Chapter. All the rest by right remained with Mary of Burgundy, even the County of Charo­lois almost inclosed within the Dutchy of Burgundy, although the French would have it to be a fee of the same Nature, as the Dutchy. Yet because it was found that it had been purchased from the house of Armagnae, by the Dukes of Burgundy, it was left to Ma­ry; And since that time, during the civill con­fusions, and the Wars with Spain, the French having seized upon it; yet they restored it to the house of Austria, by the Treaty of Ver­vins, Ann. 1598. saving onely the resort and dependance upon the Parlament of Dijon

3. The house of Castilia is an offspring of that of Navarra: For Sanchez King of Navar­ra, divided all that he held in Spain to his three children. Garcias the eldest had Navar­ra; [Page 49]Sanchez King of Navarra, divided all that he held in Spain to his three Children, Garci­as the eldest had Navarra; Ferdinand, Castilia; and Ramires, Arragon. Of these Kings, the lives and actions must be seen in the History of Spain. In the year 1472. that House fell to Isabella, sister to Henry the IV. called the Impotent. Isabella was married to Ferdinand King of Arragon. From that marriage issued Joane the second Daughter and Heir, which brought all these Estates to the House of Au­stria by her marriage with Archiduke Philip. These Estates contained the two Castilia's, Gallicia, Leon, Asturia, Biscay, Mursia, Cordo­va, Andalusia, Estremadura. Since that time an. 1492. under the conduct of Christophorus Columbus, the Castilians discovered many I­lands of West-Indies, Hispaniola, Cuba, Jai­maica, and others. Americus Vespucius, disco­vered the Western continent, an. 1500. Fer­nando Cortez, subdued the great State of Mex­ico, an. 1518. and Francis Pizarro the Perou, an. 1525. All that, is comprehendedunder the name of Castilia, and is fallen to the House of Austria by that marriage.

4. As for Arragon, many Kings reigned in it of the line of the foresaid Ramires; and that family past through many changes. In the end that estate fell into the hands of Fer­dinand the Catholique, at the same time that [Page 50]the Kingdom of Castilia fell to Isabella whom he married. So his estate came to consist of four parts. 1. Of the patrimoniall inheri­tance of his House, Arragon, Catalonia, Rous­sillon, Valentia, Marjorca, Minorea, Ivica, Fromentera, Sardinia, and Sicily. 2. The King­dom of Naples, which he tooke from the French, An. 1503. as we shall say afterwards. 3. The Kingdom of Granada, which he and his wife Isabella got from the Saracens, Anno 1494. 4. The Kingdome of Navarra, out of which he dispossest John of Albret, An. 1512. All these Estates fell to his Daughter, mar­ried with Philip Arch-duke of Austria. 5. Hungary had her Kings, well known in the Histories, especially since the year 1000. the time of King St. Steven. That family fell to that of the Kings of Naples, descended from the Royall House of France, by the marriage of the inheritrice of Hungary with Charles the Lame, Son to Charles, brother to St. Lewis. Fi­nally, after many great changes, that Crown fell to Lewis the last King of Hungary and Bo­hemia, slain by the Turks in the battel of Mo­hats, An. 1526. He dying without Children, the Crowne fell to his sister Anne, whom Charles the V. her brother in law presently caused to be married to his brother Ferdi­nand. So the two Kingdoms of Bohemia and Hungary entred into the House of Austria. [Page 51]To Bohemia were annext also Moravia, Silesia, and the two Lusatia's. Under the name of Hungary, was contained also Transylvania, with part of Bulgaris, Croatia, Slavonia, Dal­matia. But the greatest part of these is now in the hand of the Turks.

6. The State of Portugal began about the year 1090. in the person of Henry, a French Prince of the House of Burgundy, and con­tinued among many changes to the death of King Sebastian, An. 1579. after whom in the raign of his great Uncle Cardinal Henry, there was a dispute between many contenders for the succession. But Philip the II. King of Spain, got it by Arms, An. 1580. claiming right to it by his Mother Isabella, Daughter to King Emanuel, for the reasons which we shal speak of in the next Chapter. From that Kingdom depends that of Algarba, the Towns of Ceuta, Tanger, and Marsagan in Africa. An infinite number of Ilands and Caps, from the Cap of good Hope, the Kingdoms of Congo, Angola, Bresia; And beyond the Cap of good Hope, an infinite number of Towns, Isles, Countries, and Forts, as far as China, and the extremity of the East. All that is comprehended under the name of East-Indies, discovered at seve­rall times since. Vasco Gamma, a Gentleman of Portugal past the Cap of good Hope, An. 1497. under Emanuel King of Portugal. It is [Page 52]then by the right of Isabella, wife to the Em­perour Charles the V. that the great Estate of Portugal was devolved to the House of Au­stria. To which Estate they have since added several pieces by conquest or otherwise.

Charles the V. got the Lordship of Utrecht from the Bishop, as we said before. The so­veraignty of Flanders and Artois, was appro­priated to them (as they pretend) by the Treaties of Madrid, An. 1525. Of Cambray, An. 1529. Of Crespy, An. 1544. The same Charles got the Town of Mastricht, An. 1530. although the Bishop of Liege pretended the halfe of it to belong to his jurisdiction. In the year 1530. he invested Ludovic Sforza with the Dutchy of Milan, upon condition that if he dyed childlesse, Philip the II. King of Spain should succeed him, which happened five years after, An. 1536. he got the Dutchy of Guelders, the County of Zutfen, and the Lord­ship of Groning, by a Treaty with Charles, the Duk of Guelders, who dyed an. 1538. An. 1543. he made himselfe Master of the Town of Cambra, as Protector of that Imperiall Town, which being since got by the French, and lost again, was confirmed to the Spaniards by the Treaty of Vervins.

An. 1538. the same Charles having got the Town of Siena, gave it to Cosmo Duke of Flo­rence, to be an homage for it to the King of [Page 53] Spain, paying six thousand Ducats of entry at every change of Duke.

Philip the II. King of Spain, took from the Turks, an. 1554. the Fort of Fignon, Veles, and Gomera, in Africa. An. 1571. he wrested the Marquisat of Final from the House of Car­reto. Philip the III. took from the Moores in Africa, the Townes of Arrach and Mamora. These are the principal pieces of that great State of vast extent. And I think one may truly say, that the House of Austria holds more ground then ever any Prince did: But these pieces being scattered, that State is not strong, glorious, and form dable according to its extent.

That House of Austria was divided into two branches, the Spanish and the German, between Charles and Ferdinand brothers, and successively Emperours, Sons to Archiduke Philip, and Jane of Spain. Charles was the head of the Spanish branch, which holds in Euro­pa, and out of it all that we said before. Fer­dinand, brother of Charles, was the head of the German branch which now holds the Empire. To him Charles yeelded the ancient patrimo­nial Estate of the House of Austria, within the limits of Germany. The same Ferdinand by his marriage with Anne, inheritrix of Hunga­ry and Bohemia, united those two Crowns to his States. These two Branches at this pre­sent [Page 54]hold these Estates, saving that which Gustavus the King of Sweden hath taken from them, and what the French have got in these Warres from the Spaniard. In the Low Countries, Hesdin, Arras Bapaume, Landrecy, Thionville, Quesnoy, &c. Towards Spain the County of Roussillon and Perpignan. Then the Catalonians have revolted and given them­selves to the French. Portugal also hath sha­ken the yoak, and chosen a King of the House of Braganza, Of elder date, part of the Low­Countries have cantonned themselves, and are now Soveraigns. The Turk hath got the most part of Hungary; and Transylvania acknow­ledgeth no more the House Austria.

CHAP. III. A discussing of the Rights now in dis­pute betweene the Houses of France and Austria.

THe contentions between these two Fa­milies these 150 yeares, and of the Na­tions subject unto them, especially the French and the Spaniards, comes not onely out of na­turall antipathy and contrary inclinations, but chiefly out of the pretences that the one [Page 55]house hath upon the other. For, as between private persons, so among Princes, the neigh­bourhood of grounds breeds quarrells. And these severall pretences yet undecided, ought to be examined, to know the ground of all the late and present Wars. Of these, large volumes of Histories, and Polemical writings might be, and have been, written; but here I undertake no more, but faithfully to set down the grounds of pretences on both sides. Which though I will do briefly, and summa­rily; yet will I omit nothing essential and fit to decide the differences. To do this order­ly, we will divide this Chapter into two points. The first, of the pretences of the house of Austria upon France. The second, of the pretences of France upon the house of Au­stria.

First Point, The pretences of the house of Austria, upon that of France.

ALthough the house of Austria, both the Spanish and the German, have pretences different from that of the Empire, which they hold only by Election, and upon Condi­tion of yielding, and depositing it again in the [Page 56]hands of the Electours, after the death of each Emperour; Yet their interesses are now so united, that the Imperial rights, and those of the house of Austria can hardly be separa­ted. Wherefore we will examine them toge­ther.

All the pretences of that Family, are ei­ther upon the Soveraignty of the Kingdom of France, or part thereof; especially upon the propriety of Province, the Dutchy of Burgun­dy, the Towns of Mets, Thoul, and Verdun, the Towns upon the River of Somme, and the Dutchy of Britain. These must be exa­mined.

Paragraphe I. The pretended Rights of the Empire, upon the So­veraignty of France.

Concerning that Right, now stale, and in­deed ridiculous; four things are to be con­sidered.

1. The Roman Empire which began in Ju­lius Caesar, or Augustus, comprehended indeed all the West, and herein the Gaules. That Empire was made up of the ruine of many Nations, by right or wrong. Howsoever long prescription, and the consent of Nations, with the extinction of the royall Families, made up a reasonable right, which continu­ed [Page 57]in the Roman Emperours, till the year of Christ, 400; when by the inundation of ma­ny Northern Nations; Goths, Vandales, Franks, and others; the whole Empire was dismem­bred, and the severall Conquerors of each part made themselves Soveraign. So did the Franks in Gaules. A beginning not to be excu­sed of violence and usurpation. But the ruine of the Romans, prescription, and the consent of the conquered people did since authorize their dominion, and towards the end of the first age of these invasions, they were all ju­stified, and the Conquerours remained just possessours, especially when the Roman Em­pire ended in Augustulus, An. 475.

And when Charlemagne restored the Western Empire, an. 800. that promotion did not alter the former Title he had to the Kingdome of France. It was but a Title of honour, which he, and after him his Sonne Lewis the Meek possest, with that of King of France. Afterwards, by the partage made An. 843. between the Sons of Lewis the Meek; each of the three brothers had his portion in­dependent from the others, and Lothary the Eldest, who had the Title of Emperour, pre­tended no right over Charles the Bald, who had France for his Portion, much as it is now. Since which time, all that would ascribe any Superiority to the Emperours, over the [Page 58]Princes of Christendom, that are acknow­ledged Soveraign, have with good reason bin hissed out as ridiculous. Only the precedence was left to the Emperour as the eldest among the brethren. But the subjection which he yields to the Pope, and the small right which he retains over the Lands and Princes of the Empire, weaken his authority very much, and make it unworthy of that precedence o­ver all the Princes of Christendom. Where­fore he doth not stir those antient pretences over all the Kingdomes of the West.

2. Some Germane Historians, as Trithemi­us, Lazius, Munster, Fiesdorpius make the house of Habsburg (which is that of Austria) to descend from the first race of the French Kings; a fable invented since 120. years, and newly taken up again by the flatterers of that house. Especially by Fiesdorpius, a name ei­ther true or forged by the Spaniards.

To understand this, we must know that the Kingdom of France was often divided in­to Tetrarchies under the first race, Kings of Paris, of Orleans, of Soissons, and Mets. In the last of these, Brunehault reigned with great power, that abominable woman so much re­nowned in our Histories, which confounded and destroyed that house by her ordinary murthers. That State of Mets being fallen into the hands of two brothers, Thierry and [Page 59] Theodebert, who contended for it; Therry joy­ning with his Grandmother Brunehault, over­came Theodebert in battell, and put him cru­elly to death. And by Brunehaults order, the two Sons of Theodebert were slain in her pre­sence. This Tragedy was acted An. 617. But these Historians, to flatter the house of Au­stria, say, that of these two Sons of Theodebert, the one, called Sigebert, escaped the hands of his great Grandmother, and fled into Germa­ny to Godfrey and Genebald, Dukes of Franco­nie, his Uncles by the Mother, by whose in­tercession he obtained of Lothary King of France, his Cosin, some lands in Switzerland, upon condition that he should renounce all his rights to the Crown of France. That he or his Son, or one of his more remote descent built the Castle of Habsburg, and founded that family. And upon that account, the house of Austria descends from that of France.

That relation is a blind tale; for all anti­ent Historians affirm, that both the Sons of Theodebert (and he had no more) were slain by Brunehault. And the first that mentions that escape of Sigebert, is Trithemius, who li­ved about six score yeares ago. And as it is false, it is ridiculous in the ordinary vicissi­tude of the affairs of the world, and the con­tinuall changes of Possessions, to set up Ti­tles [Page 60]after an interruption of a thousand years. For, upon that account, there is no Prince in Europe, but may be degraded, and no mean man, but may be intitled to some principa­lity. It is with great reason, that the Title of prescription is every where preferred before all Titles. And though the tale were a true story, that Rodolphus of Habsburg, the head of the house of Austria, was descended from the Family of Habsburg by the women; his mas­culine extraction was from the house of Ti­estein. So this pretence is so ridiculous, that it is not worth speaking.

3. The branch of the house of Valois hath continued from male to male from Philip de Valois, who came to the Crown, An. 1328, to the death of Henry the Third, An. 1589. males failing in that branch, the Crown by the fun­damental laws of the Land was to pass to the next branch of the Males, which was that of Bourbon, and so did in the end. A Title so known to all the French, that even in the heat of the War of the League, against the honse of Bourbon, as professing a contrary Religion; yet they crowned the Cardinal of Bourbon, and called him Charles the Tenth.

In these confusions, Philip the Second King of Spain, seeing the party of the League in­clined to the Election of a King, claimed the Kingdom for his Daughter Clara Eugenia [Page 45]Isabella, as Daughter of Elizabeth of France, his third wife, sister and Heir of the three last Kings, Francis II. Charles IX. and Henry III. and of Francis Duke of Alenson, the eldest of three Sisters; of which the Second was Claude, married to Charles Duke of Lorrain; and the third was Queen Margaret, wife to Henry the Fourth, then only titular King of Navarra. He alleadged then that representation being a good Title by the Laws of France, his Daughter entred into all the rights of her Mother Elizabeth, which should have inheri­ted of her brothers; and that her right exten­ded even to the Crown, as the Patrimony of her Family; That the pretended Salique Law of the French was imaginary; yea, and against Nature, against Humanity, and the right of Political successions, which require that all Inheritances may go to the next Heirs. And though that Law had force among the French, that his Daughter being not a sub­ject, nor borne in France, could not be tied by these municipall Laws. That between Sove­raigns, the Law of Nature, not the particu­lar Laws of Nations should be the rule. That all Laws of Nature reject this principle, that the successions should be for males only, as though females were unreasonable creatures; or the excrements and sweepings of man­kind, and no part of human society.

When the States of the League were assem­bled in Paris, An. 1593. some unadvised and rash heads moved the Election of a King, and the excluding of the house of Bourbon, which stirred the Parliament to make that famous Arrest for the maintaining of the Salique Law, to which the wisest of the League yiel­ded. Philip the II. of Spain, in that Assembly of the States, set up his Daughters Title, and presented her to be Queen. But presently per­ceiving the weaknesse of that Title, and the aversion of the French, from the Govern­ment of a woman; he offered to marry her ei­ther with a Prince of the house of Austria, or with one of the House of Lorraine; Whose imaginary rights were at the same time pleaded. And to strengthen all these rights, he said, that the Election by the States would supply all defects in the Right of succession.

It appeared, that Philip acknowledged the weaknesse of his Daughters right, since he presented her to be elected. The Salique Law is fundamentall in France, wisely instituted, and observed twelve hundred years together.

As for Philips allegation, that Princes are not to be tied by municipall Laws, but by the Laws of Nature, it is utterly false. For in the discussion of the rights of all Soveraigns, the municipall Lawes are alwaies examined; [Page 63]and none can have right to an Estate from which he is excluded by the Law of the Land. The decision of all suits for Estate, is taken out of the customes of the Land where the Estate lyeth; but where those customes written or unwritten are wanting, the case is to be decided by reason onely. The French think they have both Law and Reason on their side: Howsoever, that Isabella in whose favour that Right was set up, dyed child­lesse, an. 1633. Whose right, if she had any, should be devolved since to the Children of her second sister Katherine, wife to Charles E­manuel Duke of Savoy, from whom all the House of Savoy that now is, is descended.

4. Besides these imaginary Rights to the whole Kingdom, the Empire hath a weake pretended right to some parts of it. Where­upon we must observe, That by the partage between the Sons of Lewis the Meek, 843. all the Countries that lye between the Rivers of Rhosne and Saone, and the Alpes, viz. Pro­vence, Daulphine, Savoy, and Franch County, remained Imperial Lands. And the French Kings in the second Race, yea, and very far in the third Race, pretended nothing to them till Daulphine came to them in the time of Philip de Valois, and Provence, in the time of Lewis the XI. And that part of the Empire being held by Lothary the eldest Son of Lewis [Page 64]the Meek, and after him by his Son Lewis the Young, who dyed without Heirs Male, a State was erected in favour of his Daughter Hermengard; between these two Rivers and the Alpes, which was called the Kingdom of Arles; or the second Kingdome of Burgundy, which continued under its proper Kings (whose pedegree was fully described by the Historian Du Chesne) unto the death of Rodol­phus the last King, who dying without issue, an. 1036. left his Estate to the Emperour Conrad the II, surnamed the Salique, who had married his sister Grisel, or (as some say) was his Nephew by her.

By that gift, besides the antient pretence of the Empire upon that Kingdome, at least for the soveraignty, the Emperours became Masters of the same both by soveraignty and propriety, and annext it to the Empire; At which time the Arch bishop of Treves tooke the name of Cnancellor, per regnum Arelaten­se. But the Authority of the Emperours com­ing to a great decay out of Germany, espe­cially during the Warres betweene the Em­perour Henry the IV. and the Popes; four Principalities were framed in that Kingdom of Arles, of the Counts of Provence, the Dol­phins of Viennois, the Counts of Moriurre, cal­led since Dukes of Savoy, and the Counts of Rurgundy, which without question depended [Page 65]from the Empire as long as there was any vi­gour in it: But time hath worne out that title, and prescription is past uponit; not to be bro­ken, and the old title revived, unless the Em­perour will together question most part of the Principalities of Italy, and the East and North Gaules.

Of these four Principalities, that of Savoy subsisteth to this day. Franch County is fallen to the House of Flanders, and so to the house of Austria. Daulphiné was given to Philip de Valois by Imbert Dolphin, about the yeare 1343. And Provence to Lewis the XI. an. 1482. by Charles Count of Maine, Heir to René King of Naples, and Duke of Anjou. All these changes and gifts as for the propriety only, the Soveraignty being still pretended by the Emperours, which they may well be accoun­ted to have lost, by weaknesse, desertion, and by prescription, as many other Principalities at this side of the Rhine. Besides, the French Histories relate that in the year 1377. the Emperour Charles the IV, being come into France to visit King Charles the V, gave to his God-son Charles, who since was Charles the VI, the right which the Emperours pretend­ed in Daulphiné, which was no great gift. And Theodorick à Niem, an Historian of that age, saith, That the same Emperour being come to Avignon to visit the Pope, gave to [Page 66] Lewis Duke of Anjou, brother to Charles the V. of France, the whole Kingdome of Arles, which had been under the juris­diction of the Empire, in recompence of the magnificent entertainment which the said Lewis gave him at Villeneufue near Avignon. So all these Rights of the Empire, are lost ei­ther by prescription or donation. These are all the rights that can be imagined to be pre­tended by the Emperours and the House of Austria, upon the Soveraignty of France.

Paragraphe II. Of the Rights pretended upon Provence.

Let us now examine some pretences of the House of Austria, upon some Dutchies and other Dominions in France, beginning at Pro­vence.

1. I shewed before, how Provence before the partage betweene the Sons of Lewis the Meek, (a fundamental and famous Date in our History) was part of the Kingdome of France; And when it was divided into Te­trarchies, it was a member of the Kingdom of Mets, Austrasia, or Burgundy. But when (be­fore that famous division) all France was re­united in the second Race under these two great Princes, Pepin and Charlemagne, Provence was a part of it.

2. By the partage betweene the Sonnes of Lewis the Meek, Provence, with all that was beyond the Rivers of Rhosne and Saone, was cut off from the portion, given to Charles the Bald, and was since called the Kingdome of Arles. All these pieces given to Lothary the eldest brother, were called the Empire, and Imperial grounds; and to this day the Lands beyond the Rhone towards Italy, are called Terres d' Empire, Lands of the Empire, and the Lands at this side Terres de France, French Lands. Since that partage, the Emperours have alwayes pretended a Soveraignty to those Countries, a right strengthened by the donation made of the propriety of it, to the Emperour Conrad the Salique, by his Uncle or Brother in law Rodolphus the last King of Bur­gundy.

3. Lewis the II. Emperour, Son to that Lo­thary, left but one Daughter called Hermen­garda, which being incapable of the Title of Emperour, had instead of it that Country be­tween the Rivers of Saone and the Rhone, the Alpes, and the Sea; which Dominon was e­rected to the Title of a Kingdom by Charles the Bald, King of France, and Emperour in fa­vour of that Hermengarda, whom Bozon one of the Court of Charles, and his wives kins­man took away. These two Bozon and Her­mengarda, gave a beginning to that second [Page 68]Kingdom of Burgundy, or the Kingdom of Ar­les, about the year 875. which continued un­der these Kings among many alterations to that last Rodolphus, an. 1036. All that time Provence was part of that Kingdome of Ar­les.

4. Which Kingdom being extinct in that Rodolphus, and united to the Empire by Con­rad the Salique, shortly after by the weak­ness of the Emperours, and the disorders ri­sen in the Empire; four Principalities were framed out of it, as we said before. That of Provence, under the title of a County, was the most considerable, as being full of good Towns, and of great commerce, by reason of the Sea. It was possest by the family of Beren­gers, with the title of Counts, whose History was written by Nostradamus.

5. That House of Berengers kept the Coun­ty of Provence till the time of St Lewis, when Raymond Berenger the last Count left four Daughters, the eldest whereof Margaret was married to St Lewis. The three others were also married to Soveraign Princes, Eleonor to Henry the III. King of England; Fancie to Richard his brother, who was since created King of the Romans; and the fourth Daughter Beatrix, to Charles Count of Anjou, brother to St Lewis. Raymond dying an. 1231. left that Beatrix Heir of all his Estate, leaving Legacies [Page 69]onely to the three others, to each three thou­sand marks. Another Raymond Count of Thou­louse, would have taken away that Beatrix to marry her: But St Lewis prevented him, sen­ding an Army into Provence, and taking her gave her to his brother Charles to wife, to whom he gave the County of Anjou. And thirty yeares after, the same Charles was in­vested by the Pope, with the Kingdome of the two Sicilies, as we shall see hereafter.

The County of Anjou returned to the Crown of France, being given as a portion to Margaret, Grand-child to that Charles, who was married to Charles Count of Valois, Fa­ther to King Philip de Valois. And many yeares after that first Branch of the Kings of Naples, and Counts of Anjou, pretended no right to that County, it was given to Lewis, brother to King Charles the V. who founded the second House of Anjou, now erected to a Dukedome. But the two other pieces of that Estate, which Charles brother to St. Lewis en­joyed with his wife Beatrix, which was Pro­vence, and the Kingdom of the two Sicilies re­mained alwayes united: and the Kings of Naples and Sicily, whether of the first House of Anjou, or of the second, or of the family of Arragon, have alwayes claimed a right to the County of Provence; so that Naples and Pro­vence go under one right, as we shall more [Page 70]fully expound when we shall speak of the claim of France upon Naples.

6. Jane, Queen of Naples, of the first house of Anjou, went out of Italie, An. 1379. with Pope Clement VII. and retired to Avignon when that great Schism began, which conti­tinued forty years. Since which time, al­though there have been many disputes for the succession of Naples, between the Fami­lies of Charles de Duras, the Dukes of Anjou, and the house of Arragon, and that portion of Italie past through many changes; yet Pro­vince into which that Jane retired, was soon after put in the hands of Lewis, first Duke of Anjou, brother to Charles the V. and both he and his descent enjoyed it peaceably, with­out any disturbance from the houses of Hun­gary and Arragon, who were fighting for the Kingdom of Naples, although both pretended that Province belonged to them by the same right. But the conveniency of the place, as lying under the wings of France, which might assist it at any time, kept the possession there­of to the house of Anjou. And finally, from the house of Anjou it past to that of France, being left to Lewis the XI. by Charles Count du Main, Heir and Nephew to Rene, titular King of Naples, and reall Possessor of Province. Lewis the XI. though he knew the right of the French in Naples, which his Son Charles the [Page 71]VIII. and his other successours have pursued; yet he neglected it, and contented himself to take Provence. By this discourse, it appears that who so hath the lawfull Possession of the Kingdom of Naples (which we shall examine afterwards) hath also a lawfull right to Pro­vince.

7. Besides that claim of the Possessors of Naples upon Province, disputable between that house first of Anjou, and that of Arragon & Austria; there is a more particular claim of the Dukes of Lorraine against the French Kings, Heirs to that Charles du Main. The Lorriners pretend that René having a Daughter named Yoland, from which the house of Lorrain is descended, could not lawfully dis-inherit his Grandchild, to give his Estate to Charles du Maine his Nephew. To which the French an­swer two things.

1. That Province was a purchase of René, who could dispose of it.

2. And that Province useth the Civil or Ro­man Law, by which testaments are free. But the discussion of that point, is for another place.

Howsoever this remains, That the Dukes of Anjou, and the French Kings after them, have peaceably enjoyed the County of Province a­bove 270. years, and the invaders of Naples never had any thing in it: Which indeed, hin­ders [Page 72]not, but that they may have a right to it. But the reason whereby we shall exclude them hereafter from any right to the King­dome of Naples, will serve also to invalid their claim upon Province.

Paragraphe. III. Of the Dutchy of Burgundy.

1. The Burgundians came out of Germany, or some other Nation of the North, in that great inundation of Northern people over the Roman Empire, about the year 400. founded a State under the name of the first Kingdom of Burgundy, about the Rivers of Saone and Rhone, and near the Alpes: And that State ha­ving begun An. 407. was ruined by the chil­dren of the great Clovis about the year 527. and lasted about six score years.

2. Since which time, under the first race of the French Kings, Burgundy was part of the Kingdom of Orleans; some part of it also belonging to the Kingdom of Mets, and Au­strasia. And in the end, the Kingdom of Mets and that of Burgundy, became all one, till by the partage between the children of Lewis the Meek, that part of Burgundy, which is beyond the River of Saone, remained with the Em­pire, and in the portion of Lothary the eldest Son. The other on this side of the River of Sa­one, [Page 73]was allotted to France, and was a consi­derable member of the same. Before the in­stitution of Fees, made in the beginning of the third race; Burgundy was governed by Dukes, and three Brothers of Hugh Capet, the first of that race, held it. But the last of them, Robert, was divested of them by his Nephew, King Robert, Son to Hugh Capet, and it was re-united to the Crown. All that was before the two Families of Burgundy, of which we are to speak to discusse the right which the Spaniards pretend upon that piece of the French State.

3. So then from the beginning of the first Race, two Royall Families have possest the Dutchy of Burgundy. The first began by Ro­bert, younger brother to King Henry the First, and Son to King Robert. To him his brother Henry gave that Dutchy, in the year 1032. That Family continued from Male to Male, without any interruption of Female successi­on, untill the death of the last Duke Philip, dead without issue, An. 1362. Then King John at that time reigning in France, seizd-upon that piece as an apanage; so the French call the Portions of the Sons of France, which are to return to the Crown, when Heirs Male fail. That apanage then being returned to the Crown, King John bestowed it in the same nature upon his fourth Son Philip. This was [Page 74]the head of the second house of Burgundy, which had four Dukes only successively. This Philip called le Hardy, invested by his Father, then Iohn, the third Philip le Bon, the last Charles killed before Nancy, An. 1477. who left his Daughter Mary his universall Heir. She was married to Maximilian of Austria, since Emperour, and so carried all her estate into the house of Austria. From that marri­age came Philip Archduke, married with Jane, Inheritrix of all Spain; and by her had two Sons, Charles the V. and Ferdinand, Empe­rours, founders of the two Families of Au­stria that now reign.

4. After the death of Charles, killed before Nancy, Lewis the XI, seized upon the Dutchy of Burgundy as an apanage of France, return­ing to the Crown. Although Mary and her Husband Maximilian alleaged, that the Dutchy had been given to Philip the Hardy, by his Father, King John, as an absolute gift, without any restriction of masculine descent. That question, though agitated on both sides, will alwaies remain undecided. The French Kings maintaining themselves in that possessi­on. Charle; the V. Grandchild to that Mary, grounding himself upon that right, which we will declare afterwards; required by the Treaty of Madrid, that the Dutchy of Bur­gundy should be restored to him as his by his [Page 75]Grandmothers right, and taken from her by Lewis the XI. But after the return of Francis the I, that Treaty was declared void, as be­ing contrary to all right of Nations, which disannull Treaties made in Prison, and extor­ted by violence, & contrary to the Municilpal Laws of the State of France, which constitute the Kings to be alwaies Minors: that is, unca­pable of absolute disposition, as for the alie­nation of their Dominions. So the Article of that Treatise, concerning the restitution of Burgundy remained null, though signed by the King. Besides, the States Generall of the Kingdom protested to the King, that it was never in his power to alienate any Province of his State without their consent. Which last opposition was of such force, that since neither in the Treaty of Cambray, nor in that of Crespy in Valois (in which severall pieces were yielded unto the house of Austria) any mention was made of Burgundy. Yet the Kings of Spain take still the Title of Dukes of Burgundy. So much for the Fact. We will now examine the right.

5. It must be acknowledged that the seve­rity of Apanages for the Males onely, to the exclusion of Females, is not in use among the French but since the time of Philip de Valois, who began to reign An. 1328; for remount­ing higher to Hugh Capet, we find not that [Page 76]exclusion of Females from successions, saving the ordinary preference of the Males before them. And the Females were admitted Heirs, in all kinds of estates, whether given by the King, or by others. Yea, many times the hou­ses of the Sons of France have ended in Fe­males, that have transported their Estates to other Families; as it appears in that of Dreux of Vermandeis, of Courtenay, and of others. But since the time of Philip de Valois, no Son of France had any apanage but upon that con­dition. Which is evident, in that all the apa­nages are returned to the Crown by the ex­tinction of Males, to the exclusion of Females, as those of Anjou, Berry, Alanson, and others. Yea, although that first house of Burgundy be much antienter, and hath begun almost with the third race; yet as it was the first, and most important apanage, we have in the History thereof an example of the exclusion of Fe­males and setling the inheritance in the Males. Hugh the IV. of that name, Duke of Burgundy had three Sons, Eudes his eldest, John Lord of Charrolois, and Robert the II. Duke of Burgundy. Eudes was married in his Fathers life time, died before him, and left three Daughters, Joland, Margaret, and A­lice or Alix; John the second Son was marri­ed, and died likewise before his Father, lea­ving a Daughter Beatrix of Burgundy, Lady [Page 77]of Bourbon. This was the Lady who being married with Robert, Son to Saint Lewis, gave a beginning to the house of Bourbon. When Eudes the IV. died, it seemed that the Daugh­ters of the First or Second of his Sons should have inherited by the right of representati­on of their Father; but they were excluded from it by their Uncle Robert, who enjoyed it, and his Heirs Male peaceably, though these four Daughters had been married in great and potent houses.

6. Philip the last Duke of that Race being dead, King John took the Dutchy in his Possession; yet did not reunite it to the Crown, but presently gave it to his fourth Son, Philip le Hardy, whom he especially lo­ved, because he had saved his life in the bat­tell of Poitiers, though he was then very young. He gave it him by a long Charter, which indeed contains not in expresse termes the exception of Female Heirs; but conferrs it upon him with the same rights by which himself came by it, and by which he possesseth it. Termes which have caused difficulty, because John could be said to succeed to it by two rights; the one as King, the other as the next Heir-male of the last Duke. If he succeeded to it as King, the Dutchy being an apanage, returning to the Crown in defect of Heir-Male, then without doubt it was setled upon [Page 78]his Son Philip as a masculine apanage, both because his Father gave it him with the same right by whch himself had got it. And because the severe Law of Apanages was already in use from Philip de Valois, Father to John, and never was interrupted since.

7. But King John (say the Spaniards) inhe­rited of the last Duke as the next of blood, and his Heir, ab intestato, because it appeareth in the Genealogy of that first Race of Burgun­dy, that Robert the II, he that had excluded his four Neeces, was Father to Hugh the V. who dyed without issue, and of Eudes the IV. both successively Dukes of Burgundy. This last was Grandfather to Philip the last Duke, who ended the masuline line. But that Ro­bert the II. had three Daughters besides Mar­garet wife to King Lewis Hutin, whence came the house of Navarra, Jane wife to King Phi­lip de Valois, and mother to King John, and Mary wife to Edward Count of Bar. They say then, that after the death of Philip the last Duke. King John took that Dutchy by the right of his mother Jane, which right he transported to his Son Philip le Hardy, with­out any mention of masculine apanage, wher­by they will have it evident, that femals may inherit it.

8. Against that pretended right which was very much disputed in the Treaty of Madrid, [Page 79]the French have strong exceptions.

The first is, That from the time of Philip de Valois, within which that gift was made, no Son of France had any great Apanage but with that restriction, against which whatsoever King John may have said or done (and he was a very imprudent and rash man) he could do no valuable deed to the detriment of the State, or against the fundamental Lawes.

The second Reason is, That since we see by the example of Hugh the IV. that females are excluded from that succession, we must acknowledge that John did not succeed by right of his mother, but as King, receiving an apanage devolved unto him.

The third Reason is, That King John was not the next Heir in blood, for by proximity of blood, the children of the eldest Daughter, which was Margaret wife to King Lewis Hu­tin should have succeeded, not King John, who was Son to the second. Now that succession fell when that wicked man Charles King of Navarra, Grandchild to that Margaret was in his strength, who if there had beene any life in that title, would not have failed to have set it up; for Burgundy was better then all his Navarra, and the rest of his estate. And yet that stirring man did not stirre that point, or it was so slightly, that he left off pre­sently; but hotly pursued a recompence for [Page 80]the Counties of Champagne and Brie, which by right belonged to his mother Jane, Daugh­ter to Lewis Hutin, Sonne to Jane Countess of Champagne and Brie, Queen of Navarra, wife to Philip le Bel. By all this it is evident, that the Dutchy of Burgundy was setled upon Phil­lip le Hardy his Son, in the nature of a true masculine apanage.

Paragraphe IV. Of the Towns of Metz, Thoul, and Verdun.

By the partage so famous among the Sons of Lewis the Meek, an. 843. it is certaine that all that was beyond the River Mosa towards Germany, was cut off from that which retain­ed the name of Kingdome of France; and that these three Towns remained Imperiall. But Mosa being the bound of these two States, the Empire and the Kingdome; yet by an infinity of Warres, Usurpations, and Treaties, that bound and other limits be­tween the two States were often changed. In the time of the weakness and declination of the House of Charlemagne, most part of the Cities and Lordships of the Empire, did can­ton themselves, and made themselves parti­cular Dominions under the protection of the Empire, and some remained free, others were subjected to especial Lords, some Lay, [Page 81]some Ecclesiastical. All these make up now the great body of the Empire: Of that na­ture were these three Towns, Metz, Thoul, and Verdun, upon which the French Kings pre­tended no right till the time of Henry the II.

An. 1550. the Protestants of Germany cal­led Henry the II. to their help, against the Em­perour Charles the V. Henry sent them great Auxiliary forces by Ann de Montmorency Con­stable of France, who in his way seized upon Thoul and Verdun, & put Garrisons into them to assure the passage of the French Forces in­to Germany. The Government of Thoul was gi­ven to Monsieur d'Esclavoles, Lieutenant of the company of the Duke of Guise. And Charles Cardinall of Lorrain, was restored to his Lordship, annext to the Bishoprick of Verdun, the King retaining the soveraignty for himselfe, which he thought he could lawfully doe, because the Lord of it was his subject, and had an estate in France; and be­cause the Emperour was his declared enemy, whose Estate he might invade. In the same ex­pedition the Constable seized on the City of Metz, which the Emperour Charles the V. besieged towards the end of the yeare 1551. but in vain, since which time the French have enjoyed these three Cities; yet finding their right some what weak, they used it at the first with great moderation, calling themselves [Page 82]only Guardians and Protectors of the same, till Lewis the XIII. caused them to be altoge­ther incorporated with France, and in them hath establisht a soveraign Court of Parlia­ment.

Indeed these three Townes have of long continuance been Imperial, and being got by subtilty, upon pretence of the surety of the passage, the right of the French Kings in them should be much more disputable then in ma­ny other places, as themselves have confest in many of their instructions for the generall Treaties. Yet it may be said for the French, that Henry the II. took them as his enemies estate, when he made War against the Em­perour. That the Emperour never made since any stipulation for the restitution of them in any Treaty. That the rights of the Empire on this side of Rhine, are so vanisht and lost, that the Countries seem now to be primum occu­panti. That Holland, also Lorraine, Switzer­land, Savoy, Franch County, Daulphiné, Pro­vence, were Imperiall Lands; and yet all these are slipt from the Empire by a prescrip­tion grounded upon the weakness and neg­lect of the old Soveraigne. Also that the French Kings at the first, declared themselves onely Protectors and Guardians of these Towns: which if afterwards they have in­corporated to their State, it was by the con­sent [Page 83]of the people, seeing themselves deser­ted and neglected by the Empire. Finally, in that point the French think they may use the right of Represals. And that if the Emper­our and the House of Austria should do them right about all their pretences, there would be some reason why the Emperour should be contented about these Towns.

Paragraphe V. Of the Towns on the River of Somme, and other contained in the Treaty of Arras.

The four Dukes of the last House of Bur­gundy, were Philip le Hardy, John, Philip le Bon, and Charles.

John, after the death of his Father Philip le Hardy, an. 1404. caused great troubles in the State of France, and caused his Cousin German, Lewis Duke of Orleans to be slain, an. 1407. whence sprung those great Divisi­ons and Wars between those two Houses, of which the Histories are full. That John was slain at Montereau foult-Ronne, by the com­mand of Charles the Dolphin, an. 1419. His Son Philip de Bon, pursued with great power and eagernesse the vengeance of that death, made league with the English, and distressed very much the Kingdom of France. In the [Page 84]end seeing himself ill used by the English, he grew weary of their alliance, and ashamed of the harm which he had done to his Coun­try. Being then contented to agree with the King, he met with him at Arras, An. 1435. This was called the Treatie of Arras, a fun­damentall piece of the History of that age, and the following. By that Treaty, after that King Charles the VII. in as little dishonorable termes as might be, had asked pardon for the killing of Duke John, when he was Dolphin, they agreed about many other Articles, and the King gave many pieces belonging to the Crown. The chief were these.

1. He transported to the Duke, and to his Heirs lawfully begotten, the Towns and ju­risdictions of Peronne, Roye, Mondidier, to hold them by homage from the Crown, and in Ti­tle of Peerdom, to depend of the Court of Parliament of Paris.

2. The County of Artois was restored unto him on the same Title, with all the imposi­tions amounting to fourteeen thousand Li­vers. per an. But of the rights of France upon the County of Artois, we shall speak here­after.

3. He transported to the said Duke the Towns of Saint Quintin, Corbi, Amiens, Ab­beville, Dourlans, Saint Riquier, Crevecoeur, and all the other Towns, Castles, and Lord­ships [Page 85]seated upon the River of Somme on both sides, together with the County of Ponthien, and other Lands adjacent to the County of Flanders, and Lands of the Empire. All these Towns, Castles, and Lordships, redeema­ble with the sum of 400000 Crowns. Upon that Treaty all these Towns were delivered to the Duke of Burgundy, and all the time of Charles the VII. nothing was altered in this agreement.

Lewis the XI. came to the Crown. An. 1461. who being unthankfull and malicious, al­though he had great obligations to the house of Burgundy; yet as soon as he came to the Crown, he conceived a great aversion against Charles Count of Charolois, Son and Heir to Philip le Bon, and would recover all those pawned Lordships, arguing the Treaty of Arras, of nullity and invalidity, maintaining that his Father could not alienate so many pieces belonging to the State, against the fun­damentall Laws. To disingage these Lands, he laid great impositions upon the people, till he had raised the four hundred thousand Crownes, which he caused to be brought to Abbeville, and delivered unto the Duke, who soon after delivered all those places unto him. Charles Count of Coarolois took that so heavily, that he almost died for sorrow, and conceived a mortall hatred against the Lord [Page 86]of Crovi, whom he accused to have advised his Father to it. And it was one of the causes of the War of the publique good; which ha­ving been carried with various successe, till the Treaty of Conflans, near Paris, 1465, the fourth Article whereof was, that the King should give again to the Count of Charolois, all the Townes seated upon the River of Somme, lately redeemed with 400000. Crowns, to enjoy them all his life time, and besides that, should give him the County of Guines for himself and his Heirs for ever. This Charles, who was since Duke of Burgun­dy, enjoyed these Lands, though not without Wars and Divisions, against Lewis the XI. Fi­nally, Charles being dead before Nancy, An. 1477. Lewis the XI. did suddenly invade the Dutchy of Burgundy as a masculin apanage, returning to the Crown, and all the Townes upon the River of Somme, which the French have kept ever since. Neither can the house of Austria pretend any just right to them as Heir of the house of Burgundy; both because Charles the VII. had not power to alienate these parts of his State (as his Son Lewis the XI alledged) and because all these Townes had been alienated upon condition of re­demption with a certain sum, which was paid by Lewis the XI. unto the Duke Philip. And if they were restored to the Count of [Page 87] Charolois, it was for his life onely; Where­fore Lewis did not seize upon them, but after the death of Charles. At which time al­so he took Arras, of which we will speak hereafter.

Paragraphe VI. Of the Dutchy of Britain.

The right of the house of Austria to the Dutchy of Britain, hath more ground then a­ny of the former, and gave matter to many disputes, especially in the time of the League; the King of Spain, Philip the II. representing the rights of his Daughter Isabella, both to the Kingdom, and especially to that Dutchy. And when the Duke of Mercoeur, who had cantonned himselfe in it (finding himself too weak to maintain his own pretence to it, which was upon another ground) threatned to give entrance to the Spaniards into the Dutchy, La Guesle the Kings Atturney Gene­rall, made a long speech to defend the Kings right, of which the summary is this.

1. That Francis the II. the last Duke of Britain dying An. 1488. left two daughters, Anna and Isabella. The second died young. The eldest, Anne, had the whole succession, and was married first to Charles the VIII. of France, by whom though she had many chil­dren, [Page 88]none outlived the Father: Who being dead, she was married with his successour Lewis the XII. by whom she had two Daugh­ters, Claude married to Francis the I. who by her had Henry the II, who was Father to three Kings, Francis the II. Charles the IX, Henry the III. and to Francis Duke of Alanson, all which left no issue. He was Father also of Elizabeth the Third, Wife of Philip the II. King of Spain, who by her had the Infanta Isa­bella, Wife to Archiduke Albert, and Princess of the Low-Countries, died An. 1633, and Catherine, Dutchesse of Savoy.

2. By the death of Henry the III, all the masculine Race of Valois was extinct, and the next Heir of that house was Infanta Isabella, daughter to Elizabeth the eldest Sister of Hen­ry the III. So if there was any Estate in that house inheritable by women, it belonged to Isabella without question. Philip the II, deal­ing for his daughter after he was once satis­fied, that his pretence to the Crown of France in her behalfe was ridiculous, asked that at least the Dutchy of Britain should be restored to her, as the Estate wch her great Grandmother Anne of Britain had brought to Lewis the XII, an Estate which often had past to Females, saying (as it was true) that she was the next in blood.

To these allegations these answers are given.

1. That the Dutchy of Britain had been inse­rapably united wth the Crown, by the coming of Henry the II. to the Crown; for it is a fun­damentall rule among the French, that a King coming to the Crown, uniteth unto the same all his Estate, both Paternall and Ma­ternall.

2. Besides that tacit and municipall right, to which all contrary pretence must yield; there was an expresse union made An. 1532. at the request of the States Generall of Bri­tain, by Francis the I. upon condition, that the Dolphin should take the Title of Dolphin of Viennois, Duke of Britain; which was then practised in the person of the Dolphin Francis, but was since neglected. That au thenticall union of Britain with the Crown, cannot be disputed, since the consent of the whole Pro­vince did intervene, and that in all publique businesses, all private rights, must bow and yield to the publique good, Salus populi supre­ma lexesto.

3. Besides, ever since John of Montford by the battell of Auray An. 1364. remained Master of the Dutchy, and excluded Jane his Cosen-German, Wife to Charles de Blois, objecting that she was a woman, and that women vvere not capable Heirs of Estates of [Page 90]that nature; Since that time, I say it may be affirmed that Females were excluded from the succession of Britain. And that if Anne, Wife to the two Kings, Charles the VII. and Lewis the XII. was admitted to it, it was by toleration; For by right, after the death of Francis the last Duke, the Dutchy was devol­ved to the Crown. And truly, Francis the last Duke, by his great revolts, had given sufficient cause to the Kings of France, his Soveraigns to deprive him of his Estate.

4. The French also may here set up the right of Aubeine, which excludeth strangers, & admitted none but regnicolae, inhabitants of the Kingdom to successions. Which must e­specially be observed in great Estates and most of all in those that owe a liedge homage. For whereas the Duke of Britain did owe personal service to the King; how can a wo­man born in Spain, tyed with blood and inte­resse unto a house alwaies jealous, and often declared Enemy of the State of France, per­form that part of her duty to the Crown? a duty absolutely necessary for the preservati­on of the body of the State unto which the e­stablishing of all Fees must have regard.

6. The French may deale besides with the house of Austria by right of represals. For since that house withholds so many Dutch­ies, [Page 91]and Counties from the Crown of France, without any recompence or satisfaction; they think not themselves bound to give ear to their pretences upon so little ground.

Second Point Of the third Chapter. The pretences of the house of France, upon that of Austria.

A Book was publisht An. 1634. intituled Inquisition of the rights of the King and Crown of France, upon the Kingdoms, Dutchies, Countries, Towns, and Countries usurped by for­raign Princes upon the most Christian Kings, com­posed by Cassan the Kings Advocate in the Fresidial of Beziers; wherein all that we have to say of this matter, is fully and curiously set down: Which though we will but sum­marily relate; yet we hope to adde som­thing to it both for order and matter. Wee will stand here only upon those rights which are disputed against the house of Austria, and the Empire; both because it is our present businesse, and because all other claims are stale and of small importance.

All the pretences of the French upon the possessions of the house of Austria, are either [Page 92]antient and almost worn out, as the pretences upon Castilia, Portugal, Arragon, Catalonia; or later and important, upon Dominions to which they maintaine their rights, and claim them from time to time, to hinder a prescrip­tion; joyning to their claim active prosecution by armes.

Though I might omit those first pretences as too stale, yet I will here set them down a­mong the rest, for the information of curious Readers.

All the pretences either new or old of the French upon the Spaniard, are either within or without Spain.

In that Peninsula, called Spain, inclosed within the great Ocean, the Mediterranean Sea, and the Pyrenees, since the invasion of the Saracens, an. 713. there hath been a great number of petty States under the Title of Kingdomes, Dutchies, Counties, &c. into which that great Province was divided, ei­ther by the Moores when they conquered the Land, or by the Christians when they recon­quered it; and it is but a hundred and fifty yeares, since there was yet five remarkable distinct soveraignties in Spain, Castilia, Arra­gon, Navarra, Portugal, and Granada, four of which Castilia, Arragon, Navarra, and Granada were united by Ferdinand the Catholique. Portugal came to the House of Austria, an. [Page 93]1580. under Philip the II. (for here I speake not yet of the revolt of the Portugais and Ca­talans, which hath cut off two considerable limbs of that great body, of which we will say more before we have done) This is not a fit place to examine how these severall States were founded, and how united as they are now. We consider onely that there be six pieces within Spain, upon which the French have pretences, Castilia, Portugal, Navarra, Arragon, Catalonia, and the County of Rous­sillon. And out of Spain they claim a right to the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, the Dut­chie of Milan, the Common-wealth of Genoa, and the Counties of Flanders and Artois.

Paragraphe I. Of the Kingdome of Castilia.

The Saracens Moores, having invaded Spain an. 713, were manfully opposed by two Catholique Princes, Inigo Imenes, sur­named Arista, Count of Bigorre, who con­quered upon them part of the Pyrenees, and founded the little Kingdom of Suprarba, cal­led afterward Navarra. The other Prince was Don Pelagus, Uncle or Cousin to King Ro­driguez, dispossest before by the Saracens. This Prince founded a Kingdom towards Ast­uria, called Gallicia or Leon, or the Kingdom [Page 94]of Oviedo. He, and his Descendants, and peo­ple, stretching themselves towards the plains, recovered the Country as farre as the Strait of Gibralter, and built many Castles upon their Frontier to keepe out the Saracens. Whence the Country was called Castilia, which remained under the subjection of the Kings of Oviedo, till the year 896. when the Castilians incensed against their King Frocla, who had usurped the State of his Nephews, cantonned themselves, and chose two sove­raign Judges. The two first were Nugno Ra­suro, and Flavio Galvo. But about 40 years af­ter, an. 939. Sanchez King of Oviedo and Le­on, made himselfe Master of Castilia, and re­united it unto the Kingdom of Oviedo where it remained, till Dom Sanchez, surnamed the Great, King of Navarra, who had Castilia by his Wife, made that famous partage be­tween his three Sons, giving Navarra to Gar­cias his eldest Son; to Ferdinando, Castilia and Leon; and to Ramires his bastard, Arragon. That partage was about the yeare 1036. which is the date of the birth and distinction of those three States in Spain. From that Fer­dinand King of Castilia, descended long after Alphonsus the IX. the Father of three Chil­dren, one Son called Henry, and two Daugh­ters, Blanch and Berengera. Henry reigned af­ter his Father, and dyed without issue. Blanch [Page 95]was married to Lewis the VIII. King of France, and was mother of St Lewis. Berengera was married to Alphonsus the IX. King of Le­on.

After the death of Henry, Blanch as the el­dest, was the undoubted Heir of Castilia, and Beringera had no right to it being the yongest. Yet because Beringera was within the Coun­try, and Blanch lived in France very farre, she seized upon the state, and with it invested her Son Ferdinand, although many of the Gran­dees opposed it, standing for the right of Blanch, which caused great troubles till St. Lewis to whom Castilia belonged after his Mother, thus composed the difference.

Ferdinand, the usurper of Castilia over Blanch and St Lewis, was Father of Alphonsus the X. King of Castilia and Leon, against whom St Lewis having an Action for Castilia one of the two Kingdoms, married his Daughter Blanch, Grand-daughter of Blanch the inhe­ritrice of Castilia, an. 1267. with Ferdinand, surnamed, De la Cerda, eldest Son to that Al­phonsus the X. By the contract of marriage, it was agreed that S. Lewis yielded all his rights over Castilia, to his Daughter Blanch, and her Children after her; upon which conditions performed, France lost her claime upon that Kingdome; but that Ferdinand de la Cerda dy­ed before his Father Alphonsus, and his youn­ger [Page 96]Brother Sanchez usurped the Crown, de­priving his Nephews, Sons to Ferdinand and Blanch, of their right. From that usurper San­chez, all the Kings of Spain to this day are descended. From the dispossest Children of Ferdinand and Blanch of France, is descended the House of the Dukes of Medina Coeli, who retaining still the memory of that degradati­on, and of their birth-right over the family of Sanchez, make their protestations at every change of State, that if the family now reigning should fail, they might enter upon their right.

Out of that discourse, four things doe re­sult for our purpose.

1. That after the death of Henry King of Castilia, all the right of the Kingdome be­longed to his sister Blanch, and after her, to her Son St Lewis; and that Berengera the younger sister of Blanch, and her Son Ferdi­nand, were usurpers.

2. That St Lewis indeed yeelded his rights by the contract of marriage between Ferdi­nand de la Cerda, and his Daughter Blanch. One might say, that it was more then he could doe; for the rights of the Crown can­not be alienated. But they had not then such absolute maxims, and were not so jealous as now of preserving the union of States, which in those dayes were often divided, exchan­ged, [Page 97]bought and sold. And St Lewis suffici­ently perceived the impossibility of govern­ing the French and the Castilians together.

3. But that Cession was conditionall, re­quiring that the Children of Ferdinand and Blanch, should inherit the Crown. That con­dition having been violated by the usurpati­on of Sanchez, younger Brother to Ferdinand, and the poor Princes, Children to Ferdinand and Blanch, being disinherited and proscri­bed, that cession of St Lewis becomes void by right, and the claim of the French might be good, if it was not somewhat too old.

4. At least all that Right of St Lewis re­maines with the descendants of Ferdinand and Blanch, the Dukes of Medina Coeli, for they have double right, the one from Ferdi­nand, as elder Brother to Sanchez; the other from Blanch, to whom her Father St Lewis had conferred his right. And if the House of Me­dina Coeli would prosecute it, they should be well grounded, and the French Kings might defend their claim very justly, as their suc­cessors and fetching their right from them.

Paragraphe II. Of the Kingdome of Portugal.

Portugal, a part of the old Lusitania, is one of the Provinces of Spain, near the great O­cean [Page 98]under Gallicia, between the Rivers of Duerno Minio, and Tajo: To which also be­longs a little State, called the Kingdom of Al­garba, which is the point of the Cap St Vin­cent, next to the Isle of Cadiz, and the Strait of Gibraltar. That Country was wasted and conquered by the Saracens, as the rest of Spain, by that great inundation of those bar­barous Nations, an. 713.

All the Christian Princes, and all the No­bility and Gentry of the Kingdomes of the West, (even after the time of Charlemagne, and Lewis the Meek, who were there in per­son) very willingly went to make Warre in Spain, against these Saracen Moores. Especial­ly an. 1090. a little before the enterprise of the holy Warre, Philip the I. reigning in France, & Alphonsus the VIII. in Spain; many Princes and Noblemen confederated them­selves, and went into Spain against them. The most eminent was Henry, of the first Royal House of Burgundy; for although there hath been much dispute about his Origine, now all Historians acknowledge that he was Grand­child to Robert, Brother to King Henry the I, who had Burgundy given him for his apanage. This Henry of Burgundy, having done great exploits against the Moores, married Teresa, naturall Daughter of Alphonsus, who gave her for her portion the Townes of Coimbra, [Page 99]Braga, and others in Portugal, with forces to conquer the rest, of which he quitted himself so well, that he expelled the Infidels from great part of Portugal, of which he was called Comes or Count, and no other title did he bear all his life time. He dyed an. 1112. and left a Son named Alphonsus, who took Lisbone, and much Country besides, and was called the first King of Portugal, an. 1139. From that Alphonsus is descended the whole House of Portugal, till the death of Henry the Cardi­nall King, an. 1580. at which time Portugal was united with Spain.

The great difficulty about the succession of that Kingdom, whether it belong to the house of Spain, or to that of Braganza, or to that of Parma, is nothing to this purpose. It hath wearied the reasoning of the greatest Po­lititians for threescore yeares, and finally hath ended in a generall revolt of Portugal, and a bloody War. Certainly, although such as are most jealous of the growth of Spaine, will vote for the House of Braganza, and that of Parma, the question is not without diffi­culty.

But France hath a further pretence to the Kindom of Portugal, for which we must remount higher. Alphonsus the II, King of Portugal, had two Sons, Sanchez the II, sur­named Capel, and Alphonsus. Sanchez raigned [Page 100]after his Father, but with small vigour, and was despised by his subjects. Alphonsus living then in the Court of St Lewis, where he re­ceived much honour, as being his kinsman by Blanch of Castilia the Kings Mother. By his meanes he married Mahaut of Dampmartin, Widow to a Prince of the blood, an. 1235. and by her had Children. The people of Por­tugal weary of their King Sanchez, desired Alphonsus to come home, and take the tuition of the State, which he did, leaving his wife Mahaut in France. And his Brother being de­graded and himselfe made King, he forgot his wife and children in France, and married Beatrix, naturall Daughter of Alphonsus the IX King of Castilia, who gave her for her por­tion the Kingdom of Algarba. Because his first wife was living, that 2d marriage was ac­counted unlawful; yea, Alphonsus was ex­communicated for it by Pope Alexander the IV. and hated by all the Princes; and Ma­haut coming into Spain, made a heavy com­plaint against him. Who was so hardened in that sin, that he protested that if a hundred wives would have him, he would marry them all. Yet being a great Warriour, and a wise and prosperous King, he maintained himself by the love of his subjects, insomuch that Ma­haut being dead, the Bishops of Portugal ob­tained his absolution of Urban the IV. and the [Page 101]confirmation of that second marriage of which he had Children. One of them, and his successour, was Denis, Alphonsus being dead, an. 1279. From that Denis are descended all the Kings of Portugal to this day.

Some of the French Historians affirme, that Mahaut had two Sons by Alphonsus in France, the one that dyed young, the other Robert, from whom the whole House of the Counts of Bullen is descended, which fell to Magdalen de la Cour, wife to Laurens of Medi­cis, by whom came Katherine de Medicis, mo­ther of the three late French King, Francis the II. Charles the IX, and Henry the III, after whose death (by the substitution set downe before in the contract betweene her and Henry the II,) the inheritance of Katherine came to her Daughter Queen Margaret, first Wife to Henry the IV. That Queen made the Dolphin of France her Heir, who since was Lewis the XIII.

When the dispute for the succession of Portugal was open, after the death of Henry the Cardinal King an. 1530, Katherine Queen of France, among other pretenders to that Crown, set forth her claim by Belloy, Advo­cate Generall in the Parliament of Toulouse, who pleaded that from the marriage of Al­phonsus and Mahaut, a Son was born called Robert, and had succeeded in all his rights, [Page 102]that Beatrix was the Concubine, not the wife of Alphonsus; and that the Pope could not le­gitimate Denis born of adultery, to the pre­judice of Robert the true Heir of Alphonsus. Also that all the Kings that had reigned since Denis for three hundred years, made no pre­scription, because there can be no prescrip­tion for the right of Kingdoms. That right be­ing propounded to the Estates of Portugal, was found too old and stale, and injurious to all their Kings; neither did they make any ac­count of it. Besides, the Spanish Historians affirm, that Alphonsus had no issue by Ma­haut, and that among the protestations which Mahaut made in Portugal against Alphonsus, there is not one word of the injury which he did to her children, which she would not have forgot if she had had any: Yet that right may be defended by the testimony of the French Historians, and by this true allegati­on, that neither a bastard nor his Descent can prescribe against the lawfull Heirs.

Paragraphe III. Of the Kingdom of Navarra.

An. 713. when the Saracens in vaded Spain, Inigo, Ximenes, Arista, Count of Bigorre gave a beginning to the little Kingdome of Suprarba within the Pyrenees, which a while after [Page 103]having spread into the vales, tooke the name of Navarra or Navierras, which in old Spa­nish signifieth plain grounds. It is certain, that two generous Princes, and great Catholiques resisted the Saracens in the very beginning of their invasion. Pelagius towards the Astures which are Leon and Gallicia, and this Ximenes Arista towards the Pyrenees; though the date of the Conquests of this Ximenes be not so certain; some Historians make him latter. Upon which one may read the History of Navarra written by Favin.

2. These Kings of Navarra in their begin­ings, made many Conquests over the Sara­cens; and that Family continued to Sanchez the great, who about the year 1035. shared all his Estates among his three Sons, of whom the eldest Garcias, had Navarra; to whom many Kings succeeded, till that State fell to the house of France, by the marriage of Philip le Bel, with Jane Inheritrix of Navarra, Countesse of Campagn and Brie, to whom Lewis Hutin, King of France and Navarra, succee­ded in her Estates. But he having no child but a daughter, called Jane, which could not be Queen of France, he left her Navarra; and so that State was soon separated from that of France. That Jane married Philip of the Roy­all branch of Eureux.

3. By that marriage, the house of Navarra [Page 104]became a Royall French house; but the na­ture of that Crown being to fall to women, as the other States of Spain, it passed not long after into the Family of Arragon by marriage, and so again into the Family of Castilia, and again into the Family of Foix, after this manner.

4. Charles the III. King of Navarre, Grand­child to that Jane, daughter to Lewis Hutin had one onely daughter called Blanch, marri­ed to John, Prince and afterwards King of Ar­ragon. From that marriage came Charles Prince of Viana, who got a great, but an ill renown in the Histories of Spain, for ma­king War to his Father, and maintaining himself against him in his State after his mothers death. That Prince of great learn­ing and courage, died a batchelour. The two other children of John of Arragon, and Blanch of Navarra were two daughters. The eldest Blanch of Arragon, who having been married with Henry the IV. King of Castilia, surnamed the Impotent, was separated from him, by reason of his impotency, and died without issue. The other was Eleanor, wife to Gaston the IV. Count of Foix, who after the death of her Father, Mother, Brother, and Sister, succee­ded to the Kingdom of Navarra, and united it to the house of Foix. She enjoyed it but two months and a half, and died, An. 1469. [Page 105]Her eldest Son, Gaston Prince of Viana, being already dead, and having left, by his wife Magdalen, daughter to Charles the VII. of France, two children, Francis Phoebus, who succeeded his Grandfather in the Kingdome of Navarra, but enjoyed it but four years, and died unmarried, and Catherine de Foix, who succeded him, and married John d' Albret, Son to Alen d' Abret, a man of great note in Gascony, but not of a soveraign house; yet de­scended from that Amani d' Albret, who in the time of Charles the V. of France, married Magaret of Bourbon, Sister to Jane, Queen of France, and raised his house to a great splen­dour by that royal alliance, & advanced much the party of the French against the English.

5. John of Albret, and Catherine de Foix, had a Son called Henry, who was King of Navar­ra, and married Margaret, Sister to Francis the first of France, by whom he had Jane, Inhe­ritrix of Navarra; Jane being married to An­tony of Bourbon, was by him Motherof Hen­ry the IV. of France, Father to Lewis the XIII, and Grandfather to Lewis the XIV. Thus that house of Navarra was united with two great houses in France; yet not Royal, that of Foix and that of Albret, and after to the Royal house of Bourbon, and became so powerfull in France, that her possessions from these three houses much exceeded the King­dome [Page 106]of Navarra. Hence it is manifest, how the last Kings of Navarra by the interesse of their Alliance, and Estate were obliged to follow the party of France. Now it hapned, An. 1510. after that Lewis the XII. had hum­bled the Venetians by the victory of Aignadel, and brought terrour among all the Princes of Italy, that Pope Julius the II. fell out with Lewis, and prosecuted the quarrell with such animosity, (Lewis on the other side, being as fierce as he) that the contention grew almost into a Schism: Julius excommunicated all that took part with Lewis, and put an inter­dict (as they call it) upon their Estates. Lewis maintained himself against his fulminations, both by an Assembly of his Prelates at Tours, who cleared the obligations of the Kings consci­ence, as his History speaks, and especially by armes, whereby he represt all the invaders of his State, and put them to the defence of their own. But John d' Albret, and Catherine of Navarra, were expelled from their State by Ferdinand the Catholique, who making a shew to passe into Guienne to join with the Eng­lish, and seize upon the Kingdom of France, by vertue of the Papall interdict, suddenly turned upon Navarra, and took it, An. 1512. both because John d' Albret was united with the French King, who was a rebell against the Church, and an Enemy to the English, [Page 107]with whom Ferdinand had alliance; also because the Spaniards hold that there was a tacit agreement between the Kings of Spain, not to suffer that any of the Spanish Crowns should fall into forrain hands, or into houses not soveraign, as those of Foix and Albret. As the reason and pretence of that invasion, was leight and groundlesse, the French stand to their right to this day, against that manifest, invasion, and hinder the prescription by arms Treaties and Protestations.

Paragraphe IV. Of the Kingdome of Arragon.

Cassan in his Book of the rights of the Crown of France, with more zeal than judge­ment will ground those rights upon conquests 800. years old, and antient expeditions of the French Kings into Spain, where they took some Towns of Navarra, Arragon and Catalo­nia, not considering the many changes of suc­cessions in so many years. The Conquests of Catalonia and Arragon by Charlemagne, give to the French no more right there in these times, than those of Caesar in France to the now Emperours.

The rights of the French over Arragon, Ca­talonia, & Roussillon, which have some ground, may be reduced to two heads.

The first is how Charles Count of Anjou, Brother to Saint Lewis, was invested with the Kingdome of the two Sicilies, against the chil­dren of the Emperour Friderick the II. Peter, King of Arragon, who had married Constance, daughter to Manfred, bastard of Frederick, claiming that Kingdome from his wife, made those bloody Sicilian Vespers An. 1281. An action which did incense the whole Christen­dome against that Peter, well surnamed the cruell; Pope Martin the IV. especially a Frenchman by Birth and affection, who ex­communicated Peter, and put his Kingdome in interdict. Not only by the general maxime of the Popes, that in certain cases they have power over the temporals of Kings; but be­cause Arragon hath been, of great antiquity, a Fee of the Church of Rome. So the Pope dealt with that perfidious King as Sove­raign of Arragon. To that purpose he sent a Legat into France which offered the King­dome of Arragon to King Philip le Hardy for his Son Charles, Count of Valois. Whereupon Philip assembled the States Generall at Paris, accepted the Popes gift, and undertook the War against Peter; took Arragon, Gatalonia, & Valentia, and invested his Son Charles with these Kingdomes, paying five hundred Livers yearly to the See of Rome. It is true that after these Conquests, King Philip, as he returned [Page 109]into France, dyed at Perpignan, and the French soon after lost all that Country. Yet their right, if they had any by the dona­tion of the Pope, remained as good as be­fore.

But the Spaniards contradict that right, say­ing, that in the time of the greatest confusions about that quarrel, a marriage was made be­tween that Charles de Valois pretended King of Arragon, and Margaret daughter to Charles the II, King of Naples. To which Margaret the Counties of Anjou and Maine were gi­ven for her portion (which had been in the possession of Charles brother to St Lewis, and by him united to the Kingdome of Naples) with this proviso, That though Margaret should die without issue, Charles should pos­sess these Counties, yeelding all his right and claim to the Kingdome of Arragon, which Charles did, and so that great difference was ended.

The second head whence the claim of the French upon Arragon doth arise, regards the second House of Anjou. The second Son of King John of France, was Lewis, who was in­vested with the Dutchy of Anjou; A Prince well known in Histories, as he that was made regent of France, in the Minority of Charles the VI. and after invested with the King­dome of Naples by Queen Jane the first; a right [Page 110]which he prosecuted, and perisht in the pro­secution. But he left the title to his Children. His Son Lewis the II, married Yoland daugh­ter to John the I. King of Arragon, and of Yo­land of Bar his wife. The eldest sister of that Yoland, wife to Lewis the II, of Anjou, which was Jane Countess of Foix, being dead with­out issue, and no childe remaining of John of Arragon, but that Yoland Dutchess of Anjou, she was the undoubted Heir of that State; but her Uncle Martin, Duke of Montblanc, seized upon it. Lewis sent the Bishop of Cou­serans to represent his right. And when after the death of Martin, he would dispute his right by the sword, he was perswaded to put the businesse to an arbitrement; for the Peers and people of the Kingdome of Arragon, had chosen arbitrators to umpire the businesse between Lewis and Martin, and examine the claimes of other pretenders. And though the Umpires were almost all Arragones, they would not pronounce any thing, so that quar­rel remained undecided. And after the death of two Martins, Father and Son, the Arbitra­tion being renewed, nine Arbitrators defer­red the Kingdome to Ferdinand Brother to Henry the III. King of Castilia. That sentence was confirmed by the Anti-pope Benedict the XIII. who being forsaken almost by all the world, had taken sanctuary in Arragon. A­gainst [Page 111]the nullity of that sentence, the Chil­dren of Yoland, Lewis the III, of Anjou and René, did protest. Yea, the Children of René make War in Arragon, to recover it in the time of Lewis the XI, of France; but they were constrained to forsake all, and Arragon re­mained with the usurpers unto this day. Yet I see not that the French urge much that claim, being somewhat too old to be now revived.

Paragraphe V. Of Catalonia.

The like may be said of Catalonia, which is a great Province of Spain, bounded on the East and South with the Mediterranean Sea, and on the other sides with Valentia, Arra­gon, and Roussillon. It was both before the Romans and under them, part of Hispania Tarraconensis, as Arragon and other Coun­tries near the River of Ebro. Since which time being conquered by the Gotths and Alans to­gether, it was called by them Gottalania, which name was since corrupted to Catalau­nia. It was under the Kings of the Gotths, till the invasion of the Saracens, an. 713. who made themselves Masters of it, as of most part of Spain; But Charlemagne took it from them, and all the Country near the River of Ebro, about the year 800. expelling Zaron the [Page 112] Moore out of Barcellona, and put a French Garrison in it; not long after he gave it to Bernard, who was the first Count of Catalo­nia, and was a powerfull and considerable man in the Court of Lewis the Meek; and the Counts of that Province, who then were but Goverours, were a long time ordinary Cour­tiers and Attendants of the French Kings. But by the idlenesse of the last descent of Charlemagne, the Governours of Provinces; and of this among the rest, made themselves Masters.

About the beginning of the third Race of the French Kings, the Family that ruled in Catalonia, was that of the Beringers. And that County was alwayes separate from the Kingdom of Arragon, till the yeare 1131, when Don Alphonso King of Arragon, surna­med the Bellador, because he fought twenty two battels, being dead without issue, the people of Arragon tooke Ramires out of the Cloister of St. Pontius of Tomieres, where he had lived forty yeares a Monk, because he was of the Royal blood, and Son to Sanchez Ramires, King of Arragon. He was married by a dispensation of Anaclet the II, Pope, or rather Anti-pope, and had a Daughter na­med Petronilla, married to Raymond Berenger, Count of Catalonia. So Arragon and Catalonia were united, and never separated since. James [Page 113]King of Arragon, an. 1320. by the advice of the State of the Land, made the Law of uni­on of the three Provinces, Arragon, Valentia, and Catalonia, not to be possest separately any more. Together with that Law, Catalonia agreed with the King of Arragon, that she should have her forces and priviledges apart; and that the Kings of Arragon, who took on­ly the title of Counts of Catalonia, should oblige themselves by oath to observe that condition. This precaution of the Catalans hath justified their laterevolt, which the most conscionable among them have yeelded un­to, acknowledging that their King had viola­ted that Treaty.

It is a constant truth, that all that time, from the conquest of Charlemagne, Catalonia, was a Fee depending from France; Charle­magne made the first Counts of it, who were his Courtiers. The first upon whom it was settled, as a French Fee, was Geffery le Velu, invested by Charles le Gros, an. 885. And Bera Count of Catalonia, being accused of fe­lony before Lewis le Begue offered to purge himselfe by a Duell after the manner of the time, in which being overcome, he was de­prived of his Fee, and another invested with it.

All that time also, all the publique Acts of Notaries in Catalonia, were done in the [Page 114]name of the Kings of France, which is an un­doubted mark of Supremacy, and all the Kings of Arragon, Counts of Catalonia, did homage for it to the Kings of France, till the yeare 1181. and in the beginning of Philip the Conquerour, when Alphonsus King of Ar­ragon called a Councill at Tarracona, a Town of Catalonia, where under colour of consci­ence and respect to Religion, he caused an Order to be made, that from thenceforth the yeares of the French Kings should no more be put in the Deeds and Contracts of Catalo­nia, but the yeares of Christ. And the same King having neglected that homage to the Kings of France, that right was lost under Philip Auguste, Lewis the VIII. and St Lewis, the claim onely remaining. In which consi­deration, likely the Princes of Arragon were educated in the Court of France; one of them was James, who lived in the time of St. Lewis, and had been educated with Philip le Hardy, who being come to visit that King, and ha­ving given him his sister Isabella to wife; the Spaniards say, that by reason of that match, and the cession which James made to Philip of the Town of Monpellier, and of some o­ther Lands which he possest in Languedoc; the said King Philip quitted all his right of supremacy over Arragon and Catalonia. That Treaty was an. 1270, by which the Spani­ards [Page 115]conceive that they have shaken the yoak of French Soveraignty. But whether that Treaty be valid or no, either for the fact or the right, that cession being above 380 years old, it seems authenticall, and the French have given over that claim.

But they have another of latter date. For by reason of the massacre made in the Siclian Vespers, an. 1281. Peter King of Arragon, Count of Catalonia, was excommunicated, & his Lands put in interdict, and given to Phi­lip le Hardy, by Martin the IV, Pope, or to his Son Count of Valois; but that right being the same, as the right which the French claime, or did claim upon Arragon, of which we spake lately, we will not here repeat.

So the French rights over Catalonia, are re­duced to these two heads. The first is taken from the conquest of Charlemagne, the esta­bishing of Counts and Governours in the same, the homage done to the Kings of France, the years of their reign ascribed in their deeds both private and publique. The other is the same, as is pretended upon Ar­ragon. Of both, the French make no great account. Onely because of late years, Cata­lonia hath shaken the yoke of the Kings of Arragon and Castilia, and have given them­selves to the French; it may be disputed, whether the French King may use any of [Page 116]these old stale Titles, or whether he must ground the justice of his possession upon the donation which the Catalans have made to him, holding themselves free from the obe­dience of the Spaniard, by reason of the in­fraction of their priviledges. Certainly in all particular Treaties, the unobservation of the conditions, freeth the parties from the obliga­tions of the contract. But as for Soveraignties, and the mutual obligations of Kings and Sub­jects, many will reason otherwise; saying, that although the obligation be mutual as for the conscience; yet as for the retrocession and the penalty attending the breach of the obli­gation, it doth not reach to Kings, whose actions are not censurable by the people; not by the nature of the contract which is mutu­all and reciprocall, but for the danger of the consequence which might authorize revolts. Others also will say, that a Country giving her selfe to a Prince, what priviledges soever the people reserve to themselves by contract, they are all lost when they enter into sub­jection, which by its nature makes a man sub­ject to another man without any exception, when the publique good is concerned; & that those priviledges by that subjection, passe in­to the nature of meer liberties and concessi­ons of Princes, which they may stretch, di­minish, and over-throw, according to their [Page 117]discretion. Certainly in all these contentions between the people, and the Soveraign pas­sion and interests bear a great sway, & make conscience plead on both sides. But any rea­son will passe when there is strength to back it.

Paragraphe VI. Of the County of Roussillon and Sardinia.

That little Country at the foot of the Py­renees, and near the golph of Leon, was anti­ently part of Languedoc, and for a long time past through the same fortunes and changes. It was for a great while part of the County of Beziers, and Dutchy of Narbon. Then it came into the hands of particular Counts, which failing, the Country fell to the Counts of Catalonia. How, and in what time precise­ly, I find not. Onely I find that in the time of St Lewis, Alphonsus his Brother, Count of Toulouse, and the King of Arragon, being in suit about the County of Roussillon. St Lewis was chosen Umpire, as bearing himselfe for Soveraign of both, who therefore ought to be their Judge, and he did adjudge it on the King of Arragon against his own Brother. It seems that holy King acknowledged the ju­stice of their possession. For as that County [Page 116] [...] [Page 117] [...] [Page 118]was united with that of Barcelonia, it was held also by the same right.

Since the union of these with the Crown of Arragon, it ran the same fortune with Ar­ragon, and was conquered by Philip le Hardy, by vertue of the Interdict of Pope Martin the IV. Philip died at Perpignan, and soon after, all was lost, and quited by Charles de Valois his second Son. But of that right, & all the pre­tences of the house of Anjou upon Roussillon, as upon Arragon and Catalonia, the French themselves make no great account.

But upon Roussillon, the French have a Ti­tle altogether singular. John King of Arragon, that lived in the time of Lewis the XI. of France, being in War with his subjects of Arragon and Catalonia, as maintainers of his Son, Charles Prince of Vienna, and the true Heir of Navarra against him, and finding his Subjects too hard for him, as assisted by Hen­ry, King of Castilia; desired Lewis the XI. to assist him, which he did with great might, having sent him a good Army under the con­duct of Charles d' Armagnac, Duke of Ne­mours, who confirmed the Crown to John, and composed the difference between him and his Subjects. At which time, John enga­ged the County of Roussillon, and the Town of Perpignan unto Lewis the XI. for three hundred thousand Crownes which he bor­rowed [Page 119]of him. Lewis, notwithstanding many treacheries and attempts of the Arrogenese, maintained himself in that Country, and Charles the VIII. his Son after him, untill the design of the Conquest of Naples.

It was in the year 1492. that Charles the VIII. began the enterprise of Naples. And fearing least Ferdinand, King of Arragon, Son to that John would assist the house of Naples, which was a branch of that of Arragon; or should enter into France in his absence, he re­turned unto him that County of Roussillon, gratis; not quitting, but not demanding the three hundred thousand Crowns; the King of Arragon having promist, and sworn upon the holy Crosse, and upon the Gospels, that hee would serve the King against all his Enemies in that expedition of Italy. The Governour of Perpignan did not yield, but after many iterated commands, seeing the importance of that restitution, and fearing the infidelity of Arragon. The French Historians blame James Maillert, a Franciscan Frier, Confessour to Charles the VIII. saying, he was won by Fer­dinand to perswade the King to that restituti­on. But Ferdinand instead of helping Charles in his expedition of Italy, helped his Enemies in Italy, and disturbed his enterprise of Na­ples. Since which time, the French have often redemanded that County, as not redeemed [Page 120]with the three hundred thousand Crownes, and represented that they were circumvent­ed by Ferdinand; but in vain, till finally the sword hath done what reason and justice could not. Perpignan being besieged, and ta­ken by Lewis the XIII. of late years.

Thus of those six rights which the French pretend within the limits of Spain. Those of Castilia, Portugal, and Arragon, are old and stale. That of Navarra is in its full force by their ordinary protestations. That of Catalo­nia and Roussillon are no more pretended rights, the French having the real possession of them.

Paragraphe. VII. Of the Kingdom of Naples.

Out of the limits of Spain the French have three great pretences upon the house of Au­stria. 1. Upon the Kingdom of Naples. 2. Up­on the Dutchy of Milan, and the Common-wealth of Genoa. 3. Upon the Counties of Flan­ders & Artois. Because they pretend that these rights are in their full force, they must be ex­actly examined. Wee will begin at Naples.

1. That part of Italie which is beyond Capagna de Roma, and comprehends these an­tient Provinces, Samnium, Appulia, Hydrun­tum, Magna Graecia, Campania, Calabria, and others; all these, I say, which is well nigh [Page 121]one half of Italie, make up the Kingdome of Naples.

Compania, now Terra di Lavoro, the River of Aufidus, now Ofanto in Puglia, and the River of Liris now Cantigliano near Capua, were made the limits between the Empires of the East and West, An. 803. Nicephorus then being the Emperour of the East, and Charlemagne of the West. So that part of the Kingdom of Naples, and all that is on this side of the two Rivers remained with the Empire of the West. The part beyond them with the Iland of Sicily, remained with the Emperour of the East.

Not long after, the Saracens invaded Ita­lie. The height of their fury, was about the year 850. and in the parts about Sicily, and Sicily it self, where they setled themselves. And for many Ages, those Countries were the sad stage, where the Latins on the one side, and the Greekes on the other, and the Sara­cens enemies to both, acted a bloody Tragedy.

2. About the year 1000, forty Norman Gentlemen returning from the Pilgrimage of the Holy Land, gave a powerfull assistance to the Christians of the Kingdome of Naples a­gainst the Saracens, and being returned home, undertook not long after an expedition to Naples with more might, under the conduct of Tristan Cistel, a Norman. These gave the be­ginning [Page 122]to the State of Naples, partly by con­quest, partly by marriage, under the names of the Counts of the Crosse of Puglia, and Dukes of Calabria, and in time advancing their conquests as far as Sicily, they were crowned Kings of the same. To that Family of Nor­mans, succeeded that of the Germans in the persons of Henry the VI. and Friderick the II, Emperours and Kings of Naples. That Fride­rick being fallen into the hatred of the See of Rome, which is Soveraign of that Fee, he was deprived of that State. After his death his Son Conrard, and his bastard Manfred, and Conradin Son of Conrard, having laboured to maintain himself in it; finally the house of France was called to it after this manner, a­bout the year 1262.

3. By the falling out of all these Princes with the Popes, great confusions happened in Italie. The Pope Innocent the IV, weary of the German race, presented the Kingdome to Saint Lewis for his brother Charles, Count of Anjou, and Provence, who was reputed a great Warriour. And two years after, Ʋrban the IV, invested them with it, An. 1264. That Country which he held from the Church, contained the Kingdom of Naples, and the great Ile of Sicily, and was called Sicilia ultra & extra Farum, because of the Far or Streight of Messina, which separates the [Page 123]Ile from the Continent. But that Country was so given him by the Pope, that he was first to conquer it before he could enjoy the gift. Great Wars he had against Manfred, bastard of Friderick the II. Emperour, and a­gainst Conradin the Emperours Grandchild, whom he took in battel, and beheaded him; A bloody execution, which caused much ani­mosity, and Wars, between that house of France and the reliques of the house of Sua­ben, which was Constantia, daughter to Man­fred, wife to Peter, King of Arragon; who to avenge the death of that King Conradin, his wives Cosin, & to repress the insolence of the French, was the Author of the bloody Sicilian Vespers, whereby the French were utterly ex­pelled from Sicily An. 1261. and Sicily re­mained in the power of the house of Arragon; and since, although many Wars and Trea­ties have intervened to reunite these two States, they have alwaies been separated, till the house of Arragon hath got the Dominion of Naples. Wherefore we will speak no more of Sicily, which the French lost in effect, in that massacre, and since quitted their right to it by severall Treaties.

4. But as for the Kingdom of Naples, that French Family of Charles d' Anjou, was setled in it, from the year 1264. untill the death of Jane the II, An. 1435. in all 171. yeares, [Page 124]We intend not to relate that History, but on­ly to observe these things which concern our present purpose.

First, that Charles the Lame, the second King and Son to that first Charles, married Mary, inheritrice of Hungary, and so these two Kingdomes were united. Of their Children, the eldest Charles, surnamed Martel, had Hun­gary for his portion, and from him some Prin­ces of Hungary are descended. The second Son was Lewis, who would be a Franciscan Fryer, and was Bishop of Toulouse. The third Sonne Robert, inherited the Kingdome of Naples. There were more brothers who had severall apanages. But it was not this Robert that continued the line of the Kings of Na­ples. He was Father to Prince Charles, who dying before his Father, left a Daughter, that famous, or rather infamous, Queen Jane the First, that ruled that State almost forty years.

Next, it must be known that this wicked Jane, lascivious and cruel, so farre as to stran­gle her Husband Andrew, a young Prince of that other Branch of Hungary, filled her Kingdome with great troubles by her wick­ednesse. Towards the end of her reigne, an. 1378. hapned the great Schisme of the Church, when Urban the VI, being made Pope by violence, many Cardinals elected in his stead, Robert Cardinall of Geneva, who [Page 125]took the name of Clement the VII, Queen Jane being an enemy to Urban, who was born her subject, declared her self for Clement. Her crim whereby she had put her Husband to death, had been long covered by an accomodation made by Clement the VI, who appeased Lewis the great, King of Hungary, Brother to An­drew, whom Jane had strangled. But Pope Urban the VI, to be avenged of Jane, stirred again the House of Hungary against her, and a Prince of that House, named Charles de Duras, came and besieged her in Castello del Ovo at Naples, took her and strangled her, an. 1382. in the same place, as some say, where she had strangled her first husband.

3. But the same Princess seeing that Urban invited the house of Hungary to the conquest of Naples, called to her help King Charles the VI, of France, an. 1380. by the advice of Pope Clement. And by his leave, (for he bore him­selfe for her Soveraign) she adopted Lewis Duke of Anjou, brother to Charles the V, of France, and head of the second house of An­jou. He was at that time Regent of France, in the minority of King Charles the VI. From that adoption the French fetch their right in the Kingdome of Naples, for from the off­spring of that Lewis, the French Kings have inherited.

4. Charles de Duras, after he had strangled [Page 126]Queen Jane, seized upon the Kingdome, and reigned in her stead, and after him his two Children; first Ladislaus, whom the French Historians call Lancelot, and Jane the Second. They three held the State 53. yeares, from the yeare 1382. till the yeare 1436. But be­cause Jane the first, a little afore her death, had adopted Lewis Duke of Anjou, that house of Duras had continuall War with the house of Anjou. Lewis the I. came to Naples and there dyed. Lewis the II, his Son, had great Wars with Ladislaus, and for a time was Master of the Kingdome. That Ladislaus being dead without issue, an. 1414. his sister Queen Jane the Second, succeeded him, as bad a woman as the first Jane, for impudicity and extrava­gancy. She being degraded by the Pope, Martin the V: and Lewis the III, Grandchild of the first Lewis of Anjou, named by him to reign in her place; she adopted Alphonsus King of Arragon and Sicily for her Son, with whom that Lewis the III, had great Warres, and had sometimes the better, sometimes the worst. But Jane being of an inconstant spirit, despised Alphonsus, being altogether govern­ed by her favorite John Carraciolo, which Al­phonsus not able to beare, made himselfe Master of the City of Naples. Upon which she cancelled her will made in favour of Alphon­sus, and instead of him, adopted Lewis the IV. [Page 127]of Anjou, who before was her enemy. That adoption made an. 1422. is the second ground of the claime of the French to Na­ples, and the seed of so many Wars and Ca­lamities, and of the greatest divisions be­tween the Houses of France and Spain. The Spaniards maintaining the first adoption as va­lid, because Alphonsus, though accused by Jane of ungratefulnesse, upon which she ground­ed the disanulling of his adoption, did no­thing (as they say) against the respect due to his adoptive Mother; but onely went a­bout to represse the extravagancies of that light-brained woman, to have that part in her affaires which by right belonged to him, and especially curb the insolency of Carraciolo, who kept a scandalous familiarity with that woman. The French say, that the second adoption is of more validity: That the cause of ungratefulnesse is sufficient to break an adoption: That Alphonsus misused his adoptive Mother, seized upon the City of Naples, besieged her, and kept her shut up, and did all acts of Soveraign, to her contempt and disgrace.

5. This Lewis the IV. Duke of Anjou, ha­ving recovered Naples, enjoyed it with some peace together with Jane, but dyed before her, an. 1434. Because he left no issue, she a­dopted his Brother René Duke of Anjou, and [Page 128]her selfe soon after dyed. But René being then kept prisoner by the Duke of Burgundy, he could not go to receive his inheritance. His wife Elizabeth went, but too late, though at the first she got some advantage. In the end Alphonsus remained Master, and the party of Anjou was quite expelled out of the Land. Onely René kept the possession of Provence, which was an appurtenance of that State: for since the first adoption of Lewis the I, Duke of Anjou, by Queen Jane the I. that second house of Anjou, had kept the possession of Provence. Neither did Charles de Duras, nor his Children, nor Alphonsus, possess any thing in it.

6. René dying an. 1480. although his Daughter Yoland Dutchesse of Lorraine, had left children, he left the inheritance of the County of Provence, and of his Rights upon Naples. Charles Count du Maine, Son to his bro­ther of the same name and title. And Charles dying likewise without issue, left Lewis the XI, his Heir in all his states, and the Kings of France successours to Lewis. Lewis neglecting to go to Naples held by Ferdinand, bastard of that Alphonsus, and by his Children, conten­ted himselfe to hold Provence. But his Sonne, Charles the VIII. undertook the conquest of Naples, an. 1493. and after him, Lewis the XII, and Francis the I. In the next Chapter [Page 129]we shall see the severall Wars, Partages, and Treaties, between these two Houses for that Kingdom

So all the Rights of the House of France to the Kingdome of Naples, are reduced to these heads.

1. The investiture by Urban the IV. in fa­vour of Charles brother to St Lewis. A weak Right if it were alone; the French Kings ha­ving not succeeded to that family by kind­red; for all that belongs to any branch of the House of France, doth not therefore belong to France.

2. The Adoption of Lewis the first, of the se­cond house of Anjou, by Queen Jane the I. by the counsell and leave of Clement the VII. who was acknowledged by France for a true Pope. By that adoption the right of Naples fel to the house of Anjou, of which the French Kings have inherited.

3. The two adoptions made by Queen Jane the II. first of Lewis the III. Duke of Anjou, and after him, of his Brother René.

4. The will of Charles Count du Maine, who named Lewis the XI. his heir both of Provence, and of his right to the Kingdome of Naples, and his successors, Kings of France after him.

Paragraphe VIII. Of the Dutchy of Milan.

After the wrack of the Roman Empire, an. 400. all the Countries about the River of Po, towards the Alpes were taken by Theodorick Goth, and kept by his children, till about the year 550. that they were recovered by Beli­farius and Narses, two Captaines of the Em­perour Justinian. But soon after the same Countries were won by the Ostrogoths, Kings of Italy; and again by the Lombards, who set­led a great State there, and maintained it till the time of Charlemagne, who destroyed it, an. 774. After which time all the Towns of those parts were Imperial, belonging to whosoe­ver had the Empire of the West. The house of Charlemagne being degenerated and having lost the Empire, after the yeare 900. the Empire was disputed between the Itali­an and the German Princes for 50 yeares. In the end the Germans having prevailed in the person of Otho the I; & the Emperors his suc­cessours having chosen the seat of their Em­pire in Germany, and being at odds many times with the Popes, their power sensibly decayed in Italy, and great part of the Towns of Lombardy slipt out of their Dominion, and [Page 131]chose to themselves Italian Lords, the Em­perours retaining the shadow only of Sove­raignty. Many also chose liberty, & a Popular State, as Siena. Pisa, Florence, Genoa, and others. In these confusions the City of Milan was usurped by the Viscounts of Angleria, a small place in the Dutchy of Milan, who main­tained themselvs about six hundred years un­der that name and quality of Vicounts, un­till the year 1497. that the Emperour Wen­ceslaus (not Friderick, as Gassan saith) erected Milan into a Dutchy. The first Duke was Ga­leas the III. who had married Isabella daugh­ter to John, King of France.

That Galeas had three Sons, John Maria, that succeeded him and died without issue, Philip Maria that succeeded his brother, who likewise died without issue, leaving a bastard daughter named Bona, married to Francis Sforza, a Souldier of Fortune, but a gallant man. That first Duke Galeas, besides these two Sons had a daughter called Valentina, marri­ed to Lewis, Duke of Orleans, Son to Charles the V. King of France, an. 1398. Her Father gave her the County of Ast for her portion, with a Million of Livers wherewith the County of Blois was bought, Chasteauduro, Soi­ssons, and other Lordships. And by the con­tract of Matrimony, it was declared, that if the masculine line of Galeas should fail, Va­lentina [Page 132]and her children should succeed in the Dutchy. It is true that this clause had this great defect, that the Dutchy beeing establisht a masculine Fee, Galeas could not make it fe­minine without the Emperours leave, which was not demanded, because the Empire was then vacant by the degradation of Wencestaus, whom the Electors deposed for his idlenesse. But it is pretended that the Pope Benedict the XIII. who then had his See at Avignon, ap­proved that contract; for that right the Popes challenge in the vacancy of the Empire.

Howsoever John Maria, and Philip Maria, being dead without lawfull issue, none had more right to that succession then the chil­dren of Valentina. But that succession fel in the heat of the confusions of France, under Charles the VII, when the two Sons of Valentina, Charls Duke of Orleans, & John Count of Angou­lesme, were Prisoners in England, where the eldest remained five and twenty years, and the second well nigh thirty. In that long time it was easie for Francis Sforza, who had married Bona the bastard, daughter of Duke Philip Maria, to make himself Master of Mi­lan, of which he procured, and obtained the investiture from the Emperour Friderick the IV. This Francis Sforza had two Sons, whom he left to the tuition of his brother Ludovick Sforza, so famous in the History of Milan, [Page 133]who having made away his pupills, seized upon the State of Milan, and was expelled out of it by Lewis the XII. King of France, and since was taken & carried to Loches, where he died in Prison. He left two Sons, Maximilian, who was restored by the Switzers, and since taken by Francis the I. and died in France. His other Son was Francis Sforza the second, who died without issue, 1534. So that house of Sforza's maintained the usurpation of Milan well nigh a hundred years among many wars and divisions; the lawfull right remaining still in the house of Orleans, with the possessi­on of the County of Ast, which is part of that Dutchy.

But that right could not be prosecuted, 1. In the desolation of the house of Orleans, and the great divisions between that house and the house of Burgundy, 2. In the long in­prisonment of the two Princes of Orleans, 3. In the great troubles of the State of France almost all the reign of Charles the VII. 4. Be­sides Lewis the XI. had many other businesses all his time. Neither did he love the house of Orleans, and the Princes of his blood; And of all things he hated the Wars of Italie, whi­ther he would never go, neither for the con­quest of Naples, nor for the receiving the Ci­ty of Genoa that gave her self to him. 5. All the time of Charles the VIII, was spent in Ci­vill [Page 134]Wars, or in the Conquest of Naples. And Lewis the XII, Grandchild of Valentina, come­ing to the Crown, an. 1498, had no more in the Dutchy, but the County of Ast, the rest being held by Ludovick Sforza, Son to the in­vader Francis, and himself invader of the State of his Nephews. But Lewis following his right, comes to Milan, takes it and expells Ludovic, who returning not long after, enters into Milan, but there being suddenly invested by Lewis, he is taken, carried into France, where he dieth a Prisoner, Lewis remaining Master of the Dutchy. But because Ludovic had two Sons protected in Germany by the Emperour Maximilian I. Lewis to strengthen his right, made meanes to win the Emperours favour, of whom in the end he obtained two investitures of that Dutchy. The one An. 1506 for Lewis and his children, and lawfull Heirs, and Lewis for the acknowledgement of this investiture, paid him sixty thousand livers, and promist to give him every year a pair of golden spurrs at Christmas. Also in that in­vestiture, the exclusion of Sforza is precisely exprest, and a marriage concluded betweene Charles the Grandchild of Maximilian, who since was the Emperour Charles the V. and Claude the eldest daughter of Lewis the XII. which also was comprehended in that in­vestiture. The other was an. 1509. wherby [Page 135]the same Emperour confirms the former in­vestiture, with a condition of the marriage between Charles and Claude, which indeed was not effected, but that hinders not the va­lidity of the investiture, which was absolute, the first at least. By vertue of that right, Lewis remained possest of that Dutchy; but to­wards the end of his reigne, Maximilian Sfor­za was put in possession of that Dutchy by the Switzers, by the consent of the Empe­rour Maximilian, who was displeased that Claude, promised to Charls his Grandchild, had been married to Francis, who after was Francis the first King of France, which he took for an affront, and this was the first seed of the jealousies between the two houses of France and Austria.

Francis the first having regained the Dutchy, and taken Maximilian, neglected to do homage to the Emperour; and a while af­ter Charles having succeeded his Grandfather in the Empire, the animosities grew to a great height betwixt these two Princes, and they became implacable, fighting with great might about Milan, till that, by the Treaty of Madrid, Francis the first yielded his right, as we will relate in the next Chapter.

To sum up the pretences of the French upon Milan; They are grounded, 1. Upon the con­tract of marriage of Valentina, who is substi­tuted [Page 136]Heir of the Dutchy, the lawfull Heires male failing; and the contract is valid, as con­firmed by the Pope in the vacancy of the Em­pire. 2. The investiture given by the Empe­rour Maximilian, in favour of Lewis the XII. and his Heirs; yea of Claude and her chil­dren. 3. The second investiture, an. 1509. 4. Francis the I. having yielded all his rights by the Treaties of Madrid, Cambray, and Cres­py, as we shall see afterwards; one may say that (besides the nullity of that cession, by the right of the Kingdom) Francis may have quitted the right that came to him by his great Grandmother Valentina; but that hee hath not quitted that which came to his children by Claude his wife, who being daughter of Lewis the XII. had for her and her issue the right of investiture both of 1505. and 1509. which her Husband could not take from her. And Francis made use of this reason among the nullities which he objected against the treatie of Madrid. In what time these cessions were made, and of what strength they are, the next Chapter will shew.

The Commonwealth of Genoa had also some dependance from the Kings of France. That City with the Country depending from it, having shaken the yoke of the Em­perours (as the other Commonwealths of [Page 137] Italie, while the Italian and German Princes were contending for the Empire) form'd itself into a most flourishing State. In the Wars of the East, and Conquests of the Holy Land, Ge­noa was very considerable, no lesse than the Venetians and Pisans, possest many Countries in the Levant, the Ile of Chio, the Town of Capha upon Mar Major, in Taurica Chersone­sus, and others. But the Commonwealth be­ing weakned by the jealousies of two po­tent Families, the Fregosi and the Adorni, the State submitted it self unto Charles the VI of France, an. 1390. who taking them under his Protection, sent to them the Marshall of Bou­licaut, who received their Oath of fidelity. But great confusions being risen in France, by reason of the weaknesse of Charles the VI. for 29. years, by the invasion of the English, and by the extremity that Charles the VII. was brought to, that right over Genoa was neg­lected. But in the year 1458. the same Genoese being opprest with their own divisions, sent Peter Fregosa into France to Charles the VII. who received them under his protection, and sent them John Duke of Lorrain, eldest Son to the Duke of Anjou. And after Charles the VII, having again given themselvs to Lewis the XI, some Historians say, that he neglected that Conquest, so that they were forced to sub­mit themselves to John Galeas, Duke of Milan. [Page 138]Others say, that Lewis the XI invested that Ga­leas in the Lordship of Genoa, upon condi­tion of doing homage for it to the Crown of France. And Charles the VIII. passing to the Conquest of Naples, invested against Ludo­vick Sforza in the same by the Treaty of Vercel, an. 1494, he paying thirty thousand ducats of entry, in consideration of the auxiliary for­ces which Ludovick promist unto Charles for the Conquest of Naples. After Charles, the Ci­ty of Genoa remained subject to the Kings of France, as Dukes of Milan, and Lewis the XII, made a triumphant entry into it, and recei­ved of them all the honours and deferences of Subjects to a Soveraign, an. 1502. and gave them a Governour, John of Cleves his Kinsman. But an. 1527. while Charles the V, and Francis the I, were in the heat of their quarrell, the City of Naples being besieged by Monsieur de Lautree, Andrew Doria of Genoa, subject to the French King, and Generall of his Fleet, being ill satisfied of Francis the I, revolted from him, turned to the Emperour, and was the cause of the losse of Naples. The Emperour to win him to his service, offered him la carte blanche, that is, what conditions soever he would have. The first demand of Andrew was the liberty of his City, which he obtained, and it was freed from all subjecti­on to the Dukes of Milan. But if the French [Page 139]have any right in the Dutchy of Milan, they have the like in Genoa; for Charles the V. could not cut off that limbe from it, fince it did not belong to him.

Paragraphe IX. Of the Counties of Flanders and Artois.

These two Counties were antiently before the conquest of the Romans, parts of Gallia Belgica, and so under that Empire, and un­der the first and second race of the French Kings, till that famous partage of the chil­dren of Lewis the Meek, an. 843. when the River of Scaldis being set as a limit of that which belonged to Lothary, the Emperour on the one side; and Charles le Chauve on the o­ther, that Country remained within the par­tage of the last, who was King of France, and containes a great extent of Land beyond the River of Somme, near the Rivers of Scaldis and Lis, butting upon the Ocean. And be­cause all that Country was full of Wood, which made it be called Sylva Carbonaria, Charlemagne, about the yeare 771. placed there a Governour whom he called the great Forester of Flanders. So also were his succes­sors called, and were not very considerable.

The first that erected this Country into a County, was Charles le Chauve, an. 850. or thereabouts. The first Count was Baldwin, surnamed Bras de fer or Iron-arm, for his great exploits against the Normans, then barbarous and infidels, who coming from the North, infested those coasts both by Sea and Land. This Baldwin stole away Iudith Daughter to Charles le Chauve, and widow to an English King, which action at the first moved Charles to a great wrath and hatred against him. But Iudith having appeased her Father, and Bald­win being very necessary for the defence of those Countries against the Normans, he re­covered the Kings Grace, and it was upon that reconciliation, that he was made Count of Flanders. So that Baldwin is the head of that house of Flanders and Artois, which then were but one Province.

1. All that Country remained thus united in one County, till the year 1180. when Phi­lip August King of France, married Isabella Daughter of Baldwin the IV. Count of Hai­naut and Namur, and of Margaret of Flanders. For Philip of Alsatia, Count of Flanders, un­cle to Margaret, to shew his joy for that high alliance, gave her the Country of Artois, con­sisting in the Towns of Arras, Bapaume, Saint Omer, Aire, Hesdin, and some others which Philip August enjoyed, and his Sons after him, [Page 141]till Lewis the VIII, gave the Country of Ar­tois to his third Son Robert, for whose sake his brother St Lewis erected the same into a County, of which this Robert did him ho­mage, and that house of Artois was a Royal house for a long time after. Thus Flanders and Artois had their severall Counts and Lords, as most of the other seventeen Provinces of Netherlands.

2. King Iohn of France having given to his fourth Son Philip, the Dutchy of Burgundy, because he loved him dearly, he procured a great marriage for him, matching him with Margaret of Flanders, only Daughter of Lewis the III. Count of Flanders, and of Margaret of Brabant. That Princess was held the rich­est match of Europe, for she was Heir not onely of the Counties of Flanders, Burgundy, Artois, Nevers, Retel, and other great Lord­ships, but was also apparent Heir (from her great Aunt by her Mothers side) of the Dut­chies of Brabant, Lothier, Limburg, and the Marquesat of Antwerp. That alliance made an. 1356. was the beginning of the greatness of the house of Burgundy. For that Philip, and his three successors, Iohn, Philip, and Charles, united all these great States, which after­wards fell into the House of Austria by mar­riage, as we have represented before.

3. Although the propriety of those two [Page 142]Provinces, Flanders and Artois, came to the House of Austria by the match of Mary of Burgundy with Maximilian; the pretences of the Crowne of France upon that propriety, being quitted by the reddition of the Towne of Arras, an. 1435. Yet the soveraignty there­of hath remained with the French Kings, un­till the Cessions by them made of the same by severall Treaties, of which the first was that of Madrid.

That soveraignty is proved by seven Rea­sons. The first is, The homages which the Counts have alwaies payed to the Kings of France for these Counties, and the investi­tures which they have taken from them of the same. The second, That the Kings of France have judged of the Counts of Flan­ders as Soveraigns, and given them Lawes. The third, that they decided of peace and war in Flanders, even against the will of the Counts. The fourth, That they have given grace to Flemmings as their Soveraigns, and punisht them of their rebellions. The fifth, That it was especially promis'd and agreed, that the Flemmings should resort to the Par­liament of Paris. The sixth, That the Kings of France have protected as Soveraignes, the Counts of Flanders. The seventh, That they have confiscated the County for Felony. Briefly, the Kings of France have exer cised [Page 143]all Acts of Soveraignty in Flanders and Ar­tois, a thing never brought in question or de­nyed before Charles the V. who being pro­moted to the Empire, and fallen to great Wars against Francis the I. was delinquent in that duty, and obtained the cession of that right by divers Treaties.

4. It is then a known truth, that Flanders and Artois did belong to the Soveraignty of France, and that the question is onely, whe­ther the cession made at Madrid was just and valid. Upon which the French say,

1. That Charles the V, being born a sub­ject of France at Gant, in the County of Flan­ders, committed the crime of Felony by his Wars against his Soveraign, whom also he took and kept prisoner, which was often up­braided to him; yea a sentence of the Parli­ment of Paris, intervened against him, where­by he is deprived of his Lordships depending of the Crown of Ftance for crime of Felony; so that being a Felon against his Soveraigne, he had no right either to treat with him when he kept him prisoner, nor any way oblige him.

2. The cession made by the Treaty of Ma­drid, was invalid by the Law of Nations, as done by a man kept in prison.

3. That cession made at Madrid, and in o­ther Treaties, is null by the fundamentall [Page 144]Laws of France which prohibit the alienati­on of the Soveraign rights of the Crown, e­specially without the consent of the States Generall, who never ratified all those Trea­ties. And in effect, the Parliaments by their sentences, the Peers of the Kingdom by their Votes, and all the learned and judicious by their discourses have condemned those Trea­ties. And to this day the Flemmings and Arte­sians are accounted Regnicolae, and have no need of letters of Naturalization.

CHAP. IV. Wars, Agreements, Treaties, between the houses of France and Austria a­bout their pretences, from the Treaty of Arras to that of Vervins.

WE have seen how by the History, and by Reason, the two Houses of France and Austria will ground their several preten­ces. As the differences between private per­sons beget suits in Law, which end in the sentence of a Court; so the jealousies between these two great houses have begot Wars, which haue ended in Treaties: Yet so that [Page 145]the Wars have begun afresh after. These Wars have been many, especially since the promotion of Charles the V to the Empire, an. 1519. For the Kings of France, who without contradiction had the precedence before all Christian Monarches were grieved to see a Count of Flanders, and an Heir of the house of Austria, a small Province of Germany advance himself so far as to offer to step before them, and (as many think) to affect the Empire of all Europe.

To understand all these Wars, Truces, and Treaties; the History must begin at the Treaty of Arras, an. 1435. For although these six houses, Austria, Burgundy, Hungary, Arra­gon, Castilia, and Portugal, the limbes of that great Colossus of the now house of Austria, were then severall houses; yet that Treaty will serve to see how the house of Burgundy is fallen into the house of Austria, and how their greatnesse began. Here then let us say in brief, what Wars and Treaties have been between these two houses since the Treaty of Arras, an. 1435. to that of Vervins, 1598. We will divide this into many Articles, ac­cording to the most remarquable dates, touching only the most principall points, lea­ving the rest to the generall History. 1. From the Treaty of Arras, Ann. 1435. to the mar­riage of Maximilian of Austria, with Mary [Page 146]of Burgundy, 1477. 2. Thence to the death of the Emperour Maximilian, 1519. 3. Thence to the Treaty of Madrid, 1525. 4. Thence to the Treaty of Cambray, 1529. 5. Thence to the Treaty of Crespy, or Saint John des Vignes, an. 1544. 6. Thence to the Treaty of Chasteau in Cambresis. 7. Thence to the death of the Duke of Alencon, and the begin­ning of the League, 1584. 8. Thence to the Treaty of Vervins, an. 1598.

Paragraphe I. From the Treaty of Arras an. 1435. to the marriage of Maximilian and Mary of Burgundy.

In all that time, which was not yet the time of the greatnesse of Austria, the French Kings had nothing to do with that Family, which in that period of years, enjoyed the Empire in the persons of Albert, and Fride­rick the III. They had also little to do with the Kings of Castilia and Arragon, which were then two severall States. But much they had to do with the Dukes of Burgundy, foun­ders of that greatnesse of Austria. Of which this is the summary.

1. Philip le Bon after he had brought the State of France into great distresse, and given [Page 147]it for a prey to the English, to avenge the death of his Father John, slain at Montereau Fautyonne, an. 1419; Finally being ill satisfy­ed with the English, was forced to agree with Charls the VII, who had killed his Father, which he did by the Treaty of Arras, an. 1435. whereby Charles gave to Philip what we said before, Peronne, Montdidier, and Roye, the County of Artois, the enjoying of the County of Bullen for his life, also all the Towns of the River of Somme, redeemable with four hundred thousand Crownes, and promist to join to the Dutchy of Burgundy, the Counties of Mascon, Chalons, Langres, Bar sur Siene, and Auxerre for ever, reserving the re­sort of these jurisdictions to the Parliament of Paris. This Treaty raised very much the house of Burgundy. After which, Philip was a loyall friend and servant unto Charles, and helped him to expell the English out of France. Neither did he meddle with the first falling out of Charles with his Son Lewis the Dolphin (who was since Lewis the XI.) which division was called, La Ligue de la Praguerie. And all the reigne of Charles nothing confi­derable hapned between these two houses but that towards the end of Charles, Lewis the Dolphin, having withdrawn himself discon­tented from the Court, and lived a while in Daulphiné, When the King his Father would [Page 148]have apprehended him by the Count of Damp­martin, he fled into Flanders, where he was received with great honour by Duke Philip, who assigned him the Town of Guenep in Bra­bant, to keep his Court, where he lived six or seaven years, till the death of his Father, an. 1461.

2. Now comes the reign of Lewis the XI, who had so much to do with the house of Burgundy, but nothing with that of Austria, and little with that of Arragon and Castilia. Historians observe, that Philip Duke of Bur­gundy, and his Son Charles Count of Charrolois accompanied Lewis into France, and were present at his coronation. And that Lewis at the first was very great with the Count of Charrolois; but that soon after that friendship was separated, by reason of the great antipa­thy of their humours, and because while Lewis was retired into Flanders, they had been too much acquainted with one anothers con­ditions, which brought them to a mutuall contempt. Also, because Charles had a suspi­cion that Lewis had plotted against his life, and because Lewis would have brought the Gabell (or impost of salt) into Burgundy, which the Duke did oppose. Then the suddain re­deeming of the Towns of the River of Somme, for which Lewis payed the four hundred thousand Crowns, incens'd the Count of Cha­rolois [Page 149]very much. These were the causes of the great hatred between these two houses, which the house of Austria inherited together with the Estate. Hardly indeed could these two Princes agree; for Lewis the XI was ma­licious, disobliging, and dissembled; and Charles Count of Charolois was peevish and arrogant, and followed no Law but his own will. That hatred brought forth the War of the publick good, as they called it, in which Charles had the better. That War ended in the Treaty of Conflans, whereby it was cove­nanted that the King should restore to Charles all the Towns of the River of Somme, redeem­ed not long before, to enjoy them all his life, and that he should have the County of Guines for himself and his Heirs for ever.

3. John King of Arragon; was assisted by Lewis the XI, and the said John sold or pawn­ed unto him the County of Roussillon for three hundred thousand Crownes. This is the ground of the claime of the French to that County.

4. Henry the IV, King of Castilia, and John King of Arragon being in War, because Hen­ry maintained the people of Arragon against their King, and about some Towns, Lewis the XI was chosen Umpire, and went to Bayonne, where he saw the Castilian on this side of the River of Vodazo, and upon the Lands of [Page 150] France. That enterview made them despise one another, for Henry was an ill favoured and ill behaved man, of little wit, and was altogether governed by the Count of Lodesme. Lewis used a short and coorse habit, and wore a little leaden, Our Lady, at his hat. The va­nity of the Count of Lodesme seemed ridicu­lous to the French. He crost the River in a boat, with a sail of golden cloath, and wore pomps garnisht with precious stones. Ever since that enter view, the two Nations have despised one another.

5. After the peace of Conflans, the divisi­ons were renewed between Lewis and the Count of Charolois, because Lewis cozened his brother Charles, gave him Normandy, and pre­sently took it from him, banisht him into Gui­enne, far from the other Princes, with whom he was in League, and gave him a little Country under the specious Title of Duke of Guienne. This angred the Count of Charrolois, and increased his jealousies. Philip Duke of Burgundy dieth an. 1467. Charles succeeds him.

6. This new Duke of Burgundy is much considered in France, by reason of his great Lands, and turbulent spirit. All his time hee was in Wars with the King, and brought the English into France. The King also did raise him Enemies, which his own rashnesse did [Page 151]multiply. He was defeated by the Switzers at Granson and Morat, and killed before Nan­cy, an. 1477.

7. After his death, Lewis took the Dutchy of Burgundy, and Provinces annext to it, gi­ven by Charles the VII, to Philip le Bon, as a masculin apanage, with the Towns upon the River of Somme, which Charles was to hold all his life, not leave it to his heirs. He seized also upon the Town of Arras, upon which he pretended a right. He did his utmost to catch Mary the inheritrix of Charles, and de­sired the people of Gant to deliver her into his hand, or make her marry Charles the Dolphin, but they protected her, and soon after Maxi­milian of Austria married her.

8. In Spain, after the enterview of the two King, Lewis of France, and Henry of Castilia, and the sale or pawning of the County of Rous­sillon, King John of Arragon, seeing that Lewis had arbitrated in favour of the Castilian, and had sent John Duke of Calabria for the con­quest of Arragon, took his time when the leagues in France were strongest against the King, to make Perpignan revolt against the French. The Garrison retired into the Citadel, and made it good till the Town was besieged by Lewis, and constrained to return to his obedience.

Paragraphe II. From the marriage of Maximilian with Mary, unto his death.

This period of forty yeares comprehends four reigns of the French Kings, the end of Lewis the XI, Charles the VIII, Lewis the XII. and the beginning of Francis the I: in which space the greatnesse of the House of Austria was founded by her union with that of Bur­gundy, and then with Castilia and Arragon.

Ʋnder Lewis the XI.

Since the death of Duke Charles, three re­markable things hapned under Lewis the XI. Mary inheritrix of Burgundy, whom her Fa­ther had promist to many Princes, in the end was married to Maximilian of Austria, an. 1478. Lewis would have her for Charles the Delphin, but he was but six years old, and she above fifteen yeares elder then he. That pre­ferring of Maximilian before Charles, was the cause of many evils to France.

1. The loss of all that Mary possest, which might have been united with France.

2. The increase of the house of Austria, which began then to be jealous of France, [Page 153]which she was very far from before that al­liance.

3. Great Wars and endlesse envy, by the neighborhood of these two great Houses. That marriage lasted but four yeares, Mary dying of a fall from her Horse as she was hunting; She left two children, Philip Arch­duke of Austria, Father to Charles the V. and Margaret.

2. By the jealousie risen between France and Austria by that marriage, and incensed by the revolt of the Prince of Orenge, a great Lord of Franch County, they broke into open War, and the battel of Guinegast was fought, of which the event was so uncertain, that both parties ascribed to themselves the vi­ctory.

3. Mary of Burgundy being dead, the Flem­mings, especially the Gantois alwayes muti­nous, would expell Maximilian, and dispose of Mary's Children. They married Marga­ret to Charles the Dolphin, and appointed for her portion the County of Artois, Franch County, and other Lands. Margaret was then but two yeares old, and Charles twelve. But Charles being married since with Anne Dut­chesse of Britain, Margaret was sent back to her Father Maximilian, which was a new cause of jealousie betweene these two fami­lies. This Margaret being seperated from [Page 154] Charles, was married to John Son of Ferdi­nand of Arragon and Isabella of Castilia whom she never saw: Then she was for the third time married with Philibert the II, Duke of Savoy: They say of her, that she was three times married, and dyed a Virgin.

Under Charles the VIII.

1. Charles the VIII, had civil Wars against Lewis Duke of Orleans, the Duke of Britain, and others which ended by the battel of St. Aubin; after which Charles married Anne the inheritrix of Brittain: whereby he offered two affronts unto Maximilian; the one, that he sent him back his Daughter Margaret, withwhom he had bin married seven or eight yeares; the other, that he married her with whom Maximilian was married by Proxie, for in Britaine all the Proclamations were then made in the name of the Dutchess, and of the Arch-duke of Austria. Upon which Maximilian made War against Charles, and took the Towns of Arras, St Omer, and other places which the French held as yet in Artois. But a Peace was made an. 1493. by which Charles was within four years to restore the Franch County, and some Towns which he held in Artois, unto Philip the Heir of Nether­lands, Son to Maximilian.

An. 1494. Charles restored to Ferdinand King of Arragon, Perpignan and the County of Roussillon, though he received not the three hundred thousand Crowns which it was pawn­ned for. The reason why Charles did so, we have declared before.

3. The same year was the expedition of Charles the VIII, into Naples, against the house of Arragon. To that which we have said of that quarrel, this must be added. Alphonsus who was adopted by Queen Jane the II. and in the end expelled the house of Anjou out of Italy, left Naples to Ferdinand his bastard, say­ing, that he could lawfully doe it, because it was his own conquest. The house of that ba­stard enjoyed it after him, and had four Prin­ces, Ferdinand the Bastard, Alphonsus his Son, Ferdinand his Grandchild, and after him Fri­derick, uncle to this last Ferdinand, and bro­ther of Alphonsus.

Although that House of Bastards enjoyed Naples, the Kings of Arragon would say that it was by their toleration, becaus Alphonsus King of Arragon, who had been adopted by Jane the II. had conquered Naples with the Arms, the Blood, and the money of Arragon, & that he ought not to have left it to any but hisbro­ther John, King after him of Arragon. Where­fore Ch. VIII. fearing lest Ferdinand King of Ar­ragon Son to John, should disturb his conquest [Page 156]of Naples, either to assist that Bastard House, or to make it his own conquest, restored unto him the County of Roussillon, gratis, upon Ferdinands promise, not to disturbe him, yea & to help him; but Ferdinand broke his word with him. What was the right of Charles, was shewed before.

Charles with great expedition past through Piemont, Milan, Pisa, Florence, Rome, got the Kingdom of Naples without difficulty, and governed it without prudence, and instantly lost it by the ill behaviour of his Ministers, which got him the hatred of the Neapolitans. A league was made by the Pope, the Venetians, the King of Naples, and the Duke of Milan, not onely to stay his conquests, but to stop his return, and destroy him in Italy. The Gene­rall of the Army of the league, was Francesco Gonzaga, Marquess of Mantua, who gave bat­tel to the King at Fornova, which the King won with great glory. Being returned into France, he prepared to return into Italy, but dyed in that preparation.

Whilst Charles was about the conquest of Naples, Lewis Duke of Orleans, who soon af­ter was King of France, stayed in his County of Ast, and renewed his claim to the Dutchy of Milan, possest by the usurper Ludovick Sforza the murtherer of his two nephews. As long as Ludovick kept good intelligence with [Page 157]the King, Lewis Duke of Orleans, durst not attempt any thing against him. But after that Ludovick had made himself one of the league against the King; Lewis possest himselfe of Novara, a Town of the Dutchy, which pre­sently was besieged by Ludovick and recove­red, excepting the Castle.

Under Lewis the XII.

In sixteen yeares that Lewis reigned, he had Wars with Philip of Austria, Ferdinand King of Arragon, Ludovick Duke of Milan, and the Kings of Naples, of the Bastard branch of Ar­ragon.

1. An. 1499. Philip Arch-duke of Au­stria, did homage at Arras in the hands of Guy de Rochford, Chancellor of France, for the Counties of Flanders, Artois and Charolois, a solemn action done with great pomp, and many formalities.

2. In the years 1499. and 1500. Lewis con­quereth the Dutchy of Milan from Ludovick, loseth it by the returne of Ludovick out of Germany, regaines it by taking and impri­soning Ludovick, and by the chase which he gave to his Sons Maximilian and Francis.

3. From thence he goeth to Naples, con­quers it from Friderick, the last King of the Bastard branch of Arragon, who puts him­selfe [Page 158]into the Kings hands. The King recom­penceth him with the Dutchy of Anjou, a pension of thirty thousand Crowns, and the first place in the Councell. Ferdinand King of Arragon, seeing that bastard branch fail­ed, reneweth his pretences to. Naples, Lewis compounds with him, and they share the Kingdom. The King of Arragon hath for his part Calabria, & Puglia, the rest remains to the French. But soone after, upon some diffe­rences which arose between the French and the Spaniards, for the confines of the Coun­try of Abruzzo, and some Salt-pits, the grand Capitan Gonsalvo de Cordova, takes arms and expells the French, an. 1503.

4. The Emperour Maximilian, after the yeare 1593. seeing the house of Sforzas de­graded from Milan, but two Sons remaining, threatneth Lewis of the Imperial Ban. Lewis appeaseth him, and obtaines the investiture of the yeare 1505. and promiseth his daugh­ter Claud to Charles Duke of Luxemburg, who since was Emperour. But soon after Lewis, who loved dearly Francis d'Angoulesme his Cosin, and first Prince of his blood, made him marry Claud, by the counsel of the great men of his Kingdom, notwithstanding the promise made to Maximilian. This angred very much Philip Father to Charles, who would have taken a revenge of that wrong, [Page 159]had he not been prevented with death, an. 1506. He had married Jane the great inhe­ritrix of Spain, by whom he had many chil­dren.

5. Yet Philip before he dyed, reconciled himselfe with Lewis, yea, and recommended to him the tuition of his Son Charles, which Lewis accepted, and gave him Antony de Ceu­res Lord of Crovy, for his Governour, a wise Knight, who formed that young spirit to great businesses in which Charles excelled after­wards.

6. An. 1507. the City of Genoa which had been conquered with the Dutchy of Milan, and where Lewis had made a glorious entry, revolted from him. Lewis passeth into Italy, and brings her to subjection. It was at that time that Ferdinand of Arragon returning from his new conquest of Naples, saw Lewis the XII, at Savone, a Town of the Territory of Genoa. In that enterview, Ferdinand who was then King of two little Kingdoms onely, both depending from the See of Rome, refused al­wayes the honour and the precedence which Lewis would give him, as it is usuall to do to strangers when one is at home, even to infe­riours. He would salute Lewis at his rising, and attended him going to Mass. Lewis, when­soever he gave to Ferdinand the precedence, made him understand that he did it out of civility, [Page 160]not out of duty. Go before (said he to him) for if I were at your house, and in your Country, I would in the like case doe what you would desire of me; but because you are in my Country, you shall do so, for it is my will, and I beseech you so to doe. That might be done then without prejudice, when the House of Arragon was farre under the splen­dor of that of France, and was not so arro­gant as now. How such another encounter should be ordered in these dayes in point of civility, it is more then I can determine.

An. 1508. the league of Cambray was made, of Pope Jule the II. the Emperour Maximi­lian, Lewis King of France, and Ferdinand King of Arragon, and Naples, to beat down the ar­rogancy of the Venetians, who during the confusions of Italy, had incroacht upon all their Estates, the patrimony of the Church, the Empire, Milan, and Naples. Whence fol­lowed the battel of Aignadel, which Lewis won of the Venetians, which made him so glo­rious, that the Popes and the Princes of Italy grew jealous of him. Ferdinand leaveth the alliance of Lewis, who had restored unto him all the Towns which the Venetians held in the Kingdom of Naples, and made war againsT him, Lewis wins the battel of Ravenna against the Pope and the Spaniards, an. 1512.

8. Pope Jule the II, being declared enemy [Page 161]to Lewis, and all his adherents, among whom was John d'Albret, King of Navarra, Ferdi­nand invaded Navarra, an. 1512. The Swit­zers, set on by the Pope, expell the French from the Dutchy of Milan, and set up Maxi­milian Sforza, Son to Ludovic. The English and Maximilian being confederate, come into France and besiege Terovenne; Lewis comes to helpe, and gives the battel which was called of the Spurres, because though the French at the first resisted manfully, yet they were put to the worst, and forced to make more use of their Spurres then Swords.

Finally, although Lewis had won the bat­tel of Ravenna, an. 1512. he saw himselfe ex­pelled out of all Italy, and the House of the Sforzas, restored at Milan before he dyed, which was an. 1515.

Ʋnder Francis the I.

In the beginning of his reign, he found the House of Austria in the hands of Charles, then of the age of fifteen years, who possest all the Low Countries by his Father Philip of Austria, and the Kingdom of Castilia from his Mother Jane of Arragon. Maximilian was yet living, enjoying the Arch-dutchy of Austria. His o­ther Grand-father, Ferdinand was King of Arragon and Naples, both very old and bro­ken. [Page 162] Charles was their Heir apparent.

1. Francis the I. comming to the Crown, received the homage of the Count of Nassau, in the name of Charles, Count of Flanders, and Artois, to whom he promist Renee, second daughter to Lewis the XII. But that marriage was not fulfilled. Hee confirmed also that peace with Ferdinand, which Lewis the XII. had made a little before he died.

2. His next work, was the Conquest of the Dutchy of Milan. He passeth into Italie, and wins the battail of Marignan in Piemont a­gainst the Switzers, who had undertaken to maintain Maximilian Sforza in his new possession of Milan, which they had got for him. He gets Milan. Maximilian Sforza yields himself to him for a Pension of threescore thousand Crowns, and retires himself into France. This was the third time that the French had got Milan of the Sforzas.

3. Francis and Charles being both young, and ambitious, it could not be expected that they should long live in peace, because Charles being born a subject to France, kept Navarra, which the house of Albret had lost for adhering to France; Then Ferdinand had expelled the French out of Naples, wrong­fully say they. This Ferdinand died an. 1516. and Charles inherited all these great States, exalted to the height of greatnesse, wanting [Page 163]nothing but the Empire and Austria, which his Grandfather Maximilian left him by his death three years after. In the birth of these two eminent powers, which have cost so much, blood and tears to the Christian world, before they had conceived that great hatred which was between them after; the Depu­ties of both sides met at Noyon, and this was called the Treaty of Noyon, an. 1516, where it was concluded, that Francis should yield all his rights in the Kingdom of Naples for a yearly pension of a hundred thousand Crowns. 2. That Charls then called the Archi­duke, should marry Lovise, the eldest daugh­ter of Francis, instead of Renee, sister to the Queen Claude. 3. That the Archduke should restore the Kingdome of Navarra to Henry, Son to John d' Albret, or in defect of it that he should otherwise content him within six months. The King and the Archduke swore that Treaty, and give the one to the other, the order of Knighthood. The King that of St. Michael, the Archduke that of the Golden Fleece, made an alliance for ever; and to con­firme it, promist to have an interview at Cam­bray. But Ferdinand being dead soon after, Charles made hast to passe into Spain to take possession of his Estates, and neglected the Articles of Noyon, especially the restitution of Navarra.

4. Yet for three years after, nothing was stirred on either side, because Martin Luther having alarmed all Europe with his Doctrine, the Pope Leo the X procured a generall truce for five years among all Princes. But Maxi­milian the Emperonr being dead, an. 1519. and Charles being increased with the inheri­tance of Austria, and the Title of Emperour; Francis the I. conceived a great indignation, that a vassall of his should have been prefer­red before him to the Empire, which he had been a suitour for with great earnestnesse; which jealousie would never suffer these two Princes to agree.

5. Each of them had a great Minister of State by their persons, Francis had Artus Gouffier, Sieur de Boissi, Great Master of France. Charles had been bred by Guillaume de Crovy Sieur de Ceures, whom Lewis the XII. had recommended to him. These two fore­seeing the misfortune which the ambition of these two Princes was drawing upon Chri­stendom, resolved to meet to make a peace, and alliance for ever. Montpelier was the place chosen for that meeting. But as soon as Boissi was come, and began to treat with Ceu­res, he fell into a fever and died, leaving that great work imperfect, which no body since was able to finish.

Paragraphe III. From the death of Maximilian, an 1519. to the Treaty of Madrid an. 1525.

By the death of the Emperour Maximili­an, Charles was made possessour of Austria, and the Empire, being possest before of the In­heritances of Burgundy, Arragon, and Castilia. A greatnesse which swelled his mind, and made him loose his respect to Francis. Hee complained that Francis had taken Claude from him, the eldest daughter of Lewis the XII, which was promist to him. Francis re­demanded Navarra, Naples, and the homages for the Counties of Flanders and Artois, which Charles took to be too low for the quality of an Emperour. Charles also complained that the Dutchy of Burgundy, the Patrimony of his Grandmother Mary was kept from him, and the Dutchy of Milan belonging to the Sforzas, and to the Empire.

The great fire of War which lasted forty years between these two houses, brake out upon a very slender occasion. Robert de la March Duke of Bovillon, adjudgd by the Peers of his Dutchy, which pretend themselves to be Soveraigns, the Town of Hierges in Ar­dennes [Page 166]to the Prince of Chimay, of the house of Crovi, against the Lord d' Esmeries; to whom the Emperour gave a writ of relief, although Robert pretended the judgement of his Peeres to be Soveraign. Robert incensed a­gainst the Emperonr, made his addresse to Francis the I, and offered him his service. The King received him courteously, yet for­bad his subjects to assist him, not willing to break with the Emperour. But Robert, proud to have the protection of France, denounceth Warre to the Emperour, who was then at Wormes to pacifie the troubles rising in Germa­ny about Luther, and attempts to surprise some places in Luxemburg. But the Emperour presently seizeth upon the Estate of that lit­tle Prince, and constrains him to ask him par­don; reproaching Francis in an odious man­ner for receiving his rebellious subject. About the same time, Francis upon the inexecution of the Treaty of Noyon (Charles refusing to make restitution of Navarra to Henry d' Al­bret) took the quarrell of that dispossessed Prince, and sent Andrew de Foix, Lord de Es­parre, brother to Monsieur de Lautre into Na­varra, where the French did some exploit at the first, but were soon repelled by the Spa­niards. Charles taketh that enterprise for an infraction of the peace between the two hou­ses, though it was but a succour given to a [Page 167]confederate of France, to prosecute his rights. He makes great preparatives of war, makes Leo the X, break wth France, & joyn with him promising that after the Conquest of Milan, he would give to the Church the Townes of Parma and Placentia, members of that Dutchy, to which the Popes had some old pretence.

Such was the origine of the first War be­tween Francis and Charles, an. 1521. The first three or four yeares there were great ex­ploits in Champagne, in Navarra, in Provence, and in the Dutchy of Milan. In Tierasche the Emperour took Mouzon, and besieged Mezie­res, which Anne de Mommorency, who since was Constable of France, and Chevalier Bayard defended bravely. And Francis took Bapaume and Landrecy from the Emperour, and gave him the Chase.

In Navarra the French had advanced but little in the years 1519. and 1520. But in the year 1521. the Admirall of Bonnivet be­sieged Fontarabie and took it, and made Mon­steur du Lude, Governour of the same, who being besieged a whole year by the Spani­ards, defended it with great valour, till la Palisse since Marshall of France made them forsake the Siege. But Frauget an old Captain being made Governour instead of Lude, he de­livered it basely to the Spaniards, for which he was degraded of Nobility. With this the French lost all Navarra, and never came into it since.

For Milan, Francis having given the Go­vernment of it to the Constable Charles de Bourbon, he removed him and gave it to Lau­tree, of the house of Foix, a great Captain in the field, but an ill Politician in a State. Hee so misused the people of Milan, both by him­self and by his brother the Marshall de Les­cun, and together was so ill assisted with mo­ney from the Court, that the Emperour had an easie entry into the Country. Milan is ta­ken, and plundered by the league of the Pope and the Emperour; and the French expel­led out of the Dutchy. At which they say, that the Pope died for joy, an. 1621. Soon after the battell of la Bicoque was fought, which the French lost by the stubbornesse of the Switzers. Lautree being returnd into France, the Admiral de Bonnivet was sent to Milan, where hee did no better, and was forced to forsake all. In that retreat Chevalier Bayard was killed, an. 1523. These prosperities of the Emperour were much helpt, by the revolt of the Consta­ble of Bourbon, 1522, who was incensed by the little account that Francis made of him, the incroaching of the Duke of Alanson, and the Marshall of Bonivet upon his Office of Constable, by the Kings favour; the hatred of Lovise the Kings mother, and the Chancel­lour du Prat against him; and the small justice which hee expected in a suit which [Page 169]concerned almost his whole Estate. Being turned to the Emperours party, he helped him to conquer Milan, and to give the chase to the Admiral of Bonivet, past into Provence with the Imperiall Army, besieged Marseille, where he is repulsed by Renso de Cera a Ro­man Baron, and Philip de Chabot that kept it for the King. He repasseth the Alpes, and the King after him, who comming to Milan, re­covereth presently the whole Dutchy, Pavia only accepted.

While Francis is besieging Pavia defen­ded by Antonio de Leva, Charles de Bourbon brings Troops out of Germany to relieve it. The battell of Pavia is fought, where the victory being already on the Kings side, he would fol­low in person the Enemy which was retiring, and had no sooner overtaken them, but hee was taken by them, an. 1524. upon Saint Mathias day. Francis having been kept a while in the Castle of Pissigi [...]un, is carried into Spain, and there kept Prisoner. His Kingdom labours for his deliverance & for peace. This brought forth the Treaty of Madrid, an. 1525, where Gatinara Chancellour to the Empe­rour, and John de Selva first President of Paris, who were the two learned among the Depu­ties, disputed at severall times the rights of their Masters. Selva claimed Naples, Navarra, and the Soverainties of Flanders and Artois. [Page 170]Gatinara claimed the Dutchy of Burgundy, and the Dutchy of Milan which the Empe­rour then possest. In the end, the Treaty of Madrid was made, where among other things it was concluded Febr. 14. 1525,

1. That within the 20. day of the month of June next, the King will put the Durchy of Burgundy into the Emperours hands, with all the appurtenances and dependances thereof, and all that he holds of the Franch County.

2, That he shall renounce the Soveraignty of that Dutchy and County, and of the Counties of Flanders and Artois.

3. That he shall renounce all his claim to the Kingdom of Naples, the Dutchy of Milan, Genoa, Ast, Doway, L'Isle, Tournay, and Hesdin.

4. That the King with all his power shal pro­cure that Henry d' Albret, forsake his claim to Navarra in the Emperours behalf; or if Henry refuse it, that the King shall not assist him with his forces.

5. That the Emperour shall likewise dis­claim all his right to the Counties of Pon­thieu, Bullen, and Guines, and to the Townes of Montdidier, Roye, Peronne, and other Towns and Lordships of Picardy.

Paragraphe. IV. From the Treaty of Madrid, to that of Cambray.

That period containes but four or five years, in which many considerable things did happen.

1. The King is delivered out of prison, gi­ving his two Sons for Ostages, the Dolphin Francis, and Henry Duke of Orleans, goeth to Bayonne and Bordeaux, stayeth at Angou­lesme and Cognae, accompanied with Charles de Lanoy, Viceroy of Naples, to be present at the execution of the Treaty. But that Vice­roy saw in short time three actions repugnant unto it.

1. The first that the King having caused the Articles to be read in presence of the States of his Kingdom, they told him that they were unjust, contrary to the fundamen­tall Lawes of the State; and that he was not obliged to observe them, although the King did protest of his willingnesse to see them ob­served.

Two things made these Articles unjust; 1. The right of Nations, whereby all Treaties made by one kept in prison, are accounted void as extorted by violence. 2. The funda­mentall [Page 172]Lawes of the State, by which the King is alwayes a Minor, as for the alienation of the royal patrimony.

The second opposition to the Treaty in the presence of the Viceroy of Naples, was that the Deputies of the Dutchy of Burgundy pro­tested before the King, that he could not alie­nate them without their consent, and refused to submit themselves to the Emperour.

The third, That he saw a league made at Cognac, for the expelling of the Emperour out of Italy.

The Emperour having made himselfe for­midable to all Princes, to the Italians especi­ally, and going about to devest Francesco Sfor­za from Milan, which he had conferred upon him after the battel of Pavia, the Pope Cle­ment the VII, King Francis, the Venetians, the Switzers, the Florentines, make a league which was called the Sacred league, to deliver Italy from oppression, without naming the Empe­rour, who also in a scorn was invited to make one in it, upon condition that he should re­store the two Sons of France, suffer the Duke Sforza to live in peace, and give over the siege of the Castle of Milan. By that league the War was to be maintained with common charges. And because the Italian Princes might be afraid of the power of the French in Italy, no lesse then of that of the Empe­rour; [Page 173]King Francis was to renounce his right to the Dutchy of Milan in favour of Sforza, for a pension which should be arbitrated by the Pope and the Venetians, not under fifty thousand Ducats. That the County of Ast should remaine to the King, with the Sove­raignty of Genoa, under the Government of Antonio d' Adornas, with the title of Duke, if he would subscribe to that league. The Kingdom of Naples was to be put into the Popes hands, he paying for it sixty thousand Ducats of yearly pension. That league was publisht and proclaimed at Cognac, in pre­sence of Lanoy, to whom the King made ex­cuses for the inexecution of the Treaty of Madrid, shewing how he was disabled and declared Minor by the State.

3. Lanoy being returned into Spain, pre­sently the War of the league begins in Italy, at Milan, at Rome, and at Naples. At Milan, the Duke of Bourbon Generall of the imperi­al Army, besieged Francis Sforza, whom the league had taken in her protection. Sforza is constrained to surrender the Castle and re­tire into the Army of the league, the Gene­rall whereof was Francesco Maria, Duke of Urbin. The Duke of Bourbon having taken Milan, goeth straight to Rome, takes it, and is killed in the assault. The Cardinalls are im­prisoned and ransomed.

At the same time Lautree was at Naples with an Army, and laid a strait siege to it by Land. And Andrew Doria with the Gallies of France besieged it by Sea. Yea, he won a battel by Sea, in which Moncado Viceroy of Naples was slaine. But being ill satisfied of King Francis, who denyed him the ransome of Prisoners, and used him with contempt, he turned to the Emperour, and relieved Na­ples with victualls by Sea. And Lautree pre­sently after happening to die, the French lost all in Italy, and the Emperour settled him­selfe in it with more power. He restored the Dutchy of Milan to Sforza, and made him marry his neece Christina, daughter to the King of Denmark. Yet he cut off from that Dutchy the Commonwealth of Genoa, which was made Soveraign at the request of Andrew Doria. He confirmed also Parma and Placen­tia to the Popes.

4. While this War was in Italy, King Fran­cis made a league with Henry the VIII. of England, and both declared War against the Emperour, who having said to the Herald of France, that his Master was not in a conditi­on to declare Warre against him, till he had disingaged his faith and fulfilled his promi­ses, which if he repented of, that he should return into prison to make a new Treaty.

King Francis exasperated with these words, [Page 175]declared in presence of all the Court, that he would satisfie the Emperour by a Duel, and sent him a challenge, saying, that the Em­perour lied, if he said that he had broken his word. The Emperour, though he made a shew to answer the challenge, kept himself still to his answer, that King Francis was not in a condition to require satisfaction of him, till he had discharged his promise. So all these threatnings vanisht into smoak.

5. While these Princes were thus con­tending, two great Princesses, Lovise the Kings Mother, and Margaret the Emperours Aunt, were labouring for an accommodati­on. By their meanes the Treaty of Cambray was made, which therefore was called the Treaty of Ladies, it was in the year 1529. By that Treaty a marriage was concluded be­tween King Francis and Eleanor the Empe­rours sister, widow to the King of Portugal; and it was agreed that King Francis should pay two millions of Gold for the ransome of his Sons. And that he should disclaim all his rights to the Counties of Flanders and Artois, and to the Dutchy of Milan, and (as some adde) to whole Italy, which is like enough, since the Treaty of Cambray changed nothing in that of Madrid, but that there was no mention of the Dutchy of Burgundy.

Paragraphe V. From the Treaty of Cambray, an. 1529. to that of Crespy, an. 1544.

By the Treaty of Cambray, War ceased be­tween these two Princes, but not the jealou­sies and hatred: Yet they kept peace till the year 1533. when Merville an Italian Gentle­man, the Kings servant, was condemned and executed at Milan, because some of his ser­vants had killed a man. But the secret and true reason was, that the Emperour had com­plained to Duke Sforza, that this Merville was at Milan as a Spy for the French, which was true; yea he was a secret Embassadour, and Sforza had desired that he should not o­penly take the title of Embassadour, for fear of offending the Emperour. That murther of Merville broke the peace; for the King ta­king Armes to chastise Sforza, the Emperour also took arms to defend him. It was at that time that King Francis instituted a new form of Militia, which was called Legionary.

The Emperour also was incensed by the alliance which the King had made with the German Princes Protestant (though perhaps that name was not yet in fashion) who being persecuted by the Emperour for their Religi­on [Page 177]had their refuge to the French King, as the antient confederate of the Princes of Ger­many, for the defence of the Rights and Liber­ties of the Empire. These Princes were the Dukes of Saxony, the Palatine, the Duke of Ba­vier, the Duke of Wertenberg, the Lantgrave of Hesse. Yea, he lent a hundred thousand Crowns to the Duke of Virtenberg, who en­gaged to him the County of Montbeliard. But that engagement was simulate, and Francis did very willingly assist the Enemies of Charles. These were the motives and occasi­ons of this War. Of which, these were the chief passages.

1. Francis to passe to Milan, demands of Charles Duke of Savoy, passage through his Country. The Duke denies it by the instiga­tion of Beatrix of Portugal his wife, sister in law to the Emperor, & very partial for him. That deniall cost the Duke the losse of all his Lands, both of Savoy and Fiemont, which the King took, and kept them till the Treaty of Chasteau in Cambresis, an. 1559. The pre­tence of that invasion was the right which Francis pretended in these States from his Mother Lovise of Ravoy. A little before that invasion, the Emperour seeing that thick cloud threatning Milan, himself returning from Tunis with a weary and broken Army, sends to the K. propositions of peace, & many [Page 178]fair words. Yet he stood so stiffely upon the Treaties before, very advantageous for him, that the King would not hearken to him, per­ceiving that ne would only protract the time till he had recrewted his Army. Besides Fran­cis Sforza being dead without children, at the same time the Emperour had seized upon the Dutchy of Milan. And it was reported, that he intended to bestow it upon a Sonne of Portugal, his wives brother. For these reasons these two Princes fall to action. The King conquereth Savoy and Piemont, and the Empe­rour fortifies himself at Milan.

2. The Emperour passeth into Italy, visits the Pope, Paul III, an. 1536, and in prefence of the Conclave, inveighs against Francis, rela­ting all that past between them ever since they came to their States, reproaching him especially for joining with the Princes of contrary Religion in Germany: And offereth three conditions to the King to choose which he would. The first was to give the Dutchy of Milan to the Kings third Son, the Duke of Angoulesme, not willing to give it either to the Dolphin, or to the Duke of Orleans, for fear (said he) of giving jealousie to the Italian Princes, if persons so near the Crown grew so powerfull in Italy, especially the Duke of Orleans, who had lately married Catherine de Medicis, which had some pretences upon [Page 179] Florence and Urbin. If the King accepted that condition, he desired to know what assistance he would give him against the Turk and the Heretiques. The Emperours second offer was, to fight a Duell with the King, either upon the Land or in a Boat. That he left to the King the choice of the Armes; That the van­quished should give all his forces to secure the sitting of a Council, and to make War a­gainst the Heretiques and Infidells. That the King should deposite the Dutchy of Burgun­dy, and himself that of Milan to be the price of the Victory. The third offer was, that if the King refused these two conditions, he de­clared mortall War unto him, till one of the two was made the poorest gentleman of his Kingdom. The King purged himself to the Pope by letters of all the Emperours accusa­tions.

The War grows hot in Piemont, an. 1536. Many exploits are done, Fossan is besieged by Antonio de Leva for the Emperour, and taken. The Marquis of Saluees leaves the Kings ser­vice and turns to the Emperour, who enters into Provence, and besiegeth Marseille, but in vain, being defended by the Kings presence, and by the generosity of Ann de Montmorency, who since was Constable of France. The Em­perour is beaten out of Provence. At the same time the Count of Nassan makes some ex­ploits [Page 180]in Picardy for the Emperour, takes Guise, besiegeth Peronne, but is repulsed.

4. Jean Capell the Kings Atturney General, moveth the Parliament that a proces be made against Charles as Felon, and Traitor against his Soveraign, of whom he held the Counties of Flanders, Artois, and Charolois, in fee. The Court of Peers hereupon assembled decree, that Charles should be cited with sound of Trumpet, upon the frontier of his States, to appear before them. And he not appearing, he was condemned, and his Dominions de­pending from the Crown were confiscated. Presently after, the King tooke many places in Artois.

An. 1538. the Pope Paul the III. comes to Nice, where both the Emperour and the King met also; the Pope communing separately with each of them, for hee could not obtaine of them that they should see one another. Yet they concluded a truce for ten years. That meeting being ended, the King returnes into France, the Emperour into Spain, but seeth the King by the way at Acquesmortes; They confirme the truce, and are civill one to a­nother. Shortly after, the City of Ghent being revolted, and having killed their Magi­strates, Charles desireth Francis to give him passage through his Lands, which the King granted him. In that passage the Emperour [Page 181]received all the royall honours. The King went to meet him at Chastellerant. In that en­terview, the Emperour gave the King some hope to give him satisfaction about the Dut­chy of Milan.

6. An. 1641. the King sent Antony Rincot, a Spaniard that had taken sanctuary in France, to the Turk, and Caesar Fregosa to the Venetians. Both were slain upon the River of Po, going to Venice by Boat. This murder was done by the order of the Marquess du Guast Gover­nour of Milan, who hoped thereby to get their Papers and Instructions, but they had been sent to Venice another way. The Mar­quess was accused and convicted of the fact by those that executed it, who were taken at Venice. Upon this the King breaks the truce of tens years. The Dolphin, who was since Henry the II, falls upon the Roussillon, besie­ged Perpignan, but is repulsed with losse. Charles Duke of Orleans, seizeth upon Lut­zenburg. The Emperour on the other side makes a league with the King of England, en­ters Picardie, besiegeth Landrecy, but Francis relieveth it, and driveth the Emperour from the siege: Barbarossa the Turk comes by Sea to the Kings help, takes the Town of Nice, wasteth those coasts of the Mediterranean sea, goeth away having done little good to the French, and ill satisfied of them, having [Page 182]given a great matter of obloquy against Fran­cis, to the Christian Princes.

In Piemont, after many exploits on both sides, the famous battel of Cerisoles was fought an. 1544. and won by the French, the French Generall being the Duke of Anguien, the Spa­niard, the Marquess du Guast.

At this time Ferdinand King of the Ro­mans, brother to Charles the Emperour, being sore prest by the Turk in Hungary, sends a Dominican Fryer, his Confessor to Charles to exhort him to peace; Charles is perswaded to it, and Francis also. Their Deputies meet at St. John des Vignes, in the Suburbs of Soissons, and begin a Treaty which soon after was concluded at Crespy in Valois, of which these were the chiefe conditions.

That Charles Duke of Orleans, the Kings se­cond Son, should marry the Emperours Daughter, or that of Ferdinand King of the Romans, at the Emperours choice within six yeares; and for her portion, that the Em­perour should invest the said Duke with the Dutchy of Milan, or the County of Flanders, or Charolois, or Franch County, at the Empe­rours choyce likewise. And that upon his in­vestiture with one of these, the King should renounce all his claim to all the rest, and to the Kingdom of Naples. That till there were Children born by that marriage, if the Em­perour [Page 183]had before assigned the Dutchy of Milan for the Ladies portion, he should re­tain in his power the Castles of Milan and Cremona.

That the King should restore to Charles Duke of Savoy, all that he had taken from him on both sides of the Alpes; yet that he might retain the Citadels as long as the Em­perours kept the Castles of Milan and Cre­mona.

That both the Emperour and the King should restore all that they had taken the one from the other, since the truce made at Nice by the Popes mediation. This Treaty beares date of Octob. 18. 1544. and was executed, but the King restored many more places then the Emperour.

Paragraphe VI. From the Treaty of Crespy 1544, to that of Chasteau en Cambresis, an. 1559.

Francis out-lived three years the Treaty of Crespy, all which time he had no War with Charles, who had retired himself to Bruxelles. Francis being dead, his Son Henry the II. suc­ceeded him, who also had no War with the Emperour till the year 1550. Two accidents made the old jealousie to break into open War.

1. The Pope, Paul the III. had invested his Bastard, Peter Lewis, Farnesio, with the Towns of Parma and Placentia, which the Emperour had yieled to the Church upon the claime of Leo the X. without much examining the Popes right, onely because it had been so co­venanted when the Pope and the Emperour united themselves to expell the French out of Italy, an. 1521. That investiture troubled Charles afterwards, who pretended, either that these Towns should remaine united to the patrimony of the Church, or that in case of alienation they should return to the Dut­chy of Milan. Now this Peter Lewis, Farne­sio, having made himselfe odious to his sub­jects, by his cruelty and impudicity, was slain by the people of Placentia, who put them­selves under the Emperours protection. At the same time Paul the III, being dead, Jules the III, that succeeded him, maintained at the first Octavio, Son to Peter Lewis, in the in­vestiture of Parma and Placentia. But soon af­ter repenting of that donation which he saw to be displeasing to the Colledge of Cardi­nals, joyned with the Emperour for the dis­possessing of Octavio, who put himself in Henry the II, his protection; and that King power­fully assisted him both against the Pope and the Emperour, and was at such odds with the Pope, as to prohibit the bringing of any [Page 185]money out of France to Rome. At which the Pope amazed, desired peace of the King, and desisted to oppose Octavio, yea and caused the Emperour to restore Placentia to Octavio, since which time Octavio and his successours have enjoyed Parma and Placentia. At the same time the King protected also the Prince of Miran­dola, whom the Pope would oppresse.

Before that time, an. 1545. the Emperour got a great victory over the Protestant Prin­ces of Germany. Their two chiefe men, Fri­derick Elector of Saxony, and Philip Lantgrave of H [...]sse were taken prisoners. Whereby the Protestant party was so humbled, that in the year 1550. they implored the help of Henry the II, of France, who past into Germany to relieve them.

The Constable of Montmorency in his way seized upon the Townes of Metz, Toul, and Verdun, upon the Rights which we have set down in the third Chapter. That enterpize of Henry in favour of the Protestants, made the Emperour conclude a peace with them in haste. So that the King being come to Stras­burg, was desired by them to return, because they were agreed with the Emperour. Retur­ning from Germany, he took many Towns in Lutzenburg, Rochemars, Danvilliers, Ivoy, Bo­villon. And the Emperour towards the end of the year 1551. besiegeth Metz, so well [Page 186]defended by Francis Duke of Guise, that the siege was raised the first day of the year 1552 Terrovenne is taken and razed by the Empe­rour.

The people of Siena fearing lest that Cos­mo de Medicis, Duke of Florence, should make himself Master of their Commonwealth, had put themselves into the Emperours hands ho­ping that he would bring them in their liber­ty. But seeing that he would bring them un­der the subjection of Cosmo, they called Henry the II, to their help, who gave them Blaise de Montlue for their Governour, who since was Marshal of France; in his Commentaries he hath described how that City was besieged. But in the end they were forced to submit to the Florentine.

In the year 1555. the Emperour Charles resigned the Imperial Crown to his brother Ferdinand, and all his other Estates to his Son Philip the II. A Treaty of Peace betweene Henry and Philip, was moved near Ardres, and perfected near Cambray, an. 1556. for ten yeares, and sworne by the two Kings Feb. 6.

But presently after the death of Jule the III. and the Pontificat of Marcel the II. which lasted but two and twenty dayes, the peace was broken upon the Election of Paul the IV. a Neapolitan of the house of Caraffa, allied to that of Melpha, which had alwayes been of [Page 187]the French faction, and was odious to the Spaniards, who used all their power to hin­der his election; And when in spite of them he was elected, they raised two powerfull Families of Rome against him, the Columna's and the Vitelli's, who revolted against the Pope, being assisted by Philip. The King sends help to the Pope, so the Truce is bro­ken. Many exploits of Arms were done a­bout Rome. But, Octob. 14. 1557, the Pope and the Spaniard agreed, and Henry called his Army back.

But at the same time Philip having marri­ed Queen Mary of England, made his wife declare War to Henry by a Heralt of Arms, who spoke to the King himself at Reims, whence followed many various effects of war in Picardie and Champagne, till the me­morable battell of Saint Guintin lost by the French, an. 1557. where the Constable was taken. But Francis Duke of Guise, newly re­turned from Italy, revived the sad condition of France by the taking of Calais, Guines, the Land of Oye, and the Town of Thion­ville.

The two Armies of these two Princes be­ing both in sight one of another in Picardy, near the River of Somme, the Constable of France and the Marshall Saint Andrew, both Prisoners of the Spaniard, the Popes Nuntio [Page 188]and Christina Dowagar of Lorrain, Cosen-ger­man to Philip, manage a peace which was concluded at Chasteau in Cambresis, in Febru­ary 1559. By the first Article of that Treaty the French King was to execute religiously all the Treaties made between Charles the V, and Francis the I. (whereby they understood the cessions made of Naples, Milan, Flanders, and Artois) unlesse the present Treaty did contradict it; but that Treaty mentioned one­ly the restitutions of the Towns taken on both sides, and the rendition of the States of Savoy and Piemont to Philibert Emanuel, Duke of Savoy. Also by that Treaty a marriage was agreed on between Philip, then newly a Wi­dower by the death of Queen Mary of Eng­land, and Elizabeth daughter to Henry the II. which for that reason was called the Queen of Peace. In the celebration of that marriage, Henry the II was slain.

Paragraphe V. From the peace of Chasteau in Cambresis, 1559. to the death of the Duke of Alenson, 1584.

There was no open war between the two Crownes all that time which comprehends [Page 189]the reign of Francis the II, Charles the IX, and great part of that of Henry the III. But by the vertue of that Queen of peace, the Union was so great, that the troubles of Religion being risen in France, Philip assisted the French Kings with his Armes.

Under Francis the II.

In this reign of ninteen months, the Histo­ry observeth two notable things, which are much for our purpose.

1. The State of France being in trouble at the entry of this reign, by the great favour of the Guises, Unkles to Queen Mary of Scot­land, wife to Francis the II, and by the Queen­mother Catherine de Medicis, who took the Regency of the Kingdome to the prejudice of Antony of Bourbon, King of Navarra, and first Prince of the blood of France after the Kings brothers, who being kept low, and all the house of Bourbon with him seemed to threa­ten France of a Civil War. Philip the II con­sidering that State of France, sent to Francis the II a letter which was read in the Coun­cell, whereby he said, that he had heard how some great men of France being ill satisfied of the Government establisht by him, his bro­ther in law Francis, threatned his State of a Civill War. That he Philip was ready to im­ploy [Page 190]all his Forces, and his life, to make him obeyed as his good confederate and neigh­bour, remembring the good instructions, and the holy education which his Father Charles the V, had received from Lewis the XII, his Guardian.

2. The house of Bourbon, being degraded from the rank it ought to have had in the Court, Antony King of Navarra retired into Bearn; and when the Cardinal of Bourbon, and the Prince de la Roche sur Yon, conducted the Queen of Spain to her husband, he bore them company. Now because by the Treaty of marriage, that Princesse was to be delivered to Philip upon the frontiers of Spain, the Duke de l' Infantasqua, and the Cardinall of Burgos came to receive her in the Abbey of Roncevaux, which was in Navarra. There King Antony protested that the Queen was not delivered upon the frontires of Spain, but in the heart of his own Kingdom, that none should believe hereafter that Roncevaux did belong to the King of Spain.

Under Charles the IX.

All this reign past among civill confusions about Religion, and scarce any dispute was between the two Crowns. Yea Philip fur­nisht Charles many times with Forces to sub­due [Page 191]his Protestant subjects. Only these things are to be remembred for our purpose.

1. After the first peace with the Prote­stants, an. 1564, Charles made a progress a­bout his Kingdom, and saw his sister Eliza­beth Queen of Spain at Bayonne. There the Queen-mother had an earnest and secret con­ference with the Duke of Alba. It is thought they agreed about a mutuall assistance be­tween the two Crowns, against the Prote­stants of France and Netherlands; for in that year 1565. they began to stir in those Domi­nions of the Spaniard. Philip assisted Charles with some Troops, which kindness Charles could not return, the fire being kindled in all the parts of his Kingdom.

2. An. 1566. two things were near to have made a breach between the two States. Bertrand de Montlue, whom his Father in his Commentaries calleth, Captaine Peyrot, see­ing peace in France, undertakes to make some conquest upon the Sea, comes to the Isle of Madera, subject to Portugal, and desiring to take water, is repulsed with Canon-shot, up­on which he makes a descent into the Iland with strong hand, besiegeth the Town, takes it, but is slain in that exploit. A complaint is made of this to Philip, as Uncle to the King of Portugal, as an infraction of the Treaty, in which Portugal was comprehended. Philip [Page 192]incenseth Charles against his own subjects a­bout this, but the Admiral appeaseth Charles, shewing that it was but a mis-understanding among private persons.

Another businesse of that nature was that of Gourgues. Dominique de Gourgues was a Captain of Gascony, who in the Wars of Ita­ly had been taken by the Spaniards, and ill u­sed in prison. To be avenged of them, he went to Florida in the West-Indies, besieged the Fort which the Spaniards kept there, takes it by force, kills or hangs all the Soul­diers, then returnes into France. Of this, Phi­lip makes high complaint unto Charles, and Gourgues was in great danger of his life; but he was protected by the Admirall of Chastil­lon, a Protestant, and an enemy to the Spa­niards. He represented unto the King, that it was an Act of private revenge. Also, that a little before Melander, a Spanish Captaine, had expelled out of the same Fort in Florida: John Rebaut of Diepe, with five hundred French-men, whom he had killed or hanged every man with this inscription.

Not as to French-men, but as to Lutherans.

The wisest French Historians affirm, and so did Gourgues himselfe; That not any private revenge, but the desire to punish that horrible [Page 193]treachery and murther upon his Country­men, made him undertake and atchieve that high enterprise.

An. 1570. Charles married Elizabeth daugh­ter to the Emperour Maximilian, a vertu­ous Princess, much beloved of her Husband. Shortly after Philip married another daugh­ter of the same Emperour. This double af­finity did confirm the friendship betwixt the two Crowns.

Under Henry the III.

Henry the III. returning out of Poland, an. 1574. passeth through Vienna, where he is wel received by the Emperour Maximilian, al­though one of his Sons had been Henries com­petitor for the Crown of Poland. Yea, the Emperour gave him wholsome counsels for settling peace in his State.

An. 1577. The Protestants of Netherlands being opprest by the Spaniard, and little hel­ped by Matthias brother to the Emperour Rodolphus, whom both Papists and Protestants had chosen for the expulsion of the Spaniard, the States of those Provinces called Francis Duke of Alanson, the French Kings brother, who in his way thither, made himselfe Ma­ster of the City of Cambray; but being ill u­sed by the Dutch, he returned home with­out [Page 194]doing any thing. But in the yeare 1583. he came againe with the title of Duke of Brabant, and Count of Flanders, but he made no long stay there, having made a malicious attempt upon Antwerp and other Towns; and returning full of shame, he dyed at Cha­steau Thierry, an. 1584. These enterprises of the Duke of Alanson, bred great jealousies between the two Crowns, and were taken for a breach of the peace. Wherfore also Phi­lip assisted the League of France against the Royal house with great eagernesse.

An. 1579. Sebastian King of Portugal being dead in Africa, Philip King of Spain got the Kingdom, an. 1580. Among his Competitors was Antony bastard of Lewis, Prince Con­stable of Portugal, but pretending himselfe a lawfull Son, as legitimated by the Pope An­tony, expelled by Philip, retired into England, where finding no countenance he passeth in­to France, agreeth with Katherine the Queen­mother, who (as I shewed in the third Chap­ter) had great pretences to the Crown of Portugal; and for some Lands in Portugal which he promiseth her, she gives him helpe, and raiseth an Army of French-men under Peter Strozzi. They go to the Terceras, where some Hands held for Antony, where they had very ill success. That enterprise exasperated Philip very much, so that he was one of the [Page 195]first that signed the League. Some think it began at the death of the Duke of Alanson, when none remained of all the house of Va­lois but Henry the III, who had no Children, and was not like to have any; and the house of Bourbon (saving onely the old Cardinall of Bourbon) was Protestant or favourer of Pro­testants. This encouraged the Spaniard to trouble the State of France, and the house of Guise to set up for themselves, under pre­tence of zeal of Religion.

Paragraphe VIII. From the death of the Duke d'Alanson, 1584. to the Treaty of Ver­vins, 1598.

This date comprehends the end of Henry the III. and the beginning of Henry the IV.

Under Henry the III.

Without examining the severall designes of the League; this onely we must know, that after the death of the Duke of Alanson, the Duke of Guise having formed the League, made a Treaty with Philip the II, of Spain, at Joinville, whereby Philip promist him a monthly pension of fifty thousand Crowns [Page 196]to foment the League, which being not open­ly against the King, but after the killing of the Guises at Blois; and the King himselfe ha­ving entred into the League, under the title of Holy league against the Heretiques; the ani­mosities and designes of the King of Spain, against the State of France, were not plainly detected under this raigne.

Under Henry the IV.

Here the League did rage, and civill War was in all parts of France. In these troubles Philip had a great hand, and Henry being once acknowledged King, was eeven with him, and powerfully VVarred against him. But these things must be seen in order.

Henry the III, being stabbed, an. 1589. af­ter he had seen the revolt of most part of his Kingdome; Henry the IV succeeded him, and is acknowledged by the Protestants and part of the Papists. The Duke du Maine who kept Paris, receiveth Baptista Taxis, and o­thers for the King of Spain, who raise par­ties for the degrading of the House of Bour­bon, and the advancing of the League. In March 1590. Philip publisheth an Edict, whereby he exhorteth all Catholique Prin­ces to joyne with him for the deliverance of Charles the X, (meaning the Cardinall of [Page 197] Bourbon, whom the League had made King) to the exclusion of the rest of the House of Bourbon.

The same yeare 1590. King Henry besie­geth Paris. Philip sends the Duke of Parma out of Flanders with a great Army, who takes Lagny and raiseth the siege of Paris. The next yeare after, the Cardinall of Bourbon being dead, the Leaguers consult about the electi­on of a King. Many of the Seize, that is of the sixteen men that governed Paris, affect­ed to the Spanish party, vote for Philips Daughter, Clara Eugenia Isabella, of which claime we have spoken before. But the Duke du Maine, who desired rather to have the Crown either for himselfe, or for some of his house, protracted that businesse, and turned it over to the States Generall of the League. And in the mean while sent Presi­dent Jannin into Spain, unto whom Philip pro­mist all assistance to the League, upon con­dition that his Daughter should be acknow­ledged Queen, either alone, or with such a Husband as she should chuse. That Presi­dent returned, much offended with Philips proceeding, especially because speaking of the Towns of France, he would say, My City of Paris, My city of Orleans; and ever since so­licited the Duke du Maine to reconcile him­selfe with the King.

An. 1591. King Henry the IV, besiegeth and presseth Roven very sore. The Duke of Parma returneth, and maketh him raise the siege. Before the Duke of Parma came into France, he propounded two conditions to the Duke du Maine; the one, that he should put the Town of La Fere into his hands, which he did, and the Parmezan put a Garrison in it of four hundred Spaniards. The other, that he should press the assembly of the States of the League, to declare the Infanta Queen of France. Du maine promist him to move the Assembly about it, and gave him hope that King Philip should be contented.

In January, 1593. was the opening of the States of the League, where the Duke of Feria extraordinary Embassador of Spain, declared his Masters zeal for the defence of Religion, desired them to chuse a Catholique King, and to preserve unto the Infanta of Spain, the right she had to the Crown of France. Upon which that famous Arrest or sentence was gi­ven by the Parliament for the maintaining of the Salique Law. And though afterwards the Spaniards proposed the marriage of the In­fanta with the Duke of Guise, or with Er­nestus brother to the Emperour Rodolphus, they were rebuked by the States, as making a pro­position contrary to the Salique Law. When they prest againe, that the Infanta should be [Page 199]acknowledged Queen with such a Prince as Philip should name within two months, they were answered, that when the States had chosen a Catholique Prince, if he was not married, they would consent that he should marry the Infanta. But the hope which Hen­ry gave at the same time to the party of the League, that he would come to their Religi­on, destroyed all these designes of the Spani­ard, and he was anointed King at Chartes in the beginning of the year 1594, and soon af­ter entred into Paris, whence the Duke of Fe­ria departed with the Spanish Garrison.

The same year The Duke du Main ha­ving lost Paris, and seeing the League falling to pieces, went to Bruxelles, and asked suc­cour of Ernest of Austria, Governour of the Country, who sent Charles Count of Mans­feld into France. Mansfeld takes la Capelle, and returns into Flanders. But Henry having laid the Siege to Laon, Mansfeld returns, and in vain endeavoureth to make him raise the siege. The King takes Laon, passeth to Cambray, an Imperiall Town which Balagni held with the Title of Prince, since the first voyage of the Duke of Alanson. The King confirmeth that principality to him, under the protection of France.

Towards the end of the year 1594. Henry having broken most part of the League; de­clareth [Page 200]War to the Spaniard by the counsell of the Duke of Bovillon, by reason of Philips open enmity against him, and the assistance which he had given to the League, and be­cause he held from him La Fere, and La Ca­pelle. That Declaration being made to the Archduke Ernest, he answered, that he would send word of it to King Philip; and a delay of two months being granted, War was pro­claimed by a Herald. The War begins. The Duke of Bovillon hath ill successe in Lutzem­burg. King Henry passeth into Burgundy, makes his entry into Dijon, notwithstanding the re­sistance of the Duke du Main, and wins the battell of Fontaine Francoise in Burgundy, a­gainst the Duke du Maine, and the Constable of Castilia. The Count of Fuentes takes from him Catelet, Dourlans, and Han, and Cambray from Balagni. Marshall d' Aumont opposeth the Spaniards in Britain, into which they were let in by the Duke of Mercoeur, Gover­nour of Britain for the League, who had de­livered Bla [...]et into their hands.

An. 1595. King Henry got his absolution from Pope Clement the VIII. The Spaniards opposed it, representing Henry to the Pope as relapsed and impenitent; but Du Perron and d' Ossat, since made Cardinalls, overcame that party.

In the year 1596. Charles de Casaut, and [Page 201] Lovis d' Aix Viguier of Marseille, treat with the Spaniard to deliver the City into his hands. But Peter Liberta kept it in the obedi­ence of his Soverain Henry, and killed Casaut with his own hand.

The same year Albert Cardinall of Austria, Governour of Netherlands, takes Calais and Ardres, and Henry retakes la Fere. He makes alliance with Queen Elizabeth of England, with the States of Holland, and with the Prin­ces of Germany.

In the year 1597. Ferdinand Teil a Spanish Captain, surpriseth Amiens, which suddenly is retaken by Henry. Cardinal Albert in vain attempted to relieve it.

The year before, the Cardinal of Medicis, who since was Leo the XI. being in France to procure the execution of the Articles promist by the King when he received his absolution from the Pope, had been preparing his mind towards a peace with Philip the II. who see­ing himself very old and drooping to the grave, sought to leave his Dominions peace­able to his Son, who was but weak in body and mind. Henry also desired to give peace to his subjects, tired and exhausted with conti­nuall Wars forty yeares together. So that Cardinall with the Generall of the Francis­cans, Bonaventure, Calatagirona a Sicilian, disposed both the parties to a Treaty. The [Page 202]place was chosen for it at Vervins in Febru­ary, 1598. where a perpetuall peace was con­cluded between the two Crowns. And the Treaty of Chasteau in Cambresis, an. 1559. was confirmed with the restitution of places on both sides; And the frontiers between the two States, setled as they have been kept till the rupture of the year 1635.

There, upon the dispute for precedence of Embassadours, the Legat devised this expe­dient. Hee sitting under a Canopy at the boards end, set the Popes Nuntio at his right hand, and after him the Embassadours of Spain, John Richardot, President of the Coun­cell of State in Flanders, John Baptista Taxis a Knight of the Order of Saint Jago; and Lew­is Verriken first Secretary of State in Flanders. At his left hand were the French Embassa­dours, Monsieur de Belliure, and Monsieur de Sillery, of whom the first was over against the Nuntio, and so preceded by one degree the first of the Spaniards.

CHAP. V. The Affaires between the two Crownes from the Treaty of Vervins till now.

THat space of time wee will subdivide into three.

  • 1. From the Treaty of Vervins to the death of Henry the IV.
  • 2. From that death to the rupture between the two States.
  • 3. From that rupture till now.

Paragraphe I. From the Treaty of Vervins to the death of Henry the IV.

After the Treaty of Vervins, the two States kept reasonable good intelligence. Philip the II. died in the time of the Treaty.

The first difference between Henry and Philip the III King of Spain, was about the Marquesat of Saluces, which Henry redeman­ded of the Duke of Savoy, who did nothing but by the order of the Councell of Spain; And [Page 204]the Spaniard would not suffer the French to possesse any thing in Italy. An exchange then was made of Bresse for the Marquesat. Herein Philip did nothing against the alliance. For the Duke having broken his word with Henry, Philip refused to assist him, and to be a favou­rer of his perfidiousnesse, although the Count of Fuentes raised great forces to assist him.

In the year 1602. was the conspiracy of the Duke of Biron. It was believed that the King of Spain had a share in his designes. But the depositions of the witnesses against him, speak only of Treaties and Intelligences with the Duke of Savoy, and of the sharing of the State of France among the conspira­tours. Yet they said that Biron should have had the Dutchy of Burgundy, Franch County, and Bresse under the protection of the King of Spain. Fontanelles a Gentleman of Britain, who was convicted to have been one of the con­spiratours, for which he was put to death, was accused to have treated with the Spani­ard to deliver the Ile of Tristan in Britain into his hands. But Henry, who had no mind to break with Spaniard, would take no notice of that treachery.

The Spaniards pretence for these secret plots against France, was that Henry assisted the Rebells of Holland with men and money. Which the Spanish Embassadour having [Page 205]complained of, he answered that the money which he sent to the Hollanders was to pay his debts, for monies lent to him during the civil Wars.

As for the French Souldiers that served the Hollanders, he could not hinder his subjects to take party where they listed; and that some of them also served the Archiduke. Howsoever that assistance was so resented by the Spaniards, that they lost no occasion to stir disorders in France.

Many things hapned in the yeares 1605. and 1606. which shewed the enmity of the Spaniard against France. As the Treason of Loste, Secretary to Mr. De Villeroy, who had intelligence with the Ministers of Spain, and let them know all the secrets of the Ca­binet Councell. He was discovered by one Rassis a Frenchman, that had taken Sanctuary in Spain. Loste ran away, and in his flight was drowned in the River of Marne, so no more could be known of that Treason.

Then the Lady Marquesse of Vernuiel ill sa­tisfied of King Henry, whom she accused to have broken his promise to her, treates with the Spaniard, and inveigleth into her treason her Father d' Antragues, and her brother the Count of Auvergne, since Duke of Angoulesm. Their design was to retire to the Spaniard, and to make one day that Ladies Son a stone [Page 206]of scandall unto France. Being discovered, all three were convicted and condemned to death. But the King gave them their grace.

In the year 1605. the reliques of Birons conspiracy appeared in the Provinces of Peri­gort Limousin and Quercy. All was done under the name of the Duke of Bovillon. Whether the Spaniard had a hand in it or no, it was not known.

At the same time Mairargues a Gentleman of Provence treated with the Spaniard to yeild Marseille unto him. He was dis­covered and taken conferring with the Secre­tary of the Spanish Embassadour, and put to death. This passage was near to have caused a breach between the two Crowns, for the Embassadour of Spain expostulated with the French King, because against the Law of Na­tions his Secretary had been taken and com­mitted to prison. The King justified the fact, saying, that he was found monopolizing a­gainsthis State. Nevertheless all was suddenly appeased: Although at the same time another Treason was discovered, a plot upon Laucate by two brothers Luquisses, who had been won by the Governour of Perpignan.

In the year 1608. Henry the IV. mediated a truce between the King of Spain and the Hollanders. At the same time the Morisco's of [Page 207] Spain secretly implored his aide against the oppression of the Spaniards. But he sent them back, saying, that he would not be the first that should break peace, but that if he was compelled to make War, he might make use of their proffers.

Paragraphe II. From the death of Henry the IV. to the rup­ture betweene the two Crownes an. 1635.

A yeere before the Kings death an. 1609. John William Duke of Cleves and Juilliers being dead without issue left his succession dis­putable betweene the Emperour Rodolphus who said it was devolved to the Empire, and the children of foure sisters of that Duke married in the houses of Brandenburg, Newburg, Deuxponts, and Burgan. It was thought that the great Army which Henry had prepared a little before his death was intended to assist these Princes against the Emperour. It seemes the Queene Regent knew so much, for when the Archiduke Leopold had seized upon Juilliers after the Kings death She sent Marshall de la Castre to assist these Princes, to whom he caused luilliers to be surrendred. There the French had to doe with the house of Austria, of the German branch.

In the year 1612. the two Crownes were allied by the marriages, of Lewis the XIII. with Anne daughter to Philip the III, and of Philip Prince of Spaine (who is now Phi­lip the IV) with Elizabeth eldest daughter of Henry the IV. And in the yeare 1615. these marriages were accomplisht at Bour­deaux. The world was full of hope that this double alliance would strengthen the peace betweene the two Crownes.

An. 1616 the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua being in War one against another about Montferrat, the Kings of France and Spain intervened to make them friends. And this was done without prejudice to the peace betweene the two States.

Valteline is a vally seated between Germany, the Venetians, the Dutchy of Milan, & the Grisons. It was in old time a part of the Dutchy of Milan, or at least an appurtenance of the same. And was engaged to the Grisons by Lewis the XII. for foure hundred thousand pounds arrear, due to them for their ser­vice in the conquest of Milan, since which time it was subject to the Grisons. But the differences of Religion intervening and the Grisons being turned Protestants for the most part, Valtolina kept for the most part the Religion of Milan. Which made them desire to shake the yoke of the Grisons and [Page 209]returne under the subjection of Milan, in­vited to it by the Spaniards. So that an. 1619. the great revolt began, and the Valtolins expell the Grisons their Masters. Who had recourse to the protection of France, by whom they held that Countrey. King Lewis the XIII. sends Monsieur de Bassompierre into Spaine to Philip the IV. (for Philip the III. was lately dead) who granted accord­ing to the Treaty of Madrid that all garrisons of strangers should depart out of Valtolina, and that order should be taken for the maintaining of the Catholique Religion. The Duke of Feria having refused to execute that command, and the Valtolins unwilling to returne to the obedience of the Grisons. King Lewis exhorted the Switzers and Grisons to maintaine their rights, and sent them an Embassadour the Marquis de Coenures whom he made afterwards General of their army and Marshall of France, known by the name of Marshall d'Estree Then did the French and the Spaniards fight, yet without breaking the Treaty of Vervins because both acted for their confederates.

Pope Vrban the VIII. having made him­selfe Depositary of the principal places of Val olina, sent his nephew Cardinal Barbarini into France an. 1625. who not being able to make an accommodation, as pretending [Page 210]to deliver Valtolina from the obedience of the Grisons, war began in Italie by the ali­ance made betweene the French and the Duke of Savoy against Genoa which was as­sisted by the Spaniard. Thus these quarrels upon the by, came very neer to an absolute rupture betweene the two Nations. For at the same time some Spanish ships passing from Barcetona to Genoa and driven upon the coasts of Marseille were arrested by the Duke of Guise. Of which the Genoese complained to the King of Spaine, whose Councel irri­tated with these wars, and with the taking of many places about Genoa, gave order that all French ships in the havens of Spaine, should be arrested, and all the goods of the French trafficquing in Spaine, seized upon. The Councell of France to bee even with them made two Edicts; the one to for­bid all traffick with Spaine, the other to seize upon all ships of Spain, Portugal, Na­ples and other places of the Spanish domi­nions; yet onely by right of represalls and for restitution of the goods taken from the French.

War continued in Piemont all that while, till the winter of that yeare 1625, when the armies retired into garrisons. That winter Du Fargis the French Emassadour in Spain began a Treaty which was called the [Page 211]Treaty of Monson in Arragon, whereby with­out any Commission from his Master or his principall Minister of State the Cardinal de Richelieu (as it was pretended) he did great­ly derogate to the right of the Grisons over Valtolina, making the Valtolins well nigh Soveraines, taking from the Grisons all po­wer to refuse the Iudges and that forme of Government which the Valtolins would set up among themselves. That Treaty was disavowed by King Lewis and the Cardinal who commanded the Embassadour to re­forme it. Wherein so much tedious pro­traction was used, that Lewis was in the end constrained to take upon him the pro­tection of the Valtolins, and sent them the Duke of Rohan who there continued the war, even after the rupture between the two Crownes.

In the yeare 1628 Vincent the II. Duke of Mantua being dead, Charles Duke of Nevers the next heire male succeeded; but the Emperour made some difficulty about it because he was borne in France, and because he did not come personally to him to render his homage. But besides his right of lapse for want of homage, he set up the right of Duke Guastullo of the same house of Mantua, which yet appeared at the first to be weake and of no force.

At the same time, the Duke of Savoy re­newed his rights to Montferrat. So the new Duke of Mantua saw himselfe almost swal­lowed up by the Emperour, the Spaniard, and the Duke of Savoy. Yea Don Gonzales de Cordova besieged Cazal, the old apple of discord between the houses of Mantua and Savoy. King Lewis, resolved to maintaine his subject and confederate, sends Bevron and Guron to defend Cazal. Himselfe passeth into Italie, forceth Le pas de Suze, driveth the Spaniard from the siege of Cazal, and com­pelleth the Duke of Savoy to let the Mantuan be in peace.

The Protestants in France being in armes, Rochel besieged, and their party brought low, some say that the Duke of Rohan sent Clausel from Montpellier to Madrid, to put the Protestant party under the pro­tection of the King of Spain. The History of Dupleix sets downe the whole Treaty be­tweene the King of Spain and the Duke of Rohan, whereby the Spaniard promiseth to assist Rohan with men and money. But Lewis returning victorious out of Italie, suddenly overcame the Protestant party, and forced them to receive peace. The Spaniard thought he might as lawfully assist the Protestants of France, as the French assisted those of Holland.

Whilst Lewis was busy about the pacifi­cation of his owne State, the Duke of Savoy reneweth his pretence to Montferrat, the Emperour sends Colalto against the Duke of Mantua; and the Marquesse of Spinola be­siegeth Cazal, but in vaine, being well defended by Toiras, since Marshal of France. Lewis repasseth into Italie, makes himselfe Master of Savoy and Piemont. The Imperial Army takes Mantua, but all is pacified by the Treaty of Queyras an. 1631. and the Duke of Mantua is setled in his Estate.

In that yeare 1631. Mary the Queene Mo­ther of France retireth into Flanders. The next yeare 1632. the Duke of Orleans her sonne doth the like. Where getting some Dutch and German troopes he makes an in­rode into France; and in the yeare 1633. he makes a Treaty with the Spaniard to enter into France with an Army. All this without absolute rupture betwixt the two Crownes; Onely the Spaniard fomented the divisions of the Royal house of France.

Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sueden, after a long war against Poland comes into Germa­ny an. 1631. for the restitution of the Dukes of Meckelburg his kinsmen into their Estates, out of which the Emperour had expelled them, and to restore liberty to the Cities of Germanie. Lewis jealous of the greatness of [Page 214]the house of Austria, and having causes enow to ressent the wrongs offered to him by the Emperour, made a Covenant with the King of Sueden for the defence of their common friends opprest, the safety of the commerce upon the Sea, & the liberty of the States of the Empire. The King of Sueden promist the assistance of his armes and his person, and the King of France a million of livers per annum. Hence followed the great victories of Gustavus, till he was slaine at the battell of Lutzen in Novemb 1632.

An. 1634. the Duke of Orleans leaveth Flanders and returnes to the King his bro­ther.

III. Paragraphe. From the Rupture of the peace till now.

These mutuall offences being accumula­ted, in the end brake into open war. It was declared by the French by a Herald in Flan­ders in May 1635. That declaration was grounded upon that old complaint, that the Spaniard aspires to the universal Monarchy of Europe, and to devoure all the Princes thereof; and because the Spaniard vexed the confederates of France with wars, but more particularly by reason of the imprisonment of the Archbishop of Treves who had put him­selfe under the protection of King Lewis. To all the complaints of the French, the Spani­ards [Page 215]have their answers, and have enough on their part to complaine. Howsoever this war hath produced many great exploits on both sides, in Germany, in Italy, in Flan­ders, in Spaine. And though the fortune of war have alternative successes, yet France had hitherto the advantage of that bloody game, having stretcht her dominions be­yond the Rhine, united Lorraine to the French Crowne, got many townes in Flan­ders and Artois, Perpignan and the County of Roussillon, and got a good footing in the Dutchy of Milan. Besides Catalonia, which hath submitted her self to the Soveraignty of France. The greatest losse of the Spaniard is that of Portugal by the practices of France, whereby the King of Spain hath lost Brasill, and the East-Indies.

AN APPENDIX To the foregoing DISCOURSE; Shewing the Dispute about the precedence at the Councell of Trent, betweene the Embassadors of France and Spaine.

IT is certaine, that before the formation of that great Colossus of the House of Austria about the year 1520. the Kings of France were acknowledged the first of Christendom next to the Emperours.

The pieces wherewith the greatnesse of Spain is made up, are Provinces most of them feudatary of the Empire, or of France, or of the Pope; all these lately gathered up. But France is of an ancient, entire, and indepen­dent greatnesse.

The Embassadours of Charles the V. had the precedence every where before those of [Page 217] France, because he was Emperour. But in the year 1555. when he resigned that quality of Emperour to his Brother, and his other qua­lities and states to his Son, perceiving that his Son wanting the quality of Emperour, could not keep that preheminence, he used this artifice. A little before his retirement from the world, he recalled from Venice his Embassador, Francisco de Vargas, who being an Embassador of the Empire, had a prece­dence before the French Embassador. Then after the resignation of his States, he sent the same Vargas to Venice again, as Embassadour for himselfe and his Son joyntly, although in effect Charles being devested of his dignities, Vargas was Embassadour of his Son onely, hoping thereby to deceive the Venetians and others, by sending the same man. Vargas de­manded of the Senate of Venice the same pre­cedence which he had before. To which Do­minique, Bishop of Lodeva, Embassadour of Henry the II, of France, made opposition, re­presenting to the Senate, that Charles was no more considerable in the world; that when the Embassadours of the Emperour Ferdi­nand should appear, he would yield to them; but that he would not yield to the Embas­sadour of Philip, but in all occasions of audi­ence, ceremony, visits, and the like, he would take the first place, till the coming of the Im­periall [Page 218]Embassadors. The Senate fearing some ill issue of this dispute, gave order that the two Embassadours should not present themselves at the ceremonies of the Feast of St Mark; and so the matter remained unde­cided all the year 1557, by the irresolution of that Common-wealth, and the simplici­ty of the French Embassadour. But in the year 1558. Francis de Novailles, Bishop of Acs, having succeeded that of Lodeva, renew­ed the dispute, and the Embassadours of the Emperour Ferdinand being come, he deman­ded to be maintained in his Rights, and to have the first place after the Emperours Em­bassadour, and couragiously took it before Vargas; who seeing that the policy of Charles (who dyed at the same time) took no effect, and that he was confidered onely as Embas­sadour of Philip, began to extoll his Masters greatness, and number his States and Sove­raignties which he possessed in farre greater number then the King of France. Saying that these customs of honour and precedence, must alter according to the time. That his Master was the greatest King of the world; farre more able to assist the Common-wealth with Arms, Men, and Money, then the King of France. The Bishop of Acs stoutly resisted him, and obtained of the Senate an Order whereby the precedence was adjudged unto [Page 219]him above the Embassadour of Spain. About which, when the Spaniard expostulated very earnestly, it was answered him, that the Com­mon-wealth would not undertake to exa­mine the greatnesse of their Majesties; but that they found in their Records, that in all Acts both publique and private, Ceremonies, Visits, and Audiences, the Embassadours of France had preceded those of Spain, and to that received custome they would keep. This answer offended Philip, who upon that called back his Embassadour. But Micael Surriano, the Venetian Embassadour in his Court, de­fended the decree of the Senate of Venice, and in some sort mitigated the displeasure of Phi­lip, who yet in all occasions renued that dis­pute.

His greatest effort was four years after in the Councill of Trent. To understand the right of precedences of Ambassadours, we must know, that in the Councill there was three sorts of Assemblies; particular Con­gregations, generall Congregations, and Ses­sions. In the private Congregations, the Do­ctors assisted with some Bishops, examined the questions of Faith and Reformation, and there no Ceremony of precedence was heed­ed. In the general Congregation all the Pre­lates assembled, the Legats were Presidents, every one kept his place of honour: It was a [Page 220]publique action where questions were resol­ved, the Legates propounded that which was to be examined in the particular Congregati­ons; every Prelate had right to speak and to vote; Embassadors of Princes had audience after their Commission was examined, and that which was to be promulgated in the fol­lowing Session was there concluded; Em­bassadors kept their place there according to their rank. The Session was the solemne day, upon which after a Mass of the Holy Ghost, and a Sermon of a Prelate, or some eminent man upon the matter in question; the Prelate officiating, pronounced with a loud voyce the Decrees resolved, which the Fathers appro­ved with a Placet. In these Sessions, Embassa­dors had also their place of honour, and at the Mass: That honour was seen by the place where they sate, by the Censer, and by the Pax, which was given them in the time of the Mass. Now whereas this Councill was held at three severall times, under there several Popes, Paul the III, Jule the III, and Pius the IV. In the time of Paul and Jule, Charles the V, was Emperour, whose Embassadors with­out contradiction sat above the French Em­bassadors, who in the sixteen first Seffions ap­peared very little, and no place was held there under the title of Spain. Yet some things hapned then which shewed the eminency of [Page 221]the French Kings above all others, next to the Emperour. In the Bull of the Indiction of the Councill Paul the III, dated an. 1542. the King of France is named after the Em­perour in express terms, and all the other Princes comprehended in one generall term, and that twice. Thus, Charissimos in Christo filios nostros, Carolum Romanorum Imperatorem, & Christianissimum Regem Franciscum, duo prae­cipua Christiani nomins firmamenta atque fulcra orare atque obsecrare institimus. A little lower. Supra autem dictos, Imperatorem Regemque Chri­stianissimum, nec non caeteros Reges, Duces, Prin­cipes quorum praesentia si aliàs unquam, hoc qui­dem tempore maximè, sanctissimae Christi fidei & Christianorum futur a est salutaris, rogantes atque obsecrantes per viscera misericordiae Dei, &c.

In the beginning of the Council, an. 1545. Francis the I, had appointed for his Embas­sadors, Claude D'Urfé Seneschal of Forests, Jac­ques de Liguieres, President in the third Chamber of Enquests in the Parliament of Paris, and the Deane, Peter Danes, since Bishop de la Vaur. But being informed by some French Bishops that were at Trent, that there was little hope that the Councell should do any good, he called back his Embassadors who did not appear in the Councel. Antony Filioly of Ganat, Archbi­shop of Aix in Provence was there for the King who in the first Session, when publike prayers [Page 222]were made for the Princes, having required that the King of France should be named in expresse termes, as he had been named in the Bull of the Indiction, the Legats eluded that demand, and said, that the Fathers ought to be consulted about it, and none was pray­ed for in expresse termes but the Pope and the Emperour; all other Princes were com­prehended in one generall term.

In the year 1546. Francis the I, sent his Embassadour Peter Danes, Bishop de la Vaur to the Councill; At his reception, he made a fine speech, wherein he represented the State of Christendom, and the great disorders crept into the Church, even into the Court of Rome. At which when a certaine Bishop did laugh, saying, Gallus Cantat. Danes replyed readily, Utinam isto gallicinio, Petrus ad resipis­centiam & fletum excitetur. An Apophthegm which afterwards was rife in the mouth of the Fathers of the Councill.

An. 1547. when Paul the III, to a void the plague & the war of Germany, would remove the Councill from Trent to Bolonia; the Le­gates consulting the Fathers about it, said that his Holinesse approved of it, Communi­cato etiam consilio cum Imperatore, Christianissi­mo Rege, & aliis Regibus ac principibus Christia­nis, which is another expression of the honour which the Council did to the Kings of France.

But in the third Indiction of the Councill under Pius the IV. an. 1561, in the Bull of the Indiction, Pius the IV, useth other words then Paulus the III, and Julius the III, had u­sed before. Thus, Charissimos verò in Christo filios nostros Romanorum Imperatorem electum, caeterosque Reges, & Principes quos optandum sa­nè esset Concilio interesse posse, hortamur & roga­mus, without any mention of the most Chri­stian King. Philibert de la Bourdesiere, Bishop of Angoulesm, Embassadour of France, in the Popes Court expostulated with him by the Kings order for that neglect, with protesta­tion that notwithstanding that neglect, he would not hinder the progress of the Coun­cill; yea, that he had commanded his Bi­shops to go to the Councill. The Pope an­swered, that he had charged some Cardinals to form the Bull, and that they had not heed­ed that Pointillo; and that after they had na­med the Emperour, they had not judged it necessary to name all the Kings, but had com­prehended them under one generall name. The Embassador replyed, that it was a Pre­rogative of the Kings of France, not to be comprehended under a generall name. The Pope answered, that he could not foresee all things, and that another time order should be given, that the like errour should not be committed.

In the year 1562, the 18. of May, Lewis de Saint Gelais, Lord de Lansac, came to Trent, and three dayes after, Arnault Ferrier, Presi­dent of the Enquests of Paris, and Guy du Faur de Pibrac, chiefe Judge of Tolosa, sent by the King of France, who were received with great honour by the Council; yea great part of the Prelats subjects of the King of Spain went to meet them. But Ferdinand de Avalo, Marquess of Pesquera, Embassadour to King Philip, went out of Trent three dayes before, and retired to Milan, of which he was Go­vernour, pretending a feare from the Pro­testants of Daulphiné and the Switzers, but in effect to avoid meeting with the French Em­bassadors, who took their place in the general Congregation after the Imperiall Embassa­dors. Pibrac made a fine Oration, wherein he spake very freely against the disorders of the Church, the small progress of the Coun­cill in such a long time, and for the liberty of voting in the Councill, which was not to be expected from Rome. He was seconded by the two other Embassadors, Lansac and Ferrier. The Pope complained of it, and said that the King of France had sent not Embassadors, but Advocates of the Hugenots. And indeed the ill opinion which the Fathers of the Coun­cill had of the beliefe of these three men was a cause why the Councill and the Pope dealt [Page 225]with them with more rigor. In the meane while the French Bishops came to the Coun­cill, conducted by the Cardinall of Lorraine, who was most honourably received by the Cardinall of Mantua, and the other Legates.

Soon after the coming of the Cardinall of Lorrain, Philip the II, having called back the Marquesse of Pesquera, sent to Trent another Embassador, Ferdinand Quigones, Count de Luna, who being gone to Germany before, to be present at the Coronation of Maximilian, Son to the Emperour Ferdinand, would know of the Fathers of the Councill, what place they would give him. Upon which the Car­dinall of Mantua, the first Legate, having consulted with the Embassadours of France, and the Cardinall of Lorraine, he propound­ed unto them this accommodation, that as for them they should keep their place next to the Embassadors of the Emperour, and that some other place might be found for the Count of Luna, over against the Legates on the other side, or after the Ecclesiastical Embas­sadors, or in some other place out of the bench of the Embassadors. To which the French answered, that they were sent by their King not to judge causes, or to decide of the Rights of King Philip, who was a good friend & brother in law to their King, Charles the IX: but if any would take their place, [Page 226]they were resolved to stand for it against all sorts of persons; which if the Councill de­nyed them, they had order to withdraw with all the French Prelates, and to protest of the nullity of the resolutions which should be taken in their absence. To which the Legate answered nothing. That declaration of the French, though generous, gave occasion to the affront which soon after was offered to them in the Councill; for they are censured by posterity, for not requiring absolutely that the Spaniards should sit under them.

An. 1563. The Legates fearing some divi­sion between the French and Spanish Doctors about their order in speaking, gave order that without distinction of Nations, every one should speak according to his seniority of Doctorship. But because some among the French Divines had the seniority over the Spanish; these made great complaints to the Legate, pretending that this preference of the French, would be a prejudice against the dis­pute which the Count de Luna was forming a­gainst the French Embassadours. The Legats rebuked them, shewing that the Doctors, though sent by the Princes, did not represent their persons as the Embassadors did: and that the question was onely of the seniority of the degree, not of the preference of the Nations. Notwithstanding these satisfactory [Page 227]Reasons, the Spaniards were angry, and threatned the Councill of their Kings dis­pleasure, who should take off his protection from them.

The French seeing that the Spaniard stood upon points in such a clear business, and that of Doctors they would make Embassadours, did obstinate themselves also to have the pre­ference even in the disputes of the Divines. And because the Popes delegates spake first without contradiction, the French asked to be admitted to speak next after them, which the Legates were constrained to grant: and it was decreed, that after the Jesuite Salmeron, the Popes Divine Nicolas Maillart Dean of the faculty of Paris, should speak; and that after that, all should speak according to the seniority of their degree, which was follow­ed. Yet to content the Spaniards, it was en­acted in the Register of the Councill, that the French Doctor had spoken the first by the right of his seniority in the degree of Doctor, not by the preference of his Nation.

The same year 1563. upon Easter-day, the Count of Luna was received at Trent, and in his entry mached between the Embassadors of the Emperour, and of France. This Cere­mony past with much honour and civility between the two Nations. And at the same time, the Cardinal of Lorrain writ to the Em­perour [Page 228]perour Ferdinand (who was at Insprugh in the County of Tirol, three dayes journey from Trent) upon divers affaires of the Councill: and in the end of the Letter, desired him to find some temper to lay down the dispute a­bout the preference between the two Crowns, so that it might not appear in the Councill. But his Country-men blamed him for it, say­ing, that he ought not to have taken notice of a dispute so ill grounded: Or if he had spo­ken of it, it should not have been to have de­sired a temper, but to maintaine his Kings right. The Emperour answered him, that it belonged not to him to decide the disputes between the Kings of France and Spain; but since he had desired him to speak his sense a­bout it, if your Embassadours (said he) main­taine their rank after mine, and that none take that place from them; what does it import you what place be assigned unto the Spaniards? A verdict ill taken by the French, who held it to be of a dangerous conse­quence. For in an order of sitting, who so lea­veth his place (say they) is thought to de­spise it, and to ask a higher, which cannot be done without moving a dispute against those that sit in a higher seat.

The Count of Luna after that solemn entry, was hidden forty dayes, and appeared not in any ceremony of publique action, being in [Page 229]great perplexity how to behave himself; some­times he had a mind to enter into the assembly in the midst of the two Embassadors of the Emperor, who were injoyned to bear him compa­ny; and after they had taken their place, stand by them till his Commission had been verified by the Councill, and then retire to his house. But considering that this would not be a generous maintaining of his Masters honour, he made means that the French Em­bassadors should be desired not to appeare in the Assemby that day; which being denyed him, he sent some Spanish Bishops to the Le­gates, to propound unto them, that the secu­lar Embassadors of Princes, should not enter into the generall Congregations but the day of their reception, but should content them­selves to be present at the Ceremony, the day of the Session, maintaining that it had been so observed in the Councells before. But all the Embassadors of Princes having opposed that motion, he could obtain nothing. Again, he caused some Bishops to propound some point to the Congregation, at the discussion whereof, the French ought not to be present as interessed parties; for example, to represent what damage would result to the whole Church by a peace of the King of France with the Hugonots, or some such thing. But all that being rejected, and the Congregation being [Page 230]put off from day to day by his obstinacy; in the end that the businesses of the Councell might not be retarded: the Cardinall of Lor­raine, and the French Embassadors declared to the Legates, that if they might keep their place immediately after the Emperours Em­bassadors, they did not care what place the Embassador of Spain should take.

The French to this day exclaim against that action of the Cardinal, and the French Embas­sadors, saying that it was a great weaknesse, and that they had betrayed their Masters ho­nour. Yea, the Fathers of the Councell dis­liked it. And when the Cardinal de la Bourde­stere, Resident for the King of France by the Pope, complained to him of that Spanish ambition, and novelty introduced against all ancient orders: the Pope (it was Pius the IV.) answered, that he should complaine to the French Embassadors, whose weakness he condemned, saying, that although he had been solicited before and after the entry of Count de Luna into Trent, to favour that de­signe he had remained constant and inflexi­ble; and that he wondred how the French had so easily, yea so freely yielded.

The day of the Congregation being come, and each Embassador having taken his place, the Count of Luna enters, stands over against the Legates, some what far from the Embas­sadors [Page 231]seat, presents his Orders, and declares his Masters will. Then he protested, that although the first seat was due to him next to the imperiall Embassadors, as represent­ing the greatest Prince of Christendome, the greatest Prop of the Courch &c. yet that he should bring no confusion to the affaires of the Councell, he desisted from that right; upon condition that this his protestation should be inserted into the Acts of the Coun­cell; so that they could not be printed, nor o­therwise publisht without it; and that a Co­py signed by the Legates should be given him by the Secretary of the Councill. Ha­ving said these words, he went to take his place appointed for him, near the Table of the Secretary of the Councell.

The French Ambassadors sitting by the Imperial, answered, that if it was thought that the place where they sat was not the most honourable next to that of the Empe­rour, as it had been acknowledged in all the Councell before, the last of which were that of Constance, and that of Lateran, under Leo the X; Or if the place assigned to Count de Lu­na, might be a prejudice against them, they desired the Councell to prevent it speedily by orders, commands, excommunications, or other wayes, practised in such a case without acception of persons. But because none an­swered [Page 232]any thing, and the Imperial Embas­sadors connived to that novelty (although their interesse was to hinder it, least their place should be once disputed) they added: That without injury to the honour of King Philip, and the alliance betweene the two Crowns, they protested against that proceed­ing as unjust, requiring that their protestation should be inserted in the Acts of the Council, and that a Copy of the same should be de­livered unto them.

None of the Fathers spake one word upon these disputes. And the silence was broken by a Spanish Doctor called Frontidon, who made a Latin Oration in the name of Count de Luna, whereby he exalted the greatnesse of the King of Spain, his zeal towards the Church and Religion, with such impertinent words, & so much contempt of other Princes, that the Embassadors of the Emperour made great complaints about it to Count de Luna, who had no other shift to excuse it, than say­ing that the Oration had displeased him more then any.

The Promoter of the Councell having an­swered the Oration, suddenly the Embassa­dor of Spain went out of the Assembly, not expecting the rising of the Legates, to avoid a dispute with the French, and the same he observed in the following Congregations, [Page 231]sitting by himself and going out alone.

But that Order could not be kept in the Church the day of the Session, because the manner of sitting there was not alike, and some more precise ceremonies were used a­bout the preference, as that of the pax, and the censer at the Masse. Wherefore the Legats consulted the Pope before the Session, and he being won by the Spaniards, thinking that the French would again run into another weaknesse, writ to the Legate that in the Sessi­on they should assign a place apart to the Spaniard, and that the pax and the censer should be given to both the Ambassadours at the same time; but that the businesse should be kept secret till the point of the action, that the French might not storm at it.

The day of the Session being come, which was Saint Peters day, the 29. of June, after the Bishop of Valdaosta in Savoy had begun the Masse of the Holy Ghost, presently a Chair of black Velvet was brought out of the Vestry, which was placed between the last Cardinall and the first Patriarck, where Count de Luna sate. The Cardinall of Lorrain with the French Ambassadours, made a great noise about it, and rose to withdraw, when at the same time they heard the order given about it, and for the Censer & the Pax. But for fear of troubling the action, they contented [Page 234]themselves to protest against it, and to de­clare that their Masters right did not consist in the equality, but in the precedence. The Gospell being read whilst a Divine went up into the Pulpit to make a speech, the Legats with the Cardinal of Lorrain, and the other Cardinalls, the Ambassadour of the Empe­rour, and Ferrier one of the French Ambassa­dours went into the Vestry; into which they called the Archbishop of Granada, a Spani­ard, and two French Bishops to find some ac­commodation. After many disputes, and ma­ny goings and commings and messages to Lu­na, it was concluded that the Masse should be ended without receiving the Censer and the pax. After which, Luna came out of the Church with his Spaniards triumphing for that first step so advantagious to his Master.

This action was very scandalous to the French; and the Legats not able to bear the envy of it, were constrained to produce the command which they had from Rome about it. The injury was more resented, because it was done to a King in his minority (it was Charles the IX) and one that was afflicted with Hugonots, and entangled in a civill War. The Cardinal of Lorrain writ very smart letters to the Pope about it; yet with­out violating the respect due to him. But Ferrier a violent and stout man, cryed out e­very [Page 235]where, that unlesse at the next publique Mass the preference of the Censer and the Pax was given to his Master he would protest a­loud, not against the Legats, who had obey­ed the Popes Orders, nor against the Councel, whose hands were manifestly bound, nor a­gainst King Philip, who took his advan­tage where he might, nor against the Roman Church, toward which he should never lose the due respect, but against the very person of the Pope, whom he would prove to have bought the pontificat, and would appeal from him to a lawfull Pope, and to a true and free Councel. And that his Master would cele­brate a Nationall Councel, as numerous and as Generall at that of Trent. It is certain that Ferrier & Pibrac (for Lansac was returned in­to France) had prepared a most bloody speech against the Pope, and against that innovati­on. Ferrier was to pronounce it, and at the same time command all the French Bishops and Doctors to leave the Councell, with a promise to return whensoever God had given a lawfull Pope to his Church, and restored to the Councels their antient and full liberty. The speech was printed, but not pronounced. Ferrier spread it among the Fathers, because Count de Luna boasted that the Legats had promist him that at the first Mass hee should be admitted to the equality of the Pax and Censer.

The Legates fearing, lest this quarrell should come to some sad issue, because the Ambassadour of Poland declared, that if the King of France should depart from the obe­dience of the Councel, the King of Poland would soon do the like, and many other Princes; The Legates I say, and the wisest of the Council, especially Madruvio, Cardinal of Trent, of the Imperial party, thought it ex­pedient that thereafter publique Masses should be said without the Pax and the Cen­ser, and made Count de Luna approve of it. And the King of Spain hearing all this pro­ceeding, thought he had got a great advan­tage. But the Pope lost by it, for the affront done to the French in that Councel hindred the publication of it in France.

Shortly after, the Cardinal of Lorrain retired to Rome, and Ferrier declaimed in a general Congregation against abuses and disorders crept into the Church, and spared no body. The Pope was much displeased at it, and to allay that heat, sent the Cardinal of Lorrain to Rome with full authority to regulate all with the Legats. He was present at the 24th Session held November 11. 1563. which is of the Sacrament of marriage. And having re­ceived order from France to return without delay with all the French Bishops, the Le­gates hasted to make an end of the Councel, [Page 237]and held the 25th Session which was the last upon the 3d. and 4th. of December, in which Session, as in the precedent, the Ambassa­dours kept their place. Luna sate by the Se­cretary of the Councel. In the publique Mass­es neither Pax nor Censer was used. So the Council of Trent ended the 4th. of Decem. 15 63. & the Cardinal Moron, at that time the first President, giving his blessing to the Fathers, told them Post gratias Deo actas Reverendissimi Patres, Ite in pace. And all answered, Amen.

But because it was the custom at the end of the Council, to make acclamations to bless the Popes that had assembled it, the Fathers that had held it, and the Princes that had assisted it, and protected the Church; the Cardinall of Lorrain took himself the care to make them, and to pronounce them also; Which he was blamed for, as taking upon him that care which less becoming his Emi­nency, and more fitting for Deacons, Pro­motors, Secretaries, and Masters of Ceremo­nies. Especially he was blamed because in the acclamation made for the secular Prin­ces, he forgot to name expresly the King of France, which had been observed in the Bull of the Indiction, as we said before, and the omission whereof in the calling again of the Council by Pius the IV, had caused so much discontent and expostulation. Of this the [Page 238]Cardinal could not be ignorant, nor pretend forgetfullnesse; since those acclamations were meditated and written down.

There was two acclamations, the first for the memory of the dead, in which the Car­dinal forgot to expresse the names of Francis the I. and Henry the II, who had contributed their care and their zeal for the good of the Council. The second was for the Princes li­ving, where he forgat Charles the IX, who had sent his Ambassadours & his Bishops to Trent. So he forgot both the dead and the living. That omission was objected to the Cardinal in the Kings Councel. He excused himself up­on the fear he had to make a division be­tween the two Crowns, King Charles being yet in minority, in danger of a civil War, and of the disorder which Germany was fallen in­to upon the quarrell of Religion; Whereby the King might have need of Philip, whom therefore he would not provoke or incense a­gainst France.

Thus that weakness which the Cardinal and the French Ambassadours shewed in the Congregations, Sessions, and Acclamations, having not with vigour enough defended the right of their Masters, was defended by them with plausible reasons; but, in effect, they opened the gate to the pretences which the Spaniards form at every meeting of pub­lique [Page 239]Assemblies, Processions, and Ceremo­nies, against the French Ambassadours, who hitherto have stoutly defended their right. At least they have kept the two essential points of precedence, which are; first, never to have left their place, either second, when the Ambassadours of the Pope and the Em­perour were present, or first, when they were absent. The other, never to have suffered or done any action which may be interpreted to give an equality to the Spaniard with them. As for the order of sitting, which should ob­lige the Spaniard to sit under the French; one can not take him by the hand to bring him to an Assembly when he pretends sicknesse or businesse. But if he appear in a publique meeting, the French suffers him not to use a­ny action either of preference or equality.

Since the Councell of Trent, the most fa­mous meeting of the two Kings in the per­sons of their Ambassadours, or rather the only, was that of Vervins, an. 1598. where the French had the precedence, as we shew­ed before.


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