ALthough the sadnesse of our Dayes, and the shortnesse of our Nights, may seem to discoun­tenance all old merry Stories, as being unsea­sonable: yet before they be unlawfull too, (for They at Westminster may chance to Vote downe Tales, as they have done Stage-playes) I shall venture to tell One unto the World: conceiving I may fairly desire pardon for the unseasonablenesse thereof, when it shall appeare, that none have deserved more punishment, then They which have made it, most of all, in Season. It is an old Story of the Horse & the Hind, which I have heard my Grand­father tell many a Winter night, when I was a boy; But I dare say, I should never have remembred it, if the reading of the Full Relation of the Passages concerning the late Treaty at Ʋx­bridge, which was lately Printed at Oxford, and sent me down into the Country by a Friend, had not renewed the decayed Impressions and Images thereof, and brought them all fresh againe into my mind. And the Tale, which he told, was this.

The Horse and the Hinde, said he, were feeding in a goodly piece of Enclosed ground, where there was grasse enough; and at last downe comes the Horse to a Brook running thereby, with a desire to drinke; The Hinde tripping here and there over the plaine, at last chanc't to take the water, in that very quarter or [Page 2]division, where the Horse was drinking: and in the passage, di­sturbing the clearnesse of the water, hindred the Horses draught, and made him life up his head. Which the Horse took so ill, that forthwith he addresses himselfe unto the Keeper of the Parke, and in a most importunate manner, sues to him for Justice, against the poore Hinde. This Keeper having so much of the fence of a Justice in him as to smell any sommodity that was comming near him, promises to doe him right: and he would teach the Hinde to spoyle more grasse then he could eat, and to trouble the water which the Horse should drinke, I marry, that he would onely this one thing, he destred of the Horse, by way of Accommodation to his Revinge, and that was: that the Horse would let him bridle him, and back him straight, whilest the Hinde was now in sight, and he doubted not but instantly to overtake him, and lay him dead before him. The Horse accepts of the Condition in all hast: and after two or three heats, the poore Hinde falls, At which the Horse does seeme not a little to rejoyce, in confidence, that all the whole Parke, and the River too, will now be his with­out any molestation or disturbance. But in the conclusion, it pro­ved nothing so: for the Keeper finding it more for his ease to ride, then he did to goe on foot, and having now the bridle in his owne hands, would never be perswaded to let it slip againe, for all the Horses entreaties: but hurried him from this place to that, cour­sing him over this ditch and that hedge, through this Brook and that Bogge, till he rod him cleane off his legges, so that he was not able to stand. And thus he purchased indeed, the poore satis­faction of his impotent spleene, by the death of the poore Hinde, having gotten his life: But with the losse of that, which was as deare as Life, his owne lively hood and liberty.

To my Thinking, this Horse is a convenient Embleme or representation of the Civill State of this Kingdome, or that part thereof, which we call the Laitie (and truly being a Lay-man my selfe, I was some what loth to use the familiar home linesse of this Comparison, but that I have heard, that one Pope like­ned the Common People in generall, and another Pope likened the Common People of this Nation in speciall, to a Beast of more unworthy burthen.) And this Hinde, I have good Au­thority [Page 3]to make an Embleme of the Spirituall State of this Kingdome, that which we call the Clergy; For I have been tol, that the Holy Ghost in the Psalmes, comprehending all those Agonies and pressures, which from Christ the head, were to streame and issue down upon his Members, the Church, hath couched them all in this one Parson, of the Hinde of the Mor­ning; which our Lecturer sayes, he thinkes, is meant by those words, pro Cervomatutino, in the Latine; but he is sure, it is the meaning of those hard words, Aijeleth Shahar, in the ori­ginall Hebrew, which wordes are the Title of the two and twentieth Psalme.

It is yet within the memory of Man, since both this Horse and this Hinde, the Laity and the Clergy of this Land, ranne in good Pasture, up to the very belly in the Parke; that is, mutu­ally participated and enjoyed all the blessed effects of Law and Government, which compassed and pal'd them in, on every side. And long might they so have continued, if unluckily they had not met and clasht at Watering, so as they did. These Wa­ters are those Waters of life; certaine poynts of Religion; and these Waters the Horse had a conceit they ran not cleare, they were not fit to drinke because the Hinde had Crost them; The People snuffe at pretended Innovations and Superstitions in their Religion, brought in by the Priest; and then whatsoever the People will imagine the Priest to have done, that shall he be sure to smart for doing. Now, because this Hinds was so quick of foot, that the Horse had but little hopes to overtake him; because the Clergy were so nimble with their Argu­ments and Antiquities, and all poynts of Learning, that the Laity could not well understand them; Their utmost resolu­tion is, to compasse that end by Might, which could not be at­tain'd by Right; and to oppresse them with Ruine, whom they could not oppose with Reason. To this purpose up comes the Horse to the very threshold of the lodge, with his petition in his head, just as the Common People, came lately up to the doore of the Parliament House, with Petitions in their hats, To cry for Justice. And the Parliament were as ready to doe them Iustice, as any Keeper could be; (though the Major of Coven­tries [Page 4]Iustice, for failing, that is, whither it were right or wrong) They would teach the Hinde to trouble the Waters, and to spoil more grasse in one place, then he did eat in two: They would take an order with the Clergy for mixing Superstition with their Religion; They would take a course with their Non-Residencies and Pluralities, and one mans enjoying of more maintenance, then would serve two or three; But then this Horse must submit unto the bridle; The Laity must admit of the Militia; they must put all the Power of the Kingdome, into the Parliaments hands; and if they doe not revenge the Horse against the Hind, if they doe not lay the Pride of the Clergy low enough, then never trust them. Never was foolish Horse prouder of his golden Bit and Bosse, then was the Common Peo­ple at first, of this gay bridle. It was the simplest sight in the World, to see them bring in their Boles, nay their Bodkins, their Tankards, nay, their very Thimbles to Guild-hall (just as the Children of Israel did their Eare-rings) to make them­selves a Calfe.

For indeed, what else have they now made themselves? It is true, the poor Hinde is falne; they have had their desires, in the ruine of the Clergy, and of the Church; but, have they yet slipt the Bridle from their own necks? hath not the Parliament rid them to the purpose, now? have they not hurried them through such boggs of Contributions, and such bryars of Cove­nants, that have scratcht and tore both their Fortunes and their very Soules? have they not courst them over hedges, that fence in their propridties and liberties? and over Gates, that opened them the free use and benefit of Lawes? In stead of setling the pretended Troubles in the Water of life, have they not cut a new River, and carried the water clean another way? so that, one knowes not where to drink when he is a dry? so that one knowes not where almost to have any Sacrament ad­ministred as it was wont? have they not so long persecuted the poore Surplice in most Churches, that they have scarce left a­ny man a Shirt in the whole Parish? It is to little purpose to perswade any man to that, which every man doth feele. And now the Horse would be glad to be case of his Rider, if he [Page 5]could tell how; The People would faine returne to their old wonted Lawes and Liberties, if they could tell which way; But, alas, it is too true which the old Proverb saies, set a Begger on Horse back and he will ride; put the power over the Lives and Liberties of the Common People, into Necessitous and Indigent mens hands, men that mean only to raise their owne Fortunes, though it be upon the whole Kingdomes ruines, And they will leave them bare and poor enough before ever they have done. Honest simple men, that were willing to be­lieve that, which they faine would have, were apt to receive some hopes of slipping this Bridle, at the last Treaty for Peace. They did imagine, that the Parliament intended a Peace, if the King were willing, as well as they pretended it; But a man with halfe an eye might see, they never meant it; Alas! they drive too good a trade at Westminster to break suddainly; Men will talk much of some ground about London, how much one Acre thereof is worth; But I dare say, two foot of ground at Westminster well occupied and well manur'd, (as some Parlia­ment men have done) hath yeelded some of the Farmers of all our Fortunes, greater Commoditie, and quicker Returne, then all the Land in England, which they have, besides. And will any wise man think, they will ever forfeit their Lease for not-payment of a Pepper corne? does any man Imagine, they will loose that Commodity, which they have got by Warre in three or foure yeares; for not offering to talke a little of Peace, for two or three dayes? Truely they did nothing else, so farre as I can see; and if those Papers, which are printed, doe con­taine all their Propositions, and all, the true passages, thereup­on; in all my life, did I never see the Proverbe trulier verified, A great Cry, and but a little Wooll.

What a noyse is there made with Religion? (for one of their Propositions is concerning that) I professe, I began to look about, at that; I did verily beleeve, either there was some Er­ror in our Creed, or in the Doctrine of our Sacraments, or in our Book of Homilies, or in our Book of nine and thirty Ar­ticles, or in our Book of Common-Prayer, or some where or other; the profession whereof did much derogate from the [Page 6]purity of the Protestant Profession; and I longed to see, what poynt of Religion that was: because, having heard so much of the devotion and piety of the King, I could not imagine, that the Parliament and He, could differ in that; especially, He ha­ving professed to maintaine the pure Protestant Religion, so often, as he hath done. Now, when all comes to all. The great businesse of Religion, what doe you think it is? An abolishing of the Church-Government, by Arch-Bishops, Bishops, &c. and the bringing in of a New Government whereof They themselves are not yet agreed, what that kind of Government shall be; and, as appeares by their owne Books (although a man would have thought, that nothing could have set M^r Prinne and M^r Burton together by the eares, as of late about this poynt, they both have been) it is like, they never will. And is this such a great poynt of Religion, to destroy that Order of Men, that hath conveighe Religion unto us, ever since there was any, in this Island of ours? Is it for God's Glory, to dishonour his Ministers? doe the Bishops hinder the growth of Reformation, without whom this Church of England, all the World knowes, had never been Reformed?

Well, any man may see plaine, it is not the Lawne of the Bishops, but the Land of the Bishops, which these men are offended with; and they have opened their mind pretty well: for whereas, in the first passing of that Act against Episcopacy, they were contented all the Bishops Lands should revert and come unto the King, (the better to bayte him, that he might catch thereat, and so be the more willing for to passe the Bill) In a laterSee the Ap­pendix. n^o. IV. Declaration of both Kingdomes, and so in the Trea­ty at Edinburgh, They assigne those very Lands unto the Scots, the payment of Publique Damages; and in conclusion, meane to reduce them, at last, into their owne private Purses. If these men had desired to alter the Government of the Church, and not desired to alienate the Lands of the Church; truly, I should have been so charitable, as to think they might have done it out of Conscience: as beleeving the Calling of a Bishop, unlaw­full; but when I see, the Alteration of the one, is but made a shooing-horne, to draw on the Alienation of the other, (for [Page 7]which there is no necessity; for if the Office of a Bishop be Antichristian, sure, the Revenues are not; the Presbyteriall Government, or any other Government in the World, may enjoy them, as well as any private Lay-man) I cannot but con­clude, that they never meant any Publique Reformation of the Church, but onely the Raising of their own private Fortunes; that, they never lookt after any Godlinesse, which is great gaine; but after such gaine, as might goe for great Godlinesse; and if they can get that, I dare say for them, Religion may either sinke or swim, They never care.

Well, but admit, they had got all the Church Land into their handes; how doe they hope to keep it? O, let them alone for that: in the next place therefore, they offer a Propo­sition for the Militia: wherein, they desire but two things,Pag. 59. n^o, 73. of the Full Narra­tion. first, the Sole Nomination of all Persons, that shall be entrusted with all the Forces of this Kingdome, either by Sea or Land, without allowing the King, so much as the Nomination of one, whom he may Confide in; or so much as the Power of exception to any one, whom he hath great reason to distrust; And second­ly, They desire this Power of Nomination, without any limita­tion of Time, or (as one would say, in plain English) For ever. And, if they should not secure all that they have, now, they were much too blame; for who shall take it from them? Be­leeve me, I am somewhat afraid they intend such a Reformation of the State, as they have done, of the Church; and then our Farmes and Copy-holds, may prove as Antichristian, as the Churches Landes, if they are worth any thing. For you know New Lords and New Lawes, ever. They may doe what they will; they have all in their owne hands; who shall gain-say them, and not be a Malignant strait? But wherefore doe they desire this, say they? Oh, for the securing of these King­domes: and a preservation of the Peace, when it shall be setled. I am sure, the Kingdomes were secured, and the Peace was preserved whilst this power was wholly in the Kings hands; but since they have had but a fingering of it, I know not how they have secur'd the Kingdomes, unlesse it be in that sence which they use the word now and than; when they lay a man [Page 8]fast; and secure his Person, that is, make him safe, and forth-comming, when they have a mind to ruine him. So they have secured it, pretty well, for they have brought it into such bon­dage and slavery, which our Fathers never knew; or could ever have beleeved, a Parliament would have brought it.

But against whom would They secure it; against Forraigne Enemies? So, the King has done; and so, he still can do. Against the King, because they dare not trust Him? Why, what reason is there in the World, if the King and the Parliament be jealous and fearfull one of anothers power, but the King should be secured against his Feares of the Parliament, as well as the Par­liament be secur'd against their Feares of the King? To that end, was the King, it should appeare, content to divide and share His Power with the Parliament, (a thing, which was never yet knowne since the Conquest, untill now) and to give them leave to choose halfe those persons that should have the power of this Militia, and to name the other halfe himselfe. But this would not be accepted; They must name all, or none; because,Pag. 92. n^o. 136. of the Full Narra­tion. they say, if the Persons should be severally named, some by the King, and some by them: It is probable, they would act, according to their severall Interests; and the Warre thereby would be the more easily revived. Why, but if it be onely pro­bable, They would doe so; then it is probable too, that they would not doe so: for probabilities are incident to both sides; and if it be but probable, that men named by both Parties, should act according to their severall Interests: it may be pro­bable, that men named by both parties, may have no such seve­rall Interests; but may conscientiously and honestly intend one and the same End, the publique Peace of the Kingdome, and the preservation of the just Prerogatives of the King. How soever, if it be so probable, that men named on both sides, will act according to their severall Interests, and some doe what they can for the King who named them, and the others doe what they can for the Parliament, who named them; Certainly, it is more probable, that men onely named by the Parliament, will act according to that Interest of theirs, and so doe all for the Parliament, and nothing for the King; whereby, [Page 9]the Warre indeed, is not like to be revived; but the whole State of Monarchy to be ruined; the Prince being brought in subjection to His People; and having neither power to sup­presse his Enemies, or to succour his Friends. And truly for my part, if I must live in subjection, as the State, to which God hath call'd me; I had rather live in subjection to One, then to Foure hundred; to One, whom God hath made my Superiour, then to foure hundred, whom I my selfe, and some others no wiser then I, have made; and must unmake them too, I think, before we shall be quiet; for if they Rule and Command, a little longer, so, as they have done: I am afraid, they will for­get quite to Obey; specially, being never very well acquain­ted with the Rules thereof, or having ever been desirous much, to learne them.

Their third Proposition is concerning Ireland; wherein they demand three things more. 1. The declaring of the late Cessation made, to be quite voyd, and utterly unlawfull. 2. The prosecution of the Warre in Ireland, to be put into their handes, to be managed by a Committee of both Kingdomes, some whereof are to be English and some Scotch. And 3. The Nomination of the Lievtenant of Ireland, and all the Offi­cers and Iustices of both Benches. Truly, all good men I think, doe detest and abhorre that bloudy Rebellion in Ireland; and although they streine reasonable well, to set it out in its owne Colours, when they call them bloudy Rebels, Pag. 121. n^o. 174. of the Full Narra­tion. Antichristian Rebels, (though I could have wisht they had made no mention of their Covenant, for feare the World hereafter be mistaken, it looks so like their owne) Men that have broke all the Lawes of God and Man, their Faith, their Allegiance, all bonds of Chari­ty, &c. Yet, if they should have used more severe expressions of them, and Imprecations upon them, I think no good Sub­ject, but would have said, Amen. But then, woe be to the Geese, when the Foxe preaches, as they use to say; God help all good and honest Subjects, when the greatest Rebels in the World, professe against Rebellion, and cry out upon it. For, as for those Rebels in Ireland, they did nothing but what their Religion will avow: They make no Conscience of keeping Faith with [Page 10]Heretiques, and therefore, by their owne rules, it is a lesse sinne for them, to breake their Oathes, and their Allegiance; But for our Rebels of England, every thing which they doe, their own Protestant Religion doth disclaime: Did ever the Protestant Religion allow Subjects to take Armes against their owne Native King? and yet these men will take them. Did ever the Protestant Religion suffer men to violate their Faiths, and break their Oathes, which they have swore both to God, and Men? and yet these men will break them; nay, and think they doe God good service, in the violation thereof.

For God's sake, how comes it to passe, that the King did so please the English; in making the late Pacification in Scotland, and does now so displease them, in making the late Cessation in Ireland? Is it because the Irish were Rebels; surely, so were They. Is it because the Scots only fought for their Liberties and their Religion? surely, so did They. But, you will say; their Re­ligion is a false Religion; So will they say of yours: and so long as it is true in their Opinion, and to their Conscience, it is alto­gether as lawfull for them, to fight for that Religion, which they believe to be True, though it be false; as it is for our Re­bells to fight for that Religion, which is, both believed to be, and is also, True. But the plain truth is, whither or no, there was that necessity for the Pacification, I will not meddle; but sure enough of this Cessation, there was the greatest necessity that ever could be; for the Lords and Iustices of Ireland, wrote most lamentable Letters to the King,See the Let­ters of the Lords Justi­ces, pag. 194. n^o. 10. in the Appendix. complaining that they wanted bread; That they had not provision for one Month; and not a Hundred barrells of Powder in all their store, which would not last them above a Moneth; and that the Parliament knowing of all these necessities, never sent them in whole six Moneths, but fourteen tunne of Cheese, and three score and fifteen barrells of butter, which would not serve that part of the Army which lay about Dublin, for above seaven or eight daies; and they humbly beseech the King, to think of some expedient course, as soon as may be, to preserve His whole Kingdom from imminent and apparent ruine. Now what could the King doe for them in such a case? Send victualls, or [Page 11]Monies, or Ammunition, He could not, for He neither had them; nor the use of His own Shipps to conveigh them, if He had. Send to the Parliament He might; and to as much pur­pose, as before those of Ireland did; for they that could have the conscience to spend a Hundred thousand pounds of the mony which was collected for Ireland, which was none of their owne,Pag. 135. n^o. 177. of the Full Narra­tion. upon the maintaining of this their Rebellion here in England (as they dare not deny themselves to have done) it is somewhat unlikely, they would part with any thing that was their own, when nothing but charity, could compell them thereunto.

Well, but they say, that by undeniable proofs it is most cleare, Pag. 133. n^o. 177. in their Paper of the 22. of Feb. that these necessities alleadged for the grounds of the Cessation, were made by the designe of the Popish and Prelaticall party in England and Ireland. But, me thinks, if the proofes be so unde­niable, they should be demonstrable. I could never meet with any thing that did look like a proof thereof in all those papers. I confesse this had been somewhat, if it had been true. But the Rebels doe not offer so good proofe of that, which they al­leadge, as that proof is, which is offered for the contrary, which notwithstanding, they will not accept; for, to prove the want of necessary provision for reliefe of that miserable Kingdom, there are diverse Letters produced by the Kings Commissio­ners, from the Lords Iustices, and the Councell of Ireland; the Truth whereof, they seem not willing to believe, unlesse they may see the names of those men who did subscribe them (and yet they will not promise indempnity to their persons if they should see them; or, that it should be no prejudice unto them, if they should fall into their hands; for upon those tearmes, they might have seen them, when they would) But, to prove that these necessities were contrived by the Popish and Prela­ticall party both in England and in Ireland, they produce not so much as any Letter, either under many mens hands, or, one; not bring the least evidence thereof, other then their own Iea­lousies, unworthy surmises; and the consideration of circum­stances; Now I would have the World Iudge, whether there be not more apparent proofe, from Letters under mens hands, [Page 12]that live upon the place, and were lamentable witnesses, and sufferers in the necessities of that Kingdome, that there was no reliefe at all sent them, from the Parliament; Then there is from their simple affirmations, that those releifes were dis­posed of by the Popish and Prelaticall party, for the succour and assistance of the Rebells, in their greatest wants. And yet these Rebels of England will have us beleive any thing which they affirme upon their own words, although they are Parties in the Cause, and will not beleive us upon the Letters and sub­scriptions of the Lords and Councell of Ireland, who cer­tainly were the best Iudges therein. Besides, in all probabili­ties, if the Popish and Prelaticall party had had such a hand in doing the Rebels service, certainly they would have found some better comfort then they did, in receiving of their Wa­ges; The Rebels could not chuse but be favourable to their Persons and their Estates, and give them liberty to enjoy them, in some measure. But it is too apparent, that, although the cru­elties of this Rebellion, have fallen upon all the Kings good Subjects there in Ireland, yet they have fallen thicker upon no condition of men, then upon the Prelats; some whereof have received sixteen or seaventeen wounds from the Re­bels, and bin left for dead; others have bin rob'd and plunde­red to their very shirts; and all, or the most Part of them, have bin driven out of That Kingdom into This, for the very safe­gard of their Lives, where they remaine in great distresse and necessities, not having scarsly how to get them Bread.

And yet these men must have this Cessation made voyd, and the farther prosecution of the Warre, committed to their hands. Truly I dare say, if there were a Peace, here, the King would so farre accept of their Assistance, in the rooting out of that Rebellion, as is fit, either for him to take, or them to give: I dare say, they could propose no likely way of reducing those Rebels, but the King would be willing strait to practice it. But, whilst they are in actuall Rebellion here against him; whilst they manage one Warre here against him: For him to entrust them with the managing of another Warre, there, for him; Were such a piece of weaknesse, as no man certainly [Page 13]can be perswaded to, but he, that will be perswaded to give a man two to one, that is scarce able to play with him on even hands.

And, as concerning their Nomination of the Lievtenant in Ireland, and the Iudges of both Benches, it seemes to me the greatest piece of Arrogance that was ever yet heard off. Have they not enough, that they are Kings themselves; but they must make Kings, too? but, I could be contented, if men were arrogant onely, if they were not absurd also; For I demand; The Nomination of the Lievtenant, either it was in the Kings Power, before they desired it to be granted them, or it was not; If it was not in his power, then, they are absur'd to aske that, which they know, was not in the Kings Power to Give: If it were; then they are absur'd, Pag. 136. n^o. 178. of the Full Narra­tion. not to admit the Marquesse of Ormond, for a Lievtenant, whom all the World knowes the King had Nominated; before ever They desired this power of Nomination; as in expresse termes, they say, they doe not, in their Paper of the 22^th February.

Now, if such a simple man, as I, can see these Demands of the Parliament to be unreasonable, sencelesse, and ridicu­lous: Surely, those men that were Commissioners for the King, and had more wit and understanding, then I, could see further into them; No doubt, but they saw, that the con­cession and granting of them must needs inferre, a totall Alteration and Change, both in our Spirituall, and in our Civill Government; both in our Church, and in our State; and God deliver me, and every honest man, from living to behold that day. Wee have by wofull Experience found, what the want of Episcopall Government hath wrought in the Church, already: for no man knowes almost, of what Re­ligion his Neighbour is today, or, of what he himselfe shall be, to morrow; by our sad sufferings, we have learnt, what it is, to see dayes, when there is no King in Israel; or as good as none; when His Subjects seek to divest and spoile Him of His Rights and Power. Before, we could complaine, if we thought the King broke any Law; but now, we doe not know our selves, what is Law, till we have broke it. [Page 14]It is not as it was once in Saint Paul; I had not knowne sinne, but by the Law; but it is now, I had not knowne Law, but by the sinne; for every thing that a good man does in Con­science to God, or Obedience to his King, is therefore made a crime, because he does it, though it never had any such name, before.

I, but you will say, if the Cause of the Parliament be such a bad Cause, that they are absolute and direct Rebels against the King; how come so many men to be of that side? True­ly, I confesse, the Cause is a good Cause to live in (for if a man take that side, he is likely to save his owne stake, and he is like enough to get a good share in many other mens;) But give me a Cause to live in, and to dye in too; A Cause, which, if it yeeld me no profit whilst I live, shall notwith­standing yeeld me pleasure when I dye; and the comfort of this Consideration, that I have not stayned my Conscience, for any base and beggarly respects of this World, but have kept it cleane, both towards the Lord, and towards his An­noynted; as no doubt, but every man is bound to doe. And certainly there is more in it, then, every simple Country-fellow like my selfe, imagines; That, on the Parliament side, so many men of note and quality, when They have their sen­ces about them before they dye, doe familiarly renounce this wicked and ungodly course, and professe, they undertooke it for meere gaine, or some baser end, (as from Colonell Sandys, who dyed at Worcester, in the beginning of this Warre, to Major Abercromie who dyed by us, but a little while agoe, many poore Soules afflicted which the sence of their Rebellion have done) When, on the Kings side, there was never yet heard one man of any condition whatsoever, (though reduced to the greatest exigence, and want that man could be) that ever repented him of taking up Armes, and spending his life in His Majesties Cause and Service.

I know it weighes much with many of my Neighbours, That the Rebels use Country people kindly, where they come, and use to pay for what they have, when the Kings Soul­diers doe not; And so, they are ready to Judge of the goodnesse [Page 15]of the Cause, by the purses of their Customers; and truly, this wrought a pretty good opinion of them, once even in me my selfe; but when I had considered a little better, how these men come by that Money, (even by robbing and plundering the King and His good Subjects, for otherwise they could ne­ver have a penny) I beganne to think that as they were direct Theeves, so we that took their Monies, were but little better then Receivers; and the curse of those poor People, who are despoyled of their Estates, to furnish them with monies, must doubtlesse light upon us.

Besides; alas, what is the poore Horse the better (when he hath been ridden into a sweat, from head to foot, and is searce able to stand) for a little stroking and clapping on the shoulder? What are the poore people of the Country, the better, for receiving some few pence, from them, when they must pay it out againe, by whole pounds unto Them? They doe but steale a Goose, and stick up a Feather, as we use to say; For at last, be­tween faire meanes and foule, they leave us nothing. But all this while, what is become of the Liberty of the Subject, which made such a noyse, at the beginning of these Warres? In all the Twenty dayes Treaty, not a word of that, on their Side; And when the Kings Commissioners desired to have the Kings Propositions Treated on, which insisted much upon this poynt, They could never have an Answer. All this while, what is become of the Lawes of the Land, which every man thought at first, these men did onely fight for? In all the Twenty dayes Treaty, not one word, of the breach of any one Law of the Land, with which they taxe the King; but they rather invite Him to breake many, if He would be perswaded unto it; For there was scarce any one thing, in all the Treaty which they desired of the King, which was not directly against the known Lawes of the Land, which they have all this time, pretended to defend. Nay, when the King (to shew how zealous He was of the preservation of the Lawes) desired in His Propo­sitions, That nothing might be avowed, but that every Act might be disclaimed on both Sides, which was not according to [Page 16]the knowne Law; They would never Treat of that Proposi­tion, or give any Answer to it. All this while, what is become of Fetching the King up unto His Parliament, which was gi­ven out, as the sole reason for the raising of so many severall Armies, as have been raised? In all the Twenty dayes Treaty, not a syllable of that, on their part; Nay, when the Kings Commissioners, had proposed it unto them, and desired to Treat with them, concerning His Majesties speedy Returne to Westminster, whereby an End might be put to these unhappy Distractions and Divisions; They utterly refus'd to Treat with them, therein; and chose rather, to break up the Treaty, (when they might have prolonged it, if they had pleased, for so they were earnestly desired to doe, by our Commissioners) then to allow That, for the Subject matter of it.

And therefore, resting well assured, by these proceedings of theirs, in the late Treaty, that they of Westminster aime at nothing but their own Greatnesse; and intend to rule perpetu­ally, both over the King and Kingdome; purposing to change that auncient Government of Kings in the State, as they have chang'd that other of Bishops in the Church; I desire all my Countrymen, to lay it to their hearts; whether they had not better venture their lives once, then be sure to loose both their Livelyhoods and Liberties for ever: Whither they had not better help to make an end of the Warre; then live, and linger out their lives and Fortunes, in the vaine expectation of a ne­ver intended Peace. Whither they had not rather their Sove­raigne should raigne, then that their Servants should rule over them, which is one of the pittifull complaints of Zion, in her prayer to God, in the fift of the Lamentations.

For this they may trust to, that, by the blessing of God, (who never exposes the person or the Cause of Kings to dan­ger or miscarriage, but for the Peoples sinne) They may reco­ver in a very short time, both their Liberties, Lawes, and Live­ly-hoods and yet save their Lives; And, if the Countries here abouts, would but rise and take up Armes (as they should doe, not only for the Kings sake, but for their own, if they did well [Page 17]consider it) lesse then Three Months, with Gods help, would put an end to the Miseries of more then Three yeares, that are past; and prevent the Miseries of many yeares, which are yet to come, if some such course, as this, be not timely taken; for out of doubt, so long as God shall send either the King or any of His Children, Life; there will never be wanting those true-hearted Englishmen, that will spend their bloud, in preser­ving of their just Interests and Rights: Which I doe as firmely believe they will recover, either first or last, as I doe any one thing in this World, which is not Scripture.