A letter written to a gentleman in the country, touching the dissolution of the late Parliament, and the reasons therof.

A letter written to a gentleman in the country, touching the dissolution of the late Parliament, and the reasons therof.

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A Letter written to a Gentleman in the Country, touching the Dissolution of the late PARLIAMENT, and the Reasons thereof.

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A Letter written to a Gentleman in the Country, touching the Dissolution of the late PARLIAMENT, and the Reasons thereof.

SIR,

YOurs of the 27th past came safe, and with it your admiration of this great change which hath happened in the dissolution of the late Parliament, which I not at all wonder at; for as this Island hath afforded the greatest Revolutions that I think any memory affords us, of any time or place, so I believe this to be the greatest of them; and so much the greater, as that it was done, in a manner, in an instant, without contestation, without effusion of blood, and, for any thing I can perceive, without the least resentment of those whom it generally concerns. But when I shall put you in remembrance of what I have often enforc'd to you, or to say better discours'd, for the other is needlesse, that the wayes of Providence are inscrutable, and such, as, though they seem to us unexpected and temerarious, yet are carried on with such a strange and supreme kind of design, it wilbe easie for an humble and an acquiescing mind to see, that by severall invisible degrees, they bring forth their last & propos'd intendments, yea with those instruments which seem and intend to do the contrary. What man could have suppos'd, after the dissolution of the Parliament preceding this last, to have had another so soon? and for this last, who could have imagin'd that by Act it should have continued, much more [Page] gloriously have undertaken the defence of an injured people by open arms against an Oppressor, and that these undertakings, with admirable variety of successe, should have been crowned with the extirpation of Tyranny, and the decollation of the person of a Tyrant; that that great Omniscience should so blesse the endeavours of a Common-wealth, now as I may say in its very swadling-clouts, as by them absolutely to reduce those dominions in 3 years, which a series of proud & lusty Monarks could not in 6 Centurys do? Besides that navall opposition so fortunately & gloriously made against the greatest Maritime enemy in Europe, or to speak with due acknowledgment, in the Earth. Yet are these men, after all these vigorous and happy actions, suddenly dispersed like Down blown off a Thistle, and their power devolv'd into such hands, which a God hath made instrumentall in these strange Emanations of his Divine Will, so we may humbly conceive, he intends to make further use of to the finishing of that great work, which by such visible signs, he hath mad appeare he hath in hand for the glory of his name, the felicity of these Nations, and I believe for the blessed alteration of all Europe.

I am neither Stoick to believe that all things are link'd by such a strong chain of Fate, as that there is nothing left to man but Mechanically to act; nor yet can I resign my self to an absolute belief of that saying of Plato, that To pray or fear is needlesse, it being out of our power to prevail by either, but I shal modestly affirm it, that as I ever use to send up my prayers for the best things I could, upon the emergencies of the severall times, so upon the breaking out and discovery of every hidden Councell of above by some illustrious accident, I have thrown my face upon the ground and submitted to it, never examining the meanes by which it was brought to passe, but the end to which it was brought; for [Page] I cannot deny unto you, that I have that reverence, and resignation to my great Lord and Maker, that as I believe every dispensation affords to me in particular, (be it bitter or be it sweet) a means of that grand consummation of felicity, which I am hereafter to endeavour and expect, so even in politick bodies, wherein so many dear to him are concerned, he suffers not any Turn or Revolution, but his Omnisciency directs it, to the bettering or more happisying of that people.

And truely in my apprehension this is done at this season, and though you seem to stare at it, as being unwilling to acknowledge that his hand is wise and powerfull, yet methinks it were an argument wortheir of an Atheist, to say, that irregular actions proceed from a carelessnesse above, than for a Christian to imagin that his designations in the altering the affairs of any State should not tend to a bettering of that State, and that that power into which he puts it, is not, in his mind, more fit and proper to manage it than that from which he took it; for if a Fly fall not to the ground without his consent, I beseech you what shall we consider of his care in the disposition of Millions of men, things of his own image, without a high disbelief and contempt of his providence?

Though I am not ignorant what some people ignorantly, or peradventure splenetickly and maliciously say, that he may suffer such things for the punishment of a people, and for their reduction, yet when I seriously consider it, that as nothing but good can flow from that pure and simple Fountain of goodnesse, so are his ways of Providence, so far as purblind We can see. He chastises private men differently from publick bodies, some that he dearly loves, he afflicts, purges, and refines, gives them heavinesse for a day, that they may hereafter have an everlasting weight of glory. States he [Page] sometimes afflicts for their own sins, sometimes for those of their Governours, but still out of his mercy he considers those that are dear unto him, and searches out if there be ten good in Sodom, which if there be, he carries them out of their Captivity into the Land of Promise.

Out of these considerations I for my part humbly submit to this mysterious and sudden action; and because I perceive you not so well satisfyed with it, am content with what present reasons I can, and out of my little intelligence, and small understanding of things, to give you an account.

And therefore we are to consider,

First, The manner of Government by the last Parliament;

Then the right of obedience to Superior Powers; And

Lastly, the effects, or events, that may come upon the late change.

For the first, I confesse they were a people of miracles, God made them gloriously instrumental in the rescuing of his people from bondage, yet many of them were content to self-centre, or to say better, lay little designes for their own greatnesses; so that, while they seemed to look direct upon the publick Interest, their businesse was to look asquint upon their own: as if they had been employ'd by their Country not to make up publick, but private Breaches. Besides that, the House being by the last purge made thin, and few in a capacity to sit, and fewer active, (unlesse some that only trudg'd at Committees) there was an opportunity given them to become so familiar with one another, that what by their Ordinary at Whitehall, and what by their conferences at the Speakers chamber before the sitting of the House, little was determined but out of design and faction: Oppositions and Conjunctions were laid, private interests interven'd, (and these commonly by way of exchange,) needlesse things mightily insisted upon, whilst thousands of poor [Page] Creditors and Petitioners starved at their door with their printed Papers, unheard, unregarded, unlesse a crasty Sollicitor had undertaken (for it is a term I hear as common as practise among Lawyers) to make some Members, and this with great expectation, and with such successe, as commonly taught them what it was to trust; whilst all this time the House, under whose hand this work lay, were laboriously content to sit four times in a week, and that much about the rate of 2. or 3. houres a day, whereas the whole week had been time little enough for their work. And as for Committees, unlesse they were either very standing, or some Great Men notably engag'd, there have been some men have attended nine or twelve moneths to bring one together, and this possibly for an adjournment of as long a time. And I beseech you, Sir, consider, that though some wholesom Laws they made, and many happy actions have been done under them, yet God hath some precious Instruments still over-ruling these odd designs & combinatons, which are otherwise privately hatch'd by some corrupt ones among them. What these men have done as to Establishment and Liberty, I am to confesse they have altered the Titles of Writs, they have told us we have a Commonwealth, but for any essential fruits thereof, a man may (drolling) say, they have cut off the head of a King, and set a Commonwealth upon his shoulders, which like Epistemon in Rabelais (who was beheaded in a fight) are so finely sewed together, that they return out of Hel, and tell things that they did there.

For to speak freely, what they did for us was very inconsiderable, and with such a Spanish slownesse, that unlesse either some particular Interest, or some immediate Necessity enforc'd them to hast, it was a common difficulty of a year or two to get passe an Act. If this had been out of grave consideration, or any laudable and politick providence, the [Page] present Age might have been content, and Posterity made happier: But it was either their work, or made it appear their work, to spin out the time, wast the day in the tossing of a Feather, and then came in some motion of an old Grandee, who had so much a year given him for resigning up an illegal Office; or stood up some other, who brought old arrears, (which it may be the poor Souldiery was never satisfied for) and for this, he must have such a sum of money out of Discoveries, by which some Countryman or other must be brought into vexation, and forc'd to compound; The publick businesse in the mean time was commonly pre-disposed on in the Speakers Chamber, and ordinarily at the speaking of the Cue, (which was the usuall business of some shallow Fellow put upon it) confirm'd and transacted. And as for Petitions, they had such a rare and excellent faculty of dispatching them, that I believe there have been 10000. Petitions offered to them, that could never be read, half as many read, that received none but delatory answers at Committees, and I doubt as many more were deterr'd, out of the meer consideration of the successe of others. But you will say, they set up a Committee for Petitions, I grant you they did, but it was with such Rules, and such Restrictions, that I believe it very impossible to make any person appear that was thereby benefited.

Thus much to them as a Body, to break it in pieces, and look on it in the individual, he were a dis-ingenuous man that would not confesse, that there have been among them as brave men, as wise and worthy Patriots, as any Nation ever had. But yet if you will take into your Remembrance, that there have been many Lands sold, first the Bishops, then the Dean and Chapters, then the King's, Queen's, and Prince's, then the Fee-farms, (the Forest Lands too coming on) then the Delinquents, and all these to be doubled upon (a [Page] touch whereof I shall give you anon by way of digression) and all this to be dispatched by Trustees nominated by the Parliament; you must needs think there was very notable carriage in this Businesse, as to the Profit of the Commonwealth. For first, 3 d. per pound must be allowed in point of purchase; then you had Registers (who constantly dispatched by Deputie) at high Fees, and their Under-Officers as cunning and as ravenous as those of the old Courts. Then must march forth an Army of ignorant and unlearned Surveyors, and these at 20 sh. per diem, to return Surveys sometimes low, in the favour of some noble Gentleman, in whose eye it was to purchase, and sometimes excessively high, for to over-ballance the other; (besides the Kings Lands, which being allotted for the payment of the Souldiery, were commonly over-valued by one half,) whilst in the mean time a single Mathematician did properly all their work to their hands; and all this, besides a pestilent sort of people called Messengers, &c. who intangled rights, disturbed the people, and carried on the businesse so excellently well, that possibly much about one half might by their endeavours be brought into the Coffers of the Commonwealth.

After the return of this Survey, so laudably perform'd as I have described to you, an honest Member casts a sheeps-eye at such a Manour. Marry then he goes to Gurney-house, sends in his name, and tels them he was to attend the Parliament immediately; upon that he is called in, though other people had been design'd, and other businesse directed for that time; and by his authority, or friends at the Table (for he that had a hand in placing them there, must needs have favour from them) makes a Contract as low as possible, gets it may be so long time, as that he may pay for the [Page] Manour out of the Mansion-house, or the Woods; and by this means it is incredible to what Estates some have raised themselves. One of them who was a Brewers Clark, his man was heard to say, That he thank'd God his Master had now 800 l. a year. Another Gentleman having not an over-considerable Fortune before, hath made it 10. or 12000 l. a year, and hath been heard to say, (as I am informed) That he had more Land than any man in England. Another comming out of a Draper's shop at York, hath convey'd himself into an Estate in Possession and Reversion of above 5000 l. a year. But examples of this kind are innumerable.

This brings me on to tell you, That the Commonwealth hath been as just and as unjust in point of their debts, as 'tis possible for men to be; just they were in providing satisfaction for their Creditors; unjust they were in delay of time, and the little satisfaction they received by it. For was it not an unreasonable thing, that 20 l. really lent out, or (which is as good) earn'd, should be reduced to so many Twenty-pences, or Two-shilings's? yet the Commonwealth pays it to the full, with Interest, whilst the needy Creditor happly is glad to preserve life by that means; whereas men that had money, doubling thus, (a way indeed at first thought on for better advance, but since proving to the destruction of the Creditor) and traffiquing with accepted Bils, either made a shift to make 70 or 80 per cent. of their moneys, or if they had any hearts for the Parliament (which was not common) were content to take improveable Lands as 5 years purchase, or thereabouts: So that many people of very inconsiderable Fortunes, have now prodigiously arriv'd to vast Estates. I know one, formerly not worth 16 score pounds in all the world, now by valuatiō of the Country [Page] where he lives, worth 1600 pound a year. Others I have known worth nothing at all, that now can reckon to 5 and 600 pound per annnm. But you may tell me again, that this is no Argument against a Government. I say it is a good one against the Governors, since they are so palpably engag'd in it.

By this time I conceive you to be of opinion that things were not so admirably well governed, yet many things being matters of private sufferings, many honest hearts were content to sit down, and groan under their own misery, rather than interrupt such publick proceedings, as they saw God so eminently glorified in. But when we had reduced our enemies abroad, and brought them upon their knees, and began to entertain hopes of a future peace, and established liberty, we were diverted by other designs, and the businesse was, how to continue a lazy unactive power, not to remedy the sufferings of a Nation. This brought the Army into Consulation, a sort of men whom God hath so singularly own'd, and crown'd by so many remarkable successes, that it was easily perceivable that God intended by them to do strange things. These as free people first declar'd, that they would assert our liberties, and since did not only rescue but protect the Parliament, and assist them in the late grand Negotiations. without them, they might have been exposed to the affronts of the multitude, and as in-effective as against the Prentises when they shut up the door; with them they have done marvelously. Now the case stands thus, The Liberty of the People being recovered by the Sword, that is to say by the Army, this Army continuing as a Mediator, or (if a man may say so) a Supervisor of the Peoples Liberties, it must be proper for them to see that no encroachment may be done thereupon. But here [Page] comes the pinch, the Parliament have not satisfied the People, neither by effectuall Laws, nor vigorous proceedings, the People are discontented; the Army want not their resentments, they are moved for a new Parliament, (but irregular motions move slowly) they trifle it off two or three years, and frivolously debate it into a necessity, and at last provide the businesse so, as that their Kingdom may stand, and others sit with them upon the Throne, that is to say, like Theseus his ship, perpetually to be peeced, and made into the same. But this neither stands with the fundamentall right of a Parliament, nor established Liberty. For if you will allow a Common-wealth, you cannot allow any thing more destructive to it, than the Continuation of many men in the same power, especially unlimited and supreme. For otherwise knowledg of Faces, Acquaintance, Familiartty, and those little intrigues men will make, though they hate one another, will bring all to Ruine.

But yet such a design as this were they about, and when they saw that a necessity was upon them for to break up at last, they then came down to the third of November this year, but the Act which had been 3 years a hammering, was so warily provided, that what in point of Electors and Elected, we should have been within a month after the new Parliament in a worse condition than we had been during the sitting of the old. They that were to be Electors, were People that had not forfeited their Liberty, which in English is rendred thus, People it may be un [...]ble, uncapable, malignant, and malicious enough, though such as never offended the State, but in their Ale; these to be Elected, men that had constantly been true to the Common-wealth. This if the malice and cunning of men can do any thing, will amount [Page] to as much as to say, that many Malignants who from their very hearts and souls hated the Cause, and all its Dependances, yet in point of Interest and profit, having engaged in it, might have been brought in. Besides that the Presbyterian Party (which is meerly a Jesuit in a Genevah cloak, but somewhat more insupportable) may by this rule all come in. For they may have vigorously acted at the first, whilst they thought the Beer which was a brewing might be their own mornings draught, but seeing it was provided for others, they took snuff, and forsook the House, nay and are become enemies; so that upon this account, instead of bringing a select Company of honest Gentlemen to debate together, we should have brought so many Bandogs to have travers'd Factions. For what other could we expect when men of such humors and tempers should necessarily meet?

This you will say, might be prevented by examining the returns of the Writs. Suppose it. But here is first, an impossibility to that end, as who can discover a mans heart? who a mans ways? who can judge that a Convert is reall, or absolutely assure himself, that another man is not an hypocrite? for things of another mans bosom is matter of the nicest scruple in the World; and an exact hypocrite may deceive the most cautious and nice Counsail that can be made among men. Yet supposing this businesse feasible, here arises another question, Whether the Peoples right or no, in point of Election, be not extinguish'd by this supervising? (for as yet I cannot find any other word for it.) For either they have a right of liberty to choose, or not, but both Parliament and Army have declared they have; therefore their election is good: But if there be a power paramount to allow or disallow of this Election, (which supposing an examination of the returns of the Writs, you must needs [Page] grant, otherwise it will be in vain to examine them) then that Election of theirs signifies nothing; For if I in a Case of Law choose my Arbitrator, and the Judge, or a third party hath power to allow or disallow him, I cannot properly be said to have a choice, because choice is an effect of Freedom, and Freedom and Controlment are things that cannot consist together. So that hence it will amount, that this provision was weak and not of assurance enough to our purpose, and if two inconveniences were to be run upon, it were much better to run upon the lesse.

This is an Hypothesis, I see not how it could be salved otherwise than by choosing such idoneous persons, and that in such a number as might carry on the work; for though multitude of Counsellors is strength and safety, yet in distemper'd and turning States it is weaknesse and distraction; And these such kind of men as are fit to have the reigns of a Nation in their hands, and such as by a swift and due prosecution of Justice should satisfie the people, what it is to be free. This is a businesse either to be done by the Parliament, by the People, or by the Army. The first like cunning Brokers would not do it; The second like troublesome Ideots cannot do it, and the third as wise Guardians must do it.

And therefore though this change may carry much in it as to appearance of fear and terror, yet when a man will consider these two things, that the Liberty of his Nation ought to be the dearest thing to him under Heaven, and that without these men and means it cannot be preserved, (for take away the force that protects us, all our enemies shall flow in upon us) he must necessarily grant a submission to what they do. For he that hath power to command, hath also power to guide, theone without the other being insignificant.

[Page] And therefore since we are in a Tempest, let us come to this Rock (to speak at the harshliest) rather than perish. For you cannot conceive but the worst Government in the world is infinitely better than none at all; or to speak a little closelyer, an ill Government well manag'd, may be much better than a completer form of Government ill manag'd, people still judging by their Safety, or Liberty, or Civill advantages, the effects not only of their Government but Rulers.

For matter of change of Government, lest you may be dissatisfied, I have thus much briefly to say, that considering the actions of the late Parliament, and their dissolution, we are to remember by what means they were called, and for what end. They were called at first by a Writ of the King, and that by the ordinary summons of a Writ, and that on the Kings part compulsively. But God that hath a mind to do much out of little, so prospered them, that by an Act of the whole Parliament as then it stood, they were enabled to sit till they should dissolve themselves. Tis a question worthy the resolution of a Lawyer, whether these men sitting by that Authority, were not tyed to follow exactly the Rules of it? For certainly every Law or Commission ties according to the Intent. They thought fit to throw out the Lords spirituall, alias Bishops; they manage a War against the King upon their own Authority, and by vertue of that Act; they were purg'd of Malignant or Illaffected Members, by the Army, (whose duty it was to interpose in so dangerous a time) and at last declared and established a Common-wealth. Thus did they act, and that to the eternall Renown of the Nation, for four years together; But, when dieases grew upon them (as all sedentary Bodies are slow and unactive) there appear'd such a lazinesse [Page] in the execution of that power, such a Lethargy as to Act in the right of the Nation, that these immortal persons, whose blood had been stirr'd or spill'd in their Cause, began to awake, and remember for whom they had done so great things, that is to say, for the People. And therefore, they being (as I have said) Arbitrators, men whose eys were open, and Consciences not branded, rise up, and begun to look and consider in what condition the People was, whereof they were a part; and therefore, when neither Addresses, Reasons, proposalls, nor Petitions, of a long time could prevaile, it is not strange at all if they were forced to that of the Physician Vre & Seca.

I know your Objection before hand, that the action of the Lord Generall in the Dissolution was somewhat rough, and Barbarous, and I shall not trouble you with a long Answer, That, as to his Person, as he hath in the Field declared himself one of the Noblest assertors of our Liberty, and as great an enlarger of our Territories as ever was, so as for any particular designs of his own in point of Government, it must be a scrutiny greater than humane that can discover, how he either intended to invade us, or to make us a prey to any ambition of his. And therefore if upon this grand Revolution, he might appear to his enemies passionate, yet considering the extremities that great minds fall into, and the great trust committed to him, it will appear nothing but the discharge of that duty that lay upon him. To have done such a thing as a single Generall, wants neither example nor president (but I would not injure an argument in a Letter by the by, which I could make good in a whole Treatise.) For you may remember that of Caesar to Metellus the Tribune, Young man (sayes he) 'twas easier for me [Page] to say this than to do it, a speech (sayes Sir Francis Bacon) both the proudest and the mildest that ever came out of the mouth of Man: For at that time he was breaking open the Sacred Treasury, which by▪ the Lawes was not to be broken open. But it is otherwise here, this was not a rash precipitate Act of his, but a Trust, and Result of those under him. Twas fit he that was the most eminent should appear, and he as civilly without noise or disturbance did it. And therefore Acting by their Votes, and by their consents, it was their action as well as his; and it was no more his action than it is the action of the Head moved by Tendons and Muscles which are parts of the Body, and without which the Head it self could not possibly at all move.

So that here it comes to a Question, Whether it be better for us to be in Slavery under the name of Liberty, or in Liberty under the effects of Slavery. I have told my thoughts before, in what condition I conceiv'd our Liberty was, and I repeat it once again, that I think this present is the better expedient. For supposing that the severall Counties should withdraw their severall Members (for I suppose they could not of late pretend to sit by VVrit) certainly they would never have made a Quorum in Parliament; and suppose they should call them to account, where had one Authority without the consent of all the Counties, or rather all People capable to demand it from them? And if you will say that the Liberty of the People by this meanes is stifled, I must tell you again, it is [Page] only suspended, 'tis a Sword taken out of a Mad Mans hand, till he recover his senses; and therefore, till we be S [...]lted, Coagulated, or Centred, (call it what you please) it is Tantum non impossibile for to lose such a Liberty of choosing a Representative as a Rationall Man may expect good from.

It is a scruple that hath vex'd many People, how and in what manner, or whether or no, we are to obey new Governments, (this is the second point I proposed) and this comes by reason of Oathes impos'd by Governours, who think thereby to chain Men to them, whereas if we consider it, promissory and obligatory, Oathes tye private men, Semper & ad semper, (as the School-men tell me) whereas obedience to a Sovereignty (which being plac'd in one or more is the same) extends, nor can extend no further than during the protection thereby received. For to put the Case at the worst, I am among a Company of Theeves commanded upon my life not to discover, the Casuists say, that this secrecy of mine, though they be Outlawes, and persons under the heaviest censure of Iustice, ought to be perform'd, for this is but a price of my life (besides my promise) and in that consideration I ought to forbear it. But I'l take it at the best sense, insteed of falling into the hands of Theeves, I am under the protection of those that protect me from them, and then I must say that I owe these Men the very same obedience, but much more Religiously and with a greater deal of honor and veneration than the o- [Page] other. The first may take away my life if they please, the second cannot only secure me, but avenge my blood upon the Murtherers. The first are unaccountable, unlesse by their private punishment, These responsible. For I remember a thing that Bodin said excellently, that The King though he make Lawes, it tied to those Lawes; and therefore accountable. They are invisible, These visible. And therefore a man would rather chuse his security of such as he knew where to repair to, and by whose means he might be redressed, than such a one as could not own it self. For let men imagin what they will, yet upon largest consideration, and deepest experience, they must find, that Allegiance and Protection are so related that they cannot be separated one from another, and that the absurdities of the contrary are such as cannot rationally be avoyded.

For I must necessarily swear either to Person or Place; by the Person I understand a Man Governing, or claiming to Govern, either by himself or Successors; by Place I understand a particular Mans Vassalage, Liberty, or Privilege in any one Country. As to the first, it concerns not me by what name any Man is distingnished, the determination of his power determines my obedience, which (as I have said) is correlative to protection. As if Charles Stuart should enjoyn me a Command I should perish in, I ought not by any Law of God or Man to obey, unlesse he could protect me in the execution [...]hereof. Or suppose the King of France should command me to Proclame the same person King here, [Page] I should be so considerate as to remember a Hurdle and Tyburne, and therefore disobey. For if the Civilians allow it, and that Generally, that a stranger doing a misdemeanour in another Country, though properly he is not tryable by the Lawes of that Country, yet thereby ought to be punished; I say it is as much reason that a Native, doing against the Lawes of his own Country, be they in whose hands they will, should be ten times more punished (if it were possible) as a breacher of Faith, and a desertor of that protection by which he lives. Honest men may dissent in little things, and it may be their wayes of reasoning are not the same, but for any man under what pretence soever, to act against the grand design of the happinesse of his Nation, is such a matter, as whoever would tell me, that a Man were a peaceable Man, and withall assaulting me with a Stilletto.

There is yet another thing that may stick in your Stomach, (which is the last thing proposed by me) which in respect you have urged with a little earnestnesse I am content to clear you of, and that is, the great losse of Reputation which you suppose we may receive from our Neighbours and Correspondents abroad. Certainly, Sir, if you would but remember, that in matter of publick Treaties, Persons are not dealt with, but Nations; (for our late King Treated with Don JOHN of Portugall, and yet this was no breach of the League between him and Spain) it can signifie no more than the Alteration of the Title of their Credentialls; For all Treaties [Page] between States, are between the Powers of those States.

And though Usurpation or Election appoint one Name, yet still it amounts to this, that the State is concerned, and that only. Friendships in private men are different from those of Princes, and that as much as the Mariages of Princes one to another: Princes are Married by Interest and Pictures, private Men by acquaintance and affection, and no doubt if Boccalini were alive, and should hear any Man affirm that they did otherwise, he would say they were Tramontani, and not allow them Portar la dottrina sopra le spali.

But this doth not come home to my question, that which I would particularly insist on is this, that I believe this change or event will contribute more to our happinesse than if we had still languished under our former sufferings. I have told you what the Head of the Army is, to tell you of the rest were a [...] vain flattery and inconsideracy; but since God hath own'd them as such Excellent and Worthy persons, and made them glorious in their severall Generations, I must be content to look up and reverence them. 'Tis true, great Births are hard in the Labour, and many Glorious men have been cut out of the Womb, Therefore wonder not, if the account that they may give you be slow, or possibly slower than you expect. I am no Member of their Councills and by a late infirmity lesse able to attend them, yet if I can believe any thing; or understand Men when they make the clearest professions, they intend all noble things, both as to the [Page] glory of our good God, the making happy of this poor Nation, setling the Liberties of it, and reducing of us into one mind, and one way. But these are not only wishes of mine, but hopes, and certain expectancies, and I believe they will convince these men to be lyars that speak against them. But now I think I have put you to all the tryalls of your patience, which if my infirmity had not been, which confin'd me to my Chamber, I could not have done, but I rely so much on your Candor, and I believe you think so well of my veracity, as I want not the impudence to affirm my self (however you take it)

Your affectionate Servant N. LL:

London May 3. 1653.

FINIS.

§

§

[Page]

A LETTER WRITTEN To a Gentleman in the Country, touching the DISSOLVTION of the late PARLIAMENT, AND THE REASONS THEROF.

Senec. Troad.

Quaeris quo jaceas post obitum loco?

Quo non nata jacent.—

LONDON, Printed by F. Leach, for Richard Baddeley at his Shop within the Middle Temple Gate 1653.

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Title statement

A letter written to a gentleman in the country, touching the dissolution of the late Parliament, and the reasons therof.

Hall, John, 1627-1656.

Edition statement

1653

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Text Creation Partnership,

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Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A86800

ID [STC]

Wing H352

ID [STC]

Thomason E697_2

ID [STC]

ESTC R207083

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

99866155

ID [PROQUEST]

99866155

ID [VID]

166521

Availability

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Series

Early English books online.

Notes

(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A86800)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 166521)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 107:E697[2])

Source

— A letter written to a gentleman in the country, touching the dissolution of the late Parliament, and the reasons therof., Hall, John, 1627-1656., Milton, John, 1608-1674,.

Extent

[2], 20, [2] p.

Printed by F. Leach, for Richard Baddleley at his shop within the Middle Temple Gate,. London, :: 1653.. (Signed on p. 20: N. LL., i.e. John Hall.) (Sometimes attributed to John Milton.) (The final leaf is blank.) (Annotation on Thomason copy: "By Mr. John Milton"; "May 26".) (Reproduction of the original in the British Library.)

Creation

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