Historia quinqu-articularis: or, A declaration of the judgement of the Western Churches, and more particularly of the Church of England, in the five controverted points, reproched in these last times by the name of Arminianism. Collected in the way of an historicall narration, out of the publick acts and monuments, and most approved authors of those severall churches. By Peter Heylyn.

Historia quinqu-articularis: or, A declaration of the judgement of the Western Churches, and more particularly of the Church of England, in the five controverted points, reproched in these last times by the name of Arminianism. Collected in the way of an historicall narration, out of the publick acts and monuments, and most approved authors of those severall churches. By Peter Heylyn.

Table of contents

Title page

TO THE READER.

SYLLABƲS CAPITƲM: OR, The Contents of the Chapters.

CHAP. I. The severall Heresies of those who make God to be the Author of sin, or attribute too much to the naturall freedome of Mans Will in the works of Piety.

CHAP. II. Of the Debates among the Divines in the Councel of Trent, touching Predestination and Originall Sin.

CHAP. III. The like Debates about Free-will, with the Conclusions of the Councell in the Five Controverted Poynts.

CHAP. IV. The Judgement of the Lutherans and Calvinians in the said Five Poynts, with some Objections made against the Conclusions of the Synod of Dort.

CHAP. V. The Doctrine of the Remonstrants, and the story of them, untill their finall condemnation in the Synod of Dort.

CHAP. VI. Objections made against the Doctrine of the Remonstrants, the Answers unto all, and the retorting of some of them on the Opposite Party.

CHAP. VII. An Introduction to the Doctrine of the Church of England in the Points disputed, with the removall of some Rubs which are laid in the way.

CHAP. VIII. Of the Preparatives to the Reformation, and the Doctrin of the Church in the present Points.

CHAP. IX. Of the Doctrin of Predestination, delivered in the Articles, the Homilies, the publick Liturgie, and the writings of some of the Reformers.

CHAP. X. The Doctrine of the Church concerning Reprobation, and Universal Redemption.

CHAP. XI. Of the Heavenly influences of Gods Grace in the conversion of a sinner, and Man's cooperation with those Heavenly influences.

CHAP. XII. The Doctrin of Free-will agreed upon by the Clergie in their Convocation, Anno 1543.

CHAP. XIII. The Doctrin of the Church of England concerning the certainty or uncertainty of Perseverance.

CHAP. XIV. The Plain Song of the second Homily touching the falling from God, and the Descants made upon it.

CHAP. XV. Of the Author and Authority of K. Edwards Catechism; As also of the judgement of Martin Bucer, and Peter Martyr in the Points disputed.

CHAP. XVI. Of the first breakings out of the Predestinarians, and their Proceedings in the same.

CHAP. XVII. Of the Disputes amongst the Confessors in Prison, in Queen Maries dayes, and the resetling of the Church on her former Principles under Queen Eliz.

CHAP. XVIII. A Declaration of the Doctrine in the Points disputed under the new Establishment made by Queen Eliz.

CHAP. XIX. Of the first great breach which was made in the Doctrine of the Church, by whom made, and what was done toward the making of it up again.

CHAP. XX. Of the great Innovation made by Perkins in the Publick Doctrine, the stirs arising thence in Cambridge, and Mr. Barrets carriage in them.

CHAP. XXI. Of the proceedings against Baroe, the Articles of Lambeth, and the generall calm which was in Oxon, touching these Disputes.

CHAP. XXII. Of the Conference at Hampton-Court, and the severall encouragements given to the Anti-Calvinians in the time of K. James.

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Title page

Historia Quinqu- Articularis: OR, A DECLARATION Of the JUDGEMENT of the Western-Churches; And more particularly of the Church of ENGLAND; In the five Controverted Points, &c.

CHAP. 1. The several Heresies of those who make God to be the Author of Sin, or attribute too much to the Natural freedom of Man's Will in the Works of Piety.

CHAP. II. Of the Debates amongst the Divines in the Councel of Trent, touching Predestinations, and Original Sin.

CHAP. III. The like Debates about Free-will, with the Conclusions of the Councel; in the Five Controverted Points.

1. Of Divine Predestination.

2. Of the Merit and Effect of the Death of Christ.

3. Of mans Conversion unto God.

4. Of the manner of Conversion.

5. Of the certainty or uncertainty of Perseverance.

CHAP. IV. The Judgment of the Lutherans and Calvinians in these Five Points, with some Objections made against the Conclusions of the Councel of Dort.

1. Of Divine Predestination.

2. Of the Merit and Efficacy of Christs Death.

3. Of Mans Will in the state of depraved Nature.

4. Of Conversion, and the manner of it.

5. Of falling after Grace received.

Art. 1. Of Divine Predestination.

Art. 2. Of the Merit and Effect of Christs Death.

Art. 3. Of Mans Will in the state of Nature.

Art. Of the manner of Conversion.

Art. 5. Of the certainty of Perseverance.

CHAP. V. The Doctrine of the Remonstrants, and the Story of them, untill their finall Condemnation in the Synod of Dort.

CHAP. VI. Objections made against the Doctrine of the Remonstrants, the Answers unto all, and the retorting of some of them on the Opposite Party.

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Title page

PART II. The Judgement of the Church of England in the five controverted Points.

CHAP. 7. An Introduction to the Doctrine of the Church of England in the points disputed, with the Removal of some rubs which are laid in the way.

CHAP. VIII. Of the Preparatives to the Reformation, and the Doctrine of the Church in the present points.

CHAP. IX. Of the Doctrine of Predestination delivered in the Articles, the Homilies, the publique Liturgies, and the Writings of some of the Reformers.

CHAP. X. The Doctrine of the Church concerning Reprobation, and Universal Redemption.

CHAP. XI. Of the Heavenly influences of Gods grace in the Conversion of a sinner, and mans co-operation with those heavenly influences.

CHAP. XII. The Doctrine of Freewil agreed upon by the Clergie in their Convocation, An. 1543.

CHAP. XIII. The Doctrine of the Church of England concerning the certainty or uncertainty of Perseverance.

CHAP. XIV. The Plain Song of the second Homily, touching the falling from God, and the Descants made upon it.

CHAP. XV. Of the Author and Authority of King Edwards Chatechisme, as also of the Judgement of Martin Bucer, and Peter Martyr, in the Points disputed.

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Title page

PART III.

CHAP. XVI. Of the first Breakings out of the Predestinarians, and their Proceedings in the same.

CHAP. XVII. Of the Disputes amongst the Confessors in Prison in Queen Maries dayes, and the Resetling of the Church on her former principles under Queen Elizabeth.

CHAP. XVIII. A Declaration of the Doctrine in the Points disputed under the new establishment made by Queen Elizabeth.

CHAP. XIX. Of the first great breach which was made in the Doctrine of the Church; by whom it was made, and what was done towards the making of it up.

CHAP. XX. Of the great Innovation made by Perkins in the publick Doctrine, the stirs arising thence in Cambridge, and Mr. Barrets carriage in them.

CHAP. XXI. Of the proceedings against Baroe, the Articles of Lambeth, and the general calme which was in Oxon, touching these Disputes.

CHAP. XXII. Of the Conferrence at Hampton Court, and the several encouragements given to the Anti-Calvinians in the time of KING James.

A POSTSCRIPT To the READER. Concerning some particulars in a scurrulous Pamphlet intituled A Review of the Certamen Epistolare, &c.

An Advertisement touching the ERRATA.

The Errata of the first Part.

The Errata of the second Part.

The Errata of the third Part.

§

§

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Historia Quinqu- Articularis: OR, A DECLARATION OF The Judgement of the Western Churches, And more particularly Of the Church of ENGLAND, IN The Five Controverted Points, Reproched in these Last times by the Name of ARMINIANISM. Collected in the way of an Historicall Narration, Out of the Publick Acts and Monuments, and most approved Authors of those severall CHURCHES.

By PETER HEYLYN.

Jerem. VI. 16.

State super vias, & videte, & interrogate de semitis antiquis, quae sit via bona, & ambulate in ea, & invenietis resrigerium animabus vestris.

Macrob. in Saturnall.

Omne meum & nihill meum.

LONDON, Printed by E. C. for Thomas Johnson at the Key in St. Pauls Church-yard, 1660.

TO THE READER.

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IT is well known to some in London and elsewhere, that these Papers were finished for the Presse, before August last. But the first breaking out in Cheshire, and the unsetledness of affairs which ensued upon it, proved such discouragements to all Engagings of this kinde, that Michaelmas was past, before the undertakers would adventure on it. And what distractions have since followed in the Publick Government (sufficient to retard a work of greater consequence) is unknown to none. But long looked for comes at last, as the saying is, though why it should come out at all may be made a question; And I shall also give the Reader some account of that, but in so doing must make use of somewhat which was said elsewhere.

It was more then half against my will, and rather through the indiscretion of others, then any forwardness of my own, that I was drawn to shew my self in these present Controversies. But being unseasonably [Page] brought upon the stage by Dr. Bernard, impertinently enough by Mr. Baxter, and with more then ordinary Petulancy by the Man of Scorne; the Occasion was laid hold on by some very able and discerning men, for pressing me to search into the History of these disputes, so far forth as the Church of England was concerned in them, and to make publick what I found upon that inquiry. To which request I made such answer at the present, as the consideration of my many unfitnesses for an employment of that nature, might suggest unto me. But coming to me from so many hands, that it could not fairly be denyed, I was prevailed with in the end, to apply my self to the undertaking, as soon as I had dispatched such other businesses as lay then upon me.

In the mean time I thought I might comply sufficiently with all expectations, by fashioning some short Animadversions on the principal passages, relating to the Doctrine of the Church of England; which had been purloyned for the most part out of Mr. Prinnes book of Anti-arminianism, by a late Compiler. By which name the old Criticks and Grammarians, used to call those men, who pilfering their materials out of other mens writings, did use to lay them close together as their own, to avoid discovery. [...]ompilo, i. e. Sur [...]pi [...], quia quae fares auseruat [...]a pr [...]ssim colligunt, quod est compi [...]are. And so the word is took by Horace in his Compilasse, Serm. 1. verse ult. as is observed on that verse by the learned Scoliasts. So that a Compilator and a Plagiary, are but two terms of one signification. And he that would behold a Plagacy in his proper colours, may finde him painted to the life in the Appendix to Mr. Pierce his Vindication of the learned Grotius; to which for further satisfaction I refer the Reader.

[Page]That preamble having led the way, and my other businesses being over, I prepared my self unto that search, to which I was so earnestly moved, and so affectionately intreated. My helps were very few and weak, which might sufficiently have deterred me from the undertaking. But a good cause will help to carry on it self, and truth will finde the way to shine, though darkned for a time with the clouds of Errour; as the Sun breaking from an Eclips, doth appear more glorious, though a while obscured; Delitere videtur sol, non delitet, as in the like case the Father hath it. The Five disputed Points which in these last times are Reproached by the name of Arminianisme, had more or lesse exercised the Church in all times and ages; especially after the breaking out of the Pelagian Heresies; when all the Niceties thereof were more thoroughly canvassed. Neither the piety and sobriety of the Primity times, nor the authority of the Popes, nor the commanding spirit of Luther, nor the more powerful name of Calvin, have prevailed so far; but that the Church and every broken fragment of it hath found some subdivision about these Debates. So that it can be no great wonder if the Church of England be divided also on the same occasion; or that a Deviation should be made from her publick Rules, as well as in all other Churches, and all former times.

Which way the general vote had passed in the elder ages, hath been abundantly set forth by John Gerrard Vossius, in his Historia Pelagiana: But he descended not so low as these latter times, conceiving he had done enough in shewing to which of the contending parties, the general current of the Fathers did most encline. And if Turtullians rule be good, that [Page] those opinious have most truth which have most antiquity, (id verum est quod primum, as his own words are) the truth must run most cleerly in that part of the Controversie which hath least in it of the Zuinglian or Calvinian Doctrines. And so far I shall follow his method, or example rather, in the pursuit of that designe which I have before me. For though it be my principal purpose to search into the Doctrine of the Church of England; yet I shall preface my Discourse by laying down The Judgement of the rest of the Western Churches, before I come to that of our first Reformers. By means whereof it may be seen what guides they followed, or rather with what parties they concurred in judgement; since in those times the Church was generally so distracted about these disputes, that with the whole the aggregate body of believers, there could be no agreement hoped for, no compliance possible.

In the pursuance of this work I have exemplified so much of the Debates and Artifices in the Councel of Trent, as concerns these points, and may be parallel'd with the like proceedings, in the Synod of Dort: I have consulted also tho Confessions, the Synodals, and other publick Monuments, and Records of the several parties, and so many of the best and most approved Authors of this Church of England, as either were within my power, or could be advised with at a further distance: One whole discourse I have transcribed about Freewill, not obvious to be met withall in Shops or Libraries. The like I have done also with one whole Homily, though the book be easie to be found by those that seek it, knowing full well how unwilling most Readers are to take more pains in turning over several books, and examining all quotations which are brought before them, [Page] then of necessity they must. Nor have I purposely concealed or subducted any thing considerable which may seem to make for the advantage of the opposite party: And have therefore brought in a discourse of the Martyrologist in favour of the Calvinian Doctrine. I have also given a just account of the first breaking out of the Predestinarians in Queen MARIES time, and of the stirs in Cambridge, in Queen ELIZABETHS; not pretermitting such particulars as may be thought to make for them, in the course of this Narrative, even to the Articles of Ireland, and the harsh expressions of King JAMES against Arminius. And therefore I may say in the words of Curtius, Plura equidem transcribo quam credo; nec enim affirmare aufuge sum, quae dubito; nec subducere sustinco quae accepi. I have related many things, which I cannot approve, though I have not let them passe without some censure; that so I may impose nothing on the Readers belief, without good grounds; nor defraud him of any thing conducible to his Information.

I was not to be told how much my first engageing in this business might offend those men who loved to countenance their extravagancy by the name of the Church, and what loud clamours they had raised against the most Reverend Dr. Whitgift, for encountring with T. C. in behalf of the Liturgy; against Dr. John Bridges Dean of Sarisbury, for standing in defence of the sacred Hirarchy; against the most learned Bishop Bilson for crossing Calvins new device about Christs descent; against Dr. Barce for opposing the Genevian Rigors in the points before us; against Mr. Richard Mountague for separating the opinions of private men from the Churches Doctrins; and finally against the late Renouned [Page] Archb. for labouring to restore this Church to its primitive Lustre. And though I could not hope to be more favorably dealt withall in this [...]ase, then my Letters were; yet I might reasonably expect to be used no worse. But on the contrary. I have lately seen a Scurrilous Pamphlet, the Author [...]hereof hath licked up all the filth of for [...] [...]els, to vomit it at once upon me; without [...]es [...]ct to that civility which beseems a Scholar, or that sobriety and modesty which adorns a Christian; so Cocks are dieted sometimes with Garlick before they fight, that they may rather overcome their Adversaries, by the stinck of their breath, then by the sharpeness of their spurs, or the strength of their blows.

But I have been so long accustomed to the noise of this Rayling Rhetorick, that I am now no more troubled at it, then were the Catadupi at the Rorings of the River Nilus, or Socrates to see himself derided and exposed to scorn on the publick Theatre; Or could I be exasperated to a Retaliation, that saying of St. Cyprian would recall me to my wonted temper; who being bitterly railed at by some of his Presbyters, retruned this Answer, Non Oportet me paria cum illis facere; that it becomes not me to answer them with the like revilings. And yet I cannot but take notice of a mischievious project, for throwing a Ball of discord betwixt me and some friends of mine, Doctors in title and degree, and by the Libeller declared to be of my own perswasion, one of which is affirmed to say, That I was an unhappy Writer, and marred every thing which I medled with; and for the finding of this one I have [Page] nothing but a blinde direction of Hist. in the margin; placed there of purpose, as it seemeth, to put me into a suspition of all eminent persons, whose names begin with those two Letters.

It is recorded in the History of Amianus Marcellinus, that certain men informed the Emperour Valence, by their Devilish Arts, that one whose name began with THEO should succeed in the Empire. Which put the Jealous Prince into such a generall distrust of all whose Names had that beginning (Theodoret, Theodosius, Theopulos, Theodulos, Theodore) that he caused many of them, though men of eminent worth, and most exemplary Loyalty, to be made the subjects of his fear and cruelty. And such a Devillish Art is this of T. C. the younger (by which two Letters he affects to disguise his name) to work me into a suspition of some eminent persons, and such as must be also of my own perswasions. But I have no such jealousies as Valence had▪ and therefore shall create no trouble to my self or others, upon that temptation. For first, I know the parties pointed to in those two letters, to be the masters of so much Candor and Ingenuity, that I am confident they rather would excuse my infelicities, or insufficiencies (be they which they will) then bring me under the reproach of any such censure, as none of different judgement ever laid upon me. And secondly, so much they have descended beneath themselves, as of their own accord to certifie me both by Letters and Messages, how free they were from giving any ground to that base suspition, which was contrived with so much malice and [Page] design, to divide between us. And so Autorem Scelus repetet, the Calumny must be left at the Authors dore, as the natural parent of it, till he can find out more distinctly upon whom to charge it. In the mean time I leave him to the mercy of the Laws, as a common Barrator, ‘"Drenched over head and ears in the waters of strife, a sower of discord and discention amongst faithful friends."’

But I have wasted too much time on this piece of impertinency, and might perhaps have better studied my own fame, if I had took no notice of the Libell, or the Author either, but that to have been silent altogether, in so just a grievance▪ might possibly be taken for an argument of insensibility. For otherwise as there is nothing in the Author, but the stolne name of Theophilus Churchman, which descries my Pen, so there is nothing argumentative in the Pamphlet, either, which was not b [...]th foreseen and satisfied in the following papers, before it came unto my hands. I return therefore to my Post, which if I can make good by Records and Evidence, (the fittest weapons for this Warfare) I shall not easily be forced from it by Reproach and Clamors, as were the Ancient Gauls from surprising the Capitol, by the noise and gagling of the Geese. But whether I have made it good or not, must be left to the Reader; to whom I hope it will appear, that Calvinism was not the native and original Doctrin of the Church of England, though in short time it over▪ spread a great part thereof, as Arrianism did the Eastern Churches in the elder times; Ubi ingemuit orbis, as St. Hierom hath it, when the world groaned and trembled under the calamity of that dangerous Heresie. [Page] And I hope too it will appear by this discourse, that I am not yet so far reduced ad secundam pueritiam (as the Scorner taunts it) as that my venerable back and buttocks (pardon me for repeating such unmannerly language) should be intituled to the Rod of this proud Orbilius. Or if I be, I doubt not but that God Almighty, who ordaineth praise out of the mouths of babes and sucklings, will raise some glory to his Name from that second Childhood. To which great God, and his unspeakable mercies in Jesus Christ, our common Saviour, I do most heartily recommend this Church, and all them that love it.

Lacies Court in Abington, December, 26. 1659.

Peter Heylyn.

SYLLABƲS CAPITƲM: OR, The Contents of the Chapters.

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CHAP. I. The severall Heresies of those who make God to be the Author of sin, or attribute too much to the naturall freedome of Mans Will in the works of Piety.

1 GOD affirmed by Florinus, to be the Author of sin, the blasphemy encountred by Irenaeus, and the foule consequents thereof. 2. Revived in these last Ages by the Libertines, said by the Papists to proceed from the Schools of Calvin, and by the Calvinists to proceed from the Schools of Rome. 3. Disguised by the Maniches in another Dresse, and the necessity thereby imposed on the wills of men. 4 The like by Bardesanes and the Priscilianists, the dangerous consequents thereof exemplified out of Homer, and the words of St. Augustine. 5. The error of the Maniches touching the servitude of the will, revived by Luther, and continued by the Rigid Lutherans. 6. As those of Bardesanes and Priscilian by [Page] that of Calvin, touching the Absolute Decree; the Dangers which lye hidden under that Decree: and the incompetiblenesse thereof with Christs coming to Judgement. 7. The large expressions of the Ancient Fathers, touching the Freedome of the will, abused by Pelagius and his Followers. 8. The Heresie of Pelagius in what it did consist, especially as to this particular, and the dangers of it. 9. The Pelagian Heresies condemned and recanted, the temper of St. Augustine touching the Freedome of the will in spirituall matters. 10. Pelagianisme falsly charged on the moderate Lutherans: How far all parties do agree about the Freedome of the Will, and in what they differ.

CHAP. II. Of the Debates among the Divines in the Councel of Trent, touching Predestination and Originall Sin.

1. THE Articles drawn from the Writings of the Zuinglians touching Predestination and Reprobation. 2. The Doctrine of Predestination according to the Dominican way. 3. As also that of the Franciscans, with reasons for their own, and against the other. 4. The Historians Judgement interposed between the parties. 5. The middle way of Catarinus, to compose the differences. 6. The newnesse of St. Augustines Opinion, and the dislike thereof by the most learned men in the Ages following. 7. The Perplexities amongst the Theologues touching the Absoluteness of the Decrees. 8. The Judgement of the said Divines, touching the possibility of Falling from Grace. 9. The Debates about the Nature and transmitting of Originall sin. 10. The Doctrine of the Councell in it.

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CHAP. III. The like Debates about Free-will, with the Conclusions of the Councell in the Five Controverted Poynts.

1. THE Articles against the Freedome of the Will extracted out of Luthers Writings. 2. The exclamations of the Divines against Luthers Doctrine in that Poynt, and the absurdities thereof. 3. The severall judgements of Marinarus, Catarinus and Andreas Vega. 4. The different Judgement of the Dominicans and the Franciscans, whether it lay in mans power to believe, or not to believe, and whether the freedome of the Will were lost in Adam. 5. As also of the poynt of the co-operation of Mans Will with the Grace of God. 6. The Opinion of Fryer Catanca in the poynt of irresistability. 7. Faintly maintained by Soto a Dominican Fryer, and more cordially approved by others, but in fine rejected. 8. The great care taken by the Legates, in having the Articles so framed as to please all parties. 9 The Doctrin of the Councell in the Five Controverted Points. 10. A Transition from the Councell of Trent to the Protestant and Reformed Churches.

CHAP. IV. The Judgement of the Lutherans and Calvinians in the said Five Poynts, with some Objections made against the Conclusions of the Synod of Dort.

1. NO difference in the Five Poynts betwixt the Lutherans and the Church of Rome, as is acknowledged by [Page] the Papists themselves. 2. The Judgement of the Lutheran Churches in the said Five Poynts, delivered in the famous Confession of Ausberge. 3. The distribution of the Quarrell betwixt the Franciscans, Melancthonians, and Arminians, on the one side, the Dominicans, Rigid Lutherans, and Sublapsarian Calvinists on the other; the middle way of Catarinus parallelled by that of Bishop Overall. 4. The Doctrine of Predestination, as laid down by Calvin; of what ill consequence in it self, and how odious to the Lutheran Doctors. 5. Opposed by Sebastian Castellio in Geneva it self, but propagated in most Churches of Calvins Platform; afterwards polished by Perking a Divine of England, and in him censured and confuted by Jacob Van Harmin a Belgick Writer. 6. A brief view of the Doctrine of the Supralapsarians, and the odious consequences of it. 7. The judgement of the Sublapsarians in the said Five points, collected and presented at the Conference at the Hague, An. 1610. 8. The Doctrin of the Synodists in the said Five points. 9. Affirmed to be repugnant to the Holy Scripture, as also to the purity, justice and sincerity of Almighty God. 10. As also subversive of the Ministry, and all acts of Piety, illustrated by the example of Tyberius Caesar, and the Lant-grave of Thurin.

CHAP. V. The Doctrine of the Remonstrants, and the story of them, untill their finall condemnation in the Synod of Dort.

1. THe Doctrine of the Remonstrants ancienter then Calvinisme, in the Belgick Churches, and who they were that stood up for it before Arminius. 2. The first undertakings of Arminius, his preferment to the Divinity Chair of Leyden, his commendations and death. 3. The occasion of the names of Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants, the Controversie reduced to Five points, and those disputed at the [Page] Hague, in a publick Conference. 4. The said five Points, according to their severall heads, first tendred at the Hague, and after at the Synod of Dort. 5. The Remonstrants persecuted by their Opposites, put themselves under the protection of Barnevelt, and by his means obtain a Toleration of their Doctrines, Barnevelt seized and put to death by the Prince of Orange. 6. The calling of the Synod of Dort, the parallel betwixt it and the Councell of Trent; both in the conduct of the businesse against their Adversaries, and the difference amongst themselves. 7. The breaking out of the differences in the Synod into open quarrells, between Martinius one of the Divines of Breeme, and some of the Divines of Holland, and on what occasions. 8. A copy of the Letter from Dr. Belcanquall to Sir Dudly Carleton his Majesties Resident at the Hague, touching the violent prosecution of those quarrells by the Dutch Divines. 9. A further prosecution of the Parallel between the Councell and the Synod; in reference to the Artifices used in drawing up the Canons and Decrees of either, and the doubtfull meaning of them both. 10. The quarrelling parties joyn together against the Remonstrants, denying them any place in the Synod, and finally dismiss them in a furious Oration made by Boyerman, without any hearing. 11. The Synodists indulgent to the damnable Doctrines of Macorius, and as unmercifull in the banishment and extermination of the poor Remonstrants. 12. Scandalously defamed to make them odious; and those of their perswasions in other places ejected, persecuted and disgraced.

CHAP. VI. Objections made against the Doctrine of the Remonstrants, the Answers unto all, and the retorting of some of them on the Opposite Party.

1. AN Introduction to the said Objections. 2. The first Objection, touching their being enemies to the grace of God, disproved in generall by comparing the Doctrine [Page] with that of St. Augustine, though somewhat more favourable to Free-will then that of Luther. 3. A more particular Answer in relation to some hard expressions which were used of them by K. James. 4. The second charging it as introductive of Popery, begun in Holland, and pressed more importunately in England, answered both by Reason and Experience to the contrary of it. 5. The third charge, of filling men with spirituall p [...]ide, first answered in Relation to the testimony from which it was taken, and then retorted on those who object the same. 6. The fourth Charge, making the Remonstrants a furious and seditious People, begun in Holland, prosecuted in England, and answered by the most Religious Bishop Ridley. 7. What moved K. James to think so ill of the Remonstrants, as to exasperate the States against them. 8. The Remonstrants neither so troublesome nor so chargeable to the States themselves, as they were made by the Objector; the indirect proceedings of the Prince of Orange in the death of Bannevelt, and the injustice of the Argument in charging the practises of his Children against the Prince of Orange, upon all the party. 9. Nothing in the Arminian Doctrine that may incline a man to factious and seditious courses, as is affirmed and proved to be in that of Calvin. 10. The Recrimination further proved by a passage in the Conference of the Lord Treasurer Burleigh with Queen Eliz▪ in a letter of some of the Bishops to the Duke of Buckingham, and in that of Dr. Brooks to the late Archbishop. 11▪ More fully prosecuted and exemplified by Campneys an old English Protestant. 12. A Transition to the Doctrine of the Church of England.

CHAP. VII. An Introduction to the Doctrine of the Church of England in the Points disputed, with the removall of some Rubs which are laid in the way.

1. THe Doctrine of the Homilies, concerning the endowments of man at his first Creation. 2. His miserable [Page] Fall. 3. And the promised hopes of his restitution in the Lord Christ Jesus. 4. A general Declaration of the judgment of the Church of England, in the points disputed, exemplified in the story of Agillmond and Lamissus Kings of Lombardy. 5. The contrary judgment of Wickleff objected, answered, and applyed to all modern Heresies. 6. The general answer of the like Argument pretended to be drawn from the writings of Frith, Tyndall and Barns; but more particularly. 7. The judgment of Dr. Barns in the present Points, and the grounds on which he builded the same. 8. Small comfort to be found from the works of Tyndall in favour of the Calvinian Doctrin. 9. The high flyings of John Frith and others in the Doctrine of Predestination, reproved by Tyndall. 10. A parallel between some of our first Martyrs and the blind man restored to his [...]ight in the 8. of St. Mark.

CHAP. VIII. Of the Preparatives to the Reformation, and the Doctrin of the Church in the present Points.

1. THe danger of ascribing too much to our ancient Martyrs, exemplified in the parity of Ministers, and popular Elections unto Benefices allowed by Mr. John Lambert. 2. Nothing ascribed to Calvins judgment by our first Reformers, but much to the Augustan Confession, the writings of Melancthon; and 3. unto the Authority of Erasmus, His paraphrases being commended to the use of the Church by King Edward▪ 6. and the Reasons why. 4. The Bishops book in order to the Reformation, called The Institution of a Christian man, commended by King Henry 8. 1537. corrected afterwards by the Kings own hand, examined and allowed by Cranmer, approved by Parliament, and finally published by the name of A necessary Doctrin, &c. Anno 1543. 5. The Doctrine of the said two books in the Points disputed, agreeable unto that which after was established by King Edward 6. 6. Of the two Liturgies made in that Kings time, and the makers of [Page] them; the testimony given to the first, and the alterations made in the second. 7. The first book of Homilies by whom made, approved by Bucer, and of the Arguments that may be drawn from the method of it, in the points disputed. 8. The quality and condition of those men who principally concurred to the book of Articles, with the harmony or concent in judgment between Archbishop Cranmer, Bishop Ridly, and Bishop Hooper, &c. 9. The Doctrin delivered in the book of Articles touching the Five Controverted points. 10. An answer to the objections against these Articles, for the supposed want of Authority in the making of them. 11. An objection against King Edwards Catechism, mistaken for an objection against the Articles; refelled as to that late Schisme by John Philpot Martyr, and of the delegating of their powers by the Convocation to a choice Committee. 12. The Articles not drawn up in comprehensive or ambiguous termes to please all parties, but to be understood in the Restrictive letter and Grammatical sense, and the Reasons why.

CHAP. IX. Of the Doctrin of Predestination, delivered in the Articles, the Homilies, the publick Liturgie, and the writings of some of the Reformers.

1. THe Articles differently understood by the Calvinian party, and the true English Protestants, with the best way to finde out the true sense thereof. 2. The definition of Predestination, and the most considerable points contained in it. 3. The meaning of those words in the Difinition, viz. Whom he hath ch [...]sen in Christ, according to the exposition of St. Ambrose, St. Chrysostom, and St. Jerom as also of Archbishop Cranmer, Bishop Latimer, and the book of Homilies. 4. The absolute decree condemned by Bishop Latimer, as a means to licentiousness and carnall living. 5. For which, and making God to be the Author of sin, condemned as much by Bishop Hooper. 6. Our election to be found in Christ not to [Page] be sought for in Gods secret Councels, according to the judgment of Bishop Latimer. 7. The way to finde out our Election delivered by the same godly Bishop, and by Bishop Hooper, with somewhat to the same purpose also from the book of Homilies. 8. The Doctrin of Predestination delivered by the holy Martyr John Bradford, with Fox his glosse upon the same to corrupt the text. 9. No countenance to be found for any absolute, personal, and irrespective Decree of Predestination in the publick Liturgy. 10. An answer to such passages out of the said Liturgy as seem to favour that opinion, as also touching the number of Gods elect.

CHAP. X. The Doctrine of the Church concerning Reprobation, and Universal Redemption.

1. THE absolute Decree of Reprobation not to be found in the Articles of this Church, but against it in some passages of the publick Liturgy. 2. The cause of Reprobation to be found in a mans self, and not in Gods Decrees, according to the judgement of Bishop Latimer, and Bishop Hooker. 3. The Absolute Decree of Election and Reprobation how contrary to the last Clause in the 17. Article. 4. The inconsistency of the absolute Decree of Reprobation with the Doctrine of Universal Redemption by the death of Christ. 5. The Universal Redemption of mankinde by the death of Christ, delivered in many places of the publick Liturgy, and affirmed also in one of the Homilies, and the Book of Articles. 6. A further proof of it from the mission of the Apostles, and the prayer used in the Ordination of Priests. 7. The same confirmed by the writings of Archbishop Cranmer, and the two other Bishops before remembred. 8. A generality of the Promises, and an universality of Vocation maintained by the said two godly Bishops. 9. The Reasons why this benefit is not made effectual unto all sorts of men, to be found in themselves.

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CHAP. XI. Of the Heavenly influences of Gods Grace in the conversion of a sinner, and Man's cooperation with those Heavenly influences.

1. THE Doctrin of Deserving Grace ex congruo, maintained in the Roman Schools before the Councel of Trent, rejected by our antient Martyrs, and the book of Articles. 2. The judgement of Dr. Barnes and Mr. Tyndall touching the necessary workings of Gods Grace on the Will of man, not different from the Church of England. 3. Universal Grace maintained by Bishop Hooper, and proved by some passages in the Liturgy and book of Homilies. 4. The offer of Universall Grace made ineffectual to some for want of Faith, and to others for want of Repentance, according to the judgement of Bishop Hooper. 5. The necessity of Grace preventing, and the free cooperation of mans will being so prevented, maintained in the Articles, in the Homilies, and the publick Liturgy. 6. The necessity of this Cooperation on the part of man defended and applyed to the exercise of a godly life, by Bishop Hooper. 7. The Doctrin of Irresistability first broached by Calvin, and pertinaciously maintained by most of his Followers, and by Gomarus amongst others. 8. Gainsaid by Bishop Hooper and Bishop Latimer. 9. And their gainsaying justified by the truth Article of King Edwards book; and 10. the book of Homilies.

CHAP. XII. The Doctrin of Free-will agreed upon by the Clergie in their Convocation, Anno 1543.

1. OF the Convocation in the year 1543. in order to the Reformation of Religion in points of Doctrin. [Page] 2. The Article of Free-will, in all the powers and workings of it, agreed on by the Prelates and Clergy of the Convocation, agreable to the present Doctrine of the Church of England. 3. An answer to the first objection concerning the Popishnesse of the Bishops and Clergy in that Convocation. 4. The Article of Free-will approved by King Henry the 8. and Archbishop Cranmer. 5. An answer to the last objection concerning the Conformity of that Article to the present established Doctrine in the Church of Rome.

CHAP. XIII. The Doctrin of the Church of England concerning the certainty or uncertainty of Perseverance.

1. THe certainty of Grace debated in the Councel of Trent, and maintained in the affirmative by the Dominicans, and some others. 2. The contrary affirmed by Catarinus, and his adherents. 3. The doubtful Resolution of the Councell in it. 4. The Calvinists not content with certainty of Grace quoad statum praesentem, presume upon it also quoad statum futurum. 5. The bounds and limits wherewith the Judgment in this point ought rationally to be circumscribed. 6. The Doctrin of the Church of England in the present Article. 7. Justified by the testimony of Bishop Latimer, Bishop Hooper, and Mr. Tyndall. 8. And proved by several Arguments from the publick Liturgy. 9. The Homily commends a probable stedfast hope; but 10. allowes no certainty of Grace, and Perseverance in any ordinary way to the sons of men.

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CHAP. XIV. The Plain Song of the second Homily touching the falling from God, and the Descants made upon it.

1. MOre from some other Homilies touching the possibility of falling from the Grace received. 2. The second Homily or Sermon touching Falling from God laid down Verbatim. 3. The sorry shifts of Mr. Yates to illude the true meaning of that Homily, plainly discovered and confuted. 4. An answer to his objection touching the passages cited from the former Homily in Mr. Mountague's Appeal. 5. The judgement of Mr. L. Ridley Archdeacon of Canterbury, in the points of Election and Redemption. 6. As also touching the Reasons why the Word was not preached unto the Gentiles, till the coming of Christ; the influences of Grace, the Coworking of man, and the possibility of Falling from the faith of Christ.

CHAP. XV. Of the Author and Authority of K. Edwards Catechism; As also of the judgement of Martin Bucer, and Peter Martyr in the Points disputed.

1. THe Catechism published by the Authority of K. Edward 6, 1553. affirmed to have been writ by Bishop Poynet, and countenanced by the rest of the Bishops and Clergy. 2. Several passages collected out of that Catechism to prove that the Calvinian Doctrins were the true genuine and ancient Doctrins of the Church of England. 3. With a discovery of the weakness and impertinency of the Allegation. 4. What may most probably be conceived to have been the judgement of Bishop Poynet in most of the Controverted points. 5. An answer to another objection derived from M. Bucer and P. Martyr, and the influence which their Auditors and Disciples are supposed to have had in the Reformation. 6. That Bucer was a man [Page] of moderate Counsels, approving the first Liturgie of K. Edward 6. assenting to the Papists at the Dyet of Ratisbone, in the possibility of Falling from Grace; and that probably P. Martyr had not so far espoused the Calvinian quarrels, when he lived in Oxon, as after his return to Zurick, and Calvins neighbourhood. 7. The judgement of Erasmus, according as it is delivered in his Paraphrases on the Four Evangelists, proposed first in the generall view; 8. And after more particularly in every one of the poynts disputed.

CHAP. XVI. Of the first breakings out of the Predestinarians, and their Proceedings in the same.

1. THe Predestinarians at the first called by the name of Gospellers. 2. Campneys a professed enemy to the Predestinarians, but neither Papist nor Pelagian. 3. The common practises of the Calvinists to defame their Adversaries, the name of Free-will-men to whom given and why. 4. The Doctrine of John Knox in restraining all mens actions whether good or evill to the determinate will and Councell of God. 5. The like affirmed by the Author of the Table of Predestination, in which and the Genevian Notes, we finde Christ excluded from being the foundation of mans Election, and made to be an inferiour cause of salvation only. 6. God made to be the Author of sin, by the Author of a Pamphlet, entituled, Against a Privy Papist, and his secret Councells called in for the proof thereof, both by him and Knox, with the mischiefs which ensued upon it. 7. The Doctrine of Robert Crawley, imputing all mens sins to Predestination, his silly defences for the same, made good by a distinction of John Verons, and the weaknesse of that Distinction shewed by Campneys. 8. The Errors of the former Authors opposed by Campneys, his book in Answer to those Errors, together with his Orthodoxie in the point of Ʋniversall Redemption, and what he builds upon the same. 9. His solid Arguments against the imputing of all actions either good or evill, to Predestination, justified by a saying of Prosper of Aquitain. 10. The virulent prosecutions of Veron and Crowley, according to the Genius of the Sect of Calvin.

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CHAP. XVII. Of the Disputes amongst the Confessors in Prison, in Queen Maries dayes, and the resetling of the Church on her former Principles under Queen Eliz.

1. THe Doctrine of Predestination disputed amongst the Confessors in Prison in Queen Maries dayes. 2. The Examination of John Carelesse before Dr. Martin. 3. Considerations on some passages in the said Conference. 4. A review made of the publick Liturgy, by the command of Queen Eliz. and the Paraphrases of Erasmus commended to the reading both of Priests and People. 5. The second Book of Homilies how provided for, and of the liberty taken by the Gospellers and Zuinglian Sectaries, before the reviving and confirming of the Book of Articles by the Queens Authority. 6. Of the reviving and authority of the Book of Articles, An. 1562. and what may be thence inferred. 7. An Answer to the Argument drawn from omitting the ninth Article of King Edwards Book, the necessity of giving some content to the Zuinglian Gospellers, and the difficulties wherewith they were induced to subscribe the Book, at the first passing of the same. 8. The Argument taken from some passages in the English Catechisme, set forth by Mr. Alexander Nowell, and the strength thereof. 9. Considerations made on the said Catechisme, and the rest of that Authors making, and what his being Prolocutor in the Convocation might adde to any of them in point of Orthodoxy. 10. Nothing to be collected out of the first passage in Mr. Nowels Catechisme, in favour of the Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination and the points depending thereupon, and less then nothing in the second if it be understood according to the Authors meaning, and the determination of the Church.

CHAP. XVIII. A Declaration of the Doctrine in the Points disputed under the new Establishment made by Queen Eliz.

1. THe Doctrine of the second Book of Homilies, concerning the wilfull Fall of Adam, the miserable estate of man, the restitution of lost man in Jesus Christ, and the universall Redemption of all Mankinde by his Death and Passion. [Page] 2. The Doctrin of the said second Book, concerning Universal Grace, the possibility of a totall and finall Falling, and the cooperation of mans will with the grace of God. 3. The judgment of Reverend Bishop Jewell touching the universal Redemption of Mankinde by the Death of Christ; Predestination grounded upon faith in Christ, and reached out unto all them that believe in him, by Mr. Alexander Nowell. 4. Dr. Harsnet in his Sermon at Pauls Crosse, 1584. sheweth, that the absolute decree of Reprobation, t [...]rneth the truth of God into a lye, and makes him to be the Author of sin. 5. That it deprives man of the naturall freedome of his will, makes God himself to be double-minded, to have two contrary wills, and to delight in mocking his poor creature Man. 6. And finally that it makes God more cruel and unmercifull then the greatest Tyrant, contrary to the truth of Scripture, and the constant Doctrin of the Fathers. 7. The rest of the said Sermon reduced unto certain Heads, directly contrary to the Calvinian Doctrines, in the points disputed. 8. Certain considerations on the Sermon aforesaid, with reference to the subject of it, as also to the time, place and person, in and before which it was first preached. 9. An answer to some Objections concerning a pretended Recantation affirmed to have been made by the said Mr. Harsnet. 10. That in the judgment of the right learned Dr. King, after Bishop of Reading, the alteration of Gods denounced Judgements in some certain cases, infers no alteration in his Councels; the difference between the changing of the will, and to will a change. 11. That there is something in Gods decrees revealed to us, & something concealed to himself; the difference between the inferiour and superiour causes, and of the conditionality of Gods Threats and Promises. 12. The accommodating of the former part of this discourse to the case of the Ninivite 13. And not the case of the Ninivites to the case disputed.

CHAP. XIX. Of the first great breach which was made in the Doctrine of the Church, by whom made, and what was done toward the making of it up again.

1. GReat Alteration made in the face of the Church from the return of such Divines as had withdrawn themselves [Page] beyond Sea in the time of Queen Mary; with the necessity of imploying them in the publick service, if otherwise of known zeal a gainst the Papists. 2. Severall examples of that kinde in the places of greatest Power and Trust in the Church of England, particularly of Mr. Fox the Martyrologist, and the occasion which he took of publishing his opinion in the point of Predestination; 3. His Notes on one of the Letters of Mr. John Bradford martyr, touching the matters of Election therein contained, and his perverting of the Text on which he writeth. 4. The difference between the Comment and the Text, and between the Author of the Comment and Bishop Hooper. 5. Exceptions against some passages, and observations upon others in the said Notes of Mr. Fox. 6. The great breach made hereby in the Churches Doctrin, made greater by the countenance which was given to the Acts and Monuments, by the Convocation, 1571. 7. No argument to be drawn from hence, touching the approbation of his Doctrine by the Convocation, no more then for the approbation of his Marginal Notes, and some particular passages in it, disgracefull to the Rites of the Church, & Attire of the Bishops. 8. A Counter-ballance made in that Convocation against Fox his Doctrines and all other Novelismes of that kinde.

CHAP. XX. Of the great Innovation made by Perkins in the Publick Doctrine, the stirs arising thence in Cambridge, and Mr. Barrets carriage in them.

1. OF Mr. Perkins and his Doctrine of Predestination, with his recitall of the 4 Opinions which were then maintained about the same. 2. The sum and substance of his Doctrin, according to the Supralapsarian, o [...] Supracreatarian way. 3. The severall censures past upon it both by Papists and Protestants, by none more sharply then by Dr. Robert Abbots, after Bishop of Sarum. 4. Of Dr. Baroe the Lady Margarets Professor in that University, his Doctrine touching the Divine decrees, upon occasion of Gods denounced Judgment against the Ninivites. 5. His constant opposition to the Predestinarians, and the great encrease of his Adherents. 6. The Articles collected [Page] out of Barrets Sermon derogatory to the Doctrin an [...] persons of the chief Calvinians. 7. Barret convented for the same, and the proceedings had against him at his first Convention. 8. A form of Recantation delivered to him, but not the same which doth occur in the Anti-Arminianisme, nor to be found in the Records of that University. 9. Severall arguments to prove that Barret never published the Recantation imposed upon him. 10. The rest of Barrets story related in his own Letter to Dr. Goade being then Vice-chancellor. 11. The sentencing of Barret to a Recantation, no argument that his Doctrin was repugnant to the Church of England, and that the body of the same Uuiversity differed from the Heads in that particular.

CHAP. XXI. Of the proceedings against Baroe, the Articles of Lambeth, and the generall calm which was in Oxon, touching these Disputes.

1. THe differences between Baroe and Dr. Whitakers, the Address of Whitakers and others to Archbishop Whitgift, which drew on the Articles of Lambeth. 2. The Articles ag [...]eed on at Lambeth, presented both in English and Latine. 3. The Articles of no Authority in themselves, Archbishop Whitgift questioned for them, together with the Queens command to have them utterly suppress'd. 4. That Baroe neither was deprived of his Professorship, nor compelled to leave it, the Anti-Calvinian party being strong enough to have kept him in if he had desired it. 5. A copy of the Letter from the Heads in Cambridge to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh, occasioned as they said by Barret and Baroe. 6. Dr. Overald encounters with the Calvinists in the point of falling from Grace received; his own private judgment in the point, neither for totall, or for finall, and the concurrence of some other learned men in the same opinion 7. The generall calm which was at Oxon at that time, touching these Disputes, and the reasons of it. 8. An answer to the objection out of the writings of Judicious Hooker, as to the totall and finall falling. 9. The disaffection of Dr. Buckridge and Dr. Houson to Calvins Doctrins; an Answer to the objection, touching the paucity of those who oppose the [Page] same. 10. Possession of a truth maintained but by one or two, preserves it sacred and inviolable from unfortunate times; the case of Liberius Pope of Rome,, and that the testimonies of this kinde are rather to be valued by weight then tale.

CHAP. XXII. Of the Conference at Hampton-Court, and the severall encouragements given to the Anti-Calvinians in the time of K. James.

1. THe occasion of the Conference at Hampton-Court, and the chief persons there assembled. 2. The 9 Articles of Lambeth rejected by K. James. 3. Those of the Church being left in their former condition. 4. The Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination decried by Bishop Bancroft, disliked by King James, and the reasons of it. 5. Bishop Bancroft and his Chaplain both abused: the inserting of the Lambeth Articles into the Confession of Ireland, no argument for K. James his approbation of them, by whom they were inserted, and for what cause allowed of in the said Confession. 6. A pious fraud of the Calvinians in clapping their Predestinarian Doctrines at the end of the Old Testament, An. 1607. discovered, censured and rejected, with the reasons for it. 7. The great encouragement given by King James to the Anti-Calvinians, and the increase of that Party both in power & number, by the stirrs in Holland. 8. The offence taken by K. James at Conradus Vorstius, animateth the Oxford Calvinists to suspend Dr. Houson, and to preach publickly against Dr. Laud. 9. The like proceedings at Cambridge, against Mr. Symson, first prosecuted by K. James, and on what account, that the King was more incensed against the party of Arminius, then against their perswasions. 10. Instructions published by K. James in order to the diminishing of Calvins authority, the defence of Universal Redemption, and the suppressing of his Doctrins in the other points, & why the last proved so unusefull in the case of Gabriel Bridges. 11. The publishing of Mountagues Answer to the Gagger, the information made against it; the Author and his Doctrins taken by K. James into his protection, and his Appeal licensed by that Kings appointment. 12. The Conclusion of the whole discourse, and the submission of it to the Church of England.

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Historia Quinqu- Articularis: OR, A DECLARATION OF The Judgement of the Western Churches, And more particularly Of the Church of ENGLAND, IN The Five Controverted Points, Reproched in these Last times by the Name of ARMINIANISM.

PART. I. CONTAINING The Debates and Determinations in the said Five Points, amongst the Learned Romanists in the Councel of Trent; as also of the Lutheran Churches, the Supralapsarian, and Sublapsarian Calvinists, and the Arminians or Remonstrants.

LONDON, Printed by E. C. for Thomas Johnson at the Key in St. Pauls Church-yard, 1660.

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Historia Quinqu- Articularis: OR, A DECLARATION Of the JUDGEMENT of the Western-Churches; And more particularly of the Church of ENGLAND; In the five Controverted Points, &c.

CHAP. 1. The several Heresies of those who make God to be the Author of Sin, or attribute too much to the Natural freedom of Man's Will in the Works of Piety.

I. GOD affirmed by Florinus to be the Author of sin, the blasphemy encountred by Irenaeus, and the foul Consequents thereof. II. Revived in the last Ages by the Libertines, sayd by the Papists to proceed fram the Schools of Calvin, and by the Calvinists to proceed from the Schools of Rome. III. Disguised by the Maniches in another dress, and the necessity thereby imposed on the [...]ils of men. IV. The like by Bardesanes, and the Priscilianists, the dangerous consequents thereof exemplified out of Homer, and the words of S. Augustine. V. The error of the Maniches, touching the servitude of the Will revived by Luther, and continned by the rigid Lutherans. VI. As those of Bardesanes and Priscilian, by that of Calvin, touching the Absolute Decree, the dangers which lye hidden under the Decree, and the incompetibleness thereof with Christs coming to Judgment. VII. The large expressions of the Ancient Fathers touching the freedom of the [...]ill, abused by Pelagius and his followers. VIII. The Heresie of Pelagius, in what it did consist, especially as to this particular, and the dangers of it. IX. The Pelagian Heresie condemned and recalled: the temper of S. Augustine touching the freedom of the Will in spirituall matters. X. Pelagianism falsly charged on the Moderate Lutherans: How far all parties do agree about the freedom of the Will, and in what they differ.

1. OF all the Heresies which exercised the Church in the times, foregoing, there never was any more destructive of humane Society, more contrary to the rule of Faith and Manners, or more repugnant to the Divine Justice and Goodness of Almighty God, then that [Page] which makes God to be the Author of sin. A blaspemy first broacht in terms express by Florinus, Blastus, and some other of the City of Rome, about the year 180. encountred presently by that godly Bishop and Martyr S. Irenaeus, who published a Discourse against them, bearing this Inscription Hist. Eccl. Euseb. l. 5. c. 14. & 19. [...], Viz. That God was not the Author of sin. And he gave this Inscription to it (as the Story telleth us) because Florinus not content with those Vulgar Heresies, which had been taken up before, would needs break out into blasphemous Phrensies against God himself, in making him the Author of all those sins, which lewd men commit. Which Doctrine were it once admitted, not only the first sin of Adam, but all the sins that have been hitherto▪ perpetrated by his whole Posterity, must be charged on God, and he alone must be accountable for all Murthers, Robberies, Rapes, Adulteries, Insurrections, Treasons, Blasphemies, Heresies, Persecutions, or any other Abominations, which have been acted in the world, since the first Creation. For certainly there can be no reason, why every man may not say, on the committing of any sin, whatsoever it be, as did Lyconides in Plautus, when he de [...]owred old Eudio's Daughter, Deus mihi impulsor fuit, is me ad illam illexit; it was God alone who tempted and provoked them to those wicked Actions.

II. What Arguments the good Father used to cry down this Blasphemy (for a Heresie is a name too milde for so lewd a Doctrine) I cannot gather from my Author, but such they were, so operative and effectuall in stopping the current of the mischief; that either Florinus and the rest had no followers at all (as most Hereticks had) or such as never attained to the height of their Masters Impudence. And so that damnable Doctrine (the doctrine of Devils, I may call it) seems to be strangled in the birth, or to be buried in the same grave with the Authors of it, never revived in more then thirteen hundred years after the death of Irenaeus, when it was again started by the Libertines, a late b [...]ood of Sectaries, whom each of the two opposite parties are ashamed to own. This taught as did Florinus, in the Primitive times, Calv. Advers. Liberti. c. [...], Quicquid ego, & tu facimus, Deus efficit; nam in nobis est, That whatsoever [Page] thing they did, was Gods working in them; and therefore God to be intituled to those wicked Actions which themselves committed. The time of their first breakings out affirmed to be about the year 1529. The Founders of this Sect Loppinus, and Quintinus, Flemmings both; and this Prateolus affirms for certain to be the Progeny of Calvin, and other leading men of the Protestant Churches, They came (saith he) Eschola nostrae tempestatis Evangelicorum. Prateol. Elench. Haere. in Quintin [...]. Bellarmine somewhat more remisly, Omnino probabile est, eos ex Calvinianis promanasse, Bell [...]. and makes it only probable, that it might be so, but not rightly neither: The Libertines breaking out, as before was said, Ann. 1527. when Calvin was of little credit, and the name of Calvinists, or Calvinians not so much as heard of. And on the other side, Paraeus Professor of Divinity in the University of Hidelberg, writing some Animadversions on the Cardinals Works, assures us that they were both Papists, acquaints us with the place of their Nativity, and the proceedings had against them. Nor was Calvin wanting for his part, to purge himself from such an odious imputation, not only by confuting their Opinions in a set Discourse, but making one Franciscus Porquius, a Franciscan Fryer, to be a chief stickler in the Cause. Against which I know nothing that can be said but that the doctrine of the Libertines in this particular, doth hold more correspondence with Calvins Principles, then any of the received Positions of the Fryers of S. Francis. But whether it were so or not, I shall make this Inference, That the Doctrine must needs be most impious, which both sides detested, which the Papists laboured so industriously to Father on the Schools of Calvin, and the Calvinians no less passionatly to charge on some of our great Masters in the Church of Rome.

III. But so it is, that though the Impiety was too gross to appear bare fac'd, yet there have been too many both in the Elder and these later times, who entertaining in their hearts the same dread [...]ul madness, did recommend it to the world under a disguise, though they agreed not at all in that Masque or Vizard, which was put upon it. Of this sort Manes was the first, by birth of Persia, & Founder of the damnable Sect of the [Page] Manichaeans, An. 273. or thereabouts. This Wretch considering how unsuccesfully Florinus had sped before, in making God (who is all, and only good) to be the Author of sin: did first excogitate two Gods, the one good, and the other evil, both of like eternity; ascribing all pious Actions to the one, all Sins and Vices to the other: Which ground so laid, he utterly deprived the will of man of that natural liberty, of which it is by God invested; and therefore that in man there was no ability of resisting sin, or not submitting unto any of those wicked Actions which his lusts and passions offered to him. Prateol. in Elench. Hae [...]. in Manich. Contendebant, item, peccatum non esse a libero arbitrio, sed a Daemone, & [...]apropter non posse per liberum arbitrium impediri, as my Author hath it. Nor did they only leave mans will in a disability of hindering or resisting the incursions of sin, but they left it also under an incapability of acting any thing in order to the works of Righteousness, though God might graciously vouchsafe his assisting grace, making no difference in this case, betwixt a living man and a stock or Statua, for so it follows in my Author. Sed & nullam prorsus voluntati tribuebant Actionem, nec quidem adjuvante spiritu sancto: quasi nihil interesset inter statuam & voluntatem. In both directly contrary to that divine counsel of S. James, where he adviseth us to lay apart all filthiness, and superfluity of naughtiness, and to receive with meekness the ingrafted word, which is able to save your souls. Cap. 1. ver. 21. That of S. Peter exhorting, or requiring rather, That we work out our salvation with fear and trembling. And finally that golden Aphorism of S. Augustine; si non sit liberum arbitrium quomodo, Deus judicabit mundum? With what justice saith the Father, can God judge or condemn the world, if the sins of men proceed not from their own free will, but from some over-ruling power which inforc'd them to it?

IV. Others there were who harbouring in their hearts the said lewd opinions, and yet not daring to ascribe all their sins and wickednesses unto God himself, imputed the whole blame thereof to the Stars and Destinies, the powerful influence of the one, and the irresistable Decrees of the other, necessitating men to those wicked actions which they so frequently commit. Thus we are told of Bardesanes, Quod fato conversationes [Page] hominum ascriberet, August. de Haeres. cap. 25. That he ascribed all things to the power of Fate. And thus it is affirmed of Priscilianus, Fatalibus Astris homines alligatos, That men were thralled unto the Stars, Ibid. cap. 15. & 70. which last S. Augustine doth report of one Colarbus, save that he gave this power and influence to the Planets only; but these if pondered as they ought, differed but little, if at all from the impiety of Florinus before remembred, only it was expressed in a better language, and seemed to savour more of the Philosopher then the other did. For if the Lord had passed such an irresistible Law of Fate, that such and such should be guilty of such soul Transgressions as they commonly committed, it was all one as if he was proclaimed for the Author of them: and then why might not every man take unto himself the excuse and plea of Agamemnon, [...]. Homer Illiad. It was not I that did it, but the Gods and Destiny. Or if the Lord had given so irresistable a power to the Stars of Heaven, as to enforce men to be wickedly and lewdly given; what differs this from making God the Author of those vitious actions, to which by them we are inforced? And then why might not every man cast his sin on God, and say, as did some good fellows in S. Augustines time. August de Gen. ad lit. lib. 2. c. 27. Accusandum potius esse Autorem syderum, quam commissorem scelerum. That he who made the Stars was in the fault; not the men that did it.

5. But this absurdity being as much cryed down by Augustine and other learned Writers of those elder times, as the impiety of Florinus had been before; were either utterly extinguisht, or lay concealed for many hundred years together. Amongst the Philosophical Heterodoxies of the Roman Schools, that of the Maniches first revived by Martin Luther, who in meer opposition to Erasmus, who had then newly writ a book De Arbitrio libero, published a Discourse, intituled, De Arbitrio servo. In which Discourse he doth not only say, That the freedom ascribed unto the Will, is an empty nothing, Titulus, & nomen, sine re, A name of no such thing in nature; but holds expresly, that man is drawn no otherwise by the grace of God, then Velut inanimale quiddam, No otherwise then as a senseless stock or stone (the Statua of the ancient Maniches) [Page] in the great work of his conversion, to a state of Righteousness. And though Luther afterwards conformed his Judgment in this Point, unto that of Melancthon, as appeareth by the Augustan Confession, in drawing up whereof he is acknowledged to have had a principal hand; yet was he followed in this first Error, as in almost all the rest of his extremitys, by the rigid Lutherans, headed by Flaccus Illyricus, and his Associats in the City of Magdeberg, at his first separation from the Melancthonian Divines, who remained at Wittenberg, and had embraced more moderate and sober counsels: of which more hereafter.

6. But Luther shall not go alone, and not take Calvin along with him, how much soever they might differ in some other Points: Luther revived the Error of the Maniches, in denying all freedom to the will, especially in matters which relate to eternal life; and Calvin will revive the Errors of Bardesanes, and Priscillian, in charging all mens wicked actions on the Stars, and Destiny, not positively and in terminis, I must needs say that, but so that he comes close up to them, to Tantamo [...] ▪ ascribing that to the inevitable decrees of Almighty God, which Bardesanes attributed to the powers of Fate: Priscillian, Clolarbus to the influences of the Stars and Planets: For if God before all Eternity (as they plainly say) did purpose and decree the Fall of our Father Adam, Ʋt sua defectione periret Adam: In the words of Calvin Calv. inst [...]. lib. 3. c. 23 sect. 7 There was in Adam a necessity of committing sin, because the Lord had so decreed it. If without consideration of the sin of man, he hath by his determinate sentence ordained so many millions of men to everlasting damnation, and that too necessario, and inevitabiliter, V. Synod. Rom▪ as they please to phrase it, he must needs pre-ordain them to sin also: there being (as themselves confess) no way unto the end but by the means. The odious Inferences which are raised out of these opinions, I forbear to press, and shall add only at the present, That if we grant this Doctrine to be true and Orthodox, we may do well to put an Index expurgatorius upon the Creed, and quite expunge the Article of Christs coming to Judgment. For how could God condemn his Creature to unquenchable Flames? or put so ill an Office upon Christ our [Page] Saviour, as to condemn them by his mouth, in case the sins by them committed were not theirs, but his; or punish them for that himself works in them, unto which rather he decreed them before all Eternity. Nothing more true then that excellent saying of Fulgentius, Fulgent. ad Monimum. Deus non est eorum ultor, quorum est Autor. That God doth never punish his own actings in us.

7. Such were the men, and such the means, by which the blame of sin was transferred from man, and charged on the account of God, either expresly and in terms, or in the way of necessary consequence and undeniable Illation, by which lost man was totally deprived of all abilities for resisting Satan, or otherwise concurring with Gods grace in his own conversion. Nor wanted there some others in those elder times, who did ascribe so much to mans will, and the powers of Nature, as to make Gods Grace unprofitable, or at least unnecessary in either of the Acts aforesaid. The Fathers generally which lived before the starting of the Pelagian Heresies, declared themselves so largely, if not lavishly also, in the present Point, that the greatest Patrons of Free will in the Church of Rome, were fain sometimes to qualifie their expressions, and put a milder sense upon them, then the words import. For being to deal with the fatal necessity of the Pagans on the oneside, and the Impiety of Ma [...]iches on the other side; they gave themselves such liberty in advancing the powers of Nature, as might best serve to the refelling of either Adversary; not dreaming then that any Heresie could arise in opposition to the free Grace of God, to the advancing of free will above all degrees of power and possibility. But on the contrary Pelagius, a Britain born, either misguided by the lavishness of their expressions, or otherwise willing to get a Name unto himself by some new Invention, ascribed so much unto the freedom of the will in all Acts of Piety, Ʋt▪ gratiam Dei necessariam n [...]n putaret, as Vincentius Strynensis telleth us of him.

VIII. This man associated with Caelestinus, and [...]s two of his Companions, whom he had either drawn into the same opinion with him, or found them ready of themselves to promote the work, began to spread abroad their Errors about the [Page] year 405. Amongst the which those that especially concern this purpose are these two that follow, August. Tom. 2. Epist. [...]06. Viz. 1. Non esse liberum Arbitrium, si Dei indiget auxilio, quoniam in propria voluntate habet unusquis (que) facere aliquid, vel non facere. 2. Victoriam nostram non ex Dei adjutorio esse; sed ex Libero Arbitrio▪ That is to say, 1. That there is no freedom of the will, if it stand in any need of Gods assistance, because every man hath it in the power of his own will, either to do a thing, or not to do it, as to him seems best. And 2. That our Victory over sin and Satan comes not of any help which we have from God, but our own free will. Add unto this, that which must follow of necessity from the former Principles. Orationes quas facit Ecclesia pro infidelibus, & aliis peccatoribus ut convertantur, sive pro fidelibus ut perseverent, frustra fieri. That is to say, That the Services of the Church, which are made either for the conversion of the wicked, or the perseverance of the Just, are but labour lost; because (say they) our own free will is able of it self to attain those ends, and therefore it is to no purpose to ask those things at the hands of God, which we may compass of our selves: Pra [...]eol. Elenc [...]. Haeret. in Pelag. Quod ad illa omnia sufficicere dicant nostri Arbitrii liberam potestatem, & ita non opus esse a Deo petere quae nos ipsi consequi possumus, as my Author hath it; whose words I have layd down at large, that we may see how much the world was carried to the other extreme, how much the truth was lost on both sides, and yet how easie to be found by those who went a middle way in the search thereof.

IX. For looking on these last opinions as they stand in themselves, we may affirm of them in general, as Augustine doth particularly of the Stoical Fates; Nil aliud agere nisi ut nullus omnino aut rogetur aut colater Deus. They seem to aim at nothing more then the utter abolition of the Worship and Service of God. But these Pelagian Heresies did not hold out long, being solemnly condemned in the 2 Affrican Councels of Carthage, and Milevis, confuted by S. Augustine with great care and diligence: and finally retracted by Pelagius himself in the Synod of Palestine. So that the Heresie being suppressed, the Catholick Doctrine in that Point became more setled and confirmed by the opposition▪ such freedom being left to the [Page] will of man, as was subservient unto grace, co-operating in some measure with those heavenly influences: And so much is confessed by S. Augustine himself, where he asks this question, Quis nostrum dicit, quod primi hominis peccato perierit Arbitrium (o) August. l. [...]. contr. Epist▪ Pelagi. cap. 2. de humano genere? Doth any man (saith he) affirm that free will is perished utterly from man by the fall of Adam? And thereunto he makes this answer: Libertas quidem periit per peccatum; sed illa quae in Paradiso fuit habendi plenam cum immortalitate justitiam. That is to say, Freedom is perished by si [...], but it is that freedom only which we had in Paradise, of having perfect righteousness with immortality. For otherwise it appears to be his Opinion that man was not meerly passive in all the Acts of Grace which conduced to Glory, according to the memorable saying of his (so common in the Mouths of all men) Qui creavit te sine te, non salvabit te sine te: That he who first made us without our help, will not vouchsafe to save us at the last without our concurrence. If any harsher expressions have escapt his Pen, (as commonly it hapneth in the heats of a disputation) they are to be qualified by this last Rule, and by that before; in which it was affirmed, That God could not with justice judge and condemn the World, if all mens sins proceeded not from their own free will, but from some over-ruling providence which enforc'd them to it.

10. After this time we meet with no such Enemys to the Grace of God, no such Advancers of mans free will and the power of Nature, as might intitle any man to the Crime of Pelagianism. It cannot be denied but that Illyricus and some other of the rigid Lutherans upbraided Melancthon and all the Divines in a manner, both of Lipsique and Wittenberge, with teaching that a man by the powers of Nature may yeild obedience to the Word, embrace the Promises, and make no opposition to the workings of the Holy Ghost [...] as hath been noted by Lindan in▪ Dial. 21. Lyndanus. But then it must be granted, that when their works came to be weighed in the Scale of the Sanctuary, it will be found that they speak only of such a Synergie▪ or cooperation, as makes men differ from a sensless stock, or liveless statua, in reference to the great work of his own conversion. And thereupon we may resolve that at the last the Church in [Page] general concentred upon these Propositions:

1. Man in the state of corruption hath freedom of will in Actions natural and civil.

2. That considered in the same estate he hath free will in matters moral. And,

3. That man hath free will in Actions of piety, and such as belong unto his salvation; that is to say, Being first prevented by Gods Grace, and having afterwards the assistance and support thereof: which Propositions being easie and intelligible as they stand by themselves, but are made more difficult and obscure, even to learned men, by interweaving them with many intricate disputes, touching the correspondence of free will, with Prescience, Providence, and Predestination: disputes so intricate and perplexed, that Armachan [...]s (as great a Clerk as almost any in his time) travelled no less then twenty years in the search of one of them alone, and yet could not find it. And yet I cannot say, that the consent in those three Propositions before remembred, in which the Church hath generally concentred: since the death of S. Augustine hath met with no dissenting Judgment in these later times. Some men restraining all our Actions to so strict a Rule, as to make the will of man determined and tyed up in all particulars, even to the taking up of a Rush, or Straw, as in another case it was taught by Cartwright the great Bel-weather of the Flock in Queen Elizabeths Eccles. polit. lib. 11. p 96. time, sufficiently derided, or rather gravely reprehended for it by judicious Hooker. And if we meet with any thing which looks that way in the writings of some Dominican Friers, who stifly stand to all the rigours of S. Augustine in the controversies of Predestination, Grace, free Will, &c. against the Jesuits, and Franciscans: it is to be imputed rather to the errour of their Education, a stifness in maintaining their old Opinions, or finally to that Animosity, which commonly the weaker party carrieth against the stronger, then to any clear and evident Authority, which they can pretend to from that Father, or any other ancient Writers of unquestioned credit; which said, I hope it will be granted without much difficulty, that such a doctrine of predestination, as neither directly nor indirectly makes God to be the Author of sin, nor attributes so much [Page] to the will of man, in depraved nature, as to exclude the influences of Gods heavenly Grace; is more to be embraced then any other, which dasheth against either of the said extremes: And that being granted or supposed, I shall first lay down the Judgment of the differing parties, in the Article of Predestination, and the Points depending thereupon; and afterwards declare to which of the sayd differing Parties, the Doctrine of the Church of England seemeth most inclinable.

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CHAP. II. Of the Debates amongst the Divines in the Councel of Trent, touching Predestinations, and Original Sin.

I. The Articles drawn from the Writings of the Zuinglians, touching Predestination and Reprob [...]ation. II. The Doctrine of Predestination according to the Dominican way. III. As also the old Franciscans, with Reasons for their own, and against the other. IV. The Historians Judgment interposed between the Parties. V. The middle way of Catarinus to compose the differences. VI. The newness of St. Augustines Opinion, and the dislike thereof by the most Learned men in the Ages following. VII. The perplexities amongst the Theologues, touching the absoluteness of the Decrees. VIII. The Judgment of the sayd Divines, touching the possibility of falling from Grace. IX. The Debates about the nature and transmitting of Original Sin. X. The Doctrine of the Councel in it.

I. IN such condition stood Affairs in reference to the doctrines of Predestination, Grace, Free-will, &c. at the first sitting down of the Councel of Trent, in which those Points became the subject of many sad and serious Debates amongst the Prelates and Divines, then and there Assembled, which being so necessary to the understanding of the Questions which we have before us: I shall not think my time ill spent in laying down the summe and abstract of the same, as I find it digested to my hand by Padre Paulo, the diligent and laborious Author of the Tridentine Historie; only I shall invert his method, by giving precedency to the Disputes concerning Predestination, before the Debates and Agitations, which hapned in canvasing the Articles touching the Freedome of mans Will, though those [Page] about Free-will do first occur in the course and method of that Councel: It being determined by the Councel, as that Author hath it, to draw some Articles from the Writings of the Protestants, concerning the Doctrine of Predestination: It appeared that in the Books of Luther, in the Augustan Confession, and in the Apologies and Colloquies, there was nothing found that deserved censure; But much they found among the Writings of the Zuinglians, out of which they drew these following Articles; Viz.

1. For Predestination and Reprobation; that man doth nothing, but all is in the will of God.

2. The Predestinated cannot be condemned, nor the Reprobate saved.

3. The Elect and Predestinated only are truly justified.

4. The Justified are bound by Faith to believe, they are in the number of the Predestinated.

5. The Justified cannot fall from Grace.

6. Those that are called, and are not in the number of the Predestinated, do never receive Grace.

7. The Justified is bound to believe by Faith, that he ought to persevere in Justice until the end.

8. The Justified is bound to believe for certain, that in case he fall from Grace, he shall receive it again.

II. In the examining the first of these Articles, the Opinions were divers. The most esteemed Divines amongst them thought it to be Catholick, the contrary Heretical; because the good School Writers (S. Thomas, Scotus, and the rest) do so think, that is, that God before the Creation, out of the Mass of man-kind, hath elected by his only and meer mercy, some for Glory, for whom he hath prepared effectually the means to obtain it, which is called, to predestinate. That their number is certain and determined, neither can there any be added. The others not Predestinated cannot complain, for that God hath prepared for them sufficient assistance for this, though indeed none but the Elect shall be saved. For the most principal reason they alledged, that S. Paul to the Romans having made Jacob a pattern of the Predestinated, and Esau of the Reprobate, he produceth the Decree of God pronounced before [Page] they were born, not for their Works, but for his own good pleasure. To this they joyned the example of the same Apostle: That as the Potter of the same Lump of Clay, maketh one Vessel to honour, another to dishonour; so God of the same Mass of men, chooseth and leaveth whom he listeth: for proof whereof S. Paul bringeth the place where God faith to Moses, I will shew mercy, on whom I will shew mercy, and I will shew pity, on whom I will shew pity. And the same Apostle concludeth; It is not of him that willeth, or of him that runneth, but of God who sheweth mercy; adding after, that God sheweth mercy, on whom he will, and hardneth whom he will. They sayd further, That for this cause, the Councel of the Divine Predestination and Reprobation is called by the same Apostle, The height and depth of wisdom, unsearchable and incomprehensible. They added places of the other Epistles, where he sayth, We have nothing but what we have received from God, that we are not able of our selves, so much as to think well: and where, in giving the cause, why some have revolted from the Faith, and some stand firm, he sayd, it was because the Foundation of God standeth sure, and hath this seal; the Lord knoweth who are his. They added divers passages of the Gospel of S. John, and infinite Authorities of S. Augustine, because the Saint wrote nothing in his old Age but in favour of this Doctrine.

III. But some others though of less esteem, opposed this opinion, calling it hard, cruel, inhumane, horrible, impious, and that it shewed partiality in God, if, without any motive cause, he elected one, and rejected another; and unjust if he damned men for his own will, and not for their faults, and had created so great a multitude to condemn it. They sayd, it destroyed Free-will, because the Elect cannot finally do evil, nor the Reprobate good: that it casteth men into a gulph of desperation, doubting that they be Reprobates; That it giveth occasion to the wicked of bad thoughts, not caring for Pennance, but thinking if they be elected, they shall not perish; if Reprobates, it is in vain to do well, because it will not help them. They confessed, that not only works, are not the cause of Gods election, because that is before them, and eternal; but that neither Works foreseen, can move God to Predestinate, who is [Page] willing for his infinite mercy, that all should be saved, to this end prepareth sufficient assistance for all, which every man having Free-will receiveth or refuseth, as pleaseth him: and God in his eternity foreseeth those who will receive his help, and use it to good, and those who will refuse; and rejecteth these, electeth and predestinateth those: They added, That otherwise there was no cause why God in the Scriptures should complain of sinners; nor why he should exhort all to repentance and conversion, if they have not sufficient means to get them: that the sufficient assistance invented by the others, is insufficient, because, in their opinion, it never had nor shall have any effect.

IV. The first Opinion as it is mystical and hidden, keeping the minde humble, and relying on God, without any confidence in it self, knowing the deformity of sin, and the excellency of Divine Grace; so this second was plausible and popular, cherishing humane presumption, and making a great shew; and it pleased more the preaching Fryers, then the understanding Divines. And the Council thought it probable, as consonant to politick Reason: It was maintained by the Bishop of Bitonto, and the Bishop of Salpi shewed himself very partial. The Defenders of this, using humane Reasons, prevailed against the others, but coming to the testimonies of Scripture, they were manifestly overcome.

V. Calarinus, holding the same Opinion, to resolve the places of Scripture, which troubled them all, invented a middle way; That God of his goodness had elected some few, whom he will save absolutely, to whom he hath prepared most potent, effectual, and infallible means; the rest he desireth for his part they should be saved; and to that end hath promised sufficient means for all, leaving it to their choice to accept them and be saved, or refuse them and be damned. Amongst these there are some who receive them and are saved, though they be not of the number of the Elect; of which kinde there are very many. Other refusing to co-operate with God, who wisheth their salvation, are damned. The cause why the first are predestinated, is only the will of God: why the others are saved, is the acceptation, good use, and co-operation with the [Page] Divine assistance, foreseen by God: why the last are reprobated, is the foreseeing of their perverse will, in refusing, or abusing it. That S. John, S. Paul, and all the places of Scripture alledged by the other part, where all is given to God, and which do shew infallibility, are understood only of the first, who are particularly priviledged; and in other for whom the common way is left, the admonitions, exhortations, and general assistances are verified, unto which he that will give ear and follow them, is saved, & he that wil not, perisheth by his own fault. Of these few who are priviledged above the common condition, the number is determinate and certain with God, but not of those who are saved by the common way, depend on humane liberty, but only in regard of the fore-knowledge of the works of every one. Catarinus sayd, He wondred at the stupidity of those, who say, the number is certain and determined, and yet they add that others may be saved; which is as much as to say, that the number is certain, and yet it may be enlarged: and likewise of those who say; That the Reprobates have sufficient assistance for salvation, though it be necessary for him that is saved to have a greater, which is to say, a sufficient, unsufficient.

VI. He added, that S. Augustines Opinion was not heard of before his time, and himself confesseth it cannot be found in the works of any, who wrote before him, neither did himself alwaies think it true, but ascribed the cause of Gods will to merits; saying, God taketh compassion on, and hardneth whom he listeth. But that will of God cannot be unjust, because it is caused by most secret merits; and that there is diversity of sinners: some who though they be justified, deserve justification. But after the heat of Disputation against the Pelagians transported him to think, and speak the contrary; yet when his opinion was heard, all the Catholicks were scandalized, as S. Prosper wrote to him, and Genadius of Marselles, fifty years after in his judgment which he maketh of the famous Writers, sayd, That it hapned to him according to the words of Solomon; That in much speaking one cannot avoid sin: and that by his fault exagitated by his Enemies, the question was not then risen, which might afterwards bring forth heresie, [Page] whereby the good Father did intimate his fear of that which now appeareth; that is, that by that opposition some Sect and Division might arise.

VII. The censure of the second Article was divers, according to the three related Opinions. Catarinus thought the first part true, in regard of the efficacy of the Divine Will, towards those who were particularly favoured: But the second false, concerning the sufficiency of Gods Assistance unto all, and mans liberty in co-operating. Others ascribing the cause of Predestination in all to humane consent, condemned the whole Article in both parts. But those that adhered unto S. Augustine, and the common opinion of the Theologans, did distinguish it, and sayd, it was true in a compound sense, but damnable in a divided: a subtilty which confounded the minds of the Prelates, and his own, though he did exemplifie it by saying, he that moveth cannot stand still, it is true in a compound sense, but is understood, while he moveth: but in a divided sense it is false, that is, in another time. Yet it was not wel understood because applying it to his purpose; It cannot be sayd, that a man predestinated, can be damned, in a time when he is not predestinated, seeing he is alwaies so: and generally the divided sense hath no place, where the accident is inseparable from the subject. Therfore others thought to declare it better, saying, that God governeth and moveth every thing, according to its proper nature, which in contingent things is free, & such, as that the act may consist together with the power to the opposite; so that wth the act of predestination, the power to reprobation & damnation doth stand. But this was worse understood then the first.

VIII. The other Articles were censured with admirable concord. Concerning the third and sixth, they sayd, it hath alwaies been an opinion in the Church, that many receive divine Grace, and keep it for a time, who afterwards do lose it, and in time are damned. Then was alledged the example of Saul, Solomon, and Judas, one of the Twelve: a case more evident then all, by these words of Christ to the Father; I have kept in thy name all that thou hast given me, of which not one hath perished, but the son of Perdition. To these they added Nicholas one of the seven Deacons, and others, first commended in the Scriptures, and then blamed: and for a conclusion of all, the Fall of Luther.

[Page]Against the sixth, they particularly considered, that Vocation would become impious derision; when those that are called, and nothing is wanting on their side, are not admitted: that the Sacraments would not be effectual for them; all which things are absurd. But for censure, first, the Authority of the Prophet was brought directly contrary in terms, where God sayth, That if the Just shall abandon justice, and commit iniquity I will not remember his works. The Example of David was added, who committed Murther and Adultry, of Magdalen, and S. Peter, who denied Christ: They de [...]ided the folly of the Zuinglians, for saying, the Just cannot fall from Grace, and yet sinneth in every work. The two last were uniformly condemned of temerity, with exception of those unto whom God hath given a special Revelation, as to Moses and the Disciples, to whom it was revealed, that they were written in the Book of Heaven.

IX. Now because the Doctrine of Predestination doth naturallyHist. of the Councel, fol. 175. presuppose a Curse from which man was to be delivered: it will not be amiss to lay down the Judgment of that Councel in the Article of Original sin (which rendred man obnoxious to the dreadful curse) together with the preparatory Debates, amongst the Scool-men and Divines, which were there Assembled; touching the nature and transmitting of it from Adam unto his Posterity, and from one man to another. Concerning which it was declared by Catarinus, That as God made a Covenant with Abraham, and all his Posterity, when he made him Father of the faithful: So when he gave Original Righteousness to Adam, and all man-kinde, he made him seal an Obligation in the name of all to keep it for himself and them, observing the Commandment: which because he trangressed, he lost it, as well for others as himself, and incurred the punishent also for them; the which as they are derived in every one, and to him as the cause to others, by vertue of the Covenant: so that the actual sin of Adam is actual sin in him, and imputed to others in Original; for proof whereof he grounded himself upon this especially, that a true and proper sin must needs be a voluntary Act, and nothing can be voluntary, but that transgression of Adam imputed unto all. And [Page] Paul saying, that all have sinned in Adam, it must be understood that they have all committed the same sin with him; he alledged for example, that S. Paul to the Hebrews affirmeth that Levi payd Tythe to Melchisedeck when he payd in his great Grandfather Abraham: by which reason it must be sayd, that the Posterity violated the Commandments of God when Adam did it: and that they were sinners in him, as in him they received Righteousness.

X. Which Application as it was more intelligible to the Prelates Assembled together in the Councel, then any of the Crabbed Intricacies, and perplexities of the rest of the Scoolmen, irreconcilable in a manner amongst themselves: so didIde n fol. 181. it quicken them to the dispatch of their Canons, or Anathamatisms (while they had the Notions in their heads) against all such as had taught otherwise of Original sin, then was allowed of and maintained in the Church of Rome, but more particulary against him, 1. That confesseth not, that Adam by transgressing hath lost Sanctity and Justice, incurred the wrath of God, Death, and Thraldom to the Devil, and is infected in Soul and Body. 2. Against him that averreth that Adam by sinning hath hurt himself only, or hath derived into his Posterity, the death only of the Body, and not sin, the death of the Soul. 3. Against him that affirmeth the sin, which is one in the beginning, and proper to every one (committed by Generation, not imitation) can be abolished, by any other remedy then the death of Christ) is applied as well to Children, as to those of riper years, by the Sacrament of Baptism ministred in the form and rite of the Church.

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CHAP. III. The like Debates about Free-will, with the Conclusions of the Councel; in the Five Controverted Points.

I. The Articles against the Freedom of the Will, extracted out of Luther's Writings. II. The exclamation of the Divines against Luther's Doctrine in the Point, and the absurdities thereof. III. The several Judgments of Marinarus, Catarinus, and Andreas Vega. IV. The different Judgment of the Dominicans, and Franciscans, whether it lay in mans power to believe, or not to believe; and whether the Freedom of the Will were lost in Adam. V. As also of the Point of the co-operation of mans Will with the Grace of God. VI. The opinion of Fryer Catanca, in the point of irresistibility. VII. Faintly maintained by Soto a Dominican Fryer, and more cordially approved by others, but in time rejected. VIII. The great care taken by the Legates in having the Articles so framed, as to please all parties. IX. The Doctrine of the Councel in the V. controverted Points. X. A Transition from the Councel of Trent, to the Protestant and Reformed Churches.

I. THese Differences and Debates concerning Predestination, the possibility of Falling away from the Faith of Christ, and the nature of Original sin: being thus passed over; I shall look back on those Debates which were had amongst the Fathers and Divines in the Councel of Trent, about the Nature of Free-will, and the power thereof. In order whereunto these Articles were collected out of the Writings of the Lutherans, to be discussed and censured, as they [Page] found cause for it. Now the Articles were these that follow, Viz.

1. God is the total cause of our works Good: and Evil, and the Adultry of David, the cruelty of Manlius, and the Treason of Judas, are the works of God as well as the Vocation of Saul.

2. No man hath power to think well or ill, but all cometh from absolute necessity, and in us is no Free-will, and to affirm it is a meer Fiction.

3. Free-will since the sin of Adam is lost, and a thing only titular, and when one doth what is in his power he sinneth mortally: yea, it is a thing fained, and a Title without reality.

4. Free-will is only in doing ill, and hath no power to do good.

5. Free-will moved by God, doth by no means co-operate, and followeth as an Instrument without life, or an unreasonable Creature.

6. That God correcteth those only whom he will, though they will not spurn against it.

II. Upon the first Article they spake rather in a Tragical manner, then Theological; that the Lutheran Doctrine was a frantick wisdom: that mans Will as they make it is prodigious; that those words, a thing of Title only, a Title without reality, are monstruous: that the Opinion is impious and blasphemous against God; that the Church hath condemned it against the Maniches, Priscillianists, and lastly against Aballardus, and Wickliff: and that it was a folly against common sense, every one proving in himself his own Liberty; that it deserveth not confutation, but as Aristotle sayth, Chastisement and Experimental proofe, that Luther's Scholars perceived the folly, and to moderate the Absurdity, sayd after, that a man had liberty in External, Political, and Oeconomical Actions, and in matters of Civil Justice, that, which every one but a Fool knoweth, to proceed from Councels and Election, but denied Liberty in matter of Divine Justice only.

[Page]III. Marinarus sayd, That as it is foolish to say, no humane Action is in our power, so it is no less absurd to say, that every one is: every one finding by Experience, that he hath not his Affections in his power: that this is the sense of the Schools, wch say, that we are not free in the first motions; wch freedom because the Saints have, it is certain, that some freedom is in them which is not in us. Catarinus according to his opinion, sayd, That without Gods special assistance, a man cannot do a moral good; sayd, there was no liberty in this, and therefore that the Fourth Article was not so easily to be condemned. Vega after he had spoken with such Ambiguity, that he understood not himself, concluded that between the Divines and the Protestants, there was no difference in Opinion. For they concluding now that there is liberty in Philosophical Justice, and not in Supernatural, in External works of the Law, not in external and spiritual; that is to say, precisely with the Church, that one cannot do spiritual works belonging to Religion, without the assistance of God. And though he sayd, all endeavour was to be used for composition; yet he was not gratefully heard: it seeming in some sort a prejudice, that any of the Differences might be reconciled; and they were wont to say, that this is a point of the Colloquies, a word abhorred, as if by that, the Laity had usurped the Authority which is proper to Councels.

IV. A great Disputation arose upon them, Whether it be in mans power to believe, or not to believe? The Franciscans following Sotus, did deny it; saying, That as Knowledge doth necessarily follow Demonstrations, so Faith doth arise necessarily from perswasions; and that it is in the understanding, which is a natural Agent, and is naturally moved by the Object. They alledged Experience, that no man can believe what he will, but what seemeth true, adding, that no man would feel any displeasure, if he could believe he had it not. The Dominicans sayd, that nothing is more in the power of the Will, then to believe, and by the determination and resolution of the Will only, one may believe the number of the Stars is even.

[Page]Upon the Third Article, Whether Free-will be lost by sin, very many Authoritys of S. Augustine being alledged, whichHist. of Councel p▪ 108. &c. expresly say it▪ Soto did invent, because he knew no other means to avoid them, that true Liberty is equivocal; for either it is derived from the Noun Libertas, Freedom, or from the Verb Liberare, to set Free: that in the first sense it is opposed to necessity, in the second to servitude; and that when S. Augustine sayd, That Free-will was lost, he would infer nothing else, but that it is made slave to Sin and Satan. This difference could not be understood▪ because a servant is not free, for that he cannot do his own Will, but is compelled to follow his Masters: and by this opinion Luther could not be blamed for entituling a Book of SERVILWIL; many thought the Fourth Article absurd, saying, That Liberty is understood to be a power to both the contraries: therefore that it could not be sayd, to be a Liberty to Evil, if it were not also to Good: But they were made to acknowledge their Error, when they were told that the Saints and blessed▪ Angels in Heaven, are free to do good, and therefore that [...] was no inconvenience that some should be free only to do Evil.

V. In the examining the fifth and sixth Articles of the consent which Free-will giveth to Divine Inspiration, or preventing Grace, the Franciscans and Dominicans were of divers Opinions: The Franciscans contended that the Will being able to prepare it self, hath Liberty much more to accept or refuse the divine Prevention when God giveth assistance, before it useth the strength of Nature. The Dominicans denied that the Works preceding the Vocation, are truly preparatory, and ever gave the first place to God. Notwithstanding there was a contention between the Dominicans themselves. For Soto defended, that although a man cannot obtain Grace, without the special preventing assistance of God, yet the Will may ever some way resist and refuse it; and when it doth receive it, it is because it giveth assent, and doth will so: and if our assent were not required, there would be no cause why all should not be converted. For according to the Apocalyps, God standeth always at the Gate and knocketh: and it is [Page] a Saying of the Fathers, now made common, That God giveth Grace to every one that will have it; and the Scripture doth alwaies require this consent in us, and to say otherwise were to take away the Liberty of the Will, and to say, that God useth violence.

VI. Fryer Aloisius Catanca sayd to the contrary, That God worketh two sorts of preventing Grace in the Minde, according to the Doctrine of S. Thomas, the one sufficient, the other effectual: To the first, the Will may consent or resist, but not to the second, because it implyeth contradiction, to say, that Efficacy can be resisted; for proof he alledged places of S. John, and very clear Expositions of S. Augustine: He answereth that it ariseth hence, that all are not converted, because all are not effectually prevented. That the fear of overthrowing Free-will, is removed by S. Thomas, the things are violently moved by a contrary Cause, but never by their own: and God being the cause of the Will; to say it is moved by God, is to say, it is moved by it self. And he condemned, yea, mocked the Lutherans manner of speech; that the Will followeth as a dead and unreasonable Creature: for being reasonable by Nature, moved by its own Cause, which is God, it is moved as reasonable, and followeth a reasonable. And likewise that God consenteth, though men will not, and spurn at him: For it is a contradiction that the Effect should spurn against the Cause. That it may happen that God may effectually convert one, that before hath spurned, before sufficient Prevention, but afterwards cannot because a gentleness in the Will moved, must needs follow the Efficacy of the Divine Motion.

VII. Soto sayd, That every Divine Inspiration was onely sufficient, and that, that whereunto Free-will hath assented, obtaineth efficiency by that consent, without which it is uneffectual; not by the defect of it self, but of the man. The Opinion he defended very fearfully, because it was opposed, that the distinction of the Reprobate from the Elect, would proceed from man, contrary to the perpetual Catholick sense; that the Vessels of Mercy are distinguished by Grace, from the [Page] Vessels of Wrath. That Gods Election would be for Works foreseen, and not for his good Pleasure. That the Doctrine of the Fathers in the Affrican, and French Councels against the Pelagians, hath published, that God maketh them to will, which is to say, that he maketh them consent; therefore giving consent to us, it ought to be attributed to the Divine Power; or else he that is saved would be no more obliged to God, then he that is damned, if God should use them both alike.

But notwithstanding all these Reasons, the contrary Opinion had the general Applause, though many confessed that the Reasons of Catanca were not resolved: and were displeased that Soto did not speak freely, but sayd, that the Will consenteth in a certain manner; so that it may in a certain manner resist: as though there were a certain manner of mean, between this Affirmation and Negation. The free speech of Catanca, and the other Dominicans did trouble them also, who knew not how to distinguish the Opinion, which attributeth Justification by consent from the Pelagian; and therefore they counselled to take heed of leaping beyond the Mark, by too great a desire to condemn Luther: that Objection being esteemed above all, that by this means the Divine Election or Predestination would be for Works foreseen, which no Divine did admit.

VIII. The Ground thus layd, we shall proceed unto a Declaration of the Judgment of the Church of Rome, in the five Articles disputed afterwards with such heat, betwixt the Remonstrants, and the contra Remonstrants in the Belgick Church, so far forth as it may be gathered from the Decrees & Canons of the Councel of Trent, and such preparatory Discourses as smoothed the way to the Conclusions which were made therein. In order whereunto, it was advised by Marcus Viguerius, Bishop of Sinigagli, to separate the Catholick Doctrine from the contrary, and to make two Decrees; in the one to make a continued Declaration and Confirmation of the Doctrine of the Churches, and in the other to condemn and Anathematize Ibid. p. 2 [...]. the contrary. But in the drawing up of the Decrees, [Page] there appeared a greater difficulty, then they were aware of, in conquering wherof the Cardinal of Sancta Cruz (one of the Presidents of the Councel) took incredible pains, avoiding as much as was possible to insert any thing controverted amongst the School-men; and so handling those that could not be omitted, as that every one might be contented. And to this end he observed in every Congregation, what was disliked by any, and took it away, or corrected it as he was advised; and he spake not only in the Congregations, but with every one in particular, was informed of all the doubts, and required their Opinions. He diversified the matter with divers Orders, changed sometimes one part, sometimes another, until he had reduced them unto the Order in which they now are, which generally pleased, and was approved by all. Nor did the Decrees thus drawn and setled, give less content at Rome then they did at Trent, for being transmitted to the Pope, and by him committed to the Fryers, and other learned men of the Court, to be consulted of amongst them, they found an universal approbation, because every one might understand them in his own sense: And being so approved of were sent back to Trent, and there solemnly passed in a full Congregation, on the thirteenth of January, 1647. according to the account of the Church of Rome. And yet it is to be observed, that though the Decrees were so drawn up, as to please all parties, especially as to the giving of no distast to the Dominican Fryers and their Adherenrs; yet it is easie to be seen, that they incline more favourably to the Franciscans, whose cause the Jesuits have since wedded, and speak more literally and Grammatically to the sence of that party, then they do to the others: which sayd, I shall present the Doctrine of the Councel of Trent, as to these controverted Points in this Order following.

1. Of Divine Predestination.

IX. All man-kind having lost its primitive integrity by the sin of Adam, they became thereby the Sons of wrath, and soConci [...]. Trid. Ses▪ [...]. c. 1. [Page] much captivated under the command of Satan; that neither the Gentiles by the power of Nature; nor the Jews by the Letter of the Law of Moses were able to free themselves from that grievous Servitude. In which respect it pleased AlmightyIbid. c. 2. God the Father of all Mercies to promise first, and afterwards actually to send his only begotten Son Jesus Christ into the world, not only to redeem the Jews who were under the Law, but that the Gentiles also might embrace the Righteousness which is by Faith, and altogether might receive the Adoption of Sons. Hist. of the Councel f. 212. To which end he prepared sufficient assistance for all, which every man having free-will might receive, or refuse, as it pleased himself; and foreseeing from before all Eternity who would receive his help, and use it to Good: and on the other side, who would refuse to make use thereof; he predestinated and elected those of the first sort to Eternall Life, and rejected the others.

2. Of the Merit and Effect of the Death of Christ.

Him God proposed to be a propitiation for our sins by hisSess. 6. c. 2, 3. Death and Passion, and not for our sins only, but for the sins of all the World. But so that though Christ died for all men, yet all do not receive the benefit of his death and sufferings, but only they to whom the merit of his Passion is communicated in their new birth or regeneration, by which the grace whereby they are justified, or made just, is conferred upon them.

3. Of mans Conversion unto God.

The Grace of God is not given to man by Jesus Christ, to no other end, but that thereby he might the more easily divertSession 6. Can. 2. 3. himself in the waies of Godliness, and consequently merit and obtain eternal life, which otherwise he might do without any such Grace, by his own free-will, though with more difficulty and trouble. And therefore if any man shall say, that without the preventing Inspiration of the Holy Ghost, and [Page] his heavenly Influences, a man is able to even hope, love, or repent, as he ought to do, that so he may be justified in the sight of God: let him be Anathema.

4. Of the manner of Conversion.

The Freedom of the Will is not so utterly lost in man,S [...]ss. 6. c. 5. though it be diminished and impaired, as to be accounted nothing but an empty name, or the name of no such thing existing in nature: in that the Will of man moved and stirred up by the grace of God, retains a power of co-operating with the heavenly Grace, by which he doth prepare and disposeCa. 4. himself for the obtaining of that Justification, which is given unto him. And therefore if any one shall say that a man cannot resist this grace though he would, or that he is meerly passive, not acting any thing, but as a stock or senseless stone, in his own Conversion, let him be also held accurst. And so are they who have presumed to affirm and teach, that it is not in the power of man to do evil, but as well bad as good works are done not only by Gods permission, but by his proper working: so that as well the Treason of Judas, as the Calling of Paul, is to be reckoned for the work of Almighty God.

5. Of the certainty or uncertainty of Perseverance.

No man is so far to presume on the secret Mystery of Predestination,Sess 6. Can. 13. as to account himself for certain to be within the number of the Elect; as if he were assured of this, that being justified, he could neither sin no more, nor were sure of repentance if he did. And therefore no man is to flatter himself with any such certainty of perseverance, though all men ought to place a constant and firm hope (for the obtaining of the same) in the help of God. They which by sin have faln away from the grace received; may recover their lostCan. 14. Justification, if being stirred up from above, they endeavour the recovery of it by sincere repentance, or by the SacramentCan. 15. of Pennance, as the words there are; And finally the grace of [Page] Justification (or the grace by which a man is justified) is not only lost by infidelity, by which the Faith it self doth suffer Shipwrack, but even by every mortal sin, though Faith be not lost also at the same time with it.

X. Such is the Doctrine of this Councel in the Points disputed, extracted faithfully out of the Canons and Decrees thereof: one only clause being added to the Article of Predestination, agreeable to the Opinion in the Conferences and Debates about it, which prevailed most upon the Prelates and all others who were interessed and intrusted in drawing up the Products and Conclusions of it: which how far it agreeth or disagreeth with, or from that which is maintained by the opposite Parties in the Reformed and Protestant Churches, we are next to see.

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CHAP. IV. The Judgment of the Lutherans and Calvinians in these Five Points, with some Objections made against the Conclusions of the Councel of Dort.

I. No Difference in Five Points betwixt the Lutherans and the Church of Rome, as is acknowledged by the Papists themselves. II. The Judgment of the Lutheran Churches in the sayd 5 Points, delivered in the famous Confession of Ausperge. III. The distribution of the Quarrel betwixt the Franciscans, Melancthonians, and Arminians, on the one side, the Dominicans, Rigid Lutherans, and Sublapsarian Calvinists on the other; the middle way of Catarinus paralleled by that of Bishop Overal. IV. The Doctrine of Predestination as layd down by Calvin, of what ill Consequence in it self, and how odious to the Lutheran Doctors. V. Opposed by Sebastian Castellio in Geneva it self, but propagated in most Churches of Calvins Plat-form, and afterwards polished by Perkins, a Divine of England, and in him censured and confuted by Jacob Van Harmine, a Belgick Writer. VI. A brief view of the Doctrine of the Sublapsarians, and the odious Consequences of it. VII. The Judgment of the Sublapsarians▪ in the sayd Five Points, collected and presented at the Conference at the Hague, Ann. 1610. VIII. The Doctrine of the Synodists in the sayd Points. IX. Affirmed to be repugnant to the holy Scripture, as also to the Purity, Mercy, Justice, and Sincerity of Almighty God. X. And the subversion of the Ministry, and all Acts of Piety, illustrated by the example of Tiberius Caesar, and the Lantgrave of Thurin.

I. SUCH being the Doctrines of this Councel in the Points disputed; we need not take much pains in looking [Page] after the Judgment of the Lutheran Churches, which comes so neer to that of the Church of Rome, as to be reckonedHist. of the Councel of T [...]. p 210. for the same. For in the History of the Councel, it is sayd expresly, as before is noted, that in the Books of Luther, in the Augustan Confession, and in Apologies and Colloquies, there was nothing found (as to the Doctrine of Predestination) which deserved to be censured. And therefore they were fain to have recourse unto the Writings of the Zuinglian Party, (among which, Calvin and his followers were to be accounted) to find out matter to proceed upon in their Fulminations: And in particular it is sayd by Andreas Vega, one of the stiffest and most learned men amongst the whole pack of the Franciscans, when the Points about Free-will Ibid. f. 20 [...]. were in agitation, that between themselves and the Protestants there was no difference of opinion, as to that particular. How neer they came to one another in the other Points, may easily be found in the Debates and Conferences before layd down, compared with the Judgment of the Lutheran Doctors, not only in their private Writings, but their publick Colloquies. But then we are to understand, that this Agreement of the Lutheran Doctors expressed in their private Writings and their publick Colloquies, and especially the solemn Confession at Ausperge, relates to that interpretation of the Decrees and Canons of the Tridentine Councel, which is made by the Jesuits and Franciscans, and not unto the Gloss or Exposition which is made thereof by the Preaching and Dominican Fryers.

II. But not to leave so great a matter to a Logical Inference, I shall lay down the Doctrine of the Lutheran Churches in the sayd Five Points, extracted faithfully out of the Augustan Confession, with the Addition of one Clause only to the first Article (the Makers of the Confession declining purposely the point of Predestination) out of the Writings of Melancthon, and other learned men of the same perswasion. Now the Doctrine of the sayd Churches so delivered is this that followeth, Viz.

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1. Of Divine Predestination.

After the miserable fall of Adam, all men which were toAugust. Confes. cap. 2. be begotten, according to the common course of Nature, were involved in the guilt of Original sin, by which they are obnoxious to the wrath of God, and everlasting damnation: In which Estate they had remained, but that God, beholding all man-kinde in this wretched condition, was pleased to make a general conditional Decree of Predestination, underAppel. Evang. cap. 4. the condition of Faith and Perseverance; And a special absolute Decree of electing those to life, who he fore-saw would believe, and persevere under the means and aides of Grace, Faith and Perseverance: and a special absolute Decree of condemning them whom he fore-saw to abide impenitent in their sins.

2. Of the Merit and Efficacy of Christs Death.

The Son of God, who is the Word, assumed our humaneAug. Confes. c. 3. Nature in the Womb of the Virgin, and being very God and very Man, he truly Suffered, was Crucified, Dead, and Buried, to reconcile his Father to us, and to be the Sacrifice not only for Original sin, but also for all the Actual sins of men.

A great part of S. Pauls Epistle to the Hebrews is spent in theId. cap. de M [...]ssa. proving of this Point, that only the Sacrifice or Oblation made by Christ, procured for others Reconciliation and Remission of sins, inculcating that the Livitical Sacrifices were year by year to be reiterated, and renewed, because they could not take away sins, but that satisfaction once for all was made by the Sacrifice of Christ for the sins of all men.

3. Of Mans Will in the state of depraved Nature.

The Will of man retains a freedom in Actions of Civil Justice, and making Election of such things as are under the sameIbid. cap. 18. pretension of natural Reason, but hath no power without the speciall Assistance of the Holy Ghost to attain unto spiritual [Page] Righteousness, according to the saying of the Apostle; That the natural man perceiveth not the things which are of the spirit of God. And that of Christ our Saviour, without me you can do nothing. And therefore the Pelagians are to be condemned, who teach that man is able by the meer strength of Nature, not only to love God above all things, but also to fulfil the Law, according to the substance of the Acts thereof.

4. Of Conversion, and the manner of it.

The Righteousness which is effected in us by the opperationIdem cap. 18. and assistance of the Holy Ghost, which we receive by yeilding our assent to the word of God: according to that of S. Augustine, in the third Book of his Hypognosticks, in which he grants a freedom of the Will to all which have the use of Reason, not that they are thereby able either to begin or go through with any thing in the things of God, without Gods assistance, but only in the Affairs of this present life whether good or evil.

5. Of falling after Grace received.

Remission of sins is not to be denied in such who after BaptismIdem cap. 11. fall into sins, at what time soever they were converted; and the Church is bound to confer the benefit of Absolution upon all such as return unto it by Repentance. And therefore as we condemn the Novatian Hereticks, refusing the benefit of absolution unto those, who having after Baptism lashed into sin, gave publick Signs of their Repentance: so we condemn the Anabaptists, who teach, that a man once justified can by no means lose the Holy Ghost, as also those who think that men may have so great a measure of perfection in this present life, that they cannot fall again into sin.

Such is the Doctrine of the Lutheran Churches agreed on in the famous Augustan Confession, so called, because presented and avowed at the Diet of Auspurge. (Augusta vindelicorum the Latines call it) 1530. confirm'd after many struglings on the one side, and oppositions on the other, by Charles the fifth, [Page] in a general Assembly of the Estates of the Empire holden at Passaw, Ann. 1552. and afterwards more fully in another Dyet held at Auspurge, Ann. 1555. A Confession generally entertained not only in the whole Kingdoms of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, but also in the Dukedom of Prussia, and some parts of Poland, and all the Protestant Churches of the High Germany: neither the rigid Lutherans, nor the Calvinians themselves, being otherwise tolerated in the Empire, than as they shrowd themselves under the Patronage, and shelter of this Confession. For besides the first breach betwixt Luther and Zuinglius, which hapned at the beginning of the Reformation, there afterwards grew a sub-division, betwixt the Lutherans themselves, occasioned by Flacius Illyricus, and his Associates; who having separated themselves from Melancthon and the rest of the Divines of Wittenberge, and made themselves the Head of the rigid Lutherans, did gladly entertain those Doctrines, in which they were sure to finde as good Assistance, as the Dominicans and their party could afford unto them. The wisdom and success of which Councel being observed by those of the Zuinglian or Calvinian Faction, they gladly put in for a share, being not meanly well approved, that though their Doctrines were condemned by the Councel of Trent, yet they found Countenance (especially in the Sublapsarian way) not only from the whole Sect of the Dominicans, but the rigid Lutherans: And that the Scales might be kept even between the Parties, there started ou [...] another Faction amongst the Calvinists themselves, who symbolized with the Melancthonians, or moderate Lutherans, as they did with the Jesuit and Franciscan Fryers. For the Abetting of which their Quarrel, this last side calling to their Ayde all the Ancient Fathers, both Greek and Latine, who lived before the time of S. Augustine, the others relying wholly on his single Judgment, not alwayes constant to himself, nor very well seconded by Prosper, no [...] any other of great Note in the times succeeding. Finally that Catarinus may not go alone in his middleway, I will follow him with one of his own Order (for he was afterwards made Bishop of Mi [...]ori in Italy) that is to say, the right learned Doctor [Page] Overall, publick Professor of Divinity in Cambridge, Dean of S. Pauls, and successively Bishop of Lichfield, and Norwich, whose Judgment in a middle way, and though not the same that Catarinus went, the Reader may finde in Mr. Playferts notable Piece, intituled, Apello Evangelium: to which I refer him at the present, as being not within the compass of my present Design, which carries me to such Disputes as have been raised between the Calvinians and their Opposites in these parts of the world, since the conclusion and determination of the Councel of Trent.

IV. And for the better carrying on of my Design, I must go back again to Calvin, whom I left under a suspition, of making God to be the Author of sin; from which though many have took much pains (none more then industrious Doctor Feild) to absolve and free him; yet by his Doctrine of Predestination, he hath layd such grounds as have involved his Followers in the same guilt also. For not content to travel a known and beaten way, he must needs finde out a way by himself, which neither the Dominicans nor any other of the Followers of S. Augustine's Rigors had found out before, in making God to lay on Adam an unavoidable necessity of falling into sin and misery, that so he might have opportunity to manifest his Mercy in the electing of some few of his Posterity, and his Justice in the absolute rejecting of all the rest. In which as he can finde no Countenance from any of the Ancient Writers, so he pretendeth not to any ground for it in the holy Scriptures. For whereas some objected on Gods behalf, De certis verbis non extare, That the Decree of Adams Fall, and consequently the involving of his whole Posterity in sin and misery, had no foundation in the express words of Holy Writ, Institut. l. 3. c. 23. Sect. 7. he makes no other Answer to it then a quasi vero, as if (saith he) God made and created man, the most exact Piece of his Heavenly Workmanship, without determining of his end. And on this Point he was so resolutely bent, that nothing but an absolute Decree for Adams Fall, seconded by the like, for the involving of all his Race in the same Perdition, would either serve his turn, or preserve his Credit. For [Page] whereas others had objected on Gods behalf, that no such unavoidable necessity was layd upon man-kinde by the will of God; but rather that he was Created by God unto such a perishing estate, because he foresaw to what his own perversness at the last would bring him: He answereth that this Objection proves nothing at all, or at least nothing to the purpose, which sayd, he tels us further out of Valla, though otherwise not much versed (as he there affirmeth) in the holy Scriptures,Calvin. Institut. lib. 3. cap. 23. sect. 6. ‘'That this Question seems to be superfluous, because both Life and Death are rather the Acts of Gods Will, then of his Prescience, or fore-knowledge. And then he adds as of his own, that if God did but fore-see the successes of men, and did not also dispose and order them by his Will, then this Question should not without cause be moved, Whether his fore seeing any thing, availed to the necessity of them. But since (sayth he) he doth no otherwise fore-see the things that shall come to pass, then because he hath decreed that they shouldIdem ib sect 7. so come to pass: it is in vain to move any Controversy about Gods fore-knowledge, where it is certain that all things do happen rather by divine Ordinance and appointment.'’ Yet notwithstanding all these shifts, he is forced to acknowledge the Decree of Adams Fall to be Horribile decretum, A cruell and horrible Decree, as indeed it is a cruell and horrible Decree to pre-ordain so many Millions to destruction, and consequently unto sinne, that he might destroy them. And then what can the wicked and Impenitent do, but ascribe all their sinnes to God, by whose inevitable Will they are lost in Adam, by whom they were particularly and personally necessitated to death, and so by consequence to sin. A Doctrine so injurious to God, so destructive of Piety, of such reproach amongst the Papists, and so offensive to the Lutherans, of what sort soever, that they profess a greater readiness to fall back to Popery, then to give way to this Predestinarian Pestilence (by which name they call it) to come in amongst them.

V. But howsoever having so great a Founder as Calvin was, it came to be generally entertained in all the Churches of his Plat-form, strongly opposed by Sebastian Castellino in Geneva [Page] it self; but the poor man so despightfully handled both by him and Beza (who followed him in all, and went beyond him in some of his Devises) that they never left pursuing him with Complaints and Clamours, till they had first cast him out of the City, and at the last brought him to his Grave. The terrour of which example, and the great name which Calvin had attained unto not only by his diligent Preaching, but also by his laborious Writings in the eye of the World: As it confirmed his power at home, so did it make his Doctrines the more acceptable and esteemed abroad. More generally diffused, and more pertinaciously adhered unto in all those Churches, which either had received the Genevian Discipline, or whose Divines did most industriously labour to advance the same. By means whereof it came to pass (as one well observeth) ‘'that of what account the Master of the Sentences wasHooker in [...]cle. [...]ol. Pr [...]f. p 9. in the Church of Rome; the same and more amongst the Preachers of the Reformed Churches Calvin had purchased; so that they were deemed to be the most perfect Divines, who were most skilful in his Writings. His Books almost the very Canon by which both Doctrine and Discipline were to be judged: The French Churches both under others abroad or at home in their own Country, all cast according to the Mold which he had made. The Church of Scotland in erecting the Fabrick of their own Reformation, took the self same pattern.'’ Received not long after in the Palatine Churches, and in those of the Netherlands: In all which as his Doctrine made way to bring in the Discipline; so was it no hard matter for the Discipline to support the Doctrine, and crush all those who durst oppose it. Only it was permitted unto Beza and his Disciples, to be somewhat wilder then the rest, in placing the Decree of Predestination before the Fall, which Calvin himself had more rightly placed in Massa corrupta, in the corrupted Mass of Man-kinde: and the more moderate Calvinians as rightly presuppose for a matter necessary, before there could be any place for the Election or Reprobation of particular persons. But being they concurred with the rest, as to the personal Election or Reprobation of particular persons; the restraining of the Benefit of our Saviours [Page] Sufferings to those few particulars (whom only they had honoured with the glorious name of the Elect) the working on them by the irresistible powers of Grace in the Act of Conversion, and bringing them infallibly by the continual assistance of the sayd Grace unto life everlasting: there was hardly any notice taken of their Deviation, they being scarce beheld in the condition of erring brethren, though they differed from them in the main Foundation which they built upon; but passing under the name of Calvinists, as they thus did. And though such of the Divines of the Belgick Churches as were of the old Lutheran Stock, were better affected unto the Melancthonian Doctrine of Predestination, then to that of Calvin; yet knowing how pretious the Name and Memory of Calvin was held amongst them: or being unwilling to fall foul upon one another, they suffered his Opinions to prevail without opposition. And so it stood till the year 1592. when Mr. William Perkins an eminent Divine of Cambridge published his Book called the Armilla Aurea, &c. containing such a Doctrine of Predestination as Beza had before delivered, but cast into a more distinct and methodical Form. With him as being a Foreiner both by Birth and Dwelling, a Supralapsarian in Opinion, and one who had no personal Relations amongst themselves, it was thought fittest to begin to confute Calvins Doctrines in the person of Perkins; as many times a Lion is sayd to be corrected by the well Cudgelling of a Dog, without fear of danger. And against him it was, his order in delivering the Decree of Predestination, that Arminius first took up the Bucklers in his Book, intituled, Examen Praedestinationis Perkinsoniae, which gave the first occasion to those Controversies which afterwards involved the Sublapsarians also, of which more hereafter.

VI. In the mean time, let us behold the Doctrine of the Supralapsarians, first broacht by Calvin, maintained by almost all his Followers, and at last polished and lickt over by the sayd Mr. Perkings, as it was charged upon the Contra Remonstrants in the Conference at the Hague, Anno 1610. in these following words, Viz. ‘'That God (as some speak) by anArcan. Dog. Ant. Ro [...]. p 15. eternal and unchangable Decree from amongst men, whom he [Page] considered as not created, much less as fal [...], ordained certain to eternal life, certain to eternal death, without any regard had to their righteousness, or sin, to their obedience, or disobedience; only because it was his pleasure (or so it seemed good to him) to the praise of his Justice and Mercy, or (as others like better) to declare his saving Grace, Wisdom, and free Authority (or Jurisdiction:)'’ many being also so ordained by his eternal and unchangable decree, fit for the execution of the same, by the power or force whereof, it is necessary that they be saved after a necessary, and unavoidable manner, who are ordained to Salvation, so that 'tis not possible that they should perish, but they who are destined to destruction (who are the far greater number) must be damned necessarily and inevitably; so that 'tis not possible for them to be saved. Which doctrine first makes God to be the Author of sin, as both Piscator and Macarius, and many other Supralapsarians, as well as Perkings, have positively and expresly affirmed him to be; & then concludes him for a more unmerciful Tyrant, then all that ever had been in the world, were they joyned in one: A more unmerciful Tyrant then the Roman Emperour, who wished that all the people of Rome had but one Neck amongst them, that he might cut it off at a blow, he being such in voto only, God alone in opere.

VII. But this extremity being every day found the more indefensible, by how much it had been more narrowly sifted and inquired into: the more moderate and sober sort of the Calvinians forsaking the Colours of their first Leaders, betook themselves into the Camp of the rigid Lutherans, and rather chose to joyn with the Dominican Fryers, then to stand any longer to the dictates of their Master Calvin. These passing by the name of Sublapsarians, have given us such an order of Predestination as must and doth presuppose a Fall, and findes all man-kind generally in the Mass of Perdition. The substance of whose doctrine both in this and the other Articles were thus drawn up by the Remonstrants in the Conference at the Hague before remembred.

[Page]1. That God Almighty, willing from eternity, with himself to make a decree concerning the Election of some certain men, but the rejection of others; considered man-kinde not only as created, but also as faln and corrupted in Adam, and Eve, our first Parents, and thereby the deserving the Curse: And that he decreed out of the fall and damnation, to deliver and save some certain ones of his Grace, to declare his Mercy; But to leave others (both young and old, yea truly, even certain Infants of men in Covenant, and those Infants baptized, and dying in their Infancy) by his just Judgment in the Curse, to declare his Justice: and that without all consideration of Repentance and Faith in the former, or of Impenitence or unbelief in the latter. For the execution of which decree, God useth also such means, whereby the Elect are necessarily and unavoidably saved; but Reprobates necessarily and unavoidably perish.

2. And therefore that Jesus Christ the Saviour of the World died, not for all men, but for those only who are elected either after the former or this latter manner, he being the mean and ordained Mediator, to save those only, and not a man besides.

3. Consequently that the Spirit of God and of Christ doth work in those who are elected that way, or this, with such a force of Grace that they cannot resist it: and so that it cannot be, but that they must turn, believe, and thereupon necessarily be saved. But that this irresistible grace and force belongs only to those so elected, but not to Reprobates, to whom not only the irresistible Grace is denied, but also grace necessary and sufficient for Conversion, for faith, and for salvation, is not afforded. To which Conversion and Faith indeed they are called, invited, and freely sollicited outwardly by the revealed Will of God, though notwithstanding the inward force necessary to Faith and Conversion, is not bestowed on them, according to the secret Will of God.

4. But that so many as have once obtained a true and justifyingIbid. 17. 6. Faith, by such a kinde of irresistible force, can never totally nor finally lose it, no not although they fall into the very most enormious sins▪ but are so led and kept by the same irresistible [Page] force, that 'tis not possible for them (o [...] they cannot) either totally, or finally fall, and perish.

VII. And thus we have the doctrine of the Sublapsarian Calvinists, as it stands gathered out of the Writings of particular men. But because particular men may sometimes be mistaken in a publick doctrine, and that the Judgment of such men, being collected by the hands of their Enemies, may be unfaithfully related; we will next look on the Conclusions of the Synod of Dort, which is to be conceived to have delivered the Genuine sense of all the parties, as being a Representative of all the Calvinian Churches of Europe (except those of France) some few Divines of England being added to them. Of the calling and proceedings of this Synod, we shall have occasion to speak further in the following Chapter. At this time I shall only lay down the Results thereof in the five controverted Points (as I finde them abbreviated by Dan. Tilenus.) according to the Heads before mentioned, in summing up the doctrine of the Councel of Trent.

Art. 1. Of Divine Predestination.

That God by an absolute decree hath Elected to salvationArcan. Dogn. Contr. Remon. p. 23. a very smal number of men, without any regard to their Faith or obedience whatsoever; and secluded from saving Grace all the rest of man-kinde, and appointed them by the same decree to eternal damnation, without any regard to their Infidelity, or Impenitency.

Art. 2. Of the Merit and Effect of Christs Death.

That Jesus Christ hath not suffered death for any other, butIbid. p. 29. for those Elect only, having neither had any intent nor commandment of his Father to make satisfaction for the sins of the whole World.

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Art. 3. Of Mans Will in the state of Nature.

That by Adam's Fall his Posterity lost their Free-will, beingIbid. p. 33. put to an unavoidable necessity to do, or not to do, whatsoever they do, or do not, whether it be good, or evil; being thereunto Predestinated by the eternal and effectual secret decree of God.

Art. Of the manner of Conversion.

That God to save his Elect from the corrupt Mass, doth begetIbid p. 41. faith in them by a power equal to that, whereby he created the World, and raised up the dead, insomuch that such unto whom he gives that Grace, cannot reject it, and the rest being Reprobate cannot accept of it.

Art. 5. Of the certainty of Perseverance.

That such as have once received that Grace by Faith, canIbid. 47. never fall from it finally, or totally, notwithstanding the most enormious sins they can commit.

IX. This is the shortest, and withall the most favourable Summary, which I have hitherto met with, of the conclusions of this Synod: that which was drawn by the Remonstrants in their Anti [...]tam, being much more large, and comprehending many things by way of Inference, which are not positively expressed in the words thereof. But against this, though far more plausible then the rigorous way of the Supralapsarians, Gods love to Mankind, p 45. it is objected by those of the contrary perswasion; 1. That it is repugnant to plain Texts of Scripture, as Ezek. 33. 11. Rom. 11. 2. John. 3. 16. 2 Tim. [...]. 4. 2 Pet. 3. 9. Gen. 4 7. 1 Chron. 28. 9. 2 Chron. 15. [...]. Secondly▪ That it fighteth with Gods Holiness, and makes him the cause of sin, in the greatest number of men. 1. In regard that only of his own will and pleasure he hath brought men into an estate in which they cannot avoid sin; that is to say, by imputing to them the transgression of their Father Adam. And 2. In that he leaves them irrecoverablyIbid p. 53. [Page] plunged and involved in it, without affording them power or ability to rise again to newness of life. In which case that of Tertullian seems to have been fitly alledged, Viz. In cujus manu est ne quid fiat, eideputatur cum jam sit. ThatTertul. l. 2. contr. Marcion. c. 22. is to say, In whose power it is, that a thing be not done, to him it is imputed when it is done; as a Pilot may be sayd to be the cause of the loss of that Ship, when it is broken by a violent Tempest, to the saving whereof, he would not lend aGods love to Mankind. p. 62. helping hand when he might have done it. They Object thirdly, That this doctrine is inconsistent with the mercy of God, so highly signified in the Scriptures, in making him to take such a small and speedy occasion, to punish the greater part of men forever, and for one sin once committed, to shut themIbid. p. 64. up under an invincible necessity of sin and damnation. For proof whereof they alledge this Saying out of Prosper, Viz. Qui dicit quod non omnes homines velit Deus salvos fieri, sed certum numerum praedestinatorum: durius loquitur quam loquutum est de altitudine inscrutabilis gratiae Dei. That is to say [...] He which sayth that God would not have all men to be saved, but a certain set number of predestinate persons only: he speaketh more harshly then he should of the light of Gods unsearchable Grace. 4. It is affirmed to be incompatible with the Justice of God, who is sayd in Scripture to be Righteous in all his waies, according unto weight and measure, that theIbid. p. 65 & p. 67. far greatest part of man-kinde should be left remedilesly in a state of damnation, for the sin of their first Father only: that under pain of damnation, he should require faith in Christ, of those to whom he hath precisely in his absolute purpose, denied both a power to believe, and a Christ to believe in; or that he should punish men for the omission of an Act which is made impossible for them by his own decree, by which he purposed that they should partake with Adam in his sin, and be stript of all the supernatural power which they had in him before he fell. And fifthly, It is sayd to be destructive of Gods sincerity, in calling them to repentance, and to the knowledge of the faith in Jesus Christ, that they may be savedIbid. p. 68. to whom he doth not really intend the salvation offered, whereby they are conceived to make God so to deal with [Page] men, as if a Creditor should resolve, upon no terms to forgive his Debtor the very least part of his debt, and yet makeIbid p 76. him offers to remit the whole upon some conditions, and binde the same with many solemn Oaths in a publick Auditory. The like to be affirmed also in reference to Gods passionate wishes, that those men might repent, which repent not; as also to those terrible threatnings which he thundreth against all those that convert not to him: all which together with the whole course of the Ministry, are by this doctrine made to be but so many Acts of deep Hypocrisie in Almighty God, though none of the Maintainers of it have the ingenuity to confess the same, but Piscator only, in his, Necesse est, ut sanctam aliquam si mutationem statuamus in Deo, which is plain and home.

X. And finally it is alledged that this doctrine of the Sublapsarians, is contrary to the ends by God proposed, in the Word and Sacraments, to many of Gods excellent Gifts to the Sons of men, to all endeavours unto holiness and godly living, which is sayd to be much hindered by it, and tend toIbid. p. 91. those grounds of comfort, by which a Conscience in distress should be relieved. And thereupon it is concluded, that if it be a doctrine which discourageth Piety; if it maketh Ministers (by its natural importment) to be negligent in their Preaching, Praying, and other Services, which are ordained of God for the eternal good of their people: if it maketh the people careless in hearing, reading, praying, instructing their Families, examining their Consciences, fasting and mourning for their sins, and all other godly Exercises; as they say it doth: it cannot be a true and a wholsome doctrine, as they say 'tis not. This they illustrate by a passage in Suetonius, relatingSuet. de vit. Tyb. c. 69. p. 180. to Tyberius Caesar, of whom the Historian gives this note: Circa Deos & Religiones negligentior erat, quippe addictus mathematicae, persuasionisque plenus, omnia fato agi. That is to say, That he was the more negligent in matters of Religion, and about the Gods, because he was so much addicted to Astrologers, fully perswaded in his own minde that all things were governed by the Destinies: And they evince by the miseserable example of the Landgrave of Turinng, of whom it is [Page] reported by Heistibachius, that being by his Friends admonishedH [...]isti. lib. de Minor. Hist. c. 27. p. 39. or in G [...]ds love to mank [...]nd. p. 97. of his vitious Conversation, and dangerous condition, he made them this Answer, Viz. Si praedestinatus sum, nulla peccata poterint mihi, regnum coelorum auferre; si praescitus, nulla opera mihi illud valebunt conferre. That is to say, If I be elected, no sins can possibly bereave me of the Kingdom of Heaven, if reprobated, no good Deeds can advance me to it. An Objection not more old then common: but such I must confess to which I never found a satisfactory Answer, from the Pen of Supralapsarian, or Sublapsarian, within the small compass of my reading.

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CHAP. V. The Doctrine of the Remonstrants, and the Story of them, untill their finall Condemnation in the Synod of Dort.

I. The Doctrine of the Remonstrants ancienter then Calvinism in the Belgick Churches, and who they were that stood up for it before Arminius. II. The first undertakings of Arminins, his preferment to the Divinity Chair at Leiden, his Commendations, and Death. III. The occasion of the Name Remonstrants, and Contra Remonstrants; the Controversie reduced to Five Points, and those disputed at the Hague, in a publick Conference. IV. The sayd five Points according to their severall Heads first tendred at the Hague, and after at the Synod at Dort. V. The Remonstrants persecuted by their Opposites, put themselves under the protection of Barnevelt, and by his means obtained a collection of their Doctrine. Barnevelt seised and put to death by the Prince of Orange. VI. The Calling of the Synod of Dort, the parallel betwixt it and the Councel at Trent, both in the conduct of the business against their Adversaries, and the differences amongst themselves. VII. The breaking out of the differences in the Synod in open Quarrels, between Martinius one of the Divines of Breeme, and some of the Divines of Holland; and on what occasions. VIII. A Copy of the Letter from Dr. Belconyvel to S. Dudly Carlaton, his Majesties Resident at the Hague, working the violent prosecutions of those Quarrels by the Dutch Divines. IX. A further prosecution of the Quarrel between the Councel and the Synod, in reference to the Articles used in the Draught upon the Canons and Decrees of either, and the doubtfull meaning of them both. X. The quarrelling Parties joyn together against the Remonstrants, denying them any place in the Synod; and finally dismist [Page] them in a furious Oration made by Boyerman, without any hearing. XI. The Synodists indulgent to the damnable Doctrines of Macorius, and unmerciful in the banishment or extermination of the poor Remonstrants. XII. Scandalously defamed, to make them odious, and th [...]se of their perswasions in other places, Ejected, Persecuted, and Disgraced.

I. HAving thus run through all the other Opinions, touching Predestination, and the Points depending thereupon: I come next to that of the Remonstrants (or Arminians, as they commonly call them) accused of Novelty, but ancienter then Calvinism, in the Churches of the Belgick Provinces, which being Originally Dutch, did first embrace the Reformation, according to the Lutheran model, though afterwards they suffered the Calvinian Plat-form to prevail upon them. It was about the year 1530. that the Reformed Religion was admitted in the Neighbouring Country of East-Friezland, under Enno the First, upon the preaching of Hardingbergius, a Learned and Religious man, and one of the principal Reformers of the Church of Emden, a Town of most note in all that Earldom: from him did Clemens Martini take those Principles, which afterwards he propagated in the Belgick Churches, where the same Doctrine of Predestination had been publickly maintained, in a Book called Odegus Laicorum, or the Laymans Guide, published by Anastasius Velluanus, An. 1554. and much commended by Henricus Antonides, Divinity Reader in the University of Francka: But on the other side the French Ministers having setled themselves in those Parts, which either were of French Language, or anciently belonged to the Crown of France, and having more Quicksilve in them then the others had, prevailed so far with William of Nassaw, Prince of Orange, that a Confession of their framing was presented to the Lady Regent, ratified in a forcible and tumultuous way, and afterwards by degrees obtruded upon all the Belgick Churches: which notwithstanding the Ministers successively in the whole Province of Ʋtrecht adhered unto their former Doctrines; not looked on for so doing as the less Reformed: Nor wanted there some one or [Page] other of eminent Note, who did from time to time oppose the Doctrine of Predestination, contained in that Confession of the year 1567. when it took beginning. Insomuch that Johannes Isbra [...]di, one of the Preachers of Rotradam, openly professed himself an Anticalvinian, and so did Gellius Succanus also in the Country of West-Friezland, who looked no otherwise upon these of Calvin's Judgment, then as Innovators in the Doctrine which had been first received amongst them. The like we finde also of Holmanus, one of the Professors of Leyden, of Cornelius Meinardi, and Cornelius Wiggeri, two men of principal esteem, before the name of Jacob Van-Harmine, was so much as talked of.

II. But so it hapned, that though these learned men had kept on foot the ancient Doctrines, yet did they never finde so generally an Entertainment in those Provinces, as they did afterwards by the pains and diligence of this Van-Harmine: (Arminius he is called by our Latine Writers) from whom these Doctrines have obtained the name of Arminianism, called so upon no juster Grounds then the great Western Continent, is called by the name of America; whereas both Christopher Collumbus had first discovered it, and the two Cabots Father and Son had made a further progress in the sayd discovery, before Americus Vespatius ere saw those shores. As for Arminius; he had been fifteen years a Preacher (or a Pastor as they rather phrase it) to the great Church of Arastandam, during which times, taking a great distast at the Book published by Mr. Perkins, intituled, Armilla Aurea, he set himself upon the canvasing of it, and published his performance in it, by the name of Examen Praedestinationis Perkinsoniae, as before was sayd. Incouraged with his good success in this adventure, he undertakes a Conference on the same Argument with the learned Junius, the summe whereof being spread abroad in several Papers, was after published by the name of Amica Collatio. Junius being dead in the year 1603. the Curators or Overseers of the University made choice of this Van-harmine to succeed him in his place. But the Inhabitants of the Town would not so part with him, till they were over-ruled by the Entreaties of some, and the power of others, A matter so unpleasing [Page] to the rigid Calvinians, that they informed against him to the state for divers Heterodoxies, which they had noted in his Writings. But the business being heard at the Hague, he was acquitted by his Judge, dispatcht for Leyden, and there confirmed in his place. Toward which the Testimonial Letters sent from the Church of Amsterdam, did not help a little. In which he stands commended, Ob vitae inculpatae, sanae doctrinae & morum summam integritatem. That is to say, for a man of an unblameable life, sound Doctrine and fair behaviour, as may be seen at large, in the Oration which was made at his Funeral in the Divinity Schools of Leyden, on the 22. day of October, 1609.

III. Thus dyed Arminius, but the Cause did not so dye with him. For during the first time of his sitting in the Chair of Leyden, he drew unto him a great part of the University, who by the Piety of the man, his powerful Arguments, his extreme diligence in that place, and the clear light of Reason which appeared in all his Discourses, were so wedded unto his Opinions, that no time nor trouble could drown them: For Arminius dying in the year 1609. as before was sayd, the heats betwixt the Scholars, and those of the contrary perswasion, were rather encreased then abated; the more encreased for want of such a prudent Moderator, as had before preserved the Churches from a publick Rupture. The breach between them growing wider and wider, each side thought fit to seek the Countenance of the State, and they did accordingly: for in the year 1610. the Followers of Arminius address their Remonstrance, containing the Antiquity of their Doctrines, and the substance of them) to the States of Holland, which was encountred presently, by a Contra Remonstance, exhibited by those of Calvins Party: from hence the names of Remonstrants, and Contra Remonstrants, so frequent in their Books and Writings; each Party taking opportunity to disperse their Doctrines, the Remonstrants gained exceedingly upon their Adversarys: For the whole Controversie being reduced to these five Points, Viz. The Method and Order of Predestination; The Efficacy of Christs Death, The Opperations of Grace, both before and after m [...]s Conversion, and [Page] perseverance in the same; the Parties were admitted to a publick Conference at the Hague, in the year 1611. in which the Remonstrants were conceived to have had much the better of the day. Now for the five Articles above mentioned, they were these that follow;

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VIZ. I. De Electione ex fide praevisa.

DEus aeterno & immutabili Decreto, in Jesu Christo filio suo, ante jactum mundi fundamentum statuit, ex lapso & peccatis obnoxio humano genere, illos in Christo, propter Christum, & per Christum servare, qui spiritus sancti gratia in eundem filium ejus credunt, & in ea fide, fideique obedientia, per eandem gratiam, usque ad finem perseverant.

VIZ. I. Of Election out of Faith foreseen.

ALmighty God by an eternal and unchangable Decree, ordained in Jesus Christ, his only Son, before the Foundations of the World were layd, to save all those in Christ, for Christ; and through Christ, who being faln, and under the command of sin, by the assistance of the Grace of the Holy Ghost, do persevere in faith and obedience to the very end.

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II. De Redemptione universali.

Proinde Deus Christus pro omnibus ac singulis mortuus est: atque id ita quidem, ut omnibus per mortem crucis Reconciliationem, & Peccatorum Remissionem impetrarit: Ea tamen conditione, ut nemo illa peccatorum Remissione fruatur, [Page] praeter hominem fidelem, Joh. 2. 16. 1 Joh. 2. 2.

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II. Of universal Redemption.

To which end Jesus Christ suffered death for all men, and in every man, that by his death upon the Cross, he might obtain for all mankind, both the forgiveness of their sins, and Reconciliation with the Lord their God; with this Condition notwithstanding, that [Page] none but true believers should enjoy the benefit of the Reconciliation and forgiveness of sins, John 2. 16. 1 John 2. 2.

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III. De causa fidei.

Homo fidem salutarem a seipso non habet, nec vi liberi sui arbitrii, quandoquidem in statu defectionis, & peccati, nihil boni, quod quidem vere est bonum (quale est fides salutaris) ex se potest cogitare, velle, aut facere: sed necessarium est, eum a Deo, in Christo, per spiritum ejus sanctum regigni, renovari, mente, affectibus, seu voluntate, & omnibus facultatibus, ut aliquid boni posset intelligere, cogitare, velle, & perficere, secundum illud John 15. 5. sine me potestis nihil.

III. Of the cause or means of attaining Faith.

Man hath not saving Faith in and of himself, nor can attain it by the power of his own Free-will, in regard that living in an estate of sin, and defection from God, he is not able of himself to think well, or do any thing which is really, or truly good; amongst which sort saving faith is to be accounted. And therfore it is necessary that by God in Christ, and through the Workings of the Holy Ghost he be regenerated and renewed in his understanding, will, affections, and all his other faculties; that so he may be able to understand, think, will, and bring to pass any thing that is good, according to that of Saint John, 15. 5. Without me you can do nothing.

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IV. De Conversionis modo.

Dei gratia est initium, progressus, & perfectio omnis boni, atque adeo quidem, ut ipse homo Regenitus, [Page] absque hae praecedanea seu Adventitia, excitante, consequente, & co-operante gratia, neque boni quid cagitare, velle, aut facere potest, neque etiam ulli malae tentationae resistere, adeo quidem ut omnia bona opera, quae excogitare possumus, Deigratiae in Christo tribuenda sunt. Quoad vero modum co-operationis illius gratiae, illa non est irresistibilis: de multis enim dicitur, eos spiritui sancto Resistisse. Actorum 7. & alibi multis locis.

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IV. Of the manner of Conversion.

The Grace of God is the beginning, promotion, and accomplishment of every thing that is good in us; insomuch that the Regenerate [Page] man can neither think well, nor do any thing that is good, or resist any sinfull temptations, without this Grace preventing, co-operating and assisting; and consequently all good works, which any man in his life can attain unto, are to be attributed and ascribed to the grace of God. But as for the manner of the co-operation of this Grace, it is not to be thought to be irresistable, in regard that it is sayd of many in the holy Scriptures, that they did resist the Holy Ghost; as in Acts 7. and in other places.

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V. De Perseverantia incerta.

Qui Jesu Christo per veram fidem sunt insiti, ac proinde spiritus ejus vivificantis participes, ii abundehabent facultatum, quibus contra Satanam, peccatum, mundum, & propriam suam carnem pugnent & victoriam obtineant; verum tamen per gratiae spiritus sancti subsidium. Jesus Christus quidem illis spiritu suo in omnibus tentationibus adest, manum porrigit, [Page] & modo sint ad certamen prompti, & ejus Auxilium Petant, neque officio suo desint, eos confirmat: adeo quidem ut nulla satanae fraude, aut vi seduci, vel e manibus Christi eripi, possint, secundum illud Johannis 10. Nemo illos e manu mea eripiet, Sed an illi ipsi negligentia sua, principium illud quo sustentantur in Christo, deserere non possint, & praesentem mundum iterum amplecti, a sancta doctrina ipsis semel tradita deficere, conscientiae naufragium facere, a gratia excidere; penitus ex sacra scriptura esset expendendum, antequam illud cumplena animi tranquillitate, & Plerephoria dicere possumus.

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V. Of the uncertainty of Perseverance.

They who are grafted into Christ by a lively Faith, and are throughly made Partakers of his quickning Spirit, have a sufficiency of strength, by which (the Holy Ghost contributing his Assistance to them) they may not only fight, but obtain the Victory, against the Devil, Sin, the World, and all infirmities of the flesh. Most true it is, that Jesus Christ is present with them by his Spirit in all their temptations, that he reacheth out his hand unto them, and shews himself ready [Page] to support them, if for their parts they prepare themselves to the encounter, and beseech his help, and are not wanting to themselves in performing their duties: so that they cannot be seduced by the cunning, or taken out of the hands of Christ by the power of Satan, according to that of S. John, No man taketh them out of my hand, &c. cap. 10. But it is first to be well weighed and proved by the holy Scripture, whether by their own negligence, they may not forsake those Principles of saving Grace, by which they are sustained in Christ, embrace the present World again, Apostatize from the saving doctrine once delivered to them, suffer a Shipwrack of their Conscience, and fall away from the Grace of God, before we can publickly teach these doctrines, with any sufficient trauquillity or assurance of mind.'

V. It is reported, that at the end of the Conference between the Protestants and Papists, in the first Convocation of Q [...]een Maries Reign, the Protestants were thought to have had the better, as being more dextrous in applying and in forcing some Texts of Scripture then the others were, and that thereupon they were dismissed by Weston the Prolocutor, with this short come off: You, sayd he, have the word, and we have the Sword. His meaning was, That what the Papists wanted in the strength of Argument, they would make good by other waies, as afterwards indeed they did by Fire and Fagot. The like is sayd to have been done by the Contra Remonstrants, who finding themselves at this Conference to have [Page] had the worst, and not to have thrived much better by their Pen-comments, then in that of the Tongue, betook themselves to other courses; vexing and molesting their Opposites in their Classes, or Consistories, endeavouring to silence them from Preaching in their severall Churches: or otherwise to bring them unto publick Censure. At which Weapon the Remonstrants being as much too weak, as the others were at Argument and Disputation; they betook themselves unto the Patronage of John Van Olden Burnevelt, a man of great Power in the Councel of Estate for the Ʋnited Belgick Provinces, by whose means they obtained an Edict from the States of Holland, and West-Fri [...]zland, Ann. 1613. requiring and enjoyning a mutual Toleration of Opinions, as well on the one side as the other. An Edict highly magnified by the Learned Grotius in a Book, intituled, Pietas Ordinum Hollandiae, &c. Against which some Answers were set out by Bogerman, Sibrandus, and some others, not without some reflection on the Magistrates for their Actings in it: But this indulgence, though at the present it was very advantageous to the Remonstrants, as the case then stood, cost them dear at last. For Barnevelt having some suspition that Morris of Nassaw, Prince of Orange, Commander Generall of all the Forces of those United Provinces both by Sea and Land, had a design to make himself the absolute Master of those Countries, made use of them for the uniting and encouraging of such good Patriots, as durst appear in maintenance of the common liberty, which Service they undertook the rather, because they found that the Prince had passionately espoused the Quarrel of the Contra Remonstrants. From this time forwards the Animosities began to encrease on either side, and the Breach to widen, not to be closed again; but either by weakning the great power of the Prince, or the Death of Barnevelt. This last the easier to be compassed, as not being able by so small a Party to contend with him, who had the absolute command of so many Legions. For the Prince being apprehensive of the danger in which he stood, and spurred on by the continuall Sollicitations of the Contra Remonstrants, suddenly put himself into the Head of his Army, with which he marcht [Page] from Town to Town, altered the Guards, changed the Officers, and displaced the Magistrates, where he found any whom he thought disaffected to him; and having gotten Barnevelt, Grotius, and some other of the Heads of the Party into his power, he caused them to be condemned, and Barnevelt to be put to death, contrary to the fundamental Laws of the Country, and the Rules of the Union.

VI. This Alteration being thus made, the Contra Remonstrants thought it a high Point of Wisdom to keep their Adversaries down, now they had them under, and to effect that by a National Councel, which they could not hope to compass by their own Authority: To which end, the States General being importuned by the Prince of Orange, and his Sollicitation seconded by those of King James (to whom the power and person of the Prince were of like Importance) a National Synod was appointed to be held at Dort, Ann. 1618. Barnevelt being then still living. To which besides the Commissioners from the Churches of their several Provinces, all the Calvinian Churches in Europe (those of France excepted) sent their Delegates also; some eminent Divines being Commissionated by King James to attend also in the Synod: for the Realm of Britain. A Synod much like that of Trent, in the Motives to it; as also in the mannaging and conduct of it. For as neither of them was Assembled till the Sword was drawn, the terrour whereof was able to effect more then all other Arguments: so neither of them was concerned to confute, but condemn their Opposites.

Secondly, The Councel of Trent consisted for the most part of Italian Bishops, some others being added for fashion sake; and that it might the better challenge the Name of General, as that of Dort, consisted for the most part of the Delegates of the Belgick Churches, to whom the forein Divines were found inconsiderable. The Differences as great at Dort, as they were at Trent, and as much care taken to adulce the discontented Parties (whose Judgments were incompatible with the ends of either) in the one as the other. The British Divines, together with one of those which came from the Breme, maintained the universal Redemption of Mankinde by [Page] the Death of Christ. But this by no means would be granted by the rest of the Synod, especially by those of North-Holland, for fear of yeilding any thing to the Arminians; as Soto in the Councel of Trent opposed some moderate Opinions, teaching the certainty of Salvation, because they were too much in favour with the Lutheran Doctrines. First, The general body of the Synod not being able to avoid the inconveniences which the Supra-lapsarian way brought with it, were generally intent on the Sublapsarian: but on the other side, the Commissioners of the Churches of South-Holland, thought it not necessary to determine which were considered, man faln, or not faln, while he passed the Decrees of Election and Reprobation. But far more positive was Gomarus, one of the four Professors of Leiden, who stood as strongly to the absolute irrespective and irreversible Decree, (exclusive of mans sin, and our Saviours Sufferings) as he could have done for the Holy Trinity. And not being able to draw the rest unto his Opinion, nor willing to conform to theirs, he delivered his own Judgment in writing apart by it self, not joyning in subscription with the rest of his Brethren, for conformity sake, as is accustomed in such cases. But Macorius one of the Professors in Frankar, in West-Frizeland, went beyound them all, not only maintaining against Sibrandus Lubbertus, his fellow Collegiate in their open Synod; That God wills sin, That he ordains sin as it is sin: and, That by no means he would have all men to be saved; but openly declaring, That if these Points were not maintained, they must forsake their chief Doctors who had so great a hand in the Reformation.

VII. Some other differences there were amongst them, not reconcilable in this Synod; as namely, whether the Elect be loved out of Christ, or not: whether Christ were the cause and foundation of Election, or only the Head of the Elect; And many others of like nature. Nor were these Differences mannaged with such sobriety as became the gravity of the persons, and weight of the business, but brake out many times into such open heats and violences, as are not to be parallel'd in the like Assemblies; the Provincial Divines banding against the Foreiners, and the Foreiners falling foul upon one another: [Page] for so it hapned; that Martinius one of the Divines of Breme, a moderate and learned man, being desired to speak his minde in the Points last mentioned, signified to the Synod, ‘'That he made some scruple touching the Doctrine Passant,In his Letters, p. 72. about the manner of Christs being Fundamentum electionis, and that he thought Christ not only the Effector of our Election, but also the Author and Procurer of it. Gomarus presently as soon as Martinius had spoken, starts up and tells the Synod, Ego hanc rem in me recipio, and therewithall casts his Glove, and challenges Martinius with this Proverb, Ecce Rhodum, ecce Sullum, and required the Synod to grant them a Duel, adding, That he knew Martinius could say nothing in Refutation of that Doctrine.'’ So my dear Friend Mr. Hales of Eaton relates the story of this passage in a Letter to Sir Dudly Carleton, bearing date Jan. 25. 1618. according to the style of the Church of England: and where he endeth, Dr. Belcanquall shall begin relating in his Letters to the sayd Ambassadour, the story of a greater Fray, between the sayd Martinius, and Sibrandus Lubberius above mentioned, upon this occasion. Martinius had affirmed God to be, Causa Physica Conversionis; and for the truth thereof, appealed to Goclenius a great Philosopher, being then present in the Synod, who thereupon discoursed upon it out of Th [...]mistinus, Averores, Alexander Aphrodisaeus, and many more; affirming it to be true in Philosophy, although he would not have it to prescribe in Divinity. Sibrandus Lubbert taking fire at this, falls upon them both: but the Fray parted at the present, by the care of Boyerman. Gomarus within few dayes after picks a new Quarrel with Martinius, and the rest of the Divines of Breme, for running a more moderate course then the rest of the Synod: many other of the Provincials seconding Gomarus in the Quarrel, and carrying themselves so uncivilly in the prosecution; that Martinius was upon the Point of returning homewards. But this Quarrel being also taken up, the former is revived by Sibrandus in the following Session, concerning which Belcanquall writes to Sr Dudley Carleton, this ensuing Letter, which for the rarity and variety of the passages contained [Page] in it, and the great light which it affords to the present business: I shall crave leave to add it here.

Dr. BELCANQUALLS LETTER TO Sir Dudley Carleton.

My very good Lord,

VIII. SInce my last Letters to your Lordship,Belcanquals Letters. p. 10 there hath been no business of any great Note in the Synod, but that which I am sure your Lordship will be very sorry to hear; Contention like to come to some head, if it be not prevented in time: for there hath been such a Plot layd ex compositò, for disgracing of the Bremenses, as I think the Synod shall receive small grace by it. D. Gomarus being he at whom the last Disquisition of the third and fourth Articles ended, was entreated by the President to speak his minde of the sayd Articles; but Sibrandus desireth the President, first, to give him leave to add some few things to that he had spoken the day before: Now what he added was nothing but a renewing of the strife, which was between him and Martinius in the last Session: two things [...]e [Page] alledged; First, That he had been at Goclenius his Lodging, conferring with him about that Proposition, whether God might be called Causa Physica of humane Actions, and delivered certain Affirmations pronounced by Goclenius, tending to the Negative; for the truth of his relation he appealed to Goclenius there present, who testified that it was so: next Martinius had alledged a place out of Paraeus for the Affirmative in opere conversionis. Sibrandus, read a great many places out of Paraeus tending to the contrary: and (no question it being pleaded before) he entreateth some of the Pallatines (naming them all severally) who were Paraeus his Colleagues, would speak what they did know of Paraeus his minde, concerning the sayd Proposition: Scultetus beginneth with a set Speech, which he had writ lying before him; but such a Speech it was, as I, and I think all the Exteri, were exceedingly grieved it should have come from a man of so much worth: the summ of it was this, That he did know upon his own knowledge, that Paraeus did hold the contrary of that which had been fasly fathered on him in the Synod, that he could not endure to hear his dearest Colleague so much abused as he had been by some men in the Synod: Moreover he could not now dissemble, the great grief he had conceived [Page] that some in the Synod, went about to trouble sound Divinity with bringing in Tricas Scholasticas, such as was to make God Causam Physicam Conversionis (that was for Martinius) such portenta vocabulorum, as determinare, and non determinare voluntatem: that some men durst say, that there were some doubts in the Fourth Article, which Calvin himself had not throughly satisfied, nor other Learned Reformed Doctors; that it was to be feared that they intended to bring in Jesuits Divinity in the Reformed Churches, and to corrupt the Youth committed to their Charge, with a strange kind of Divinity. This last Speech concerned D. Grotius. Scultetus delivered his minde in exceeding bitter and disgraceful words, and repeated his bitterest sentences twice over: he having ended, Martinius with great modesty answered, first, That he would read Paraeus his own words, which he did; next that for Sibrandus he wondred that he would now in publick bring these things up, since out of his love to Peace, that very day he had sent his Colleague Grotius to Sibrandus, with a large explication in that sense, in which he had delivered the Proposition, with which explication Sibrandus himself had sent him word he was fully satisfied, and so he made account that that business had been peaceably transacted: [Page] all this while Grotius spake nothing; Gomarus beginneth to go on in the Disquisition, but I think he delivered a Speech against the Bremenses, which none but a mad man would have uttered. First, Whereas Martinius had sayd, that he did desire the resolution of this doubt, Qui Deus possit ab homine cujus potentia est finita, fidem, quae est opus omnipotentiae, exigere: and that neither Calvin, nor any of the Divines, had yet plainly enough untyed the Knot: he replyed, first, That he that sayd so was not Dignus qui solveret Calvino Corrigiam: and that for the doubt it self, it was such a silly one, that ipsi pueri in trivio, could ipsius solutionem decantare (at which Speech every body smiled.) Moreover, whereas Martinius in his Answer to Scultetus, had not spoken one word against him, but only this, That he was sorry that one who had now been 25 years a Professor of Divinity should be thus used for using a School-term: Gomarus very wisely had a fling at the Two, and telleth the Synod, that since some men thought to carry it away annorum numero, he himself had been a Professor not only 25, but 35 years. Next he falleth upon Grotius, and biddeth the Synod take heed of these men that brought in the Monstra & Portenta vocabulorum, the Barbarisms of the Schools of the [Page] Jesuits, determinare, & non determinare voluntatem, with many such speeches delivered with such sparklings of his eyes, and fireceness of pronunciation, as every man wondred the President did not cut him off, at last he cut off himself I think for want of breath; and the President giveth Celeberrimo Doctori Gomaro, many thanks for that his Grave and accurate speech: the Exteri wondred at it; at last my Lord of Landaff, in Good faith, in a very grave short speech (for which, as for one of the least, I am perswaded he ever delivered, we and all the Exteri, thought he deserved infinite Commendations:) he spake to the President to this purpose, That this Synod called Disquisition, was instituted for Edification, not for any man to shew Studium Contentionis; and therefore did desire him to look that the knot of Unity were not broken. In this his Lordships speech, he named no man, the last word was hardly out of my Lordships mouth, but furious Gomarus, knowing himself guilty, delivered this wise Speech; Reverendissime D. Praesul, non agendum est hic in Synodo authoritate, sed ratione. That it was free for him to speak in his own place, which no man must think to abridge him of by their Authority. My Lord replyed nothing; but the President told my Lord, that Celeberrimus D. Gom. had sayd nothing [Page] against mens Persons, but their Opinions, and therefore that he had sayd nothing worthy of Reprehension: This gave every man just occasion to think the President was of the Plot. Martimus against this Speech of Gomarus sayd nothing, but that he was sorry that he should have this Reward for his far Journey: The Disquisition went on to Thysius, who very discreetly told the Synod, he was sorry Martinius should be so exagitated for a speech, which according to Martinius his explication was true. Just as Thysius was thus speaking, Gomarus and Sibrandus who sate next him, pulled him by the Sleeve, talked to him in a confused angry noise, in the hearing and seeing of all the Synod, chiding him that he would say so: afterwards Thysius with great moderation, desired Martinius to give him satisfaction of one or two doubtful Sentences he had delivered; which Martinius, thanking him for his Courtesie, fully did. The President was certainly in this Plot against Martinius, for at the same time he read out of a Paper publickly, a note of all the hard Speeches Martinius had used. All this while D. Grotius his patience was admired by all men, who being so grosly abused and disgraced, could get leave of his affections to hold his peace.

[Page]IX. I could pursue these Differences further both in weight and number, without any great trouble; but that I have some ther work to do, which is the pressing of some other Conformities between this Synod and the Councel: the same Arts being used in drawing up the Cannons and Conclusions of the one, as were observed in the other; what Care and Artifice was used in the Councel of Trent, so to draw up the Canons and Decrees thereof, as to please all the differing Parties, hath been already shewn in the third Chapter of this Book. And in the History of the Councels, we shall finde this passage, Viz. That immediatly after the Session, Fryer Dominicus S [...]to principal of the Dominicans, wrote three Books, and did Intitle them of Nature and of Grace: for Commentary of this Doctrine, and in his Expositions all his Opinions are found. When this Work was published, Fryer Andrew Vega, the most esteemed of the Franciscans, set forth fifteen great Books for Commentarys,Hist. of the Contr. p. 215. upon the sixteen Points of that Decree, and did expound it all according to his own Opinion; which two Opinions sayth my Author, do not only differ in almost all the Articles, but in many of them are expresly contrary. A perfect parallel to which we may finde in this Synod; the Conclusions and Results whereof, being so drawn up, for giving satisfaction to the Sublapsarians, that those of the Supralapsarian Faction might pretend some Title to them also: Concerning which, take here this passage from the Arcan. Dogm. Pref. A. 9. Remonstr. long since published, where we are told of a bitter Contention, betwixt Voetius and Maresius, about the sense of this Synod: the one of them maintaining that the Synod determined the Decree of Predestination and Reprobation, to antecede the consideration of the Fall of Adam; the other opposing him with an Apology in behalf of the Synod, against that Assertion. So that though assembled on purpose to decide these Controversies, and appease the Broyls that Emerged, and were inflamed upon them, yet (that they might seem to agree together in some thing) have they wrapt up their Decrees and Canons in so many Clouds, and confounded them with so many Intricacies (if a man hath recourse to their Suffrages for an Interpretation) that they are like to fall into a [Page] greater new Schism, before they come to a setled Resolution, of knowing what the meaning of that Synod is. And so much of the parallel between the councel of Trent, & the synod of D [...]rt▪ touching the managery of all affairs both in fact, and post fact.

X. It was to be supposed in the midst of so many Differences and disorders, the Remonstrants might have found a way to have saved themselves, either by fomenting the Contentions, or by finding some Favours at their hands, who seemed to be any thing inclinable to their Opinions: but no such favour could be gained, not so much as hoped for; though Ephraim was against Manasses, and Manasses against Ephraim, yet were they both together against Judah, as the Scripture tells us. Nor did the differences between the Supralapsarians, and the Sublapsarians, or those which were of equal moment in the other Points extend so far, as to be any hindrance to the condemning of those poor men, to whom they were resolved not to give an equal hearing before the final sentence of their recondemnation: so truly was it sayd by some of the Remonstrants themselves; Adeo facile Coeunt, qui in fatalitatem absolutam Exam. Cers. p. 63. B. tantum consentiunt. In order whereunto, many indirect proceedings had been used to hinder those of the Remonstrant, or Arminian Party, by excommunicating some, and citing others to appear as criminal persons, from being returned Commissioners from their several Classes; and to refuse admittance to them into the Synod, upon such Returns, except they would oblige themselves to desert their Party, as in the case of those of Ʋtrecht, there when the Parties whom they cited, were authorized by the rest to present themselves before the Synod, and to press for audience, offering to refer their Cause to a Disputation: their offer was not rejected only, but they were commanded to forbear any further attendance, unless they would submit themselves unto two Conditions; First, To acknowledge the Members of the Synod (whom they beheld as Parties) to be competent Judges in that case. And secondly, To proceed in such a Method as they conceived would be destructive of their Cause: On the refusal of which last, the former Point being in a manner yeilded to, in hope of some fair dealing from the forein Divines, they were dismist [Page] without hearing what they could say for themselves, as before was noted. For Boyerman President of the Synod, having some suspition that they would openly retort those gross Impieties, which were contained under the absolute Decree of Reprobation; dismissed them the Assembly in a most bitter Oration, his eyes seeming to sparkle fire, for the very fear, or fervency of spirit which was then upon him, which though I might report with safety enough from the Pen of some of the Remonstrants, in their Books called the Synodalia Remonstrantium, and the Antidotum, &c. yet I choose rather to relate it from a more impartial Author, even from the mouth of my dear Friend, Mr. Hales (the most learned and ingenious John Hales of Eaton) who being then Chaplain to Sir. Dudley Carleton, King James his Resident at the Hague, was suffered to be present at the hearing of it; so that it might be sayd of them, as was affirmed by Tertullian of the ancient Gentiles, when the persecuting humour was upon them: A [...]dire nolunt, quod auditum damnare non possunt; they were resolved not to hear those Arguments which they could not answer, or to give ear unto the proving of those Points, which they could not honestly condemn, if they had been proved.

XI. More favourable were they unto those of the other extremity, looking no otherwise on the Supralapsarians, then as erring Brethren; but on the Remonstrants, or Arminians, as their mortal Enemies. Macorius before-mentioned, is charged to have brought many dangerous and blasphemous Paradoxes, in making God to be the Author of sin, and openly maintaining in the Synod it self, that God willed sin, that he ordained sin, as sin, and that by no means he would have all men to be saved, as before is sayd. He had taught also in his Writings, Gods Love to mankinde, p. 89. Deum Reprobis verbum suum prop [...]nere non alio fine, quam ut inexcusabiles reddantur: That is to say, That God doth propound his Word to Reprobates for no other end, then that they might be left without excuse: That if the Gospel be considered in respect of Gods intention, the proper end of it, and not the Accidental, in reference to Reprobates, is their inexcusableness. More then so yet, That Christ knoweth all the hearts of Reprobates who he kn [...]weth neither can nor will open to him; not that he may enter in, [Page] but partly that he may upbraid them for their impotency, and partly that he may encrease their damnation: And finally, Deum ideo eis locutum esse, ut ex contemptu, & odio filii unigeniti, Gravior condemnatio esset. That God doth speak unto them to no other end, but that by the contempt and hatred of his only son, they might incur the greater condemnation. For which and many other expressions of the like foul Nature, occurring frequently in his Writings, and those▪ Positions which he stood to in the open Synod, he received no other Censure from them, but a fair and friendly Admonition, to forbear such Forms of speech, asArcan. Deg. Cert. Remons. p. 95. might give offence to tender Ears, and could not be digested by persons ignorant and uncapable of so great Mysteries: As also that he would not set light by those distinctions of Divines who had deserved well of the Church of Christ. But on the other side, the Remonstrants who maintained no such Impieties, whose Writings neither charged God with Tyranny and Hypocrisie or having any hand in the Act of sin, were most reproachfully handled and thrown out of the Senate, without so much as hearing, what they had to say in their own defence, though that was the least part of the misery intended to them: For when the Synod had concluded in the condemnation of their Doctrine, they next proceeded to the destructon of their persons, calling upon them to subscribe to the Acts of the Synod; and setting them a peremptory day for conforming to it: And when they saw that would not do it, by their incensed importunity, they procured a Proclamation from the States-Generall, to banish them from their Native Countrey, with their Wives and Children, and so compelling them to beg their Bread, even in Desolate places.

XII. But yet this was no end of their sorrows neither. He must come under a new Crosse, and be calumniated for maintaining many horrid Blasphemies, and grosse impieties, which they most abhorred. For in the continuation of the History of the Netherlands, writ by one Crosse, a fellow of no parts or judgement, and so more apt to be abused with a false Report; It is there affirmed (whether with greater ignorance or malice, it is hard to say) That there was a Synod called at D [...]rt, to suppresse the Arminians; and that the said Arminians [Page] held amongst other Heresies, First, That God was the Author of sin; and secondly, That he created the far greater part of Mankinde, only of purpose for to damn them; with severall others of that kinde: VVhich every man of reason knowes, not only to be the consequence and results of Calvins Doctrine, but to be positively maintained and taught by some of his followers. By which and such like subtile, and malicious practises, they endeavoured to expose their Adversaries to the publick hatred, and make them odious with the people; till at last these poor men might have said most justly, as once the primitive Christians did, under the burden of the like Calumnies and Imputations, Condemnati sumus quia nominamur, non quia convincimur, as Tertullian hath it, the name of an Arminian carried a Condemnation in it self without any conviction. Nor was their fury satisfied in Exauctorating, Banishing, and destroying those of the adverse party, who lived within the compasse of the Belgick Provinces; the genius of the Sect being active in all parts alike, in none more visibly then the neighbouring City of Ledan, the principal seat and Signory of the Dukes of Bovillon: Out of which Franciscus Auratus a most faithfull Minister of that Church, is said to have been shamefully ejected for no other reason, by those of the Calvinian party, but because, preaching on the Text of St. James 1. 13. God tempteth no man, &c. he largely declared, that God was not the Author of sin. With what severity they proceeded in England, when they had gotten the advantage of Power and Number, and with what Calumnies and Reproaches they aspersed all those which were of a contrary perswasion to them; the sequestring and ejecting of so many hundreds of learned and religious men from their severall Benefices, the most odious Pamphlet called, The First CENTURY of SCANDALOƲS and MALIGNANT PRIESTS, together with many uncharitable and disgracefull passages against them, in the Writings of some Presbyterian Ministers, do most clearly evidence.

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CHAP. VI. Objections made against the Doctrine of the Remonstrants, the Answers unto all, and the retorting of some of them on the Opposite Party.

I. An Introduction to the said Objections. II. The first Objection, touching their being enemies to the Grace of God, disproved in generall, by comparing the Doctrine with that of S. Augustine, though somewhat more favourable to Free Will then that of Luther. III. A more particular Answer, in relation to some hard Expressions, which were used of them by King James. IV. The second charging it as Introductive of Popery, begun in Holland, and pressed more importunately in England, answered both by Reason and Experience to the contrary of it. V. The third, as filling men with spirituall pride, first answered in relation to the testimony from which it was taken, and then retorted on those who object the same. VI. The fourth Charge, making the Remonstrants a factious and seditious people, begun in Holland, prosecuted in England, and answered in the generall by the most Religious Bishop Ridly. VII. What moved King James to think so ill of the Remonstrants, as to exasperate the States against them. VIII. The Remonstrants neither so troublesome nor so chargeable to the States themselves, as they are made by the Assertor; the indirect proceedings of the Prince of Orange, viz. the death of Barnevelt, and the injustice of the Argument in charging the practises of his Children, and the Prince upon all the party. IX. Nothing in the Arminian Doctrine, which may incline a man to seditious courses, as it is affirmed and proved to be in the Calvin. X. The Racrimination further proved by a passage in the Conference of the Lord Treasurer Burleigh with Queen Eliz. in a Letter of some of the Bishops to the Duke of Buckingham, and in that of Dr. Brooks to the late Archbishop. XI. More fully prosecuted, and exemplified, by Campney's an old English Protestant. XII. A Transition to the Doctrine of the Chrurch of England.

I. IT may be thought, that some strange mystery of iniquity, lay hidden under the Mask or Vail of the Five [Page] Articles last mentioned, which m [...]de the Synodists so furiously to rage against them; to use such cruelty (for severity is too milde a name to expresse their [...]igor) towards all those who did maintain them. For justifying whereof in the eye of the World, both before, and after the Synod, course was taken to impeach their Doctrine in these points of no smaller crimes, then to be destructive of [...]ods Grace, introductory of Popery, tending unto spiritual pride, and to Sedition or Rebellion in the Civil Government. Which Objections I shall here present, as I have done the Arguments of most importance which were Excogitated, and enforced against the Conclusions, and Determinations of the Synod in the said five poynts; and that being done, I shall return such Answers as are made unto them.

II. First then it is objected, that this Doctrine is destructive of Gods Free Grace, reviving the old Pelagian Heresies, so long since condemned. This is press'd by Boyerman, in his AnnotationsBoyerman, Anro [...]. Grotii Pietat. on the book of Grotius, called Pietas Ordinum, &c. where he brings in Pareus, charging them, with having proceeded E Schola Caelestii & Pelagii, from no other School, then that of Pelagius, and Caelestius, those accursed Hereticks. Thycius another of the Contra-Remonstrants, but somewhat more moderate then the rest in this particular, conceives their Doctrine to incline rather to Semi-Pelagianisme, Et aut candem esse, aut non multo diversam, and either to be the very same, or not much different. But the authority of King James * Declar. against Vorstius was of greatest weight, who in his heats against Vorstius, calls them the Enemies of Gods grace, Atheisticall Sectaries, and more particularly, the Enemy of God Arminius, as the King once called him. To which Objection it is answered, that whatsoever Pareus and the rest might please to call them, they had but little reason for it; the Remonstrants speaking as honourably of the Grace of God as any other whatsoever. And this they prove, by comparing the first branch of the Fourth Article, with that Golden saying of St. Augustine, viz. Sine gratia Dei praeveniente ut velimus, & subsequente ne frustra velimus, ad pietatis opera nil valemus; that is to say, that we may will the things which are good, and [Page] following or assisting, that we do not will them to no purpose, we are not able to do any thing in the works of piety. And by comparing the said Clause with St. Augustines words, it cannot easily be discerned, why the one party should be branded for the Enemies of the Grace of God, while the other is honoured as the chief Patron, and Defender of it. It can not be denyed, but that they ascribe somewhat more [...]o the will of man, then some of the rigid Lutherans and Calvinians doe, who will have a man drawn forcibly, and irresistably▪ with the cords of Grace, velut in animatum quiddam, like a senselesse stock, without contributing any thing to his own salvation. But then it must be granted also, that they ascribe no more unto it, then what may stand both with the Grace and Justice of Almighty God, according to that Divine saying of St. Augustine, viz. Si non est gratia Dei quomodo salvat mundum? Si non est liberum arbitrium, quomodo judicat mundum? Were it not for the Grace of God, no man could be saved, and were there not a freedome of will in man, no man with justice could be condemned.

III. And as for the Reproachfull words which King James is noted to have spoken of them, it hath been said (with all due reverence to the Majesty of so great a Prince) that he was then transported with prejudice or particular Interesse; and therefore that there lay an Appeal, (as once to Philip King of Macedon,) from the King being not then well informed, to the same King, whensoever he should be better informed. Touching their proceedings, it was observed, 1. That he had his Education in the Kirk of Scotland, where all the Heterodoxies of Calvin were received as Gospel, and therefore could not so suddenly cast off those opinions, which he suckt in as it were with his Mothers Milk. 2. He was much governed at that time by Dr. Mountague, then Bishop of Bath and Wells, and Dean of his Majesties Chappell Royall, who having been a great Stickler in the Predestinarian Controversies, when he lived in Cambridge, thought it his best way, to beat down all such Opinions by Kingly Authority, which he could not over-bear by the strength of Arguments. And thirdly, that K. James had then a turn to serve for the [Page] Prince of Orange, of which more anon, which turn being served, and Mountague dying not long after, his ears lay open to such further informations as were offered to him, which drew him to a better liking both of the Men and their Opinions then he had formerly entertained of either of them.

IV. It is objected secondly, that these Doctrines symbolize so much with the Church of Rome, that they serve only for a Bridge for Popery to passe over, into any Church, into which they can obtain admittance. This Calumny first laid upon them in a Declaration of the States Generall, against Barnevelt before remembred; wherein they charge him with a design of confederating with the Spaniard, to change the Religion of those Countreys, and countenancing to that end the Arminian party, as his fittest Instruments; which clamor being first raised in Holland, was afterwards much cherished, and made use of, by the Puritan, or Calvinian party amongst us in England. By one of which it is alleadged, that Mr. Pym Justif. of the Fathers, &c. p. being to make a report to the House of Commons, An. 1626. touching the Books of Richard Mountague, after Bishop of Chichester, affirmed expressely, that the whole scope of his Booke was to discourage the well-affected in Religion, and as much as in him lay, to reconcile them unto Popery. He gives us secondly, a Fragment of a scattered Paper, pretended to be written to the Rector of the Jesuites Colledge in Bruxells; in which, the Writer lets him know, that they had strongly fortified their Faction here in England, by planting the Soveraign Drug Arminianisme, which he hoped would purge the Protestants from their Heresie. Thirdly, he backs this Paper with a Clause in the Remonstrance of the House of Commons, 1628. where it is said that the hearts of his Majesties Subjects were perplexed in beholding the daily growth and spreading of the Faction of Arminianisme, that being, as his Majesty well knew, (so they say at least but a cunning way to bring in Popery. To all which, being but the same words out of divers mouths, it is answered, first, That the points which are now debated between the Calvinians and the old Protestants in England; between the Remonstrants, and the Contra-Remonstrants in the Belgick Churches; and finally between the rigid and moderate Lutherans in the [Page] upper Germany, have been as fiercely agitated, between the Franciscans and the Dominicans in the Church of Rome: The old English Protestants, the Remonstrants, and the moderate Lutherans, agreeing in these points with the Franciscans; as the English Calvinists, the Contra-Remonstrants, and the rigid Lutherans do with the Dominicans: So that there is a compliance on all sides with one of the said two differing parties in the Church of Rome. And therefore why a generall complyance in these poynts with the Fryers of St. Dominick, the principall sticklers & promoters of that Inquisition, should not be thought as ready a way to bring in Popery, as any such complyance with the Fryers of St. Francis, he must be a very wise man indeed which can give the reason. Secondly, it is answered, that the Melanctonian or moderate Lutherans which make up infinitely the greatest part of the Lutheran Churches, agree in these points with the Jesuites or Franciscan Fryers, and yet are still as far from relapsing to the Church of Rome, as when they made the first separation from it. And therefore thirdly, that if Arminianisme, as they call it, be so ready a Bridge for passing over to Popery, it would be very well worth the knowing, how and by what means it should come to passe, that so few of the Remonstrants in the Belgick Provinces, and none of those whom they call Arminians in the Church of England, should in so long a time pass over that Bridge, notwithstanding all the Provocations of want and scorn, which were put upon the one, and have been since multiplyed upon the other.

V. In the next place, it is objected, that the Arminian Doctrines, naturally incline a man to the sin of pride, in attributingJustis. of the Fathers, &c. p. 34. so much to the power of his own will, & so little to the Grace of God, in choosing both the means, and working out of the end of his own salvation. And for the proof hereof, a passage is alleadged out of the History of the Councell of Trent, that the first opinion, (that is to say, the Doctrin of Predestination, according to the opinion of the Dominican Fryers) as it is hidden and mysticall, keeping the minde humble, and relying on God, without any confidence in it self knowing the deformity of Sin, and the excellency of Divine Grace; so the Second (being that maintained by the Franciscans) was plausible and popular, and cherished humane presumption, &c. The whole passage we have had before in [Page] the Second Chapter, Num. 4. but we shall answer to no more of it then the former Clause. Concerning which, it may be said, that though Father Paul the Author of the History hath filled the Christian World with admiration, yet it is obvious to the eye of any discerning Reader, that in many places he savoureth not so much of the Historian, as he doth of the Party; and that being carryed by the Interest of his Native Countrey, (which was the Signory of Venice) he seldome speaks favourably of the Jesuites, and their adherents, amongst which the Franciscans in these poynts are to be accounted. Secondly, that either Father Paul did mistake himself, or else that his Translator hath mistaken his meaning, in making the Second Opinion to be more pleasing to the Preaching Fryers, then the understanding Divines; the name of Preaching Fryers, being so appropriated in common speech to those of the Dominican Order, that it is never applyed unto any other. And Thirdly, that the Authority of Father Paul is no otherwise to be embraced in Doctrinall matters, (what credit soever may be given to him in point of History) then as it is seconded by Reason. And certainly, if we proceed by the rule of Reason, that Doctrine must needs more cherish humane presumption, which puffeth men up with the certainty of their Election, the infallibility of assisting and persisting Grace, & the impossibility of falling from the attaining of that salvation which they have promised to themselves; then that which leaves these poynts uncertain, which puts a man to the continuall necessity of calling on God, and working out the way unto his salvation with fear and trembling. He that is once possessed with this perswasion, that all the sins which he can possibly commit, were they as many as have been committed by all Mankinde, since the beginning of the World, are not able to frustrate his Election, or separate him from the love and favour of Almighty God; will be too apt to swell with Pharisaicall pride, and despise all other men as Heathens and Publicans; when such poor Publicans as have their minds humble and relying [...]n God, will stand aloof, not daring to approach too neer the Divine Majesty, but crying out with God be mercifull unto me a sinner, and yet shall be more justified in the sight of God then the others are▪ For this we need produce no proof, we finde it in the supercilious looks, in the haughty carriage of those who [Page] are so well assured of their own Election; who cannot so disguise themselves, as not to undervalue and despise all those who are not of the same party, and perswasion with them. A race of men, whose insolence and pride there is no avoyding by a modest submission, whose favour there is no obtaining by good turns, and benefits. Quorum superbiam frustra per modestiam, & obsequium, effugeris, as in another case was said by a Noble Britain.

VI. And finally it is objected, (but the Objection rather doth concern the men, then the Doctrine) that the Arminians are a Faction, a turbulent, seditious Faction, so found in the United Provinces, from their very first spawning; not to be suffered by any Reason of State in a Common-wealth. So saith the Author of the Pamphlet called theObs. Observed, p. 46. Observator observed, and proves it by the wicked conspiracy (as he calls it) of Barnevelt, who suffered most condignly (as he he tells us) upon that account, 1619. And afterwards by the damnable and hellish plot of Barnevelts Children and Allies, in their designs against the State, and the Prince of Orange. This Information seconded by the Author of the Book called, The Justification P. 37. of the Fathers, &c. who tells us, but from whom he knowes not, that the States themselves have reported of them, that they had created them more trouble, then the King of Spain had by all his Warres. And both these backt by the Authority of K. James, who tells us of them in his Declaration against Vorstius, That if they were not with speed rooted out, no other issue could be expected, then the Curse of God, infamy throughout all the Reformed Churches, and a perpetual rent, and distraction in the whole body of the State. This is the substance of the Charge: So old and common, that it was answered long since, by Bishop Ridly in Queen Marys dayes, when the Doctrine of the Protestants was said to be the readiest way to stir up sedition, and trouble the quiet of the Common-wealth; wherefore to be repressed in time by force of Laws. To which that godly Bishop returns this Answer, ‘"That Satan doth not cease to practise his old guiles and accustomed subtilties: He hath ever this Dart in a readinesse, to whirle against his adversaries, to accuse them of sedition, that he may bring them, if he can, in danger of the Higher Powers; for so hath he by his Ministers, alwayes charged the Prophets of God. Ahab said unto [Page] Elias, art thou he that troubleth Israel. The false Prophets complained also to their Princes of Jeremy; that his words were seditious, and not to be suffered. Did not the Scribes and Pharises falsly accuse Christ, as a seditious person, and one that spake [...]ser. between Ridley and Latimer. against Caesar."’ Which said, and the like instance made in the Preachings of St. Paul, he concludes it thus, viz. But how far they were from all sedition, their whole Doctrine, Life and Conversation doth well declare. And this being said in reference to the Charge in generall, the Answer to each part thereof is not far to seek.

VII. And first it hath been answered to that part of it which concerns King James, that the King was carried in this business, not so much by the clear light of his most excellent understanding, as by Reason of State; the Arminians (as they call them) were at that time united into a party, under the command of John Olden Barnevelt, and by him used (for the reasons formerly laid down) to undermine the power of Maurice then Prince of Orange, who had made himself the Head of the Contra-Remonstrants, and was to that King a most dear Confederate. Which Division in the Belgick Provinces, that King considered as a matter of most dangerous consequence, and utterly destructive of that peace, unity and concord, which was to be the greatest preservation of the States Ʋnited; on whose tranquillity and power, he placed a great part of the peace and happiness of his own Dominions. Upon which reason, he exhorrs them in the said Declaration, to take heed of such infected persons; their own Countrey-men being already divided into Factions, upon this occasion, which was a matter (as he saith) so opposite to unity (which was indeed the only prop and safety of their State, next under God) as of necessity it must by little and little bring them to utter ruine, if justly and in time they did not provide against it. So that K. James considering the present breach, as tending to the utter ruine of those States, and more particularly of the Prince of Orange, his most dear Allye; he thought it no small piece of King-craft, to contribute toward the suppression of the weaker party; not only by blasting them in the said Declaration, with reproachfull names, but sending such Divines to the Assembly at Dort, as he was sure would be sufficiently active in their condemnation.

VIII. So that part of the Argument which is borrowed from the States themselve [...], it must be proved by some better evidence, [Page] then the bare word of Mr. Hickman, before it can deserve an answer; the speech being so Hyperbolicall (not to call it worse) that it can hardly be accounted for a flower of Rhetorick. The greatest trouble which the States themselves were put to all this businesse, was, for the first eight years of it, but the hearing of Complaints, receiving of Remonstrances, and being present at a Conference between the parties. And for the last four years, (for it held no longer) their greatest trouble was to finde out a way to forfeit all their old and Native Priviledges in the dea [...]h of Barnevelt, for maintenance whereof they had first took up Arms against the Spaniard. In all which time, no blood at all was drawn by the Sword of War, and but the blood of 5 or 6 men only, by the Sword of Justice, admitting Barnevelts for one: Whereas their warres with Spain had lasted above thrice that time, to the sacking of many of their Cities, the loss of at least 100000. of their own lives, and the expense of many millions of Treasure. And as for Barnevelt, if he had committed any Treason against his Countrey, by the Laws of the same Countrey he was to be tryed. Contrary whereunto, the Prince of Orange having got him into his power, put him over to be judged by certain Delegates, commissionated by the States Generall, who by the Laws of the Union, can pretend unto no Authority over the Life and Limb of the meanest subject. Finally, for the conspiring of Barnevelts Children, it concerns only them whose design it was. Who to revenge his death, so unworthily and unjustly contrived, and (as they thought) so undeservedly, and against their Laws, might fall upon some desperate Councels, and most unjustifiable courses in pursuance of it. But what makes this to the Arminian and Remonstrant party? Or doth evince them for a turbulent and seditious Faction, not to be suffered by any Reason of State in a well-ordered Commonwealth. Barnevelts Kindred might be faulty, the Arminians innocent, or the Arminians faulty, in their practise against the life of the Prince of Orange, under and by whom they had suffered so many oppressions; without involving those in their Crimes and Treasons, who hold the same Opinion with them in their Neighbouring Churches.

IX. The reason is, because there is nothing in the Doctrine of the Arminians, (as it relates to the Five points in difference) [Page] which can dispose the Professors of it to any such practises. And therefore if the Arminians should have proved as turbulent and seditious as their enemies made them, yet we were not to impute it to them, as they were Arminians, that is to say, as men following the Melanctonian way, of Predestination, and differing in those points from the rest of the Calvinists, but as exasperated, and provoked, and forced to cast themselves upon desperate courses, Quae libertatis arma dat ipse dolor, in the Poets language. But so some say, it is not with the Doctrine of the other party by which mens actions are so ordered & predetermined by the eternall will of God, even to the taking up of a straw, as before was said, ut nec plus boni nec minus mali, that it is neither in their power, to do more good, or commit less evil then they do. And then according to that Doctrine, all Treasons, Murders and Seditions, are to be excused, as unavoydable in them, who commit the same, because it is not in their power not to be guilty of those Treasons or Seditions which the fire and fury of the Sect shall inflame them with. And then to what end should Princes make Laws, or spend their whole endeavors in preserving the publick Peace, when notwithstanding all their cares, and travails to prevent the mischief, things could no otherwise succeed, then as they have been predetermined by the will of God. And therefore the best way would be, (Sinere res vadere quo vult (in the Latin of an old Spanish Monke) to let all matters go as they will, since we cannot make them go as we would; according to that counsell of the good old Poet.

Solvite mortales animos, curisque levate,

Manil. de Sphe. lib.

Totque super vacuis animum deplete querelis:

Fata regunt Orbem, certa stant omnia lege.

That is to say,

Discharge thy soul poor man of vexing fears,

And ease thy self of all superfluous cares.

The World is governed by the Fates, and all

Affairs, by Heaven's decree, do stand or fall.

X. To this effect, it is reported, that the old Lord Burleigh should discourse with Queen Eliz. when he was first acquainted with the making of the Lambeth ArticlesHist. Artic. Lambeth, p. 6, 7.. Not pleased wherewith, he had recourse unto the Queen, letting her see how much her Majesties Authority, and the Laws of the Realm [Page] were thereby violated, and it was no hard matter to discern what they aimed at, who had most stickled in the same. For saith he, this is their opinion and Doctrine; that every Humane action, be it good or evil, it is all restrained and bound up by the Law of an immutable decree; that upon the very wills of men also, this necessity is imposed, ut aliter quam vellent homines, velle non possent, that men could not will otherwise then they did will. Which Opinions, saith he, Maddam, if they be true, Frustra ego aliique fideles Majestatis tuae ministri, &c. then I and the rest of your Majesties faithfull Ministers do sit in Councel to no purpose, 'tis in vain to deliberate and advise about the affairs of your Realm; Cum de his quae eveniunt necessario, stulta sit plane omnis consultatio, since in those things that come to passe of necessity, all consultation is foolish, and ridiculous. To which purpose it was also press'd by the Bishop of Rochester, Oxon and St. Davids, in a Letter to the Duke of Buckingham concerning Mountagues Appeal, An. 1625. Cabuba. p. 116. In which it is affirmed, that they cannot conceive what use there can be of Civil Government in the Common-wealth, or of Preaching, and externall Ministry in the Church; if such fatal Opinions, as some which are opposite & contrary to those delivered by Mr. Mountague, shall be publickly taught and maintained. More plainly and particularly charged by Dr. Brooks, once Master of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge, in a Letter Con [...]. Dom. p. 167▪ to the late Archbishop, bearing date Decemb. 15. 1630. in which he writes, that their Doctrines of Predestination, is the root of Puritanisme, and Puritanisme is the root of all Rebellions, and disobedient untractablenesse in Parliaments, &c. and of all Schisme and sawcinesse in the Countrey, nay in the Church it self; making many thousands of our people, and too great a part of the Gentlemen of the Land very Leightons in their hearts; which Leighton had published not long before, a most pestilent and seditious Book against the Bishops, called Sions Plea, in which he excited the people to strike the Bishops under the fifth rib, reviling the Queen by the name of a Daughter of Heth; and for the same was after censured in the Star-Chamber, to Pillory, loss of Ears, &c.

XI. But because perhaps it may be said, that this is but a new device, excogitated by the malice of these later times, to defame thisAnswer to a certain Le [...]t. p. 38▪ Doctrine, let us behold what Campneys hath delivered of it in the first or second year of Queen Eliz. at the first peeping of it out to disturb this Church. Where, saith he, who seeth not the distraction of England, to follow this Doctrine? Who seeth not the confusion of all Common-wealths to depend hereupon? What Prince may sit safely in the seat of his Kingdome? What subject may live quietly possessing [Page] his own? What man shall be ruled by the right of Law? If there Opinions may be perfectly placed in the hearts of the People? Which Corollary he brings in, in the end of a Discourse touching the Rebellion raised by Martin Cyrnell, and seconded by the Earl of Lincolne, Martin Swarth, and others, against Hen. 7. For, building on the Calvinian Maxim, that as God doth appoint the end, so he appointeth also the means and causes which lead unto it; he thereupon inferreth, that Martin Swarth, and his men; according to that Doctrine were destined by God to be slain at the Battle of Stoke. In order whereunto, first Sir Richard Simon the Priest must be appointed and predestinate of God to powre in the pestilent poyson of Privy Conspiracy, and trayterous mischief of vain glory into the heart of Lambert (his Scholar) as a cause leading to the same end. Secondly, that he the said Lambert was appointed and predestinate of God to consentIbid. p. 38. and agree unto the pestiferous perswasion of his Master * S. Richard, in the pride of Lucifer, to aspire unto the Royall Throne, as another cause leading to the same end which God ordained. Thirdly, that the Irish men were appointed of God, to be Rebellious Traytors against their Soveraign Lord the King of England, and to maintain the false and fithy quarrell of Lambert, as another cause leading to the same end. Fourthly, that in order to the said end, the Lady Margaret (sister to K. Edw. 4.) was appointed and predestinate of God to be a Traytoresse to England, and to imploy all her wits, forces and power; to the utter destruction of her naturall Countrey: And Fiftly, in particular, that the said Lady Margaret was appointed of God to hi [...]e the said Martin Swarth and his men, to invade the Realm of England. Sixthly and finally, that the said Martin Swarth, the Earl of Lincoln, the Lord Lorell, the Lord Gerrard, and divers others, Captains of the Rebels, we [...]e appointed and predestinate of God to be of such valiant courage in maintaining the false quarrel of traytetous Lambert, that they were slain, (& on the other side, many a brave English mans blood was shed) at the battell of Stoke, which was the end of this wofull Tragedy. Let them say therefore what they can or will; this meer necessity which our men te [...]ch, is the very same which the Stoicks did hold; which opinion because it destroyed the state of a Commonwealth, was banished out of Rome, as St. Augustine declareth in lib. Quest Vet. & Nov. Testam.

XII. And thus the different Judgements of all the other Western Churches, and the severall Subdivisions of them, in the five controverted Points, being laid together, with such Discourses and Disputes, as have occasionally been made▪ and raised about them, we will next shew to which of the said differing parties the Church of England [...]ms most inclinable, and afterwards proceed in the story of i [...].

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§

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[Page] Historia Quinqu- Articularis: OR, A DECLARATION OF THE Judgement OF THE WESTERN CHURCHES; And more particularly of the CHƲRCH of ENGLAND, IN THE Five Controverted Points; Reproached in these last times by the name of Arminianism.

PART II. Containing the Judgement of the Church of England, and the most Eminent Divines thereof in the Reign of King Henry the eighth, and King Edward the sixth.

By Peter Heylin D. D.

London, Printed for Tho: Johnson, 1660.

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PART II. The Judgement of the Church of England in the five controverted Points.

CHAP. 7. An Introduction to the Doctrine of the Church of England in the points disputed, with the Removal of some rubs which are laid in the way.

1. THe Doctrine of the Homilies, concerning the Endowments of man at his first creation. 2. His miserable fall. 3. And the promised hopes of his Restitution in the Lord Christ Jesus. 4. A general Declaration of the judgement of the Church of England in the points disputed, exemplified in the story of Agilmond and Lamistus, Kings of Lombardy. 5. The contrary iudgement of Wicklif objected, answered, and applied to all modern Heresies. 6. A general answer to the like Argument pretended to be drawn from the Writings of Frith, Tyndall and Barns. But more particularly, 7. The judgement of Dr. Barns in the present points, and the grounds on which he builded the same. 8. Small comfort to be found from the works of Tyndal, in favour [Page] of the Calvinian Doctrines. 9. The falsifyings of John Frith and others in the Doctrine of Predestination, reproved by Tyndal. 10. A parallel between some of our first Martyrs, and the blinde man restored to sight in the eighth of Saint Mark.

1. BEing therefore in the next place to declare the Judgement of the Church of England, I shall prepare the way, by laying down her publique Doctrine touching the Fall of Adam, and the Restitution of mankinde in Jesus Christ, that having cleared God from being the Authour of sin, and having laid a sure foundation for the Restitution of Mankinde to Gods grace and favour, and consequently to the hopes of Eternal life, we may proceed with more assurance to the rest that followeth: And this we cannot better do, then by laying down the words of the Homily concerning the Nativity and Birth of our Lord and Saviour Hom. of the Nativity, fol. 167. Jesus Christ; where we finde it thus: ‘'Among all the Creatures (saith the Homily) that God made in the beginning of the world, most excellent and wonderful in their kinde; there was none (as the Scripture beareth witness) to be compared almost in any point unto man; who as well in body as soul, exceedeth all other no less then the Sun in brightness and light exceedeth every bright and little Star in the Firmament: He was made according to the similitude and image of God, he was endued with all kinde of heavenly gifts, he had not spot of uncleanness in him, he was sound and perfect in all parts, both outwardly and inwardly; his reason was uncorrupt, his understanding was pure and good, his will was obedient and godly; he was made altogether like unto God, in righteousness, in holiness, in wisdom, in truth; to be short, in all kinde of perfection.'’

2. After which, having spoken of mans Temporal [...], relating to the delicacies of the Garden of Eden, [Page] and the Dominion which God gave him over all the Creatures; the Homily doth thus proceed; viz. ‘'But as the common nature of all men is in time of prosperity and wealth, to forget not onely themselves, but also God; even so did this first man Adam, who having but one Commandment at Gods hand; namely, That he should not eat of the Fruit of Knowledge of Good and Evil; did notwithstanding most unmindefully, or rather most wilfully break it, in forgetting the strait charge of his Maker, and giving ear to the crafty suggestionHom. of the Nativity, p. 168. of the evil Serpent the Devil; whereby it came to pass, that as before he was blessed, so now he was accursed; as before he was loved, so now he was abhorred; as before he was most beautiful and precious, so now he was most vile and wretched in the sight of his Lord and Maker; instead of the image of God, he was now become the image of the Devil; instead of a Citizen of Heaven, he was now become the bond-slave of Hell, having in himself no one part of his former purity and cleanness, but being altogether spotted and defiled; insomuch, that now he seemed to be nothing else but a lump of sin; and therefore by the just judgement of God was condemned to everlasting death.'’

3. This being said touching the introduction of the bodyIbid. Idem. of Sin the Homily doth first proceed to the propagation and universal spreading of it, and afterwards to the Restitution of lost man by faith in Christ: ‘'This so great and miserable plague (for so the Homily proceedeth) if it had onely rested in Adam who first offended, it had been so much the easier, and might the better have been born; but it fell not onely on him, but also on his posterity and children for ever; so that the whole brood of Adams flesh should sustain the self same fall and punishment, which their forefather by his offence most justly had deserved: S. Paul in the fifth to the Romans saith, By the offence of onely Adam, the fault came upon all men to condemnation; and by one mans disobedience, many were made sinners: By which words we are taught, that as in Adam all men universally sinned, so in Adam all men universally received the reward of sin; that is to say, became mo [...]t [...]l and subject unto [...] themselves nothing [...] tion [Page] both of body and soul, &c. Had it been any marvel, if mankinde had been utterly driven to desperation, being thus fallen from life to death, from salvation to destruction, from Heaven to Hell! But behold the great goodness and tender mercy of God in this behalf! albeit mans wickedness and sinful behaviour was such, that it deserved not in any part to be forgiven; yet to the intent he might not be clean destitute of all hope and comfort in time to come, he ordained a new Covenant, and made a sure promise thereof; namely, that he would send a Mediator, or Messias into the world, which should make intercession, and put himself as a stay between both parties, to pacifie the wrath and indignation conceived against sin, and to deliver man out of the miserable curse, and cursed misery whereunto he was fallen head-long, by disobeying the Will and Commandment of the onely Lord and Maker.'’

4. Which ground thus laid, we will proceed unto the Doctrine of Predestination, according to the sense and meaning of the Church of England; which teacheth us (according to the general current of the ancient Authors before Augustines time) that God from all Eternity intending to demonstrate his power and goodness, designed the Creation of the World, the making of man after his own image, and leaving him so made, in a perfect liberty to do or not to do what he was commanded, and that fore-knowing from all Eternity, the man abusing this liberty, would plung himself and his posterity into a gulf of miseries; he graciously resolved to provide them such a Saviour, who should redeem them from their sins, to elect all those to life eternal who laid hold upon him, leaving the rest in the same state in which he found them for their incredulity. And this I take to be the method of Election unto life Eternal, through Jesus Christ our Lord, according to the Doctrine of the Church of England: For although there be neither prius nor posterius in the will of God, who sees all things at once together, and willeth at the first sight without more delay; yet to apply his acts unto our capacitie, as were the acts of God in their right production, so were they primitively in his intention: But Creation [Page] without p [...] did forego the fall; and the disease or death which ensued upon it, was of necessity to be, before there could be a course taken to prescribe the care; and the prescribing of the care must first be finished, before it could be offered to particular persons. Of which, and of the whole Doctrine of Predestination, as before declared, we cannot have an happier illustration then that of Agilmond and Lamistus in the Longobardia [...] story of Paul the Deacon: In which it is reported, That Agilmond the second King of Lombard, riding by a fish-pond, saw seven young children sprawling in it, whom their unnatural mothers (as the Author thinketh) had thrown into it not long before. Amazed whereat, he put his hunting spear amongst them, and sti [...]ed them gently up and down; which one of them laying hold on, was drawn to land, called Lamistus, from the word Lama, which is the language of that people, and signifies a fishpond; Trained up in that Kings Court, and finally, made his Successor in the Kingdom. Granting that Agilmond being forewarned in a vision, that he should finde such children sprawling for life in the midst of that pond, might thereupon take a resolution within himself to put his hunting [...]pear amongst them, and the which of them soever should lay hold upon it, should be gently drawn out of the water, adopted for his son, and made heir of his Kingdom; no Humane story can afford us the like parallel case to Gods proceeding in the great work of Predestination to Eternal life, according to the Doctrine of the ancient Fathers▪ and the Church of Rome, as also of the Lutheran Churches, and those of the Arminian party in the Belgick Provinces.

5. Now that this was the Doctrine also of the Church of England, will easily appear upon a due search into the Monuments and Records thereof, as they stand backed by those learned, religious men, who had a principal hand in carrying on the great work of the Reformation. Among which, those of the Calvinian party would fain hook in Wicklif, together with Fryth, Barns and Tyndal, which can by no means be brought under that account, though some of them deserved well of the Churches for the times they lived in. They that desire to hook in Wicklif, [Page] do first confess that he stands accused by those of the Church of Rome for bringing in Fatal Necessity, and making God the Author of sin; and then conclude, that therefore it may be made a probable guess, that there was no disagreement between him and Calvin: The cause of which Argument stands thus, That there being an agreement in these points betwixt Wicklif and Calvin; and the Reformers of our Church embracing the Doctrines of Wicklif; therefore they must embrace the Doctrines of Calvin also. But first, it cannot be made good that our Reformers embraced the Doctrines of Wicklif, or had any eye upon the man; who though he held many points against those of Rom, yet had his field more tares then wheat; his books more Hetrodoxies, then sound Catholick Doctrine. And secondly, admitting this Argument to be of any force in the present case, it will as warrantably serve for all the Sects and Heresies which now swarm amongst us, as well as for that of Calvin; Wicklif affording them the grounds of their several dotages, though possibly they are not so well studied in their own concernments: For they who consult the works of Thomas Waldensis, or the Historia Wicklifiana, writ by Hartsfield, will tell us that Wicklif, amongst many other errours, maintained these that follow: 1. That the Sacrament of the Altar is nothing else but a piece of Bread. 2. That Priests have no more Authority to minister Sacraments then Lay-men hav [...]. 3. That all things ought to be common. 4. That it is as lawful to Christen a childe in a Tub of water at home, or in a Ditch by the way, as in a Font-stone in the Churches. 5. That it is as lawful at all times to confess unto a Lay-man, as to a Priest. 6. That it is not necessary or profitable to have any Church or Chappel to pray in, or to do any Divine Service in. 7. That burying in Church-yards is unprofitable, and in vain. 8. That Holy Days ordained and instituted by the Church, (and taking the Lords Day in for one) are not to be observ [...]d and kept in reverenc [...], inasmuch as all days are alike. 9. That it is sufficient and enough to believe, though a man do no good works at all. 10. That no Humane Laws or Constitutions do oblige a Christian. 11. And finally, That God never gave grace nor knowledge to a great person or rich man, and that they in no wise f [...]llow the same. What Anabaptists, Brownists, [Page] Ranters, Quakers, may not as well pretend that our first Reformers were of their Religion, as the Calvinists can, if Wicklifs Doctrine be the rule of our Reformation: Which because possibly it may obtain the less belief, if they were found only in the works of Harpsfield and Waldensis before remembred, the Reader may look for them in the catalogue of those Mala Dogm [...]ta complained of by the Prolocutor in the Convocation, An. 1536. to have been publikely preached, printed and professed by some of Wicklifs Followers; for which, consult the Church History, lib. 4. fol. 208. and there he shall be sure to finde them.

6. It is alledged in the next place, that the Calvinistical Doctrines in these points, may be found in the writings of John Frith, William Tyndall, and Dr. Barns, collected into one volume, and printed by J [...]ha Day, 1563. of which the first suffered death for his conscience, An. 1533. the second, An. 1536. and the third, An. 1540. called therefore by Mr. Fox in a Preface of his before the Book, the Ring-leaders of the Church of England: And thereupon it is inferred, that the Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination must be the same with that which was embraced and countenanced by the first Reformers. But first, admitting that they speak as much in Honour of Calvins Doctrine as can be possibly desired, yet being of different judgements in the points disputed, and not so Orthodox in all others as might make them any way considerable in the Reformation, it is not to be thought that either their writings or opinions should be looked on by us for our direction in this case. Barns was directly a Dominican in point of Doctrine; Frith soared so high upon the wing, and quite out-flew the mark, that Tyndal thought it not unfit to call him down, and lure him back unto his pearch; and as for Tyndal, he declares himself with such care, and caution, excepting one of his flyings out against Freewil, that nothing to their purpose can be gathered from him. Secondly, I do not look on Mr. Fox as a competent Judge in matters which concern the Church of England, the Articles of whose Confession he refused to subscribe, he being thereunto required by Archbishop Pa [...]ker; and therefore Tyndal, Frith and Barns not to be hearkned to the more for his commendation. Thirdly; [Page] if the testimony of Frith and Tyndall be of any force for defence of the Calvinists, the Anti-Sabbatarians may more justly make use of it in defence of themselves, against the new Sabbath speculations of Dr. Bond and his adherents, embraced more passionately of late then any Article of Religion here by Law established: Of which the first declares the Lords day to be no other than an Ecclesiastical Institution, or Church Ordinance; the last, that it is still changeable from one day to another, if the Church so please: For which consult the Hist. of Sab. l. 2. c. 8. Let Frith and Tyndal be admitted as sufficient witnesses when they speak against the new Sabbath Doctrines, or not admitted when they speak in behalf of Calvins, and then I am sure his followers will lose more on the one side, th [...]n they gained on the other, and will prove one of the crossest bargains to them which they ever made. And then it is in the fourth place to be observed, that the greatest treasury of learning which those and the Famerlines could boast of, was lockt up in the Cloisters of the Begging Friers, of which the Franciscans were accounted the most nimble Disputants, the Dominicans the most diligent and painful Preachers; the Augustinians for the most part siding with the one, and the Carmilites or White Friers joyning with the other; so that admitting Frith and Tindal to maintain the same Doctrine in these points, which afterwards was held forth by Calvin, yet possibly they maintained them not as any points of Protestant Doctrine, in opposition to the errours of the Church of Rome (which had not then declared it self on either side) but as the received opinions of the Dominican Friers, in opposition to the Franciscans. The Doctrine of which Dominican Friers, by reason of their diligent preaching, had met with more plausible entertainment, not onely amongst the inferiour sort of people, but also amongst many others of parts and learning.

7. And as for Barns, the far most learned of the three, he had been once Prior of the Augustinian Friers in Cambridge, whose Doctrines he had sucked in at his first coming thither, and therefore might retain them to the very last, without relation to the Zuinglian or Calvinian Tenents, or any differences then [Page] on foot between the Protestant Doctors and the Church of Rome: Besides, being of the same Order which Luther had quitted, the might the more willingly encline to Luthers first opinion touching servitude of the will, mans inability in cooperating with the grace of God, and being forcibly drawn in his own conversion, velut inanimatum quiddam, like a stock or stone, in which he was tenaciously followed by the rigid Lutherans, though he had afterwards changed his judgement touching that particular: So that beholding Dr. Barns either as one that followed Luther in his first opinions, or travelled the Dominican way in the present points as an Augustinian, it is no marvel if we finde somewhat in his writings agreeable to the palate of the Calvinists and rigid Lutherans. From whence it is that laying down the Doctrine of Predestination he Disc. of Freewil, p. 278. discourseth thus; viz. ‘'But yet sayest thou, that he giveth to the one mercy, and the other none. I answer, what is that to thee? is not his mercy his own? is it not lawful for him to give it to whom he will? is thine eye evil because his is good? take that which is thine, and go thy way; for if he will shew his wrath, and make his power known over the vessels of wrath, ordained to damnation; and to declare the riches of his glory unto the vessels of mercy, which he hath prepared and elected unto glory; what hast thou therewith to do?—Id. ib. But here will subtil blindeness say, God saw before that Jacob should do good, and therefore did he chuse him; he saw also that Esau should do evil, therefore did he condemn him. Alas for blindness! what will you judge of that which God foresaw? how know we that God saw that? and if he saw it, how know we that it was the cause of Jacobs Election? These children being unborn, they had done neitheir good nor bad, and yet one of them is chosen, and the other is refused: S. Paul knoweth no other cause but the will of God, and will you needs discuss another. He saith not, I will have mercy on him that I see shall do good; but, I will shew mercy to whom I will: He saith not, I will have compassion on him that shall deserve it de congruo; but, Of him of whom I will have compassion.'’ Now as he followeth the Dominicans or rigid Lutherans, in laying down the grounds and method of Predestination; so he draws more to them also, and [Page] the Zuinglians also, touching Gods workings on the will, then possibly may be capable of a good construction. Ib. p. 281. ‘'God, saith he, of his Infinite power, letteth nothing to be exempted from him, but all things to be subject unto his action; and nothing can be done by them, but by his principal motion: So that he worketh in all manner of things, that be either good or bad, not changing their nature, but onely moving them to work after their natures: So that good worketh good, and evil worketh evil, and God useth them both as instruments, and yet doth he nothing evil, but evil is done alone through the will of man: God working by him (but not evil) as by an instrument.'’ Which last Position (notwithstanding all the subtilty in the close thereof) how far it is from making God to be the Author of sin, I leave to be determined by men of more Scholastical and Metaphysical heads, then my simplicity can pretend to.

8. For Tyndal next, though I shall not derogate in any thing from his great pains in translating the Bible, nor from the glory of his suffering in defence of those truths for which he dyed; yet there were so many Heterodoxes in the most of his writings, as render them no fit rule for a Reformat on, no more then those of Wicklif before remembred; the number and particulars whereof, I had rather the Reader should look for in the Acts and Monuments, where they are mustered up together (about the latter end of the Reign of King Henry the eighth) then expect them here. That which occureth in him touching Predestinat on, is no more then this; 1. ‘'Grace Prolog. in Epist. to the Romans, p. 42. (saith he) is properly Gods favour, benevolence, or kinde minde, which of his own self, without our deservings, he reacheth to us, whereby he was moved and inclined to give Christ unto us, with all other gifts of Grace.'’ Which having told us in his Preface to St. Pauls Epistle to the Romans; he telleth us not long after, that in the 9, 10, 11. Chapters of the Epistle, the Apostle teacheth us of Gods Predestination; ‘'From whence it springeth altogether whether we shall believe or not believe, be loosed from sin, or not be loosed: By which Predestination, our Justifying and Salvation are clear taken out of our [Page] hands, and put into the hands of God onely, which thing is most necessary of all; for we are so weak, and so uncertain,Ibid. 15 [...] that if it stood in us, there would of truth no man be saved; the Devil no doubt would deceive him; but now God is sure of his Predestination, neither can any man withstand or let him; else why do we hope and sigh against sin?'’ Discoursing in another place of the act the will hath on the understanding, he telleth us, ‘'that the will of man followeth the wit; that as the wit erreth, so doth the will; and as the wit is in captivity, so is the will; neither is it possible that the will should be free, when the wit is in bondage, &c.—as I erre in my wit, so I erre in my will; when I judge that to be evil which is good, then indeed do I hate that which is good; and then when I perceive that which is good to be evil, then indeed do I love the evil.'’ Finally, in the heats of his Disputation withLib. 3. Hist. Moor, p. 306▪ Sir Thomas Moor, who had affirmed, That men were to endeavour themselves, and captivate their understandings, if they would believe. He first crys out, ‘'How Beetle-blinde is fleshly reason! and then subjoyns, that the will hath no operation at all in the working of faith in my soul, no more then the childe hath in begetting of his father; for, saith Paul, it is the gift of God, and not of us; my wit must conclude good or bad, yet my will can leave or take; my wit must shew me a true or an apparent cause why, yet my will have any working at all.'’

9. I had almost forgot John Frith, and if I had, it had been no great loss to our rigid Calvinists; who not content to guide themselves in these disputes by Gods will revealed, have too audaciously pried into the Ark of Gods Secret Counsels; of which spirit I conceive this Frith to be; not that I finde him such in any of his writings extant with the other two, but that he is affirmed for such, in a letter of Tyndalls directed to him under the borrowed name of Jacob: For in the collection of his pieces, neither the Index nor the Margent direct us unto any thing which concerns this Argument, though to the writings of the others they give a clearer sense (howsoever made then) in favour of the Calvinian party, then the books themselves, or possibly was [Page] ever meant by the men that made them: * Now Tyndals LetterActs and Mon. fol. 987. is as followeth; Dearly beloved Jacob, my hearts desire in our Saviours Jesus is, That you arm your self with patience, and be bold, sober, wise and circumspect; and that you keep you a low by the ground, avoiding high questions that pass the common capacity; but expound the Law truly, and open the Rule of Moses, to condemn all fl [...]sh, and prove all men sinners, and all deeds under the Law (before mercy hath taken away the condemnation thereof) to be sin, and damnable: And then as a faithful Minister, s [...]t abroach the mercy of our Lord Jesus, and let the wounded consciences drink of the water of life: And then shalt your preaching be with power, not as the Doctrine of Hypocrites, and the Spirit of God shall work with you, and all consciences shall bear record unto you, and feel that it is so: And all doctrine that casteth a mist on these two, to shadow and hide them, I mean, the Law of God, and mercy of Christ, that resist you with all your power. OfPrologue before the Epist. unto the Rom. p. 48. him it is, or of such high Climers as he was, who we finde Tyn-speaking in another place: ‘'But here (saith he) we must set a mark upon those unquiet, busie, and high-climing wits, how far they shall go; which first of all bring hither their high reasons and pregnant wits, and begin first from on high to search the bottomless secrets of Gods Predestination, whether they be predestinated or no: These must needs either cast themselves headlong down into desperation, or else commit themselves to free chance careless: But follow thou the order of this Epistle, and nuzzel thy self with Christ, and learn to understand the Law and the Gospel means, and the office of both, that thou mayest in the one know thy self, and how thou hast of thy self no strength but to sin; and in the other the grace of Christ; and then see thou fight against sin and the flesh, as the seven first Chapters teach thee.'’ Of these high flyings, Lawbert, another of our Martyrs, was endicted also, who as he would not plead Not guilty, so he stood not mute, but bound to the Endictment in this manner following; ‘'Unto the Article (* saith he) whether it be good or evil, cometh ofActs and Mon. fol. 1008. necessity, that is (as you construe it) to wit, whether a man hath freewill, so that he may deny joy or pain: I say (as I said at the beginning) that unto the first part of your Riddle, I [Page] neither can nor will give any definitive answer, forsomuch as it surmounteth my capacity, trusting that God will send hereafter others that be of better cunning then I to endire it.'’

10. If there be any thing in this which may give any comfort to our rigid Calvinists, much good do them with it; and if they meet with any in the former passages, let them look back upon the answers before laid down, and then consider with themselves what they have got by the adventure, or whether Tynd [...]ll, Barn [...], and Fr [...]th, conjunct or separate, may be considered as a rule to our first Reformers; which having done, I would have them finally observe the passage in the eighth of S. Mark, where the blinde man, whom our Saviour at B [...]thsaida restored to his sight, at the first opening of his eyes said, he saw men as trees walking; that is to say, he saw men walking as trees, quasi dicat Homines quos ambulantes video, non homines, sed arbores mihi videntur; as we read in Maldi [...]nale: By which the blinde man declared (saith he) se quidem videre aliquid, imperfecte tamen videre, cum inter homines & arbores distingure non posset: I discern somewhat said the poor man, but so imperfectly, that I am not able to distinguish between trees and men: Such an imperfect sight as this might these Martyrs have, in giving unto men no greater power of walking in the ways of Gods Commandments, then as if they had been senseless trees, or liveless shadows: And such an imperfect sight as this the Lord gave many times to those whom he recovered out of the Egyptian darkness of Popish Errours, who not being able to discern all divine truths at the first opening of the eyes of their understanding, were not to be a Rule or President to those that followed and lived under a brighter beam of illumination. Finally, taking all for granted as to the judgement of these men in the points disputed, which the Calvinians can desire and pretend unto, and leting them enjoy the title which Mr. Fox hath given them, of being called the Ring-leaders of the Church of England (which Bi [...] ney, Byfield, Lambert, Garet, or any other of our ancient Martyrs may aswel lay claim to) yet as they suffered death before the publike undertaking of the Reformation under E. 6. so nothing was ascribed to their Authority by the first Reformers.

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CHAP. VIII. Of the Preparatives to the Reformation, and the Doctrine of the Church in the present points.

1. THe danger of ascribing too much to our ancient Martyrs, &c. exemplified in the parity of Ministers and popular elections unto Benefices, allowed by Mr. John Lambert. 2. Nothing ascribed to Calvins judgement by our first Reformers, but much to the Augustine Confession, the writings of Melancthon. 3. And to the Authority of Erasmus, his Paraphrases being commended to the use of the Church by King Edward the sixth, and the Reasons why. 4. The Bishops B [...]ok in order to a Reformation, called, The institution of a Christian man, commanded by King Henry the eigth, 1537. corrected afterwards with the Kings own hand, examined and allowed by Cranmer, approved by Parliament, and finally, published by the name of Necessary doctrine, &c. An. 1543. 5. The Doctrine of the said two books in the points disputed, agreeable unto that which after was established by King Edward the sixth. 6. Of the two Liturgies made in the time of King Edward the sixth, and the manner of them; the testimony given unto the first, and the alterations in the second. 7. The first Book of Homilies, by whom made, approved by Bucer, and of the Argument that may be gathered from the method of it in the points disputed. 8. The quality and condition of those men who principally concurred to the Book of Articles, with the Harmony or consent in Judgement between Archbishop Cramner, Bishop Ridley, Bishop Hooper, &c. 9. The Doctrine delivered in the Book of Articles, touching the five controverted points. 10. An answer to the Objection against these Articles, for the supposed want of Authority in the making of [Page] them. 11. An Objection against King Edwards Catechism, mistaken for an Objection against the Articles, refelled, as that Catechism by John Philpot Martyr, and of the delegating of some powers by that Convocation to a choice Committee. 12. The Articles not drawn up in comprehensive or ambiguous terms to please all parties, but to be understood in the respective, literal and Grammatical sense, and the Reasons why.

1. I Have the longer stood upon the answering of this Objection, to satisfie and prevent all others of the like condition, in case it should be found on a further search, that any of our godly Martyrs, or learned Writers, who either suffered death before the Reign of Edw. 6. or had no ha [...]d in the carrying on of the Reformation, embraced any opinions in Doctrine or Discipline contrary to the established Rules of the Church of England: For otherwise, as we must admit all Tyndalls Heterodoxies, and Friths high flying conce [...]ts of Predestination, which before we touch'd at, so must we also allow a Parity, or an Identity rather in Priests and Bishops, because John Lambert (another of our godly Martyrs) did conceive so of it. ‘'In the primitive Church (saith he) there were no more Officers in the Church of God than Bishops and Deacons; that is to say, Ministers, as witnesseth, beside Scripture, S. Hierom in his Commentaries on the Epistles of S. Paul; Whereas (saith he) that those whom we now call Priests, were all one, and no other but Bishops, and the Bishops no other but Priests, men ancient both in age and learning, so neer as could be chosen; nor were they instituted and chosen as they be now adays, the Bishop and his Officer onely opposing them whether they can construe a Collect; but they were chosen also with the consent of the people, amongst whom they were to have their living, as sheweth S. Cyprian: But alack for pity, such elections are banished, and new fashions brought in.'’ By which opinion (if it might have served for a Rule to the Reformation) our Bishops must have been reduced to the rank of Priests, and the right of Presentation put into the hands of the [Page] people, to the Destruction of all the Pa [...]o [...]s in the Kingdom.

2. If then the question should be asked (as perhaps it may) On whom, or on whose judgement, the first Reformers most relied in the weighty business? I answer negatively, first, That they had no respect of Calvin, no more than to the judgement of Wicklif, Tyndall, Barns, or Frith, whose offered assistance they refused when they went about it; of which he sensibly complained unto some of his friends, as appears by one of his Epistles. I answer next affirmatively in the words of an Act of Parliament, 2. & 3. Edw. 6. where it is said, That they had an eye in the first place to the mo pure and sincere Christian Religion taught in the Scriptures; and in the next place to the usages of the Primitive Church. Being satisfied in both which ways, they had thirdly a more particular respect to the Lutheran Plat-forms, the English Confession or Book of Articles being taken in many places word for word out of that of Ausberg, and a conformity maintained with the Lutheran Churches in Rights and Ceremonies; as namely, in kneeling at the Communion, the Cross in Baptism, the retaining of all the ancient Festivals, the reading of the Epistles and Gospels on Sundays and Holy-days, and generally in the whole Form of External Worship. Fourthly, in reference to the points disputed, they ascribed much to the Authority of Melancthon (not undeservedly called the Phoenix of Germany) whose assistance they earnestly desired, whose coming over they expected, who was as graciously invited hither by King Edw [...]rd the sixth (Regiis literis in Angliam vocari) as himself affirms in an Epistle to Camerarius: His coming laid aside upon the fall of the Duke of Sommerset, and therefore since they could not have his company, they made use of his writings, for their direction in such points of Doctrine in which they thought it necessary for the Church to declare her judgement.

3. I observe finally, That as they attributed much to the particulars, to the Authority of Melancthon, so they ascribe no less therein unto that of Erasmus, once Reader of the Greek Tongue in Cambridge, and afterwards one of the Professors of Divinity [Page] there; whose Paraphrases on the four Evangelists being translated into English, were ordered to be kept in Churches for the use of the People, and that they owned the Epistles to be studied by all such as had cure of souls: Concerning which it was commanded by the injunctions of King Edward the sixth, published by the advice of the Lord Protector Somerset and the Privy Council, in the first year of the said Kings Reign: 1. ‘'ThatActs and Mon. fol. 1181. they should see provided in some most convenient and open place of every Church, one Great Bible in English, with the Paraphrase of Erasmus in English, that the people might reverendly, without any let, read and hear the same at such time as they listed, and not to be inhibited therefrom by the Parson or Curate; but rather to be the more encouraged and provoked thereunto. And 2. That every Priest under the degree of a Bachellour of Divinity, should have of his own, one New Testament in English and Latine, with the Paraphrases of Erasmus upon the same, and should diligently read and study thereupon, and should collect and keep in memory all such comfortable places of the Scripture, as do set forth the Mercy, Benefits and Goodness of Almighty God towards all penitent and believing persons, that they might thereby comfort their flock in all danger of death, despair or trouble of Conscience; and that therefore every Bishop in their Institution, should from time to time try and examine them how they have profited in their studies.'’ A course and care not likely to have entred into the thoughts of the Lord Protector, or any of the Lords of the Council, if it had not been advised by some of the Bishops, who then began to have an eye on the Reformation, which soon after followed; and as unlikely to be counselled and advised by them, had they intended to advance any other Doctrine, than what was countenanced in the writings of that learned man. Whereupon I conclude, the Doctrine in the points disputed, to be the true and genuine Doctrine of the Church of England, which comes most near to the plain sense of holy Scripture, the general current of the Fathers in the Primitive times, the famous Augustane Confession, the Writings of Melancthon, and the Workes of Erasmus: To which Conclusion I shall stand, till I finde my [Page] self encountred by some stronger Argument to remove me from it.

4. The ground thus laid, I shall proceed unto the Reformation which was built upon it, first raking in my way some necessary preparations made unto it by H. 8. by whom it had been ordered in the year, 1536. That the Creed, the Lords Prayer, and the ten Commandments, should be recited publiquely by the Parish Priest in the English Tongue, and all the Sundays and other Holidays throughout the year: And that the people might the better understand the duties contained in them, it pleased him to assemble his Bishops and Clergie in the year next following, requiring them, ‘'Upon the diligent search and perusing of Holy Scripture, to set forth a plain and sincere Doctrine, concerning the whole sum of all those things which appertain unto the Profession of a Christian man.'’ Which work being finished, with very great care and moderation, they published, by the name of an Institution of a Christian man, containing the Exposition or Interpretation of the common Word, the seven Sacraments, the Ten Commandments, the Lords Prayer, &c. and dedicated [...]t to the Kings Majestie, ‘'Submitting to his most Excellent Wisdom and Exact Judgement, to be by him recognized, overseen, and corrected, if he foundEpis. Didic. any word or sentence in [...]t amiss, to be qualified, changed, or further expounded, in the plain setting-forth of his most vertuous desire and purpose in that behalf.'’ A▪ Dedication publikely subscribed in the name of the rest, by all the Bishops then being, eight Archdeacons, and seventeen Doctors of chief note in their several faculties: Amongst which I finde seven by name, who had a hand in drawing up the first Liturgie of King Edward the sixth; that is to say, Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, Goodrich Bishop of Ely, Hobeach then Bishop of Rochester, and of Lincoln afterwards, Skip then Archdeacon of Dorset, after Bishop of Hereford, Roberson, afterwards Dean of Durham, as Maro was afterwards of S. Pauls, and Cox of Westminster: And I finde many others amongst them also, who had a principal hand in making the first Book of Homilies, and passing the Articles of Religion in the Convocation of the year, [Page] 1552. and so it rested till the year, 1643. when the King making use of the submission of the Book which was tendred to him, corrected it in many places with his own hand, as appeareth by the Book it self, remaining in the famous Library of Sir Robert Cotton: Which having done, he sends it so corrected▪ to Archbishop Cranmer; who causing it to be reviewed by the Bishops and Clergie in Convocation, drew up some Annotations on it: And that he did for this intent (as I heard exprest in one of his Letters bearing date June 25. of this present year) because the Book being to be set f [...]rth by his Gra [...]es censure and judgement, he would have n [...]thing therein that Momus himself could reprehend, referring notwithstanding all his Annotations to his Majesties exacter judgement: Nor staid it here, but being committed by the King to both Houses of Parliament, and by them very well approved of, as appears by the Statutes of this year, Cap. 1. concerning the Advancing of true Religion, and the abolition of the contrary, it was published again by the Kings command, under the title of Ne [...]essary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christian man: And it was published, with an Epistle of the Kings before it, directed to all his faithful and loving Subjects; wherein it is affirmed, ‘'To be a true Declaration of the true knowledge of God and his Word, with the principal Articles of Religion, whereby men may uniformly be led and taught the true understanding of that which is necessary for every Christian man to know, for the ordering of himself in this life, agreeable unto the will and pleasure of Almighty God.'’

5. Now from these Books, the Doctrine of PredestinationInstitut. of a Christian. may be gathered into these particulars; which I desire the Reader to take notice of, that he may judge the better of the Conformity which it hath with the established Doctrine of the Church of England.

1. That man by his own nature was born in sin, and in the indignation and displeasure of God, and was the very childe of Wrath, condemned to everlasting death, subject and thrall to the power of the Devil and sin; having all the principal parts or portions of his soul, as Reason and understanding, and free-wil, and all other powers of his soul and body, not onely so [Page] destituted and deprived of the gifts of God wherewith they were firstendued, but also so blinded, corrupted and poysoned with errour, ignorance and carnal concupiscence, that neither his said powers could exercise the natural function and office for which they were ordained by God at the first Creation, nor could he by them do any thing which might be acceptable to God.

2. That Jesus Christ the onely begotten Son of God the Father, was eternally pre-ordained and appointed by the Decree of the Holy Trinity, to be our Lord; that is to say, to be the onely Redeemer and Saviour of Mankinde, and to reduce and bring the same from under the Dominion of the Devil and sin, unto his onely Dominion, Kingdom, Lordship and Governance.

3. That when the time was come in the which it was beforeNecessary prayer. ordained and appointed by the Decree of the Holy Trinity, That Mankinde should be saved and redeemed, then the Son of God, the second Person in the Trinity, and very God, descended from Heaven into the world, to take upon him the very habit, form and nature of man, and in the same nature to suffer his glorious Passion for the Redemption and Salvation of all Mankinde.

4. That by this Passion and Death of our Saviour Jesus Christ, not onely Corporal death is so destroyed, that it shall never hurt us, but rather that it is made wholesome and profitable unto us; but also, that all our sins, and the sins also of all them that do believe in him, and follow him, be mortified and dead; that is to say, all the guilt and offence thereof, as also the damnation and pains due for the same, is clearly extincted, abolished and washed away, so that the same shall never afterwards be imputed and inflicted on us.

5. That this Redemption and Justification of Mankinde could not have been wrought or brought to pass by any other means in the world, but by the means of this Jesus Christ, Gods onely Son; and that never man could yet, nor never shall be able to come unto God the Father, or to believe in him, or to attain his favour, by his own wit and reason, or by his own science and learning, or by any his own works, or by whatsosoever [Page] may be named in Heaven or Earth, but by faith in the Name and Power of Jesus Christ, and by the gifts and graces of his Holy Spirit.

6. But to proceed, the way to the ensuing Reformation being thus laid open; The first great work which was accomplished in pursuance of it, was, the compiling of that famous Liturgie of the year, 1549. commanded by King Edward the sixth; that is to say, the Lord Protector, and the rest of the Privy Council, acting in his Name, and by his Authority, performed by Archbishop Cramner, and the other six before remembred, assisted by Thirdby Bishop of Westminster, Day Bishop of Chichester, Ridley Bishop of Rochester, Taylor (then Dean, after) Bishop of Lincoln, Redman then Master of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge, and Hains Dean of Exeter, all men of great abilities in their several stations; and finally, confirmed by the King, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons in Parliament assembled, 23 Edw. 6. In which Confirmatory act it is said expresly to have been done by the especial aid of the Holy Ghost; which testimony I finde also of it in the Acts and Monuments, fol. 1184. But being disliked by Calvin, who would needs be meddling in all matters which concerned Religion; and disliked it chiefly for no other reason (as appears in one of his Epistles to the Lord Protector) but because it savoured too much of the ancient forms, it was brought under a review, the cause of the reviewing of it being given out to be no other, than that there had risen divers doubts in the Exercise of the said Book, for the fashion and manner of the Ministration, though risen rather by the curiosity of the Ministers and Mistakers, then of any other cause, 5, 6 Edw. 6. cap. 1. The review made by those who had first compiled it, though Hobeach and Redman might be dead before the confirmation of it by Act of Parliament, some of the New Bishops added to the former number, and being reviewed, was brought into the same form in which now it stands; save, that a clause was taken out of the Letany, and a sentence added to the destribution of the blessed Sacrament, in the first year of Queen Elizabeth, and that some alteration was made in two or three of the Rubricks, with an [Page] addition of Thansgiving in the end of the Letany; as also of a Prayer for the Queen and the Royal Issue in the first of King James.

7. At the same time, and by the same hands which gave us the First Liturgie of King Edward the sixth, was the first Book of Homilies composed also; in which I have some cause to think, that Bishop Latimer was made use of amongst the rest, as one who had subscribed the first other two Books before mentioned, as Bishop of Worcester, anno 1537. and ever since continued zealous for a Reformation, quitting in that respect such a wealthy Bishoprick, because he neither would nor could conform his judgement to the Doctrine of the six Articles Authorized by Parliament: For it will easily appear to any, who is conversant in Latimers writings, and will compare them carefully with the Book of Homilies, that they do not onely savour of the same spirit in point of Doctrine, but also of the same popular and familiar stile, which that godly Martyr followed in the course of his preachings; for though the making of these Homilies be commonly ascribed (and in particularr by Mr. Fox) to Archbishop Cranmer, yet it is to be understood no otherwise of him, then that it was chiefly done by encouragement and direction, not sparing his own hand to advance the work, as his great occasions did permit. That they were made at the same time with King Edwards first Liturgie, will appear as clearly, first by the Rubrick in the said Liturgie it self, in which it is directed, that after the Creed shall follow the Sermon or Homily, or some portion of one of them, as they shall be hereafter divided. ItLet. of Mr. Bucer to the Church of England. appears secondly by a Letter writ by Matrin Bucer, inscribed To the holy Church of England, and the Ministers of the same, in the year 1549. in the very beginning whereof he lets them know, That their Sermons [...]r Homilies were come to his hands, wherein they godlily and effectually exhort their people to the reading of Holy Scripture (that being the scope and substance of the first Homily, which occurs in that Book) and th [...]rein expounded the sense of the faith whereby we hold our Christianity and Justification, whereupon all our help consisteth, and other most holy principles of our Religion, with most godly zeal. And as it is [Page] reported of the Earl of Gondomar, Ambassador to King James from the King of Stain, that having seen the elegan [...] disposition of the Rooms and Offices in Burleigh-House, not far from Stansord, erected by Sir William Cec [...]l principal Secretary of State, and Lord Treasurer to Queen Elizabeth, he very pleasantly affirmed, That he was able to discern the excellent judgement of the great Statesman, by the neat contrivance of his house: So we may say of those who composed this Book, in reference to the points disputed, A man may easily discern of what judgement they were in the Doctrine of Predestination, by the method which they have observed in the course of these Homilies: Beginning first with a Discourse of the misery of man in the state of nature; proceeding next to that of the salvation of mankinde by Christ our Saviour onely, from sin and death everlasting; from thence, to a Declaration of a true, lively, and Christian faith, and after that of good works annexed unto faith, by which our Justification and Salvation are to be obtained; and in the end descending unto the Homily bearing this inscription, How dangerous a thing it is to fall from God: Which Homilies in the same form and order in which they stand, were first authorized by King Edward the sixth, afterwards tacitly approved in the Rubrick of the first Liturgie before remembred, by Act of Parliament, and finally, confirmed and ratified in the Book of Articles agreed upon by the Bishops and Clergie of the Convocation, anno 1552. and legally confirmed by the said King Edward.

8. Such were the hands, and such the helps which co-operated to the making of the two Liturgies, and this Book of Homilies; but to the making of the Articles of Religion, there was necessary the concurrence of the Bishops and Clergy assembled in Convocation, in due form of Law; amongst which there were many of those which had subscribed to the Bishops Book, anno 1537. and most of those who had been formerly advised with in the reviewing of the Book, by the Commandment of King Henry the eighth, 1543. To which were added, amongst others, Dr. John Point Bishop of Winchester, an excellent Grecian, well studied with the ancient Fathers, and one of the ablest [Page] Mathamaticians which those times produced; Dr. Miles Coverdale Bishop of Exon, who had spent much of his time in the Lutheran Churches, amongst whom he received the degree of Doctor; Mr. John Story Bishop of Rochester (Ridley being then preferred to the See of London) from thence removed to Chichester, and in the end by Queen Elizabeth to the Church of Hereford; Mr. Rob. Farran Bishop of St. Davids, and Martyr, a man much favoured by the Lord Protector Sommerset in the time of his greatness; and finally (not to descend to those of the lower Clergie) Mr. John Hooker Bishop of Gloucester, and Martyr; of whose Exposition of the Ten Commandments, and his short Paraphrase on Romans 13. we shall make frequent use hereafter; a man whose works were well approved of by Bishop Ridley (the most learned and judicious of all the Prelates) who notwithstanding they differed in some points of Ceremony, professeth an agreement with him in all points of Doctrine; as appears by a Letter written to him when they were both Prisoners for the truth, and ready to give up their lives (as they after did) in defence thereof: Now the words of the Letter are as followeth, But now my dear Brother, forasmuch as I understand by your works, which I have but superficially seen, that we throughly agree, and wholly consent together in those things which are the grounds and substantial points of our Religion, against the which the world now so rageth in these our days: Howsosoever Acts and Mon. fol. 1366. in times past, in certain by-matters & circumstances of Religion your wisdom and my simplicity and ignorace have jarred, each of us following the abundance of his own sense and judgement: Now, I say, be you assured, that even with my whole heart, God is he witness, in the bowels of Christ, I love you in truth, and for the truths sake that abideth in us, and I am perswaded, by the grace of God, shall abide in us for evermore. The like agreement there was also between Ridley and Cranmer, Cranmer ascribing very much to the judgement and opinion of the learned Prelate, as himself was not ashamed to confess at his Examination; for which see Fox in the Acts and Monuments, fol. 1702.

9. By these men, and the rest of the Convocation, the Articles [Page] of Religion (being in number 41) were agreed upon, ratified by the Kings Authority, and published both in Latine and English, with these following Titles; viz. Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinens. A. D. 1552. ad tollendam opinionum dissentionem, & consensum verae Religionis firmandum, inter Episcopos & alios eruditos viros, convenerat, Regia authoritate Londin. editi; that is to say, ‘'Articles agreed upon, by the Bishops and other learned men assembled in the Synod at London, anno 1552. and published by the Kings authority, for the avoiding of diversities of opinions, and for the establishing of consent to the loving of true Religion.'’ Amongst which Articles (countenanced in Convocation by Queen Elizabeth, an. 1562.) the Doctrine of the Church in the five controverted points is thus delivered, according to the form and order which we have observed in the rest before.

1. Of Divine Predestination.

Predestination to life is the everlasting purpose of God, whereby (before the foundations of the world were laid) he hath constantly ordered by his Council, secret unto us, to deliver from curse andArtic. 17. damnation those whom he hath chosen in Christ out of mankinde, and to bring them by Christ to everlasting salvation, as vessels made to honour.

Furthermore, we must receive Gods promises in such wise as they be generally set forth to us in holy Scripture, and in our doing the will of God that is to be followed, which we have expresly declared to us in the Word of God.

2. Of the Redemption of the world by the faith of Christ.

The Son, which is the Word begotten of the Father, begotten from everlasting of the Father, &c. and being very God, and very man,Artic. 2. did truly suffer, was crucified, dead and buried, to reconcile his Father to us, and be a Sacrifice not onely for Original guilt, but also for the actual sins of men.

The Offering of Christ once made, is this perfect Redemption, [Page] Propitiation and Satisfaction to all the sinnes of the whole world, both Original and Actual.Artic. 31.

3. Of mans will in [...]he state of depraved nature: Man by Original sin is so far gone from Original [...]ighteousness, that of his ownArtic. 9. nature he is inclined to evil, so that the flesh lusteth always contrary to the Spirit; and therefore.

Works done before the grace of Christ, and the inspiration of his Spiri [...], are not pleasant to God, forasmuch as they spring not ofArtic. 13. faith in Jesus Christ, neither do they make men meet to receive grace, or (as the School Authors say) deserve gra [...]e of Congruity.

4. Of the manner of Conversion.

The condition of man after the fall of Adam is such, that he cannot turn and prepare▪ himself by his own natural strength and good works, to faith and calling upon God; wherefore we have noArtic. 10. power to do good works pleasant and acceptable to God, without the grace of God by Christ preventing us, that we may have a good will, and working with us, when we have that good will.

5. Of the uncertainty of Perseverance.

The Grace of Repentance is n [...]t to be denyed to such as fall into sin after Baptism, in regard that after we have received the Holy Ghost, we may depart from grace gi [...]en, and fall into sin; and byArtic. 16. the grace of God (we may) arise again and amend our lives; and therefore they are to be condemned which say they can no more sin as long as they live here, or deny the place of Repentance to such as truly repent.

10. Now in these Articles, as in all others of the Book, there are these two things to be observed; 1. What Authority they carried, in respect of the making. And 2. How we are to understand them in respect of the meaning. And first for their Authority; it was as good in all regards as the Laws could give them, being first treated and agreed upon by the Bishops and Clergie in their Convocation, and afterwards confirmed by the Letters Patents of Edw. 6. under the Great Seal of England. [Page] But against this it is objected, That the Records of this Convocation are but a degree above blanks; that the Bishops and Clergie then assembled, had no Commission from the King to meddle in Church business; that the King durst not trust the Clergie of that time in so great a matter, on a just jealousie which he had of the ill affections of the major part; and therefore the trust of this great business, was committed unto some few Confidents, cordial to the cause of Religion, and not unto the body of a Convocation. To which it hath been already answered, That the Objector is here guilty of a greater crime than that of Scandalum magnatum, making King Edward the sixth of pious memory, no better than an impious and lewd Impostor, in fathering those children on the Convocation, which had not been of their begetting: For first, the title to the Articles runneth thus at large, Art [...]culi de quibus, &c. as before we had it; which title none durst adventure to set before them, had they not really been the products of the Convocation. Secondly, the King had no reason to have any such jealousie at that time of the major part of the Clergie, but that he might trust them with a power to meddle with matters of Religion; this Convocation being holden the sixth year of his Reign, when Gardiner, Bonner, Day and Tunstall, and others of the stiffest Romanists, were put out of their places; most of the Episcopal Sees, and Parochial Churches being filled with men according unto his desires▪ and generally con [...]ormable to the Forms of Worship here by Law established. Thirdly, the Church of England for the first five years of Queen Elizabeth, retained these Articles, and no other, as the publike [...]endries of the Church in point of Doctrine; which certainly she had not done, had it been recommended to her by a less Authority than a Convocation lawfully assembled and confirmed. And Fourthly, that it is true, that the Records of Convocation during this King, and the first years of Queen Mary are very defective and imperfect, most of them lost; amongst others, those of this present year: And yet one may conclude as strongly, that my mother dyed childeless, because my Christening is not to be found in the Parish Register; as that the Convocation of this year was barren, because the Acts and Articles of it were not entred in the Journal Book.

[Page]11. To salve this sore, it is conceived by the Objector, that the Bishops and Clergie had passed over their power to some ‘'select Divines appointed by the King; in which sense they may be said to have made these Articles themselves, by their delegates, to whom they had deputed their Authority, the case not being so clear, but that it occasioned a cavil at theId. Ib. next Convocation the first of Queen Mary, when the Papists therein assembled, renounced the legality of any such former transactions.'’ And unto this it shall be answered, That no such defect of legality as was here pretended, was charged against the Book of Articles it self, but onely against a Catechism which was bound up with it, countenanced by the Kings Letters Patents prefixt before it, approved by many Bishops and learned men, and generally voyced to be another of the products of this Convocation: And therefore for so much as concerns this Catechism, it was replied by Mr. John Philpot Archdeacon of Winchester, who had been a member in the former, and was now a member of the Convocation in the first of Queen Mary, That he thought they were deceived in the Title of it, in thatActs and Mon. fol. 1282. it owned the Title of the last Synod of London, many which were then present, not being made privy to the making or publishing of it. He added, That the said former Convocation, had granted the Authority of making excellent Laws, unto certain persons to be appointed by the Kings Majestie; so as whatsoever Ecclesiastical Laws they, or the most part of them did set forth (according to a Statute in that behalf provided) might be well said to be done in the Synod of London, though such as were of the house, had no notice thereof before the promulgation: And thereupon he did infer, That the setters forth of the Catechism did not slander the House, as they went about to perswade the world, since they had the Authority of the Synod unto them committed, to make such Spiritual Laws as they thought convenient and necessary for the good of the Church. In which discourse we may observe, that there was not one word which reflects on the Book of Articles, all of it being made in reference to the Catechism before remembred; though if the Objection had been made (as indeed it was not) against the Articles themselves, the defence of that learned man, and [Page] godly Martyr, would have served as fully for the one, as it did for the other. But whatsoever may be said in derogation to the Authority of the Book of Articles, as it was published in the time of King Edward the sixth, Anno Dom. 1552. certain I am, that nothing can be said unto the contrary, but that they were received, and the far greater part of them agreed upon in full Convocation, Anno, 1562, And therefore for avoiding of all disputes, I am resolved to take them in this last capacity, as they were ratified by Queen Elizabeth, Anno, 1563. confirmed by King James, Anno 1604. and finally established by the late King Charls, with his Majesties Royal Declaration prefixt before them▪ Anno 1628.

12. Less doubt there is concerning the intent of this Convocation in drawing up the Articles in so loose a manner, that men of different judgements might accommodate them to their own opinions, which I finde both observed and commended in them by the former Author; by whom we are informed, that the Articles of the English Protestant Church, in the infancy thereof,Chur. Hist. lib. 9. fol. 72. were drawn up in general terms, foreseeing that posterity would grow up to fill the same; meaning, that these holy men did prudently discover, that differences in judgement would unavoidably happen in the Church, and were loth to unchurch any, and drive them off from an Ecclesiastical communion for petty differences, which made them pen the Articles in comprehensive words, to take in all, who differing in the branches, meet in the root of the same Religion: This hath been formerly observed to have been the artifice of those who had the managing of the Council of Trent, and is affirmed to have been used by such men also as had the drawing up of the Canons at the Synod at Dort: But the Composers of the Articles of the Church of England had not so little in them of the Dove, or so much of the Serpent, as to make the Articles of the Church like an upright shoe, which may be worn on either foot; or like to Theranc [...]nes shoe, as the Adage hath it, fit for the foot of every man that was pleased to wear it; and therefore we may say of our first Reformers, in reference to the present Book of Articles, as was affirmed of them by Dr. Brancroft then Bishop of [Page] London in relation to the Rubrick in private Baptism; that is to say, that those reverend and learned men intended not to deceive any by ambiguous terms; for which, see Conf. at Hampton Court, p. 15. And to this supposition or imagination it is alsoConser. answered, That the first Reformers did not so compose the Articles, as to leave any liberty to dissenting judgements, as the said Author would fain have it in some words preceding, but did not binde men to the literal and Grammatical sense; they had not otherwise attained to the end they aimed at, which was ad tollendam Opinionum Dissentionem, & consensum in vera Religione firmandum; that is to say, to take away diversity of opinions, and to establish an agreement in the true Riligion. Which end could never be effected, if men were left unto the liberty of dissenting, or might have leave to put their own sense upon the Articles, as they list themselves: For where there is a purpose of permitting men to their own opinions, there is no need of definitions and determinations in a National Church, no more than is of making Laws to binde the Subjects in an unsettled Commonwealth, with an intent to leave them in their former liberty, either of keeping or not keeping them, as themselves best pleased. Which said, we shall enquire into the meaning of the Articles, as before laid down, whether they speak in favour of the Melancthonian or Calvinian way, so far forth as the meaning of them can be gathered from the publique Liturgie and Book of Homilies, or from the Writings of those men, who either had a hand in the making of them, or dyed in the Religion here by Law established.

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CHAP. IX. Of the Doctrine of Predestination delivered in the Articles, the Homilies, the publique Liturgies, and the Writings of some of the Reformers.

1. THe Articles differently understood by the Calvinian party, and the true English Protestants, with the best way to finde out the true se [...]se thereof. 2. The definition of Predestination, and the most considerable points contained in it. 3. The meaning of those words in the Definition; viz. Whom he hath chosen in Christ, according to the Exposition of S. Ambrose, S. Chrysostome, S. Jerome, as also of Archbishop Cranmer, Bishop Latimer, and the Book of Homilies. 4. The Absolute Decree condemned by Bishop Latimer, as a means to Licentiousness and Carnal living. 5. For which, and making God to be the Author of sin, condemned as much by Bishop Hooper. 6. Our Election to be found in Christ, not sought for in Gods secret Counsels, according to the judgement of Bishop Latimer. 7. The way to finde out our Election, delivered by the same godly Bishop, and by Bishop Hooper, with somewhat to the same purpose also from the Book of Homilies. 8. The Doctrine of Predestination, delivered by the holy Martyr John Bradford, with Fox his gloss upon the same to corrupt the sense. 9. No countenance to be had for any absolute, personal and irrespective decree of Predestination in the publique Liturgie. 10. An Answer to such passages out of the said Liturgie, as seem to favour that opinion; as also touching the number of Gods Elect.

[Page]1. THus have we seen the Doctrine of the Church of England in the five controverted Points, according as it is delivered in the Book of Articles; but in what sense we ought to understand it, hath been made a Question: Some take the Articles in the Literal and Graminacal sense, which is the fairest and most approved way of Interpretation; according to the saying of an ancient Writer, That if the Literal sense of holy Scripture will stand with the AnalogieDeclar. before the Art. 1628. of faith and piety, it is to be preferred before any other: Others they are (of which his late Majestie complained) who draw the Articles aside, and put their own sense or comment to be the meaning of the Articles; fashioning them to their own fancies, as they please themselves: Each of the parties in those curious points in which the present differences do most consist, conceive the Articles of the Church to speak for them, exclusive wholly of the other, but with a notable difference in the Application. The Calvinists, by which name they love to beOur Divines commonly called Calvinists. Yates in Ap. Caesar. cap. 5. p. 38. called, endeavour to captivate the sense of the Article, and bring it to the bent of their own understanding; but the true English Protestants (whom for distinction sake we may call Confessionists) accommodate, though they do not captivate, their own sense to the sense of the Church, according to the plain and full meaning of the Articles in the points disputed. But because possibly both parties may not be agreed on a Rule or Medium by which the proper sense and meaning of the Articles may be best discovered, it will not be amiss to follow the directions of the Civil Laws, in cases of like doubtful nature; which is briefly this, viz. Si de interpretatione Legis quaeritur, i [...]ri [...]is insp c [...]endum est, quo jure Civitas [...] in huj [...]smodi casibus usa fuit: And this we shall the better do, if we enquire into the Doctrine of those Learned, Religious and Godly men, who either had a principal hand in the Reformation, or were most conversant with them, and beloved of them in their several stations, taking along with us the Authority of the Homilies and publique Liturgie, to which all parties have subscribed. In order whereunto, it will first be necessary to lay down the definition [Page] of Predestination, as before we had it in the Article, to sum up the particular points and contents thereof, to shew the sense of one phrase in it, and then to travel more exactly in this enquiry, whether the method of Predestination, illustrated by the story of Agilmond and Amistus Kings of Lombardy, cap. 7. num▪ 4. agree not more harmoniously with the true sense and meaning of the Church of England, than any other whatsoever.

2. First then, ‘'Predestination unto life, is defined in the 17 Article to be the Everlasting purpose of God, whereby, and before the foundations of the world were laid, he hath constantly decreed by his Council secret unto us, to deliver from damnation those whom he hath chosen in Christ out of mankinde, and to bring them by Christ unto everlasting salvation.'’ In which definition there are these things to be observed: First, That Predestination doth presuppose a curse or state of damnation in which all mankinde was represented to the sight of God, which plainly crosseth the opinion of the Supra-Lapsarians, the Supra-Creaturians, or Creabilitarians, as some call them now. Secondly, That it is an act of his from Everlasting, because from Everlasting he foresaw into what misery whretched man would fall, by the abuse of that liberty in which first he stood. Thirdly, That he founded it, and resolved for it in the Man and Mediator Christ Jesus, both for the purpose and performance; which crosseth as directly with the Sublapsarians, who place the absolute decree of Predestination to life, and of Reprobation unto death, both of body and soul, before the decree or consideration of sending his onely beloved Son Jesus Christ into the world, to be the common Propitiation for the sins of men. Fourthly, That it was of some special ones alone, Elect called fort, and reserved in Christ, and not generally extended unto all mankinde; a General Election, as they say, being no Election. Fifthly, That being thus elected in Christ, they shall be brought by Christ (but not without their own consent and co-operation) to everlasting salvation. And finally, That this Council is secret unto us; for though there be revealed to us some hopeful signs of our Election and Predestation [Page] destination unto life, yet the certainty thereof is a secret hidden in God, and in this life unknown to us; For who hath known the minde of the Lord, or hath been his Counsellour? (or of his Secret Council) saith the great Apostle.

3. Such is the definition of Predestination, and the substance of it, in which there is nothing so obscure, no term so intricate, as to need any especial or distinct explication, as those words Whom he hath chosen in Christ: which being the very words of the same Apostle, Ephesians first, cap. 4. we will first paraphrase in the words of some ancient Writers, and then illustrate them by others of our holiest Martyrs, who had a principal hand in the Reformation: First, S. Ambrose, amongst others, s [...]cut elegit Ambros. in Epist. 1, 4. nos in ipso, as he hath chosen us in him, Praescivit enim Deus omnes, scil. qui credituri essent in Christum: For God (saith he) by his general prescience, did foreknow every man that would believe in Christ: To the same purpose speaks S. Chrysostome, saying, Quod dicit perinde est ac [...]si dicat, Per quem nos benedixit, per eundem▪ & elegit; and a little after, Quid est in ipso elegit? per eam quae in ipso habenda esset, fidem; For, praestitit prius quam ipsi essemus, magis autem prius quam mundi hujus jacerentur Fundamenta: Which is as much as to say (saith he) as if he had said, That we are blessed in him, in whom we are chosen;Chrys. in Ep. 14. and we are chosen in him in whom we believe; which he performed before we our selves had any being, or rather before the foundations of the world were laid: And to the same effect, the Commentary upon S. Pauls Epistles, ascribed to S. Jerome; viz. in hoc praedestavit, ut haberent potestatem filii Dei fieri homines, qui credere voluissent; that is to say, in this he hath predestinated us to Eternal life, that men may be made the sonsHierom. in Epist. 64. of God, if they will believe. Which sayings of those ancient Writers, we shall expound by others of our holy Martyrs; and first Archbishop Cranmer, in his Answer to Gardiner touchingL. 5 p. 372. the holy Sacrament, telleth us this; viz. ‘'Christ (saith he) took unto himself not onely their sins that many years before were dead, and put their trust in him; but also the sins of those that until his coming again, should truly believe in his Gospel:'’ More fully Bishop Latimer, thus, ‘'When (saith he) we hear [Page] that some be chosen, and some be damned, let us have goodSerm. 3. Sunday after Epiphany, part. 3. fol. 198 hope that we be amongst the chosen, and live after this hope; that is, uprightly and godly, then shall we not be deceived; think that God hath chosen those that believe in Christ, and Christ is the Book of Life: If thou believest in him, then art thou written in the Book of Life, and shalt be saved.'’ By which we may the better understand that passage in the Book of Homilies, where it said, ‘'That the Scripture shutteth up all underHom. of the misery of man. f. 8. sin, that the promise by the faith of Jesus Christ should be given unto them that believe;'’ which is as much as can be comprehended in so narrow a compass.

4. This said, as in the way of Explication, we will next see what hath been positively delivered by our first Reformers, concerning the fatality or absoluteness of Gods Decrees maintained by Calvin then, and his followers since: Of which thus Bishop Latimer in his Sermon upon Septuag [...]s [...]m [...]. ‘'Some vainSerm. on Septu. fol. 213. fellows make their reckoning thus, What need I to mortifie my body, with abstaining from all sin and wickedness? I perceive God hath chosen some, and some are rejected; now if I be in the number of the chosen, I cannot be damned; but if I be accounted amongst the conde [...]ned number, then I cannot be saved: For Gods judgements are immutable; such foolish and wicked reasons some have, which bringeth them either to carnal liberty, or to desperation: Therefore it is as needful to beware of such reason or Exposition of the Scriptures, as it is to beware of the Devil himself. To the same purpose in his third Sermon after the Epiphany; viz. We read in the Acts of the Apostles, that when S. Paul had made a long Sermon at Antioch, there believed (saith the Evangilist) as many as were ordained unto everlasting life: With the which saying, a great number of people have been offended; and have said, We perceive that onely those shall come to believe, and so to everlasting life, which are chosen of God unto it; therefore it is no matter whatsoever we do; for if we be chosen to everlasting life, we shall have it: And so they have opened a door unto themselves of all wickedness and carnal liberty, against the true meaning of the Scripture: For if they must be damned, [Page] the fault is not in God, but in themselves; for it is written, Deus v [...]lt omnes homines salvos fieire, God would have all men should be saved: But they themselves procure their own damnation, and despise the passion of Christ, by their own wicked and inordinate living.'’

5. Hooper is bolder yet than he, even to the censuring of thoseHoop. in Prefac. before the ten Commandm. who by the fatality of these Decrees, make God to be the Author of sin: And first he lets us know in general, ‘'That the blinde Southsayers that write of things to come, were more to be esteemed of than our curious and high-climing wits; for they attribute the cause of ill to the evil Aspect, and sinister conjunctions of the Planets.'’ Which said, we shall hear him speaking more particularly to the present point, in this mannerId. Ibid. following; viz. ‘'It is not a Christian mans part to attribute to his own freewil, with the Pelagian, and extenuate Original sin, nor to make God the Author of evil, and our damnation, nor yet to say, God hath written fatal Laws, with the Stoicks, and in the necessity of Destiny, violently pulleth one by the hair into Heaven, and thrusteth the other headlong into Hell.'’ And in another place ‘'Our Gospellists, sa [...]th he, beId. Ibid. better learned than the Holy Ghost; for they wickedly attribute the cause of punishment and adversity to Gods Providence, which is the cause of no ill, as he himself could do no ill; and every mischief that is done, they say, it is Gods will.'’ And then again—‘'Howsoever man judgeth of Predestination,Id. Ibid. God is not the cause of sin, thou art not the God that willest sin; and it is said, That thy perdition, O Israel, is of thy self, and thy succour onely of me.'’ And finally, to shut up his discourse hereof with some Application, he shall tell us thus; ‘'Being admonished by the Scripture that we must leave sin,Id. Ibid. and do the works commanded of God, it will prove but a carnal opinion which we blinde our selves withal, of Fatal Destiny; and in case there follow not in us knowledge of Christ, amendment of life, it is not a lively faith that we have, but rather a vain knowledge, and meer presumption.'’

6. Next let us look upon such passages in the writings of those [Page] those godly men, which teach us to enquire no further after our Election, than as it is to be found in our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ: Of which Bishop Latimer in the first place thus,Lat. in Serm. on Septuages. p. 3. fol. 214. viz. ‘'If thou art desirous to know whether thou art chosen to everlasting life, thou mayest not begin with God; for God is too high, thou canst not comprehend him, the judgements of God are unknown to man, therefore thou must not begin there: But begin with Christ, and learn to know Christ, and wherefore that he came; namely, That he came to save sinners, and made himself a subject of the Law, and fulfiller of the same, to deliver us from the wrath and danger thereof, and therefore was crucified for our sins, &c.—Consider, I say, Christ and his coming, and then begin to try thy self whether thou art in the Book of Life or not: If thou findest thy self in Christ, then thou art sure of everlasting life: If thou be without him, then thou art in an evil case; for it is written, nemo venit ad patrem nisi p [...]r me; that is, no man cometh to my Father but through me; therefore if thou knowest Christ, thou mayest know further of thy Election.'’ And then in another place,—‘'When we are troubled within our selves, whether we be elected or no, we must ever have this Maxime or principal rule before our eyes; namely, that God beareth a good will towards us, God loveth us, God beareth a Fatherly heart towards us. But you will say, How shall I know that? or how shall I believe that? We may know Gods good will towards us through Christ; for so saith John the Evangelist, Filius qui est in sinu patris ipse revelavit; that is, The Son who is in the bosom of the Father, he hath revealed it: Therefore we may perceive his good will and love towards us. He hath sent the same Son into the world, which hath suffered most painful death for us; Shall I now think that God hateth me? or shall I doubt of his love towards me? '’ And in another place, ‘'Here you see how you shall avoid the scrupulous and most dangerous question of the Predestination of God; for if thou wilt enquire into his Councils, and search his Consistory, thy wit will deceive thee, for thou shalt not be able to search the Council of God: But if thou begin with Christ, and consider his coming into the world, and dost believe that God hath sent him for thy sake to [Page] suffer for thee, and to deliver thee from sin, death, the Devil, and Hell? Then when thou art so armed with the knowledge of Christ; then (I say) this simple question cannot hurt thee, for thou art in the Book of Life, which is Christ himself—For thus it is writ, Sice Deus dilexit mundum, that God so entirely loved the world, that he gave his onely begotten Son, to the end that all that believed in him should not perish, but have everlasting life; whereby appeareth most plainly, that Christ is the Book of Life, and that all that believe in him, are of the same Book, and so are chosen to everlasting life; for onely those are ordained that believe.'’

Nor stays that godly Bishop here, but proceeds (after some intervening passages) towards this Conclusion:

‘'Here is now taught you (saith he) how to try your Election; namely, in Christ: For Christ is the Accompting Book and Register of God, and even in the same Book, that is, Christ, are witten all the names of the Elect; therefore we cannot finde our Election in our selves, neither yet the high Council of God; for inscrutabilia su [...]t judicia Altissimi: Where then shall I finde my Election? in the Compting Book of God, which is Christ, &c.'’ Agreeable whereunto we finde Bishop Hooper, speaking thus, ‘'The cause of our Election, is the mercy of God in Christ; howbeit, he that will be partaker of this Election, must receive the promise in Christ by faith; for therefore we be elected, because afterwards we are made the members of Christ—So we judge of Election by the event or success that hapneth in the life of man; those onely to be elected,'’ that by faith apprehend the mercy promised in Christ. To the same purpose also (but not so clearly and perspicuously) speaks the Book of Homilies; where we finde it thus, viz. ‘'ThatHom. of the misery of man. fol. 11. of our selves (as in our selves) we finde nothing whereby we may be delivered from this miserable captivity in which we were cast (through the envy of the Devil) by breaking Gods Commandment in our first Parent Adam: It is the Lord with whom is plenteous Redemption; he is the God which of his own mercy saveth us, &c. not for our own deserts, merits, or good deeds, &c. but of his meer mercy freely, and [Page] for whose sake truly, for Christ Jesus sake, the pure and undesiled Lamb of God, &c. for whose sake God is fully pacified, satisfied and set at one with man. Such is the Doctrine of the Church in the matter of Predestination unto life, according to the judgement of these learned men, and godly Martyrs, who were of such Authority in the Reformation.'’

8. Proceed we next to one of an inferiour Order, the testimony of John Bradford Martyr, a man in very high esteem with Martin Bucer, made one of the Prebends of S. Pauls Church by Bishop Ridley, and one who glorified God in the midst of the flames, with as great courage as his Patron; of whom we finde a Letter extant in the Acts and Monuments directed to his friends N. S. and R. [...]. being at that time not thorowly Fox Acts and Mo [...]. fol. 1505. instructed in the Doctrine of Gods Election: The words of which Letter are as followeth, ‘'I wish to you my good Brethren the same grace of God in Christ, which I wish and pray the Father of mercies to give me for his holy names sake, amen. Your Letter, though I have not read my self, because I would not alienate my minde from conceived things, to write to others, yet I have heard the sum of it, that it is of Gods Election; wherein I will briefly relate to you my faith, and how far I think it good and meet for a Christian to wade in. I believe, That man made after the image of God, did fall from that pleased estate, to the condemnation of him and all his posterity: I believe that Christ (for man being then fallen) did oppose himself to the judgement of God, as a Mediator paying the ransome and price of Redemption for Adam and his whole posterity, that refuse it not finally: I believe, that all that believe (I speak of such as be of years of discretion) are partakers of Christ and all his merits: I believe, that faith and belief in Christ is the work and gift of God, given to no other then to those which be his children; that is, to those whom God the Father before the beginning of the world, hath Predestinated in Christ unto Eternal life. Thus do I wade in Predestination, in such sort as God hath patefied and opened it. Though to God it be the first, yet to us it is the last opened; and therefore I begin with Creation, [Page] from whence I come to Redemption, so to Justification, so to Election. On this sort I am sure that warily and wisely a man may walk it easily by the light of Gods Spirit, in and by his Word, seeing this faith is not to be given to all men, 2 Thess. 3. but to such as are born of God, Predestinated before the world was made, after the purpose and good will of God, &c.'’ Which judgement of this holy man, comes up so close to that of the former Martyrs, and is so plainly cross to that of the Calvinistical party, that Mr. Fox was fain to make soom Scholia's on it, to reconcile a gloss like that of Orleance, which corrupts the Text; and therefore to have no place here, however it may be disposed of at another time. But besides the Epistle above mentioned, there is extant a Discourse of the said godly Martyr, entituled, The sum of the Doctrine of Predestination and Reprobation; in which is affirmed, That our own wilfulness, sin, and contemning of Christ, are the cause of Reprobation, as is confessed by the Author of the Anti-Arminianism, p. 103. though afterwards he puts such a gloss upon it (as he doth also on the like passages in Bishop Hooper) as makes the sin of man to be the cause onely of the execution, and not of the decree of Reprobation.

9. But it is said, That any one that reads the Common-PrayerJustifi. Fathers. Book with an unprejudiced minde, cannot chuse but observe divers passages that make for a Personal, Eternal Election. So it is said of late, and till of late never so said by any that ever I heard of, the whose frame and fabrick of the Publique Liturgie being directly opposite to this new conceit. For in the general Confession, we beseech the Lord to spare them that confess their faults, and restore them that be penitent, according to his promises declared unto mankinde in Christ Jesus our Lord: In the Te Deum it is said, that Christ our Saviour having overcome the sharpness of death, did open the Kingd [...]m of heaven to all believers: In the Prayer for the first day of Lent, That God hateth nothing which he hath made, but doth forgive the sins of all them that be penitent: In the Prayer at the end of the Commination, That God hath compassion of all men, that he hateth nothing which he hath made, that he would not the death of a sinner, but [Page] rather that he should turn from sin and repent: In the Absolution before the Communion, That God of his great mercy hath promised forgiveness of sins to all them, which with hearty repentance and tru [...] faith turn unto him. Can any one which comes with an unprejudiced minde to the Common-Prayer Book, observe any thing that savoureth of a Personal Election in all these passages? or can he hope to finde them in any other? Look then upon the last Exhortation before the Communion, in which we are required above all things, ‘'To give most humble and hearty thanks to God the Father, and the Holy Ghost, for the Redemption of the world, by the death and passion of our Saviour Christ, both God and man, who did humble himself even to the death upon the Cross, for us miserable sinners, which lay in darkness and the shadow of death.'’ More of which nature we shall finde in the second Article. Look on the Collect in the form of publique Baptism, in which we pray, ‘'That whosoever is here dedicated unto God by our Office and Ministrey, may also be endued with heavenly vertues, and everlastingly rewarded through Gods mercy: O blessed Lord God, &c.'’ And in the Rubrick before Confirmation; where it is said expresly, That it is certain by Gods Word, that children being baptized, have all things necessary to their salvation, and be undoubtedly saved. Look on these passages and the rest, and tell me any one that can, whether the publique Liturgie of the Church of England, speak any thing in favour of such a Personal and Eternal Election; that is to say, such an absolute, irrespective, and irreversible Decree of Predestination (and that of some few onely) unto life Eternal, as is maintained and taught in the Schools of Calvin.

10. Some passages I grant there are, which speak of Gods people, and his chosen people, and yet intend not any such Personal and Eternal Election, as these men conceit unto themselves: Of which sort these, viz. To declare and pronounce to his people being penitent—O Lord save thy people, and bless thy heritage—that it would please thee to keep and bless all thy people—and make thy chosen people joyful, with many others interspers'd in several places: But then I must affirm with all, [Page] that those passages are no otherwise to be understood, than of the whole body of the Church, the Congregation of the faithful, called to the publique participation of the Word and Sacraments: Which appears plainly by the Prayer for the Church Militant here on earth; where having called upon the Lord, and said, To all thy people give thy heavenly grace; we are taught presently to adde, especially to this Congregation here present; that is to say, the members of that particular Church, which there pour forth their prayers for the Church in general. More to their purpose is that passage in the Collect for the Feast of All-Saints; where it is said, That Almighty God hath knit together his Elect in one communion and fellowship in the mystical body of his Son Jesus Christ; though it doth signifie no more but that inseparable bond of Charity, that Love and Unity, that Holy Communion and Correspondency which is between the Saints in Glory in the Church Triumphant, and those who are still exercised under the cares and miseries of this present life in the Church here Militant. But it makes most unto their purpose (if any thing could make unto their purpose in the Common-Prayer Book) that at the burial of the dead we are taught to pray, That God would please of his gracious goodness shortly to accomplish the number of his elect, and to hasten his Kingdom: From whence, as possibly some may raise this inference, That by the Doctrine of the Church of England, there is a predestinated and certain number of Elect, which can neither be increased nor diminished, according to the third of the nine Articles which were agreed upon at Lambeth: So others may perhaps conclude, That this number is made up out of such Elections, such Personal and Eternal Elections as they have fancied to themselves. But there is nothing in the Prayer, which can be useful to the countenancing of any such fancy, the number of the Elect, and the certainty of that number, being known onely unto God in the way of his Prescience, by which he seeth all things past, and all things to come, as if present with him. And therefore having past a general Decree of Predestination, touching the saving of all those which believe in Christ, and knowing most infallibly who, and how many of all Nations will believe in Christ, continue in the faith to the [Page] end of their lives, and consequently attain salvation: The number of the persons so Predestinated, is as well known unto him in the universal comprehension of his Heavenly Prescience, as if they had been personally elected unto life Eternal, the accomplishing of which number, that so his Kingdom may be hastned, and the hastning of his Kingdom, that we, with all the rest which are departed in the true faith of his holy Name, may have our perfect Consummation and bliss both in body and soul, is the scope and purpose of that Prayer: And being the sole scope and purpose of it, cannot imply such a Personal and Eternal Election as some men imagine, though it conclude both for a number, and for a certain number of Gods Elect.

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CHAP. X. The Doctrine of the Church concerning Reprobation, and Universal Redemption.

1. THe absolute Decree of Reprobation not found in the Articles of this Church, but against it in some passages of the publike Liturgie. 2. The cause of Reprobation to be found in a mans self, and not in Gods Decrees, according to the judgement of Bishop Latimer, and Bishop Hooper. 3. The Absolute Decrees of Election and Reprobation, how contrary to the last clause in the seventeenth Article. 4. The inconsistency of the Absolute Decree of Reprobation, with the Doctrine of Universal Redemption by the death of Christ. 5. The Universal Redemption of mankinde by the death of Christ, declared in many places of the publique Liturgie, and affirmed also in one of the Homilies and the Book of Articles. 6. A further proof of it from the Mission of the Apostles, and the Prayer used in the Ordination of Priests. 7. The same confirmed by the writings of Archbishop Cranmer, and the two other Bishops before mentioned. 8. A Generality of the Promises, and an Universality of Vocation, maintained by the said two godly Bishops. 9. The reasons why this benefit is not made effectual to all sorts of men, to be found onely in themselves.

1. AS the speaking of Heaven doth many times beget the discovery of Hell; so the foregoing Discovery of Predestination to Eternal life, conducts me to the speaking of a few words concerning the Doctrine of Reprobation, Rejection, Eternal Death, a point of which the Church of England is utterly silent, leaving it to [Page] be gathered upon Logical inferences from that which is delivered by her in the point of Election (for contrariorum, contraria est ratio, as Logicians say) though that which is so gathered, ought rather to be called a Dereliction than a Reprobation: No such absolute, irreversible and irrespective Decree of Reprobation, taught or maintained in any publique Monument or Record of the Church of England, by which the far greater part of mankinde are pre-ordained, and consequently pre-condemned to the Pit of torments, without any respect had unto their sins and incredulities, as generally is maintained and taught in the Schools of Calvin. Much, I am sure, may be said against it out of the passages in the Liturgie before remembred; where it is said, that God hath compassion upon all men, and hateth nothing which he hath made; but much more out of those which are to come in the second Article, touching the Ʋniversal Reconciliation of mankinde unto God the Father, by the death of Christ. Take now no more than this one Collect, being the last of those which are appointed for Good Friday, on which we celebrate the memorial of Christ his death and passion; and is this that followeth; viz. ‘'Merciful God, who hast made all men, and hatest nothing that thou hast made, nor wouldst the death of a sinner, but rather that he should be converted and [...]ve, have mercy upon all Jews, Turks, Infidels, and Hereticks, and take from them all ignorance, hardness of heart, and contempt of thy Word; and so fetch them home blessed Lord, to thy flock, that they may be saved amongst the remnant of the true Israelites, and be made one fold, under one Shepherd, Jesus Christ our Lord.'’ A Prayer as utterly inconsistent with the Calvinians Decree of Reprobation, as the finding of an Hell in Heaven, or any thing else which seems to be most abhorrent both from faith and piety.

2. More may be said against it out of the writings of BishopLatimer in his 4 Sermon, third Sunday after Epiphani [...]. 4 Serm. in Lincoln. Latimer and Bishop Hooper before remembred: Beginning first with Latimer, he will tell us this, viz. ‘'That if most be damned, the fault is not in God, but in themselves; for Dus vult omnes homines salvos fieri, God would that all men should be saved, but they themselves procure their own damnation.'’ [Page] Thus also in another place, That Christ onely, and no man else, merited Remission, Justification, and Eternal Felicity, for as many as believe the same; that Christ shed as much blood for Judas, as for Peter; that Peter believed it, and therefore was saved; that Judas could not believe it, therefore was condemned, the fault being in him onely, and no body else. More fully, not more plainly, the other Bishop in the said Preface to the Exposition on the Ten Commandments; where it is said, ‘'That Gain was no more excluded from the promise of Christ, till he exlcuded himself, than Abel; Saul, than David; Judas, than Peter; E [...]au, than Jacob;'’ concerning which two brethren, he further added, ‘'That in the sentence of God given unto Rebecca, that there was no mention at all, that Esau should be disinherited of Eternal life, but that he should be inferiour to his brother Jacob in this world; which Prophecy (saith he) was fulfilled in their Posterity, and not the persons themselves (the very same with that which Arminius and his followers have since declared in this case.)'’ And this being said, he proceedeth to this Declaration, ‘'That God is said by the Prophet to have hated Esau, not because he was disinherited of Eternal life, but in laying his mountains and his heritage waste for the Dragons of the wilderness, Mal. 1. 3. that the threatning of God against Esau (of he had not of wilful malice excluded himself from the promise of grace) should no more have hindred his salvation, than Gods threatning against Nineve; that the cause of Rejection or Damnation is sin in man, which will not hear, neither receive the promise of the Gospel. And [...]ally thus, That by Gods grace we mightExposit▪ of the Command, cap. of ignor. do the good, and leave the evil, if it were not through malice of accustomed doing of sin; the which excuseth the mercy and go d [...]ess of God, and maketh that no man shall be excused in he latter judgement, how subtilly soever they now excuse the matter, and put their evil doings from them, and lay it u [...]on the Predestination of God, and would excuse it by ignorance: o [...] say he cannot be good, because he is otherwise destined; which in the next words he calls A Stoical [...] refuted by those words of Horace, Nemo adeo f [...]rus est, &c.'’

[Page]3. But that which makes most against the absolute, irrespective, and irreversible decree of predestination, whether it be life or death, is the last clause of our second Article, being the seventeenth of the Church, as before laid down; where it is said that we must receive Gods promises in such wise as they be generally set forth to us in holy Scripture, and that in all our doings that will of God is to be followed which we have expresly declared to us in holy Scriptures. And in the holy Scripture it is declared to us, That God gave his Son for the world, or for all man-kind, that Christ offered himself a Sacrifice for all the sixs of the whole world, that Christ redeemed all man-kinde, that Christ commanded the Gospel to be preached to all; that God wills and commands all men to hear Christ, and to believe in him; and in him to offer grace and salvation unto all men: That this is the infallible truth, in which there can be no falshood; otherwise, the Apostles, and other Ministers of the Gospel, preaching the same, should be false witnesses of God, and should make him a liar; than which nothing can be more repugnant to the Calvinian Doctrine of predestination, which restrains predestination unto life in a few particulars, without respect had to their faith in Christ, or Christs suffering & death for them, which few particulars so predestinate to eternal life, shall (as they tell us) by an irrestible Grace, be brought to God, and by the infallible conduct of the holy Spirit, persevere from falling away from grace and favour: Nothing more contrary to the like absolute decree of Reprobation, by which the infinitely greatest part of all Mankinde is either doomed remidilesly to the torments of Hell, when they were but in the estate of Creability (as the Supralapsarians have informed us) and unavoidably necessated unto sin, that they might infallibly be damn'd; or otherwise, as miserably leaving them under such a condition, according to the Doctrine of the Sublapsarians, which renders them uncapable of avoiding the wrath to come, and consequently subjected them to a damnation no less certain then if they were created to no other purpose; which makes it seem the greater wonder, that Doctor Ʋsher (afterwards Lord Primate of Ireland) in drawing up the article of predestination for the Church of Ireland, anno. 1615. should take in so much as he doth of the Lambeth [Page] articles, and yet subjone this very clause at the foot thereof,Article of Ireland, Numb. 12. 14. 17. which can no more concorporate with it, then any of the most Het rogeneus mettals can unite into one piece of refined Gold; which clause, as it remaineth in the articles of the Church of England, how well it was applyed by King James, and others in the conference at Hampton Court, we shall see hereafter.

4. In the mean time we must behold another argument, which fights more strongly against the Apostles decree of Reprobation then any of the rest before; that is to say, the reconciliation of all men to Almighty God; the universal redemption of Man-kinde by the death of Christ, expresly justfied and maintained by the Church of England. For though one in our late undertaking seem exceeding confident, that the granting of universal redemption will draw no inconvenience with it as to the absoluteness of Gods decrees, or to the insuperability of converting Grace, or to the certain infallible perseverance Cap. 10. Hic in [...]stip father. of Gods elect after conversion: Yet I dare say, he will not be so confident in affirming this, That if Christ did so far dye for all, as to procure a salvation for all, under the condition of faith and repentance, as his own words are, there can be any room for such an absolute decree of reprobation, [...] and precedent to the death of Christ, as his great masters in the school of Calvin, have been pleased to teach him. Now for the Doctrine of this Church, in that particular, it is exprest so clearly in the second article of the five before laid down, that nothing needs be added either in way of explication or of confirmation; howsoever, for avoiding of all doubt and Haesitancy, we will first add some farther testimonies touching the Doctrine of this Church in the point of universal redemption: And secondly, touching the applying of so great a benefit by universal vocation, and finally we shall shew the causes, why the benefit is not effectual unto all alike.

5. And first, as for the Doctrine of universal redemption, it may be further proved by those words in the publick Carechism, where the Childe is taught to say, that he believeth in God [Page] the Son, who redeemed with him all mankinde; in that clause of the publique Letany, where God the Son is called the Redeemer of the world; in the passages of the latter Exhortation before the Communion, where it is said, That the Oblation of Christ once offered, was a full, perfect, and sufficient Sacrifice for the sins of the WHOLE WORLD; in the proper Preface appointed for the Communion on Easter-Day, in which he is said to be the very Paschal Lamb that was offered for us, and taketh away the sins of the world, repeated in the greater Catechism to the same effect. And finally, in the Prayer of Conservation; viz. Almighty God, our heavenly Father, Hom. Salvation, p. 13. which of thy tender mercies didst give thine onely Son Jesus Christ to suffer death upon the Cross for our Redemption, who made there by his own Oblation of himself once offered, a firm, and perfect, and sufficient Sacrifice, Oblation, and Satisfaction for the sins of the WHOLE WORLD. To this purpose it is said in the Book of Homilies, That the World being wrapt up in sin by the breaking of Gods Law, God sent his onely Son our Saviour Christ into this world to fulfil the Law for us; and by shedding of his most precious blood, to make a Sacrifice and Satisfaction, or as it may be called, amends to his Father for our sins, to asswage his wrath and indignation conceived against us for the same. Out of which words it may be very well concluded, That the world being wrapt up in sin, the Recompence and Satisfaction which was made to God, must be made to him for the sins of the world, or else the plaister had not been commensurate to the sore, nor so much to the magnifying of Gods wonderful mercies in the offered means of Reconcilement betwixt God and man; the Homily must else fall short of that which is taught in the Articles: In which (besides what was before delivered from the second and 31. concerning the Redemption of the world by the death of Christ) it is affirmed in the 15 as plain as may be, That Christ came to be a Lamb without spot, who by the Sacrifice of himself once made, should take away the sins of the world: Then which there can be nothing more conducible to the point in hand.

[Page]6. And to this purpose also, when Christ our Saviour was pleased to Authorize his Holy Apostles to preach the Good Tidings of Salvation, he gave them both a Command and a Commission To go into all the world, and preach the Gospel to every Creature, Mark 16. 15. So that there was no part of the world, nor any Creature in the same, (that is to say, no Rational Creature) which seems to be excluded from a possibility of obtaining Salvation by the Preaching of the Gospel to them, if with a faith unfeigned they believed the same. Which the Church further teacheth us in this following Prayer, appointed to be used in the Ordering of such as are called unto the Office of the Holy Priesthood; viz. ‘'Almighty God and Heavenly Father, which of thine Infinite Love and Goodness toward us, hast given to us thy Only and Most Dear Beloved Son Jesus Christ, to be our Redeemer and Author of Everlasting Life; who after he had made perfect our Redemption by his Death, and was ascended into Heaven, sent forth abroad into the world, his Apostles, Prophets, Evangelists, Doctors and Pastors, by whose Labour and Ministry, he gathered together a great Frock in all the Parts of the World, to set forth the Eternal Praise of his Holy Name: For these so great Benefits of thy Eternal Goodness, and for that thou hast vouchsafed to call thy Servant here present to the same Office and Ministry of Salvation of Mankind, we render unto thee most hearty thinks, and we worship, & preise thee; and we humbly beseech thee, by the same, thy Son, to grant unto all, which either here, or elsewhere call upon thy name, that we may shew our selves thankful to thee for these and all other thy benefits; and that we may daily encrease and go forward in the knowledge and faith of thee and thy Son, by the Holy Spirit: So that as well by these thy Ministers, as by them to whom they shall be appointed Ministers, thy Holy Name may be always glorified; and thy Blessed Kingdom enlarged, through the same, thy Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, who liveth and reigneth with thee in the [Page] Unity of the same Holy Spirit, world without end, Amen.'’ Which Form in Ordering and Consecrating Bishops, Priests, and Deacons (I note this onely by the way) being drawn up by those which had the making of the first Liturgie of King Edward the sixth, and confirmed by Act of Parliament in the fifth and sixth of the said King, was afterwards also ratified by Act of Parliament in the eighth year of Queen Elizabeth, and ever since hath had its place amongst the Publique Monuments and Records of the Church of England.

7. To these I shall onely adde one single testimony out of the Writings of each of the three godly Martyrs before remembred, the point being so clearly stated by some of our Divines, commonly called Calvinists (though not by the Outlandish, also) that any longer insisting on it may be thought unnecessary: First then, Bishop Cranmer tells us in the Preface to his Book against Gardiner of Winchester aforementioned, ‘'That our Saviour Christ, according to the will of his Eternal Father, when the time thereof was fully accomplished, taking our nature upon him, came into this World, from the high Throne of his Father, to declare unto miserable sinners the Goodness, &c. To shew that the time of Grace and Mercy was come, to give light to them that were in darkness, and in the shadow of death, and to preach and give Pardon and full Remission of sin to all his Elected: And to perform the same, he made a Sacrifice and Oblation of his body upon the Cross, which was a full Redemption, Satisfaction and Propitiation for the sins of the whole world.'’ More briefly Bishop Latimer thus,Serm. 1 Sund. after Epiph. ‘'The Evangelist saith, When Jesus was born, &c. What is Jesus? Jesus is an Hebrew word, which signifieth in our English Tongue a Saviour and Redeemer of all Mankinde born into the World. This Title and Name To save, appertaineth properly and principally unto him; for he saved us; else had we been lost for ever.'’ Bishop Ho [...]per in morePref. to the ten Commandm. words to the same effect, ‘'That as the sins of Adam, without [Page] Priviledge or Exemption, extended and appertained unto all and every of Adams Posterity; so did this Promise of Grace generally appertain as well to every and singular of Adams Posterity as to Adam; as it is more plainly expressed, where God promiseth to bless in the seed of Abraham, all the people of the world.'’

8. Next for the point of Universel Vocation, and the extent of the Promises touching life Eternal: Besides what was observed before from the Publique Liturgie, we finde some Testimonies and Authorities also in the Book of Homilies. In one whereof it is declared, That God received the learned and unlearned, Hom. of Holy Scrip. p. 5. and casteth away none, but is indifferent unto all. And in another place more largely, that the imperfection or natural sickness taken in Adam, excludeth not that person from the promise of God in Christ, except we transgress the limits and bounds of this Original sin, by our own folly and malice; If we have Christ, then have we with him, and by him all good Hom. against fear of death, p. 62. things whatsoever we can in our hearts wish or desire; as, victory over death, sin, hell, &c. The truth hereof is more clearly evidenced in the writings of the godly Martyrs so often mentioned; as first of Bishop Latimer, who discourseth thus: ‘'We learn, saith he, by this sentence, that multi sunt vocati, that many are called, &c. that the preaching of the Gospel is universal, that it appertaineth to all mankinde, that it is written in omnem terram exivit so [...]us eorum, through the whole worldSerm. Septuag. their sound is heard. Now seeing that the Gospel is universal, it appeareth that he would have all mankinde be saved; that the fault is not in him if they be damned; for it is written thus, Deus vult omnes homines salvos fieri, God would have all mankinde saved; his Salvation is sufficient to save all mankinde. Thus also in another place, That the promises of Christ our Saviour are general, they appertain to all mankinde: He made a general Proclamation, saying, Qui credit 1 S [...]m. Lincol. in me, habet vitam aeternam, whosoever believeth me, hath eternal life—'’And not long after in the same Sermon, ‘'That we mustHook. Pref. to Commo. [...] consider wisely what he saith with his own mouth, Venite ad [Page] me omnes, &c. Mark here, he saith, mark here, he saith, Come all ye; wherefore should any body despai [...], or shut out himself from the promises of Christ, which be general, and appertain to the whole world?'’ The like saith Bishop Hooper also,Pref. to his Exposition. telling us, ‘'There was no diversity in Christ of Jew or Gentile; that it was never forbid, but that all sorts of people, and every progeny of the world, to be made partakers of the Jews Religion.'’ And then again in the example of the Ninivites: ‘'Thou hast, saith he, good Christian Reader, the mercy of God, and general promise of salvation performed in Christ, for whose sake onely God and man were set at one.'’

9. The less assistance we had from Bishop Hooper in the former points, the more we shall receive in this, touching the causes why this great benefit is not made effectual unto all alike: Concerning which, he lets us know, ‘'That to the obtainingIbid. the first end of his justice, he allureth as many as be not utterly wicked, and may be helped, partly with threatnings, and partly with promises, and so provoketh them unto amendment or life, &c. and would have all men to be saved; therefore provoketh now by fair means, now by foul, that the sinner should satisfie his just and righteous pleasure; not that the promises of God appertain to such as will not repent, or his threatnings unto him that doth repent; but these means he useth to save his creature; this way useth he to nurture us, until such time as the Holy Spirit worketh such a perfection in us, that we will obey him, though there were neither pain nor joy mentioned at all—'’And in another place more briefly, ‘'That if either out of a contempt or hate of Gods Word we fall into sin, and transform our selves into the image of the Devil, then we exclude our selves by this means from the promises and merits of Christ.'’ Bishop Latimer to the same point also: ‘'His Salvation is sufficient to satisfie for all the world, as concerningSerm. 1. Sund. after Epiph. it self; but as concerning us, he saveth no more than such as put their trust in him; and as many as believe in him shall be saved; the other shall be cast out as Infidels into everlasting [Page] damnation; not for lack of salvation, but for infidelity and lack of faith, which is the onely cause of their damnation.'’ One word more out of Bishop Hooper to conclude thi [...] point; which in fine is this, ‘'To the Objection (saith he) touching that S. Peter speaketh of such as shall perish for their false doctrine, &c. this the Scripture answereth, that the promise of grace appertaineth to every sort of men in the world, and comprehendeth them all, howbeit within certain limits and bounds, the which if men neglect to pass over, they exclude themselves from the promise of Christ.'’

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CHAP. XI. Of the Heavenly influences of Gods grace in the Conversion of a sinner, and mans co-operation with those heavenly influences.

1. I The Doctrine of Deserving Grace ex congruo, maintained in the Roman Schools before the Council of Trent, rejected by our ancient Martyrs, and the Book of Articles. 2. The judgement of Dr. Barns and Mr. Tyndall, touching the necessary workings of Gods grace on the will of man, not different from that of the Church of England. 3. Universal grace maintained by Bishop Hooper, and proved by some passages in the Liturgie and Book of Homilies. 4. The offer of Universal grace made ineffectual to some, for want of faith; and to others, for want of repentance, according to the judgement of Bishop Hooper. 5. The necessity of Grace Preventing, and the free co-operation of mans will being so prevented, maintained in the Articles, in the Homilies, and the publique Liturgie. 6. The necessity of this co-operation on the part of man, defended, and applied to the exercise of a godly life, by Bishop Hooper. 7. The Doctrine of Irresistibility, first broached by Calvin, pertinaciously maintained by most of his followers, and by Gomarus amongst others. 8. Gainsaid by Bishop Hooper, and Bishop Latimer. 9. And their gainsayings justified by the tenth Article of Kings Edwards Books. And 10. The Book of Homilies.

[Page]1. THis leads me unto the Disputes touching the influences of Grace, and the co-operation of mans will with those heavenly influences, in which the received Doctrine of the Church of Rome seems to have had some alteration to the better, since the debating and concluding of those points in the Council of Trent; before which time the Doctrine of the Roman Schools was thought to draw too near to the lees of Pelagianism, to ascribe too much to mans Freewill, or so much to it, at the least, as by the right use of the powers of nature, might merit grace ex congruo (as the Schoolmen phrase it) of the hands of God. Against this it was that Dr. Barns declared, as before was said in his Discourse about Freewill; and against which the Church of England then declared in the 13 Article, affirming, That such works as are done before the grace of Christ, and the inspiration of his Spirit, His works, p. 321. do not make men meet to receive grace; or (as the Schoolmen say) deserve grace of Congruity. Against which Tyndall gives this note, That Freewill preventeth not Grace; which certainly he had never done, if somewhat to the contrary had not been delivered in the Church of Rome; and against which it was declared by John Lambert, another of our ancient Martyrs, in these following words; viz. Concerning Freewill (saith he) I mean altogether as doth S. Augustine, that of our selves we have no liberty nor ability to do the will of God, but are subject unto sir, Acts and Mon. fol. 1009. and thrals of the same, conclusi sub peccato; or as witnesseth S. Paul; But by the grace of God we are rid and set at liberty, according to the proportion that every man hath taken of the same, some more, some less.

2. But none more fully shewed himself against this opinion then Dr. Barns before remembred; not touching onely on the by, but writing a Discourse particularly against the errours ofCollection of his works by I. D. fol. 266. that time in this very point: ‘'But here (saith he) we will search what strength is of man in his natural power, without the Spirit of God, to will or do those things that be acceptable before God, unto the fulfilling of the will of God, &c.'’ A [Page] search which had been vain and needless, if nothing could be found which tended to the maintenance of acting in spiritual matters, by mans natural power, without the workings of the Spirit: And therefore he saith very truly, ‘'That man can do nothing by his Freewil, as Christ teacheth (For without me ye can do nothing, &c.) where it is opened, that Freewil without Grace can do nothing (he speaks not of eating and drinking, though they be works of Grace) but nothing that is fruitful, that is meritorious, that is worthy of thanks, that is acceptable before God.'’ To which effect we also finde these brief Remembrances, Mans Freewil without Gods Grace, can do nothing that is good, p. 263. that all which Freewil can do without Grace, is but sin, &c. fol, 269. In which passages of those godly Martyrs, as there is nothing in it self not Divine and Orthodox, so finde we somewhat in their writings, which doth as truly and Religiously express the workings of Gods Spirit in the heart of man, without depriving him of the ability of co-operation, which afterwards was taught and countenanced by the Church of England: Of which thus Tyndall in his Pathway; ‘'When the Evangelion is prearhed (saith he) the Spirit of God entrethCollection of his works, fol. 382. into them whom God hath ordained and appointed to Everlasting life, and openeth their inward eyes, and worketh such a belief in them, when the woful Consciences feel and taste how sweet a thing the bitter death of Christ is, and how merciful and loving God is through Christs Purchasing and Merits, so that they begin to love again, and consent to the Law of God, how that it is good, and ought so to be, and that God is righteous that made it, and desire to fulfil the Law, as a sick man desireth to be whole.'’ According to which Doctrine, the19 Sund. after Trin. Church hath taught us to pray thus; viz. ‘'O God, forasmuch as without thee we are not able to please thee, grant that that working of the Spirit may in all things direct and rule our hearts, through Christ our Lord, Amen.'’ More of which Prayers might be produced to the same effect, were not this enough; the point concerning the necessity of Gods grace towards mans Conversion, not being in Dispute between the Parties.

[Page]3. Now for Gods Grace, according as it is set forth in the Church of England, we shall consider it in the general offer and extent, the efficacious workings of it, and the concurrence of mans will in the beginning and accomplishment of his own Conversion: And first, as to the general offer of the Grace of God, we finde Bishop Hooper thus discoursing in the sixth Chapter of his Exposition of the Ten Commandments: ‘'Thus did S. Paul (saith he) convince the Gentiles of sin, because they knew the evil they did was condemned by the testimony of their own Conscience; for the Law of God to do well by, is naturally written in the heart of every man: He that will diligently search himself, shall somtime find the same; and in caseExposi. cap. 6. man should behold his own misery both in body and soul, although there were no Law correcting, nor no Heavens over our heads to testifie the justice and judgement of God, and the equity of an honest life, mans Conscience would tell him when he doth well, and when he doth evil—'’ ‘'Further (saith he) the judgement and discovery of Reason, directs not onely to live just in this world, but also to live for ever in Eternal Felicity without end: And that cometh by the similitude of God which remaineth in the soul since the sin of Adam; whereby we plainly see, that those excuses of ignorance be damnable, when man sees that he could do well if he followed the judgement of his own Conscience.'’ Our Articles indeed say nothing to this particular, but our Liturgie doth; and somewhat is found also of it in the Book of Homilies: For what can be more clear and full than that clause in the Collect, where it is said of God Almighty, That he sheweth to all men being in errour, the light of his truth, to the intent they may return to the way of righteousness, &c. What more comfortable to a man deprived of the outward benefit of the Word and Sacraments, than that clause in the Homily, where it is said, That if we lack a Learned man to instruct and teach us, God himself from above [...]xportation [...] Holy [...]. will give light unto our mindes, and teach us those things which are necessary for us.

[Page]4. If then it be demanded, How it comes to pass that this general Overture of Grace becomes so little efficacious in the hearts of men? we shall finde Bishop Hooper ascribing it in some men to the lack of faith; and in others, to the want of repentance: Touching the first; he tells us this, ‘'That S. Paul concludes, and in a manner includeth the Divine Grace andPres. to the Exposi. of the Law. Promise of God with in certain terms and limits; that onely Christ should be profitable and efficacious to those that apprehend and receive this abundant Grace by faith; and to such as have not the use of faith, neither Christ, nor Gods Grace to appertain.'’ After which he proceedeth in this manner toward the other sort of men, which make not a right use of this general Grace for want of Repentance: ‘'Howbeit (saith he) thatIdi Ib. we know by the Scripture, that notwithstanding this imperfection of faith, many shall be saved; and likewise, notwithstanding that Gods pro [...] be general, unto all people of the world, yet many shall be damned. These two points must therefore diligently be discussed; first, how this faith being unperfect, is accepted of God; then, how we be excluded from the promise of grace that extendeth to all men &c. To which first it is thus answered, That S. Paul, S. John, and Christ himself, damneth the contemnets of God, or such as willingly continue in sin, and will not repent; these the Scripture excludeth from the general promise of Grace.'’

5. Here then we have the Doctrine of the Church of England delivered in the Liturgie, and the Book of Homilies, more punctually pressed and applied in the words of godly Bishop Hooper▪ concerning Universal Grace, and somewhat also of the reasons of its not being efficacious in all sorts of men, relating to that liberty which remains in man, of closing or contending with it, as he is either ruled by reason, or else misguided by the tyranny of his lusts and passions. But before I come unto this point, we may behold the necessary workings of Gods Grace, preventing man by the inspirations of his holy Spirit, and the concurrence or co-operation of mans will being so prevented, which is the Celestial influences of the Grace of God: Of [Page] which the Church hath spoke so fully in all the Authentick Monuments and Records thereof, that no true English Protestant can make question of it: For thus she tells us in the tenth Article of her Confession; viz. That the condition of man after Artic. 10. the fall of Adam, is such, that he cannot turn and prepare himself by his own natural strength and good works, to faith and calling upon God: Wherefore we have no power to do good works pleasant and acceptable [...]nto God, without the Grace of God by Christ preventing us, that we may have a good will, and working with us, when we have that good will. In the first clause the Church declares her self against the old Pelagians, and some of the great Schoolmen in the Church of Rome; and in the last, against the Maniches, and some of the more rigid Lutherans in the Churches Protestant, which make man in the work of his own Conversion to be no other than a Statue, or a senseless stock: Contrary whereunto we are instructed in the Homily exhorting to Exhort. to the reading of the Scrip. p. 6. the reading of Holy Scripture, to use all possible endeavours in our own Salvation. If we read once, twice, or thrice, and understand not, let us not cease so, but still continue reading, praying, asking of other men, and so by still knocking, at last the door shall be opened (as S. Augustine hath it) which counsel had been vain and idle, if man were not invested with a liberty of complying with it. More plainly is the same exprest in many of our Publique Prayers, as partly in the Collect for Easter-Day; in which we humbly beseech Almighty God, That Collect for Easterday. as by his special Grace preventing us, he doth put in our minde good desires, so by his continual Fellowship, that he would bring the same to good effect. And in that on the sevententh Sunday after Trinity, That his Grace may always prevent and follow us and make us continually to be given to all good works. But mostCol. after T [...]in. significantly we have it in one of the Collects after the Communion, that namely in which we pray to the Lord, To prevent us in all our doings by his most gracious favour, and further us with Col. before the Communion. his continual help, that in all our works begun, & continued in him, we may so glorifie his holy Name, that finally, by his mercy, we may obtain life everlasting, through Christ Jesus our Lord. So that upon the whole matter it needs must follow, that as we can do nothing acceptable in the sight of God, without Grace preventing; [Page] so by the freedom of mans will, co-operating with the Grace preventing, and by the subsequent Grace of God Cooperating with the will of man, we have a power of doing such works as are agreeable to the will of our Heavenly Father.

6. Now to this Plain Song of the Articles, the Homilies, and the Publique Liturgie, it may be thought superfluous to make a descant, or adde the light of any Commentary to so clear a Text. And yet I cannot baulk some passages in Bishop Hooper, which declare his judgement in the point; where he not onely speaks of mans concurrence or co-operation with the Grace of God, but lays his whole damnation on the want thereof: ‘'Look not therefore (saith he) on the promises of God, but also what diligence and obedience he requireth of thee, lestPreface to his Exposition, &c. thou exclude thy self from the promise: There was promised to all those that went out of Egypt with Moses, the Land of Canaan; howbeit, for disobedience of Gods Commandments, there were but one or two that entred.'’ This he affords in his Preface, and more than this in his tenth Chapter of the Exposition, relating to the common pretence of Ignorance: ‘'For though (saith he) thou canst not come to so far knowledge in the Scripture as others that believe, by reason thou art unlearned, or else thy vocation will not suffer thee all days of thy [...]e to be a student, yet must thou know, and upon pain of damnation art bound to know God in Christ, and the Holy Catholick Church; by the Word written, the Ten Commandments,Hoop. cap. dign. to know what works thou shouldst do, and what to leave undone; the Pater noster, Christ his Prayer, which is an Abridgement, Epitome, or compendious Collection of all the Psalms and Prayers written in the whole Scripture, in the which thou prayest for the remission of sin, as well for thy self, as for all others, desirest the Grace of the Holy Ghost to preserve thee in vertue, givest thanks for the goodness of God toward thee and all other. He that knoweth less than this, cannot be saved; and he that knoweth no more than this, if he follow his knowledge, cannot be damned.'’

[Page]7. But the main Controversie in the point of mans Conversion, moves upon this hinge; that is to say, Whether the influences of Gods Grace be so strong and powerful, that withal they are absolutely irresistible, so that it is not possible for the will of man not to consent unto the same. Calvin first harped upon this string, and all his followers since have danced to the tune thereof, Illud toties à Chrysostomo repetitum repudiari necesse Calv. Institut. lib. 2. cap. 3. est, Quem trahit, volentem trahit, quo insinuat Dominum porrecta tantum manu expectare an suo auxilio juvari nobis adlubescat. These words (saith he) so often repeated by Chrysostome; viz. That God draws none but such as are willing to go, are to be condemned, the Father intimating by those words, that God expecteth onely with an outstretched and ready arm, whether we be willing or not: In which though he doth not express clearly the good Fathers meaning, yet he plainly doth declare his own, insinuating, that God draws men forcibly, and against their will to his Heavenly Kingdom. Gomarus, one of laterDeclar. p. 20. date, and a chief stickler in these Controversies, comes up more fully to the sense which Calvin drives at: For putting the question in this manner, An gratia hac datur vi irresistibili, id est; efficaci operatione DEI, ita ut voluntas ejus qui regeneratur, facultatem non habeat illi resistendi? He answereth presently, Credo & profiteor ita esse; that is to say, his question is, ‘'Whether the Grace of God be given in an irresistible manner; that is to say, with such an efficacious operation, that the will of him who is to be regenerated hath not the power to make resistance?'’ And then the answer follows thus, ‘'I believe and profess it to be so.'’ More of which kinde might be produced from other Authors, but that this serves sufficiently to set forth a Doctrine which is so little countenanced by the burning and most shining lights of the Church of England.

8. Beginning first with Bishop Hooper, we shall finde it thus:Pref. [...]o his Exp. ‘'It is not (saith he) a Christian mans part to attribute his salvation to his own Freewil, with the Pelagian, and extenuate Original sin, nor to make God the Author of ill and damnation, with the Maniche; nor yet to say, that God hath written Fatal Laws, and with necessity of Destiny, violently pulleth the [Page] one by the hair into heaven, and thrusteth the other headlong into hell, &c. More fully in his glosse on the text of Saint John, viz. No man cometh to me except my Father draw him, chap. 6. 44. Many, saith he, understand these words in a wrong sence, as if God required no more in a reasonable man than in a dead post, and mark not the words which follow, Every man that heareth, and learneth of my Father, commeth unto me, &c. God draweth with his Word and the holy Ghost, but mans duty is to hear and learn; that is to say, to receive the grace offered, consent to the promise, and not to impugne the God that calleth.'’ More fully, but to the same purpose also speaks Bishop Latimer, ‘'Gods salvation, saith he, is sufficient to save all mankinde; But we are so wicked of our selves, that we refuse the same; and we will not take itSerm. on Septu. fol. 214. when 'tis offered unto us, and therefore he saith, pauci vero electi, few are chosen; that is, few have pleasure and delight in it, for the most part are weary of it, cannot abide it; and there are some that hear it, but they will abide no danger for it—And in few lines after thus, Such men are cause of their own damnation; for God would have them saved, but they refuse it, like Judas the traytor whom Christ would have had to be saved, but he refused his salvation, he refused to follow the Doctrine of his Master Christ.'’ The like occurs in another place of the same Sermon, where we finde ‘'that seeing the preaching of the Gospel is universal, it appeareth that God would have all mankind saved; and that the fault is not in him if they be damned; For thus it is written, Deus vult omnes homines salvos fieri, God would have all men to be saved, but we are so wicked of our selves that we refuse the same, and will not take notice of it when 'tis offered.'’

9. And here for strength and confirmation unto all the rest, we are to know that these two godly Martyrs have delivered no other Doctrine than what is positively expressed, or may be rationally inferred both from the tenth Article of King Edwards Book, and the Book of Homilies. And first for the tenth Article of King Edwards Book, it is this that followeth, viz. Gratia Christi, sive Spiritus Sanctus qui per eundem datur, cor [Page] lapideum aufert, & dat cor [...]arneum. Atque licet ex nol [...] tibus quae recta sunt, volentes faciat, & ex vole [...]tibus prava, nolentes reddat; Voluntati tamen nullam violentiam infert, & n [...]mo hac de causa cum pe caverit, ut eam ob causum, accusari non meretaur aut damnar. That is to say.—‘'The Grace of Christ, or the Holy Ghost which is given by him, doth take from man the heart of stone, and giveth him a heart of flesh; And though it rendreth us willing to do those good works which before we were unwilling to do, and unwilling to do those evil works which before we did; yet is no violence offered by it to the will of man; so that no man when he hath sinned can excuse himself, as if he had sinned against his will, or upon constraint; and therefore that he ought not to be accused or condemned upon that account.'’ The composition of which Article doth most clearly shew that our first Reformers did as little countenance that Doctrine of the Irresistibility of Gods grace in its workings on the will of man, which the Calvinians now contend for, as they did the Dreams and Dotages of some Zuinglian Gospellers, into whose writings if we look, we shall easily find that Gods divine Predestination, is by them made the cause of sinne, by which men are necessitated and compelled to those acts of wickednesse which they so frequently commit; By the vertue of Gods will, saith one, all things are done yea even those things which are evil and execrable. By Gods Predestination, sa [...]th another, we are compelled to do those things for which we are damned, as will appear more fully in the sixteenth Chapter, when the extravagancies of the Predestina [...]ians come to be considered. And it is probable enough, that to encounter with these monstrous Paradoxes of the Zuinglian Gospellers, this Article was first composed; in which Provision seemes to have been made against all those who taught that men sinned against their wills, or upon constraint, or that men might excuse themselves from the blame thereof upon that consideration. If any of the Calvinian factions can finde any thing in this Article against Arminianisme, (as they call it) or in defence of the determining of the will by converting grace, or the consistency of the freedome or liberty of the will, much good may it do them. But then they should think themselves [Page] obliged to give a better reason, than I think they can, why: this Article is not to be found in the Book as now it is printed. Either this Article was not made in favour of Calvinisme, when it was published with the rest in King Edwards time; or the Reformers of the Church under Queen Elizabeth were no friends to Calvinisme in causing it to be left out in the second Book, Anno 1562. to which subscription is required by the Lawes of the Land.

10. Proceed we next unto the Book of Homilies; in the one of which we find this passage ‘'that few of the proud, learned, wife,Hom. of the Mis. of Man. p. 10. perfect and holy Pharisees were saved by Christ, because they justified themselves by their counterfeit holinesse before men.—'’ And in another thus. ‘'But the corrupt inclination of man was so much given to follow his own fancies (and asHom. of good works. p. 33. you would say) to favour his own b [...]rd, that he worships himself, that all the admonitions, exhortations, benefits, and the precepts of God, could not keep him from their intent on.'’ More clearly and expressely in another place, where after the recitation of some pious duties by God commended to the Jewes, the Homily proceeds in this manner following: ‘'But these things they passed not of, they turned their backs and went their way; they stopped their eares that they might not hear, and they hardned their hearts as an adamant stone, that1. p. of the Ser. of falling from God, p. 53. they might not listen to the Law, and the words that the Lord had sent through his holy Spirit: wherefore the Lord shewed his great indignation upon them. It came to passe (saith the Prophet) even as I told them, and they would not hear, so when they cryed they were not heard, but were scattered into all Kingdoms, which they never knew, and their land was made desolate. And to be short, all they that may not abide the Word of God, but following the perswasions and stubbornnesse of their own hearts, go backward, and not forward (as is said in Jeremy) they go and turne away from God.'’ Nor is this spoken only of such a temporary resistance as may be overcome at last by the unconquerable power of the Spirit of God? but even of such an obstinate and perverse resistance, as in the end will lead the way to a final Apostacy, an unrecoverable forsaking of God, and being as irrecoverably forsaken by [Page] him: Of which we shall speak more at large in the fifth and last Article, concerning the uncertainty of perseverance.

CHAP. XII. The Doctrine of Freewil agreed upon by the Clergie in their Convocation, An. 1543.

1. OF the Convocation holden in the year, 1543. in order to the Reformation of Religion in points of Doctrine. 2. The Article of Freewil in all the powers and workings of it, agreed on by the Prelates and Clergie of that Convocation, agreeable to the present Doctrine of the Church of England. 3. An Answer to the first Objection concerning the Popishness of the Bishops and Clergie in that Convocation. 4. The Article of Freewil approved by King Henry the eighth, and Archbishop Cranmer. 5. An Answer to the last Objection concerning the Conformity of the Article to the present Established Doctrine in the Church of Rome.

1. BUt First, I am to take in my way another evidence, whi [...]h though it hath not so directly the force of Law to binde us to consent unto it, and perhaps may not be considered amongst the Monuments and Records of the Reformation; yet it speaks plainly the full sense of our first Reformers. I speak this of a pithy, but short Discourse, touching the nature of Freewil, contained amongst some others, in the Book published by the Authority of King Henry the eighth, in the year, 1543. entituled, A necessary Doctrine and Erudition for all Christian men: Concerning which, as we have spoke at large already in Chap. 8. of this Work, so now we must adde something touching this particular, of which there was no notice taken in the Bishops Book: For when the Bishops Book, which had been printed in the year, [Page] 1537. under the title of An Institution for a Christian man, had for some time continued without alteration, it was brought under the review of the Bishops and Clergie assembled in their Convocation, anno 1543. and having been reviewed in all the parts and members of it, a particular Treatise touching the nature of Freewil, which in those times had exercised the greatest wits: Of which I finde this Memorandum in the Acts of the Convocation; that is to say, That on Monday, being the last of April, Lecto & publice exposuo Articulo Liberi Arburii Art. of Confes. 1543. April. uit in vulgari, &c. The Article of Fre [...]wil being read, and publiquely expounded in the English Tongue, the most Reverend Archbishops delivered it into the hands of the Prolocutor, to the end that he should publish it before the Clerks of the lower House of Convocation, as is accustomed in such cases, Quo lecto, & per eos approbato; which being read and approved by them, it was returned with the residue to the upper House of Convocation, with this Approbation, Quod pro Catholicis & Religiosis acceperunt, n [...]c non gratias in gentes patribus egerunt, qu [...]d tan [...]s labores, sudores, & vigilias Religionis & Reipublicae causa, & unitatis gratia subicra [...]t; that is to say, that they embraced them all for sound and Orthodox, rendring unto the Fathers there most humble thanks for the great care and pains which they had undertaken for the good of the Church and Commonwealth, and the preserving of peace and unity amongst the people. Which passage I have at large laid down, to shew by whose hands, and by what Authority, as well the Book it self, which we have spoken of before, as this particular Treatise in it, was at first fashioned and set forth. And that being said, I shall first present the Treatise or Discourse it self, and after Answer such Objections as either prejudice or partiality may devise against it. Now the Article followeth in hac verba.

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The Article of Freewil.

2. THe Commandments and threatnings of Almighty God in Scripture, whereby man is call [...]d upon, and put in remembrance what God would have him to do, most evidently do expresse and declare, that man hath Free-will also now after Rom. 12. [...] Tim. 4. 1 John. 2. Matth. 19. the fall of our first father Adam, as plainly appeareth in these places following. Be not overcome of evil, neglect not the grace that is in thee; Love not the world, &c. If thou wilt enter into life, keep the Commandments. Which undoubtedly should be said in vaine, unlesse there were some faculty or power left in man, whereby he may by the help and grace of God (if he will receive it, when it is offered him) understand his Commandments, and freely consent unto and obey them: which thing of the Catholick Fathers is called Free-will, which if we will describe, we may call it conveniently in all men, A certain power of the Will joyned with Reason, wherby a reasonable creature, without constraint in things of Reason, discerneth and willeth good and evil; but it willeth not the good which is acceptable to God, except it be holpen with Grace; but that which is ill it willeth of it self. And therefore other men define Free-will in this wise; Free-will is a power and Reason of Will by which good is chosen by the assistance of Grace, as evil is chosen without the assistance of the same.

Howbeit the state and condition of Free-will was otherwise in our first Parents, before they sinned, than it was either in them or their Posterity after they had sinned. For our first Parents, Adam and Eve, untill they wounded and overthrew themselves by sinne, had so in possession the said power of Free-will by the most liberal gift and grace of God their Maker, that not only they might eschew all manner of sinne, but also know God and love him, and fulfill all things appertaining to their felicity and welfare; For they were made righteous, and to the image and similitude of God, having power of Free-will (as Chrysostome saith) to obey or disobey; so that by obedience Eccles. 16. they might live, and by disobedience they should worthily deserve to die. For the wise man affirmeth of them that [Page] the state of them was of this sort in the beginning, saying thus, God in the beginning did create man, and left him in the hands of his own counsel, he gave unto him his precepts and commandments, saying, If thou wilt keep these Commandments, they shall preserve thee; He hath set before thee fire and water, put forth thine hands to whither thou wilt; before man is life and death, good and evil; what him listeth, that shall he have. From this most happy estate our first Parents falling by disobedience, most grievously hurted themselves and their posterity; for besides many other evils that came by that transgression, the high power of mans Reason and Freedome of will were wounded and corrupted, and all men thereby brought into such blindnesse and infirmity, that they cannot eschew sin, except they be made free and illuminated by an especial grace, that is say, by a supernatural help and working of the holy Ghost, which although the goodnesse of God offers to all men, yet they only enjoy it, which by their Free-will do accept and embrace the same.

Nor they also that be holpen by the said grace can accomplish and performe things that be for their wealth, but with much labour and endeavour: So great is in our nature the corruption of the first sinne, and the heavy burden bearing us down to evil. For truly albeit the light of Reason doth abide, yet is it much darkned, and with much difficulty doth discerne: things that be inferiour, and pertain to this present life; but to understand and perceive things that be spiritual, and pertain to that everlasting life, it is of it self unable. And so likewise there remains a certain freedome of the will in those things which do pertain unto the desires and works of this present life; yet to performe spiritual and heavenly things, Free-will of it self is unsufficient; and therefore the power of mans Free-will being thus wounded and decayed, hath need of a Physitian to heal it; and one help to repaire it, that it may receive light and strength, whereby it may be so, and have power to do those godly and spiritual things which before the fall of Adam it was able and might have done.

To this blindnesse and infirmity of mans nature, proceeding of Original sinne the Prophet David hath regard, when he [Page] desired his eyes to be lightened of Almighty God, that he might consider the marvellous things that be in his Law. And also Psal. 115. the Prophet Jeremy saying, Heal me O Lord, and I shall be made whole. Augustine also plainly declareth the same, saying, Jer. 16. We conclude that Free-will is in man after his fall, which thing who so denieth, is not a Catholick man; but in spiritual desires and works to please God, it is so weak and feeble, that it cannot either begin or performe them, unlesse by the Grace and help of God it be prevented and holpen. And hereby it appeareth that mans strength and Will in all things which be helpful to the soul, and shall please God, hath need of the graces of the holy Ghost, by which such things be inspired to men, and strength and constancy given to performe them, if we do not wilfully refuse the said Grace offered to them.

And likewise as many things be in the Scripture which do shew Free-will to be in man; so there be now fewer places in Scripture which declare the Grace of God to be so necessary, that if by it Free-will be not prevented and holpen, it neither can do, nor will any thing good and godly, of which sort be these Scriptures following, Without me you can do nothing: no manJohn 15. Jon. 6. 1 Cor. 3. cometh to me except it be given him of my Father. We be not sufficient of our selves as of our selves to think any good thing. According unto which Scriptures and such other like it followeth, That Free-will, before it may will or think any godly thing, must be holpen with the grace of Christ, and by his Spirit be prevented and inspired that it may be able thereunto. And being so made able, may from thenceforth work together with grace; and by the same sustained, holpen and maintained, may, doth accomplish good works, and avoid sinne, and persevere also, and encrease in grace; It is true of the grace of God only that first we are inspired and moved to any good thing: but to resist temptations, and to persist in goodnesse and go forward, it is both of the Grace of God and our Free-will and endeavour. And finally after we have persevered unto the end, to be crowned with glory therefore, is the gift and mercy of God, who of his bountiful goodnesse hath ordained that reward to be given after this life according to such good works as be done in this life by his Grace.

[Page] Therefore men ought with much diligence and gratitude of minde to consider and regard the inspiration, wholsome motions of the holy Ghost, and to embrace the Grace of God which is offered to them in Christ, and moveth them [...]o work good things. And furthermore to go about by all means to shew themselves such, as unto whom the Grace of God is not given in vaine. And when they do settle, that notwithstanding their diligence, yet through their infirmity they be not able to do that they desire, then they ought earnestly and with a fervent devotion and stedfast faith to aske of him, which gave the beginning, that he would vouchsafe to performe it: which thing God will undoubtedly grant, according to his promise, to such as persevere in calling upon him. For he is naturally good, and willeth all men to be saved, and careth for them, and provideth all things by which they may be saved, except BY THEIR OWN MALICE they will be evil, and so by the righteous judgement of God, perish and be lost. For truly men be to themselves the AUTHOR OF SIN and DAMNATION. God is neither the AUTHOR of SIN, nor the CAUSE OF DAMNATION. And yet doth he most righteously damne those men, that do with vices corrupt their nature, which he made good, and do abuse the same to evil desires, against his most holy will; wherefore men be to be warned, that they do not impute to God their vice, or their damnation; but to themselves, who by Free-will have abused the grace and benefits of God. All men be also to be monished, and chiefly Preachers, that in this high matter they looking on both sides, so attemper and moderate themselves, that neither they so preach the Grace of God, as to take away thereby Free-will; Nor on the other side so extol Free-will, that injury be done to the grace of God.

3. Such was the judgment of the Bishops and Clergy assembled in Convocation, An. 1543. touching the nature of Free-will, and the co-operations of it with the grace of God; In which I can see nothing not agreeable to the present establisht Doctrine of the Church of England. And if it be objected, as perhaps it may, that this Convocation was held in times of Popery, and [Page] managed by a Popish Clergy; it may be answered that the Bishops and Clergy then assembled were such as had a principal hand in the Reformation, and generally subscribed unto the Articles of Religion, agreed upon, and published in King Edwards time, Anno 1552. At which time fifteen of the Bishops which had been present at the Convocation, Anno 1543. were not only living, but present, and consenting to the Articles in King Edwards time, that is to say, Cranmer Arch-bishop of Canterbury; Parfew, Bishop of Saint Asaph; Buchely, Bishop of Bangor; Bush, Bishop of Bristol; Sampson, Bishop of Litchfield; Butler, Bishop of Saint David; Goodrich, Bishop of Elie; Ship, Bishop of Hereford; Folgate, Bishop of Landaff, and afterwards Arch-bishop of York; King, Bishop of Oxon; Chambers, Bishop of Peterborough; Cepon, Bishop of Sarum; Thi [...] bly, then Bishop of Westminster; Aldrich, then Bishop of Caerlile; and Bird, Bishop of Chester: By which proportion, we may conclude that a farre greater number of the Deans and Arch-deacons, who have a personal right of voting in all Convocations, and coming to the number of eighty and thereabouts, must be living and consenting also to the Reformation, as being younger men than the Bishops were; not to say any thing of the Clerks or Procurates of Cathedral Churches, and those of the Diocesan Clergy, as being variable and changeable from time to time, though possibly a great part of them might be present and consenting also, 1552. Nor stood this Book nor the Article of Free-will therein contained, upon the order and authority only of this Convocation, but had as good countenance and encouragement to walk abroad as could be superadded to it by an Act of Parliament, as appears plainly by the Kings Preface to that Book, and the Act it self, to which for brevity sake I refer the Reader.

4. But if it be replyed, that there is no relying on the Acts of Parliament which were generally swayed, changed, and over-ruled by the power and passions of the King; and that the Act of Parliament which approved this Book, was repealed in the first year of King Edward the sixth, as indeed it was: we might refer the Reader to a passage in the Kings Epistle, before [Page] remembred, in which the doctrine of Free-will is affirmed to have been purged of all Popish errors; concerning which take here the words of the Epistle, viz. And forasmuch as the heads and senses of our people have been imbusied, and in these days Epist. Ded. travelled with the understanding of Free-will, Justification, &c. We have by the advice of our Clergy for the purgation of Erroneous Doctrine, declared and set forth openly, plainly, and without ambiguity of speech, the meere and certaine truth of them: so as we verily trust, that to know God, and how to live after his pleasure to the attaining of everlasting life in the erd, this Book containeth a perfect and sufficient Doctrine, grounded and established in holy Scriptures. And if it be rejoyned, as perhaps it may, that King Henry used to shift opinion in matters which concerned Religion, according unto interest and reason of State; it must be answered that the whole Book, and every Tract therein contained, was carefully corrected by Arch-bishop Cranmer, the most blessed instrument under God, of the Reformation, before it was committed to the Prolocutor and the rest of the Celrgy. For proof whereof I am to put the Reader in minde of a Letter of the said Archbishop, relating to the eighth Chapter of this Book; in which he signified to an honourable friend of his, that he had taken the more paines in it, because the Book being to be set forth by his Graces (that is to say the Kings) censure and judgement, he could have nothing in it that Momus himself could reprehend, as before was said: And this I hope will be sufficient to free this Treatise of Free-will from the crime of Popery.

5. But finally, if notwithstanding all these Reasons, it shall be still pressed by those of the Calvinian party, that the Doctrine of Free-will, which is there delivered, is in all points the same with that which was concluded and agreed on in the Council of Trent, as appears Cap. de fructibus justificationis, & merito bonorum operum Can. 34. and therefore not to be accounted any part of the Protestant Doctrine; which was defended and maintained by the Church of England, according to the first Rules of her Reformation: the answers will be many, and every answer not without its weight and moment. For [Page] first, it was not the intent of the first Reformers to depart farther from the Rites and Doctrines of the Church of Rome, than that Church had departed from the simplicity both of Doctrine and Ceremonies, which had been publickly maintained and used in the Primitive times, as appears plainly by the whole course of their proceedings, so▪ much commended by King James in the Conference at Hampton Court. Secondly, this Doctrine must be granted also to be the same with that of the Melancthonian Divines or moderate Lutherans▪, as was confessed by Andreas Vega, one of the chief sticklers in the Council of Trent, who on the agitating of the Point, did confesse ingenuously, that there was no difference betwixt the Lutherans and the Church touching that particular. And then it must be confessed also, that it was the Doctrine of Saint Augustine, according to that Divine saying of his, Sine gratia De [...] praeveniente [...]t velimus, & subsequente ne frustra velimus, ad pietatis opera nil valemus, which is the same of that of the tenth Article of the Church of England, where it is said, That without the grace of God preventing us, that we may have a good will, and working with us when we have that good will, we can do nothing that is acceptable to him in the wayes of piety. So that if the Church of England must be Arminian, and the Arminian must be Papist, because they agree together in this particular; the Melancthonian Divines amongst the Protestants, yea, and S. Augustine amongst the Ancients himself, must be Papists also.

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CHAP. XIII. The Doctrine of the Church of England concerning the certainty or uncertainty of Perseverance.

1. THe certainty of Grace debated in the Council of Trent, and maintained in the Affirmative by the Dominioans, and some others. 2. The contrary affirmed by Calarinus and his adherents▪ 3. The doubtful resolution of the Council in it. 4. The Calvinists not coment with certainty of Grace quoad statum presentem, presume upon it also quoad statum futurum. 5. The bounds and limits wherewith the judgement in this point ought rationally to be circumscribed. 6. The Doctrine of the Church of England in the present Article. 7. Justified by the testimonies of Bishop Latimer, Bishop Hooper, and Master Tyndal. 8. And proved by several arguments from the publick Liturgie. 9. The Homily commends a probable and stedfast hope; but 10. Allows no [...] certainty of Grace and perseverance (in any ordinary way) to the sons of men.

1. OF all the Points which exercised the wits and patience of the Schoolmen in the Council of Trent, there was none followed with more heat between the parties, then that of the certainty of Grace, occasioned by some passages in the writings of Luther, wherein such certainty was maintained as necessary unto justification, and an essential part thereof. ‘'In canvasing of which point, the one part held that certainty of grace was presumption;Hist. of the [...]n. of T [...]nt. fol. 205. & [...]. the other that one might have it meritoriously. The ground of the first was, that Saint Thomas, Saint Bonaventure; and generally the Schoolmen thought so; for which caule the major part of the Dominican [...] were of the same opinion; besides the authority of the Doctors, they alledged for reasons▪ that [Page] God would not that man should be certaine, that he might not be lifted up in pride, and esteeme of themselves, that he might not prefer himself before others, as he that knoweth himself to be just would do before manifest sinners: and a Christian would so become drowsie, carelesse, and negligent to do good. Therefore they said that uncertainty was profitable, yea and meritorious besides, because it is a passion of the mind which doth afflict it; and being supported, is turned to merit.'’ They alledged many places of the Scripture also; of Solomon, that a man knoweth not whether he be worthy of hate or love; of Wisdome, which commandeth not to be without fear of these sinnes pardoned; of Saint Peter, to work out our salvation with fear and trembling; of Saint Paul, who said of himself, though my conscience accuse me not, yet I am not thereby justified.' These Reasons and Testimonies, together with many places of the Fathers were brought and amplified, especially by Levipandus, Vega, and Solo.

2. ‘'But Calarinus and Marinarus had other places of the same Fathets to the contrary, which shewed they had spoken accidentally in this particular, as the occasions made most for their purpose, sometimes to comfort the scrupulous, sometimes to represse the audacious; yet they kept themselves close to the authority of the Scripture. They said that to as many as it is read in the Gospel that Christ hath forgiven sins, to all them he said, Believe that your sinnes are forgiven, and it would be an absurdity that Christ should give an occasion of temerity and pride; or, if the contrary were profitable, or a merit, that he would deprive all men of it. That the Scripture bindeth us to give God thanks for our justification, which cannot be given except we know that we have obtained it; for to give them when we are uncertain, would be▪ most foolish and impertinent. That Saint Paul doth plainly confirme the certainty, when he putteth the Corinthians in mind to know that Christ is in them, except they be reprobates: And when he saith, we have received from God the Spirit to know what is given us by his divine Majesty; and more clearly, that the holy Spirit doth bear witnesse to our spirit that we are the sons [Page] God: and it is much to accuse them of rashnesse who beleeve the Holy Ghost that speaketh with them. For Saint Ambrose saith that the Holy Ghost doth never speak unto us, but doth make us know that it is he that speaketh. After this he added the words of Christ in Saint John, that the world cannot receive the Holy Ghost, because it seeth him not, nor knoweth him, but that the disciples shall know him, because he shall dwell in them. Calarinus did fortifie himself strongly by saying that it was the opinion of a man in a dream, to defend that Grace is voluntarily received, when we know not whether we have it or not; as if to receive a thing willingly, it be not necessary that the willing receiver should know it is given him, that he doth really receive it, and that after it is received, he doth possesse it.'’

3. ‘'The force of these Reasons made them first retire a little that censured the opinion of Temerity, and yield that there might be a conjecture; though not an ordinary certainty; yet they acknowledged a certainty in the Martyrs, in the newly baptized, and in some by special revelation, and from conjecture, they were brought to call it moral Faith: And that Vego who in the beginning admitted probability only, overcome by these Reasons, and beginning to favour the certainty, for fear of conforming himself to the Lutheran opinion, said that there was so much certainty as did exclude all doubt, and could not be deceived;'’ yet that it was not Christian Faith, but humane and experimental. But Calarinus and his party which were all the Carmelites, not resting satisfied either in the termes of an experimental faith, or a moral perswasion, did presse the certainty so farre, that many of the Prelate [...] began to encline to that opinion, and to perswade themselves, that certainty of Grace was founded upon such an assurance as might in some sort be called divine; though when they came to draw up the Decree therein, they found themselves involved in more perplexities than they were aware of▪ For the Point being followed with great heat between the parties, and each of them conceiving that the truth was clearly on their side; it was found necessary to cast the Decree into such a mold, as those of the [Page] two contrary opinions might repose themselves on it. And certainly he that looks on the ninth Chapter of the sixth Session of the Council entituled Contra inanem Haereticorum fiduciam, may easily perceive into what streights they were reduced by seeking to content the Leaders of the several factions. For when the Decree came to be discussed, it was no hard matter to make them joyne against that confidence which was maintained by many of Luthers followers, as if a man were no otherwise justified than by the confidence which he had in his own justification; yet when they came to expresse that certainty which had occasioned that intricate and perplexed dispute, they were not so well able to state the point, as not to shew their own irresolution and uncertainty in it. For in the conclusion of the Decree in which they were to declare some cause for which no man could certainly know that he hath obtained Grace at the hands of God, the Cardinal to satisfie one part, added certainty of faith: and he with the Dominicans not thinking it to be enough, urged him to adde the word Catholick to it; so that the sence thereof might seeme to be to this effect; that no man could assure himself of obtaining Grace by any such certainty of Faith as may come under the notion of Catholick. But because the Adherents of Calarius were not so contented, instead of those words of Catholick Faith (on which the Deminicans Hist. of the Coun. of Trent. fol. 215. insisted) it was thought necessary to declare that they meant it not of such a faith, cui non potest subesse falsum, which cannot be subject to falshood. And thereupon the conclusion was drawn up in these following words, viz. Quilibet dum seipsum, [...]uan [...]que propriam infirmitatem & indispositionem respicit, de gratia formidare & timere potest, cum nullus scire valeat certitudine▪ Fidei cui non potest subesse falsum, se gratiam Dei esse consecutum; that is to say, that every one in regard of his own disposition and infirmity may doubt with himself whether he hath received this Grace or not, because he cannot know by certainty of infallible faith that he hath obtained it. A temperament which contented both sides. For one party inferred that all the certainty of faith which could be had herein, might be false or fallible, and therefore to be thought uncertaine; the others inferred with equal confidence [Page] and content that the certainty therein declared, could have no doubt of falshood or fallibility, for the time that it remainedHist. o [...] Councel p. 215. in us; and that it could no otherwise become false or fallible, than by changing from the state of grace to the state of sinne, as all contingent truths, by the alteration of their subjects may be made false also.

4. By which last clause it doth appear that all the certainty with Catarinus and the Carmelites contended for, was no more but this, that the Regenerate and righteous man might be certaine of grace and his own justification, quo ad statum praesentem, but not that he could challenge or pretend to any such certainty, quo ad statum futurum, or build on a continual perseverance in it for the time to come. For even those men who stickled most in maintenance of the certainty of Grace quo ad statum praesentem, concurred with those who maintained the uncertainty of perseverance, together with the possibility of fallingAppill. Caeas. part 2. cap. 16. Totally and Finally from the Grace received, for which see Chap. 2. Num. 8. of this present Book. But the Calvinists being men of another making, presume not only (as one saith of them) to know all things that belong to their present justification, as assuredly as they know that Christ is in heaven, but are as sure of their eternal election, and of their future glorification, as they are of this Article of our Creed, that Christ was borne of the Virgin Mary. And that he may not be thought to have spoken this without good authority, we need look no farther than the fifth Article of the Contra-Romonstrants which was disputed at the Hague, according as it is laid down in our fourth Chap. Numb. 7. compared with the determination of the Council of Dort touching the point of Perseverance; the summe whereof is briefly this, viz. ‘'That God will preserve in the Faith all those who are absolutely elected from eternity, and are in time brought to faith by an almighty and irresistible operation or working, so that though they fall into detestable wickednesses and villanies, and continueA [...]n. Dry. Anti. R [...]m [...]s. p. 21. in them some space of time, against their conscience, yet the said wicked villanies do not hinder so much as a straw amounts to, theit election, or salvation; neither do they or can they [Page] by means of, or because of these, fall from the Grace of Adoption, and from the state of Justification, or lose their faith; but all their sinnes how great soever they be, both which heretofore they have committed, and those which after they will or shall commit, are surer than assuredly forgiven them, yea and moreover, they themselves, at last, though it be at the last gasp, shall be called to repentance, and brought out into possession of salvation.'’ To which determination of the Synod it self, it may be thought impertinent to subjoyne the words and suffrages of particular men, though those of Roger Donlebeck are by no means to be omitted: by whom it is affirmed, That if it were possible for any one man to commit all the sinnes over again which have been acted in the world, it would neither frustrate his election, nor alienate him from the love and favour of God; For which and many other passages of like nature, too frequent in the writings of the Contra-Remonstrants, the Reader may consult the Appendix to the book called Pre [...]. Declaratio, Sententiae Remonstratium, printed at Leiden, Anno 1616. and there he may be satisfied in his curiosity.

5. But on the other side such as have looked into the mysteries of Eternal life with the eye of Reverence, are neither so confident in the point, nor so unadvised in their expressions as Donlebeck and others of the presumptuous sort of our moderneMonn. against the Gagger. c. 22. p. 185. Calvinists, by whom we are informed, that all assurance is twofold, that is to say, in respect of the object known, believed; and in regard of the subject believing, knowing: As man relyeth upon his Evidence, or as his Evidence to relie upon, that all Evidence is divine or humane, from God or man; that Evidence divine, if apprehended, is ever certaine, and infallible, both for the necessity of our object, God, in whom is nor change, nor shadow of change; as also for the manner of determining the Evidence, whereby that is certaine or necessary for effect, which is but contingent otherwise in it self; that such Evidence as is most clear, and such assurance as is most certaine in it self, may be contingent and uncertaine, as we may both use it and dispose it, who are here and there, off and on as our judgements vary, being irresolute in our wayes, and as inconstant [Page] constant in our works: And thereupon it is inferred in behalf of those who maintain the infallibility of such assurance, that they mean no otherwise than this; that is to say, that in regard of God, faithful and true; in respect of his promises, Yea and Amen; every child of God renewed by Grace, may (and ought infallibly) assure himself of his own salvation procured in Christ, who yet in regard of his own infirmity and inconstancy, cannot chuse but waver in his assurance, and feare the worst, though he hope the best. And this, if Bellarmine say right, is Saint Augustines doctrine, out of whom he collects thus much, Ex promissione Christi potest unusquisque colligere se transisse à morte ad vitam, & in▪ [...]udicium non venire, that is to say, that every man (he means it only of the regenerate man) may collect from the promise of Christ, that he is translated from death to life, and shall not be brought unto the judgement of condemnation; the Cardinal thereupon resolves, that a man may collect so much by infallible assurance and divine, if he look into the [...] faithfulnesse of him that promiseth; but if he consider his own disposition, we assigne no more but probable and conjectural assurance only.

6. Which said as to the certainty and incertainty of the assurance which a man may have within himself, not only concerning his present being in the state of Grace, as his continuance and perseverance in it for time to come: we must next look into the Doctrine of this Church in the point it self: For having formerly maintained in the tenth Article of her Confession that there remains a freedome of the Will in man, for laying or not laying hold upon those means which are offered by the Grace of God for our salvation; she must by consequence maintaine also, that there is a freedome from the Will in standing unto Grace received, or departing from it. Certaine I am that it is so resolved in the sixteenth Article for her Confession, in which it is declared, that after we have received the Holy Ghost, we may depart from the Grace▪ given, and fall into sin; Art. 16. and by the Grace of God we may arise again and amend our lives; where plainly the Church teacheth a possibility of falling or departing from the Grace of the Holy Ghost, which is given unto us, and that our rising again, and amending of our [Page] lives upon such a rising is a matter of contingency only, and no way necessary on Gods part to assure us of a Doctrine so repugnant to that of the Calvinists, that to make the Article come up to their opinion, they would faine adde neither finally nor totally (as appears by that of Doctor Reynolds at Hampton Court) to the first clause of it; By which Addition, as they would make the last part of it to be absolutely unprofitable, and of no effect; so do they wilfully oppose themselves against the known maxim in the Civil Laws, which telleth us, Non esse distinguendum, ubi lex non distinguit, that no distinctions must be made in the explicating or expounding of any Law, which is not to be found in the Law it self. And therefore for the clear understanding of the Churches meaning, we must have recourse in this as in other Articles to the plain words of Bishop Latimer and Bishop Hooper, so often mentioned in this Work.

7. And first we finde Bishop Latimer discoursing thus, ‘'Let us not do, saith he, as the Jewes did, which were stiff-necked; they would not leave their sinnes, they had a pleasure in the same, they would follow their old Traditions, refusing theBishop Latimer in his 8. Serm. in Linc. Word of God; therefore their destruction came worthily upon them; And therefore I say let us not follow them lest we receive such a reward as they had, lest everlasting destruction come upon us; and so we be cast out of the favour of God, and finally lost, world without end. And in another place—I say there be two manner of men; some there be that are not justified, not regenerate, not yet in the state of salvation,Idem in Serm. Rom. 13. 11. that is to say, not Gods servants: they take the Renovation or Regeneration, they be not come yet to Christ, or if they were, be fallen again from him, and so lost their justification; as there be many of us when we fall willingly into sin against conscience, we lose the favour of God, and finally the Holy Ghost—But you will say, How shall I know that I am in the Book of Life? I answer, that we may be one time in the Book, and another time come out of it again, as it appeareth by David, who was written in the Book of Life, butSee Ibid. when he sinned [...]oully, at that time came out of the favour of God, until he repented, and was sorry for his faults: so that we may be in the Book one time, and afterwards when we forget [Page] God, and his Word, and do wickedly, we come out of the Book which is Christ. The like we finde in Bishop Hooper, first telling us that the causes of Rejection or Damnation is sinne inPref. to the Expos. on the X. Command. man, that will not hear, neither receive the promise of the Gospel, or else after he hath received it, by accustomed doing of ill, falleth either unto a contempt of the Gospel, or will not study to live thereafter, or else he hateth the Gospel because it condemneth his ungodly life. After which he proceedeth to the application—Refuse not therefore the Grace offered, nor once received, banish it with ill conversation. If we fall, let us hear Almighty God that calleth us to repent, and with his Word; and return; let us not continue in sinne, nor heap one sinne upon another, lest at last we come to a contempt of God and his Word.'’ In the beginning of his Paraphrase or Exposition to the thirteenth Chapter of the Romans, he speaks as plainly to this purpose; which passage might here deserve place also, but that I am called upon by Master Tyndall, whose testimony I am sure will be worth the having, and inCollect of his Works by J. Day. p. 185. the Prologue to his Exposition on the same Epistle he informs us thus. ‘'None of us (saith he) can be received to Grace but upon a condition to keep the Law, neither yet continue any longer in Grace than that promise lasteth. And if we break the Law, we must sue for a new pardon, and have a new light against sinne, hell, and desperation; yet we can come to a quiet faith again, and feele that sinne is forgiven; neither can there be in thee a stable and undoubted faith, that thy sinne is forgiven thee, except there be also a lusty courage in thy heart, and trust that thou wilt sinne no more; for on this condition that thou wilt sinne no more, is the promise of mercie and forgivenesse made unto thee.'’

8. But against all this it is objected that Montague himself,Hick. in his justis. of [...]e Fathers, &c. Pres. both in his Gag and his Appeale, confesseth that the Church hath left this undecided; that is to say, neither determining for finally or totally, and much lesse for both. And that he doth so in the Gag, I shall easily grant, where he relateth only to the words of the Article, which speaks only of a possibility of falling, without relating to the measure or duration of it. But he mustMontag▪ Gag. cap. 20. p. 171. needs be carried with a very strange confidence, which can report [Page] so of him in his book called Appello Caesarem, in which he both expressely saith, and proveth the contrary. He saith it first in these words, after a repetition of that which he had formerly said against the Gagger. ‘'I determine nothing in the question, that is to say, nor totally nor finally, or totally not finally, or totally & finally; but leaveApell. Caeas. cay. 4. p. 28. there all to their Authors and Abettors; resolving upon this, not to go beyond my bounds, the consented, resolved and subscribed Articles of the Church of England; in which, nor yet in the Book of Common Prayer, and other divine offices, is there any tye upon me to resolve in this much disputed question, as these Novellers would have it (not as these Novellers would have it, there's no doubt of that,) For if there be any, it is for a possibility of total falling, of which more anon.'’ He proves it next, by several Arguments extracted from the Book of Homilies and the publike Liturgy. Out of which last he observeth three passages, the first out of the Forme of Baptisme, in which it is declared, that the baptized infant being born in original sin, by the Laver of Regeneration Ibid. p35. in Baptism, is received into the number of the children of God, and Heirs of everlasting life; the second out of the publick Catechism, in which the child is taught to say, that by his Baptism he was made a member of Christ, the child of God, and an inheritor of the Kingdom of heaven. The third out of the Rubrick before Confirmation, in which it is affirmed for a truth, that it is certain by Gods word, that children being baptized, have all things necessary for their salvation, and be undoubtedly saved. And thereupon he doth observe that it is to be acknowledged for a Doctrine of this Church, that children, duly baptized, are put ‘'into a state of Grace and salvation; and secondly, that it is seen by common experience, that many children so baptized, when they come to age, by a wicked and lewd life do fall away from God, and from the state of Grace and salvation wherein he had set them, to a worse state, wherein they shall never be saved.'’ From which what else can be inferred, but that the Church maintains a total, and a final falling from the grace of God? Adde hereunto that the Church teacheth men to pray to Almighty God not to take his holy Spirit from us. And in another place, that he suffer us not at our last hour for any pains of death to fall from him: which certainly she had never done, were it not possible [Page] for a man so far to grieve and vex the holy Spirit of God, and so far to despair of his gracious mercie, as to occasion him at the last to deprive us both of the one and the other.

9. Next for the Homilies, as they commend us unto Gods people a probable and stedfast hope of their salvation in Christ Jesus; so they allow no such infallibility of persisting in grace, as to secure them from a total and final falling. In reference to the first, they tell us in the second part of the Sermon against the fear of death, ‘'that none of those their causes of the fear of death (that is to say, the sorrow of repenting from our worldly pleasures, the terrible apprehension of the pangs of death, and the more terribleHom. p. 62. apprehension of the pains of hell) do make any trouble to good men, because they stay themselves by true faith, perfect charity, and sure hope of the endlesse joy and blisse everlasting. All therefore have great cause to be full of joy, that be joyned to Christ with true faith, stedfast hope, and perfect charity, and not to fear death, nor everlasting damnation.'’ The like we finde not long after, where it speaks of those ‘'when being truly penitent for their offences, depart hence in perfect charity and in sure trust, that God is merciful to them, forgiving them their sins, for the merits of Jesus Christ the only natural Son.'’ In the third part of which Sermon it is thus concluded; ‘'He that conceiveth all these things, and beleeveth them assuredly as they ought to be believed, even from the bottom of his heart, being established in God, in his true faith, having a quiet conscience in Christ,Ibid. p. 68. a firm hope and assured trust in Gods mercy through the merits of Jesus Christ, to obtain this rest, quie [...]ness, and everlasting joy, shall not only be without fear of godly death when it cometh, but greatly desire in his heart (as S. Paul did) to be rid from all these occasions of evil, and live ever to Gods pleasure, in perfect obedience of his Will, with Jesus Christ our Lord and Saviour, to whose gracious presence, &c.'’ By all which passages it is clear and evident, that the Church teacheth us to entertain a probable and stedfast hope of our salvation in Christ Jesus; but whether it teacheth also such an infallibility of persisting in grace, such a certainty of perseverance, as to exclude all possibility of a total or a final falling, we are next to see.

10. And see it we may without the help of Spectacles, or any of [Page] the Optical instruments, if we go no farther than the title of two of those Homilies, the first wherof is thus inscribed, viz. A Sermon shewing how dangerous a thing it is to fall from God. And it had been ridiculous if not somewhat worse, to write a Sermon de non ente, to terrifie the people with the danger of that misfortune, which they were well enough assured they should never suffer. Out of which Homilies the Appellant makes no use but of these words only. ‘'Whereas God hath shewed unto all them that truly do believe his Gospel, his face of mercy in Christ Jesus; which doth so enlighten their hearts, that they be transformed into hisHom. p. 54. image, be made partakers of the heavenly light, and of his holy Spirit; be fashioned to him in all goodnesse requisite to the child of God: so if they do afterwards neglect the same, if they be unthankful unto him, if they order not their lives according unto his Doctrine and Example, and to the setting forth of his glory, he will take from them his holy Word, his kingdom whereby he should reign in them, because they bring not forth fruit which he looked for.'’ Besides which there are many other passages to this effect, where it is said, that as by pride and sin we fall from God, so shall God and all goodness go from us—that sometimes men go from Ibid. p. 50. God by lack of faith & mistrusting of God—and somtimes by neglecting his commandments concerning their neighbours. And after some examples given in these several cases, it followeth that by these examples of holy Scripture we may know that as we forsake God, so shall he forsake us. And what a miserable estate doth consequently Id. p. 54. and necessarily follow thereupon, a man may easily consider by the horrible threatnings of God, &c. And finally having not only laid before us the said horrible threatnings, but the re [...]ital also of those gentle courses by which he doth endeavour to gain us to him, it concludeth thus, viz. that if these will not serve, but still we remain disobedient to his Word and will, not knowing him, or loving him; [...]ot fearing him, nor putting our whole trust and confidence in him: and on the other side to our neighbours, behaving our selves uncharitably by disdain, envy, malice, or by committing murder, robbery, adultery, gluttony, deceit, lying, swearing, or other like detestable works, and ungodly behaviour; then he threatneth us by terrible comminations, swearing in great anger, that whosoever doth these works, shall never enter into his rest▪ which is the kingdom of heaven.

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CHAP. XIV. The Plain Song of the second Homily, touching the falling from God, and the Descants made upon it.

1. MOre from some other Homilies, touching the possibility of falling from the grace received. 2. The second Homily or Sermon touching falling from God, laid down verbatim. 3. The sorry shifts of Mr. Yates, to illude the true meaning of the Homily, plainly discovered, and confuted. 4. An Answer unto his Objection, touching the passage cited from the former Homily, in Mr. Mountagues Appeal. 5. The Judgement of Mr. Ridley, Arch-Deacon of Canterbury, in the points of Election and Redemption. 6. As also touching the reasons why the Word was not preached unto the Gentiles till the coming of Christ, the influences of grace, the co-workings of man, and the possibility of falling from the truth of Christ.

1. Nor doth the Church declare this only in the former Homily, where the point is purposely maintained; but in some others also obiter, and upon the by, where it discourseth principallyHom. of good Works. p. 32. on some other subject; for in the second part of the Sermon of good Works, we shall finde Saint Chrysostome speaking thus; viz. ‘"’ The thief that was hanged when Christ suffered, did believe only, and the most merciful God just fied him. And because no man shall say again that he wanted time to do good works, for else he could have done them; truth it is, and I will not contend herein; but this I will surely affirm, that faith only saved him. If he had lived, and not regarded faith, and the works thereof, he should have lost his salvation again; which words of Chrysostome passing for a part of the Homily, declare sufficiently, that by the doctrine of the Church in King [Page] Edwards time, not only faith, but justification once had, may be lost again.' To the same purpose in the second part of the Homily against swearing it is plainly said; ‘"That whosoever forsaketh the truth for love or displeasure of any man, or forPage 50. [...]ucre and profit to himself, doth forsake Christ, and with Judas betray him.'’ And somewhat also to this purpose may be found in the third Sermon against the peril of Idolatry; andPage 58. Page 130. in the second part of that touching the time and place of prayer; though not so proper at the present, because not made within the compass of the first Reformation in King Edwards reign; and keeping my self within the compass, I think it not amiss to present unto the eye of the Reader, the second part of the Sermon, about falling from God, and to present the same verbatim, as it stands in the Book; and afterwards to clear it from all such evasions and objections which the sullenness rather than the subtilty of some men have found out against it; Now the said second Sermon, (beginning with a recapitulation of that which had been taught in the first) is this that followeth.

The Second Part of the Sermon of falling from God.

'2. In the former part of this Homily, you have learnedHom. of falling from God. Part 1. fol. 55. how many manner of ways men fall from God; some by Idolatry, some for lack of faith, some by neglecting of their neighbours, some by not hearing of Gods Word, some by the pleasure they take in the vanities of worldly things; yea, have also learned in what misery that man is which is gone from God; and how that God yet of his infinite goodness to call again man from that his misery, useth first gentle admonitions by his Preachers; after he layeth on terrible threatnings: Now if this gentle monition and threatning together do not serve, then God will shew his terrible countenance upon us, he will pour intolerable plagues upon our heads, and after he will take away from us all his aid and assistance wherewith before he did defend us from all such manner of calamity as the Evangelical Prophet Isaiah, agreeing with Christ his Parable, doth teach us, saying,Is [...] 5. Mat. [...]1. That God hath made a goodly Vineyard for his beloved children; he hedged it, he walled it round about, he planted it [Page] with chosen Vines, and made a Turret in the midst thereof, gathering also a Wine-press, and when he looked that it would bring forth good grapes, it brought forth wilde grapes, and after it followeth; Now shall I shew you (saith God) what I will do with my Vineyard, I will pluck down the hedges thereof that it may perish; I will break down the walls that it may be trodden under foot; I will let it lie waste, it shall not be cut, it shall not be digged, but bryers and thorns shall overgrow it, and I will command the clouds that they shall no more rain upon it.

'By these threatnings we are monished and warned, that if we which are the chosen Ʋineyard of God, bring not forth good grapes, that is to say, good works that may be delectable and pleasant in his sight, when he looketh for them, when he sendeth his Messengers to call upon us for them, but rather bring forth wilde grapes; that is to say, four works; unsavoury and unfruitful; then will he pluck away all defence, and suffer grievous plagues of famine, battel, dearth and death to light upon us. Finally, if these serve not, he will let us lie waste, he will give us over, he will turn away from us, he will dig and delve no more about us, he will let us alone, and suffer us to bring forth even such fruit as we will, to bring forth brambles, bryers and thorns, all naughtiness, all vice, and that so abundantly, that they shall clean over-grow, choak, strangle, and utterly destroy us. But they that in this World live not after God, but after their own carnal liberty, perceive not this great wrath of God towards them, that he will not dig nor delve any more about them, that he doth let them alone even to themselves: but they take this for a great benefit of God to have all their own liberty; and so they live, as if carnal liberty were the true liberty of the Gospel: But God forbid (good people) that ever we should desire such liberty; for although God suffer sometimes the wicked to have their pleasure in this world, yet the end of ungodly living is at length endless destruction; the murmuring Israelites had that they longed for, they had Quails enough, yea, till they were weary of them; but what was the end thereof? their sweet meat had sowre saw [...]e; even whil'st the meat was in their mouths, the plague of God alighted upon [Page] them, and suddenly they dyed: So if we live ungodly, and God suffereth us to follow our own wills, to have our own delights and pleasures, and correcteth us not with some plague, it is no doubt but he is almost utterly displeased with us; and although it be long ere he strike, yet many times when he striketh such persons, he striketh them once for ever; so that when he doth not strike us, when he ceaseth to afflict us, to punish or beat us, and suffereth us to run headlong into all ungodliness, and pleasures of this world that we delight in, without punishment or adversity, it is a dreadful token that he loveth us no longer, that he careth no longer for us, but hath given us over to our selves.

'As long as a man doth prune his Vines, doth dig at the root, and lay fresh earth to them, he hath a mind to them, he perceiveth some token of fruitfulness that may be recovered in them; but when he will bestow no more such cost and labour about them, it is a sign that he thinks they will never be good: And the father as long as he loveth his childe, he looketh angerly, he correcteth him when he doth amiss; but when that serveth not, and upon that he ceaseth from correction of him, and suffereth him to do what he list himself, it is a sign he intendeth to disinherit him, and cast him away for ever; so surely nothing should pierce our hearts so sore, and put us into such horrible fear, as when we know in our conscience that we have grievously offended God, and do so continue, that yet he striketh not, but quietly suffereth us in the naughtiness that we here delight in, then especially it is time to cry, and to cry again as David did, Cast me not away from they face, and take not Psal. 51. thy holy Spirit from me; hide not thy face from me, lest I be like unto them that go down into hell. The which lamentable prayers of his, as they do certifie us what horrible danger they be in from whom God turneth his face, (for the time, and as long as he so doth) so should they more and more stir us to cry unto God with all our heart, that we may not be brought into the state which doubtless is so sorrowful, so miserable, and so dreadful as no tongue can sufficiently express, nor any heart can think; for what deadly grief can a man suppose it is to be under the wrath of God, to be forsaken of him, [Page] to have his holy Spirit the Author of all goodness, to be taken from him; to be brought to so vile a condition, that he shall be left meet for no better purpose than to be for ever condemned to hell? for not only such places of David do shew, that upon the turning of Gods face from any persons, they shall be left bare from all goodness, and far from hope of remedy; but also the place rehearsed last before of Isaiah, doth mean the same, which sheweth, that God at length doth so [...]o sake his unfruitful Ʋineyard, that he will not only suffer it to bring forth weeds, bryars and thorns, but also further to punish the unfruitfulness of it, he saith he will not cut it, he will not delve it, and he will command the clouds that they shall not rain upon it; whereby is signified the teaching of the holy Word, which Saint Paul after a like manner expressed by planting and watering, Meaning that he will take that away from them, so that they shall be no longer of his Kingdom they shall be no longer governed by his holy Spirit, they shall be put from the grace and benefits they had and ever might have enjoyed through Christ; they shall be deprived of the heavenly light and life which they had in Christ whilst they abode in him; they shall be (as they were once) as men without God in this world, or rather in a worse taking.'

'And to be short, they shall be given into the power of the Divel, which beareth the rule of all men which be cast away from God, as he did in Saul and Judas, and generally in all such as work after their own wills, the children of mistrust and unbeilef; let us beware therefore good Christian people, lest that we rejecting, or casting away Gods Word (by which we obtain and retain true faith in God) be not at length cast so far off, that we become as the children of unbelief, which be of two sorts far divers, yea, almost clean contrary, and yet both be very far from returning to God; the one sort only weighing their sinful and detestable living with the right judgement and straitness of Gods righteousness, be so without content, and be so comfortless, (as they all must needs be from whom the Spirit of counsel and comfort is gone) that they will not be perswaded in their hearts, but that either God cannot or else that he will not take them again to his favour and mercy; the other, hearing the loving and large promises of Gods mercy, [Page] and so not conceiving a right faith thereof, make those promises larger than ever God did, Trusting that although they continue in their sinful and detestable living never so long, yet that God at the end of their life will shew his mercy upon them; and that then they will return. And that both these two sorts of men be in a damnable estate, and yet nevertheless God (who willeth not the death of the wicked) hath shewed means whereby both the same (if they take heed in season) may escape. The first, as they defend Gods rightful justice in punishing sinners (whereby they should be dismayed, and should despair indeed, as touching any hopes that may be in themselves) so if they would constantly and stedfastly believe, that Gods mercy is the remedy prepared against such despair and distrust, not only for them, but generally for all that be sorry, and truly repentant, and will therewithall stick to Gods mercy, they may be sure they shall obtain mercy, and enter into the Port or Haven of safeguard, into the which whosoever do come, be they before time never so wicked, they shall be out of danger of everlasting damnation, as godly Ezekiel saith, What time soever a sinner doth return, and take earnest of true Repentance, I will forgive all his wickedness.'

'The other as they be ready to believe Gods promises, so they should be as ready to believe the threatnings of God; as well believe the Law as the Gospel; as well that there is an hell, and everlasting fire, as there is an heaven, and everlasting joy; as well they should believe damnation to be threatned to the wicked and evil doers, as salvation to be promised toEzek. 3. the faithful in Word and Works; as well they should believe God to be true in the one as the other.

'And for sinners that continue in this wicked living, they ought to think that the promises of Gods mercy and the Gospel pertain not unto them being in that state; but only the Law, and those Scriptures which contain the wrath and indignation of God, and his threatnings, which should certifie them that as they do over boldly presume of Gods mercy, and live dissolutely; so doth God still more and more withdraw his mercy from them, as he is so provoked thereby to wrath at length, that he destroyeth such presumers many times suddenly; for of [Page] such Saint Paul said thus, When they shall say it is peace, there is no danger, then shall sudden destruction come upon them; let us beware therefore of such naughty boldness to1 Thes. 5. sin; for God which hath promised his mercy to them that be truly penitent, (although it be at the latter end) hath not promised to the presumptuous sinner either that he shall have long life, or that he shall have true Repentance at the last end. But for that purpose hath he made every mans death uncertain, that he should not put his hope in the end, and in the mean season (to Gods high displeasure) live ungodlily: Wherefore let us follow the counsel of the Wise man, let us make no sarrying to turn unto the Lord, let us not put off from day to day; for suddenly his wrath comes, and in time of vengeance he will destroy the wicked; let us therefore turn betimes, and when we turn, let us pray to God as Hosea teached, saying, Forgive all our sins, receive us graciously: And if we turnHosea 14. to him with an humble and a very penitent heart, he will receive us to his favour and grace for his holy Names sake, for his Promise sake, for his Truth and Mercies sake promised to all faithful believers in Jesus Christ his only natural Son, To whom the only Saviour of the world, with the Father and the Holy Ghost, be all honour, glory and power, world without end; Amen.'

3. These are the very words of the second Homily, touching falling from God, in which we have many evident proofs, not only that there is a falling, and a frequent falling, but also a total, yea, a final falling from the grace of God, according to the Doctrine of the Church of England. And hereunto I must needs say, that I never met with any satisfactory and sufficient Answer, how much soever some have slighted the authority of it, or the strength rather of the Argument which is taken from it; for Mr. Yates of Ipswitch (from whose candle most of them that followed, borrow all their light) in his book intituled, Ibis ad Caesarem, writ against Montagues Appeal, can finde no better answers to it, or evasions from it, then they four that follow; viz. 1. That the Homily speaksIbis ad C [...]. p. 2. c. 3. p. 139. of the visible Church, and therefore is not to be construed in [Page] the same sense of all; whereas the Homily speaketh of Gods chosen people, (his chosen Vineyard are the words) and consequently not only of the mixed multitude in a visible Church: He answers secondly, That it speaks with limitation and distinction; some beholding the face of Gods mercy aright, others not as they ought to do; the one of which may fall quite away, the other being transformed, can never be wholly deformed by Satan: But this is such a pitiful shift, as could not save the man from the scorn of laughter, had he been dealt with in his kind; the Homily speaking largely of those men, which having beheld Gods face of mercy in Jesus Christ as they ought to do, do afterwards neglect the same, prove unthankful to him, and order not their lives according to his Example and Doctrine, &c. for which, consult the place at large in the former Church. He answers thirdly, that the Homily speaks conditionally, if they afterwards, &c. (that is to say, if afterwards they neglect the same, prove unthankful to him, and order not their lives according to his Example and Doctrine, &c.) and so concludes nothing positively and determinately; which is a sorrier shift than that which you had before; for if such conditional Propositions conclude nothing positively, what will become of all those Propositions in the Scriptures by which we are assured, That if a sinner do repent him of his sins and wickednesses, he shall find mercy from the Lord? Do they conclude nothing positively neither? most miserable were the state of man, if these conditional Propositions should conclude nothing to the comfort of a troubled conscience. And finally, he answereth thus, that the Homily speaks of Gods dreadful countenance appearing in plagues, sword, famine, and such like temporal punishments, wherewith the Elect may be chastened as well as others, that they may not for ever be condemned with the wicked; the first part of which Allegation I confess to be true, Gods judgements falling promiscuously on all sotts of people; but the addition is unknown, and is not to be found in the words of the Homily. And secondly, the Homily speaks not only of Gods temporal judgements, with which the Elect be chastened as well as others, that they may not for ever be condemned with the wicked; but positively and determinately, of taking from them [Page] his Kingdom; and holy word, as in the former, so that they shall be no longer of his Kingdom, governed no longer by his holy Spirit, put from the Grace and benefit which they had, &c.

4. But Master Yates intends not so to leave the matter, we must first see that he is as good at raising an Objection, as at the making of an Answer; and he objecteth out of another of theHom. of certain places of Scripture. fol. 150. Homilies, that though the godly do fall, yet they walk not on purposely in sinne, they stand not still to continue and tarry in sinne, they sit not down like carelesse men, without all fear of Gods just punishment for sinne; through Gods great grace and infinite mercy they rise again and fight against sinne, &c. But first it may be hoped that Master Yates could not be ignorant how great a difference there is betwixt such passages as fall occasionally, and on the by, from the pen of a Writer, discoursing on another Argument, and those which do occur in such Discourses, Sermons, and other Tractates, as purposely are made and fitted to the point in hand. And secondly, though it be affirmed in the said Homily, that the godly man which shall adde sinne to sinne, by Gods great grace and infinite mercy may arise again and fight against sinne: Yet can it not be gathered thence, that it is so at all times, and in all such cases; that is to say, that neither the great grace, nor his infinite mercy shall be wanting at any time unto such as are fallen from God; or that man shall not be wanting to himself in making a right use of it to his rising again. And then this passage in the Homily will affirme no more to this purpose, than the Art 16. Article doth; where it is said, that after we have received the holy Ghost, we may depart from grace given, and fall into sinne, and by the grace of God (we may) arise again and amend our lives.

5. Now to these testimonies from the Homilies, the publick Liturgy, and the writings of the learned men and godly Martyrs before remembred, it will not be amisse to adde one more; that is to say, Master Lancelot Ridley Arch-Deacon of Cantenbury, who by his name seemes to have had relation to Doctor Nicholas Ridley Bishop of London, and by his office to Doctor Cranmer Arch-bishop of Canterbury, the two chief Agents in [Page] the work of the Reformation. This man had published some Expositions on Saint Pauls Epistles to the Ephesians and Philippians, as he did afterwards on that to the Collossians also; which last was printed by Richard Grafton, 1548. At which time both the first Liturgy and the first Book of Homilies were in force and practice, and therefore was not like to containe any point of Doctrine repugnant unto either of them. And if we look upon him in his Comment upon the Epistle, we shall finde him thus declare himself in the points disputed; which I will lay all together, according to the method formerly observed in setting down the Articles or points themselves. For first in reference to Election unto life eternal, he telleth us, ‘'That all fulnesseRidley in Colos. c [...]p. 1, 6. of the Father is called to dwell in Christ, that all men should know all the goodnesse they have to come of God by Christ to them; that all that believe in Christ, should not perish, but be saved, and should have life everlasting by Christ with the Father.'’ And afterwards speaking on those vertues which Saint Paul commends in the Elect, he tells us ‘'thatIdem in cap. 2. P, 1. those vertues do shew unto us who be elected of God, and who not, as farre as man can judge of outward things; and that those men may be concluded to be elected of God who hate all vice and sinne, that love vertue, and godly living, and in it do walk all their life-time by true faith and works of the spirit.'’ 2. More plainly doth he speak in the second place of Universal Redemption, telling us that ‘'all men which either for their Original Id. in cap. 1, 6. sinne, or for their Actual sinne, were out of Gods favour, and had offended God, should by Christ only be reconciled to Gods favour, and have remission of their sinnes, and he made partakers of everlasting life; that Christs death was a full and sufficient satisfaction for the sinnes of the whole world, Id. Ibid. Fr 1. and for all them that shall be sanctified and saved; that Christ by his death once for all hath fully and perfecty satisfied for the sinnes of all men; and finally that therefore this is an undoubtedId. Ibid. F. 7. truth, ever to be believed of all Christians, that Christ by his Passion and and Death hath taken away all the sinnes of the world.'’

6. In the next place he puts the question with reference to [Page] the application of so great a benefit, for what causes God would not have his Word preached unto the Gentiles till Christs time; and makes this answer thereunto, First, ‘'that it is a point not to be too curiously searched, or enquired after. Secondly, that it is enough for us to know that it was so ordered by Gods Will, and for his glory. But thirdly, that it might yet be done, either because by their sins they had deserved their blindnesse andId. Ibid. G. 2. & 3. damnation (as indeed they had) or that God saw their hard hearts, or their stiff necks, and that they would not have received it before Christs coming, if the Gospel had been preached unto them; or finally, that God reserved that mystery unto the coming of our Saviour Christ, that by him all goodnesse should be known to come to us, &c.'’ As for the necessary influences of Gods Grace, and mans co-working with the same, he telleth us briefly, ‘'that no man ought to ascribe the good works that heId. cap. 2. H. 7. doth to himself, or to his own might and power, but to God the Author of all goodnesse; but then withall that it is not enough for men to have knowledge of Christ and his benefits, but that they must encrease in the knowledge of God, which knowlege cometh by Gods Word. And finally as to the pointIdem cap. 4. of falling away, he gives us first the example of Demas, who as long as all things were prosperous with S. Paul, was a faithful minister to him, and a faithful Disciple of Christ; but when he saw Paul cast into prison, he forsook Paul and his Doctrine, and followed the world; then he inferreth that many such there be in the world, &c.'’—of whom speaketh Christ. Mat [...]h. 13. ‘'Many for a time do believe,’ but in time of tribulations they shrink away. And finally he concludes with this advice, that he that standeth should look that he did not fall; and that he do not trust too much to his own might and power; for if he did, he should deceive himself, and have a fall as Demas had.' And so much for the judgment and opinion of Master L. Ridley in the points disputed, who being Arch-deacon of Canterbury, as before was said, may be presum'd to be one of those who concurred in Convocation to the making of the Articles of K. Edwards Book, 1552. to finde the true and natural meaning of which Articles we have took this pains.

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CHAP. XV. Of the Author and Authority of King Edwards Chatechisme, as also of the Judgement of Martin Bucer, and Peter Martyr, in the Points disputed.

1. THE Catechisme published by the Authority of King Edward the sixth, Anno 1553. affirmed to have been writ by Bishop Poinet, and countenanced by the rest of the Bishops and Clergy. 2. Several passages collected out of that Catechisme, to prove that the Calvinian Doctrines were the true, genuine, and ancient Doctrines of the Church of England. 3. With a discovery of the weakness and impertinency of the Allegation. 4. What may most probably be conceived to have been the judgement of Bishop Poinet, in most of the Controverted Points. 5. An Answer to another Objection derived from Mr. Bucer, and Peter Martyr; and the influence with their Auditors and Disciples are supposed to have had in the Reformation. 6. That Bucer was a man of moderate Counsels, approving the first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth, assenting to the Papists at the Dyet of Ratisbone, in the possibility of falling from grace; and that probably Peter Martyr had not so far espoused the Calvinian quarrels, when he lived in Oxon, as after his return to Zurick and Calvins Neighbourhood. 7. The Judgement of Erasmus, according as it is delivered in his Paraphrases on the four Evangelists, proposed first in the general view, and after more particularly in every of the Points disputed.

[Page] SE [...]ur [...] de salute, de gloria corte [...]s; Having shewedTavit in vita. Agric. the cause by so many pregnant Evidences, derived from the Articles and Homilies, and back't by the consenting Testimonies of learned Men and godly Martyrs; it would adde something at the least in point of Reputation, if not of glory also, to gain Bishop Poinet to the side; of whom, as to his personal capacity we have spoke already, and must now look back upon him in relation to a Chatechism of his setting forth; Printed by Wolfe in Latine, and by Day in English, Anno 1553. being the next year after the Articles were agreed upon in the Convocation; a Catechisme which comes commended to us with these advantages, Prin. Anti Armin. Page 44. that it was put forth by the Authority of King Edward the sixth, to be taught by all Schoolmasters in the Kingdome. By another of the same perswasion, ‘'that the King committed the perusal of it to certain Bishops, and other learned men, whom he much esteemed; by whom it was certified to be agreeable to the Scripture, and Statutes of the Realm; that thereupon he prefixt his Epistle before it, in which he commands and charges all Schoolmasters whatsoever within his Dominions, as they did reverence his Authority, and as they would avoid his Royal displeasure, to teach this Catechism diligently and carefully Anti. Armin. Page 48. in all and every their Schools; that so the youth of the Kingdome might be setled in the grounds of true Religion, and furthered in Gods worship.'’ The Church Ch. Hist. lib. 7. sol. 42 l. Historian seems to give it some further countenance, by making it of the same extraction with the Book of Articles, telling us that by the Bishops and Learned men before mentioned, [...]e are to understand the Convocation; and that it was not commanded by his Majesties Letters Patents to all Schoolmasters only, but by him commended to the rest of the Subjects; which cost these several Authors have bestowed upon it▪ out of an hope of gaining some greater matter by it, towards the countenancing and advancing of the Calvinian Doctrine, Predestination, as the true genuine and ancient Doctrine of this Church; certain I am, that both Mr. Prin and his Shadow so declare themselves; the Anti-Arm. [...]. one affirming that all these passages are directly for them, and [Page] punctually opposite to their Arminian Antagonists; the Hist. ut supr [...]. other crying out with some admiration, How do the Master and Scholar plainly declare themselves to be no friends to the Tenents which the English Arminians now concend for but notwithstanding all this [...]ry, I fear we shall get but little wool, when we come to consider of those passages in Poynets Catechisme, which are most relyed on, and which here follow, as I finde them in the Anti-arminianism [...], without alteration of the words or syllables, though with some alteration in the method of the Collection: Now the passages collected out of Poynets Catechisme, are these that follow; viz.

2. ‘'The Catech. Page 7. 8, 12, Image of God in [...] by original sin and evil custome, was so obscured in the beginning, and the natural judgement so corrupted, that man himself could not sufficiently understand the difference between good and bad, between just and unjust, &c. Page 9, As for the sacrificings, cleansings, washings, and other Ceremonies of the Law, they were Shadows, Types, Images, and Figures of the t [...] and eternal sacrifice that Jesus Christ made upon the Cross, by whose benefit alone all the sins of all believers from the beginning of the world are pardoned, by the sole mercy of God, and not by any merit of their own. Page 13. Assoon as ever Adam and Eve had eaten of the forbidden fruit, they both dyed; that is, that they were not only liable to the death of the body, but likewise lost the life of the soul, which is righteousness, and forthwith the Divine Image was obscured in them; and those lineaments of Righteousness, Holiness, Truth, and Knowledge of God, exceeding comely, were disordered and almost obliterated: the terene Image only remained, coupled with unighteousness, fraud, carnal affections, and great ignorance of Divine and heavenly things; from thence also proceeded the infirmity of our flesh, from thence corruption, and confusion of affections and desires; hence that plague, hence that seminary and nutriment of sin, wherewith all mankind i [...] infected, which is called Original sin Moreover, nature is so depraved and cast down, that unless the goodness and mercy of Almighty God had helped us, by the medicine of grace, [Page] as in body we were thrust down into all the miseries of death, so it was necessary that all men of all sorts should be cast into eternal torments and fire which cannot be quenched. Fol. 18. Those things which are spiritual are not seen but by the eye of the Spirit: he therefore that will see the Divinity of Christ on earth, let him open the eyes, not of the body, but of the mind, and of Faith, and he shall see him present, whom the eye doth not see; he shall see him present in the midst of them; Wheresoever two or three are gathered together in his Name, he shall see him present with us to the end of the end of the world: What have I said, he shall see Christ present: yea he shall both see and feel him dwelling in himself no otherwise then his own soul, for he doth dwell and reside in the soul, and in the heart of him who doth place all his confidence in him.'’

3. Fol. 23. ‘'Above all things this cannot be concealed, that the benefits which are brought unto us by the death, the Resurrection and Ascention of Christ, were so great and ample, that no tongue either of men and Angels can express it, &c. From these, and from other Actions of Christ, two benefits do accrew unto us. One, that whatsoever he did, he did it all for our profit and commodity; so that they are as much ours if we cleave fast to them with a firm and lively Faith, as if we our selves had done them. He verily was nailed to the Cross, and we are crucified with him, and our sins are punished in him. He died and was buried; we likewise with our sins are dead and buried; and that so as that all the memory of our sins is utterly abolished; he rose again, and we also are risen with him, being made partakers of his resurrection and life, that henceforth death might no more domineere in us: for there is the same Spirit in us that raised Jesus from the dead. Lastly, as he ascended into celestial glory, so we are exalted together with him. Fol. 30. The Holy Ghost is called holy, not only for his own holiness, but because the Elect of God, and the Members of Christ are made holy by him. Fol. 31. The Church is the company of them who are called to eternal life by the holy Ghost, by whom she is guided and governed; [Page] which time she cannot be understood by the [...]ight of Sense or Nature, is justly placed amongst the number of those things which are to be believed; and is therefore called the Catholick, that is the universal Assembly of the faithful, because it is not tyed to any certain place. Fol. 44, 45. God who rules: and governs all things, can do all things. No man is of so great power that he can so much as withstand him, but he gives whatsoever he shall decree according to his own pleasure: and those things which are given to us by him, he is able to take them away.'’

4. Verbatim from Page 37. to 41. ‘'After the Lord God had made the Heaven and Earth, he determined to have for himself a most beautiful Kingdom, and holy Common-wealth. The Apostles and Ancient Fathers that writ in Greek, called it Ecclesia, in English a Congregation or Assembly, into the which he hath admitted an infinite number of men, that should be subject to one King as their Soveraign and only Head; him we call Christ, which is as much as to say Anointed; or to the furnishing of this Common-wealth belong all they as many as do truely fear, honour, and call upon God, daily applying their minds to holy and godly living, and and all those that putting all their hope and trust in him, do assuredly look for bli [...]s of everlasting life. But as many as are in this Faith stedfast, were fore-chosen, predestinate, and appointed to everlasting life before the world was made, witness whereof they have within their hearts the merit of Christ the Authour, earnest and unfallable pledge of their Faith: which Faith only is able to perceive the mysteries of God, only brings peace unto the heart, only taketh hold on the Righteousness which is in Christ Jesus.’

Master. 'Doth then the Spirit alone and Faith (sleep we never so securely, or stand we never so wrestless or slothfull) work all things for us, as without any help of our own to convey us to heaven?

Scholar. 'Just Master (as you have taught me) to make a difference between the Cause and the Effect. The first principal and most proper cause of our Justification and Salvation, is the goodness and love of God, whereby he chose us for his, before [Page] he made the world, After that God granteth us to be called by preaching of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, when the Spirit of the Lord is poured upon us; by whose guiding and governance we be led to settle our trust in God, and hope for the performance of his promise. With this choice is joyned as companion, the mortifying of the Old man, that is, of our affections and Iusts, from the same Spirit also cometh our Sanctification, the love of God and of our neighbour, justice and uprightness of life. Finally, to say all in summe, whatever is in us, or may be done of us, honest, pure, true, and good, that altogether springeth out of this most pleasant Rock, from this most plentiful Fountain, the goodness, love, choice, and unchangeable purpose of God; he is the cause, the rest are the fruits and effects. Yet are also the choice and Spirit of God, and Christ himself, causes conioyned and coupled each with other; which may be reckoned amongst the principal causes of salvation. As oft therefore as we use to say, that we are made righteous and saved by Faith only, it is meant thereby, that faith, or rather trust alone, doth lay hard upon, understand, and perceive our righteous making to be given us of God freely; that is to say, by no deserts of our own, but by the free grace of the Almighty Father. Moreover, Faith doth ingender in us love of our neighbour, and such works as God is pleased withall; For if it be a lively and true Faith quickned by the Holy Ghost, she is the Mother of all good saying and doing; by this short tale it is evident by what means we attain to be righteous. For not by the worthiness of our deservings were we heretofore chosen, or long ago saved, but by the only mercy of God, and pure grace of Christ our Lord, whereby we were in him made to do those good works that God had appointed for us to walk in. And although good works cannot deserve to make us righteous before God, yet do they so cleave unto Faith, that neither Faith can be found without them, nor good works be any where found without Faith; Fol. 68. immortality and blessed life God hath provided for his chosen, before the foundations of the world were laid.'

[Page]3. These are the passages which Mr. Prin hath gathered out of Poynets Catechism, to prove that Calvinism is the true, genuine, and Original Doctrine of the reformed Church of England, in the Points disputed; for my part, I can see no possible inconvenience which can follow on it, in yeilding so far to his desires, as to admit the passages before recited, to be fully consonant to the true, genuine sense, and proper meaning of all, but more especially of our 9. 10. 13. 16. and 17. Articles then newly composed; so that whatsoever is positively and clearly affirmed in this Catechisme of any of the Points now controverted, may be safely implied as the undoubted Doctrine of our Church and Articles. For who can find, if he looks upon them with a single and impartial eye, that all or any of the passages before treated, can be made use of for the countenancing of such a personal and eternal election, without relation unto sin, as is supposed by the Supra-Lapsarians, or without reference to Christs death and sufferings, as is defended by the Sublapsarians in the Schools of Calvin? what ground can a man find here for the Horribile Decretum, that cruel and most unmerciful decree of preordaining the far greatest part of all mankind to everlasting damnation, and consequently unto sin that they might be damned? What passage find we in all these, either in opposition to the Doctrine of Ʋniversal Redemption (though that be afore said to be here condemned) or in maintenance of the irresistible working of the grace of God, as takes away all freedom and cooperation from the will of man, and renders him as unable to his own conversion, as to the work of his own being begotten to the life of nature; or to the raising of his dead body to life of glory? And finally what assurance is here, that the man once justified shall not fal into deadly sin, or not continue in the same, multiplying one sin upon another till he hath made up the measure of his iniquities? and yet all this while remain in the favour of God, and be as sure and certain of his own salvation by the like unresistible working of the holy Spirit, as if he had never wandred from the ways of Righteousness! He must see further into a Milstone then all men living, who can conclude from all, or any of these passages, that the Zuinglian and Calvinian [Page] Doctrines (the Anti-Arminian Doctrines, as that Author calls them) are manifestly approved, and undeniably confirmed Antiarm. by them, as the only ancient, established and professed Doctrines of our Church and Articles, or that can honestly affirme (as his echo doth) that both the Master and the Scholar declare themselves plainly in that Catechisme, to be no friends to any of the Tenents which those of the opposite side contend for.

4. Which said, we will endeavour to finde out BishopJusti. Faith. & Anti-arm. p. 102. Poynes judgement in the points disputed (or so many of them at the least as are touched upon) as well from such fragments as are offered to us in the Anti-Arminianisme, as from such passages as have been cunningly slipt over, of purpose to subduct them from the eye of the Reader. And first the Author let us know that God created man after his own Image, that is to say (in ea absolutissima Justitia, & perfectissima sanctimonia, &c.) in such a high degree of righteousness and perfect holinesse as came most neare unto the nature of God himselfe; that this Divine image was so defaced by the sin of our first parents Adam and Eve, that those lineaments of righteousnesse, holinesse, truth, and knowledge of God were disordered, and almost obliterated; that man being in this wretched case, it pleased God to raise him to a new hope of Restitution in the seed of the woman, that is to say, in Jesus-Christ his only Son, conceived of the holy Ghost, and born of the pure and most immaculate Virgin Mary; the Actions of whose life do so much redound to our benefit and commodity, that if we cleave fast unto them with a true and lively faith, they shall be as much ours as his; and finally, that as many as are in this faith stedfast, were fore-chosen, predestinate, and appointed to everlasting life before the world was made. 2. In the next place he lets us know (which the Author hath amongst his fragments) that the sacrificings, cleansings, washings, and other Ceremonies of the Law were shadows, types, images, and figures of the true and eternal sacrifice of Jesus Christ made upon the Crosse; by whose benefit alone all the sins of all believers from the beginning of the world, are pardoned by the sole mercy of God, and [Page] not by any deserts of their own. But then he lets us know withal (which that Author doth not) that he did truly die, and was truly buried, ut [...]ratum humano gener [...] Patrem suavissimo sacrificio placaret▪ that by so sweet a sacrifice he might reconcile his angry and offended father unto all mankinde. 3. In the third place, by asking this question, viz. whether the Spirit alone and faith, sleep we never so securely, or stand we never so worthlesse or slothful, work all things for us, as without any help of our own to carry us to heaven? He plainly sheweth first that some men there were who did so conceive it, but that they were to be condemned for conceiving so of it. And, secondly, that all men were to lend a helping hand toward their salvation, not only by laying hold on Christ with the hand of faith, but in being fruitful of good works, without which, faith is neither to be reckoned true and lively▪ or animated by the holy Ghost. 4. He telleth us finally, that the Church is the company of them that are called to eternal life by the holy Ghost, by whom she is guided and governed. And yet it cannot but be feared, that many of those who are called to eternal life by the holy Ghost, and chearfully for a time obey the calling, and live continually within the pale of the Church, which is guided by the most blessed spirit, do fall away from God and the grace received, and thereby bring themselues into a state of damnation from which they never do recover by sincere repentance.

5. As little comfort can be drawn from that Argument, by which they hope to make the Articles in these points to speak no otherwise then according to the sense of Martin Bucer, and Peter Martyr, by whose Disciples and Auditors they are alledged to have been composed, or at the least by such as hold consent with them in Doctrine; but unto this it hath been answered, that our first reformers were two old Arch-Bishops, Deans, and Arch-Deacons, most of them to be put to School again to either of them. Secondly, the first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth, which was the key to the whole work, was finished, confirmed, and put in execution before either of them were brought over; Dispatcht soon [Page] after their arrival to their several chaires; Martyr to the Divinity Lecture in Oxon, and Bucer unto that of Cambridge whereGodw. Annal. in Edw. 6. he lived not long. And dying so quickly as he did, (Luctu Academiae, as my Author hath it) though he had many Auditors there, yet could he not gain many Disciples in so short a time. Thirdly, that though Peter Martyr lived to see the Death of King Edward, and consequently the end of the Convocation, An. 1552. in which the Articles of Religion were first composed and agreed on; yet there was little use made of him in advising, and much lesse in directing any thing which concerned that business; for being a stranger, and but one, and such an one who had no Authority in Church or State, he could not be considered as a Master-builder, though some use might be made of him as a labourer to advance the work. And, fourthly, as to their consent in point of doctrine, it must be granted in such things, and in such things only in which they joyn together against the Papists, not in such points wherein those learned men agreed not between themselves, and therefore could be no foundation of consent in others.

6. For they who have consulted the Lives and Writings of these learned men, have generally observed that Bucer having spent the most part of his time in the Lutheran Churches, was more agreeable to the doctrines which were there maintained; as Martyr who was most conversant amongst the Suitzers, shewed himself more inclinable to the Zuinglian or Calvinian Tenents. And it is generally observed also that Bucer was a man of moderate counsel, and for that received a check from Calvin, at his first coming hither, putting him in remembrance of his old fault (for a fault he thought it) M [...]dici consiliis Autorem esse vel approbatorem, of being an Author or an approver of such moderate courses as the hot and fiery temper of the Calvinists could by no means like. And governing himself with such moderation, he well approved of the first Liturgie, translated into Latine by Alexander Alesius a learned Scot, that he might be the better able to understand the composure of it, and passe his judgment on the same accordingly. And yet it cannot be denied, but that there are many passages in the first Liturgie which tend directly to the maintenance of universal Redemption by the death of Christ, of the co-operation of mans will with the grace of God, and finally of the possibility of falling from that grace, and other the benefits and fruits thereof before received. In which last point it is affirmed [Page] that he amongst some others of the Protestant Doctors, assented to the Doctrine of the Church of Rome at the Dyet at Ratisbone. And it is more then probable that Peter Martyr was not Peter Martyr, I mean that he was not the same man as the Zuinglian and Calvinian Doctrine is, and his espousing the same being here as he was after his departure, when he had spent some further time amongst the Suitzers, and was thereby grown a nearer neighbour unto Calvin then he was in England. For whereas his Book of Common-places, and his Commentary to St. Pauls Epistle to the Romans, are most insisted on for the proof of his Calvinisme; it appearesAnti arm. p. 79, 83, 94, 102, 103, 108, &c. plainly by his Epistle to Sir Anthony Coke, that the last was not published till the year 1558. which was more then five yeares after his leaving of this Kingdom. And as for his Book of Common Places, although it was printed first at London, yet it received afterwards two impressions more, the one at Zurick, and the other at Basil, before the last Edition of it by Massonius after his decease, An. 1576. By which Edition being that which is in Oxon Library, and probably remaining only in the hands of Students, or in the private Libraries of Colledges, it will be hard, if not impossible, to judge of his opinion in these points, when he lived in England.

7. And now I am fallen amongst these strangers, it will not be amiss to consult the Paraphrases of Erasmus in the English tongue, which certainly had never been commended to the reading both ofVide Chap. 8. Sect. 3. & Chap. 17. Sect. 4. Priest & People, as well by the injunctions of Queen Eliz. as K. Edw. 6. if they had contained in them any other Doctrine then what is consonant to the Articles, the Homilies, and the publick Liturgie of this Church. Now in his Paraphrase on the third chap. of St. Joh. v. 16. we shall find it thus. Who (saith he) would have believed the charity of God to have been so great towards the world, being rebelli us aegainst Paraph. Erasm. fol. 4 [...]4. him, and guilty of so many great faults: that not only he did net revenge the ungracious acts that had been committed therein, but also sent down his only Son from heaven unto earth, and delivered him to suffer death, yea, even the most shameful death of the Crosse, to the intent that what man soever would believe in him, were he Jew, Grecian, or never so barbarous, should not perish, but obtain eternal life through the saith of the Gospel. For albeit that in time to come the Father should judge the universal world by his son at his last coming; yet at this time which is appointed for mercy, God hath not sent his Son to condemn the world for the wicked deeds thereof, but by his death to give free salvation to [Page] the world through faith. And least any body perishing wilfully should have whereby to exercise his own malice, there is given to all folks an easie entry to salvation. For satisfaction o [...] the faults committed before, is not required. Neither yet obseration of the Law, nor circumcision; only he that believeth in him shall not be condemned, for as much as he hath embraced that thing, by which eternal salvation is given to all folk, be they never so much bu [...]dened with sins, so that the same person after he hath professed the Gospel, do abstain from the evil deeds of his former life, and labour [...]o go forward to perfect holiness, according to the doctrine of him whose name he hath professed. But whosoever condemning so great charity of God towards him, and putting from himself the salvation that was freely offered, doth not believe the Gospel, he hath no need to be judged of any body, for as much as he doth openly condemn himself; and rejecting the thing whereby he might obtain everlasting life, maketh himself guilty of eternal pain.

8. By which passages and the rest that follow on this Text of Scripture, we may have a plain view of the judgement of this learned man in the points disputed, as to the designation of eternal life to all that do believe in Christ, the universality of Redemption by his death and passion, the general offer of the benefit and effect thereof to all sorts of people; the freedom of mans will in co-operating with the grace of God, or in rejecting and refusing it when it is so offered, and relapsing from the same when it is so offered, and relapsing from the same when it is received. All which we finde in many other passages of those Paraphrases, as occasion is presented to him. But more particularly it appears, first, that he groundeth our election to eternal life, on the eternal and divine prescience of Almighty God; telling us in his Explication of the 25. ch. of St. Matthews Gospel, that the inheritance Ibid. fol. 96. of the heavenly Kingdom was prepared by the providence and determination of God the fore-knower of all things before the world was made. Secondly, of universal Redemption, in his glosse on the 1. chap. of St. John, he telleth us thus; This Lamb (saith he) is so far from being subject to any kind of sin, that he alone is able to take away all the sinsIbid. fol. 414. of the whole world. He is so well beloved of God, that he only may turn his wrath into mercy; He is also so gentle, and so desirous of mans salvation, that he is ready to suffer pains for the sins of all men, and to take upon him our evils, because he would bestow upon us his good things. Thirdly, of the manner of the working of Gods grace, he speaks as plainly in his Explication of the 6. chap. of the same Evangelist; [Page] where he telleth us, that of a truth whosoever cometh unto Christ, shall obtain eternal life; that by faith must men come to him, and that faith cometh not at all aventures, but is had by the inspiration of God the Father, Ibid. fol. 443. who like as he draweth to him mens mindes by his Son, in such wise that through the operation of both joyntly together, men come to them both: the Father not giving this so great gift, but to them that be willing and desirous to have it; so that who with a ready will and godly diligence, deserves to be drawn of the father, he shall obtaine everlasting life by the Son. No violent drawing in these words, but such as may be capable of resistance on the part of man, as appears by his descant on that plain song of our Saviour in Mat. 23. in which he makes him speaking in this manner unto those of Hierusalem, viz. Nothing is let passe on my behalf, whereby thou mightest be saved: but contrariwise Ibid. fol. 90. thou hast done what thou canst to bring destruction upon thy self, and to exclude salvation from thee. But to whom Free-will is once given, he cannot be saved against his will. Your will ought to be agreeable to my Will. But behold as miserable calamity, &c. More plainly thus in the like descant on the same words in St. Lukes Gospel, viz. How many a time and oft have I assayed to gather thy children together, and to joyn them to my self, none otherwise then the hen gathereth her chickens under her wings, that they may not miscarry! But thy stubborness hath gone beyond my goodness, and as though thou hadst even vow'd and devoted thy self to utter ruine, so dost thou refuse all things whereby thou migh [...]est be recovered and made whole. And finally, as to the possibility of falling from the faith of Christ, he thus declares himself in the Exposition of our Saviours Parable, touching the sower and the seed, viz. There is another sort of men which greedily hear the word of Ibid. fol. 58. the Gospel, and set it deep enough in their mind, and keep it long; but their minds being entangled and choaked with troublesome cares of this world, and especially of riches (as it were with certain thick thorns) they cannot freely follow that he [...]veth; because they will not suffer these thornes which cleave together, and be entangled one with another among themselves, to be cut away, the fruit of the seed which is sowen doth utterly perish. Which being so, either we must conclude the doctrine of this Church in the Book of Articles to be the same with that which is contained in the Paraphrases of this learned man, or else condemn the godly Bishops of this Church, and the religious Princes above mentioned of a great imprudence in recommending them to the diligent and careful reading both of [...]iest and People.

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[Page] HISTORIA QƲINQƲ- ARTICƲLARIS. OR A DECLARATION Of the Judgement of the WESTERN CHƲRCHES, And more particularly of the CHURCH of ENGLAND In the five Controverted Points, Reproached in these last Times by the name of Arminianisme.

PART III. CONTAINING The first Breakings out of the Predestinarians, in the Church of England, and the Pursuance of those Quarrels, from the Reign of King EDWARD the sixth, to the death of King JAMES.

By P. HEYLIN, D. D.

LONDON, Printed for T. Johnson at the sign of the Key in Pauls Church-yard, 1660.

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PART III.

CHAP. XVI. Of the first Breakings out of the Predestinarians, and their Proceedings in the same.

1. THE Predestinarians called at first by the name of Gospellers. 2. Campneys a professed enemy to the Predestinarians, but neither Papist nor Pelagtan. 3. The common practises of the Calvinists to defame their Adversaries, the name of Free will men, to whom given, why. 4. The Doctrine of John Knox. in restraining all mens actions either good or evil, to the determinate Will and Counsel of God 5. The like affirmed by the Author of the Table of Predestination; in whom, and the Genevian Notes, we find Christ to be excluded from being the foundation of mans Election, and made to be an inferiour cause of salvation only. 6. God made to be the Author of sin, by the Author of a Pamphlet, entituled against a Privy Papist, and his secret Counsels called in for the proof thereof, both by him and Knox, with the mischiefs which ensued upon it. 7. The Doctrine of Robert Crowly, imputing all mens sins to Predestination, his silly defences for the same, made good by a distinction of John Verons, and the weakness of that distinction shewed by Campneys. 8. The Errours of the former Authors opposed by Campneys, his book in answer to those Errours, together with his Orthodoxie in the point of universal Redemption, and what he builds upon the same. 9. His solid Arguments [Page] against the imputing of all actions either good or evil to Predestination; justified by a saying of Prosper of Aquitaine. 10. The virulent prosecutions of Veron and Crowly, according to the Genius of the sect of Calvin.

THus we have seen the Doctrine of the Church of England in the five [...]nntroverted points, according to the Principles & perswasions of the first Reformers. And to say truth, it was but time that they should come to some conlusion in the points disputed: there being some men who in the beginning of the Reign of King Edward the sixth, busily stickled in the maintenance of Calvins Doctrines. And thinking themselves to be more Evangelical then the rest of their brethren; they either took unto themselves (or had given by others) the name of Gospellers. Of this they were informed by the reverent Prelate, and right godly Martyr, Bishop Hooper, in the Preface to his Exposition of the ten Commandments: Our Gospellors (saith he) be better learned then the holy Ghost, for they wickedly attribute the cause of Punishments and Adversity to Gods Providence, which is the cause of no ill, as he himself can do no ill: and over every mischief that is done, they say it is Gods Will. In which we have the men and their Doctrine, how the name of Gospellers, and the reason why that name was ascribed unto them. It is observed by the judicious Author of the Book, called, Europae Speculum, that Calvin was the first of these latter times, who searcht into the Counsels (the eternal Counsels) of Almighty God. And as it seems he found there some other Gospel then that which had been written by the four Evangelists: from whence his followers in these Doctrines had the name of Gospellers: for by that name I find them frequently called by Campneys also in an Epistolary Discourse, where he clears himself from the crimes of Popery and Pelagianism, which some of these new Gospellers had charged upon him; which had I found in none but him, it might have been ascribed to heat or passion in the agitation of these quarrels: but finding it given to them also by Bishod Hooper (a temperate and modest man) I must needs look upon it as the name of the [Page] Sect, by which they were distinguished from other men.

2. And now I am fallen upon this Campneys; it will not be unnecessary to say something of him in regard of the great part he is to act on the stage of this business. Protestant he was of the first edition cordially affected to the Doctrine of the Church of England in the present points, but of a sharp and eager spirit. And being not well weaned from some points of Popery in the first dawning of the day, of our Reformation, he gave occasion unto some of those whom he had exasperated to inform against him, that they prosecuted the complaint so far, that he was forced to bear a faggot at St. Pauls Cross (as the custome was in all such cases) Miles Coverdale, then or not long after Bishop of Exon, preaching a Sermon at the same. But whatsoever he was then in other Doctrinals, he hath sufficiently purged himself from the crimes of Popery and Pelagianism, wherewith he had been charged by those of the adverse party. For whereas one William Samuel had either preached or writtenAnswer to a certain letter. p. 3. in Queen Maries time, That a man might deserve God, &c. Campneys beholds it for a doctrine so blasphemous and abominable, that neither Papists nor Pelagians, nor any other Heretick old or new hath ever written or maintained a more filthy and execrable saying. For it is the stat and manifest denying both of God the Father, and of his Son Christ Jesus: neither doth it require any confutation to him that doth but confess that there is a God. And as for my self, saith he, I do not love my life so dearly, as I hate this vile saying deadly. He gives not long after to the Popish Pelagians the name of a filthy and detestable Sect. p. 5. mustereth up all the errours of Pelagius, which had been publickly recanted in the Synode of Palestine, and falling upon that which teacheth, That the grace of God is given according unto our deserving; he declares it to be vile and abominable, contrary to the manifest mind and words of the Apostle, p. 12. Finally, Not to trouble my self with more particulars, encount [...]ing with another of the Pelagian Heresies, he passionately cries out, O blasphemy intollerable! O filthy puddle, and sink most execrable! full of stinking Errours, full of damnable presumption, like to the pride of Lucifer, most abominable, p. 15.!

[Page]3. This is enough to free this man from being either a Papist or Pelagian Heretick, as his enemies made him. And for the other reproach which they laid upon him, of being an Enemy to Gods predestination, I conceive it will not be regarded as a matter of moment, considering the Disputes between them, and the usual acts of the Calvinians to defame their Adversaries. We shewed before, how Bogerman, Paraeus, and the rest of the Calvinian Sect, reproacht the Remonstrants with Pelagianism in their publick writings, though as free from it as themselves. We shewed before, how Cross in the continuation of his Belgick History imposeth on them for some of their detestable opinions, that they made God to be the Author of sin, and that he had created the infinitely greatest part of mankind to no other end, but to burn them in hell fire for ever: which horrid Blasphemies they both abominated and confuted to their best abilities. The like unworthy practises, were used by Calvin and Beza, against Sebastian Castel. a man of no less learning, but of far more modesty and moderation then either of them; whom they never left persecuting and reviling, till they had first cast him out of Geneva, and afterwards brought him to his grave. And this they did unto a man both of parts and piety upon no other pretence or provocation whatever, but because he maintained another way of predestination then that which they had taught their followers for Gods Truth and Gospel. And therefore it can be no wonder if the new Gospellers in England, persued the same courses against all those who opposed their fancies. For being governed by this spirit, they taxed their opposites sometimes for being Haters of Gods Predestination, as before is said, though intire Answer to a certain letter. p. 16. Lovers of the same, reviled them by the names of Popish Pelagians, and Justifiers of themselves, imputing to those men the whole mass of Pelagianism, who from their very hearts and souls abhor'd all their wicked Opinions, and have been many years willing to bestow their lives against all their abominable Errours. And sometimes finally they call them Free-will men in contempt and scorn; designing by that name not the Papist only, but such of their own mothers Children also, as taught that [Page] Cain was not predestinate to slay his brother▪ and that God hath not predestinate any man to the committing of murder,Id. p. 56. or any such like wicked abominations.

4. Which being said, and the credit of the man set right, we may the better know what we are to trust to in taking up some few following passages upon his Authority. Amongst which I shall first begin with that of Knox, that great Incendiary of the Nation and Kirk of Scotland, who in a book of his published in the end of King Edwards, or the beginning of Queen Marie's Raign, against an Adversary of Gods Predestination, as the Title telleth us. First builds the Doctrine of Predestination unto Gods absolute Will, without relation to mans sin or our Saviours suffering: and then ascribes unto the predeterminate Counsel and Will of God all humane actions whatsoever.

In Reference to the first he was of their opinion plainly, who building upon the example of Esau, exclude all that is in man either original sin or actual, from the cause of Gods hate, which they lay on his own pleasure only: which Knox endeavoureth to make good by this following Argument, p. 141. That if Esa [...] was hated for his evil deserving, then must needs follow, that Jacob was loved for his well deserving, the Argument following, as he saith, by the Rule of P. 48. Contraries. What superstructure he hath raised upon this Foundation? Assuredly no better nor no worse then this, That the wicked are not only left by Gods suffering, but compelled to sin by his power, P. 317. More copiously, but not more plainly, in another place, fol. 158. where it is affirmed, that whatsoever the Ethnicks and Ignorants did attribute unto fortune, we Christians do assign to the Providence of God, that we should judge nothing of Fortune, but thatId. p. 22. all cometh by the determination of his Counsel▪ and finally that it displeaseth him when we esteem any thing to proceed from any other: so that, (saith he) we not only behold and know him to be the principal cause of all things, but also the Author appointing all things to the one part, or to the other by his Counsel. In which last, if he make not God the Author of sin (as I think he doth) we shall very shortly find another that will.

[Page]5. So able a Leader as John Knox could not want followersId. p. 36. of all Nations to attend upon him: in the Catalogue or list whereof, we must first look upon the Author of a Treatise written in French, and published afterwards in English, entituled, A brief Declaration of the Table of Predestination: in which it is affirmed expresly, That seeing God who hath appointed the end, it is necessary also that he should appoint the causes leading to the same end: as if he should have said (saith Campneys) that as God hath appointed some man to be hanged, so he hath appointed him also to steal, as a cause leading to the same end, to which by God he is appointed. The same French English Author lets us know in another place,P. 15. That by vertue of Gods Will all things were made; yea even those things which are evil and execrable: which execrable saying he endeavoureth to palliate with this distinction, That those evil execrable things which are wrought by the vertue of Gods Will, are not evil and execrable, in that they are wrought by his divine Counsel: but for as much as they proceed from the Prince of the air. And as for the foundation of Election to eternalP. 63. life, he laies it not on the free Mercy of God in Christ, which he affirms to be no other, but an inferiour cause thereof; but teacheth us to ascend unto an higher cause, that is to say, to the eternal purpose and predestination of God, which he determined only in himself. Conform to which we find in the Genevian Bibles this marginal Note, amongst many others of like nature, viz. As the only Will and purpose of God is the chief cause of Election and Reprobation; so his free mercy in Christ is an inferiour cause of salvation, &c. Rom. 9.

6. In the next place comes out a Pamphlet, entituled against a privy Papist; the Author whereof takes upon him to prove this point, That all evil springeth out of Gods Ordinance, or that Gods Predestination was the cause of Adams fall, and of all wickedness. Now this man goes to work like a Logician, and frames his Sylogism in this manner, viz.

That whatsoever was in Adam, was in him by Gods Will and Major. Ordinance.

But sin was in Adam.Minot.

[Page]Ergo. sin was in him, by Gods will and ordinance,

Of which Sylogisme Campneys very well observeth, that if the Major of it be understood of Adam after his fall, as by the minor it must be) then may it be affirmed also of any other, that whatsoever execrable wickedness is in him, the same is in him by Gods will and ordinance. But then because it might be asked, that seeing it is the decree, ordinanceIbi. p. 43. and will of God that man should not sin; How they should creep into that secret councell, where God ordained, decreed and willed the contrary? The leader will come in to help his followers in the present plunge, for in his trayterous and seditious Libel, Against the Regiment of Women (which he calls, The first blast of the Trumpet) he knows not how to shift off the obedience due by Gods word to lawful Queens in their severall Kingdoms, but by flying to some speciall Revelation from his secret will not publikely communicated to the sons of men: And this he speakes not faintly, but with zeale and confidence, telling us how assured him, that God hath revealed it to some in our age, (that is to say, himselfe and his Disciples in the holy Presbytery) that it is more then a Monster in nature, that a Woman should Rule and have Empire against man. And what could they doe less, upon this assurance, upon so plaine a Revelation of Gods secret will, then take up arms against their Queen, depose her from her throne, expell her out of her native Kingdom, and finally prosecute her to the very death. The Ladder which Constantine the great commended to Assesius a Novatian Bishop for his safer climing up to heaven, was never more made use of then by Knox and Calvin, for mounting them to the sight of Gods secret Councell, which St. Paul calls [...], or things unspeakble, such as are neither possible nor lawfull for a man to utter.

7. But of all Knoxe's followers, none followed so close upon his heels as Ro. Crowly a fugitive for Religion in Q. Maries daies and the Author of a Booke called a Confutation of 13. Articles, Ibid. p. 18. &c. In which he layes the sin of Adam (and consequently all mens sins from that time to this) upon the Absolute Decree of Predestination, for seeing (saith he) that Adam was so perfect [Page] ‘"a creature that there was in him no lust to sin; and yet withall so weak of himselfe, that he was not able to withstand the assault of the subtile Serpent; no remedy, the only cause of his fall must needs be the Predestination of God."’ In other places of this book he makes it to be a common saying of the free-will men (as in contempt and scorn he calls them) that Cain was not predestinate to slay is brother; Ibi. p. 2. 4. which makes it plaine, that he was otherwise perswaded in his own opinion: That the most wicked persons that have been, whereof God appointed to be even as wicked as they were, that if God doe predestinate a man to doe things rashly and without any Ibi. p. 2. 6. deliberation, he shall not deliberate at all; but run headlong upon it, be it good or evill: That we are compelled by Gods predestination, Ibi. 2. 7. to doe those things for which we are damned: And finally, finding this Doctrine to be charged with making God moreIbi. 46. cruell and unmercifull, then the greatest Tyrant, and pressed therewith by some of the contrary perswasion, he returns his answer in this wise, If God (saith he) were an inferiour to any superior ‘"power, to the which he ought to render an account of his doing, or if any of us were not his creatures, but of another creation besides his workmanship, then might we charge him with Tyranny, because he condemneth us, and appointed us to be punished for the things we doe by compulsion, through the necessity of his Predestination."’ For a Catholicon, or generall Antidote, to which dangerous Doctrines, a new distinction was devised, by which in all abominations God was expresly said, to be the Author of the fact or Ibid. p. 4. 47 deed, but not of the crime; which subtilty appeareth amongst many others in a brief Treatise of Election, and Reprobation, published by one Iohn Veron in the English tongue about the beginning of the raigne of Queen Elizabeth; Which subtilty,Ibi. p. 32. Campneys not unfitly calls, a marvellous sophistication, a strang Paradox, and a cautelous Riddle, and he seems to have good reason for it. For by this Doctrine (as he noteth) it must follow, that God is the Author of the very fact and deed of Adultery, Theft, Murder, &c. but not the Author of the sin; Sin having as they say no positive entity, but being a meer nothing as it were, and therefore not to be ascribed to Almighty [Page] God: And thereupon he doth inferre, that when a malefactor is hanged, for any of the facts before said, he is hanged for nothing, because the fact or deed is ascribed to God▪ and the sin only charged on him; which sin being nothing in it self, it must be nothing that the malefactor is condemned, or hanged for.

8. By all the Books it doth appear, what method of Predestination these new Gospellers drive at, how close they followed at the Heels of their master Calvin in case they did not go beyond him. Certaine it is that they all speak more plainly then their Master doth; as to the makeing of God to be the the Author of sin; though none of them speake any things else, then what may logically be inferred from his ground and principles. And by this book it appeareth also, how contrary these Doctrins are, to the establisht by the first Reformers in the Church of England; how contrary the whole method of Predestination out of which they flow, is to that delivered in the Articles, the Homilies, and the publick Liturgie, and witnessed too, by so many learned men and godly martyrs, Which manifest deviation from the rules of the Church, as it gave just offence to all moderate and sober men, so amongst others unto Campneys before remembred; who could not but express his dislike thereof, and for so doing was traduced for a Pelagian and a Papist, or a Popish Pelagian. For which being charged, by way of Letter, he was necessitated to returne an Answer to it which he published in the second or third year of Queen Elizabeth. In which Answer he not only cleares himselfe from favoring the Pelagian errors in the Doctrin of Freewill, Justification by works, &c. but solidly and learnedly refuteth the opinions of certaine English Writers and Preachers; whom he accuseth for teaching of false and scandalous Doctrin, under the name of Predestination; for his preparation whereunto he states the point of universall redemptionIbi. p. 10. Rom. 5. by the death ‘"of Christ, out of the parrallel which St. Paule hath made between Christ and Adam; that by the comparison of condemnation in Adam, and redemption in Christ, it might more plainly be perceived, that Christ was not inferiour to Adam, nor Grace to sin; And that [Page] as all the generation of man is condemned in Adam, so is all the generation of man redeemed in Christ: and as general a Saviour is Christ by Redemption, as Adam is a condemner by transgression."’ Which ground so laid, he shows how inconsistent their opinions are to the truth of Scripture, who found the Doctrine of Election and Reprobation on Gods absolute pleasure; by which infinitely the greatest part of all mankind is precedaniously excluded from having any part or interess in this redemption, reprobated to eternall death, both in body and soule: as the examples of his vengeance, and consequently preordained unto sin, as the means unto it, that so his vengeance might appear with the face of Justice. Which preordaining unto sin, as it doth necessarily infer the laying of a necessity upon all mens actions, whether good or bad, according to that predeterminate Counsel and Will of God; so these good men, the Authors of the books before remembered, doe expresly grant it, acknowldgeing that God doth not only move men to sin, but compell them to it, by the inevitable rules of Predestination.

9. But against this it is thus discoursed by the said Campneys: Ibi. p. 51. that if Gods predestination be the only ‘"cause of Adams fall, and filthy sin: And consequently the only cause and worker of all evill; yea even with compulsion and force (as they shamefully and plainly affirm) then will no man deny, but that (on the other side) Gods predestination worketh as violently in all things that are good: so then if Gods predestination work all, without all exception, both in evil and good; then all other things whatsoever they be although they all appear to work and do some things; yet do they indeed utterly nothing. So that the Devill doth nothing, Man doth nothing, Laws do nothing, Doctrine doth nothing, Prayer doth nothing: but Gods predestination doth all together, and is the efficient cause, yea and the only cause of all things. He further proves, that according untoAgust Retract. [...]. [...]. c. 9. & 16. this position, they hold the errour both of the Stoicks, as also of the Manicheans; that is to say, (as St. Augustine declaeth)Ibi. p. 26. that evill hath his original of Gods Ordinance, and [Page] not of mans free-will; for if Murtherers, Adulterers, Thieves, Traitors, and Rebels, be of God predestinate and appointed to be wicked, (even as they are) cannot chuse but of meer necessity by the Ordinance of God, commic all such wickedness even as they doe: then what is our life but a meer destiny? All our doing God ordinances; and all our immaginations, branches of Gods Predestination?"’ And then we must have thieves by Predestination, who remasters, and Adulterers by Predestination, Murderers, and Traitors by Predestination, and indeed, what not: if all mens actions are necessitated by the will of God, and so necessitated that they can neither doe less evill, nor more good then they doe, though they should never so much endeavour it, as some of our Calvinians teach us, which opinion, as Campneys hath observed,Ibi. p. 45. is condemned by Prosper of Acquitaine in his defence of St. Augustine, in these following words; ‘"Predestinationem Prosp. 1. Resp. ad Object. Gal. 6. dei, sive ad malum, sive ad bonum, &c. That the predestination of God (saith he) doth worke in all men either into good or into evill, is most foolishly said. As though a certaine necessity, should drive men unto both: seeing in good things the evill is not to be understood without grace, and in evill things the evil is to be understood without grace."’ And so much touching Campneys, and his performance in the points against the Gospellers, some passages haveing before been borrowed from him, concerning Lambert, Gynnell, and his Adherents. For which see, Chap. 6. Numb. 11.

10. No sooner was this booke come out, but it gave a very strong alarum to those of the Calvinian party within this Realm; which had been very much encreased by the retiring of so many of our learned men to the Zuinglian and Genevian Churches in Queen Maryes dayes, amongst which none more eagar, (because more concerned) then Veron, Crowly above mentioned. The first of these, being Reader of the Divinity Lecture in the Church of St. Pauls, and one of the Chaplains to the Queen, published his Answer shortly after, called, An Apology or Defence of the Doctrine of predestination and dedicated to the Queen: in which Answer he gives his Adversary [Page] no better titles, then the blind Guide of the free-will men p. 37. A very Pelagian, and consequently a Rank Papist, p 40. Suffering the Devill, by such sectaries as Campneys to sow his lyes abroade, &c. and 41. The Stander-bearer of the free-will men; His booke he calls a venemous and Railing booke, upbraids him with his bearing of a fagot in K. Edwards dayes; and chalenging him, that if he be able to maintaine his own Doctrine, and oppose that in the answer to it, let him come forth and play the man. Nor was it long before another Answer came out by the name of Crowly, called an Apologie or defence, of the English Writers and Preachers, with Cerberus the three headed dog Hell, Chargeth with false Doctrine, under the name of Predestination, printed at London in the yeare 1566. And by the title of this Book, as we may see with what a strange Genius the Gospellers or Calvinians were possessed from the first beginning, we may well conjecture at the Gentle usage, which the poore man was like to finde in the whole discourse. But if it be objected in favour of these two books, (that they were published by Authority and according to order; when that of Campneys, seems to have been published by stealth without the Name of Author or of Printer, as is affirmed in Verons booke before remembred; It may be since answered, that the Doctrine of the Church was then unsetled, the Articles of K. Edwards time being generally conceived to be out of force, and no new established in their place, when Veron first entered on the cause. And secondly it may be answered, that though Crowlyes Apologie came not out till the yeare 1566. when the new articles were agreed upon, yet his treatise called a confutation of 13. Articles, which gave occasion to the Quarrel, had been written many years before. And he conceived himselfe obliged to defend his Doctrine, & get as good countenance to it as he could within a time, especially intent on suppressing Popery, might be no hard matter for him to doe. And as to that part of the objections which Relates to Campneys, and his suppressing of his Name▪ I look upon it as a high part of wisdom in him, in regard of the Great sway which the Calvinians had at their first coming over, the prejudice conceived against him for his slipps and sufferings in the raigne [Page] of K. Edward, and the Authority of the men against whom he writ. Veron a Chaplaine to the Queen, Crowly of Great esteem in London for his diligent preaching, and Knox the great Directer of the Kirke of Scotland.

CHAP. XVII. Of the Disputes amongst the Confessors in Prison in Queen Maries dayes, and the Resetling of the Church on her former principles under Queen Elizabeth.

1. THe Doctrine of Predestination disputed amongst the Confessors in Prison in Queen Maries dayes. 2. The Examination of John Carelese before Dr. Martin, in reference to the said Disputes. 3. Considerations on some passages in the conference betwixt Dr. Martin and the said John Carelesse. 4. Review made of the publick Liturgie by the command of Queen Elizabeth, and the Paraphrases of Erasmus commended to the reading both of Priest and People. 5. The second book of Homilies how provided for, and of the liberty taken by the Gospellers, and Zuinglian Sectaries, before the reviewing and confirming of the Book of Articles, by the Queens Authority. 6. Of the reviewing and authority of the Book of Articles, Anno 1562. and what may be from thence inferred. 7. An answer from the Agreement drawn from omitting the ninth Article of King Edwards Book, the necessity of giving some content to the Zuinglian Gospellers, [Page] and the difficulty wherewith they were induced to subscribe the Book, at the first passing of the same. 8. The Argument taken from some passages in the English Catechisme, set forth by Mr. Alexander Powell, and the strength thereof. 9. Several considerations on the said Catechisme, and the rest of the Authours making; and what his being Prolocutor in the convocation might adde to any of them in point of Orthodoxie. 10. Nothing to be collected out of the first passage in Mr. Powells Catechism, in favour of the Calvinian doctrine of Predestination, and the points depending thereupon, and lesse then nothing in the second, if it be understood according to the Authours meaning; and the determination of the Church.

1. MOre calmly, and with lesse deviation from the Doctrine of the Church of England, were the same points, disputed in Queen Maries dayes, amongst the Confessors in Prison, which coming to the knowledge of the Queen and her Councel, a Commission was granted to one Dr. Martin (a busie man in all such matters as appears by the story) to make enquiry, amongst many other things, into this particular; and he according to the power given by the commission, convents before her one John Carelese, borne at Coventry, of no better quality then a weaver, yet one that was grown very able to expresse himself, when the matter came to examination: by which examination it appears, that as Carelese somewhat differed in the Doctrine of Predestination, and the point depending thereupon from the Church assembled, according as it was established in King Edwards time; so Trew, another of the Prisoners (but of what quality or condition, I am yet to seek) seemes more inclinable to that opinion▪ if Carelese understood them rightly, which was defended all that time by the Popish Clergie. And that the Reader may perceive the better how the difference stood; I shall lay down so much of the conference, between Dr. Martin and the Prisoner, as concernes this businesse, leaving the Reader to admire [Page] at Gods infinite goodnesse, giving poor unlettered men such a measure of Christian courage, as might enable them to speak both stoutly and discreetly in their greatest troubles. Now the said conference was as followeth.

2. The Examination of John Carelese before Doctor Martin. Martin. Act. & Mon. fol. 1742.

Carelese, I could wish that thou wouldest play the wise mans part, thou art a handsome man, and 'tis pity but that thou shouldest do well, and save that God hath bought.

I thank your good Mastership most heartily, and I putCarelese. you out of doubt, that I am most sure and certaine of my salvation by Jesus Christ: so that my soule is safe already, what paines soever my body suffer here for a little time.

Yea, marry you say truth, for thou art so predestinateMartin. to life that thou canst not perish in whatsoever opinion thou dost die.

That God hath predestinate me to eternal life in JesusCarelese. Christ, I am most certain; and even so I am sure that his holy Spirit (wherewith I am sealed) will so preserve me from all heresies and evill opinions, that I shall die in none at all.

Go to, let me hear your faith in Predestination, for that shallMartin. be written also.

Your Mastership shall pardon me herein, for you said yourCarelese. self ere while, that you had no Commission to examine my conscience.

I tell thee I have a Commission, yea, and a CommandmentMartin. from the Councel to examine thee of such things as be in controversie between thee and thy fellows in the Kings Bench, whereof Predestination is a part as thy fellow hath confessed, and thy self dost not deny it.

I do not deny it, but he that first told you that matter mightCarelese. have found himself much better occupied.

Why? I tell thee truth, I may now examine thee of anyMartin. thing that I list.

[Page]Then let your Scribe set his pen to the paper, and youCarelese. shall have it roundly, as the truth is; I believe that Almighty God, our most deare loving Father, of his great mercy, and infinite goodness (through Jesus Christ) did elect and appoint in him before the foundation of the Earth was laid, a Church or Congregation, which he doth continually guide and governe by his Grace and holy Spirit, so that not one of them all ever finally perish. When this was written, Mr. Doctor took it in his hand, saying.

Why? who will deny this?Martin. Carelese.

If your Mastership do allow it, and other learned men, when they shall see it, I have my hearts desire.

Did you hold no otherwise then is there written?Martin. Carelese. Martin.

No verily, no nere did.

Write that he saith otherwise he holdeth not (so that was written) It was told me also, that thou dost affirme that Christ did not die effectually for all men.

Whatsoever hath been told you, is not much material, forCarelese. indeed I do believe that Christ did effectually die for all those, that do effectually repent and believe, and for none other; so that was written.

Now Sir, what is Trews faith of Predestination? he believeth,Martin. that all men be predestinate, and that none shall be damned, doth he not?

No forsooth, that he doth not.Carelese. Martin. Carelese.

How then?

I think he doth believe as your Mastership, and the rest of the Clergy▪ do believe of Predestination, that we be elect in respect of our good works, and so long elected as we do them, and no longer.

Yet thou cannot deny, but that you are at a jar amongstMartin. your selves in the Kings Bench, and it is so throughout all your Congregation, for you will not be a Church.

No, Master Doctor, that is not so, there is a thousandCarelese. times more variety of opinions amongst your Doctors, which you call, of the Catholick Church; yea, and that in the Sacrament, for the which there is so much blood shed now adayes. I meane, of your later Doctors, [Page] and new Writers; as for the old they agree wholly with us.

3. Now in this conference or examination there are divers things to be considered; For, first, I consider Carelese as a man unlettered, and not so thoroughly grounded in the constitution of the Church of England, as not to entertaine some thoughts to which the doctrine of this Church could afford no countenance. Amongst which I reckon that strong confidence which he had of his own salvation, and of the final perseverance of all those who are the chosen members of the Church of Christ, which was not taught him by the Church, and could not be obtained in any ordinary way, by the light of that doctrine which then shined forth unto the people. Secondly, I consider him as one so far instructed in the knowledge of Predestination, as to lay the foundation of it on Gods great mercy, and infinite goodnesse in Christ Jesus; which plainly crosseth with the new Gospellers of those times, who found the same upon his absolute will and pleasure, without relation to Christs sufferings for us, or our faith in him. Thirdly, I consider that the Doctrine of Ʋniversal Redemption, by the death of Christ, and the effectuality thereof to the sons of men, was then so generally received and taught in the Reformed Church of England, as not to be known to Artificers, Tradesmen, and Mechanicks; and that they were so well instructed in the nicities of it, as to believe that though Christ died effectually for all, yet the benefit thereof should be effectually applied to none, but those who do effectually repent. Fourthly, I consider that if the Popish Clergy of those times did believe no otherwise of Predestination, then that men be elected in respect of good works, and so long elected as they do them, and no longer, as Carelese hath reported of them; the Doctrine of the Church hath been somewhat altered since those times; there being now no such Doctrine taught in the Schooles of Rome, as that a man continues no longer in the state of Election, then whilest he is exercised in good works. And [Page] finally, I consider the unfortunate estate of those, who living under no certaine rule of Doctrine or Discipline, lie open to the practices of cunning and malicious men; by whom they are many times drawn aside from the true Religion. For witnesses whereof, we have Trew and Carelese, above mentioned; the one being wrought on by the Papists, the other endangered by the Gospellers or Zuinglian Sectaries; For that Carelese had been tampered with by the Gospellers, or Zuinglian Sectaries, doth▪ appear most clearly, first by the confidence which he had of his own salvation, and of the final perseverance of all others also, which are the chosen members of the Church of Christ; and secondly, but more especially, for giving the scornful title of a Free-will man to one of his fellow prisoners, who was it seemes of different perswasion from him. For which consult his letter to Henry Adlington, in the Act. & Mon. Fol. 1749. which happened unto him as to many others; When that Doctrine of the Church wanted the countenance of Law, and the Doctors of the Church here scattered and dispersed abroad, not being able to assist them. In which condition the affaires of the holy Church remained, till the beginning of the Reigne of Queen Elizabeth, and for some yeares after.

4. But no sooner had that gracious Lady attained the Crown, when she took order for the reviewing of the publick Liturgie, formerly Authorized by Act of Parliament in the fifth and sixth years of King. Edward the sixth. The men appointed for which work, were Dr. Parker, after Arch-Bishop of Canterbury; Dr. Grindall, after Bishop of London; Dr. Pilkington, after Bishop of Durham; Dr. Cox, after Bishop of Elie; Dr. May, Deane of Pauls; Dr. Bill, Provost of Eaton, after Deane of Westminister; Mr. Whitehead, (sometimes Chaplaine to Queen Anne Bullen) designed to be the first Arch-Bishop of this new plantation; and finally, Sir Thomas Smyth, a man of great esteeme with King Edward the sixth, and the Queen now Reigning. By these men were the Liturgie reviewed, approved, and passed, [Page] without any sensible alteration in any of the Rubricks, Prayers and Contents thereof; but only the giving of some contentment to the Papists and all moderate Protestants in two particulars; the first whereof was the taking away of a clause in the Letany, in which the people had been taught to pray to Almighty God to deliver them from the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome, and all his detestable enormities. The second was, the adding of the sentences in the distribution of the Sacrament, viz. The Body of our Lord Jesus which was given for them, preserve thy body and soul to everlasting life. The Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ which was shed for thee, &c. which sentences exclusive of the now following words of participation, as they were onely in the first, so were they totally left out of the second Liturgie of King Edward the sixth. Other alterations I finde none mentioned in the Act of Parliament, 1. Eliz. [...]. 2. but the appointing of certain Lessons for every Sunday in the year; which made no change at all in the publick Doctrine, before contained in that Book; and that the people might be the better trained up in the same Religion, which had been taught and preacht unto them in the time of King Edward the sixth. She gave command by her Injunctions, published in the first year of her Reign An. 1559. that the Paraphrases of Erasmus should be diligently studied both by Priest and people. And to that end it was required (as formerly in the Injunctions of the saidInjunct. 6. King Edward) 1. That the Paraphrases of the said Erasmus, and on the Gospel in the English tongue, should be provided at the joynt charges of the Parson and Parishoners, and being so provided should be set up in some convenient place of every Church, so as the Parishioners may most commodiously resort unto the same, and read the same out of the time of common service. And, secondly, that every Parson, Vicar, Curate, and Stipendary Priest, shall provide, andInjunct. 16. have of his own within the time therein limited, the New Testament in Latine and English, with the Paraphrases on the same; conferring the one with the other. And the Bishops by themselves and other Ordinaries, and their Officers in Synods and Visitations, shall examine the said Ecclesiastical [Page] Priests how they have profited in the study of holy Scripture. Evident Arguments that there was no intent of setling any other Doctrine in the Church of England, then such as was agreeable to the Judgement of that Learned man.

5. The next care was for making and perfecting those Homilies, of which we finde mention at the end of King Edwards Book, for the necessary edifying of Christian people, and the increase of godly living; both Books sufficiently provided for (besides the confirmation of that first Article of the year, 1552.) in the Rubrick of the second Liturgie, where it is said, that after the Creed, if there be no Sermon, shall follow one of the Homilies already set forth, or to be set forth by common authority; which Rubrick being revised with the rest of the Liturgie, put the said books of Homilies (as well the second as first part of them) into the service of the Church, and thereby made them no small part of the publick doctrine; But who they were which laboured in this second Book, whither they were the same that drew up the first, or those who in Queen Elizab. time reviewed the Liturgie; or whether they were made by the one, and reviewed by the other, I have no where found, though I have taken no small paines in the search thereof. But those few doctrinals which were contained in the Book of Common Prayer, or deducible from it, not being much took notice of; and the Homilies not confirm'd by that common Authority, which was required in the Rubrick, the Zuinglians or Gospellers took the opportunity to disperse their doctrines, before the door of utterance should be shut against them, or any publick course be taken to suppress their practices. And this they did with so much diligence and cunning, that they encreased exceedingly both in power and numbers; of which more hereafter. Notice whereof being took of those which were of most Authority in the Government of the Church, it was thought necessary for the preventing of the mischief which might thence insue, that the Articles of Religion, published in King Edwards time, 1552. should be brought under [Page] a Review, accommodated to the use of the Church, and made to be the standing Rule, by which all persons were to regulate and confirm their Doctrines.

6. And to this end a Convocation was assembled on the 13. of January, An. 1562. which continued t [...] the 14. day of April; the main business which was acted in it, being the canvasing and debating of the Articles of King Edwards Book, and passing them in the forme and manner in which now they stand; which business as they took first into consideration on the 19. of January, and diligently prosecuted from day to day, by the Bishops and Clergie in their several houses, they came to an agreement on the 29. of the same moneth, on which the said Articles were publickly recited, generally approved, and subscribed by the greatest part of the Clergy which were then assembled. And being so subscribed, presented to the Queen, and ratified by her Royal Authority, were forthwith published to the same end for which they were made, that is to say, For the avoiding of diversities of opinions, and for the stablishing of consent touching true Religion, as in the title is declared. In the composing of which Book, though a clause was added to the twentieth Article, and another taken from the third; though some Articles of King Edwards were totally omitted, and some new made (as that amongst the rest for confirmation of the second Book of Homilies) which were not in the Book before; yet the the five Articles touching the Doctrine of the Church in the points disputed, as they stand in the eight Chapter of this Book, were left in that same state in which they found them. And being left in the same state in which they found them, were to be taken in the same sense, in which they had been understood at the first making of them, according to such illustrations as occur in the Book of Common Prayer, such Explanations as are found in the Book of Homilies, and the judgement of those learned men and godly Martyrs, which had a principal hand in the Reformation, so that the Articles being the same as to these particulars, the paraphrases of Erasmus state the same; the publick [Page] Liturgie, and the first Book of Homilies, in all points the same; and the second book of Homilies, agreeing exactly with the first in the present controversies, as appears by the three first Sections of the seventh Chapter of this Book, and that which follows in the next; there is no question to be made, but that the doctrine was the same in the said five points, which had been publickly allowed of in the time of King Edward.

7. But against this it may be said, that one of the material Articles of King Edwards book (in reference to the points disputed) was totally left out of this, and therefore that there was some alteration of the Churches judgement, as to the sense and meaning of the present Articles, which Article being the tenth in number, as it stands in that Book, is there delivered in these words, viz. Gratia Christi seu spiritus sanctus, qui per eundem datur, &c. ‘'The grace of Christ, or the holy Ghost which is given by him, doth take from man the heart of stone, and giveth him a heart of flesh: And though by the influences thereof, it rendreth us willing to do those good works which before we were unwilling to do, and unwilling to do those evil works which before we did; voluntati tamen nullam violentiam infert; yet is no violence offered by it to the will of man: nor can any man when he hath sinned excuse himself, quasi nolens aut coactus peccaverit, as if he had sinned against his will, or upon constraint, and therefore that he ought not to be accused or condemned upon that account.'’ For answer whereunto it may first be said, that the Composers of that Book, thought it not fit to clog it with any unnecessary points in which the peace and safty of the Church seemeth not much concerned; and therefore as they left out the present Article, so they omitted the sixteenth touching the blasphemy against the Holy Ghost, together with the foure last of King Edwards Book, touching the General resurrection, the stare of mens souls after death, the Doctrine of the Millinaries, and of a general salvation to be given to the wicked also, after they had endured the paines of hell [Page] for a certain time. Secondly, they considered, that the doctrine of mans free Co-operation with the grace of God, had been sufficiently expressed and provided for by the tenth Article of this Book, and the ninth of which illustrated by divers passages in the publick Liturgie, accommodated and applied to the most encrease of piety in the Book of Homilies: therefore that there was no great need to contend about it, or to retain it in the Book. And somewhat also must be done (the point being so secured and provided for, as before was said) to content (the Zuinglians, or Calvinians, by which last name they were afterwards more generally called) who were grown strong and numerous in most parts of the Realme: Insomuch that many of them did not refuse to subscribe the Book, and were complained of for that cause by the Prolocutor to the House of Bishops; desiring that an order might be presently made to cause them to subscribe their names to the said Article, either in their own house, or before their Lordships: which order being made on the fift of February, the Prolocutor signified to the Arch-Bishop and Bishops in the name of the lower House of Convocation; that some of the Refusers had subscribed, and that others still persisted in their former obstinacy. And thereupon the Bishops ordered the same day (the tenth of February) quod nomina eorum qui hactenus non subscripserant, presententur coram iis in proxima sessione; that is to say, that the names of such who still refused to subscribe, should be presented to their Lordships at the next Session; which put an end to the Dispute, for after this I heare no more of their refusals; the subscription of the book being universal, as appears by this memorial in the jornal of that Convocation, viz. universus clerus eosdem etiam unanimiter & recepit & professus est, ut ex manuum suarum subscriptionibus patet; that is to say, that all the Clergy did unanimously approve the said Articles, and testified their consent therein, as by the subscription of their hands doth and may appear; so difficult a thing it was from the first beginning to bring that violent and head strong faction unto any conformity.

[Page]8. In the next place it is objected that Mr. Alexander Justif. of the Fath pref. Powell Dean of Saint Pauls, who was Prolocutor in this Convocation, maintaineth in his Catechisme a Doctrine contrary to that which the Arminians, as some call them, do now contend for; and that it is not to be thought, that he, and others engaged with them in the same convocation, were either so ignorant, as not to understand what they put into the Articles or so infatuated by God, to put in things quite contrary to their own judgements, which being supposed or took for granted, we are directed to his Catechisme written in the English tongue, and dedicated from the two Arch-Bishops from which the Objector hath abstracted these two passages following, viz. ‘'To the Church do all they properly belong, as many as do truly fear, honour, and call upon God, altogether applying their mindes to live holily and godly, and with putting all their trust in God, do most assuredly look for the blessedness of eternal life. They that be stedfast, stable and constant in this faith, were chosen and appointed, and (as we terme it) predestinate to this so great felicity, p. 44. The Church is the body of the Christian Commonwealth, i. e. the universal number and fellowship of the faithful, whom God through Christ hath before all beginning of time, appointed to everlasting life.'’ Such are the passages in this Catechism, from which the Objector hath concluded, that Mr. Powell had no communion with Arminians (as some please to call them.) And to say truth, he could have no communion with the Arminians (as some please to call them) though he had desired it; Arminius being not born, or but newly borne, when Mr. Powell wrote that Catechism; and Mr. Powell had been dead some years before the name of an Arminian had been heard in England.

9. But unto this it hath been answered, that looking upon Mr. Powell, in his publick capacity, as he was Prolocutor to that Convocation, it cannot be denied, but that he was as like to understand the conduct of all affaires therein, as any other whatsoever; And yet it cannot rationally be inferred from thence, that therefore nothing was concluded [Page] in that convocation, which might be contrary to his own judgement for a private person, admitting that he was inclined to Calvin in the points disputed, as he was not neither. For had he been of his opinion, the spirit of that Sects is such as could not be restrained from charity it selfe dogmatical, and in termes express; and not occasionally only, and on the by (as in the Catechisme now before us) and that too in full general termes that no particular conclusionJustif. of the Fath. pref. can be gathered from them. It hath been answered again thus, that the Articles in the five points, being the same with those in King Edwards Book, and so confessed by the Objector; and no new sense being put upon them by the last establishment, they must be understood no otherwise then according to the judgement of those learned men and godly Martyrs, before remembred, who had before concurred unto the making of them, from which if Mr. Powells sense should differ in the least degree, it is to be lookt upon as his own, not the sense of the Church. And, thirdly, it hath been observed that the Catechisme to which we are referred for the former passages, is not the same with that, which is authorized to be taught in the Grammer Schools in Greek and Latine, nor the same which was published with the consent of the Author in the English tongue, An. 1572. but a Catechisme of a larger size, yet of lesse authority, out of which the other was extracted; such points as were superfluous, and not well expressed, not being reduced into the same. And somewhat certainly there was in it, which rendred it uncapable of any further Editions, and not thought fit to be translated into Latine, though such a translation of it was propounded to the Arch-Bishops, Bishops in the Epistle Dedicatory, to the shorter English. And though to let us know what Catechisme it is he meanes, he seemes to distinguish it from the other, by being dedicated to the two Arch-Bishops: Yet that doth rather betray the Objectors ignorance then advance his cause, the Authours one Latine Edition, and the English of it being Dedicated to the two Arch-Bishops as well as that.

[Page]10. But since he hath appealed to the larger Catechisme, to the larger Catechisme let him go, In which he cannot so much as finde one single question touching the Doctrine of Predestination, or the points depending thereupon: and therefore is necessitated to have recourse unto the Articles of the Catholick Church, the members and ingredients of it, from whence he doth extract the two former passages. And then again, we are to note, that the first of the two passages not being to be found in the Latine Edition, nor the English translation of the same, is taken almost word for word out of Powells Catechisme, therefore to be understood in no other sense then before it was, when it was perused and approved by the Bishops and other learned men of King Edwards time. And, thirdly, there is nothing in all that passage, which justifieth the absolute and irrespective decree of the Predestinarians, or the restraining of the benefit of our Saviours sufferings to a few particulars, nothing of Gods invincible working on the hearts of his chosen ones▪ or the impossibility of mans co-operating any further in his resurrection from the death of sin to the life of lighteousness, then in that of his body from the grave to the life of glory; nothing that teacheth any such certainly, or infallibly of persevering in the faith and favour of God: as all the sinnes of the world are not able to deprive them of it, but that they shal, must necessarily be brought again into the place and station from which they had fallen. And as for the last of the said two passages being the very same with that in the Authours Latine, and the English translation of the same, there is nothing in it, which either a true English Protestant, or a Belgick Remonstrant may not easily grant, and yet preserve himself from falling into Calvinisme in any of the points disputed. For granting that the Church is the universal number and fellowship of all the faithful whom God through Christ hath before all beginning of time appointed to everlasting life; Yet must it so be understood▪ that either they were appointed to eternal life upon the supposition of their faith and repentance, which may extend to the including of all those who are called to the external participation of the Word and Sacraments: [Page] or else that it is meant specially of such as are appointed from all eternity to life everlasting, without excluding any from the Dignity of being members of the Church, who have received the outward call, and openly joyne with them in all publick duties, and thereby pass in common estimate amongst the faithful believers; And then this definition will afford no comfort to our moderne Calvinists, or create any inconvenience unto those whom they call Arminians.

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CHAP. XVIII. A Declaration of the Doctrine in the Points disputed under the new establishment made by Queen Elizabeth.

1. THe Doctrine of the second Book of Homilies concerning the wilful fall of Adam, the miserable estate of man, the restitution of lost man in Jesus Christ, and the universal redemption of all man-kinde by his death and passion. 2. The doctrine of the said second Book concerning universal grace, the possibility of a total and final falling, and the co-operation of mans will with the grace of God. 3. The judgement of Reverend Bishop Jewell, touching the universal redemption of mankinde by the death of Christ; Predestination grounded upon faith in Christ, and reached out unto all them that believe in him, by Mr. Alexander Powell. 4. Dr. Harsnet in his Sermon at St. Pauls crosse, Anno 1584. sheweth that the absolute decree of Reprobation turneth the truth of God into a lie, and makes him to be the Authour of sinne. 5. That it deprives man of the natural freedome of his will, makes God himself to be double minded, to have two contrary wills, and to delight in mocking his poor creature, man. 6. And finally, that it makes God more cruel and unmerciful then the greatest Tyrant, contrary to the truth of Scripture, and the constant Doctrine of the Fathers. 7. The rest of the said Sermon reduced [Page] unto certaine other heads, directly contrary to the Calvinian Doctrines in the points disputed. 8. Certain considerations on the Sermon aforesaid, with reference to the subject of it, as also to the time, place and persons in and before which it was first preached. An Answer to some Objections concerning a pretended Recantation falsly affirmed to have been made by the said Mr. Harsnet. 10. That in the judgement of the Right learned Dr. King, after Bishop of London, the alteration of Gods denounced judgements in some certaine cases infers no alteration in his councels; the difference between the changing of the will, and to will a change. 11. That there is something in Gods decrees revealed to us, and something concealed unto himself, the difference between the inferiour and superiour causes, and of the conditionalty of Gods threats and promises. 12. The accomodating of the former part of this discourse to the case of the Ninevites. 13. And not the case of the Ninevites to the case disputed.

1. THese Obstacles being thus removed, I shall proceed unto a Declaration of the Churches Doctrine under this new establishment made by Queen Eliz. And, first, all Arguments derived from the publick Liturgie, and the first book of Homilies being still in force; we will next see what is delivered in the Homilies of the second part, establisht by a special Article, and thereby made a part of the doctrine here by law established: And, first, as touching the doctrine of Predestination, it is declared in the Homily of the Nativity, ‘'That as in Adam all men universally sinned; so in Adam all men received the reward of sinne, that is to say, became mortal and subject unto death, having in themselves nothing but everlasting condemnation, both of body and soul; that man being in this wretched case it pleased God to make a new Covenant with him, namely, [Page] that he would send a Mediatour or Messias into the world which should make intercession, and put himself as a stay between both parties to pacifie wrath and indignation conceived against sin, and to deliver man out of the miserable curse, and cursed misery, whereunto he was fallen headlong, by disobeying the Will and Commandment of the onely Lord and Maker. Nor, secondly, was this deliverance and redemption partial, intended onely for a few, but general and universal for all man-kinde; the said Homily telling us not long after, that all this was done to the end the promise and covenant of God made unto Abraham Hom. p. 172. and his posterity concerning the Redemption of the world, might be credited and believed—to deliver man-kinde from the bitter curse of the Law, and make perfect satisfaction by his death for the sinnes of all people.'’—For the accomplishment whereof, ‘'It was expedient, saith the Homily, that our Mediatour should be such an one as might take upon him the sins of mankinde, and sustain the due punishment thereof, viz. death—'’ to the intent he might more fully and perfectly make satisfaction for man-kinde: which is as plaine as words can make it, and yet not more plaine then that which followeth in the Homily of the worthy receiving of the Sacrament, Fol. 200.

2. Nor doth the Homily speak lesse plainly in anotherHom. 1. part against the perill. place concerning universal Grace, then it doth speak to this in reference to universal redemption, as appears evidently by the first part of the Sermon against the perill of Idolatry, in which it is declared in the way of paraphrase on some passages in the 40. Chapter of the Prophet Isaiah, ‘'that it had been preached to men from the beginning, and how by the creation of the world, and the greatness of the work, they might understand the Majesty of God, the Creator and Maker of all things to be greater then it should be expressed in any image or bodily similitude.'’ And therefore by the light of the same instruction (had they not shut their eyes against it) they might have come unto a further [Page] knowledge of the will of God; and by degrees to the performance of all moral duties required of them before Christ coming in the flesh. And in the third part of the same Sermon there are some passages which do as plainly speak of falling from God, the final alienation of the soul of a man once righteous, from his love and favour. Where it is said, ‘'how much better it were that the arts of painting, and we had never been found, then one of them whose souls are so precious in the sight of God, should by occasion of image or picture, perish and be lost.'’ And what can here be understood, by the souls which are so precious in the sight of God, but the souls of the elect, of justified and righteous persons, the souls of wicked men being vile and odious in his sight, hated by God, as Esau was, before all eternity, as the Calvinians do informe us. And what else can we understand by being perished and lost, but a total or final alienation of those precious souls, from his grace and favour: moreHom. of the Re [...]urrection, p. 139. plainly speaks the Homily of the Resurrection, in which the Church represents unto us, what shame it should be for us, ‘'being thus clearly and freely washed from our sinne to returne to the filthinesse thereof again? What a folly it would be for us, being thus endued with righteousnesse to loose it again? What a madnesse it would be to to loose the inheritance we be now set in, for the vile and transitory pleasure of sinnes. And what an unkindnesse it would be, where our Saviour Christ of his mercy is come unto us, to dwell with us as our guest, to drive him from us, and to banish him violently out of our souls: And instead of him in whom is all grace and vertue to receive the ungracious spirit of the devil, the founder of all naughtinesse and mischiefe;'’ then which there can be nothing more direct and positive to the point in hand. And as for the co-operation of mans will with the grace of God either in accepting or resisting it, when once offered to him, besides what may be gathered from the former passages; it is to be presumed as a thing past question in the very nature of that book, for what else are those Homilies but so many proofs and arguments to evince that point. For to what purpose were they made, but [Page] to stir up the mindes of all men to the works of piety: And what hopes could the Authors of them give unto themselves of effecting that which they endeavoured, had they not presupposed and taught that there was such a freedome in the will of man, such an assistance of Gods grace, as might enable them to performe these works of piety, as in all and every one of the said Homilies are commended to them. More for the proof of which points, might be gathered from the said second Book of Homilies, established by the Articles of Queen Elizabeth's time, as before is said, were not these sufficient.

3. Proceed we therefore from the Homilies, and the publick monuments of the Church to the judgement of particular persons, men of renown and eminent in their several places, amongst which we finde incomparable Jewell, then Bishop of Sallsbury, thus clearly speaking in behalf of universal redemption, viz. Certo animis nostris persuademus, &c. ‘'We do assuredly perswade our mindes (saith he) that Christ is the obtainer of forgivenesse for our sins; and that by hisBishop Jewells Defen. Apolog. c. 19. Devis. 1. blood all our spots of sins be washed cleane: that he hath pacified and set at one all things by the blood of his crosse: that he by the same one onely sacrifice which he once offered upon the crosse, hath brought to effect, and fulfilled all things? and that for the cause he said, it is finished. By which word (saith he) be plainly signified,, persolutum [...]am esse pretium, pro peccato humani generis,, that the price or ransome was now fully paid for the sin of man-kinde.'’ Now as Bishop ewell was a principal member of the House of Bishops, so Mr. Powell was the Prolocuto [...] for the House of the Clergy, in which the Articles were debated and agreed upon. In which respect his favour is much sought by those of the Calvinian party, as before was shown. But finding no comfort for them in his larger Catechisme, let us see what may be found in his Latine Catechisme, authorized to be taught in Schools, and published by his consent in the English tongue, Anno 157 [...]. And first he sheweth, that as God is said to be our Father for [Page] some other reasons, so most specially for this; quod nos divine per spiritum sanctum generavit, & per fidem in verum Ca [...]c. Edition 1654. p. 19. suum, a [...]que naturalem filium Iesum Christum nos el git, sibique Filios, & regni [...]oelestis, atque sempiternae vitae heredes per eundem inj [...]ituit; that is to say, because he hath divinely regenerated us (or begotten us again) by the Holy Ghost, and hath elected us by faith in his true and natural son Christ Jesus, and through the same Christ [...]ath adopted us to be his children and heires of his heavenly Kingdom and of life everlasting. And if election come by our faith in Christ, as he saith it doth, neither a Supra-bapsarian, nor a Sub- [...]ap [...]arian, can finde any comfort from this man, in favour of that absolute and irrespective decree of Predestination, which they would gladly father on him in his larger Catechisme. And then as for the method of predestination, he thus sets it forth, viz. ‘'Deus’ Adamum illis honoris insignibus ornavit, ut ea cum sibi tum suis, id est, toti Ib. [...]. humano generi, aut servaret, aut amitteret, &c. God (saith he) indued Adam with those ornaments (that is to say, those ornaments of grace and nature, which before we speak of) that he might have them or loose them for himself and his, that is to say, for all man-kinde. And it could not otherwise be, but that as of an evil tree, evil fruits do spring: so that Adam being corrupted with sinne, all the issue that came of him, must also be corrupted with that original sin; For delivery from the which there remained no remedy in our selves, and therefore God was pleased to promise that the seed of the woman, which is Jesus Christ, should break the head of the Serpent, that is, of the Devi, who deceived our first parents, and so should deliver them and their posterity that believed the same. Where first we have mans fall. Secondly, Gods mercy in his restitution. Thirdly, this restitution to be made by Jesus Christ; and, fourthly, to be made to all, which believe the same.'

4. Proceed we next to a Sermon preached at St. Pauls crosse, Octob. 27. 1584. by Samuel H [...]rs [...]et then fellow of P [...]mbrooke Hall in Cambridge and afterwards Master of the [Page] same, preferred from thence to the See of Chichester, from thence translated unto Norwitch, and finally to the Archiepiscopal See of York. For the Text or subject of his Sermon, he made choice of those words in the Prophet Ezekiel, viz. As I live (saith the Lord) I delight not in the death of the wicked, chap. 33. v. 11. In his discourse upon which text, he first dischargeth God from laying any necessity of sinning on the sons of men, and then delighting in their punishment because they have sinned: he thus breaks out against the absolute decree of reprobation, which by that time had been made a part of the Zuinglian Gospel, and generally spread abroad both from Presse and Pulpit. ‘'There is a conceit inMr. Harnets Sermon at Pauls Cross bound up at the end of Dr. Stewards three Sermons, print ed 1658. p. 133 &c. the world (saith he) speaks little better of our gracious God then this, and that is, that God should design many thousands of souls to hell before they were, not in eye to their faults, but to his own absolute will and power, and to get him glory in their damnation. This opinion is grown high and monstrous, and like a Goliah, and men do shake and tremble at it; yet never a man reacheth to Davids sting to cast it down. In the name of the Lord of Hosts we will encounter it, for it hath reviled not the Host of the living God, but the Lord of Hosts.’

'First, that it is directly in opposition to this Text of holy Scripture, and so turnes the truth of God into a lye. For whereas God in this Text doth lay and sweare, that he doth not delight in the death of man; this opinion saith, that not one or two, but millions of men should frie in Hell; and that he made them for no other purpose then to be the children of death and hell, and that for no other cause but his meer pleasures sake; and so say, that God doth not onely say, but will sweat to a lye. For the oath should have runne thus, as I live (saith the Lord) I do delight in the death of man.

'Secondly, it doth (not by consequence but) directly make God the Authour of sin. For, if God without eye to sin did designe men to hell, then did he say and set down that he should sinne: for without sinne he cannot come to hell: [Page] And indeed doth not this opinion say, that the Almighty God in the eye of his Councel, did not only see, but say that Adam should fall, and so order and decree, and set down his fall, that it was no more possible for him not to fall, then it was possible for him not to eat? And of that when God doth order, set down and decree, (I trust) he is the Author, unless they will say, that when the Right honourable Lord Keeper doth say in open Court, we order, he means not to be the Author of that his Order.

'Which said, he tells us Thirdly, that it takes away from Adam (in his state of innocency) all freedom of Will andIbid. p. 135. Liberty not to sin. For had he had freedom to have altered Gods designment, Adams liberty had been above the designment of God. And here I remember a little witty solution is made, that is, if we respect Adams Will, he had power to sin, but if God Decrees, he could not sin. This is a silly solution; And indeed it is as much as if you should take a sound, strong man that hath power to walk, and to lye still, and bind him hand and foot, (as they do in Bedlam) and lay him down, and then bid him rise up and walk, or else you will stir him up with a whip; and he tell you, that there be chains upon him, so that he is not able to stir; and you tell him again, that, that is no excuse, for if he look upon his health, his strength, his legs, he hath power to walk, or to stand still; but if upon his Chains, indeed in that respect he is not able to walk. I trust he that should whip that man for not walking, were well worthy to be whipt himself: Fourthly, As God do abhor a heart, and a heart, and his soul detesteth also a double minded man: so himself cannot have a mind and a mind; a face like Janus, to look two wayes. Yet this opinion maketh in God two Wills, the one flat opposite to the other: An Hidden Will by which he appointed and willed that Adam should sin; and an open Will by which he forbad him to sin. His open Will said to Adam in Paradise, Adam thou shall not eat of the Tree of good and evil: His Hidden Will said, Thou shalt eat; nay, now I my self cannot keep thee from eating, for my Decree from Eternity is passed, Thou shalt eat, that [Page] thou may drown all thy posterity into sin, and that I may drench them as I have designed, in the bottomless pit of Hell. Fifthly, Amongst all the Abominations of Queen Jez [...]bel, that was the greatest (1 King. 21.) when as hunting after the life of innocent Naboth, she set him up amongst the Princes of the Land, that so he might have the greater fall. God planted man in Paradise, (as in a pleasant Vineyard) and mounted him to the world as on a stage, and honoured him with all the Soveraignty, over all the Creatures; he put all things in subjection under his feet, so that he could not pass a decree from all Eternity against him, to throw him down head-long into hell: for God is not a Jezabel, Tollere in altum, to lift up a man, ut lapsu graviore ruat, that he may make the greater noise with his fall.'

6. But he goes on, ‘'and having illustrated this cruel Mockery by some further instances, he telleth us, that the PoetIb. p 140. had a device of their old Saturn, that he eat up his Children assoone as they were born, for fear least some of them should dispossess him of Heaven. Pharoah King of Egypt, had almost the same plea, for he made away all the young Hebrew Males least they should multiply too fast: Herod for fear out Saviour Christ should supplant him in his Kingdom, caused all the young Children to be slain: those had all some colour for their barbarous cruelty. But if any of those had made a Law, designing young Children to torments before they had been born; and for no other cause and purpose, but his own absolute will; the heavens in course would have called for revenge. It is the Law of Nations, that no man innocent shall be condemned; of reason not to hate, where we are not hurt; of nature to like and love her own brood, [...], (saith the holy Ghost) we are Gods Kindred, he cannot hate us when we are innocent, when we are nothing, when we are not. Now touching Gods Glory (which is to us all as dear as our life) this opinion hath told us, a very inglorious and shamefull [...]le▪ for it saith, the Almighty God would have many soul [...] go to [...]ell; and that they may come t [...]i [...]e [...] they must sin, that so [...]e may have [...]ust [Page] cause to condemn them. Who doth not smile at the Grecians Conceit, that gave their God a glorious title for killing of flyes? Gods Glory in punishing ariseth from his Justice in revenging of sin: and for that it tells us, as I said, a very sad and unpleasant tale; for who could digest it to hear a Prince say after this manner? I will beget me a son, that I may kill him, that I may so get me a name, I will beget him without both his feet, and when he is grown up, having no feet, I will command him to walk upon pain of death: and when he breaketh my Commandment, I will put him to death. O beloved, these glorious fancies, imaginations and shews, are far from the nature of our gracious, mercifull and glorious God, who hath proclaimed himself in his Titles Royal, Jehovah, the Lord, the Lord strong and mighty, and terrible, slow to anger, and of great Goodness: And therefore let this conceit be far from Jacob, and let it not come near the Tents of Joseph. How much holyer and heavenlyer conceit had the holy Fathers of the Justice of God? Non est ante punitor Deus, quam peccator homo, God put not on the person of a Revenger, before man put on the person of an Offender, saith St. Ambrose. Neminem coronat antequam vincit; neminem punit antequam peccat; he crowns none before he overcomes, and he punisheth no man before his offence. Et qui facit miseros ut misereatur, crudelem habet miserecordiam, he that puts man into miseries that he may pity him, hath no kind, but a cruell pity.'’

7. The absolute de [...]ree of Reprobation being thus discharged, he shews in the next place, that as God desireth not the death of man without relation to his sin, so he desirethIbid. 148. not the death of the sinfull man, or of the wicked sinfull man, but rather that they should turn from their wickedness, and live. ‘And he observes it is said unto the Coats in Saint Mathews Gospel, Ite melidicti in ignem paratum; he doth not say, Maledicti patris, Go ye cursed of the Father; (as it is Benedicti patris, when he speaks of the sheep) God intituling himself to the blessing only; and that the fire is [Page] prepared, but for whom? Non vobis, sed Diabolo & Angelis ejus, not for you, but for the Devil and his Angels. So that God delighteth to prepare neither death nor hell for damned men. The last branch of his discourse he resolves into six consequences, as links depending on his chain; 1. Gods absolute Will is not the cause of Reprobation, but sin. 2. No man is of an absolute necessity the child of Hell, so as by Gods grace he may not avoid it. 3. God simply willeth and wisheth every living soul to be saved, and to come to the kingdom of Heaven. 4. God sent his son to save every soul, and to bring it to the kingdom of heaven. 5. God offereth Grace effectually to save every one, and to direct him to the Kingdom of heaven. 6. The neglect and contempt of this Grace, is the cause why every one doth not come to Heaven, and not any privative Decree, Councel and Determination of God.'’ The stating and canvasing of which points, so plainly, curtly to the Doctrines of the old Zuinglian Gospellers, and the modern Calvinians; as they take up the rest of the Sermon, so to the Sermon I refer the Reader for his further satisfaction in them. I note this only in the close, that there is none of the five Arminian Articles (as they commonly call them) which is not contained in terms express, or may not easily be found by way of Deduction in one or more of the six consequences before recited.

8. Now in this Sermon there are sundry things to be consisidered, as namely, first, That the Zuinglian or Calvinian Gospel in these points, was grown so strong, that the Preacher calls it their Goliah; so huge and monstrous, that many quaked and trembled at it, but none, that is to say, but few or none, vel d [...]o, vel n [...]mo, in the words of Persius, durst take up Davids sling to throw it down. Secondly, That in canvasing the absolute Decree of Reprobation, the Preacher spared none of those odious aggravations which have been charged upon the Doctrines of the modern Calvinists by the Remonstrants, and their party in these latter times. Thirdly, That the Sermon was preached at St. Pauls Cross, [Page] the greatest Auditory of the Kingdom, consisting not only of the Lord Major, the Aldermen, and the rest of the chief men in the City, but in those times of such Bishops, and other learned men as lived occasionally in London, and the City of Westminster, as also of the Judges and most learned Lawyers, some of the Lords of the Counsel being for the most part present also. Fourthly, That for all this we cannot find, that any offence was taken at it, or any Recantation enjoyned upon it, either by the high Commission, or Bishop of London, or any other having authority in the Church of England, nor any complaint made of it to the Queen, or the Counsel-Table, as certainly there would have been, if the matter of the Sermon had been contrary to the Rules of the Church, and the appointments of the same. And finally we may observe, that though he was made Arch-Bishop of Yorke in the Reign of King Charls, 1628. when the times are thought to have been inclinable, to those of the Arminian Doctrines; yet he was made Master of Pembrook hall, Bishop of Chichester, and from thence translated unto Norwitch, in the time of King James. And thereupon we may conclude, that King James neither thought this Doctrine to be against the Articles of Religion, here by Law established, nor was so great an enemy to them, or the men that held them, as some of our Calvinians have lately made him.

9. But against this it is objected by Mr▪ Prin in his bookPrepe [...]uity, &c. 304. of Perpetuity, &c. printed at London in the year 1627. 1. That the said Mr. Harsnet was convented for this Sermon, and forced to recant it as heretical. 2. That upon this Sermon, and the controversies that arose upon it in Cambridge between Baroe and Whitacres, not only the Articles of Lambeth were composed (of which more hereafter) but Mr. Wotton was appointed by the University to confute the same. 3. That the said Sermon was so far from being published or printed, that it was injoyned by Authority to be recanted. For Answer whereunto, it would first be known, where the said Sermon was recanted, and by whose [Page] Authority. Not in or by the University of Cambridge, where Mr. Harsnet lived both then, and a long time after; for the Sermon was preached at St. Pauls Cross, and so the University could take no cognisance of it, nor proceed against him for the same. And if the Recantation was made at St. Pauls Cross, where the supposed offence was given, if would be known by whose Authority it was enjoyned. Not by the Bishop of London, in whose Diocess the Sermon was preached: for his Authority did not reach so far as Cambridge, whither the Preacher had retired after he had performed the service he was called unto: And if it were injoyned by the High Commission, and performed accordingly, there is no question to be made, but that we should have heard of in the Anti-Arminianism, where there are no less then eight leves spent in relating the story of a like Recantation pretended to be made by one Mr. Barret on the tenth of May, 1595. and where it is affirmed, that the said Mr. Harsnet held and maintained the same errors for which Barret was to make his Recantation. But as it will be proved hereafter that no such Recantation was made by Barret; so we have reason to believe that no such Recantation was imposed on Harsnet. Nor, secondly; Can it be made good, that the Controversies between Doctor Whitacres and Dr. Baroe were first occasioned by this Sermon, or that Mr. Wotton was appointed by the University to confute the same. For it appears by a letter written from the heads of that University to their Chancellour, the Lord Treasurer Burleigh, dated March 18. 1595. that Baroe had maintained the same Doctrines, and his Lectures and Determinations above 14. years before, by their own account, for which see Chap. 21. Num. 80. which must be three years at the least before the preaching of that Sermon by Mr. Harsnet. And though it is probable enough that Mr. Wotton might give himself the trouble of confuting the Sermon, yet it is more then probable that he was not required so to do by that University. For if it had been so appointed by the University, he would have been rewarded for it by the same power and authority which had so appointed, [Page] when he appeared a Candidate for the Professorship on the death of Whitacres, but could not find a party of sufficient power to carry it for him, of which see also Chap. 21. numb. 4. And thirdly, as for the not printing of the Sermon, it is easily answered; the Genius of the time not carrying men so generally to the printing of Sermons as it hath done since. But it was printed at the last, though long first: And being printed at the last, hath met withnone so forward in the Confutation, as Mr. Wotton is affirmed to be, when at first it was preached. And therefore notwithstanding these three surmises which the Author of the P [...]rpetuity, &c. hath presented to us, it may be said for certain, as before it was, that Mr. Harsnet was never called in Question for that Sermon of his, by any having Authority to convent him for it, and much less, that he ever made any such Recantation, as by the said Author is suggested.

10. In the next place we will behold a passage in one of the Lectures upon Jonah delivered at York, Anno 1594. by the right learned Dr. John King (discended from Robert King, the first Bishop of Oxon) afterwards made Dean of Christ Church, and from thence preferred, by the power and favour of Arch-Bishop Bancroft to the See of London; A Prelate of too known a zeal to the Church of England to be accused of Popery, or any other Heterodoxies in Religion of what sort soever, who in his Lecture on these words, Yet forty dayes, and Nineveh shall be overthrown, cap. 3. verse 4. discourseth on them in this manner.

The only matter of Question herein, is how it may standBishop King's L [...]ctur [...] upon Jo [...]a [...] ▪ L [...]ct. 33. p. 450. with the constancy and truth of eternal God to pronounce a Judgement against a place which taketh not affect within one hundred years: For either he was ignorant of his own time, which we cannot imagine of an omniscient God, or his mind was altered, which is unprobable to suspect. For [...] the strength of Israel a man that he should lye, or as the Nu [...]b. 23. Heb. 13. Rev. 1. son of man that he should repeat? Is he not yesterday, and to day, and the same for ever? that was, that is, and that which [Page] is to come? I mean not only in substance, but in Will and Intention; Doth he use lightness? Are the words that he speaketh yea and nay? Doth he both affirm and deny too? Are not all his Promises, are not all his Threatnings,2 Cer. 1. are not all his Mercies, are not all his Judgements, are not all his words, are not all the tittles and jots of his words, yea and amen? so firmly ratified, that they cannot be broken: Doubtless it shall stand immutable, When the heaven and the earth shall be changed, and wax old like a garment, Ego Deus & non mutor, I am Mal, 3. God that am not changed. The School in this respect hath a wise distinction, It is one thing to change the Will,Alind mutare voluntatem, aliud velle mutationem, A. quin. 1. qu. 19. art. 7. and another to will a change, or to be willed that a change should be. God will have the Law and Ceremony at one time; Gospel without Ceremony at another, this was his Will from Everlasting, constant and unmovable, that in their several courses both should be. Though there be a change in the matter and Subject, there is not a change in him that disposeth it. Our Will is in winter to use the fire, in summer a cold and an open air; the thing is changed according to the season; but our Will whereby we all decreed and determined in our selves so to do, remain the same.

11. Sometimes the Decrees and purposes of God consist of two parts, the one whereof God revealeth at the first, and the other he concealeth a while, and keepeth in his own knowledge; as in the Action enjoyned to Abraham, the purpose of God was two fold; 1. To try his Obedience. 2. To save the Child. A man may impute it inconstancy to bid and unbid: but that the Will of the Lord was not plenarily understood in the first part.Mutat sentententi [...]m non mutat consi [...]ium lib. 10. mor. cap. 23. This is it which Gregory expresseth in apt terms, God chan [...]eth his intent pronounced sometimes, but never his Counsel intended. Sometimes things are decreed and spoken of according to inferiour cause, which by the highest and over-ruling cause are otherwise disposed of. One might have said, and said truly, both wayes, Lazarus shall [Page] rise again, and Lazarus shall not rise again: if we esteem it by the power and finger of God it shall be; but if we leave it to nature, and to the arme of flesh it shall never be. The Prophet Esay told Hezekias the King, put thy house in order Esa. 38 for thou shall die: considering the weaknesse of his body, and the extremity of his disease, he had reason to warrant the same; but if he told him contrariwise, according to that which came to pass, thou shalt not die, looking to the might and mercy of God who received the prayers of the King, he had said as truly. But the best definition is, that in most of these threatnings there is a condition annexed unto them, either exprest or understood, which is as the hinges to theJer 18 Doore, and turneth forward and backward the whole matter. In Jeremy it is exprest, I will speak suddenly against a Nation or a Kingdome, to pluck it up, to root it out, and to destroy it; But if this Nation, against whom I have pronounced, Ier 18 turn from their wickednesse, I will repent of the plague which I thought to bring upon them. So likewise for his mercy, I will speak suddenly concerning, a Nation, and concerning a Kingdome, to build it, and to plant it; but if ye do evil in my sight, and heare not my voice, I will repent of the good I thought to do for them. Gen. 20. it is exprest, where God telleth Abimeleck, with-holding Abrahams wife, Thou art a dead man, because of the woman which thou hast taken: the event fell out otherwise, and Abimileck purged himself with God, With an upright minde, and innocent hands have I done this. There is no question but God inclosed a condition within his speech, Thou art a dead man, if thou restore not the woman without touching her body, and dishonouring her husband.

12. Thus we may answer the scruple by all these wayes. 1. Yet fourty dayes and Nineveh shall be overthrown, and yet fourty and fourty dayes, and Nineveh▪ shall not be overthrown. Why? Because Nineveh is changed, and the unchangable will of God ever was, that if Niniveh shewed a change, it should be spared. 2. There were two parts of Gods purpose, the one disclosed, touching the subversion of [Page] Nineveh, the other of her conversion, kept within the heart of God. Whereupon he changed the sentence pronounced, but not the councel whereunto the sentence was referred. 3. If you consider Niniveh in the inferiour cause, that is in the deservings of Niniveh, it shall fall to the ground; but if you take it in the superiour cause, in the goodnesse and clemency of Almighty God, Niniveh shall escape. Lastly, the judgement was pronounced with a condition reserved in the minde of the judge, Niniveh shall be overthrown if it repent not. Now he that speaketh with condition, may change his minde without suspition of lightness. As Paul peomised the Corinthians to come to them in his way towards Macedonia, and did it not; For he ever more added in his soul2 Cor. 1. that condition which no man must exclude, if it stand with the pleasure of God, and he hinder me not. Philip threatned the Lacidemonians, that if he invaded their countrey, he would utterly extinguish them; They wrote him no other answer but this, If, meaning it was a condition well put in, because he was never like to come amongst them, ‘Si nisi non esset, perfectum quidlibet esset.’ If it were not for conditions and exceptions, every thing would be perfect, but nothing more unperfect then Niniveh, if this secret condition of the goodness of God at the second hand had not been.

13. So far this Reverend Prelate hath discoursed of the nature of Gods decrees, and accommodated his discourse thereof to the case of the Ninevites. Let us next see how far the principal particulars of the said discourse, and the case of the Ninivites it self may be accommodated to the Divine decree of Predestination; concerning which the said Reverend Prelate was not pleased to declare his judgment, either as being impertinent to the case which he had in hand, [...] out of an unwillingnesse to engage himself in those disputes which might not suddenly be ended. All that he did herein was to take care for laying down such grounds in [Page] those learned Lectures, by which his judgment might be guessed at, though not declared. As Dr. Peter Baroe (of whom more hereafter) declared his judgement touching the Divine Decrees in the said case of the Ninevites, before he fell particularly on the Doctrine of Predestination, as he after did. And first, As for accomodating the case of the Ninevites to the matter which is now before us, we cannot better do it then in the words of Bishop Hooper, so often mentioned; who having told us that Esau was no more excluded from the promise of grace, then Jacob was, proceedeth thus, viz. Pres. to his Expos. on the ten Commandments. ‘'By the Scripture (saith he) it seemeth that the sentence of God was given to save the one, and damne the other, before the one loved God, or the other hated him. Howbeit these threatnings of God against Esau (if he had not of his wilful malice excluded himself from the promise of grace) should no more have hindred his salvation, then Gods threatnings against Nineveh, (which notwithstanding that God said should be destroyed within fourty dayes, stood a great time after, and did pennance. Esau was circumcised, and presented unto the Church of God by his Father Isaaac in all external Ceremonies as well as Jacob.'’ And that his life and conversation was not as agreeable unto justice and equity as Jacobs was, the sentence of God unto Rebecca was not in the fault; but his own malice. Out of which words we may observe, first, that the sentence of God concerning Esau, was not the cause that his conversation was so little agreeable to justice and equity; no more then the judgement denounced against the Ninivites, could have been the cause of their impenitency, if they had continued in their sinnes and wickednesses without repentance; contrary to the Doctrine of the Gospellers in Queen Maries dayes, imputing all mens sins to predestination. Secondly, that Gods threatnings against Esau (supposing them to be tanta-mount to a reprobation) could no more have hindred his salvation; then the like threatning against the Ninevites, could have sealed to them the assurance of their present distruction; if he had heartily repented of his sinnes▪ as the Ninevites did. And therefore, thirdly, as well the decree [Page] of God concerning Esau, as that which is set out against the Ninevites, are no otherwise to be understood, then under the condition tacitly annexed unto them, that is to say, that the Ninevites should be destroyed within fourty dayes, if they did not repent them of their sinnes; and that Esau should be reprobated to eternal death, if he gave himself over to the lusts of a sensual appetite: Which if it be confessed for true, as I think it must, then, fourthly, the promises made by God to Jacob, and to all such as are beloved of God, as Jacob was, and consequently their election unto life eternal, are likewise to be understood with the like condition; that is to say, if they repent them of their sinnes, and do unfainedly believe his holy Gospell. The like may be affirmed also in all the other particulars touching Gods decrees, with reference to the Doctrine of predestination, which are observed or accomodated by that learned Prelate in the case of the Ninevites, had I sufficient time and place to insist upon them.

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CHAP. XIX. Of the first great breach which was made in the Doctrine of the Church; by whom it was made, and what was done towards the making of it up.

1. GReat alterations made in the face of the Church, from the return of such Divines as had withdrawn themselves beyond Sea in the time of Queen Mary; with the necessity of imploying them in the publick service, if otherwise of known zeale against the Papists. 2. Several examples of that kinde in the places of greatest power and trust in the Church of England; particularly of Mr. Fox the Martyrologist, and the occasion which he took of publishing his opinion in the point of predestination. 3. His notes on one of the Letters of John Bradford Martyr, touching the matter of Election therein contained. 4. The difference between the Comment and the Text, and between the authour of the Comment, and Bishop Hooper. 5. Exceptions against some passages, and observations upon others, in the said Notes of Mr. Fox. 6. The great breach made hereby in the Churches Doctrine, made greater by the countenance which was given to the Book of Acts and Monuments, by the Convocation, An. 1571. 7. No argument to be drawn from hence touching the approbation of his doctrine by that Convocation, no more then for the Approbation of his [Page] Marginal Notes, and some particular passages in it, disgraceful to the Rites of the Church, attire of the Bishops. 8. A counterballance made in the Convocation against Fox his Doctrine, and all other Novelismes of that kinde.

1. IT was not long that Queen Mary sate upon the Throne, and yet as short time as it was, it gave not only a strong interruption for the present to the proceedings of the Church, but an occasion also of great discord, and dissention in it for the time to come. For many of our Divines, who had fled beyond the Sea to avoid the hurry of her Reign, though otherwise men of good abilities in most parts of Learning, returned so altered in their principals, as to points of Doctrine, so disaffected to the Government, formes of worship here by Law established, that they seem'd not to be the same men at their coming home, as they had been at their going hence: yet such was the necessity which the Church was under, of filling up the vacant places and preferments, which had been made void either by the voluntary discession, or positive deprivation of the Popish Clergie, that they were faine to take in all of any condition, which were able to do the publick service, without relation to their private opinions in doctrine or discipline, nothing so much regarded in the choice of men for Bishopricks, Deanries, Dignities in Cathedral Churches, the richest B [...]nefices in the Countrey, and places of most command and trust in the Universities, as their known [...]eal against the Papists, together with such a sufficiency of learning as might enable them for writing and preaching against the Popes supremacy, the carnal presence of Christ in the blessed Sacrament, the superstition▪ of the Masse, the halfe communion, the cel [...]bratin▪ of Divine service in a tongue not known unto the people, the inforced single life of Priests, the worshiping of Images, [Page] and other the like points of Popery, which had given most offence, and were the principal causes of that separation.

2. On this account we finde Mr. Pilkington preferred to the See of Durham, and Whittingham to the rich Deanry of the Church; of which the one proved a great favourer of the Non-conformists, as is confessed by one who challengeth a relation to his blood and family; the other associated himself with Goodman, as after Goodman did with Knox, for planting Puritanisme and sedition in the Kirk of Scotland. On this account Dr. Lawrence Humphrey a professed Calvinian, in point of doctrine, and a Non-conformist, (but qualified with the title of a moderate one) is made the Queens professor for Divinity in the University of Oxon; Thomas Cartwright, that great Incendiary of this Church, preferred to be the Lady Margarets professor in the University of Cambridge; Sampson made Dean of Christ-church andGo [...]w. in C [...] ta [...]. Epis [...], Oxon presently proptor Puritaxismum Exauctoratus, turned out again for Puritanisme, as my Authour hath it: Hardiman made one of the first Prebends of Westminster of the Queens foundation, and not long after deprived of it by the high Commissioners for breaking down the Altar there, and defacing the ancient utensils and ornaments which belonged to the Church. And finally upon this account, as Whitehead, who had been Chaplaine to Queen Anne Bulline, refused the Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury, before it was offered unto Parker and Cov [...]rdale to be restored to the See of Exon, which he had chearfully accepted in the time of King Edward; so Mr. John Fox of great esteem for his painful and laborious work of Acts and Monuments▪ (commonly called the Book of Martyrs) would not accept of any preferment in the Church, but a Prebends place in Salisbury which tide him not to any residence in the same. And this he did especially (as it after proved) to avoid subscription, shewing a greater willingnesse to leaue his place, then to subscribe unto the Articles of Religion then by Law established, when he was legally required to do it by Arch-Bishop Parker. Of [Page] this man there remains a short Discourse in his Acts and Monuments of Predestination, occasioned by a letter of Mr. Bradfords before remembred, whose Orthodox doctrine in that point he feared might create some danger unto that of Calvin, which then began to finde a more general entertainment, then could be rationally expected in so short a time; And therefore as a counter-ballance he annexeth this discourse of his own with this following title, viz.

Notes on the same Epistle, and the matter of Election thereunto appertaining.

'3. As touching the Doctrine of Election (whereof this letter of Mr. Bradford, and many other of his Letters moreFox in Acts & Mon. fol. 1505 do much intreat) three things must be considered. 1. What Gods Election is, and what the cause thereof. 2. How Gods Election proceedeth in working our salvation. 3. To whom Gods election pertaineth, and how a man may be certaine thereof.—Between Predestination and Election this difference there is, Predestination is as well to the Reprobate as to the Elect, Election pertaineth onely to them that be saved. Predestination in that it respecteth the reprobate, is called reprobation; in that it respected the saved, is called Election, and is thus defined. Predestination is the eternall decreement of God, purposed before in himself, what shall befal all men either to salvation or damnation; Election is the free mercy and grace of God, in his own will through faith in Christ his Sonne, choosing and preferring to life such as pleaseth him. In this definition of Election first goeth before (the mercy and grace of God) as the causes thereof, whereby are excluded all works of the Law, and merits of deserving, whither they go before faith, or come after; so was Jacob chosen, and Esau refused before either of them began to work, &c. Secondly, in that the mercy of God in this Definition is said to be (free) thereby is to be noted the proceeding and working of God not to be bound to any ordinary place, or to any succession of choice, nor to state and dignity of person, nor to worthinesse of blood, &c. but [Page] all goeth by the meere will of his own purpose, as it is written spiritus, ubi, vult spirat, &c. And thus was the outward race and stock of Abraham after flesh refused (which seemed to have the preheminence) and another seed after the Spirit, raised by Abraham of the stones, that is of the Gentiles. So was the outward Temple of Jerusalem, and chaire of Moses, which seem'd to be of price forsaken, and Gods chaire advanced in other Nations. So was tall Saul refused, and little David accepted: the rich, the proud, and the wise of this world rejected, and the word of salvation daily opened to the poore, and miserable Abjects, the high mountaines cast under, and the low valleys exalted, &c.

And in the next place it is added (in his own will) by this falleth down the free will, and purpose of man, with all his actions, councels, and strength of nature: according as it is written, non est volentis, neque currentis, sed miserentis Dei, &c. It is not him that willeth, nor in him that runneth, but in God that sheweth mercy. So we see how Israel ran long, and yet got nothing. The Gentile runneth, began to set out late, and yet got the game: So they which came at the first which did labour more, and yet they that came last were rewarded with the first, Mat. 20. The working will of the Pharisee seemed better, but yet the Lords Will was rather to justifie the Publican, Luk. 18. The elder son had a better will to tarry by his father, and so did indeed; and yet the fat calf was given to the younger son that ran away, Luk. 15. whereby we have to understand, how the matter goeth not by the will of man, but by the will of God as it pleaseth him to accept, according as it is written, non ex voluntate carnis, neque ex voluntate viri: sed ex Deo nati sunt, &c. Which are born not of the will of the flesh, nor yet of the will of man, but of God. Furthermore, as all then goeth by the will of God only, and not by the will of man: So againe, here is to be noted, that the will of God never goeth without faith in Christ Jesus his Son.

And therefore, fourthly, is this cl [...]use added in the definition, through faith in Christ his Sonne, which faith in [Page] Christ to us-ward maketh altogether. For, first, it certifieth us of Gods Election, as this Epistle of Mr. Bradford doth well expresse: For whosoever will be certain of his Election in God, let him first begin with faith in Christ, which if he finde in him to stand firme, he may be sure, and nothing doubt, but that he is one of the number of Gods Elect. Secondly, the said faith, and nothing else, is the only condition and meanes whereupon Gods mercy, grace, Election, vocation, and all Gods promises to salvation do stay accordingly: the word of St. Paul, si permanseritis in fide, and if ye abide in the faith, Col. 1. 3. This faith is the mediate and next cause of our justification simply without any condition annexed: For as the mercy of God; his grace, Election, vocation, and other precedent causes, do save and justifie us upon condition, if we believe in Christ: so this faith onely in Christ without condition, is the next and immediate cause, which by Gods promise worketh our justification: according as it is written, crede in dominum Jesum, & salvus eris, tu, & domus tua. Believe in the Lord Jesus, and thou shalt be saved, thou and thy whole house. And thus much touching the Definition of Election, with the causes thereof declared, which you see now to be no merits or works of man, whither they go before, or come after faith. For like as all they that be borne of Adam, do taste of his Malediction, though they tasted not of the Apple: so all they that be born of Christ (which is by faith) take part of the obedience of Christ, although they never did that obedience themselves, which was in him, Rom. 5.

Now to the second consideration: Let us see likewise, how and in what order this Election of God proceedeth in choosing and electing them which he ordaineth to salvation, which order is this. In them that be chosen to life, first, Gods mercy and free grace bringeth forth Election: Election worketh Vocation, or Gods holy calling: which Vocation, though hearing bringeth knowledge, and faith in Christ: Faith through promise, obtaineth justification; juctification through hope, waiteth for glorification; Election is [Page] before time, vocation and faith cometh in time; justification and glorification is without end. Election depending upon Gods free grace and will, excludeth all mans will, blinde fortune, chance, and all peradventures. Vocation standing upon Gods Election, excludeth all mans wisdome, cunning; learning; intention, power and presumption. Faith in Christ, proceeding by the gift of the holy Ghost, and freely justifying man by Gods promise, excludet [...] all other merits of men, all condition of deserving, and all works of the Law, both Gods Law, and mans Law, with all other outward means whatsoever. Justification coming freely by faith, standeth sure by promise, without doubt, fear, or wavering in this life. Glorification appertaining only to the life to come, by hope is looked for. Grace and Mercy preventeth, Election ordaineth; Vocation prepareth, and receiveth the Word, whereby cometh faith; Faith justifieth; Justification bringeth glory▪ Election is the immediate and next cause of Vocation; Vocation (which is the working of Gods Spirit by the Word) is the immediate and next cause of faith; Faith is the immediate and next cause of justification.

And this order and connexion of causes is diligently to be observed because of the Papists, which have miserably confounded and inverted this doctrine; thus teaching, that Almighty God, so far as he foreseeth mans merits before to come, so doth he dispense his Election. Dominus prout [...]njusque merita fore previdet, ita dispensat electionis gratiam, futuris tamen concedere. That is, that the Lord recompenseth the grace of Election, not to any merits proceeding; but yet granteth the same to the merits that follow after; and not rather have our holinesse by Gods Election going before. But we following the Scripture, say otherwise, that the cause onely of Gods Election, is his own free mercy, and the cause onely of our justification is our faith in Christ, and nothing else. As for example; first, concerning Election, if the question be asked, why was A [...]raham chosen, and not Na [...]h [...] ▪ why was Jacob chosen, and not Es [...]u▪ why was Moses [...] ▪ and Phar [...] [...]dened? why D [...]vid [Page] accepted, and Saul refused? why, few be chosen, and the most forsaken? It cannot be answered otherwise but thus, because so was the good will of God. In like manner touching vocation, and also faith, if the question be asked, why this vocation and gift of faith was given to Cornelius the Gentile, and not to Tertullus the Jew? why to the poore, the babes, and the little ones of the world (of whom Christ speaketh, I thank the Father which hast hid these from the wise, &c. Mat. 11.) why to the unwise, the simple abjects and out-casts of the world? (of whom speaketh Saint Paul, 1 Cor. 1 You see your calling my brethren, why not many of you, &c. Why to the sinners and not to the just? why the beggars by the high-wayes were called, and the bidden guests excluded? We can ascribe no other cause, but to Gods purpose and Election, and say with Christ our Saviour, quia Pater sic complacitum est ante te; ye Father for that it seemed good in thy sight, Luk. 10.

And so it is for justification likewise, if the question be asked why the Publican was justified and not the Pharisee, Luk. 18. Why Mary the sinner, and not Simon the inviter? Luke 11. Why Harlots and Publicans go before the Scribes and Pharisees in the Kingdome? Mat. 21. why the sonne of the Free-woman was received? and the bondwomans Son being his elder, rejected, Gen. 21. why Israel, which so long sought for righteousnesse found it not? and the Gentiles which sought it not found it? Rom. 9. We have no other cause hereof to render, but to say with Saint Paul, because they sought for it by works of the Law, and not by faith; which faith as it cometh not by mans will (as the Papists falsely pretendeth) but onely by the election and free gift of God; so it is onely the immediate cause whereto the promise of our salvation is annexed, according as we read. And therefore of faith is the inheritance given, as after grace, that the promise might stand sure to every side, Rom. 4. and in the same Chapter. Faith believing in him that justifieth the wicked is imputed to righteousnesse. And this concerning the causes of our salvation, you, you see how faith in Christ immediately and without condition doth justifie [Page] us, being solicited with Gods mercy and election, that wheresoever election goeth before, faith in Christ must needs follow after. And again, whosoever believeth in Christ Jesus, through the vocation of God, he must needs be partaker of Gods election: whereupon resulteth the third note or consideration, which is to consider, whither a man in this life may be certaine of his election. To answer to which question this first is to be understood, that although our election and vocation simply indeed, be known to God onely in himselfe, a priore: yet notwithstanding it may be known to every particular faithful man, a Posteriore that is by means, which means is faith in Christ Jesus crucified. For as much as by faith in Christ a man is justified, and thereby made the childe of salvation: reason must needs lead the same to be then the childe of election, chosen of God to everlasting life. For how can a man be saved, but by consequence it followeth that he must also be elected.

And therefore of election it is truly said: de electione judicandum est a posteriore, that is to say, we must judge of election by that which cometh after, that is, by our faith and belief in Christ: which faith, although in time it followeth after election, yet this the proper immediate cause assigned by the Scripture, which not onely justifieth us, but also certifieth us of this election of God; whereunto likewise well agreeth this present Letter of Mr. Bradford, wherein he saith: Election, albeit in God it be the first, yet to us it is the last opened. And therefore beginning first (saith he) with Creation, I come from thence to Redemption, and justification by faith: so to election, not that faith is the cause efficient of election, being rather the effect thereof, but is to us the cause certificatory, or the cause of our certification whereby we are brought to the feeling and knowledge of our election in Christ. For albeit the election first be certain in the knowledge of God, yet in our knowledge faith only that we have in Christ, is the thing that giveth to us our certificate and comfort of this election. Wherefore, whosoever desireth to be assured that he is one of the Elect number of God, let him not climbe up to heaven to know, but let him descend into himself, and there search [Page] his faith in Christ the Son of God, which if he find in him not feigned, by the working of Gods Spirit accordingly: thereupon let him stay, and so wrap himself wholly both body and foul under Gods general promise, and cumber his head with no further speculations: knowing this, that whosoever believeth in him shall not perish, John 3. shall not be confounded, Rom. 9. shall not see death, John 8. shall not enter into judgement, John 5. shall have everlasting life, John 3. 7. shall be saved, Mat. 28. Acts 16. shall have remission of all his sins, Act. 10. shall be justified, Rom. 3. Cal. 2. shall have floods flowing out of him of the water of life, Joh. 7. shall never die, John 11. shall be raised at the last day, John 6. shall finde rest in his soul, and be refreshed, Mat. 11, &c.

4. Such is the judgement and opinion of our Martyrologist, in the great point of Predestination unto life; the residue thereof touching justification, being here purposely cut off with an &c. as nothing pertinent to the businesse which we have in hand. But between the Comment and the Text there is a great deal of difference, the Comment laying the foundation of Election on the Will of God according to the Zuinglian or Calvinian way; but the Text laying it wholly upon faith in Christ (whom God the Father hath Predestinate in Christ unto eternal life) according to the doctrine of the Church of England. The Text first presupposeth an estate of sin and misery into which man was fallen, a ransom paid by Christ for man and his whole Posterity, a freedome left in man thus ransomed, either to take, or finally to refuse the benefit of so great mercy: and then fixing or appropriating the benefit of so great a mercy (as Christ and all his merits do amount to) upon such only as believe. But the Comment takes no notice of the fall of man, grounding both Reprobation and Election on Gods [...]bsolute pleasure, without relation to mans sin or our Saviours sufferings, or any acceptation or refusal of his mercies in them. As great a difference there is between the Authour of the Comment, and Bishop Hooper, as between the Comment and the Text: Bishop Hooper telling us, cap. 10. num. 2. that Saul was no [Page] more excluded from the promise of Christ, then David; Esau then Jacob; Judas then Peter, &c. if they had not excluded themselves: quite contrary to that of our present Authour, who having asked the question, why Jacob was chosen, and not Esau; why David accepted, and Saul refused, &c. makes answer, that it cannot otherwise be answered, then that so was the good Will of God.

5. And this being, said I would faine know upon what authority the Authour hath placed Nachor amongst the reprobates, in the same Ranck with Esau, Pharaoh and Saul; all which he hath marked out to reprobation; the Scripture laying no such censure on Nachor, or his Posterity as the Authour doth; Or else the Authour must know more of the estate of Nachor then Abraham his brother did; who certainly would never have chosen a wife for his sonne Isaac out of Nachors line, if he had looked upon them as reprobated and accursed of God. I observe, Secondly, that plainly God is made an accepter of persons by the Authours doctrine. For, first, he telleth us that the elder son had a better will to tarry by his father, and so did indeed, but the fatted Calf was given to the younger son that ran away; and thereupon he doth infer, that the matter goeth not by the will of man, but by the Will of God, as it pleaseth him to accept. I observe, Thirdly, that Vocation, [...] the Authours judgement, standeth upon Gods Election, as the work thereof; whereas Vocation is more general, and is extended unto those also whom they call the Reprobate, and therefore standeth not on Election, as the Authour hath it. For many [...] called, though out of those many which are called, but a few are chosen. Fourthly, I observe, that notwithstanding the Authour builds the doctrine of Election [...] Gods absolute will and pleasure, yet he is faine to have recourse to some certaine condition, telling us, that though the mercy of God, his Grace, Election, Vocation, and other pre [...]ent Causes do justifie us; yet this is upon condition of believing in Christ. And finally, it is to be observed also, that after all his paines taken in defending such a personal and eternal Election, as the Calvinians now contend for; [Page] he adviseth us to wrap up our selves wholly, both body and soul under Gods general promise, and not to cumber our heads with any further speculations, knowing that whosoever believeth in him shall not perish, &c.

6. And so I take my leave of our Martyrologist, the publishing of whose discourse I look on as the first great battery which was made on the Bulwarks of this Church, in point of Doctrine by any member of her own, after the setling of the Articles by the Queens Authority, Anno 1562. the brables raised by Crowley in his Book against Campneys, though it came out after the said Articles were confirmed and published, being but as haile-shot in comparison of this great piece of Ordnance. Not that the Arguments were so strong as to make any great breach in the publick Doctrine, had it been published in a time-lesse capable of innovations, or rather if the great esteeme which any had of that man, and the universal reception which his Book found with all sorts of people, had not gained more authority unto his discourse, then the merit or solidnesse of it could deserve. The inconveniences whereof, as also the many marginal Notes and other passages, visibly tending to faction and sedition in most parts of that Book, were either not observed at first, or winked at in regard of the great animosities, which were ingendred by it in all sorts of people, as well against the persons of the Papist, as against the doctrine; Insomuch that in the Convocation of the year, 1571. there passed some Canons, requiring that not onely the Deanes of all Cathedrals should take a special care, that the said Book should be so conveniently placed in their several Churches, that people of all conditions might resort unto it; but also, that all and every Arch-Bishop, Bishops, Deans, Residentiaries, and Arch-Deacons should choose the same to be [...]laced in some convenient publick room of their several houses, not only for the entertainment and instruction of their menial servants, but of such strangers also as occasionally repaired unto them.

[Page]7. If it be her eupon inferred that Fox his doctrine was approved by that Convocation, and therefore that it is agreeable to the true intent and meaning of the Articles of the Church of England; besides what hath been said already by Anticipation, it may as logically be inferred, that the Convocation approved all his Marginal Notes; all the factious and seditious passages; and more particularly the scorn which he puts upon the Episcopal habit and other Ceremonies of the Church. Touching which last (for the other are too many to be here recited) let us behold how he describes the difference which hapned between Hooper, Bishop of Glocester on the one side, Cranmer and Ridley on the other, about the ordinary habit and attire then used by the Bishops of this Church, we shall finde it thus, viz. ‘'For notwithstanding the godly reformationActs & Mon. fo. 1366, 1367 of Religion that was begun in the Church of England, besides other ceremonies that were more ambitious then profitable, or tended to edification; they used to wear such garments and apparel, as the Romish Bishops were wont to do. First a Chimere, and under that a white Rocket, then a Mathematical cap with four Angles, dividing the whole world into four parts. These trifles being more for superstition then otherwise, as he could never abide, so in no wise could he be perswaded to weare them. But in conclusion, this Theological contestation came to this end, that the Bishops having the upper hand, Mr. Hooper was faine to agree to this condition, that sometimes he should in his Sermon shew himself apparalled as the Bishops were. Wherefore appointed to preach before the the King, as a new player in a strange apparel he cometh forth on the stage; His upper garment was a long skarlet Chimere down to the foot, and under that a white linnen Rocket, that covered all his shoulders; upon his head he had a Geometrical, that is a square cap, albeit that his head was round. What case of shame the strangenesse hereof was that day to the good preacher, every man may easily judge. But this private contumely and reproach, in respect of the publick profit of the Church, which he onely sought, he bare and suffered patiently.'’

[Page]8. Here have we the Episcopal habit affirmed to be a contumelie and reproach to that godly man, slighted contemptuously by the name of trifles, and condemned in the Marginal Note for a Popish attire; the other ceremonies of the Church being censured as more ambitious, then profitable, and tending more to superstition, then to edification; which as no man of sense or reason can believe to be approved and allowed of by that Convocation; so neither is it to be believed that they allowed of his opinion in the present point. For a counterballance whereunto there was another Canon passed in this Convocation, by which all preachers were enjoyned to take special care, ne quid unquam doceant, pro concione; quod a populo religiose, teneri, & credi velint, nisi quod consent aneum sit doctrinae veteris aut novi testamenti quodque ex illa ipsa doctrina Catholici Patres & veteres Episcopi Collegeri [...]t, that is to say, that they should maintain no other doctrine in their publick Sermons to be believed of the people, but that which was agreeable to the doctrine of the Old and New Testament, and had from thence been gathered by the Catholick (or Orthodox) Fathers, and ancient Bishops of the Church. To which rule if they held themselvs as they ought to do, no countenance could be given to Calvines Doctrines, or Fox his judgment in these points maintained by one of the Catholick Fathers, and ancient Bishops of the Church, but St. Augustine only, who though he were a godly man and a learned Prelate; yet was he but one Bishop, not Bishops in the plural number, but one father, and not all the fathers, and therefore his opinion not to be maintained against all the rest.

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CHAP. XX. Of the great Innovation made by Perkins in the publick Doctrine, the stirs arising thence in Cambridge, and Mr. Barrets carriage in them.

1 OF Mr. Perkins and his Doctrine of Predestination, with his recital of the four opinions, which were then maintained about the same. 2. The sum and substance of his Doctrine according to the Supralapsarian, or Supra-creatarian way. 3. The several censures past upon it, both by Papists and Protestants, by none more sharply then by Dr. Rob. Abbots, after Bishop of Sarum. 4. Of Dr. Baroe, the Lady Margarets Professor in the University, and his Doctrine touching the divine Decrees, upon occasion of Gods denounced Judgement against the Ninivites. 5. His constant opposition to the Predestinarians, and the great increase of his Adherents. 6. The Articles collected out of Barrets Sermon, derogatory to the Doctrine and persons of the chief Calvinians. 7. Barret convented for the same, and the proceedings had against him at his first conventing. 8. A form of Recantation delivered to him, but not the same which doth occur in the Anti-Arminianism to be found in the Records of the University. 9. Several arguments to prove that Barret never published the Recantation imposed [Page] upon him. 10. The rest of Barrets story related in his own letter to Dr. Goad, being then Vice-Chancelour. 11. The sentencing of Barret to a Recantation, no argument that his Doctrine was repugnant to the Church of England, and that the body of the same University differed from the heads in that particular.

1. THis great Breach being thus made by Fox in his Acts and Monuments; was afterwards open'd wider by William Perkins, an eminent Devine of Cambridge, of great esteem amongst the Puritans for his zeal and piety, but more for his dislike of the Rites and Ceremonies here by Law established; of no less fame among those of the Calvinian party both at home and abroad for a Treatise of Predestination, published in the year 1592. entituled, Armilla Aurea, or the Golden Chain, containing the order of the causes of salvation and damnation according to Gods word. First written by the Author in Latin for the use of Students, and in the same year translated into English at his Request by one Robert Hill, who afterwards was Dr. of Divinity, and Rector of St. Bartholomews Church near the royal Exchange. In the preface unto which Discourse, the Author telleth us, ‘'that there was at that day four several Opinions of the order of Gods Predestination. The first was of the old and new Pelagians, who placed the cause of Gods Predestination in man, in that they hold, that God did ordain men to life or death, according as he did foresee, that they would by their natural free-will, either reject or receive Grace offered. The second of them, who (of some) are termed, Lutherans, which taught, that God foreseeing that all mankind being shut under unbelief, would therefore reject Grace offered, did hereupon purpose to chuse some to salvation of his meer mercy, without any respect of their faith or good works, and the rest to reject, being moved [Page] to do this, because he did eternally fore-see, that they would reject his Grace offered them in the Gospel. The third of Semi-palagian Papists, which ascribe Gods Predestination partly to mercy, and partly to mens foreseen Preparations and meritorious works. The fourth, of such as teach, that the cause of the execution of Gods Predestination, is his mercy in Christ in them which are saved; and in them which perish, the fall and corruption of man; yet so as that the Decree and eternal Counsel of God concerning them both, hath not any cause besides his Will and pleasure.'’ In which Preface whither he hath stated the opinions of the parties right, may be discerned by that which hath been said in the former Chapters: and whither the last of these opinions ascribe so much to Gods Mercy in Christ in them that are saved, and to mans natural Corruption in them that perish, will best be seen by taking a brief view of the opinion it self. The Author taking on him to oppugn the three first as erroneous, and only to maintain the last as being a truth, which will bear weight in the ballance of the Sanctuary, as in his Preface he assures us.

2. ‘'Now in this book Predestination is defined, to be the Decree of God, by the which he hath ordained all men toGolden chain▪ a certain and everlasting Estate: that is, either to salvation or condemnation to his own Glory. He tells us secondly, that the means for putting this decree in execution, were the creation and the fall. 3. That mans fall was neither byIbid. p. 52. chance, or by Gods not knowing it, or by his bare permission, or against his Will; but rather miraculously, not without the Will of God, but yet without all approbation of it.'’ Which passage being somewhat obscure, may be explained by another, some leaves before. In which the Question being asked, Whether all things and actions were subject unto Gods Decree? He answereth, ‘'Yes surely, and therefore the Lord according to his good pleasure hath most certainly decreed every both thing and action, whether past, present, or to come, together with their circumstances of place, time, means, and end:'’ And then the Question [Page] being prest to this particular, What even the wickedness of the wicked? The answer is affirmative, ‘'Yes, he hath most justly decreed the wicked works of the wicked. For if it hadIb. 29. not pleased him, they had never been at all: And albeit they of their own natures are, and remain wicked, yet in respect of Gods decree they are to be accounted good.'’ Which Doctrine, though it be no other then that which had before been taught by Beza, yet being published, more copiously insisted on, and put into a more methodical way, it became wondrous acceptable amongst those of the Calvinian party both at home and abroad, as before was said. Insomuch that it was printed several times after the Latin edition, with the general approbation of the French and Belgick Churches, and no less then 15. times, within the space of twenty years in the English tongue. At the end of which term in the year 1612. the English book was turned by the Translator into Questions and Answers, but without any alteration of the words of the Author, as he informs us in the last page of his Preface, after which it might have sundry other impressions; that which I follow, being of the year 1621. And though the Supra-lapsarians or rigid Calvinists (or Supra-creatarians rather, as a late judicious Writer calls them) differ exceedingly in these points, from many of their more moderate brethren, distinguished from them by the name of Sub-lapsarians; yet in all points touching the specifying of their several supposed Decrees, they agree well enough together, and therefore wink at one another, as before was noted.

3. Notwithstanding the esteem wherewith both sorts of Calvinists entertained the book, it found not the like welcome in all places, nor from all mens hands. Amongst otherIb. Epist. Dedi. Parsons the Jesuite gives this censure of him, viz. That by the deep humour of fancy he hath published and writ many books with strange Titles, which neither he nor his Reader do understand, as namely about the Concatenation of laying together of the causes of mans Predestination and Reprobation, &c. Jacob van Harmine, (afterwards better known by the name of [Page] Arminius) being then Preacher of the Church of Amsterdam, not only censured in brief as Parsons did, but wrote a full discourse against it, entituled, Examen Predestinationis Perkinsanae, which gave the first occasion to these controversies (many appearing in defence of Perkins and his Opinions) which afterwards involved the Sub-lapsarians in the self same Quarrel. Amongst our selves it was objected, ‘'That his Doctrine, referring all to an absolute decree, hamstring'dHa [...]. in Holy State p. 90. all industry, and cut off the sinews of mens endeavours towards salvation, for ascribing all to the wind of Gods Spirit (which bloweth where it listeth) he leaveth nothing to the cares of mens diligence, either to help or hinder to the attaining of happiness, but rather opens aAbsolv. contr. Tompsoni Diatrib. wide door to licentious security.'’ But none of all our English was so sharp in their censures of him, as Dr. Robbert Abbot, then Dr. of the Chair in Oxon. and not long after Bishop of Sarum, who in his book against Tompson (though others inclined too much to Calvins Doctrines) gives this Judgement of Mr. Perkinsius, viz. Alioqui eruditus, & pius in discriptione Divinae Praedestinationis, quam ille contra nostram, contra veteris Ecclesiae, fidem citra lapsum Adami absolute decretum constituit, erravit, errorem non levem, cujus adortis quibusdam viris inita jamdudum & suscepta defensio, turbas ecclesiis non necessarias dedit, quas etiamnum non sine scandalo & periculo haerere videmus, dum viam quisque quam ingressus est sibi ante tenendum jndicat, quam ductam sacrarum literarum authoritate lineam veritatis, tanquam filum Ariadnaeum sibi ducem faciat, that is to say, Perkins, though otherwise a godly and learned man in his description of Divine Predestination, which contrary not only to the Doctrine of the primitive times, but also unto that of the Church of England, he builds upon an absolute decree of Almighty God, without referrence to the Fall of Adam, ran himself into no small error: The defence whereof being undertaken by some learned men, hath given the Church some more then necessary troubles, which still continued not without manifest scandal and Danger to it; whilst every one doth rather chuse to follow his own Way therein, then suffer himself to be guided in the [Page] Labyrinth by the line of truth (as by the clew of Ariadne) drawn from the undeniable Authority of holy Scriptures. And so I leave the man with this observation, that he who in his writings had made the infinitly greatest part of all mankind uncapable of Gods grace and mercy, by an absolute and irrespective decree of Reprobation; who in expounding the Commandments, when he was Catechist of Christs Colledge in Cambridge, did lay the Law so home in theHoly State, p. 90. ears of his Auditors, that it made their hearts fall down, and yea their hair to stand almost upright; and in his preaching use to pronounce the word Damned, with so strong an Emphasis, that it left an eccho in the ears of his hearers a long time after; this man scarce lived out half his dayes, being no more then fourty four years of age from the time of his death, at the pangs conducing unto which, he was noted to speak nothing so articulately, as Mercy, Mercy; which I hope God did graciously vouchsafe to grant him in that wofull Agony.

4. But to proceed, this Doctrine finding many followers, and Whitacres himself then Dr. of the Chair in Cambridge concurring in opinion with him, it might have quickly over-spread the whole University, had it not been in part prevented, and in part suppressed by the care and diligence of Dr. Baroe, and his Adherents, who being a French man born, of eminent piety and learning, and not inclimable at all unto Calvins Doctrines, had been made the Lady Margarets Professor for the University somewhat before the year 1574. For in that year he published his Lectures on the Prophet. Jonah. In one of which being the 29th in number,Baroe Praelect. 29. p. 216. he discourseth on these words of the Prophet, viz. Yet forty dayes and Nineveh shall be destroyed, cap. 3. ver. 4. where we find it thus, Haec denunciatio non est quasi Proclamatio decreti divini absoluti, sed quaedam ratio praep [...]nendae divinae voluntatis, qua Deus corum animos flectere voluit: quare haec oratio, et si simplex & absoluta v [...]eatur, tacitam tamen habet conditionem, (nisi rescipiscant) namque hanc in esse conditionem eventus comprobavit; The denouncing of this Judgement [Page] (saith that learned man) is not to be beheld as the publication of one of Gods absolute Decrees, but only as a form observed in making Gods Will known unto them, by which he ment to put them to it, and rouse their spirits to Repentance. Therefore (saith he) although the Denunciation of the following Judgement seem to be simply positive and absolute, yet hath it notwithstanding this Condition (that is to say, unless they do repent) included in it; for that such a condition was included in it, the event doth shew; which said, he leads us on to the denouncing of the like Judgement on the house of Abimileck, which he had before in Dr. King chap. 18. num. 11. who herein either followed Baroe, or at the least concurred in opinion with him. And in the next place he proceeds a little further then the case of the Ninivites, Baroe Praelect. 30. p. 217. touching upon the point of Election unto life eternal, by the most proper superstructure could be laid upon such a foundation, Dei voluntas non erat ut perirent, si rescipiscerent, non vult enim mortem peccatoris, sed ut convertatur: Et rursus Dei erat voluntas, ut perirent, nisi rescipiscerent. Haec enim duo unum sunt; ut Dei voluntas est ut vitam habeamus si credamus: Et Dei voluntas non est ut vitam habeamus, nisi credamus; aut si credentes, perseveremus, non autem si aliquandiu credentes non pers [...]veremus, that is to say, It was not the Will of God that they should perish, if they did repent, (For God desireth not the death of a sinner, but rather that he be converted and live) and yet it was his will that they should pe [...]ish if they did not repent: for these two are one, as for example: It is the Will of God, saith he, that we should have eternal life, if we believe, and constantly persevere in the faith of Christ. And it is not the will of God that we should have eternal life, if we do not believe, or believing only for a time, do not persevere therein to the end of our lives; which point he further proves by the condition of the message sent from God to Hezekiah by the Prophet, Isaiah, 2 King. 20. 1. as before was said in Dr. King: For which, together with the rest of his discourse upon that occasion, concerning the consistency of these alterations with the immutability or unchangableness of Almighty God; I shall refere the Reader to the book it self.

[Page]5. So far that learned man had declared himself upon occasion of that Text, and the case of the Ni [...]evites before the year 1574. being ten years before the preaching of H [...]rsnets Sermon at St. Pauls Cross, and more then twenty years before the [...]irs at Cambridge betwixt him and Whitacres. In all which time, or at lest the greatest part thereof, he inclined rather unto the Melancthonian way, (according to the Judgement of the Church of England) in laying down the Doctrine of Predestination then to that of Calvin. For fifteen years it is confest in a letter sent by some of the heads of Cambridge to William Lord Burleigh, then ChancellourAnti-arminian. p. 256. of the University, bearing date March the 8. 1595. That he had taught in his Lectures, preached in Sermons, determined in the Schools, and printed in several books, a contrary Doctrine unto that; which was maintained by Dr. Whitacres, and had been taught and received in the University ever since the beginning of her Majesties Reign: which last, though it be gratis dictum, without proof or evidence, yet it is probable enough that it might be so; Cartwright that unextinguished Fire-brand being Professor in that place before him, and no greater care taken in the first choice of the other before recited to have had the place, then to supply it with a man of known aversness from all points of Popery. And it seems also by that letter, that Baroe had not sown his seed in a barren soil, but in such as brought forth fruit enough, and yielded a greater increase of Followers, then the Calvinians could have wished. For in one place the letter tells us, that besides Mr. Barret (of whom we shall speak more anon) There were divers others who there attempted publickly to teach new and strange opinions in Religion, as the Subscribers of it call them. And in another place it tels us of Dr. Baroe, that he had many Disciples and Adherents, whom he enboldned by his example to maintain false Doctrine. And by this check it may be said of Peter Baroe in reference to that Vniversity, indangered to be overgrown with outlandish Doctrines, as the Historian doth of Cajus Marius, with referrence to the state of Rome in fear of being over-run by the Tribes of the Cymbri, which were then breaking in upon it, [Page] Actum esset de Repub. nisi Marius isti seculo contigisset, the Common-wealth had then been utterly overthrown, if Marius had not been then living.

6. Now as for Barret before mentioned, he stands accused so far forth as we can discern by the Recantation, which some report him to have made for preaching many strange and erroneousAnti-armini. p. 56. Doctrines, that is to say; 1. ‘'That No man in this transitory life is so strongly underpropped at lest by the certainty of faith; that is to say, (as afterwards he explained himself) by Revelation, that he ought to be assured of his own salvation. 2. That the faith of Peter could not f [...]il, but that the faith of other men might fail, our Lord not praying for the faith of every particular man. 3. That the certainty of perseverance for the time to come is a presumptuous and proud security, forasmuch as it is in its own nature contingent, and that it was not only a presumptuous but a wicked Doctrine. 4. There was no distinction in the faith, but in the persons believing. 5. That the forgiveness of sins is an Article of the Faith, but not the forgiveness of the sins particularly of this man o [...] that; and therefore that no true Believer, either can or ought believe for certain that his sins are forgiven him. 6. That he maintained against Calvin, Peter Martyr, and the rest, (concerning those that are not saved) that sin is the true proper and first cause of Reprobation. 7. That he had taxed Calvin for lifting up himself above the high and Almighty God: And 8ly, That he had uttered many bitter wo [...]ds against Peter Martyr Theodore Beza, J [...]rom, Zanchius, and Francis Junius, &c. calling them by the odious names of Calvinists, and branding them with a most grievous mark of Reproach, they being the lights and Ornaments of our Church, as is suggested in the Articles which were exhibited against him.'’

7. For having insisted, or at lest touched upon these points in a Sermon preached at St. Marys on the 29. day of April, Ann. 1595. all the Calvinian heads of that Vniversity being [Page] lbid together by Whitaores, and inflamed by Perkins, took fire immediately. And in this Text he was convented on the fifth of May next following at nine of the clock in the morning, before Dr. Some, then Deputy Vice-Chancellour to Dr. Duport, Dr. Goad, Dr. [...]yndal, Dr. Whitacres, Dr. Barwell, Dr. Jegon, Dr. Preston, Mr. Chatterton, and Mr. Claton in the presence of Thomas Smith publick Notary; by whom he was appointed to attend again in the afternoon. At which time the Articles above mentioned were read unto him, which we alleadged to be erroneous and false, Et repugnantes esse religioni, in regno Angliae & legitima Authoritate receptae ac stabilitae, that is to say, contrary to the Religion received and established by publick Authority in the Realm of England. To which Articles being required to give an Answer, he confest that he had published in his Sermon all these positions, which in the said Articles are contained, sed quod contenta in i [...]dem Religioni Ecclesiae Anglicanae, ut prefertur, omnino non repugnant, but denyed them to be any way repugnant to the Doctrine of the Church of England. Whereupon the Vice-Chancellour and the forenamed heads entring into mature deliberation, and diligently weighing and examining these positions, because it did manifestly appear, that the said positions were false, erroneous, and likewise repugnant to the ‘'Religion received and established in the Church of England, adjudged and declared, that the said Barret had incurred the Penalty of the 45. Statute of the Vniversity de concionibu [...]:'’ And by vertue and tenour of that Statute they decreed and adjudged the said Barret to make a publick recantation, in such words and forme, as by the Vice-Chancellour, and the said heads, or any three or two of them, or else upon his refusal to recant in that manner, to be perpetually expelled both from his Colled [...]e and the Vniversity: binding him likewise in an Assumpsit of 40 li. to appear personally upon two dayes warning before the Vice-chancellor or his Deputy, at what time and place they should require.

8. It appears afterwards by the Register of the Vniversity, that Barret being resummoned to appear before him, though [Page] none but Goad, Tyndal, Barwell and Preston, were present at that time with the Vice-Chancellor or his Deputy (for I know not which) a Recantation ready drawn was delivered to him, which he was commanded to publish solemnly in St. Maries Church on Satterday, the 10. of May then next ensuing. And it is confidently affirmed by the Author of the Arminianism, and his Ecco too, that the said RecantationAnti-armini [...]. p. 61. was publickly made by the said Barret at the time and place therein appointed. And hereof the first Author seems to be so confident, that he doth not only tell us, that this Recantation was made accordingly, but that it was not made with that Humility and Remorse which was expected; it being said, that after the reading thereof, he concluded thus, Haec dixi; intimating thereby, that he consented not in his heart to that which he had delivered by his tongue. This is the total of the business concerning Barret in the Anti-Arminianism, in which there is somewhat to be doubted, and somewhat more to be denyed. And first it is to be doubted, whether any such Recantation, consisting of so many Articles, and every Article having his abjuration or Recantation subjoined unto it, was ever enjoyned to be made: for though the Author of the book affirmeth in one place, that the whole Recantation, in the same manner and form [...] there we find it, was exemplified, and sent unto him under the hand of the Register of the Vniversity, pag. 62. yet he confesseth within few lines after, that no such matter could be found, when the heads of houses were required by an Order from the house of Commons in the last Session of Parliament, Anno 1628. to make certificate to them of all such Recantations as were recorded in their Vniversitie Register, and of this Recantation in particular. And though it be hereupon inferred, that this Recantation was embezilled and razed out of the Records of the Vniversity by some of the Arminian party, the better to suppress the memory of so great a foil; yet it may rather be believed, that many false Copys of it were dispersed abroad by those of the Calvinian faction, to make the man more odious, and his opinions more offensive then might stand with truth.

[Page]9. The truth is that a Recantation was enjoyned, and delivered to him, though not the same, nor in the same form and manner as before laid down; Barret confessing in his letters, of which more anon, that a Recantation was imposed on him and expected from him: But then it is to be denyed as a thing most false, that he never published the Recantation, whatsoever it was, which the heads enjoyned and required at his last convention. For, First, It is acknowledged in the Authors own Transcript of the Acts, that though he did confess the propositions wherewith he was charged to be contained in his Sermon; yet he would never grant them to be contrary to the Doctrine of the Church o [...] England, and therefore was not likely to retract the same. Secondly, It is plain by Barrets said letters, the one to Dr. Goad Master of Kings, the other to Mr. Chadderton Master of. Emanuel Colledge, that neither flattery, nor threatnings, nor the fear of loosing his subsistence in the Vniversity, should ever work him to the publishing of the Recantation required of him. And thirdly, It appears by the letters from the heads above mentioned to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh, that Barret had not made the Recantation on the 8th. of March, which was full ten moneths after the time appointed for the publishing of it. And on these terms this business sheweth the Author his Errour, to affirm with all confidence, (for if the one doth, the other must) that Barret made this Recantation in St. Maries Church on the tenth of May, Anno 1595. Barret declaring in his letter to Dr. Goad, about nine moneths after, that he would never make it; And the heads signified to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh, on the eight of March, being ten moneths after, that at that time he had not made. And who should believe in the present case, Barret that saith he would never do it, and the heads, who say, he had not done it on the eight of March: or that they say upon the credit of a false and malitious Coppy (purposely spread abroad by the Puritan faction to defame the man) that he had published it on the 10. of May, ten moneths before. I find also in the Title to this Recantation, as it stands in the Anti-arminianism (p 46) that [Page] Mr. Harsnet of Pembrook Hall, is there affirmed to have maintained the supposed Errours, for which Barret was condemned to a Recantation: and 'tis strange that Harsnet should stand charged in the Title of another mans sentence, for holding and maintaining any such points as had been raked out of the dunghill of Popery and Pelagianism, as was there affirmed; for which he either was to be questioned in his own person, or not to have been condemned, to the Title of a sentence passed on another man. Which circumstance as it discredits the Title, so the Title doth as much discredit the reality of the Recantation, adeo mendaciorum natura est, ut cohaerere non possint, saith Lactantius truly. The rest of Barrets story shall be told by himself, according as I find it in a letter of his to Dr. Goad then being Vice-Chancellour, written about nine moneths after the time of his first conventing: as the letter doth appear, which is this that followeth.

A Copy of Mr. Barret's Letter to Dr. Goade.

10. MY Duty remembred to your Worship, &c. Sir, according to your appointment, I have conferred with Mr. Overald and Mr. Chadderton. Mr. Overald after once conference, refused to talke off these points any more, saying it needed not: For Mr. Chadderton he is a learned man, and one whom I do much reverenced, yet he hath not satisfied me in this point. For I required proof but of these two things [Page] at his hands, viz. That Una sides did differre specie ab alia; and that it was aliud donum ab alio, but he did neither. But for the first whereas he should have proved it did differre specie, he proved it did differre numero, and that but out of the Mr. of the Sentences, whose Authority notwithstanding I do not impugn. And for the other, that it should be Aliud donum, he proveth out of St. Augustine, that fides demonum is not alia a fide Christianorum, which no man ever denyed: for fides Demonum is not Donum at all, so that it commeth not in Question, so that I being here unsatisfied of one party, meaning Mr. Chadderion, and rather confirmed of the other party; I do hold my positions as before. And for the Retractation I purpose not to perform it: Yet that the peace of the Vniversity, and the Church may be preserved, I do solemnly promise to keep my opinion to my self: so that in this regard my humble suit unto your Worship (and hearty prayer to God) is this, that you would suffer me to continue in the Vniversity without molestation, though I live but in disgrace amongst you, yet I regard it, so I may be quiet. For my intent is to live privately at my book, untill such times as by continual conference with those that are of contrary Judgement, I may learn the truth of your Assertions; which when I have learned, I promise before God and your Worship not to conceal. But if you and the rest of your Assistants (whom I reverence) do purpose to proceed in disquieting and traducing me as you have done by the space of three quarters of this year, & so in the end mean to drive me out of the University, I must take it patiently, because I know not how to redress it; but let God be judge between you and me. These things I leave to your worships favourable consideration; for this I must needs say, (and peradventure it may tend to your credit, when I shall report it) that above the rest hitherto I have found you most courteous and most just. I leave your worship to Gods Direction and holy tuition, expecting a gracious answrr,

Your dayly Beads man, WILLIAM BARRET.

[Page] 11. But here perhaps it may be said, that though Barret might be as obstinate in refusing to publish the Recantation, as this letter makes him; yet it appears by the whole course of those proceedings, that his Doctrines were condemned by the heads of the Vniversity, as being contrary to that which was received and established in the Church of England. And that it was so in the Judgement of those men, who either concurred in his censure, or subscribed the letter to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh above mentioned, in a thing past question. But this can be no Argument, that Barrets Doctrines were repugnant to the Church of England, because these heads either in favour of Dr. Whitacres, or in respect to Mr. Perkins, were pleased to think no otherwise of them: for if it be, we may conclude by the same Argument, that the Church of Rome was in the right, even in the darkest times of ignorance and superstition, because all those who publickly opposed her Doctrines, were solemnly enjoyned by the then prevailing party to a Recantation; and which is more, it may be also thence concluded that the Doctrine maintained by Athanasius touching Christs Divinity, was contrary to that which had been taught by the Apostles, and men of Apostolical spirits, because it was condemned for such, by some Arrian Bishops in the Councel (or rather Conventicle of Tyre which was held against him.

2. It cannot be made apparent that either Dr. Duport, the Vice-Chancellor who was most concerned, or Dr. Baroe, the Lady Margarets Professour for divinity there had any hand in sentencing this Recantation. Not Dr. Baroe, because by concurring to this sentence he was to have condemned himself: Nor Dr, Duport, for I find his place to be supplyed, and the whole action govern'd by Dr. Some (which shews him to be absent at that time from the Vniver [...]ity) according to the stile▪ whereof, the Title of Procancellarius is given to Dr. So [...]e in the Acts of the Court, as appears by the extract of them in the Anti-Arminianism, p. 64. compared with p. 63.

But thirdly, admitting that the head [...] were generally thus enclined, yet probably the whole body of the Vniversity might not be of the same opinion with them: tho [...]e heads [Page] not daring to affirm otherwise of Barrets Doctrine in their letter to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh, then that it gave just offence to many. And if it gave offence unto many only, it may be thought that it gave no offence to the Major part, or much less to all; for if it had, the Writers of the letter would not have been so sparing in their expressions, as to limit the offence to many, if they could have said it of the most. But of this we shall speak more in the following Chapter, when we shall come to feel the pulse of the Vniversity in the great competition between Wotton and Oveald after Whitacres death. Of which opinion Harsnet was, we have seen before. And we have seen before that Baroe had many Disciples and Adherents which stood fast unto him. And thereupon we may conclude, that when Dr. Baroe had for 14 or 15. years maintained these▪ opinions in the Schools (as before was shewed) which are now novelized by the name of Arminianism; and such an able man as Harsnet had preached them without any Controul, when the greatest audience of the Kingdom did stand to him in it. There must be many more Barrets who concurred with the same opinions with them in the Vniversity, though their names through the envy of the times are not come unto us.

[Page]

CHAP. XXI. Of the proceedings against Baroe, the Articles of Lambeth, and the general calme which was in Oxon, touching these Disputes.

1. THe differences between Baroe and Dr. Whitacres, the addresse of Whitakers & others to Arch-bishop Wh [...]tgift, which drew on the Articles on Lambeth. 2. The Articles agreed on at Lambeth, presented both in English and Latine. 3. The Articles of no authorty in themselves, Archbishop Whitgift questioned for them, together with the Queens command to have them utterly supprest. 4. That Baroe neither was deprived of his Professorship, nor compelled to leave it, the Anti-Calvinian party being strong enough to have kept him in if he had desired it. 5. A Copy of the Letter from the Heads in Cambridge to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh, occasioned as they said by Barret and Baroe. 6. Dr. Overalds encounters with the Calvinists in the point of falling from the grace received; his own private judgement in the point, neither for total, nor for finall, and the concurrence of some other learned men in the same opinion. 7. The general calme which was at Oxon at that time touching these disputes, and the Reasons of it. 8. An answer to that Objection out of the writings of judicious Hooker, of the total and finall falling. 9. The disaffections of Dr Bukeridge, and Dr. Houson to Calvines doctrines: an Answer to the Objection touching the paucity of those who opposed the same. 10. Possession of a truth maintained but by one or two, preserves it [Page] sacred and inviolable for more fortunate times; the case of Liberius Pope of Rome; and that the testimonies of this kinde are rather to be valued by weight then tale.

1. FRom barret pass we on to Baroe, betwixt whom and Dr. Whitacres there had been some clashings, touching Predestination and Reprobation, the certainty of salvation, and the possibility of falling from the grace received. And the heats grew so high at last that the Calvinians thought it necessary in point of prudence to effect that by power and favour, which they were not able to obtaine by force of argument. To which end they first addressed themselves to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh then being there Chancellor, acquainting him by Dr. Some, then Deputy Vice-Chancellor, with the disturbances made by Barret, thereby preparing him to hearken to such further motions, as should be made unto him in pursuit of that quarrel. Bat finding little comfort there, they resolved to steere their course by another compass. And having prepossest the most Reverend Arch-bishop Whitgift, with the turbulent carriage of those men, the affronts given to Dr. Whitacres, whom (for his learned and laborious Writings against Cardinal Bellarmine) he most highly favoured, and the great inconveniences like to grow by that publick discord; they gave themselves good hopes of composing those differences, not by the way of an accomodation, but an absolute conquest; and to this end they dispatcht to him certain of their number in the name of the rest, such as were interessed in the quarrel (Dr. Whitacres himself for one, and therefore like to stickle hard for the obtaining their ends; the Articles to which they had reduced the whole state of the business being brought to them ready drawn, and nothing wanting to them but the face of Authority, wherewith, as with Medusa's head to confound their enemies, and turne their adversaries into stones. And that [Page] they might be sent back with the face of authority, the most Reverend Arch-bishop Whitgift, calling unto him Dr. Flecher, Bishop of Bristol, then newly elected unto London, and Dr. Richard Vauhan Lord Elect of Bangor, together with Dr. Tyndal Deane of Elie, Dr. Whitacres and the rest of the Divines which came from Cambridge, proposed the said Articles to their consideration at his house in Lambeth, on the tenth of Novemb. An. 1595. by whom these Articles were agreed on in these following words.

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1. Deus ab eterno praedestinavit quosdam ad vitam: quosdam reprobavit ad mortem.

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1. God from eternity hath predestinate certaine men unto life, certaine men he hath reprobate.

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2. Causa movens aut efficiens predestination [...]s ad vitam non est praevisio fidei, aut perseverantiae, aut bonorum operum, aut ullius rei qui insit, in personis Praedestinatis, sed sola voluntas beneplaciti Dei.

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2. The moving or efficient cause of predestination unto life, is not the foresight of faith, or of perseverance, or of good works, or of any thing that is in the person predestinated, but only the good will and pleasure of God.

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3. Praedestinatorum praefinitus & certus est numerus, qui nec angeri, nec minui potest.

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3. There is predetermined a certaine number of the Predestinate, which can neither be augmented or diminished.

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4. Qui non sunt Praedestinati adsalutem, necessario, propter peccata sua damnabuntur.

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4. Those who are not predestinated to salvation, shall be necessarily damned for their sins.

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5. Vera, viva & justificans fides, & piritus Dei justificantis, non extinguitur, non excidit, non evanescit in Electis, aut finaliter, aut totaliter.

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5. A true living and justifying faith, and the Spirit of God justifying is not extinguished, falleth not away, it vanisheth not away in the Elect, either totally or finally.

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[Page]6. Homo vere fidelis, id est, fide justificante praeditus, certus est pleriphoria Fides de Remissione peccatorum suo [...]um, & salute sempiterna sua per Christum.

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6. A man truly faithful, that is, such an one who is endued with a justifying faith, is certaine with the full assurance of faith, of the remission of his sinnes, and of his everlasting salvation by Christ.

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7. Gratia salutaris, non tribuitur, non incommunicatur, non conceditur universis hominibus, qua servari possint si velint.

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7. Saving grace is not given, is not granted, is not communicated to all men, by which they may be saved if they will.

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8. Nemo potest venire ad Christum, nisi datum ei fu [...]rit, & nisi pater eum t [...]axerit, & omnes homines non trahuntur a patre, ut veniant ad filium.

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8. No man can come unto Christ, unlesse it be given unto him, and unlesse the father shal draw him, and all men are not drawn by the Father, that they may come to the Son.

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9. Non est positum in arbitrio, aut potestate uniuscujusque hominis servari.

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9. It is not in the will or power of every one to be saved.

3. Now in these Articles there are these two things to be considered, first the Authority by which they were made, and secondly the effect produced by them, in order to the end proposed; And first as touching the authority by which they were made, it was so far from being legal and sufficient, that it was plainly none at all. For what authority could there be in so thin a meeting consisting only of the Arch-bishop himself, two other Bishops (of which but one had actually received consecration) one Deane and half a dozen Doctors and other Ministers, neither impowred▪ to any such thing by the rest of the Clergy, nor authorized to it by the Queen. And therefore their determinations of no more Authority, as to binding of the Church, or prescribing to the judgement of particular persons, then as if [Page] one Earl, the eldest son of two or three others, meeting with half a dozen Gentlemen in Westminster Hall, can be affirmed to be in a capacity of making orders which must be looked on by the Subject, as Acts of Parliament. A Declaration they might make of their own opinions, or of that which they they thought fittest to be holden in the present case, but neither Articles nor Canons to direct the Church: for being but opinions still, and the opinions of private and particular persons, they were not to be looked upon as publick Doctrines. And so much was confessed by the Arch-Bishop himself, when he was called in question for it before the Queen▪ who being made acquainted with all that passed by the Lord Treasurer Burleigh, who neither liked the Tenents, nor the manner of proceeding in them, was most passionately offended that any such Innovation should be made in the publick Doctrine of this Church; and once resolved to have them all attainted of a Premunire. But afterwards upon the interposition of some friends, and the reverend esteem she had of the excellent Prelate, the Lord Arch-Bishop (whom she commonly called her Black Husband) she was willing to admit him to his defence: and he accordingly declared in all humble manner, that he & his associates had not made any Articles, Canons or decrees with an intent, that they should serve hereafter for a standing Rule to direct the Church, but only had resolved on some propositions to be sent to Cambridge, for the appeasing of some unhappy differences in the Vniversity; with which Answer her Majesty being somewhat pacified, commanded notwithstanding that he should speedily recall and suppress those Aricles which was performed with such care and diligence, that a Copy of them was not to be found for a long time after. And though we may take up this relation upon the credit of history of the Lambeth Articles printed in Latin, 1651. or on the credit of Bishop Mountague, Appeal. p. 71. who affirms the same in his appeal, Anno 1525. yet since the Authority of both hath been called in question,Resp. Nec. p. 146. we will take our warrant for this Narrative from some other hands. And first we have it in a book called Necessario [Page] Responsio published by the Remonstrants, Anno 1618. who possibly might have the whole story of it from the mouth of Baroe, or some other who lived at that time in Cambridge, and might be well acquainted with the former passages.Cabula p. 117. And secondly, We find the same to be affirmed by the Bishops of Rochester, Oxon, and St. Davids in a letter to the Duke of Buchingham, August 2. 1625. In which they signifie unto him, that the said Articles being agreed upon, and ready to be published, it pleased Queen Elizabeth of famous memory, upon notice given how little they agreed with the practise of piety and obedience to all Government, to cause them to be suppressed, and that they had so continued ever since, till then of late some of them had received countenance at the Synod of Dort.

4. Next touching the effect produced by them in order to the end so proposed, so far they were from appeasing the present Controversies, and suppressing Baroe, and his party, that his Disciples and Adherents became more united, and the breach wider then before. And though Dr. Baroe not long after, deserted both his place in the Vniversity, yet neither was he deprived of his Professorship, as some say, nor forced to leave it on a fear of being deprived, as is said by others: For that Professorship being chosen from two years to two years, according to the Statutes of the Lady Margaret, he kept the place till the expiring of his term, and then gave off without so much as shewing himself a suiter for it: Which had he done, it may be probable enough, that he had carried it from any other Canditate or Competitor of what rank soever. The Anti-Calvinian party being grown so strong, as not to be easily overborn in a publick business by the opposite faction. And this appears plainly by that which followed on the death of Dr. Whitacres, who died within few dayes after his return from Lambeth, with the nine Articles so much talkt of. Two Candidates appeared for the Professorship after his decease, Wotton of Kings Colledge a professed Calvinian, and one of those who wrote against Mountagues Appeal, Anno 1626. Competitor [Page] with Overald of Trinity Colledge almost as far from the Calvinian Doctrine in the main Plat-form of Predestination, as Baroe, Harsnet or Barret are conceived to be. But when it came to the Vere of the University, the place was carried for Overald▪ [...]y the Major part: which as it plainly shews, that [...]hough the Doctrines of Calvin were so hotly stickled here by most of the Heads, yet the greater part of the learned body entertained them not; so doth it make it also to be very improbable, that Baroe should be put out of his place by those who had took in Overald, or not confirmed therein, if he had desired. And therefore we may rather think, as before is said, that [...]he relinquished the place of his own accord▪ in which he found his Doctrine crossed by the Lambeth Articles, and afterwards his peace distracted by several Informations brought against him, by the adverse faction; and thereupon a letter of Complaint presented to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh, subscribed by most of those who before had prosecuted Barret to his Recantation. Which letter giving very great light to the present business, as well concerning Barret as Baroe▪ though principally aiming at the last, I think worthy of my paines, and the Readers patience: and therefore shall subscribe it as hereafter followeth.

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A Copy of the Letter sent from some of the Heads in Cambridge, to the Lord Burleigh, Lord High Treasurer of England, and Chancellour of the Vniversity.

RIght Honourable, out bounden Duty remembred; we are right sorry to have such occasion to trouble your Lordship; but the peace of this University and Church (which is dear unto us) being brought into perill, by the late reviving of new opinions and troublesom controversies amongst us, hath urged us (in regard of the places we here sustain) not only to be carefull for the suppressing the same to our power but also to give your Lordship further information hereof as our Honourable Head and carefull Chancellour.

About a year past (amongst divers others who here attempted publicity to teach new and strange opinions in Religion) one Mr. Barret more boldly then the rest, did preach divers Popish errors in St. Maries to the just offence of many, which he was enjoyned to retract, but hath refused so to do in such sort as hath been prescribed: with whose fact and opinions, your Lord was made acquainted by Dr. Some the Deputy Vice-Chancellour. Hereby offence and division growing as after by Dr. Baroes publick Lectures and determinations in the Schools, contrary, (as his Auditors [Page] have informed) to Dr. Whitacres▪ and the sound received truth ever since her Majesties Re [...]g [...] ▪ we sent up to London by common consent in November last, Dr. Tyndal, and Dr. Whitacres (men especially chosen for that purpose) for conference with my Lord of Canterbury, and other principal Divines there▪ that the controversies being examined, and the truth by thei [...] consents confirmed, the contrary errours and contentions thereabouts might the rather cease. By whose good travel with sound consent in truth, such advice and care was taken by certain propositions (containing certain substantial points of Religion, taught and received in this Vniversity and Church, during the time ofher Majesties Reign, and consented unto, and published by the best approved Divines both at home and abroad) for the maintaining of the same truth and peace of the Church, as thereby we enjoyed here great and comfortable quiet, untill Dr. Baroe (in January last in his Sermon Ad Cl [...]rum in St. Maries, contrary to restraint, and Commandment from the Vice-Chancellour and the Heads) by renewin [...] again these opinions, disturbed our peace, whereby his Adherents and Disciples were and are too much imboldned to maintain false Doctrine to the corrupting and disturbing of this Vniversity, and the Church, if it be not in time effectually prevented. For remedy whereof we have with joint consent and care (upon complaint of divers Batchelors in Divinity) proceeded in the examination of the cause, according to our Statutes, and usual manner of proceeding in such causes, whereby it appeareth by sufficient Testimonies, that Dr. Baroe hath offended in such things as his Articles had charged him withal▪

There is also since the former, another Complaint preferred against him by certain Batchelors in Divinity, that he hath not only in the Sermon, but also for the space of this 14. or 15. years taught in his Lectures, preached in his Sermons, determined in the Schools, and printed in several books, divers points of Doctrine not only contrary to himself, but also contrary to that which hath been taught and received ever since her Majesties Reign; and agreeable [Page] to the errors of Popery, which we know your Lordship hath alwayes disliked and hated: so that we (who for the space of many years past have yielded him sundry benefits and favours here, in the Vniversity, being a stranger, and forborn him when he hath often heretofore (busie and curious in aliena Republica) broached new and strange questions in Religion) now unless we should be careless of maintaining the truth of Religion established, and of our duties in our places cannot (being resolved and confirmed in the truth of the long professed and received Doctrine) but continue to use all good means, and seek at your Lordships hands some effectual Remedy hereof, lest by permiting passage to these errors, the whole body of Popery should by little and little break in upon us, to the overthrow of our Religion, and consequently the with-drawing of many here and else where from true obedience to her Majestie.

May it therefore please your Lordship to have an honourable consideration of the premises, & (for the better maintaining of Peace, and the truth of Religion so long received in this Vniversity and Church) to vouchsafe your Lordships good aid and advice both to the comfort of us, (wholly consenting and agreeing in Judgement) and all others of the Vniversity truely affected, and to the suppression in time, not only of these errors, but even of gross Popery, like, by such means, in time easily to creep in amongst us (as we find by late experience it hath dangerously begun) Thus craving pardon for troubling your Lordship, and commending the same in praise to Almighty God, we humbly take our leave,

From Cambridge March 8. 1595

Your Lordships humble and bounden to be commanded,

Roger Goad, Procan. R. Some, Tho. Leg, John Jegon, Thomas Nevil, Thomas Preston, Hump. Tyndal,, James Mountague, Edm. Barwel, Laur. Cutterton.

[Page]6. Such was the condition of Affairs at Cambridge at the expiring of the year, 1595. the genuine Doctrine of the Church, beginning then to break thorow the clouds of Calvinism, wherewith it was before obscured, and to shine forth again in its former lustre. To the advancement of which work, as the long continuance of Baroe in the Vniversity, for the space of 20. years and upwards, the discreet Activity of Dr. Harsnet, Fellow and Master of Pembrook Colledge for the term of 40. years and more, gave a good encouragement; so the invincible constancy of Mr. Barret, and the slender opposition made by Overald, contributed to the confirmation and increase thereof. For scarce had Overald warmed his Chair, when he found himself under a necessity of encountring some of the Remainder of Baroes Adversaries, though he followed not the blow so far as Baroe did; for some there were of the old Predestination Leven, who publickly had taught (as he related it in the conference at Hampton Coutt) ‘'all such persons, as were once truly justified, though after they fell into never so grievous sins, yet remained still just (or in the state of Justification) before they actually repented of those sins; yea, though they never repented of them through forgetfulness, or sudden death, yet they should be justified and saved without Repentance. Against which Overald maintained, that whosoever (although beforeConf. at Ham. C. p. 42. justified) did commit any grievous sin, as Adultery, Murder, Treason, or the like, did become ipso facto, subject to Gods wrath, and guilty of damnation (or were in the state of damnation, quo ad presentem statum) untill they repented:'’ And so far he had followed Baroe, but he went no further, holding (as he continued his own story) that such persons as were called and justified according to the purpose of Gods Election, did neither fall totally from all the graces of God (though how a justified man may bring himself into a present state of wrath and damnation, without a total falling from all the graces of God, is beyond my Reason) and that they were in time renewed by the Spirit of God unto a lively faith and repentance, and thereby justified from those sins [Page] (with the guilt and wrath annexed unto them) into which they had fallen: nor can it be denied, but that some other learned men of those times were of the same opinion also. Amongst which I finde Dr. John Bridges dean of Sarum, Anti-Armini. pag. 202. and afterwards Lord Bishop of Oxon, to be reckoned for one, and Mr. Richard Hooker (of whom more anon) to be accounted for another. But being but the compositions of private men, they are not to be heard against the express words of the two Homilies touching Falling from God, in case the point had not been positively determined in the sixteenth Article. But so it hapned, notwithstanding that Overald not concurring with the Calvinists concerning the estate of such justified persons as afterwards fell into grievous sins; there grew some diffidences and distrust between them, which afterwards widned themselves into greater differences. In so much that dissenting from them also touching the absolute decree of Reprobation, and the restraining of the benefit of Christs death and Gods grace unto a few particulars, and that too in Gods primitive purpose and intent, concerning the salvation and damnation of mankind; those of the Anti-Calvinian party went on securely, with little or no opposition and lesse disturbance.

7. At Oxford all things in the mean time were calm and quiet, no publick opposition shewing it self in the Schooles or Pulpits. The reasons of that which might be, first that the Students of that vniversity did more incline unto the canvasing of such points as were in difference betwixt us & the Church of Rome, then unto those which were disputed against the Calvinists in these points of Doctrine; for witnesse whereof, we may call in the works of Sanders Stapleton, Allyns, Parsons, Campian, and many others of that side; as those of Bishop Jewel, Bishop Bilson, Dr. Humpherys, Mr. Novell, Dr. Sparks, Dr. Reynolds, and many other, which stood firme to the Church of England. And secondly though Dr.Church Hist. l. 9. Humpheryes, the Queens Professor for divinity was not without cause reckoned for a non-Conformist, yet had he the reputation of a moderate man, (a moderate non-Conformist, [Page] as my Author calls him) and therefore might permit that Liberty of opinion unto other men which was indulged unto himself; neither did Dr. Holland who succeeded him, give any such countenance to the propogating of Calvins doctrines, as to make them the subject of his lectures and disputations. In so much that Mr. Prinne, with all his diligence, can finde but seven men w [...]o publickly maintained any point of Calvinisme in the Schooles of Oxon. from the year 1596. to the year 1616. and yet to make that number also he is fain to take in Dr. George Abbot, and Dr. Benfield, on no other account, but for maintaining, deum non esse authorem peccati, that God is not the Author of sin, which any Papist, Lutheran, or Arminian, might have maintained as well as they.

8. And yet it cannot be denyed, but that by errour of these times, the reputation which Calvin had attained to in both universities, and the extreame diligence of his followers for the better carrying on of their own designes, their was a generall tendency unto his opinions in the present controversies; so that it is no marvell, if many men of good affection to that Church in goverment and formes of worship, might unawares be seasoned with his Principles in point of Doctrine: his book of Institutes being for the mostJustit fathers in the Pref. part the foundation on which the young Divines of those times did build their studies; and having built their studies on a wrong foundation, did publickly maintaine some point or other of his Doctrines, which gave least offence, and ou [...] of which no dangerous consequence could be drawne (as they thought and hoped) to the dishonor of God, the disgrace of Religion, the scandall of the Church, or subversion of godliness: amongst which if Judicious Mr. Hooker be named for one, (as for one I finde him to be named) yet is he named only for maintaining one of the five points, that namely of the not total, or final falling away of Gods Elect, as Dr. Overald, also did in the Schools of Cambridge▪ though neither of them can be challenged for maintaining any other point of Calvins Doctrine, touching the absolute decree of Reprobation, [Page] Election unto life, without Reference to faith in Christ, the unresistable workings of Grace, the want of freedom in the will to concur therewith, and the determining of all mens actions unto good or evill without leaving any power in men to do the contrary. And therefore, secondly, Mr. Hookers discourse of Justification, as it now comes into our hands, might either be altered in some points after his discease, by him that had the publishing of it; or might be written by him as an essay of his younger years, before he had confuted the booke of Homilies and perused every clause in the publick Liturgie (as he after did) or had so carefully examined every text of Scripture, upon which he lays the weight of his judgment in it, as might encourage him to have it printed when he was alive.

9. Of any men who publickly opposed the Calvinian tenents in this Univesity till after the beginning of King James his raigne. I must confesse that I have hitherto found no good assurance; though some their were who spared not to declare their dislike thereof, and secretly traind up their scholars in other principles. An argument whereof may be that when Dr. Baroe dyed in London (which was about three or four yeares (after he had left his place in Cambridge) his funerall was attended by most of the Divines then living in and about the City; Dr. Bancroft then Bishop of London giving order in it, which plainly showes that there were many of both Universities which openly favoured Baroes doctrines, and did as openly dislike those of the Calvinians, though we finde but few presented to us by their names. Amongst which few, I first reckon Dr. John Buckridge President of St. Johns Colledge, and Tutor to Archbishop Laud, who carried his Anti-Calvinian doctrins with him to the See of Rochester, and publickly maintained them at a conference in York house, An. 1626. And secondly, Dr. John Houson one of the Cannons of Christ Church and Vice-Chancellor of the University. An. 1602. so known an enemy to Calvin his opinions, that he incurred a suspension by Dr. Robert Abbots then Vice-Chancellor. And afterwards being Bishop of Oxon, [Page] subscribed the letter, amongst others to the Duke of Buckingham in favour of Mountague, and his Book called Apello Cesarem, as before was said. And though we finde but these two named for Anti-Calvinist in the five controverted points, yet might there be many houses perhaps some hundreds who held the same opinions with them, though they discovered not themselves, or break out in any open opposition1 King. 19▪ 18. 1 K [...]ng. 19. 13. as they did at Cambridge: God had 7000. servants in the Realm of Israel, who had not bowed the knee to Baal, though we find the name of none but the Prophet Eliah, the residue keeping themselves so close for fear of danger that the Prophet himself complained to God, that he alone was left to serve him. A parallel case to which may be that the Christians during the power and prevalency of the Arian Hereticks, St. Jerome giving us the names of no more them three, who had stood up stoutly in defence of the Nicene councell, and the points of Doctrine there established, viz. 1. St. Athanasius Patriark of Alexandria in Egypt, St. Hillarie Bishop of Poictious in France: and St. Eusebius Bishop of Vevelli in Italy, of which thus the Father, Siquidem Arianis victis triumphatorem Athanasium suum Egyptus excepit; Hillarium e prelio revertentem galliarum ecclesiia complexa est, ad reditum Eusebii sui lugubres vestes Italia mutavit, that is to say, upon the overthrow of the Arians Egypt received her Athanasius, now returned in triumph; the Church of France embraced her Hillary coming home with victory from the battle; and on the returne of Eusebius, Italy changed her mourning garments. By which it is most clear even to vulgar eys that not these Bishops only did defend the truth, but that it was preserved by many others as well of the Clergy as of the people in their several Countreys; who otherwise never had received them with such joy and triumph, if a great part of them had not been of the same opinions, though no more of them occur by name in the records of that age.

10. But then againe, If none but the three Bishops had [Page] stood unto the truth in the points disputed at that time between the Orthodox Christians and the Arian Hereticks, yet had that been sufficient to preserve the Church from falling universally from the faith of Christ, or deviating from the truth in thoseDeut. 17. 6. Mar. 18. 19. particulars; the word of truth being established (as say both Law and Gospel) if there be only two or three witnesses to attest unto it; two or three members of the Church may keep possession of a truth in all the rest, and thereby save the whole from errour; even as a King invaded by a foraign enemy, doth keep possession of his Realme by some principall forrtesse, the standing out whereof may in time regaine all the rest, which I returne for answer to another objection touching the paucity of those Authors whom we have produced in Maintenance of the Anti-Calvinian or old English doctrines, since the resetling of the Church under Queen Elizabeth; for though they be but few in number, and make but a very thin appearance; Apparent rari nautes in gurgite vasto, in the Poets language, yet serve they for a good assurance that the Church still kept possession of her primitive truths, not utterly lost though much endangered by such contrary Doctrines as had of late been thrust upon her, there was a time when few or none of the Orthodox Bishops durst openly appear in favour of St. Athanasius, but onlyTheod Hist. Eccles. lib. 2. cap. 15. Liberius Pope of Rome, who thereupon is thus upbraided by Constantius the Arian Emperour, Quota pars tu es orbis terrarum, qui solus &c. How great a part (saith he) art thou of the whole world, that thou alone shouldst shew thy self in defence of that wicked man, and thereby overthrow the peace of the Universe. To which Liberius made this answer, non diminuitur solitudine mea, verbum dei, nam & olim tres solum inventi fuere qui edicto resisterint, that is to say, the word of God is not made the weaker by my sole appearing in defence thereof no [...] more then when there were but three, (he meanes the three Hebrew Children in the book of Daniel) with durst make open opposition to the Kings Edict. Liberius thought himself sufficient to keep possession of a truth in the Church of Christ, till God should please to raise up more Champions in all places to defend the same, not thinking it [Page] necessary to returne any other answer, or to produce the names of anyothers of his time who turned Athanasius as much as he which brings into my mind a passage in the conference betwixt Dr. Ban, Featly and Sweat the Jesuite, in which the Jesuite much insisted on that thred bare question, viz. where was your Church before Luther? which when the the Doctor went to shew out of Scriptures and Fathers, some of the Papists standing by, cryed out for names, those which stood further of ingeminating nothing but Names Names, whereupon the Dr. Merily asked them, if nothing would content them but a Buttery book. And such an Answer I must make in the present case to such as take up testimony by tale, not weight, and think no truth is fairly proved, except it come attended with a cloud of witnesses. But what we want in number now, he shall find hereafter, when we shall come to take a view of King James his Reign to which now we hasten.

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CHAP. XXII. Of the Conferrence at Hampton Court, and the several encouragements given to the Anti-Calvinians in the time of KING James.

1. THE occasion of the conference at Hampton Court, and the chief persons there assembled. 2. The nine Articles of Lambeth rejected by King James. 3. Those of the Church being left in their former condition. 4. The Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination decryed by Bishop Bancroft, and disliked by King James; and the reasons of it. 5. Bishop Bancroft and his Chaplain both abused; The inserting the Lambeth Articles into the confession of Ireland, no argument of King James, his approbation of them, by whom they were inserted, and for what cause allowed of in the said Confession. 6. A pious fraud of the Calvinians in clapping their predestinarian Doctrines at the end of the old Testament, An. 1607. discovered, censured and rejected, with the reasons for it. 7. The great Incouragement given by King James to the Anti-calvinians, and the increasing of that party both in power and number by the stirs in Holland. 8. The offence taken by King James at Conradus Vorstius, animateth the Oxon. Calvinists to suspend Dr. Houson, and to preach publickly against Dr. Laud. 9. The like proceedings at Cambridge against Mr. Simpson, first prosecuted [Page] by King James, and on what account, that the King was more incensed against the party of Arminius, then against their perswasions. 10. Instructions published by King James in order to the diminishing of Calvins authority, the defence of universal Redemption, and the suppressing of his Doctrines in the other points, and why the last proved so unusefull in the case of Gabriel Bridges. 11. The publishing of Mountagues answer to the Gagger, the information made against it: the Author and his Doctrine taken by King James into his protection, and his appeal licensed by the Kings appointment. 12. The conclusion of the whole discourse and the submission of it to the Church of England.

1. NOW we come unto the Reign of King James of happy memory, whose breeding in the Kirk of Scotland had given some hopes of seeing better days to the English Puritans then those which they enjoyed under Queen Elizabeth. Vpon which hopes they presented him at his first coming to the Crown with a supplication, no less tedious then it was impertinent, given out to be subscribed with a thousand hands, though it wanted many of that number, and aiming at an alteration in many points, both of Doctrine and Discipline: But they soon found themselves deceived. For first the King commanded by publick proclamation, that the divine service of the Church, should be diligently officiated and frequented as in former times, under pain of suffering the severest penalties by the Laws provided in that case. And that being done, instead of giving such a favourable answer to their supplication, as they had flattered themselves withall, he commended the answering [Page] of it to the Vice-Chancellour, Heads, and other learned men of the Vniversity of Oxon. from whom there was nothing to be looked for toward their contentment. But being, thirdly, a just Prince, and willing to give satisfaction to the just desires of such as did apply themselves unto him; as also to inform himself in all such particulars, as were in difference betwixt the Petitioners and the Prelates: he appointed a solemn Conference to be held before him at Hampton Court on Thursday the 12. of January, Anno 1603. being within less then ten moneths after his entrance on the Kingdom. To which conference were called by several letters on the Churches part, the most Reverend and right renowned Fathers in God, Dr. John Whitgift Arch-Bishop of Canterbuy, Dr. Richard Bancroft Bishop of London, Dr. Tobie Mathews Bishop of Durham, Dr. Thomas Bilson Bishop of Winchester, Dr. Gervase Babbinton Bishop of Worcester, Dr. Anthony Ru [...]d Bishop of Davids, Dr. Anthony Walson Bishop of Chechester, Dr, Henry Robbinson Bishop of Carlile, and Dr. Thomas D [...]ve Bishop of Peterborough, as also Dr. James Mountague Dean of the Chappel, Dr. Thomas Ravis Dean of Christ Church, Dr. John Bridges Dean of Sarum, Dr. Lancelot Andrews Dean of Westminster, Dr. John Overald Dean of Saint Pauls, Doctor William Barlow Dean of Chester, Doctor Giles Tompson Dean of Windsor, together with Dr. John King Arch-Deacon of Nottingham, and Dr. Richard Field after Dean of Glocester; all of them habited and attired according to their several ranks and stations in the Church of England. And on the other side, there appeared for the Plantiffe or Petitioner Dr. Reynolds, Dr. Spark, Mr. Knewstubs, and Mr. Chatterton; the two first being of Oxon. and the other of Cambridge, apparelled in their Turky Gowns toCon. at H. C. p. 27. shew (as Bishop Bancroft tartly noted) they desired rather to conform themselves in outward Ceremonies with the Turks, then they did with the Papists.

[Page]2. The first day of the Conference being spent betwixt the King and the Bishops: the second which was the 16. of the same moneth, was given to the Plantiffes to present their grievances, and to remonstrate theirCon. at H. C▪ p. 24. desires; amongst which it was named▪ by Dr. Reynolds, (as the mouth of the rest) That the nine Assertions Orthodoxal as he termed them) concluded upon at Lambeth might be inserted into the book of Articles, which when King James seemed not to understand, as having never heard before of those nine Assertions. ‘'He was informed that by reason of some Controversies arising in Cambridge about certain points of Divinity, my LordsPag. 40, &c. Grace assembled some Divines of especial note to set down their opinions, which they drew into nine Assertions, and sent so them to the Vniversity for the appeasing of those Quarrels; and thereupon his Majesty resolved thus, that when such questions arise amongst Scholars, the quietest proceeding, were to determine them in the Vniversity, and not to stuff the book with all Conclusions Theological.'’ Out of which passage I observed, First, that the Attribute of Orthodoxal is ascribed to the said nine Assertions by none but Dr. Reynolds, who termed them so, and not by Dr. Barlow then Dean of Chester who related the conference, and had been present at the making of the said Assertions, being at that time one of the domestick Chaplains of Arch-Bishop Whitgift. And secondly, That they were not made to be a standing Rule to the Church of England, but only for the present pacifying of some differences which arose in Cambridge, as is here acknowledged. I observe thirdly, that King James did utterly eject the motion, as to the inserting of the said nine Assertions amongst the Articles of the Church, leaving them to be canvased and disputed in the Schools, as more proper for them. And fourthly, That being left to be disputed in the Schools, they might beheld in the Affirmative, or in the Negative, as best pleased the Respondent.

[Page]3. It was also moved by Dr. Reynolds, That the book of Articles of Religion concluded 1562. might be explainedIb, p. 24. in places obscure, and enlarged where some things were defective. And in particular he desired,Pag. 25 that an explanation might be made of the 23d. Article for ministring in the Congregation, of the 25. touchingPag. 37 Confirmation, and of the 37th. concerning the Authority Pag. 38 of the Pope of Rome, as also that these words, viz. That the intention of the Minister is not of the Essence of the Pag. 24 Sacrament, might be added in some fit place to the book of Articles. But that which Dr. Reynolds did most insist upon, was the 16. Article, where it is said, That after we have received the Holy Ghost, we may depart from Grace. The meaning whereof, though he acknowledged to be sound, yet he desired, that because they may seem to be contrary to the Doctrine of Election and Predestination in the 17th. Article, those words may seem to be explained with this or the like addition, viz. That neither totally nor finally. Which motion or proposal concerning Dr. Overald more then any other, he took occasion thereupon to acquaint his Majesty with that which had happened to him at Cambridge, concerning the Estate of a justified man, fallen into any grievous sin, as Murder, Treason, Adultery, and the like, as hath been shewn at large in the former Chapter. But the result of all was this, that after a full debate and consideration concerning every one of the said Articles, and the doubts moved about the same, there was no cause sound for altering any thing in any of them, and as little for the 16th. as for any other. For though the said Dr. Overald had declared itP [...]g. 41. for his own opinion, that he who was called and justified, according to the purpose of Gods Election, being brought into a state of wrath and damnation, did neither fall totally from all the graces of God, nor finally from the possibility of being renewed again by Gods holy Spirit, as before is said, and that King James himself had left it to be considered, whether the word Often might not be added to the 16. Article, as thus, viz. We may often depart [Page] from Grace, &c. yet being left to the consideration of the Prelates as were all the rest, the said Article remained without any alteration, as before they found it, and as it still continueth to this very day.

4. But here is to be observed, ‘'that upon the first motion concerning falling from Grace; the Bishop of London Con. p. 19 took occasion to signifie to his Majesty, how very many in these dayes neglecting holiness of life presumed too much of persisting in Grace, laying all their Religion upon Predestination, If I shall be saved, I shall be saved, which he termed a desperate Doctrine, shewing it to be contrary to good divinity, and the true Doctrine of Predestination, wherein we should rather reason Ascendendo then Discendendo; thus, I live in obedience to God, in love with my neighbour, I follow my occasion, &c. Therefore I trust God hath elected me, and predestinated me to salvation; not thus which is the usual course of argument, God hath predestinate and chosen me to life, therefore though I sin never so grievously, yet I shall not be damned, for whom he once loveth, he loveth to the end. Whereupon he shewed his Majesty out of the next Article, what was the Doctrine of the Church of England touching predestination in the very last Paragraph, scilicet, We must receive Gods promises in such wise as these be generally set forth to us in holy Scriture, and in all our doings the Will of God to be followed which we have delivered to us in holy Scripture. Which part of the Article his Majesty very well approved, and after he had, (according to his manner) very singularly discoursed on that place of Paul, Work out your own salvation with fear and trembling: he left it to be considered, wither any thing were not to be added for the clearing of the Doctors doubt, by putting in the word often, or the like: as thus, We may often depart from Grace, but in the mean time wished that the Doctrine of Predestination might be very tenderly handled, and with great discretion, lest on the one side Gods omnipotency [Page] might be called in question, by impeaching the Doctrine of his eternal Predestination, or on the other a desperate Resumption might be arreared by inferringIb p. 43 the necessary certainty of standing and persisting in grace. After which, upon occasion of Dr. Overals discourse concerning his affairs at Cambridge, his Majesty entred into a longer discourse of Predestination and Reproation then before, and of the necessary conjoyning Repentance and holiness of life with true faith; concluding that it was Hypocrysie, and not true justifying faith which was severed from them. For although Predestination and Election depend not upon any Qualities, Actions, or works of men, which be mutable, but upon Gods eternal and immutable decree and purpose; yet such is the necessity of Repentance after known sins committed, as that without it there could not be either Reconciliation with God, or remission of those sins.'’

5. But here methinks I hear it said, ‘'that though the King being then unaquainted with the Lambeth Articles, thought not meet to put them amongst the Articles of this Church yet he liked it well enough in his Clergy of Ireland, Just▪ of the Fathers, &c. in pref. that they took them into their confession, and Bishop Bancroft had agreed to them before the conference, and that when he was Arch-Bishop, his Chaplain with his good liking and approbation published the Exposition or Analysis of our Articles, in which he gives the Calvinist as fair quarter as can be wished.'’ But first (beginning with the last) so much of the objection as concerns Bishop Bancroft is extreamly false, not agreeing to the Lambeth Articles, nor being Bishop of London when those Articles, were agree unto as is mistakeingly affirmed; and that Analysis or Explication of our English Articles related to in the objection being published in the year 1585. which was ten years before the making of the Lambeth Articles, and eighteen years before Bancroft had been made Arch-Bishop. And secondly, It is not very true, that King James liked, (that is to say, was well pleased with) the putting of those Articles into the confession of [Page] the Church of Ireland, though the said Confession was subscribed in his name by the Lord Deputy Chichester, is plainly enough not without his consent: for many other things were in the Confession to which the Lord Deputy subscribed, and the King consented as affairs then stood, which afterwards he declared no great liking to, either of the Tenor or effect thereof. For the truth is, that the drawing up of that confession being committed principally to the care of Dr. Usher, and afterwards Lord Primate of Ireland, a professed Calvinian, he did not only thrust into it all the Lambeth Articles, but also makes others of his own opinions: as namely, That the Pope was Anti-Christ, or that man of sin, that the power of sacerdotal Absolution is no more then declatory, as also touching the morality of the Lords day Sabboth, and the total spending of it in religious Exercises: Which last how contrary it is to King Jame's Judgement, how little cause he had to like it, or rather how much reason he had to dislike it, his Declaration about Lawfull sports, which he published within three years after, doth express sufficiently; so that the King might give consent to the confirming of these Articles amongst the rest, though he liked as little of the one as he did of the other: And he might do it on these Reasons. For first, The Irish Nation at that time were most tenaciously addicted to the errors and corruptions of the Church of Rome, and therefore must be bended to the other extream before they could be streight, and Orthodox in these ponits of Doctrine. Secondly, it was an usual practise with the King in the whole course of his government, to ballance one extream by the other, countenancing the Papists against the Puritan, and the Puritan sometimes against the Papist, that betwixt both the true Religion and Professors of it might be kept in safety.

6. With greater Artifice but less Authority have some of our Calvinians framed unto themselves another Argument, derived from certain Questions and answers printed at the end of the Bible, published by Rob. Barker his Majesties own Printer in the year 1607▪ from whence it [Page] is inferred by the Author of the Anti-Arminianism, and from him by others, that the said Questions and Answers do contain a punctual Declaration of the received Doctrine of this Church in the points disputed. But the worst is,Anti-armin. p. 54. they signifie nothing to the purpose for which they were produced. For I would fain know by what Authority those Questions and Answers were added to the end of the Bible? If by Authority, and that such Authority can be produced, the Argument will be of force which it takes from them, and then no question but the same Authority by which they were placed there at first, would have preserved them in that place for a longer time then during the sale of that Edition: The not retaining them in such Editions as have followed since the sale of that, shews plainly that they were of no authority in themselves, nor intended by the Church for a rule to others: and being of no older standing then the year 1607. (for ought appears by Mr. Prin, who first made the objections) they must needs seem as destitute of antiquity as they are of authority, so that upon the whole matter the author of the book hath furnished those of different Judgement with a very strong argument, that they were foysted in by the fraud and practise of some of the Emissaries of the Puritan Faction: who hoped in time to have them pass as currant amongst the people as any part of Canonical Scripture. Such Piae fraudes as these are, we should have too many, were they once allowed of: Some prayers were also added to the end of the Bible in some Editions, and others at the end of the publick Liturgy. Which being neglected at the first, and afterwards beheld as the authorized prayers of the Church, were by command left out of those books and Bibles as being the compositions of private men, not the publick acts of the Church, and over since added as before.

7. But to return unto King James, we find not so much countenance given to the Calvinians by the fraud of his Printer, as their opposites received by his grace and favour by which they were invested in the chief preferments [Page] of the Chutch of England, conferred a [...] openly and freely upon the Anti-Calvinians, as those who had been bred up in the other perswasions, Trosse, Tyriusque mihi nullo discrimine habentur, as we know who said. For presently upon the end of the conference he prefers Bishop Bancroft to the Chair of Canterbury, and not long after Dr. Barlow to the See of Rochester. On whose translation unto Lincoln, Dr. Richard Neil then Dean of Westminster succeeds at Rochester, and leaves Dr. Buckridge there for his successour at his Removal unto Lichfiel [...] in the year 1609. Dr. Samuel Harsnet is advanced to the See of Lichfield, and about ten years after unto that of Norwich. In the beginning of the year 1614. Dr. Overald succeeds Neil (then translated to Lincoln) in the See of Coventry and Lichfiel [...], Dr. George Mountein succeeded the said Neil (then translated to Durham) in the Church of Lincoln. In the year 1619. Dr. John Houson one of the Canons of Christ Church, a professed Anti-calvinist is made Bishop of Oxon. And in the year 1621. Dr. Valentine Cary Successor unto Overal [...] in the Deanry of Saint Paul, is made Bishop of Exon, and on the same day Dr. William Laud who had been Pupil unto Buckridge as before said, is consecrated Bishop of St. Davids. By which encouragements the Anti-Calvinians o [...] old English Protestants took heart again, and more openly declared themselves then they had done formerly; the several Bishops above named finding so gracious a Patron of the learned King, are as being themselves as bountifull Patrons (respect being had to the performants in their nomination) to their friends and followers. By means whereof, though they found many a Rub in the way, and were sometimes brought under censure by the adverse party; yet in the end they surmounted all difficulties, and came at last to be altogether as considerable both for power and number, as the Calvinists were. Towards which encrease the differences betwixt the Remonstrants and the Contra-Remonstrants in the Belgick Provinces did not help a little, who publishing there discourses one against the other, sharpened the Appetite of many Students in both Vniversities to feed more heartily on such dishes as were now plentifully [Page] set before them, then they had done in former times; which they either were not to be had, or not to be fed upon without fear of surfite, without the danger of disgorging what before they had eaten.

8. But so it happened that while matters went thus farely forwards Condradus Vrorstius, suspected for a Sa [...]osetenian, or Socinian Heretick; and one who had derogated in his writings from the Purity, the Immensity, the Omniscience, and immutability of Almighty God, was chosen by the Curators of Leiden, Anno 1611. to succed Arminius in that place. Wherewith King James being made acquainted inflamed as well with a pious zeal to the honour of God, as a just fear least the Contagion of his Errors might cross the Seas and infect his own Subjects also, he first follicited the States not to suffer such a man to be placed amongst them, and afterwards to send him back, when they had received him. But finding no success in either, and having sent many fruitless messages and letters to the States about it, he published his Declaration against the said Vorstius, and therein used many harsh and bitter Expressions against Arminius and his followers (of which see cap. 6. Num. 37. as if they had been guilty of the same impieties. This put the Calvinists again upon such a Gog that none of their Adversaries in either of the Vniversities ( [...] of what eminent parts and name soever) could escape their hands. During which heats, the reverend Dr. Houson, who had been Vice-Chancellour of the Vniversity ten years before was called in question and suspended by Dr. Rob. Abbot, then Dr. of the Chair and Vice-Chancellour also, Propter conciones publicas, minus orthodoxas & plenas offensionis: for preaching certain Sermons less Orthodox & fuller of offence then they should have been. He was sufficiently known for an Anticalvinist; and had preached somewhat tending to the disparagement of the Genevian Annotations on the Holy Scriptures (censured more bitterly by none then King James himself) which brought him under this displeasure. And about two years after, anno 1614. the said Dr. Abbot fell violently foul on Dr. William Laud, then President of St. John's Colledge, [Page] whom in his Sermon at St. Peters on Easter▪ Sunday, he publickly exposed to contempt and scorn under the notion of a Papist, as [...]arrets. Doctrines had been formerly condemned at Cambridge by the name of Popery, for which consult the Anti-Armin. p. 66.

9. But there was some thing more peculiar in the case of Mr. Edward Sympson then in that of the two great Doctors before remembered; King James himselfe being both the Informer and the Prosecuter against this man, as it is thus related by theCh. Hist. l. 6. Hist. of Camb. p. 160. Church Historian, viz. ‘'It happened in the year 1616. that Mr. Edward Sympson, (a very good Scholar) fellow of Trinity Colledge, preached a Sermon before King James at Royston, taking for his text John 3. 6. that which is born of the [...]lesh is slesh: Hence he endeavoured to prove that the committing of any great sin doth extinguish Grace and Gods Spirit for the time in the man.'’ He added also that St. Paul in the seventh Chapter to the Romans spake not of himself as an Apostle and regenerate, but sub sta [...]u legis: Hereat his Majesty took (and publickly expressed) great distaste; because Arminius had lately been blamed for extracting the like Exposition out of the works of Faustus Socinus. Whereupon he sent to the two professors in Cambridge for their Judgement herein, who proved and subscribed the place ad Rom. 7. to be understood of a Regenerate man, according to St. Augustines latter opinion in his Retractations; and the Preacher was injoyned a publick Recantation before the King, which accordingly was performed by him. In which it is first to be observed, that no offence was taken at the first part of his Sermon, in which he went no further then Dr. Overal had gone before, as in our last chap. Numb. 6. Secondly, That the latter part thereof might have given as little, if his Exposition on the 13. chap. of St. Pauls Epistle to the Romans, had not been fathered on Arminius, against whom the King had openly declared in his book against Vorstius, & likewise upon his followers in the Belgick Provinces himself as a dangerous party, which he then laboured to suppress as before was noted. And therefore, thirdly, I observe that the two Professors in Cambridge did neither more wholly or originally [Page] of their own authority, but as they were set on by the King, who could not otherwise be satisfied then by some such censure on Arminius, and consequently for his sake on the Preacher too. For that King James condemned not the Arminian Doctrines in themselves, though he had taken some displeasure against their persons, as is said before, appears not only by rejecting the Lambeth Articles, and his dislike of the Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination, in the conference at Hampton Court, but also by instructing his Divines commissionated for the Synod of Dort, not to oppose the Article of Universal Redemption, which they accordingly performed. Nor were the said Professors at that time so forward as to move in it of themselves, as may appear by their not answering of Tompsons book, entituled de Intercisione Gratiae & Justificationis, though the Author of it was a member of that Vniversity: but leaving it to be confuted by Dr. Abbot, their brother in the chair at Oxon. So great an Alteration had been made in the Affections of the Vniversity since the first striking up of their heats against Baroe and Barret, which presently began to cool on the death of Whitacres, and seemed to have been utterly quenched in the death of Perkins. The hammering of the Golden chair gave the first blow in it.

10. But though the passions of the King inflame by holy indignation, and kept unto the height to serve other mens tongues, rather then to advance his own; had used some harsh expressions against Arminius; yet did his passions calme, and subside at last giving him leave to look about him, and to discerne the dangers which did seeme to threaten him on the other side: considering therefore with himselfe, or being informed by tale of the Bishop and Divines, as were then about him, how great an adversary was Calvinius to Monarchicall interesse, how contrary the Predestination doctrines were to all rules of Government, he found it neeessary to devise or admit some course of the preventing of the mischiefe. To which end he issued certain directions to the vice Chancellor and Heads of both Universities bearing date, January. 18. 1619. Requiring them to take speciall order among other things, that all that tooke any [Page] degree in the ‘'Schooles should subscribe to the three Articles in the thirty sixt Canon; that no man in the Pulpit orDirections to the Vice-chancelour and heads, &c. Jan. 18. 1616. Schooles be sufferred to maintaine Dogmatically any point of doctrine that is not allowed by the Church of England, that none be suffered to preach or lecture in the Towns of Oxon. or Cambridge, but such as were every way conformable to the Church both in doctrine and discipline; and finally (which most apparently conduced to the ruine of Calvinism) that young Students in divinity be directed to study such books as be most agreeable in doctrine and discipline to the Church of England, and excited to bestow their time in the Fathers, and Councels, Schoolmen, Histories and Controversies, and not to insist too long upon Compendiums and abbreviations, making them the grounds of their study in divinity.'’ This seemed sufficient to bruse these doctrines in the shel, as indeed it was, had these directions been as carefully followed, as they were piously prescribed. But little or nothing being done in pursuance of them, the Predestinarian doctrines came to be the ordinary Theam of all Sermons, Lectures and Disputations, partly in regard that Dr. Prideaux who had then newly succeeded Dr. Rob. Abbot in the chair at Oxon. had very passionately exposed the Calvinian Interest; and partly in regard of the Kings declared averseness from the Belgick Remonstrants, whom for the reasons before mentioned, he laboured to suppress to his utmost power. And yet being carefull that the truth should not fair the worse for the men that taught it, he gave command to such Divines as were commissionated by him to attend in the Synod of Dort, Anno 1618. not to recede from the doctrine of the Church of England in the point of universal Redemption by the death of Christ. A point so inconsistent with that of the Absolute and irrespective decree of Reprobation, and generally of the whole Machina of Predestination, and the points depending thereupon as they are commonly maintained in the Schools of Calvin, that fire and water cannot be at greater difference. But this together with the rest being condemned in the Synod of Dort, and that Synod highly magnified by the English Calvinists, they took confidence of making those disputes the Subject of their common discourses, both from the Pulpit and press, without [Page] stint or measure. And thereupon it pleased his Majesty, having now no further fear of any dangers from beyond the seas, to put some water into their wine, or rather a Bridle into their mouths by publishing certain orders and directions touching Preachers and preaching, bearing date on the 4. of August 1622. In which it was enjoyned, amongst other things, ‘'That no Preacher of what Title soever (under the degree of a Bishop or Dean at least) do from hence forth presume to teach in any popularDirections of preaching and preachers. Auditory the deep points of Predestination, Election, Reprobation, or of the Universality, Efficacity, Resistability, or Irresistability of Gods Grace, but rather leave those Theames to be handled by learned men, and that modestly and moderately by use and application, rather then by way of positive Doctrine, as being fitter for Schools and Vniversities then for simple Auditors.'’ The violating of which order by Mr. Gabriel Bridges of Corpus Christi Colledge in Oxon. by preaching on the 19th of Ianuary then next following against the absolute decree, in maintenance of universal Grace, and the co-operation of mans free will prevented by it (though in the publick Church of the Vniversity) laid him more open to the prosecution of Dr. Prideaux, and to the censure of the Vice-Chancelor, and the rest of the Heads, then any preaching on those points, or any of them could possibly have done at another time.

11. Much was the noise which those of the Calvinian party were observed to make on the publishing of this last order, as if their mouths were stopped thereby from preaching the most necessary Doctrines tending towards mans salvation. But a far greater noise was raised upon the coming out of Montagues answer to the Gagger, in which he asserted the Church to her primitive and genuine Doctrines, disclaimed all the Calvinian Tenents, as dis-owned by her, and left them to be countenanced and maintained by those to whom they properly belonged. Which book being published at a time, when a Session of Parliament was expected in the year 1624. The opportunity was taken by Mr. Yates and Mr. Ward, two of the Lecturers or Preachers of Ipswich to prepare an Information against him, [Page] with an intent to prosecute the same in the following Session. A Copy whereof being come into Mountagues hands, he flies for shelter to King James, who had a very great estimation of him for his parts and learning, in which he had over-mastred, they then though much less Selden at his own Philologie. The King had already served his own turn against the Remonstrants by the Synod of Dort, and thereby freed the Prince of Orange his most dear Confederate from the danger of Barnwell, and his faction. Arch-Bishop Abbot came not at him since the late deplorable misfortune which befell him at Branzil, and the death of Dr. James Mountague Bishop of Winton left him at liberty from many importunities and sollicitations with which before he had been troubled; so that being now master of himself, and governed by the light of his own most clear and exellent Judgement, he took both Montague, and his Doctrines into his Protection, gave him a full discharge, or quietus est, from all those Calumnies of Popery or Arminianism, which by the said Informers were laid upon him; incouraged him to procecd in finishing his just Appeal, which he was in hand with; commanded Dr. Francis White, then lately preferred by him to the Deanry of Carlisle, and generally magnified not long before for his zeal against Popery, to see it licensed for the Press, and finally gave order unto Mountague to dedicate the book (when printed) to his Royal self. In obedience unto whose Command the Dean of Carlisle licensed the book with this approbation, That there was nothing contained in the samo, but what was agreeable to the publick Faith, Doctrine and Discipline established in the Church of England. But King James dying before the book was fully finished at the Press, it was published by the name of Appello Cesarem, and dedicated to King Charls, as the son and Successor to whom it properly belonged; the Author touching in the Epistle Dedicatory, all the former passages; but more at large then they are here discoursed of in this short Summary.

12. And thus far have we prosecuted our discourse concerning the five points disputed between the English Protestants, the Belgick Remonstrants, the Melancthonian Lutherans, together with the Jesuites and Franciscans on the one side, the English [Page] Calvinists, the Contra-Remonstrants, the Rigid Lutherans, and the Dominican Friers on the other side. In the last part whereof we may observe, how difficult a thing it is to recover an old doctrinal Truth, when overborn and almost lost by the continual Prevalency of a Busie faction. And I have carried it on no further, because at this time Bishop Laud (to whom the raising and promoting of the Arminian Doctrines, as they call them, is of late ascribed, was hardly able to promote or preserve himself, opprest with a heard hand by Arch-Bishop Abbot, secretly traduced unto the King for the unfortunate business of the Earl of Devonshire, attaining with great difficulty to the poor Bishop-prick of St. Davids, after ten years service, and yet but green in savour with the Duke of Buchingham. What happened afterwards towards the countenancing of these Doctrines by the appearing of King Charls in the behalf of Mountague, the letter of the three Bishops to the Duke in defence of the man and his opinion, his questioning and impeachment by the House of Commons, and his preferment by the King to the See of Chichester, are all of them beyond the bounds which I have prescribed unto my self in this Narration. Nor shall I now take notice of his Majesties Proclamation of the 14. of June, Anno 1626. For establishing the peace and quiet of the Church of England: by which he interdicted all such preaching and printing as might create any fresh Disturbance to the Church of England: or for his smart Answer to the part of the Remonstrance of the house of Commons, Anno 1628. which concerned the danger like to fall on this Church and Kingdom, by the grouth of Arminianism, or of the Declaration prefixed before the book of Articles in the same year also, for silencing the said Disputes, or finally of his Majesties Instructions, bearing date, Decemb. 30. 1629. for causing the Contents of the Declaration to be put in execution, and punctually observed for the time to come. By means whereof, and many fair encouragements from many of our Prelates, and other great men of the Realm, the Anti-Calvinist party became considerable both for power and number.

FINIS.

A POSTSCRIPT To the READER. Concerning some particulars in a scurrulous Pamphlet intituled A Review of the Certamen Epistolare, &c.

[Page]

PRimâ dicta mihi summâ dicenda camaenâ, with thee good Reader I began, and with thee I must end. I gave thee notice in the Preface of a scurrilous Libel, the Author whereof had disgorged his foul stomack on me, and seemed to Glory in the shame. But whither this Authour be a Cerberus with three heads, or a Smertginnuus with fire, or but a single Shimi only (for it is differently reported) is all one to me, who am as little troubled with the noise of Billings-gate, as the [Page] cry of an Oyster-wife. It is my confidence that none of the dirt, which he most shamefullyp. 175. confesseth himself to have thrown in my face will be found upon it, notwithstanding that necesse est ut aliquid haereat may be sometimes true. Omitting therefore the consideration of his many Obscaenities which every where are intermingled for the floures of his Rhetorick, I cannot but do my self so much justice, as to satisfie the Reader in the truth of some things, which otherwise may be beleeved to my disadvantage. I am content to suffer under as much obloquie as any foule mouthed Presbyterian can spit upon me; but I am not willing to be thought a slanderer, a profane person, or ungrateful for the smallest favours; all which the Authour of that scurrulous pamphlet hath imposed upon me.

In the first place it is much laboured to make me guilty of ingratitude and disaffection to Magd. Coll. of which I had the honour to be once a member, and do retain so high an estimation of it, that whensoever I shall write or speak any thing to the reproach of that foundation, let my tongue cleave unto the roof p. 22. of my mouth, and my right hand forget its cunning. But I am able to distinguish between the duty I owe to the House it selfe, and that which every member of it is to challenge from me, (quid civitati, & quid civibus debeam in the Orators Criticisme) And therefore I would not have the Libeller or his partners think that his or their taking Sanctuary under the name of Magdalen Colledge shall so far priviledge them in their actings (either against the Church in general, or my own [Page] particular) but that I shall as boldly venture to attacque them there; without fear of sacriledge, as Joab was smitten by Benaiah at the hornes of the Altar.

But the best is that I am made to have some ground for my disaffection, though there be no lesse falsehood in the fundamentals then the superstructure. And a fine tale is told of some endeavours by me used for bringing one of my own brood into that foundation; the failing of which hopes must of necessity occasion such an undervaluing of that Colledgep. 22. as to change it from a nest of Sparrows to a nest of Cuckoes. But the truth is, that the party for whom I was a suitor, was so farre from being one of my own brood, as not to be within the compasse of my Relations; so much a stranger to my blood that he was no otherwise endeared unto me, then by the extraordinary opinion which I had of his parts and industry. And therefore I commended him no further unto Doctor Goodwin, then that it was not my desire to have him chosen, if any abler Schollar should appeare for the place. And it was well for the young man that I sped no better; Periisset nisi Periisset, as we knowe who said. For within lesse then two years after he was elected into the Society of Merton Colledge (to their great honour be it spoken) upon no other commendation then his owne abilities.p. 67.

In the next place I am made a slanderer for saying, that the new Sabbath speculations of Doctor Bound and his adherents had beene embraced [Page] more passionately of late then any one Article of Religion here by Law established. How so? Because saith he (or they 'tis no matter which) it is well known that they do more passionately embrace the great truths of Christs Divinity, and the Divine Authority of Scripture, &c. then any opinion about the Sabbath. What may be meant by the, &c. it is hard to say, perhaps the Presbyterian Discipline, or the Calvinian Doctrines of Predestination; the two deare Helena's of the Sects as sacred and inviolable in their estimation, as any of their new opinions about the Sabbath. But whether the great truths of Christs Divinity, the Divine Authority of Scipture, or any Article of Religion here by Law established, be embraced by them with the like passion as their new Saint Sabbath; may be discerned by that impunity which is indulged by them to all Anabaptists, Familists, Ranters, Quakers, and all other Sectaries. By whom the great Truths of Christs Divinity, and the Divine Authority of holy Scripture, and almost all the Articles of the Christian Faith have beene called in question. And yet we cannot choose but know with what severity they proceeded when they were in power against all persons whatsoever whom they found travelling on the Sunday, though their businesse was of more concernment to them then the lifting of the Oxe or Asse out of the ditch. With what a cursed rigour a Victualler hath beene forced to pay ten shillings for selling a half-penny loafe [Page] to a poore man in the time of Sermon; What penalty they procured to be ordained against Vintners, Taylors, Barbers, for selling but a pint of Wine, or carrying home a new suit of Cloathes, or trimming the man that was to wear them on their Sabbath day: And finally, against all persons whatsoever for walking in the fields or streetes after all the publick duties of the day were ended. They may tell tell me what they will of their giving the Right hand of Fellowship to some Divines of Transmarine Churches, who differ in that Doctrine from them. But quid verba audiam cum Ibid. facta videam, the bleating of the sheep, and the lowing of the Oxen will not out of my eares, though preferred under a pretence of making them an acceptable Sacrifice to the Lord their God.

But the maine endeavour of the Pamphlet is to bring me under the reproach of a Prophanation, in using such words unto the King in a Petition of mine presented to him, as it could not without sinne be applyed unto any but to God. A greater crime then any of the other two, and as falsely charged. It is suggested in the Libell, that upon the sense of some indignity which was offered to me, in being disturbed in my possession of a Lodging in Magdalen Colledge, I made complaint unto the King of the great wrong which had been done his Majesties creature, and the workmanship of his hands, and that for this expression I was checked by the [Page] Marquesse of Hertford, who was then Chancellor of that University; for proofe whereof we are referred to somewhat which was said in the Bursery of that Colledge before two of the fellows.

But first I hope that all things which we said in the Bursery before any two or more of the Fellows ‘(—Ecce inter pocula quaerant Romalides Saturi, &c.—)’ must not passe for Gospel, nor that all Tabletalk, fit onely for the Voider, when the meale is done, is to be preserved upon Record for undoubted Truths. Secondly, I am confident as I can be of any thing so long since done, that no such expression ever passed my pen, there being no visible necessity to inforce me to it. I Conceive, Thirdly, that the Libeller cannot be so much a Stranger to the Assembly Notes, on the 1. of Gen. 6. as not to know (if he had learnt it no where else) that it is a familiar phrase, in the Style of the Court, to say such an one was created Earle, Marquesse, or Duke, &c. upon which ground the Members of the House of Peeres were looked upon by our Republicans or Common wealths men (not without some contempt) as his Majesties Creatures, Creatures of the Prerogative, as they commonly called them. And therefore, Fourthly, that the Marquesse of Hertford was not likely to reprove me for calling my selfe his Majesties creature, or the workmanship of his hands, in reference to my temporal fortunes, and the place I held about [Page] the King; that Noble person, acknowledging with a loyal gratitude that he received his Creation to the Honourable Title of Lord Marquesse from the hands of his Majesty; and that his being made Governour to the Princes Highnesse was the Kings sole workmanship. Finally, if all expressions of this nature must be laid aside, and that we must be taught a new Court-Dialect, because some Divines of the Assembly and other professed enemies of Monarchical Government do not like the old; we must discharge the Titles of most High and Might, of Majesty, and sacred Majesty, because disliked by Buchanan in his most seditious Book de Jure Regni. By whom such adjuncts are reputed inter Barbarismos & Solecismos Aulicos, and amongst the Barbarismes and extravagancies of the Courts of Princes.

But for the clearer satisfaction of all equal and unbyassed persons, I shall lay down the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, as to that particular. In which the Reader is to know, that at his Majesties first making choice of Oxon for his Winter Quarters, Anno 1642. The course of my attendance carried me to wait upon him there as a Chaplaine in ordinary. Where I had not been above a week, when I received his Majesties command by the Clerk of the Closet for attending Mr. Secretary Nicholas on the morrow morning, and applying my self from time to time to such directions as I should receive from him in order to his Majesties service. Which command was afterwards re-inforced upon me, when the time of my [Page] ordinary attendance of the Court was at an end for that yeare (as can be proved by two several intimations of it under his owne most Royall hand) with this charge super-added to it, that I was not to depart the Town without speciall leave. I found by this that my attendance at the Court was like to last as long as the Warre, and therefore that it did concerne me to accomodate my selfe with Lodging and such other necessaries as might both encourage and enable me to performe those services which were required at my hands. A Chamber in the Colledge being vacant within few moneths after by the absence of one of the Fellows, and the death of the other, I gained the free consent of the absent party (Master Hobs by name, in whom the sole right of it then remained) to make use of it for my selfe, and my little Company.

Five moneths I quietly enjoyed it without interruption. But coming from the Court on Alhallowday, I found some souldiers in the Roome, who told me that they came to take possession of it for Master D. who had succeeded in the Rights of the man deceased, and that they meant to keep it for him untill further order. This▪ carried me back unto the Court, where I acquainted Master Secretary with the indignity and affront which was put upon me; desiring him either to defend me from contempt and scorne, or that he would get me a discharge from that employment which had laine so long and heavy on me. By his advice a short Petition was drawn [Page] up to his sacred Majesty, briefly containing the particulars before laid downe, and humbly praying in the close, that he would graciously be pleased to extend unto me such a measure of his power and favour in the case before him, as might preserve me in a fit capacity to proceed in those services, which otherwise I could not be able to performe, as I had done formerly. His Majesty thereupon gave order to the now Lord Bishop of Lichfield being then President of the Colledge, to see me resetled for the present; and to Sir Arthur Ashton, who was then Governour of the Towne to take some strict course with his Souldiers, for not giving me the like disturbance for the time to come; which was the least I could expect from his Majesties goodnesse.

And here I thought my troubles had beene at an end. But so it happened that the Lord Marquesse of Hertford was at the same time chosen Chancellor of the Vniversity; and some of his sevants must be dealt with to espouse the quarrell. By whose soliticaton, I was required to attend his Lordship whithin few dayes after, and I went accordingly. But when I came, and that his Lordship saw how farre his Majesty had already apperaed in the businesse, he could not but perceive withall how unfit it was for him to take any cognizance of that cause which by his Majesty had beene heard and predetermined. He thereupon presently declined [Page] the businesse, seemed much offended at the trouble which was given me in it, and having dismist the rest of the company, retained me with him for some time; held some discourse with me about the quality and estate of the Kings affaires, and finally called for Ale and Wine for my entertainment. But notwithstanding those indignities which were put upon me on the one side, and those many advantages which I had on the other, I carried my selfe fairly all along to my troublesome Landlord, gave him a civil treatment in the Christmas Holidays, presented him with no inconsiderable new-years gift, as the times then were; and promised him that as soone as otherwise I could provide my selfe of convenient Lodging, I would give him the contentment he so much desired. Nor was it long before I did make good that promise. Since which time all fair offices and friendly correspondencies have past between us, there being nothing (I thank God) which I can more easily forget then the sense of Injuries.

Hic status, haec Rerum fuerat fortuna mearum

Such was the state of these affaires,

And such the issue of my cares.

And thus good Reader thou hast seene those horrible prophanations, slanders and ingratitudes, [Page] for which I stand arraigned in that scurrilous Libell, for by that name I shall take leave to call that Pamphlet, which for the Ribauldry thereof was stopt by the Vice-Chancellor at the Presse in Oxon, and being at last brought forth in the dark at London, is neither justified by the name of the Authour, nor otherwise offered unto sale then by an underhand promoting of it amongst those of that Faction. But there is still a race of men as anciently there was in Saint Hieroms time; qui aliorum vituperatione laudabile se videri cupiunt, which hope to get themselves a name by defaming others. And for my part I am content they should enjoy the ignominy of that Peccant humour (which is so proper to the Text) without other censure then that which Michael the Arch-Angel passed upon the Devil, when he contended with him for the body of Moses, of whom it is written by Saint Jude, that he durst not bring a railing accusation against that Accuser of the brethren, but left him to the judgement of Almighty God, with [...]; the Lord rebuke thee.

I have but one thing more to adde, and that relates to the Integrity of Doctor Barlow, who stands defamed by the Libeller and his alter idem for using some unjust dealing towards Doctor Reynolds, Doctor Sparks, &c. in his relation of the conference at Hampton Court. For proofe whereof one Master Sparks (affirmed to be a man of eminent learning) must be disquieted at [Page] his death, (if not rather raised up from the dead) to declare his knowledge; who signified by his friend I. M. what he once heard from H. G. an aged Minister concerning Doctor Barlow's sorrow at his death-bed for the wrong he had done to Doctor Reynolds, and the rest in relating that conference with H. I. is reported to have added further, that being at a Table with Master Sparks the sonne of Doctor Sparks, he found him very sensible of the abuse (of which he could not speak without great indignation) which had been put upon his Father and Doctor Reynolds, by the said Relator. But first the man himself is dead, from whom we are to take our greatest light in so dark a businesse. And who can tell but that this whole narration may be one of those pious fraudes devised by the Pamphleter, or his Alter Idem) nec enim nunc fallere primum, Incipit a nobis—for imposing as well upon the dead as upon the living. Secondly, the principal witnesse being dead, the credit of the sigment resteth on two common vouchers, that is to say I. M. and H. I. as easie to be found, and as honest folk as Nicholas Nemo, in Utopia, or Madam Charity of the Oudemeon street in Mantinea, or Doctor H. H. in the Margin of the Libel which is now before us. Thirdly, it must needs seeme exceeding strange to a sober Reader, that this great truth should lie concealed (like a spark raked up in ashes) five and fifty years, and then blaze out upon a sudden, when it was not thought of. And, Fourthly, I [Page] had once the happiness to be exeeeding well acquainted with Master Thomas Sparks of Cando [...]er, in the County of South-Hampton, and Master William Sparks of Bleckly in the County of Buckingham, sometime Divinity Reader in Magdalen Colledge, the onely sonnes of Doctor Sparks before remembred, and having had many opportunities of discoursing with them about that conference, and their Fathers acting in the same, I never heard the least word, from either of them of any wrong done or supposed to be done by Doctor Barlow in drawing up the substance and abridgement of it, so that I doubt not but it will appear on the full debate that Doctor Barlow is more wronged in his fame by these Libellers Pamphlets, then ever Doctor Reynolds had been injured by that learned Prelate.

I have now done with these polemical discourses, and shall not easily ingage in a new adventure, unlesse invincible necessity, or some unsufferable provocation shall inforce me to it. In which case only it is possible that I may be tempted to the resuming of those armes which otherwise I would willingly hang up in the Temple of Concord: that I may spend the whole remainder of my time in more peacefull studies. I have already done my part in vindicating the Doctrine, Government, and formes of worship, established in the Church of England. And it is time to leave the Stage to more able Actors. To whom I recommend the care of that weighty businesse, not doubting but that my endeavours in the [Page] Churches service will finde acceptance with all equal and indifferent men. And for the rest who are so far ingaged in the adverse party, that possibly they may hate to be reformed in the Psalmists language. I neither fear their censures, nor court their favours; but leave them to enjoy the happinesse of these open times, in quibus non modo libertas, sed etiam loquendi libido impunita est, as my Author hath it. And thus good Reader I bid thee once again farewel in the Lord, to whose unspeakable mercies in Christ Jesus, thou art most heartily recommended by

Lacies Court in Abindon, Dec. 29. 1659.

Thine alwayes to be commanded in the Churches service

P. H.

An Advertisement touching the ERRATA.

THe ill printing of that part of the Certamen Epistolore, which was most controversial, hath exposed me to some disadvantage in the eyes of those who are willing to interpret every mistaking of the presse to be an error of the pen; which hath made me require the greater care for the well-doing of this, though it could not passe without such faults as workmen will commit somtimes, do they what they can. But they are neither great nor many, and such as are may be corrected in this manner.

§

[Page]

The Errata of the first Part.

Pa. 3 line 5 for Loppinus read Coppinus, p 9 l 34 for works, r. words, p 30 l 22 for sub. r. supra, p 39 l 17 Macurius r. Maccorius, p 46 l 26 r. Belconquall. 29 for quarrel r. parallel, p 48, &c. for Arustondon r. Amsterdam, p 49 l 20 for drown r. divorce, p 57 r. Themistius, p 60 l 14, &c. for Grotius r. Crotius, p 62 for Synod called r. Synodical, p 70 l ul [...]. adde that without the grace of God preventing, we may will the things, &c.

The Errata of the second Part.

P. 20 l 19 for word r. Creed, p 21 l 8 for heard r. find, p 27 l 11 for to the loreing of r. touching, p 31 l 34 for Therancen [...]s r. Theramenes, p 50 l 9 for Apostles r. positive, p 51 l 9 for greater Catechisme r. Gloria in excelsis, p 74 l 12 for Butler r. Barlow.

The Errata of the third Part.

P. 2 l 23 for how r. two, p 6 l 6 del. who, p 14 and c. for Powel r. Nowel p. 25 l 5 for from charity r. from shewing, p 28 l 11 for Powel r. Poynets, p 41 l 2 for discended from r. discended from a brother of Robert King, &c. p 70 l 30 ad should be tendred to him, p 101 l 11 for makes r. many p 103 l 11 for Lichfield r. Chichester, p 105 l 5 r. looked, and del. himself.

Information about this book

Title statement

Historia quinqu-articularis: or, A declaration of the judgement of the Western Churches, and more particularly of the Church of England, in the five controverted points, reproched in these last times by the name of Arminianism. Collected in the way of an historicall narration, out of the publick acts and monuments, and most approved authors of those severall churches. By Peter Heylyn.

Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662.

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1660

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Text Creation Partnership,

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Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

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2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A86290

ID [STC]

Wing H1721

ID [STC]

Thomason E1020_1

ID [STC]

Thomason E1020_2

ID [STC]

Thomason E1020_3

ID [STC]

Thomason E1020_4

ID [STC]

ESTC R202407

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

99862701

ID [PROQUEST]

99862701

ID [VID]

130574

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Early English books online.

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(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A86290)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 130574)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 151:E1020[1]; 151:E1020[2]; 151:E1020[3]; 151:E1020[4])

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— Historia quinqu-articularis: or, A declaration of the judgement of the Western Churches, and more particularly of the Church of England, in the five controverted points, reproched in these last times by the name of Arminianism. Collected in the way of an historicall narration, out of the publick acts and monuments, and most approved authors of those severall churches. By Peter Heylyn., Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662..

Extent

[32], 80, 112, [2], 110, [16] p.

printed by E.C. for Thomas Johnson at the Key in St. Pauls Church-yard,. London :: 1660.. (In three parts, each with separate pagination and dated title page beginning quire A, 2A, or 3A; separate Thomason numbers.) (With a postscript and a final errata leaf.) (Annotation on Thomason copy: "Aprill 11".) (Reproduction of the original in the British Library.)

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Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford.

Editorial practices

EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO.

EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org).

The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source.

Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data.

Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so.

Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor.

The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines.

Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements).

Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site.