CHAP. I.
Of Senators in General, their Original and Necessity.

HE that sweateth in the pursuit of those studies that conduce to private recreation, as well as publike emolument, perso­nates and represents a grave wise man; and merits the general applause of all persons: For, ‘[Page 2] Omne tulit punctum, qui miscuit util [...] dulci.’ And (if I may be a competent Judge) there is no Science accompanied with more delight to the Student, or benefit to the Commonwealth into which he is incor­porated, than that of Government: where­fore being sufficiently convinced, that all the transactions of a well-regulated State are managed by solid reason, mature deli­beration, and sound judgement, not by wa­vering opinion, uncertain fate, or fanta­stique fortune; I have made the original of Senators, their duty, dignity, internal and external qualifications, the Theme on which I intend to expatiate in general in this first Book: But more particularly in this Chapter, of the original cause of their institution or creation. For the perfor­mance of that task which I have voluntari­ly imposed upon my self, I have dived into the depth of civil knowledge, and pried in­to the Arcana of Philosophy; collecting whatsoever hath been related, penned, or experimentally known heretofore, either by Academick Learning, Parliaments in Commonweals, Policy in Government, or History.

[Page 3] But to begin: Man, the perfection of the Creation, was not made a Citizen or In­habitant of this World only, but Lord Pa­ramount over all Creatures that have a be­ing within the compass of the terrestrial Globe: This authority and dignity was conferred upon him by the supreme Go­vernour of Heaven and earth, who hath descended so far below his sacred Self, as to make him his Co-partner in Government, adorning him with divine understanding; to the intent, that the Scepter of this ter­rene Empire may be swayed by his Rea­son and Counsel. The cause of this co­union of Government between God and Man, proceeds from Reason; which being perfect, makes Man capable of imitating Almightiness; so that it appears, there is a kind of near alliance or consanguinity be­tween the Creator and the Creature, who sometimes is made God's Vicegerent upon earth: yet without divine assistance, no rea­son or counsel can be termed good, or per­fect: For, the seed of this glimmering re­semblance of a Deity planted in Man, if it light on fertile ground, and that happen to meet with good culture, produceth a crop according to the expectation of the Coe­lestial Planter; otherwise, it is like corn [Page 4] cast into a barren soyl; whose product is nothing but brambles, thorns, or thistles. Thus then Man being reduced to a sense or feeling of those sparks of divinity that lie latent in him, should be wrought to a per­swasion, that he hath the Character or Idaea of a Deity in his mind; the impressi­on of the Creator's holy Image stamped on his soul; and ought thereupon to be so industrious in the employment of his ta­lent, and the management of his affairs, that his actions may speak him worthy, in some sense, of so heavenly a favour bestow­ed on him. Yet, though he be made God's associate (as it were) he must return him the glory, to whom it properly and primarily belongs; and acknowledge all authority to flow from him, as from the Fountain: For, as brute Animals are not governed by Animals, but by an Herds­man; no more can Man rule or govern Man, without the assistance and protection of Providence divine. And should any man be so sordidly ignorant, or atheistical­ly prophane, as to undertake the Govern­ment of any Country or Nation, without divine knowledge or assistance; it must ne­cessarily follow, that that State, Common­wealth, or Kingdom, and every Member [Page 5] thereof, be implunged into an Ocean of misery and infelicity: For, it is in vain to build upon the imagined welfare of a State, or Kingdom, if God be not the Pro­tector and Patron thereof. It is then as conspicuous as the Meridian Sun, that all vertue, wisdom and goodness owes its ori­ginal to God; which did instigate the pur­blind, or rather pure-blind Heathen, that had only the rush-candle of Nature, to consecrate publike Temples to Vertue, Faith, Concord, Wisdom, Peace, &c. And if Ovid the Ethnick durst be so bold, well may we then à fortiori affirm, and main­tain,

It is therefore our duty to endeavour the deserving a more noble title than that of meer Man, and strenuously to labour in the pursuit of Understanding, that flies a higher pitch, than either humanity or morality dare aspire unto; that so, if possible, we may surpass all our Ancestors, and live ac­cording to the dictates of that which hath the greatest supremacy in us, viz. Reason; by vertue whereof, we are made sensible [Page 6] of a Deity, know how to exercise Vertu [...], embrace that which is good, and avoid what is evill: this is that which endows a man with the qualifications of Wisdom, Valour, and Justice; by this we are able to discern, that the terrestrial Globe is wheel'd about by divine wisdom; it is this that makes a man Noble, a Hero: which was the reason that the Lacedaemonians imposed the title of Gods upon those per­sons, that were judged to move in the high­est sphear of understanding; homines de me­liore luto; men of a more noble allay, than dull mud-wall'd man can boast of: Nay, Homer deifies Hector in this ensuing Di­stich:

So that we may maintain (without being Paradoxical) that that man, who is gui­ded by solid reason in all his words and actions, is quasi semi-deus inter mortales; a Demi-god among men.

Now, of such repute is a Sage Senator, or grave Cousellor; who hath reason for his Cynosure, and wisdom his coadjutress in all undertakings. Such persons are so [Page 7] necessary in a Commonwealth, that they can by no means be omitted or left out: For, the King being but a single person, cannot have an eye unto all the transacti­ons of his Kingdom; besides, somtimes it happens, that he is seduced from the con­duct of reason, by yeilding to his affecti­ons, or slackning the reins of his appetite and licentiousness; and the rude multi­tude, being ignorant, is altogether uncapa­ble of that understanding, or knowledge. Yet the Senate, elected according to the Law of the Land, and compacted or made up of vertuous, sober, grave, discreet per­sons, do from their place, as from a Pharos, or Watch-tower, look about them, and provide all things requisite for the discreet and well regulating of the State wherein they live; preventing all mutinies, sediti­ons and dissentions that the rebellious rab­ble durst any waies attempt: Of such great use and necessity are they, and that not on­ly to the King, but the people also; like unto the vital part of mans soul, which re­siding in the heart, enliveneth and quic­kens that which partakes of Reason, and is situated in the head: and a Monarch that is guided by the advice and counsel of a grave Senate, rules his Kingdom prudent­ly, [Page 8] and governs it discreetly. For, as reason in all her proceedings, makes use of the ser­vice of the senses; yet she alone deter­mines, and deserves the greatest honour and esteem: so a Prince, though he admit of Counsel, is to be judged the wisest; and is uncontroulable in all his actions: for it is a Maxim among us, that The King can do no wrong. And as the hand distinguished into fingers is thereby strengthned, and made the more apt to lay hold on any thing; so he that governeth with the aid and assistance of Counsel, shall manage all affairs with the greater consideration and prudence. Their original did proceed from the benefit that it was imagined would ac­crue to the Commonwealth, whereof they were members, by their counsel: And al­though they, that first assembled men into Cities, who before like Savages, ranged o­ver the woods, and inhabited the desarts dispersedly, without either Law or Order, first gained the Title of Kings; yet that course alone could not make them under­stand the dutiful Allegiance they owed un­to their Soveraign: wherefore perceiving, that when they were civilized, and reduced from their brutality, the authority of a single Person was not of sufficiency to curb [Page 9] and check them in the full career of their exorbitancies, they judged it convenient to have assistance from serious and grave Counsellors: which we find performed by Romulus the Proto-basileus, or first King of the Romans; who supposing the Government of a single Person without a Senate to be perilous and unsafe, made a Convocation of 100 Senators, who out of respect to their gray heads, and grave understandings, ob­tained the name of Patres. Theopompus also, King of Sparta, trod the same path; For, he constituted the Ephori, and invested them with eminent authority: whereat his wife being offended, was so pragmatical as to tell him, That he had derogated from his dignity, and clipt the wing of his ensuing Posterity, by diminishing their authority and supremacy: But he replied, like him­self, That the Counsel and gravity of a Se­nate would fortifie his Kingdom, and be in­stead of a Bulwark against the impious machinations and plots of rebellious Sub­jects. Whereby it is apparent, that Mo­narchs first embraced Counsellors out of necessity: and all rational men are of opi­nion, that those State-transactions are most firm and solid, that are digested by the wis­dome of a Parliament, ere they come to a [Page 10] publike birth. Now, I call that a Parlia­ment, or Senate, which by Royal Autho­rity, and the general consent of the whole Nation, is freely elected, and constituted, to advise and govern the State; and conse­quently, a Senator, or Parliament-man, is one lawfully chosen into the number of those that are authorized to sit at the helm, and steer the Ship of State. And it hath ever been observed, that they were alwaies the most grave, discreet, and noble sort of Subjects; because there is no Society of Men, or Nation, how barbarous and bru­tish soever, but will voluntarily and cordi­ally consent, that the Government should be imposed upon, and rest in those persons that are vertuous; and think it just and reasonable to obey them. Nor are there any so fit to govern, as the ancient, experienced, which are usually chosen; because others, either through want of maturity or experi­ence, are usually withdrawn by their juve­nile phancies, and recreations, from such se­rious places of authority: but a grave Counsellor is not disturbed or discompo­sed with extravagant affections, transpor­ted by appetite, or inveigled by youth; but by Reason directed, by Counsel fortified, and by Age made perfect. And further, [Page 11] Philosophers maintain, that in all things there are three degrees; Great, Small, and Indifferent: And that is judged the most perfect, that participates of either, and stands in an Aequilibrium between two: Now, the Senator standing as a mean or moderator between the King and People, the Monarch and his Subjects; may be the more intimately acquainted with the per­fection of all things; and study what is the Office of a King, and the duty and Al­legiance of a Subject; with the Rights, Properties, Liberties, and Laws appertain­ing to both; and so advise them according­ly; that the King may not turn tyrannical for want of Counsel, nor the people tran­scend the bounds of a moderate becoming liberty: Therefore he must of necessity be a man of excellent endowments, a clear in­tellect, and a piercing understanding, to dive into the intricacies of Government. Scipio saith, That as the end of Mariners, and their laborious endeavours, tends to a safe arrival into the intended Haven; the Physicians skill and art is employed for the recovering and preserving health in his di­stempered Patients; and the Captains va­lour levels at victory: So the happiness of Subjects, their glory, life, and liberty [Page 12] should be the summa totalis, or chiefest end that our Counsellor should aime at; all which he must labour to preserve, main­tain and augment, by his industry and en­deavour, to the utmost extent of his ability; and leave no stone unturned for the benefit of the Republick, of which he is a Member. Nor is it my design here in this Treatise to broach any new-fangled opinion, like those that are hatcht in the brains of our Phana­tick Regicides; or to phancie a Chimaera, or make my brain the womb or Idaea of an Utopian Counsellor, that can only be ima­gined, and not found in esse (as Plato did in his Commonwealth, and Cicero in his Ora­tor) but my discourse shall tend to, and end in a relation and description of such Per­sons as have liv'd heretofore, and citra omnis controversiae aleam, may be hereafter. And as divine Plato composed, and reduced all those things into order, that might conduce to the felicity of his City, or Republick; the same course will we take in the Cha­racter of our Counsellor: wherefore per­swade your self to be arrived at, or come to some famous Emporium, or Piazza; where­unto all persons, of all Nations, Countries and Cities repair; and we will disrobe every single person of some Vertue, Law, [Page 13] Custome, or Qualification, that shall seem most advantagious and beneficial to our enterprize; and therewith make up our Sage Senator, Grave Counsellor, or Per­fect Politician: that they, who for the fu­ture are invested with such eminent digni­ty and authority, may imitate our Senator, and endeavour to be adorned with these ensuing qualifications.

CHAP. II.
Of the diversity of Man's nature in general, and of the Parentage and Education of a Senator in particular.

THere is nothing more clear, than that the Supreme Power, among many other gifts, hath conferr'd that of Reason upon Man, to the end that by vertue there­of, he may pry into the nature of Coelesti­al, as well as Terrestrial bodies; and there­by honour, reverence, and adore the Crea­tor.

Now, he that is sensible of the gifts of God, and the benefits of Nature; and doth, both by contemplation and action, employ this supernatural gift, slowly Apes the Deity, [Page 14] and thereby resembles him, as much as comes within the compass of mortality. But, they that contrary to Nature, and the end of their Creation, indulge their geni­us, delighting themselves in sensuality, neglecting, or totally deserting Reason; Facie tantum homines sunt, non animo: carry only the outward aspect or complexion of a Man; because they are destitute of his more noble endowments.

Hence ariseth the variety of mens na­tures and dispositions, or rather conditi­ons: for, some are born Free, Noble, Wise, and with an aptitude to govern; others, Vassals, Rusticks, Ideots, predestinated to servitude and bondage: All Societies of men, being willing and ready to submit to the Government of the more grave and wise; promoting, and accumulating ho­nours on them, and Offices, with reverence and respect suitable to their deserving gra­vity and understanding.

Plato is of opinion, that God in mans first Creation, did by his omniscience so or­der it, that in the generation of those that are destin'd and adapted to govern, he hath distill'd some drams of gold in their composition; and in them that are to assist Kings and Superiours by their deliberate [Page 15] counsel, and mature advice, silver; but the Nature of Peasants and Mechanicks is tempered with Brass and Iron. Which si­militude the Philosopher extends to the manners, nature, and capacitie of man.

For, although every man naturally desi­reth, that the issue of his loyns may resem­ble him; yet sometimes, though seldom, it happens contrary to his expectation: for Gold sometimes produceth Silver, a more inferiour metal. Therefore it is requisite, that a Prince should be capable of under­standing the natural disposition and incli­nation of his Royal Off-spring, that their Iron may be converted into the Gold of a more noble disposition: but, if neither good Education, Documents nor Precepts can operate upon their inclinations, so as to cause a Metamorphosis, or Transmutation; the Government must be transferr'd to those, whose wisdome renders them more capa­ble. For, it hath been prognosticated, and the event hath been experimentally known to succeed according to the Prediction; That they that are ruled by ignorant, me­chanick Governours, come to ruine, destru­ction, and confusion. To prevent all which misfortunes, it is requisite, that our Coun­sellor be a natural Subject of that place or [Page 16] Country where he governeth; no for­reigner: of the same Country, because that birth and being do not only oblige, but induce a man to believe, that it is honoura­ble, just, and requisite for him to spend his bloud in defence thereof, when occasion is offered: Dulce & decorum est pro patria mori; It is a sweet and comely thing to die for ones Country. And how can it be that any man, of what constitution soever, should not affect that place wherein his Parents, Neighbours, Friends, and Allies reside; and that Country to which he is indebted for his Life, Name, and Honour, and every thing else that is either for de­light or necessity? Non nobis enim nati su­mus (saith the Orator) sed patriae; Our Country challengeth the greatest part of us. And it is most certain, that Nature hath so deeply rooted the affection to their native place in the mind of man, that ne­ver was any good Subject timorous, or un­willing to lay down his life, and hazard his fortunes in her defence, if necessity re­quired. Nay, it hath been so prevalent, that the most impious and unnatural persons, that endeavoured the subversion of the place of their nativity, the very sight of their native soyl hath prevented their cruel [Page 17] enterprize. Veturia did disswade her Son Martius befieging Rome, only by reducing to his memory the love and respect he ought to bear to his natural Country; branding him with the name of impious and audacious, for being so highly ambi­tious, as to disturb the quiet of that City wherein he was begot and educated; alto­gether unmindful of his Wife, Children, and friends that remained there. So no­table was the piety of Veturia to her Coun­try, and no less was that of her Son in for­giving it; which had been somewhat in­grateful to him at that time, through the cruelty of the Tribunes persecuting the Nobility. Sertorius also entreated Pom­peius and Metellus to endeavour the pro­curement of his revocation; alledging, that he took it for a greater piece of honour to have the name of an obscure Roman Citi­zen, than that of Emperour in any other place of the habitable World. Well then might Naso sing,

The Obligation that devoteth and bindeth us to our Country, is great, upon this ac­count; [Page 18] because our goods, persons and for­tunes are therein contained. Pythagoras (as it is reported by divine Plato) judged it a crime of as deep a dye, to be guilty of ingratitude to the place of ones nativity, as to ones own Mother, to whom we are indebted for being: Nor can there be an offence so hainous, but the affection to our native Country should allay and mitigate. Our Counsellor must be of natural birth: no Forreiner; because their counsel or ad­vice is thought and accounted suspicious and dangerous; which was the reason that mov'd the Athenians not only to exclude strangers from their Council, but to drive them out of their Cities, lest they should aspire at the dignity of Magistracy, and instigate or work upon the minds of Citi­zens, so as to perswade them to Innovati­on; and so mutation of Laws, Customs and manners might ensue, and consequent­ly Seditions and Rebellions. Which me­thod the Venetians have diligently ob­served; for, it is their study and their whole industry, to prevent their sitting a­mong them in Council, lest they intruding under a false name or title, should arrive to dignity and eminency in the Republick. Besides, it is requisite he be of the Nobili­ty; [Page 19] begotten of honest Parents; because honest parents produce honest children, for the most part. He must be of the number of noble and free Citizens, who assumes his title from that Nobility that owes its original to Vertue; which he may partly challenge as his own, and part­ly as his Ancestors. They therefore that are nobilitated and adorned with their own peculiar vertues, as well as with those of their Predecessors, merit esteem, prefer­ment, honour and fame, above all others, and are to be highly reverenced; and the reason is, because that Vertuous and good Parents, have a generous, good, vertuous and noble Issue: according to the Lyrick Poet,

Now (as Aristotle affirmeth) that person that comes of a noble race, is the stem of a noble stock, and hath the affluence of For­tune accompanied with Vertue, hath arri­ved to the apex or perfection, the very Quintessence of true Nobility. But, be­cause [Page 20] it is a rarity to find one person ador­ned with them all; Vertue alone can by her own right and property nobilitare viros. As for revenues, large acres, specious & spaci­ous Mannors, but no manners, and the ho­nour that we challenge from our Ancestors, without vertue, they are so far from being ornaments, that they prove a disparage­ment and a stain to the Owner. Such per­sons render the name of their Predecessors obscure; And through the vices of their Posterity, are entombed in the grave of ob­livion: Therefore it is better to ascend the top of Nobility by a man's own vertue (saith the fluent Orator) than to be repu­ted for the opinion conceived of his An­cestors; because the Beginner of Nobility deserves most praise and applause. He that is the off-spring of a noble Family, de­serves honour and esteem undoubtedly, with this proviso, that he make it the Butt and End of his Endeavours and Industry, to equal, if not excel, the Vertues of his Pa­rents and Predecessors, and to gain unto himself more vertuous and glorious Attri­butes. And infinitely are they to be com­mended that do so; for they are so far from obscuring the Fame and Renown of their Fore-fathers, that they add a most resplen­dent [Page 21] lustre: to it by their own vertue yet verdant and blossoming. The Law of the Rhodians is worthy of commendation; for they enacted, that those children that did lead a debauched life, not imitating the ver­tues of their Parents, should be utterly dis­inherited, and their Lands by a Deed of gift freely disposed of to the most vertuous of the Race or Family. It is an office of piety, to leave unto Posterity a demonstra­tion of our gratitude and thankfulness to our Ancestors, whose heirs we are, not on­ly of their external substance, (the goods of fortune, I mean) but of their virtue, glory, and renown: which is the true inhe­ritance, and the best of all terrene possessi­ons. For, 'tis not a stately Building hung within with coats of Arms, and badges of the honour of others, nor the vast un­measurable pieces of Land belonging thereunto, but Vertue, that Nobilitates; As Juvenal sings,

For, wheresoever Vertue is resident, it deserves more ample commendation than Fortune can lay claim to, because she [Page 22] refuseth none, but may be by every one em­braced; she dwels in the homely Peasants Cottage, as well as in the Princes stately Palace; and we find the Sun-bak'd Peasant adorn'd with russet-honesty, when the gau­dy fantastick Lord oft-times is so vitious, that he is a stranger both to vertue and honesty. Cleanthes was a poor water-drawer; and, though his outside might seem rough-hewn, and he despicable and contemptible to one whose sight pries no farther than the external part: yet his mind was refin'd, and his intellect ennobled with such faculties as will speak him Man, to an understanding person, maugre all the force and violence of Poverty or Fortune: Nor did Vertue find Plato noble, but made him so. And it is most certain, that from Bond­men Kings have descended, and the off­spring of Kings hath been enslaved: such revolutions, long tract of time, by the assi­stance of fickle fortune, doth produce: for, according to the Poet,

[Page 23] Was not Agathocles from a Potter ad­vanced to the Throne? What Heroes were Romulus, Tullus, Hostilius, Tarquinius Priscus, and the whole Race of the Romans, more than others? Of mean parentage all, not atavis regibus editi. Hearken to Juvenal, and he will give you the same information:

Who therefore may be termed noble? He that by nature is made vertuous, and quali­fied or adorned with the attribute of wis­dom. Moreover, as the exercise of our qualities is various, so are the degrees of Nobility. The Nobility of private per­sons, that lead a contemplative life only, may be called Philosophical Nobility; but the same in those that gain glory and re­nown by their sage and wise Counsel in behalf of the Commonwealth, or that ma­nifest themselves stout and valiant in ma­naging war for the defence of their Coun­try, is termed Civil Nobility. The force and efficacy of this Nobility extends to Po­sterity, and engraves or makes monumentum aere perennius; That is, armour of proof a­gainst the iron teeth of time; Quod nec [Page 24] Jovis ira, nec ignis, Nec poterit ferru [...], nec edax abolere vetustas. By these ensigns of Fame and vertue, men are stimulated and spurred on to imitate and exceed the vertue of all their Predecessors. And as in every Republick there are two kinds of Time, the one of Peace, and the other of War: so the Citizens are of two sorts; the one fitted for Peace, and the other adapted for War: The former by Arms doth enlarge the Territories and bounds of his native Country, or at least defend them from the invasion of forraign enemies; the other by wise counsel and grave advice doth rule and preserve it inviolable. Wherefore, a Commonwealth should be composed of these two sorts of men: for, as in the ma­nagement and proceedings of State-affairs, action followeth consultation, and is infe­rior to it; so those persons, by whose ma­ture counsel and deliberate advice the Commonwealth was quietly, peaceably and discreetly governed, were of greater esteem than those that enlarged the Con­fines thereof by War and Arms. Homer, the Prince of Graecian Poets, produceth Agamemnon, saying, He could sooner sur­prize and subjugate the City of Troy by the advice of ten Nestors or Ulysses, than by the [Page 25] valour of twice as many Ajaces or Achilles. Pyrrhus likewise was heard to use this ex­pression frequently, That Cineas by his e­loquence had won more Cities, than he with all his men of War had ever conque­red. But, he that excelleth in wisdom and martial knowledge, deserves the Crown and honour above all: and though, as we said before, it is Vertue that makes a man Noble, without the additional riches of Fortune; yet it is requisite our Counsellor should be wealthy; because thereby he may be able to supply his Country, if compelled to wage war; for money is the sinews and strength of war. But good edu­cation, saith Plato, is the basis and founda­tion of solid wisdom and prudence. It is therefore requisite, that from their tender years they be instructed in all things that conduce to the accomplishment of man, è cunabulis, as we say, even from the cradle and swathing clouts, for then are they most apt to imbibe and suck in the most whole­some Precepts that shall be exhibited unto them: for then anima est quasi tabula rasa, like a blank or piece of clean white paper, capable of any vertuous or noble impressi­on. And as it behoveth a Republick to be stored with knowing Subjects, so ought [Page 26] they to be diligent in their education, and provide them good Tutors, that may in­struct them, and chalk them out the way of Vertue. For, as a good husbandman dili­gently pruneth his plants, and loppeth off the superfluous branches, when the season requires it, that they may grow the faster; so the Commonwealth, that may justly be termed the Parent and housewise of Sub­jects, ought to be extraordinary diligent to provide for the careful and vertuous educa­tion of youth, by lopping off the superflu­ous branches of vice, and engrafting them on the stock of Vertue. The Lacedaemoni­ans used to elect Magistrates out of the number of their grave, wise and sober Ci­tizens, and call them publike Tutors, which might serve to educate and train up their younglings; and were alwaies reverenced by them, being judged vertuous men in a­ction, and well skill'd in military disci­pline. And the ancient Romans were as strict and careful in this point of educati­on, as the Lacedaemonians. Cato was so diligent in the nurture and education of his Son, that he disdained not to receive him into his tuition, and take him into his pupillage or guardianship as soon as ever ripeness of age had fitted him for instructi­on. [Page 27] And although at that very time he kept Chilo the Grammarian, and one excel­lent in that art, in his house, to instruct his Children, yet he had not permission to cor­rect them, but that was left to the discreti­tion of the Father. Besides, he disdained to be engaged to a School-master for the instruction of his Children altogether; wherefore he taught them the Laws, man­ners and Customes of his own as well as other Nations; as also, how to dart, han­dle his Arms, swim, (which was ancient­ly much in esteem; for, Aristotle when he would set forth an absolute Dulman or Ig­naro, saith, [...], he could neither read nor swim,) and to endure both heat and cold, that he might be har­dened and seasoned for any enterprize. Besides, he penn'd a History with his own hands, and committed it to the perusal of his Son, that he might therein see and un­derstand the heroick deeds and actions of his Ancestors, and be instructed in the art of Government. He never spake any un­clean or passionate word before his Son, but was as circumspect in his language, as if the Vestal Virgins or Priests were in pre­sence; observing that ancient rule, [Page 28]

And this was the oeconomique or dome­stique discipline of Cato, and of the major part of the Romans, especially of the bet­ter sort, in the education of their Chil­dren. In like manner the Philosophers of Greece composed plaies for the instruction of youth; which is preserved to this very day among us, (though that custome for some years was almost obsolete and out of request.) Nor were they only capable of indoctrinating, or laying down the tenets that are necessary to a happy and good life, but they were of ability to instruct in the Laws and manner of Government: Yea, this our present Age hath some Seminaries of Learning and Vertue (according to the Graecian custome) the Universities of Cam­bridge and Oxford, (though lately ready to expire, and almost demolished by the Pha­naticks, who hated all book-learning (as they term it) because their crimes were so hainous, that they went beyond the mercy of the book.) Hither Youth might resort, as unto a Harvest of Science and Know­ledge, and might reap a crop of Vertue and [Page 29] good Discipline. But it were to be wish'd, that the Doctors and Tutors in our Uni­versities would instruct their Pupils in the art of living, and not disputing well altoge­ther, (for, so might they deserve prefer­ment from the Commonwealth, and com­mendation from all solid persons,) and not take more delight in hearing a Praeva­ricator or Jester, than a solid Philosopher. In ancient times, Philosophers enjoyned their Pupils silence, and taught it also; but our modern wits teach them only to talk or discourse; which is the reason the Nati­on is filled with so many worded Orators, and prating Philosophers. They endea­vor not, nunc di [...]rum,▪ to refine the under­standing, but to cloath the tongue with frothy language; and are applauded for altercation and strength of wit in their publike arguments, but not for modesty or solid wisdom: yet there is hope of a refor­mation in these Schools of Learning, when those loyal Spirits, that for their Alle­giance to their Soveraign were dismis­sed, are re-instated. The ancient Graecian Academies were the Nurseries of Com­monweals; and out of them (as from the Trojan Horse) issued most excellent Mo­narchs, stout Captains, and wife Gover­nors. [Page 30] Alexander and Scipio, with whose Fame the whole World hath ecchoed, had their primitive education in Schools of Li­terature; and many others, which I omit. Thus it is apparent, that men ought to be trained up in Schools, that so they may be instructed in the Principles of Govern­ment: wherefore it ought to be the care of every State, Republick and Kingdom, that their Seminaries of Learning be as well furnished and stored with Vertues, as the Citizens shops are with wares and com­modities. Now then, we see that good e­ducation is requisite, and accomplisheth our Senator. Besides, he must have an in­clination to Vertue; for if not, his evill disposition will hardly be bettered by Phi­losophy: for, the nature of man prompts him to evill; and he finding himself strengthned with the Science of Philoso­phy, is more expert, and gains more skill to palliate and plead for his bad actions: for the best of Sciences possessed by a man of an evil dispostion, is depraved, and, contra­ry to its own nature, is a help to, and pro­moter of evill counsel. So that it may be maintained, that good instruction bestow­ed upon an evill nature, is oftentimes ill employed, and ineffectual. Though it is [Page 31] most certain, that Education prevails much with tender years, changing it from vice, and molding it according to the form of Vertue. Diogenes being demanded, How a man might lead a peaceable and quiet life; Replied, first, He must fear the Deity, who is the Author of all felicity. Secondly, He must bestow good education on his Chil­dren, the want whereof makes them ene­mies, and disrespectful to their aged Pa­rents. Thirdly, He must avoid ingrati­tude to his friends, which of all crimes is the most odious and comprehensive, con­taining within it self a whole bundle of offences. Ingratum dixeris, & omnia dixeris. Mention but Ingratitude, and you have epi­tomized all sins in a word. Moreover, it is necessary that Children be instructed in the rudiments of Grammar, Rhetorick and Logick, whereby they may understand the property of speech, and the excellency thereof, as also defend it by argumentation. Thus may he understand the Art of Elo­quence, which is perfected by use, discourse, and surveying the works of Poets and O­rators; and being thus instructed, he will shake off those petty inconsiderable things that are understood by every mean capaci­ty, and take into consideration matters of [Page 32] greater weight and importance. And the mind, beginning to know her self, seeks af­ter the true food and nourishment that will satisfie and content her, which is Philoso­phy; of which in this ensuing Chapter.

CHAP. III.
The knowledge of Arts and Sciences required in Senators; and particularly, that of Philoso­phy.

PHilosophy is the food and medicine of the mind, affording it Vertue as Aliment, and healing all sorts of maladies and disturbances that are incident thereun­to, making a perfect path-way to happi­ness. The reason is, because that then the mind shaketh on the terrene incumbranees that usually clog the body, and meditates upon things Divine and Coelestial. This knowledge of Philosophy is of two sorts; the one consists in the subtilty of Nature, and is subject to the universal contemplati­on of all men: The other demonstrateth and laies down the true institution of men and manners, shewing how Republicks and Kingdoms ought to be regulated, and [Page 33] private Families ordered. To the first these parts of Philosophy belong: Physicks or natural Philosophy, Metaphysicks or Divinity, and the Mathematicks; and to the other, Ethicks, Politicks and Oecono­micks. Nor is the finis or end of these two sorts of Philosophy altogether discrepant, since they both tend to the perfection of man: yet in this they differ, that the one endeavours it by Contemplation, and the other by Action; the one by Theory, and the other by Practice; whereof a dou­ble felicity doth arise, the one private, and the other publike. Now, those that place felicity in the exercise of vertue for the good of the Republick, the more publike it be, the more praise-worthy it is judged; because a multitude receives benefit there­by, and not one single person. Yet we are necessitated and compelled to confess, that contemplation on felicity hath the pre­eminency, because it instructs in the prin­cipal efficient causes of all things and trans­actions. God also without action, by his perpetual and divine contemplation and prescience, foreseeing all things, doth by his own example move Philosophers to prefer divine contemplation before all hu­mane action and felicity. That Philosophy [Page 34] is necessary in a Senator, for the more se­cure management of State-affairs, will ap­pear by what follows. Philosophy is the eternal, immortal gift of the Creator, in­structing us in the knowledge of all things both divine and humane; as also the na­ture of vertue and vice: so that he that (as in a glass) peeps therein, and then consi­ders and meditates upon it, shall see the forms, Idaea's and Images of all things; and perceive a resemblance or representation both of body and mind. It was not there­fore without cause styled by fluent Cicero, Universal knowledge, the conduct of life, the searcher of vertue, the expeller of vice, and the Panacea, or health of the Soul. For indeed, there is nothing in the world to be thought or acted, either in Court or Coun­cil, of great or small importance, but pro­ceeds from Philosophy, as the Nurse of all consultations, actions, and resolutions: which if you make your rule to walk by, all your words and actions will be judged sober, wise, discreet, and in all respects perfect, as far as man can be. For, in what Country soever the People have a Philoso­pher to their Prince, or one that is counsel­led by Philosophers; war, discord, or rebel­lion is seldome found. But, methinks I [Page 35] hear some Phanatick lay this Objection in my way, as a stumbling-block to my pro­ceedings. Dost thou imagine, Sir Philo­sopher (that's as good as Mr Doctor, an usual phrase among them) that the feli­city of Kingdoms and Republicks, or the wisdom of Kings and Governours proceeds from thy lazy idle discipline? (Rash, illi­terate fellows, they never consider that the sweat of the brains is greater than the sweat of the brow) whenas that Art is but a meer juggling, prating science; not that knowledge whereby men arrive to their intended felicity. How canst thou be so impudent (the Omer of respect they af­ford to every one is Thou and Thee; and if it lay in their power, they would take away two as necessary Pronouns, Thine and Mine) as to dare to infect the Kingdom (Commonwealth, I should have said; for the name of King is enough to fright them into convulsion-fits) with that that will prove the ruine and destruction of it? For, as thou hast filled the Schools with debate and contention, so wilt thou rend the state with divisions; and though it may be ar­gued out in the University without blows, yet canst thou think, that it will be deter­mined in a Commonwealth without the [Page 36] effusion of bloud? How shall the happi­ness of a Republick be maintained and pre­served by Philosophers, whose opinions carry so much variety, dubiousness, and diametrical opposition? Which of all the Philosophical Sects shall our Common­wealth be guided by; the Platonist, Peri­patetick, Stoick, Cynick, or Epicure? Now, they that differ about the summum bonum, do they not dissent in the substance of Philosophy? Therefore I am clearly of opinion, That they who relie solely on Phi­losophy, are rather to be excluded than ad­mitted to govern in any State or Repub­lick whatsoever. Is it consentaneous to reason, that he should be a Legislator, that approves of no Law, but what is of his own prescription, relying wholly upon his own reason, or rather phancie and opinion; conceiting all persons, himself excepted, brutish and irrational? Is not this the hu­mour and disposition of your philosophi­cal crew? Did Diogenes, Zeno, or Epictetus ever deserve to sit at the Helm of State? To which I reply; There are two sorts of Philosophers whom I judge altogether unfit to govern: the first are they that have only had a smack of Philosophy, so that the thirsting heat of their vitious [Page 37] desires and appetites is not quenched by vertue; and they themselves lead lives quite contrary to the Precepts of Philosophy, for want of good ground and solid foun­dation in that Science. Another sort of Philosophers there is, quite contrary to the forementioned, who having à tenera aetate, from their very youth been conversant with Philosophers, and studied Philosophy, do waste away their daies in the contem­plative part only: such kind of Philosophy, which conduceth not to the emolument & benefit of the Commonwealth or King­dom, is altogether improfitable. For, al­beit they be learned, wise, and have turned over most Authors, and can give an ac­count of all their Precepts and rules; yet they applying their minds to contemplati­on, not being experienced in civill affairs, are unfit for Government. Now these con­templative Philosophers are justly called Sapientes, but they are not prudentes; as Geometricians, Mathematicians, and all the Society of natural Philosophers. In like manner Diogenes, Zenocrates, Chrysippus, Carneades, Democritus, Metrocles, Aristippus, Anaxagoras, and Thales, were wise men, and of profound knowledge; but not prudent; because their manner of wisdom and Phi­losophy [Page 38] did prompt them to recreate and content themselves in obscure, secret and hidden matters, contrary to the nature of prudence: and though these Sciences in themselves are good and commendable, yet are they impertinent and unprofitable to the State, when kept close to themselves, and not employed for the publick good. Now, prudence consists in those things that require deliberation and counsel: yet, if those contemplative Philosophers had not debarr'd themselves from humane Society and conversation, but sought after em­ployment in publike affairs, as Pericles, So­lon, Lycurgus, Plato, Demosthenes, Cato, Cice­ro, and others did, they had no doubt been men of incomparable wisdom and pru­dence, which Socrates (though herein he contradict Aristotle) styles the only vertue; meaning (as I conceive, with submission to more mature judgements) that no vertue can be or continue without it. Bion was of opinion, That Prudence did excel all other vertues, as far as the sight doth the rest of the senses; affirming that vertue to be as proper and frequent in old men, as vigour and strength in those that are young. Wherefore it is requisite that our Senator be endued therewith; for he can neither [Page 39] speak nor act any thing sutable to his age and gravity, if he be not, as with sauce, sea­soned therewith. The Latines call this vertue Prudentia, à providendo, from foresee­ing things to come, disposing of those that are present, and recollecting things past. For, he that doth not ruminate on things past, is altogether unmindful of his elapsed life; and he that foresees not things future, is subject to many perils, and apt to be en­snared by every misfortune. Prudence (saith Cicero) is the knowledge of things good, evill, and indifferent; consisting wholly in the choice of that which is to be embraced, as also in that which is to be eschewed, or carefully avoyded. And ac­cording to Aristotle, it is a habit coupled with perfect reason, apt for good action, and exercised in those things which are ei­ther good or evil, and may evene or happen to man during this life. Therefore contem­plative wisdome differs from Prudence in this, that the former exceedeth not the bounds of contemplation, and the latter is wholly exercised in action, and the ma­nagement of humane affairs. Plato affir­meth, that there are two things observable in the life of Man; The first is, For a man to know himself: And the second, To know [Page 40] and understand all things: Therefore let our Senator be stored with this wisdom, viz. of knowing himself; for without it, no reason, vertue, action or cogitation can be reputed good or perfect. By the help of this wisdom, the prudent man first settles and orders his own affairs; in which skill if he be deficient, he must not be of­fended at the name of fool. Now, under Prudence is comprehended or contained the skill of well-regulating domestical bu­siness, and the knowledge of enacting and making Laws, civill wisdom, and policy in consultation and judgement. Which is the reason why Cicero termeth the prudent ma­nagement of oeconomiques, or houshold, domestical, and the fame in State-affairs, civill wisdom. And to the end that the Se­nator may ground his wisdom upon a solid foundation, whereunto his imagi­nation may have recourse for reason to steer him to the truth; let him alwaies have before his eyes these things, honesty, and profit: So that whatsoever he acteth or affirmeth privately, or publikely, may be directed by them both: for, all things that can be either conceived by reason, or ex­pressed by truth, are included within the li­mits of these two. Wherefore it is conve­nient [Page 41] that he be furnished with a peracute wit, and solid understanding, that he may dive into the abstruse nature of things, and find out what is honest and profitable; lest the mind hoodwinckt with inordinate af­fections and desires, seduce the judgement, and lead him from the path of truth. And many there are, who finding themselves to have depraved their reason, by giving the reins to their loose affections and lusts, do fall into erronious opinions quite opposite and contrary to wisdome. Whence it follows inevitably, that they are not only cheated in their choice of that which is honest and profitable, but are blindfolded with the love of that which is absolutely dishonest and unprofitable. To prevent which errour, two things are to be taken into consideration. First, Not to take things unknown for known, and praecipitantly assent unto them: Next, Not to give way in the least to any evill custome; (for, con­suetudo or usus secunda natura; Custome doth tyrannize over the nature of man;) or to walk contrary to the rules of vertue. A thing that may with facility be compre­hended by a Senator, if he consider the good and welfare of the Commonwealth, which is the Meta or scope that all wisdom [Page 42] and counsel aims at: nor can the Natives of his own Country, nay, wisdom her self, require more at his hands, or expect more from him, than industry in preserving the safety and felicity of the place of his nati­vity. But now it lies upon me to prove what Philosophy best befits a Senator.

Wherefore since the felicity of every Counsellor, and the quintessence of all knowledge consists in action, it ought to be his care and study to be exquisite in that part of Philosophy which prescribeth the rules of regulating mens actions, and the Science of Government; to the end, that he may understand what is the best course of life; what is necessary and requisite for the administration of publike and private affaires, and be skilful in ordaining Laws, correcting Judgments, and governing of People. Let him therefore be expert in that part of Philosophy that instructeth the management of mans life, and the Art of Consultation. For otherwise what ac­count will he be able to give de vivendi ra­tione, of the best way of living, according to the rules of vertue, that is uncapable of gi­ving you a definition thereof? What dis­course can such a one make concerning Counsel, Justice, Fortitude, Temperance, [Page 43] or Wisdom? How shall he appease the mutineers, suppress sedition, or mitigate the rigour and severity of the Laws, or proceed according to the rigour thereof, when he is ignorant of the precepts of Ju­stice and Prudence? What counsel or advice can he afford either of War, Peace, or Contracts, that understands not when War is lawful, or unlawful; Peace just, or unjust; and Treaties honorable, or disho­norable? Whenas he ought not only to conceive all the Precepts of vertue and mo­rality, and to understand them by name; but to exercise and put them in practice. The sum of which knowledge is contained in the Ethicks, Politicks, and Oeconomicks; from these, as from a Magazine or Store-house, he may furnish himself with all Rules, Directions, and Precepts, for the ex­ercise of vertue, and the government of a Kingdom, as also the order of a domestical life. And though all this while we plead for the necessity of Philosophy in our Sena­tors, yet are we clearly against the divisi­ons and Sects of Philosophy; nor is it pro­fitable, but rather injurious to the Com­monwealth, that the minds of men should be divided into several whimsies and opini­ons. First therefore, we extirpate Epicu­rism; [Page 44] Because it being grounded on, and supported by sensual delights and pleasures, ought not to be in him whom we elect for our Senator. The Stoick we do not blame or accuse; yet we hold it conve­nient that their Tenets be exploded, as un­fit for our Counsellor; in regard that (as Cicero saith) they maintain the Philoso­pher to be the only wise man, and that all other persons are but Thieves, barbarous, and infatuated. For, it were absurd to ad­mit him a Senator, that is of an opinion there is no wise Counsellor, Freeman, or Citizen, himself excepted. And though there hath ever been a dissention between the Stoick and Peripatetick touching the Summum bonum: yet we adhere to the lat­ter, because they are the best Tutors of Vertue and good Manners, and the most noble, valiant, wise, discreet Captains: Counsellors, Emperours and Kings have issued out of that Society. Besides, it is re­quisite that our Senator be well read in Hi­story, and exercised in all humane Learn­ing: For first, in History he will find out the notable sayings and acts of wise men, that have lived in elapsed time, which are not so plentifully found in any Books, as in the monumental Annals, and Chronicles [Page 45] of fore-past Ages. This was the reason that moved Tully to call History, The wit­ness of time, the light of truth, the memo­rial of life, and the Herald of Antiquity. For, can any person paint out so fully to the life, or give so perfect a delineation of Ver­tue, Fortitude, Justice, Continence, Fruga­lity, and contempt of death, in an eloquent and fluent Oration, as may be read in the actions of Cornelii, Valerii, Fabritii, Curii, Decii, Mutii, and others? What noble He­roes have our modern times produced! Hath not the Politick Monck, Noble Massey, and Loyal Montross, been singular and almost unimitable for their Policy, Valour, and Magnanimity? From these, and the like, he may make an extract of the most exact civill knowledge, and direct himself in the management of State-af­fairs. Besides, Policy must be one of his chief studies: and he must be expert in un­derstanding the transactions of Noble­men, the humors, dispositions, and temper of all mens spirits, the Order and Govern­ment of Commonweals, and civill So­cieties: it is also necessary, that he be perfect in all Ordinances, Acts and Laws, either for Peace, War, Provisions, the qua­lity of the Subject, the administration of [Page 46] the State, or the nature of men: as also to understand, what exalts, and what aba­seth the mind; what Vertue is, what Discipline and Education is most conve­nient for youth; what Customs must be ratified or made firm; what duty we owe to God, and what reverence to Religion, and Allegiance to our Soveraign: in all which, we have a Monck among us of late (though none that ever entred into Cano­nical Orders) who will sufficiently in­struct us. Nor must he be ignorant in Leagues, Contracts, and Alliances with Forraign Princes and Potentates: Since such proceedings are dayly found in Kings Courts. Well therefore did Antonius de­scribe a Senator or Counsellor, in these words: He is one that ought to understand by what means the Kingdom or Republick receives benefit; and when occasion offers, to put them in practice. And, such were in Rome the Lentuli, Gracchi, Metelli, Scipiones, and Lelii. Now, he that is well practised in the Law, hath experience in War, or skill in oeconomicks, or domestick Autho­rity, deserves to be promoted to the dignity of a Counsellor. Eloquence is also a great ornament to our Senator; but of that and some other qualifications, more at large in the ensuing Chapter.

CHAP. IV.
Of Eloquence, Clemency, Piety, and other Ver­tues necessary to the accomplishment of a Senator.

THese most noble Sciences and Arts will be infinitely adorned in our Sena­tor by the addition of Eloquence, which is the true ornament of wisdom. For, with­out this accomplishment, all things else are as it were dead, till they do flourish by the help of Rhetorick; And an eloquent, terse, and curiously-penn'd Oration doth not on­ly commend the Author, but the private and publike benefit is oftentimes promo­ted thereby. It is this that appeaseth with her neat-spun blandishments the fury of our enraged enemies. Now, whatsoever he pronounceth, it must be done grave­ly, advisedly, eloquently, readily, and with comely gesture; for this, according to the Poet, ‘—Emollit animos, & temperat iras.’ The supple oyl of an insinuating Oration [Page 48] will heal the wounds of a mutinous Rab­ble, and reduce them to their former obedi­ence. Next unto Eloquence, the know­ledge and insight in the Law is required; the end whereof tends to the conservation of Equity. And indeed, who can with greater wisdom decide a cause or contro­versie? Who can better appease sedition, (the poyson of a Kingdom) or more ra­tionally defend the Laws, Customs, Rights and Priviledges of the People, than he that is skill'd in the Law? Well then may we say, as it hath been affirmed heretofore, That the Habitation of a learned Lawyer is the Oracle of the City. Now, the Law in all Kingdoms is bound to tye every man to his duty, and to defend them so long as they continue vertuous and faithful. But, it is not sufficient only to enact Laws nei­ther, that punish or recompence men ac­cording to demerits; but, to compose Laws, Customs, and Exercises (as the La­cedemonians did) wherein the People may take delight: besides, such judgement must be used in the prescribing of Laws, that therein all occasion of offences may be re­moved. For, as the Physician by his medi­cines heals the maladies of the body; so the Counsellor ought by good and whol­some [Page 49] Laws to cure the distempers of the mind. Yet they are not to be approved of, who perceiving an inconveniency grow­ing, immediately fall to execution, without considering how the same mischievous de­sign may be utterly extirpated: For it is more consonant to reason, for a Senator to endeavour the reducing men to justice and honesty, than to study how to execute them for every offence committed. What man can be so inhumane, that would not rather remove the cause? and then assuredly the ef­fect would cease. Who would not rather provide corn for the poor, than through the want thereof force them to turn Rob­bers, and send them to execution for it? And who is there, that seeing the Kingdom overspread with debauchery, and the peo­dle addicted to licentiousness, would not endeavour to correct and reform these en­ormities by pecuniary mulcts, sooner than by penal Laws? Therefore, as Cicero saith, if thou wilt remove Covetousness, take away her Mother, Execess. Wherefore he must have all the commodities and discommo­dities of his Country before his eyes, and then he may be so expert in State-Chi­rurgery, as to heal the sores and wounds wherewith the body politick is oftentimes [Page 50] troubled. Yet we desire not that our Sena­tor should be a pleader at the Bar, Proctor, or Advocate, because that most of that Tribe (Charity forbids me to say all) be­ing mercenary, are many times the mini­sters of falshood and injustice, bearing a­bout them minds and tongues principled against justice and truth. Indeed, it is a difficult piece of business for him to be a Lover of equity and truth, whose tongue hath been accustomed to walk for lucre. Not but that many famous Counsellors have been found among those gowned Gentlemen; but all men are incident to failings, of what profession or function soever: nor is this to be imputed to them alone, there are others that shake hands with them: But enough of that. Civill Discipline falls next under our considera­tion, whereby he is instructed how to lead his life discreetly, and to govern his Coun­try with gravity and justice. Now he was termed a civill man among Philosophers, who by vertue and wisdom was enabled to command civilly; and he oftentimes had the authority of making Laws, and governing of Subjects. Plato in his Com­monwealth hath framed two sorts of Di­scipline; the one relating to the exercises [Page 51] of the body, and the other of the mind: the discipline of the mind he called Mu­sica, and that of the body Gymnastica. Now, by the harmony of Musick, he un­derstands a certain concord or consent of mind, wherein all actions do amiably a­gree with vertue, and vertue with them; which Copula Law and Philosophy make up in Man: for hereby we are capable of judging what is honest, and what disho­nest; what just, and what unjust; what is to be loved, and what to be loathed: and besides, what duty we owe to our Parents, Princes and Magistrates. By Gymnastica, he means the exercises of the body, where­by the vigour and strength of man is much helped and encreased. This consists in leaping, running, wrestling, hunting, riding, darting, swimming, to be both right and left-handed; in brief, all mi­litary exercises and honest recreations are contained in this word Gymnastica. It is very necessary and requisite in all sorts of men (much more then in our Senator) to conjoyn the exercises of the body with the vertues of the mind, and to mix Fortitude with Temperance. For, as by the one, Man aspireth to that which is noble; so by the other, he thinks it no [Page 52] derogation to him to be humble; and be­ing thus in aequilibrio, he inclines neither to this side, nor that; so that he shall never dare, nor doubt too much. And as by For­titude we are able to repulse injury, so by Temperance and Moderation we abstain from offering injury. By the former, we are prompted to an honest becoming vio­lence; by the latter, we are instructed to check and curb hair-bain'd fury, and to quench the flames of a vindicative spirit. Now, it is the opinion of Plato, that the Musical and Gymnastical Sciences con­duce much to these qualifications; For to the one, Temperance, and the other Vertues may be referred; to the other, Fortitude of body, and magnanimity of mind. Wherefore it is convenient, that they be both united, and walk hand in hand; be­cause the Gymnastick Exercises alone, create firmness; and Musick of it self, be­gets too much mildness and effeminacy: but both twinn'd and coupled together in any man, do mould him according to the shape and perfection of Vertue. There­fore every person that would be thought fit for counsel, must be thus exercised; be­cause hereby he is adapted both for peace and war; and to this very purpose was he [Page 53] born; for he must be as able to perform the Office of a Commander, as a Coun­sellor: notable therefore, and worthy the mentioning, was that Roman Institution, which imposed a command upon them to train up their noble and honourable Citi­zens to be Counsellors at home, and Cap­tains abroad: which is the reason, that Rome enclosed so great a number of Sage Senators and stout Souldiers within the circumference of her walls: Insomuch that Cyneas, the Embassadour of Pyrrhus, having had audience of the splendid and illustri­ous Senate, reported, that in Rome he had seen an Assembly of many Kings. Nor can they be skill'd in commanding, if the Subjects are not exercised in obedience; which is performed by their love and ho­nour to the Magistrate, as well as obeying their Commands; all which proceeds from the due execution of Laws: and the first step that leads up to the Temple of Vertue, is to submit to the Law, and the Law ma­ker: for the Law of every Kingdom, State, or Republick, is nothing but vertue, and a good decorum in the leading of our lives, reduced to certain rules. Theopompus King of Sparta, hearing it related that the reason why that Commonwealth flourished so [Page 54] much, proceeded from the Kings skill in Policy and Government; replied, No such matter; for the true reason is this, The Subjects are well exercised in their duty and obedience to Superiours. And (as Plutarch hath it) to obey the Magistracie and the Laws, to undergo all dangers and travels with patience, to fight manfully, and die voluntarily, was the chief point of the Lacedemonian discipline. And herein they were all trained; to the end, that be­ing thus instructed, they might know how to defend their Country in time of War, govern it in time of Peace; and such as live privately, to employ their vacant hours honestly, that is, in the prosecution of Learning; obtaining a becoming gesture, musick, painting, vaulting, and the like, that they may keep themselves in action, and be freed from that gross imputation of ig­norant. It behoves him also to be witty and docible. Now, Wit is a certain natu­ral force of reason, able to conceive what is rational; which, although many times it be not helpt by industry, art or memory, yet it is powerful of it self, and without learning may burnish a man. Wherefore he must so know his own wit, as to become sharp in reason, and finding out the causes [Page 55] of things: which of it self is a happiness, and that a great one too; as the Poet sings, ‘Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas.’ Nay, wisdom her self, whereby we first conceive all things, springs from acuteness of wit: Now, they that are adorned with them both, are termed ingenious; and that wit is the best, and most to be commended, which is constant, strong, sharp, pleasant, and natural. Now, the edge of ingenuity is very much acuated by the whetstone of docility and memory: By the one, we are taught to make a construction of those things that are laid before us; by the o­ther, we retain whatsoever proceeds from our invention, or the expressions of others; therefore it is requisite our Counsellor should be well exercised in these accom­plishments: for, it is an argument of a dull, slow, ignorant person, not to have a quick conception of what is said, and a tenacious memory to recollect what hath been spoken by others. Now next, he must have Understanding: For as wit is the ornament of a Senator, so Understand­ing is the light of wit, by which we con­ceive [Page 56] all things, or their Idaea's, whether true or false. For, by common under­standing we comprehend the knowledge of things, and thereby pass a judgement on them, and conclude, all that is honest is to be referred to vertue, and what is unlawful or dishonest, to vice: yet this understand­ing is not separated from the Senses, who are, as it were, Interpreters and Reporters of knowledge; yet must we be careful to avoid being deceived by sensual judge­ment; for it is frequently known, that ei­ther art or subtilty, singly or joyntly, play the cheat with us; which errour is to be di­ligently avoided. Besides, he must be cir­cumspect, not only in private, but publick chances and events: For he must endea­vour to foresee all blustring storms that may be injurious to the State, and study the preservation of every member thereof. This that we call circumspection, is a care­ful and mature consideration of things to be practised or acted; and of great impor­tance, as well in the serene time of peace, as in the blustring season of war; because that wise circumspection diverts the force and fury of Fortune, and we are ready to submit to grave counsel and advice. In this vertue Quintus Fabius did excell; for [Page 57] he according to the Poet, by procrastinati­on and lingring delay, preserved the Ro­man State. ‘Unus homo nobis cunctaendo restituit rem.’ But on the contrary, Flaminius relying up­on the arm of strength, and his courage, in­circumspectly assaulted Hannibal, to his great disadvantage and prejudice. So Q. Scipio the Consul, with divers that might be mentioned, through their incircumspe­ction were infested by the Cimbri. And it is as useful in time of peace: for the Sena­tor should be eyed like Argus, and Lynx-sighted, to pry narrowly into those things that might arise to the discommodity of the Commonwealth, and make a discovery of them; otherwise, he cannot prevent the seditions, wars, and calamities that dayly happen to the prejudice of the Common­wealth. Some men are so ignorant and blinded with superfluity and pleasure, that they can hardly discern things that are placed before their eyes, much less foresee them; which sort of men, as persons gi­ven up to their private more than the pub­like interest, are to be exempted from Go­vernment. For, though they understand [Page 58] that through want of circumspection war threatens a Nation, the people are capti­vated, the Country run over and ruinated, Towns sack'd, Houses burnt, fields wasted, Temples profaned; yet use they no circum­spection, counsel, and medicine, either to cure or cool their fury or rage. But the grave Counsellor studies by what means to continue the common safety and wel­fare of a Country or Kingdom: He pro­videth, that the rage of a barbarous enemy may be beaten back or restrained by For­tresses, Pallizadoes, and Garrisons; that Castles and Bulwarks may be erected, the places of defence fortified, and all breaches stopt up; all which thus ordered, check the fury of an insulting enemy, and annihilate his barbarous design and intention to bring all to destruction. Now there being a con­vention of well-trained Citizens, armed and ready to oppose, the Commonwealth is thereby fortified, (and the Lacede­monians call stout men the walls of Sparta) disdaining the force of forrein enemies, and preventing their offering vio­lence.

As for his Speech, he must be com­pendious, curt and grave, in all his O­rations that he pens, or Speeches that he [Page 59] makes; as Horace adviseth him, ‘In verbis etiam tenuis, cautusque serendis.’ For, a rash inconsiderate speech, is not so soon called back as pronounced; and the unadvised utterance thereof, may prejudice the Commonwealth, and afford the Ora­tor matter of repentance. And the reason is this, because in an extempore speech we pour out and divulge many things that are to be concealed.

Nor must our Senator be overswayed by Passion; for, passion is like false positi­on in Verse, nine faults at least. Now it is the noblest piece of wisdom under the hea­vens, for a man to monarchize over himself, so as to subjugate and conquer his affecti­ons, according to that known verse,

It is a greater piece of valour for a man to subdue and curb his hair-brain'd passi­on, than to conquer the stoutest enemy. Besides, when he is put upon a parley with the enemy, a treaty with Embassadors, or a conference with neighbouring Princes, [Page 60] he must be very circumspect; for their en­deavour is to discover secrets by conjecture, and fish out the design intended by circum­stances and signs. Wherefore he must have a constant fixed resolution, and a com­posed countenance; for the changing of the countenance, motion of the eyes, and variety of gesture, are the bewrayers of mens minds, as Gondamore well observed; and indeed, facies est index rerum. One may soon read a mans mind in his face, and by the calculation of his looks guess at his in­tentions. And as he must not be too cre­dulous, no more must he be altogether in­credulous, unless the reputation of the matter or person compel him to it; Since it is very unseemly, and beneath the gravity of a judicious Senator, to maintain a contro­versie against an apparent truth. Neither would we confine him to an absolute si­lence, or padlock his mouth, so as to debar him of that excellent gift of speech; for, thereby he may be thought stupid or effe­minate, since the one is imputed to igno­rance, and the other to a kind of maidenly modesty, or misbecoming bashfulness. Therefore he must use a mean between both; yet so, that he be a greater hearer than speaker: Nature bestowed on man a pair [Page 61] of ears, and but one single tongue. Yet, notwithstanding all this, it must needs be judged as great a piece of discretion to know when to be silent, as well as how, where, to whom, and in what place to speak.

Next, Sagacity and craftiness is requi­site: for, War was never more politickly managed, Armies more securely gover­ned, nor the plots and machinations of subtile enemies more wisely undermined, or overthrown, than by the vertue of cau­tion; which he that wants, can no way be termed a Captain General. Now, Saga­city is a sharp and pleasant conceit; and as it is the property of a wise man to consult well, so it is the part of an apprehensive spirit, ingeniously to understand, and pass a solid sentence or judgement of what ano­ther speaketh. And as he must be quick of apprehension, so it is likewise necessary that he be crafty and subtill in searching and prying into the thoughts of Subjects, to the end he may understand what they desire, what they expect or hope for, and what their inclination binds them most unto. By which means, he will not only keep the Subject close to his lawful obedi­ence, but also by knowing their intended [Page 62] conspiracies, prevent the evil thereof. For, sometimes debauched Subjects aime at the destruction of sober solid persons; induced thereunto, or rather seduced, by hate, ma­lice, or insolency; sometimes because they find themselves inferiour to others in ri­ches, dignity or authority; and sometimes because they imagine themselves to be in­considerable, and of little or no esteem in the Kingdom, Republick, or State wherein Providence hath allotted them their being and residence: And so by these means, create war, and cause sedition, and reduce the State to an apparent hazard. In sup­pressing these commotions and cogitations of wicked men, he must be close and reser­ved, not dealing openly, or by direct oppo­sition; but rather by soft perswasion, kind admonition, earnest entreaty, or favoura­ble chastisement, reduce them to a better temper, and furnish them with more ho­nest principles. But, if he deal with a re­fractory stubborn people, he must menace them with authority, and terrifie them with severity, that so he may divert them from such execrable enterprises; perpetu­ally meditating on the conservation of the Commonwealth, which is consummated by his endeavour for the felicity of Sub­jects, [Page 63] and his extirpation of sedition and discord, with their efficient causes.

Aristotle saith, that a man may speak doubtfully upon any occasion twice, and be excused: but if he trip the third time, he is permitted to speak no more in that cause. Nor must he be tedious or prolix; for a long-winded Oration, cram'd with cart-rope speeches, longer than the memory of man can fathom, doth but talk them into dulness, and sooner stupifie their minds than quicken their attentions. And he must likewise suit his discourse to the capacity of his Auditory; for, he prodi­gals a Mine of Excellency (saith one of our Learned Gentlemen) that wasts a terse Oration to an ignorant assembly, where Mercury himself, were he Orator, would lose his labour. Therefore as his speech must not be over-long, (a fault that Caesar sometimes found Cato guilty of, and reproved him for) no more must it be ob­scured with aenigmatical sentences, or in­tricate words, which puzzle the Auditors rather than profit them; and by labouring in the explication of the terms, make them forget the subject and matter of the dis­course.

Now it importeth not much whether his [Page 64] speech be penn'd or rehearsed; yet the rea­sons written are more solid, and penn'd with more diligence, if the matter require a long Oration.

His voice should be manly, promising of gravity, not effeminacy, clear and audible; not so low as cannot well be heard, nor so loud as to be term'd bawling.

And as he must be moderate in his speech, so it is requisite that he be of a temperate mind. Now, Nature hath so ordered it, that there is a kind of combate or contention between the mind and body of man, suspending and diverting his dis­position from the true end of vertue. For, the alluring irretiating lusts of the body do labour to oppress and enslave the mind; and the mind armed and fortified with rea­son, doth endeavour to resist and oppugn them: and that vertue of mind is called Temperance, which is employed in con­temning all pleasures, especially those that are known by the senses, as Taste, and Touch; yet doth it not generally detest all pleasures, but only those that thwart ver­tue and reason. Now, some pleasures there are by nature lawful, and others unlawful; and both incident to the mind, as well as the body. The corporeal pleasures are [Page 65] bred up and born with us, so that with difficulty are they restrained, especially in those men that take more delight and complacency in the exercises of the body than those of the mind, which renders them brutish and sensual. Therefore the body must submit to the checks and con­troulment of the mind, and by this means man may attain perfection. All Vertues conduce to the felicity of a Kingdom, but Temperance alone is the preservatrix of fe­licity; for it keeps the State from that in­fection which oftentimes ariseth from ex­cess and immoderation, and hath subverted many famous Cities and Countries. Now every Senator ought to furnish the King­dom with such Laws as may punish riot and excess, lest the Subject being poyson'd therewith, Covetousness spring up among them, the mother of all Vices. We read, that in Rome there were Laws and Ordi­nances made and enacted against excess both in expences and apparel. The Lace­demonians did also keep their feasts in publike places, that no man should dare to be wastful in the sight of other Citizens, and so encourage them to an imitation of their luxuriousness or extravagancy. Here­tofore, the Magistrates of Gallia Belgica al­lowed [Page 66] of no Law nor Custome that might make the people effeminate. And at this day, licentiousness and immoderate expen­ces are inhibited by Law in some parts of Italy. And since the lusts of men are insa­tiable, (as appears by Catiline and his fel­low-conspirators, who being thriftless and licentious persons, attempted to make war against the Commonwealth) they must be held in with the bridle of the Law. And the Senator must be free from intem­perancy, that so he may be an example for others to follow and imitate; wherein let him take pattern by the severity of the Censores, who were the Masters and Tu­tors of civil temperance and modesty: and so by private admonition, as well as pub­like castigation, he may withdraw them from intemperance. Nor is this vertue without her Concomitants, Modesty, Bashfulness, Honesty, and Continency. And by these, mans life is beautified, ador­ned, and made happy. Modesty (say the Stoicks) is a vertue that containeth the knowledge of decent speech and action. And whatsoever we speak or do, we ought to observe a mean, lest we expatiate on a subject more largely than necessity re­quires, forgetting the Counsel of Solon, Ne [Page 67] quid nimis. Wherefore tye your self to a comely decorum in all your words and acti­ons, composing your countenance, eyes, gesture, motion, and your whole body to a modest posture, that the simplicity and in­tegrity of your intentions may thereby be made manifest and apparent.

Bashfulness sometimes gains a man much commendation; and this qualifica­tion renders a man honest, and induceth him to lead a good life, because in all acti­ons it instructs how to avoid all reproach, obloquy, and villany. And as Justice for­bids the wronging of a person by act or deed; so Bashfulness teacheth a man not to be offended: for a good man doth not only voluntarily abstain from doing injury, but is, as it were, frightned from it by Bashful­ness. Yet I mean not here, that Bashful­ness that is frequent with young men, and Offenders, because they are compelled or constrained to that kind of shamefac'd­ness; and that perturbation of mind doth misbecome a grave and temperate person; But that that we hunt after, ariseth from a vertuous disposition, and so gets a certain habit or exercise, accompanied with a fix­ed resolution to avoid all evill: so that if at any time through ignorance an errour be [Page 68] committed, we remain ashamed; which is commendable. Julius Caesar engaged with Pompeius the younger at Corduba, percei­ving his men ready to retreat, and seek for refuge by their heels, steps out into the front, and there in person behaved himself manfully; which the Souldiers seeing, could not for shame but turn about, and face the enemy again; being, partly by the valour of their General, and partly by their own shamefac'dness, instigated thereunto.

There is in man a certain natural in­stinct of honesty, prompting and spurring him on to the performance of all lawful actions, and diverting him from the perpe­tration of what is unlawful; which pro­ceedeth from vertue; and therein her dig­nity resteth, though sometimes it ariseth from fame, glory and opinion. Now, he that through diligent observation under­standeth what is meant by measure, order, and gravity, and observes this sweet deco­rum in his words and actions, making it his chiefest care not to think or speak any thing unseemly, effeminate, or licenti­ous, may be termed honest; and the power of honesty is so great, that of it self it suf­ficeth to disswade men from an ignomini­ous life.

[Page 69] Among the number of vertues required in our Senator, Continency & Abstinency challenge no mean place; for, they not on­ly contemn the illecebrae, or allurements of inordinate desires, but also withhold our eyes from beholding, or our hands from fastning on them. Nor is there a more no­ble spectacle, than to see men contented with what nature and industry hath allot­ted, without coveting what appertains to others; which they might easily do, did they but consider, that Natura pauc is conten­ta: Nature will be satisfied with mean commons. Paulus Aemylius is highly extol­led for his continency, who converted no part of the vast wealth that was brought out of Macedonia and Spain to his own pri­vate use, but delivered the whole into the publike Exchequer; choosing rather to be termed poor, than branded with the name of deceitful: And after his expiration, his goods being sold under the Launce (uti mos erat, according to custome) there was not left a sufficient competency for his Wife to live on. The example of Scipio Africanus is admirable, who in his greener years, at the taking of Carthage, being but twenty years old, had there (among many other captives) a Virgin of incomparable [Page 70] beauty, yet did he not offer to deflower her, but gave her to a man unto whom she was formerly betrothed; and bestowed all that gold upon her for a dowry, which her friends offered for her redemption. We therefore judge it necessary that our Sena­tor be continent, imitating Pericles in his advice to Sophocles his Associate, and Prae­tor at Rome; who fixing his eye on a beau­tiful Roman Damosel, whom they met ac­cidentally in their way to the Senate-house, and being somewhat too large in her commendation; told him, that a Sena­tor must not only keep hands free from corruption, but also chaste eyes, that cast no wanton glances, because they are grand instigations to lust. Wherefore, it was judged an act of discretion in Cato the Cen­sor, to turn Lucius Quintus Flaminius out of the Senate for his incontinency; because he being Consul in France, permitted a common Strumpet, at her request, to strike a Prisoner that had his Sentence past, with­out offence. Nay, Manlius was devested of that dignity, for kissing his own Wife in the sight of his own Daughter. And Sa­lustius for adultery, and light actions, was excluded from fitting (had it been so with us, Henry Martin had never rested so long [Page 71] in the Parliament-House.) I omit spea­king of Alexander the Great, with many more, who by their continency gain'd no less honour than by their martial tri­umphs.

Now, it is most certain, that there is nothing brings more dishonour to the dig­nity of a Senator, than a leud, debauched, incontinent life; because it procureth pri­vate obloquy or reproach, and defaceth, or at least blemisheth the Majesty of com­manding.

Sardanapalus spun out his daies among the Distaff-bearers, I mean women, con­suming all his time in incontinent exer­cises, wasting both his internal and exter­nal substance upon wanton women, and the pleasing his gust; as appears by that Epitaph, which, living, he commanded to be engraven on his Tomb, ‘Ede, Bibe, Lude.’ Which Aristotle chancing to spy, stopt, and read; and smiling, said, It was fitter to be fixed on the grave of an Oxe, than the Tomb of a Prince.

All pleasures that are not reduced to ne­cessity and honesty, are reproachful; and [Page 72] those above all, draw men to vice and un­cleanness most, that are discerned by the touch and taste. Wherefore the Coun­sellor must be careful, that neither his own, nor the life of his Subjects, be implunged in­to the mire of voluptuousness and obscenity; which may be soon effected, by removing all occasions of intemperancy. The Lace­daemonians used to shew their drunken ser­vants to their children, that they, beholding their sordidness and bestiality, might ab­hor the vice of excessive compotation. But it were to be wished that we could follow, as well as read these instances. Great was the moderation and temperance of the An­cients in their diet; for, they lived not to eat, but did eat to live: Though in these our modern times the plague of intempe­rance is so epidemical, that more men are infected with, and perish thereby, than by the rage or fury of war; and it is the mode for them to drink other mens healths so long, till at last they drink away their own. Who would not then commend M. Curius the Roman Senator, that had rather the Embassadors sent by the Samnites should find him at a homely supper, quenching his thirst in a woodden Bowl, than surroun­ned or accommodated with all the variety [Page 73] Nature or Art could afford? Nay, he refu­sed the Gold they presented him with; saying, I had rather command those that are rich, than be rich. I need not mention Fabricius, Fabius, Tubero, Cato and Scipio, whose temperate and sober lives have eter­nized their names. Hortensius went not without a reproof, for presenting his Guests with a boyl'd Peacock, at a Supper prepared for the Augurs. And Cassius was thought intemperate, for drinking a little water in publike, and not enduring thirst for a small time. Yet do we not tye our Senator to so much strictness, but only to moderation in all things. Duronius was re­moved from the Senate, because that he being a Tribune, made null the Law for the restraint of feasting.

Surely, the Roman State was altoge­ther happy in such Senators, that were not only Masters of Counsel, but Tutors of Vertue and good Manners. Now, that the people of Rome were temperate, even to admiration, may be conjectured from what is reported of them: when the presents which Pyrrhus King of Epire, after his overthrow, brought to Rome, were pub­likely shewn, hoping thereby to gain the good will of the People, there was not one [Page 74] among them, that did so much as offer to stretch forth his hand to lay hold on any of them; so as that King saw himself twice vanquished at once, as well by continency, as force of arms. But, when excess found footing in Rome, after the victory obtained in Asia, and that the people began to wan­tonize through plenty and idleness; on a sudden, the civil discipline of Temperance and Parsimony was neglected; and in lieu thereof, Avaritiousness attended with a Legion of other vices, soon entred among the Roman Legions, and (if we may cre­dit Salust) brought their City to a sad and lamentable Catastrophe. Nor indeed is there any thing that sooner works the ruine of King, Kingdom, and Subjects, than excess. Diogenes seeing a Bill upon the door of a Prodigals house, which shewed it was to be let; said, I knew very well that House was so full of meat and wine, that ere long it would vomit out the Master. Now 'tis most certain, that immo­derate pampering, and excessive drinking, wasteth the strength of the body, and pre­judiceth the mind. Notable is that Law of Solon, whereby that Senator was thought to deserve death, that was addicted to the vice of drunkenness.

[Page 75] Philip the Macedonian King being over-come with drink, past sentence upon a wo­man: she forthwith made her appeal; and being demanded to whom, replied, To Phi­lip being sober. And without doubt, excess in drinking depraves the judgement of man; insomuch, that Kings are made Slaves, old Folks become Children, Wise men are infatuated and made fools, and fools turned to mad men. But our Senator shall observe the old rule: ‘— [...].’ A medium is to be observed in all things: we must eat and drink for necessity, not satiety; following the advice of the Poet Anacharsis, who usually said, The first draught was of necessity, the second of su­perfluity, and the third of madness. Be­sides, it were unseemly in a Counsellor to have bloud-shot eyes, a furious counte­nance, and a stammering speech; all which imperfections are the customary atten­dants of drunkenness: Nor will it become him, overcome with meat or drink, to snore away the night, but only to use both with so much moderation, as that they may only continue health, and make the body agile [Page 76] and fit for action. For, by moderate diet we find, not only the mind, but the body more submissive and obedient; when as satiety and excess is the sepulchre of the one, and the corruption of the other. We find Troy to be ruinated through the excess of the Inhabitants; when as otherwise it might have stood to this day: ‘Invadunt urbem somno, vinoque sepul [...]am.’ But, although we discommend excess in both, as a thing misbecoming, and very hainous; yet our Senator must be sure not to be avaricious, niggardly, and close­fisted, because it is an argument of a base servile spirit, to debar himself of that com­liness and order that is required in the Fa­mily of such a person. Therefore private excess must be banished, and publike mag­nificence maintained; and as needless and superfluous delicacy is to be avoyded much more than penury and niggardliness; And, as immoderate expences are known to be prejudicial both to the Estate, Body, and Mind: so necessary and convenient fare is both comly and wholsome; and this must be observed with respect to the place, time and persons. For, we read, that [Page 77] L. Tubero making a publike Feast, covered all his beds with the skins of Kids; and in so doing was judged indiscreet, and igno­rant in the knowledge of what appertained to publike honour and dignity; and for this same fact, lost the Office of Praetor. Notable was that quip that a Duke be­stowed upon a Prince, to this purpose; who with his noble retinue being invited to a Collation, the Prince altogether igno­rant of any mode used at Court, or in­deed common civility, suffered them to be seated without cushions; which the Duke perceiving, put his Cloak under him in lieu thereof; and all his followers in imitati­on of him, did the same; and after their repast, left their Cloaks upon the stools, and were departing: at which the Prince somewhat amazed, told them, they forgot their cloaks: No, no, replied the Duke, an't please your Majesty, it is not our cu­stome to be so uncivil, as to carry our Cu­shions along with us: then did he begin to understand the mistake, and went away ashamed. Next to Temperance, Justice is a Vertue to be very much followed by our Senator; of which in the next Chapter.

CHAP. V.
Of Justice and her concomitants, which our Senator ought to be adorned with.

NAture hath made all things in them­selves good, certain, perfect, and in all respects absolute; which was the rea­son that induced the Stoick to believe, that to live according to Nature was the chief felicity of man: for, Nature is the Condu­ctrix & Tutoress of perfect life, instructing us in our obedience to the Author thereof. Now, this harmony of Nature may be fitly called Justice; for, this is that Vertue (and indeed Regina Virtutum, the Queen of all Vertues) which labours in defence of the Law, and preservation of the consent of Nature; since whatsoever complies with Nature, is Just; and what dissenteth, un­just. Such men therefore, that follow the dictates of Nature, are just; being it is contrary to Nature to think ill either of God or Man. Whereupon Justice is of three sorts, (though there be many subdi­visions) Natural, Humane, and Di­vine.

[Page 79] The first foundation of Justice natural, proceeds from Nature her self; which in­formes us to do as we would be done by: Quod tibi fieri non vis, alteri ne feceris. This natural equity commandeth us to abstain from doing injury, or offending of any per­son whatsoever. And by this ligament, men are conglutinated or co-united with a mutual affection and bond of amity. In that Age, which is known by the name of Aetas aurea, among the Poets; by the help of natural Justice only, deceit, fraud, or in­jury had no residence upon Earth; they were non-entia, no such things to be found in Nature. Then was there no sedition, tumults, or hatred; but benevolence, fideli­ty, true love, and real affection. The Law­yers Profession was not in use, pleading and wrangling was unknown to them; for, equity and Justice determined all things, and all things were common; every man thought that his own goods did belong as much to his neighbour as to himself. They that lived in that Age were enforced and confined to vertue and honesty, because they knew not vice, and by natural instinct were stimulated to the exercise of Justice. Of this happy time Ovid sings most excel­lently. [Page 80]

But, as soon as the Sun of truth declined, and began to be obscured with the caligi­nous mists of vice; immediately the minds of men were depraved, and they headlong without fear or wit implunged themselves into an Ocean of filthiness. Then every man shielded himself against Vertue, quite contrary to his former principles; but af­terwards it was a practice among them, lawful, to scandalize and prejudice all per­sons, whether in goods, or good name; to lead a brutish, inhumane life; abuse that excellent gift of Reason, and employ it in the exercise of vice; as the same Poet hath it,

And surely that deluge of impiety had over-run the whole race of mankind, had [Page 81] not the force of nature and reason in some few, opposed, and stood as a trench against the fury of this inundation. That small residue of men (proclaiming war against vice) did so work upon them (that lived like brutes) by perswasion, as to reduce them to humanity; informing them how to live, not only by words, but also by works; what Civility, Vertue, and Honour was, and what was the original of Laws in Cities and Countries: so that hereby they might be instructed in those things that were good, honest, and civill. From hence the precepts of vertue took their original, and vast volumes of the duty and manners of men were composed. This considerati­on of humane nature and the Universe, was epitomized in one word by the Gre­cians, viz. [...], or wisdome; and the Au­thors thereof were termed [...], or Wise­men, who afterwards (according to the example of Pythagoras,) named themselves Philosophers. And by this means the light of humane reason and nature, that was be­negroed with the clouds of vice, did reas­sume its pristine lustre and splendor, and endowed us with the knowledge of divine and humane things; which knowledge is called Philosophy. Thus was that golden [Page 82] world restored. Now, that duty which natural Justice prompts us to observe to our Parents, is called Piety; which was the reason, that Aeneas by the Homer of our Latine Poets was styled Pious Aenaeas. The Daughter of Cimon was adorned with this Vertue; for she fed her Father with her own milk, being condemned to die, and thereby did eternize her name. This Justice doth also oblige us to nourish and cherish all persons in distress; defend and govern himself: for, he that by wilful ob­stinacy destroys himself by famine, negli­gence, or violent death, is judged an ene­my, and no friend to Nature. By this Ju­stice natural, we are engaged to relieve and refresh our necessitated friends and neigh­bours, and by generation to propagate posterity; which is called nodosa aeternitas: propagation is a knotty Eternity; for, by the issue of our loyns we do as it were tye a knot, and thereby lengthen our name and family. Socrates defineth this natural Ju­stice thus: It is the Science of good and evill according to nature; which that man that exercises, deserves the term of a good man; and if he communicate it to others, the title of a good Citizen; because then he is not only beneficial to himself, but to [Page 83] others also. They that Nature hath been so prodigal unto, as to bestow singular gifts, and incomparable endowments on, ought to transcen [...] all others in this natu­ral Justice, as much as they do in their na­tural parts; otherwise they will have but a mean repute (if any at all) in the world.

The next is Justice divine; whereby we are obliged and bound to acknowledge, love, honour, reverence, adore, and worship God: And it hath pleased Nature to im­plant this knowledge in man; as if there­by she would intimate unto us, that all other creatures do only feed and pamper their bodies, whenas Man should aime at a more noble marke, viz. the Deity. Nor is there any people upon earth but adore some God or other, and hold it a duty in­cumbent upon every one of them so to do. Now all the substance and force of this Justice is contained in Religion, which is the worship of God. But being that is a different subject from what we intend to expatiate on, we shall leave the prosecuti­on thereof to the Clergy.

Humane Justice, which is also termed sometimes civil, is of an obscure and hid­den nature; for, although it receive its [Page 84] being from Justice natural, and therefore the precepts and use thereof carry little or no seeming difficulty along with them: yet is it not truly conceived, unless it be by such who are either endued with a kind of divine nature, or have been employed in all sorts of vertue. For, this Vertue requireth a Learned, Wise man, who reasonably, constantly and voluntarily practiseth it. And such our Senator should be.

All civil Justice consists, partly in the preservation of humane society, and is partly exercised in a Court of Judicature. This Vertue approveth of no unlawful, cruel, or barbarous action; but embraceth honesty, tranquillity and peace; endeavou­ring to keep men from sedition, malice, and enmity; not coveting aliena bona; but, unicuique suum tribuens; gives every one their due. By this Vertue our Counsellor becomes a defender of the common peo­ple; the Protector of the innocent and Orphans; and a debaser of the proud and haught: a Lover of those that are good, a friend to truth, and an enemy to vice, and consequently to vicious persons. The foundation of this Vertue is fidelity; which Cicero defines to be a constant and true performer of promise. A just Senator [Page 85] therefore affirms the truth, sticks close to his promise; standeth to compacts; resto­reth what he borrows; and is not compel­led to be faithfull by Law, testimony, or oath, but by his own free will and consci­ence; labouring to keep under injustice, and to see that the weaker sort be not over-powred by the stronger; that might over-come not right. Valiant men, in his judge­ment, deserve to be crowned with reward; and idle, puny-spirited subjects, the lash of punishment; and by these two, punish­ment and preferment, the benefit of a Commonwealth is infinitely promoted. In the distribution of offices, he is directed by the rule of uprightness and equity; ha­ting to be greaz'd in the fist with bribery, reputing those worthy of most ample ho­nour, who can lay claim to the greatest me­rit. Which is a thing to be very much insi­sted on in a Kingdom, or Republick; because, Honos virtutes praemium, Honour is the re­ward of vertue; and as due to a deserving person, as wages to an hired servant: which was the reason, that wrought the Antients to erect stately Images, triumphal Arches; and publike sepulchres, open commenda­tion, and the like, were conferred on men of service and desert. Now they that are [Page 86] nobly educated, vertuously enclined, grave and ancient, deserve honour and reverence; and that either by bowing the head or bo­dy, in giving them place: And, as goods are of three sorts, viz. goods of the mind, goods of the body, and goods of Fortune; so they are all in conferring of honour to be respected. Therefore those of the mind assume the first place; those of the body the next, and those of Fortune the last, as the meanest in value and worth, though now adaies of most esteem in the eye of the World. All these things our Senator must be skill'd in; and in the distribution of offi­ces, and conferring of honours, he must ob­serve equality, the balance of Justice; wherewith every mans manners, vertues and actions are poized and examined. In which he must be very circumspect and un­byassed, lest he prove partial, leaning to one side more than another; and so come off with the term of an unequal Judge. For, he that bestows honour, and accumu­lates favours upon the undeserving, doth a manifest injury to those that can plead de­sert; and so by consequence is an unjust Judge. Wherefore Philosophers give us a definition of this justice, as followeth: It is an habit of the mind destined to com­mon [Page 87] utility; giving honour to every per­son that may be judged worthy of it. And among those vertues that plead for an inte­rest in humane society, equality is neither the last, nor the least; she exercising the office of a Handmaid or Lady of honour to that Queen of Vertues, Justice: Nor doth she remove a hairs-breadth from her, but sticks close to her principles and precepts. Now this equality in just pondering and weighing things, and persons, useth a dou­ble manner of proceeding; the one ordina­ry, and the other common; one judging by number, weight, and measure; the other more difficile and secret, that is, weighing every thing by reason and judgement. Which knowledge is only attained by wise men, and those that are exercised in great affairs, and matters of importance and weight; and the other by those that are chiefly employed in barrating, buying and selling. Let our Senator be skill'd in that knowledge that proceeds from reason and judgement, that he may thereby un­derstand how to distribute offices, confer honours, bestow gifts, what is due to every person, just, good, and indifferent in all things, persons, and places. This equality is an excellent qualification, and of emi­nent [Page 88] use and service in a Kingdom. And where Counsellors are ignorant therein, we find but raw and weak consultation, and all things managed at randome, with­out any thing of certainty; to the distur­bance of publike society.

Another kind of justice there is, which is commonly called justice forraign, not much unlike this before mentioned, chiefly conversant about judgement; whose foun­dation is the Law, and whose prop or sup­port is the judgement of wise, solid, dis­creet Senators. Before such time (as is al­ready mentioned) that written Laws were found out, each man was his own Legisla­tor, and prescribed his own peculiar Laws, not diving into the books of Law-makers or Doctors for precepts or instructions: For, then that pure and immaculate Vir­gin Justice had her residence in the mind of man, dictating unto him Laws and Pre­cepts, whereby he led an upright life, without exercising any fraud, deceit or collusion. But, as soon as men, tired with the strict discipline of justice, began to co­vet their neighbours goods, offer injuries, and neglect the restauration of what they had taken no upon credit; immediately hate, dissimulation, enmity and war sprung [Page 89] up, and gave way to the invention of mar­tial weapons, as well offensive as defensive; and that in so furious a manner, as might force Justice, nay, compel Jupiter himself to give place: thus, as sweet-tongued Ovid sings, ‘—Terras Astraea reliquit.’ She made her self wings, and flew to hea­ven for sanctuary, whereever since she hath taken up her habitation. And hence it is that we have recourse to heaven in our dayly Orizons for justice. Homer used to term Kings inspired with the wisdome of good Government, Sons of Jupiter: and we style them, Gods Vicegerents. And since reason cannot prevail with us so far, as thereby to lead a quiet, peaceable, and just life; we must have recourse to justice; who by her Laws admonisheth, corrects, and honours us, preparing rewards for good, and storing up punishments for evill actions. This justice (according to Ulpia­nus) is a constant desire, or fixed resolution to bestow upon every man that which of right belongs unto him. Now the ordain­ing and enacting of Laws, appertains to a Counsellor, as the most discreet person, and [Page 90] fit for that office. And Plato teacheth, that these things are to be observed in constitu­ting Laws, Acts, or Ordinances. The Le­gislator must enact them with a paternal love, that may cause a reciprocation of fili­al duty: not with a Lordly, tyrannical in­tent, yet framing them to the terror of ma­lefactors, who neither regard Law, nor rea­son; according to that known Hexame­ter, ‘Sic volo, sic jubeo; stat pro ratione voluntas.’ My will is the only Law that I own or acknowledge. Besides, he must be sure that his Laws contain no more prescripti­on of commands, than discipline of man­ners; that the severity of the one may be mitigated by the gentleness of the other. And the intent and end of all Law is, that men may be felicitated thereby, as far as comes within the compass of humanity; and that offenders may receive a punish­ment sutable to their crimes, of necessity, and not on set purpose: which moved Ju­stinian to make a triple division of legal precepts: To live honestly, prejudice no man, and give to every one his due. He therefore that doth abandon the Law, and [Page 91] follows the dictates of his own corrupt will, contemning the Statutes of a King­dom, is guilty of a notorious crime, as well as he that denies God, Nature, or Reason. Heraclitus, that stream'd away his time in tears, was wont to say, That all men were as deeply engaged to defend their Laws, as the walls of their City; and his reason was, because that a wall-less City might be preserved, but a Lawless one could ne­ver, by all the strength of humane inventi­on. For by Laws they expel idleness, the mother of Vice, which renders the mind effeminate, and makes it grow wanton. Cato said as truly, as pithily, Nihil agendo, male agere didicerunt: By doing nothing, the people learn'd to do ill. Diodorus men­tions a certain Law that was among the Aegyptians, whereby every Subject was compelled to give in his name to the Magi­strates, withall declaring what kind of life he most affected, how he lived, and what Art he exercised: And if he were found to give a false account of his life, he was put to death. Draco seeing the Citi­zens wasteful, made a Law, that he that was found idle should be executed; which being too severe and rigid, Solon did qua­lifie, punishing that offence with infamy [Page 92] only. By the imperial Law it is provided, that idle, sloathful, and thriftless Subjects be either whipt to death, or enslaved. In every Kingdom there are certain exercises both for peace and war: Some are bred up Clergy-men, Counsellors, and Judges; others, Captains, Commanders, and Soul­diers: that so the Kingdom may be furni­shed with Subjects in Peace or War, and by their actions the Country may be de­fended from the invading enemy, and her Territories or skirts enlarged. Nor must Laws be often altered; for, as soon as the people perceive any mutation, their minds being prone to innovation, they presently desire all the rest be changed and subver­ted; though sometimes necessity requires that they be corrected or reformed. The least mutation in a Kingdom, is of dan­gerous consequence, breeding a contempt of Laws, and sedition also. Wherefore the Locrenses had a Law, that if any man did invent a new Law, he should propose it to the people in publike, with a halter about his neck; to the end, that if it were judged pernicious or unprofitable, he should be forthwith hang'd, as an Author of evill. And it doth very much concern Princes and Counsellors to walk according to [Page 93] those Laws they ordain; for it is odious to be Legislator; & Legis violator; a Law-ma­ker, and a Law-breaker: for there is no­thing that Subjects so much look upon, as the lives of their Superiors. ‘Regis ad exemplum totus componitor orbis.’ All Nations, all the World over, follow the example of a King: which if he steer his actions according to Justice, finds Sub­jects obedient and loyal, who will keep close to their allegeance. Seleucus made a Law, that whosoever was taken in adulte­ry should be deprived of both his eyes. Afterwards his Son was found guilty of that Crime: his Subjects went to mediate, desiring him to sign his pardon; but their suit prevailed no otherwise, then that first he caused one of his Sons eyes to be put out, and then one of his own; that so the severity and reputation of Law might be observed, and that the force thereof might be in more esteem than the authori­ty of men. The ends why Laws were or­dained, were two: The one, that men may understand Justice, and have entertainment among them; the other, that it may con­tinue. The first, is the duty of the Law­maker, [Page 94] who frameth the people in the mould of Vertue. And the second is the Office of the Judge, who is to suppress the exorbitancies of offenders, and preserve the rights and priviledges of his Country. Now it often falls out, that dubious busi­nesses, and those matters of concernment too, are brought before a Judge; expecting his determination. Wherefore he must re­duce that to equality, which he thinketh unequal: not unlike a line cut into unequal parts, and that part which is found too long is cut shorter, and so added to the other: So doth the Judge, who is the Living Law and Oracle of the Kingdom. Nor must he pass a sentence upon any matter, or de­cide any cause, before he hath heard both Plaintiff and Defendant, and examined all their Witnesses: For, as Seneca hath it most excellently,

He must be voyd of all passion, hate, or partiality: one that scorns bribery, will not be daunted with menaces, or threatned out of the truth, or moved by the subtilty of adulation: for, where a Judge, Magi­strate, [Page 95] or Senator is subject to passion, there is little, or indeed no Justice in his Judica­ture: nor is there any one thing that poy­sons a Commonwealth or Kingdom more, then corrupt and unjust Magistrates.

Justice of old was by Philosophers pain­ted like a beautiful Virgin, having a severe grave countenance, penetrating eyes, a chaste look, inclining to gravity: which Image carries this representation, that Judges ought to be incorrupt, chaste, se­vere, sharp-witted, good, grave, constant and inexorable. Cambyses, King of Persia, caused the skin of an unjust Judge to be flea'd, and hung up in the Court, as a terror to all those that were unjust in their sen­tence. Solon being demanded, How a King­dom might best be preserved; answered, By the Peoples obedience to Superiour au­thority, and the Magistrates subscription to the Law. And Bias used to say, That place was most secure, where men stood in awe of the Law, no less than of a Tyrant. It is a shame and reproach to a Nation to have Laws, that like the Spiders web, en­tangle the weak and simple, and let the strong and mighty escape. Which our Se­nator must very diligently observe, and continually provide that the Laws be pre­served inviolable.

[Page 96] Justice admits of another division among Moral Philosophers, and that is Di­stributive and Commutative. Justice Di­stributive, is that that respects equality in the distribution of reward or punishment, according to Geometrical proportion. For, as there are several degrees of crimes and offences perpetrated by the impious; so there are likewise of the merits of deserving and vertuous persons; In regard that the circumstances of persons, places, and time, do oftentimes aggravate the crime. As for instance; He that offends a Magistrate, de­serves a higher punishment than he that offends a private person: And he that com­mits an insolency in the Church during divine service, or in Court before a Judge sitting upon the Bench, must be more se­verely corrected, than if these circumstan­ces did not accompany the fault. And in like manner, the different conditions of men in the distribution of recompences, or conferring of honours, must be narrowly considered and pried into.

Wherefore it is apparent, that in the distribution of honour, as well as in the inflicting of punishment, this Geometri­cal proportion must be observed; because that by this means we observe the same [Page 97] proportion between persons, as we do be­tween things; and though there be an in­equality of measure, yet will there be an equality of reason. As thus: He that hath a double share of merit, twice as much as another man, deserves a double recom­pence according to the Geometrical pro­portion, which differs from the Arithme­tical, observed in Justice Commutative: for the latter respects the equality of quan­tity, and things distributable, without re­gard to the merits or demerits of a per­son.

Justice Commutative is that that looks upon equality and faith in contracts, bar­gains, humane commerces and negotiati­ons; as buying, selling, borrowing, and the like. As for example; the same sort of wine, oyl, corn, cloath, or other vendible commodities, is sold to a Magistrate as well as to a Mechanick. But now let us come to her Concomitants.

And first of Piety; by which we please God, and get repute among men. Numa Pompilius, to get credit by the Religion that he framed for the Romans (counterfeiting Piety) induced them to believe that he and his Wife Aegeria used to convene with the Gods in a certain place consecrated to [Page 98] Camena, and there did receive the Laws and Religion the Romans were to follow: so that they that neither by the softness of perswasion, nor the violence of compulsi­on could be reduced to Religion; by a counterfeit colour of Piety were brought to be very religious. And if so among them, how will the true Religion prevail among us that are Christians? Yet in Re­ligion two things are to be declined, viz. heresie and superstition; which vices per­vert weak instable persons. There is like­wise a certain kind of Piety due to Pa­rents, by which we obey, reverence, and respect them.

Innocency is another of her Associates; which Vertue affects simplicity, abhor­ring dissimulation and hypocrisie; where­fore, fawning Sycophants, that Dog-like will [...], fall down under your feet, and seem to adore you; Dissemblers, that hold with the hare, and run with the hound; carry fire in one hand, and water in the other; and tale-bearers, that are ri­marum pleni, full of chincks, no sooner a secret can be committed to their keeping, but it drops from them like water through a sieve; such persons are to have no place in the Catalogue of our Senators. And as [Page 99] no man might have admittance into the Temple of Ceres Elucina, but he that was innocent; there being this Superscription over the Portal, Let no man enter but he that knoweth his own innocency: So into holy Council, which is the Temple of Justice and Truth, let no man have admittance, but he that is innocent, and of integrity. His mind must be open and sincere, not obscure or deceitful, saying one thing, and meaning another; his thoughts and his words must be Relatives; his tongue must be the true interpreter of his mind; and his face not shrowded with a fained dis­guise, but full of natural sincerity.

Courteous he must be; for an affable debonaire disposition will scrue it self into the good will of all men. He must hear with patience, and reply with discretion; free from all sowerness and insolency in words or action.

Benignity is another thing necessary; for as God is kind and gentle to us, so must we manifest our selves to those that are a sphere below us. He must therefore be gentle, mild, and of a sweet disposition: not austere, supercilious; and as Timon was, [...], A man-hater. For as to the Moderator of all things, Religion and Piety [Page 100] is due; so is love and benevolence unto men.

Next, Clemency; which properly ap­pertains to Magistrates, and men in autho­rity; for by vertue hereof, the heat of their displeasure towards Malefactors is abated, and they themselves qualified. Her opposite is Cruelty, and bitter ex­tremity in punishment; a quality pro­per to Tyrannical and inhumane persons. Draco was so rigid and severe, nay (I may say) cruel, that he inflicted death upon idle persons, as well as Murderers; and being askt the reason, replied, because he thought that punishment due for the com­mission of a petty offence; and for those of a higher nature, he could not invent any great enough. But Scipio much more cle­ment and pitiful, could say, That he had rather be instrumental to the saving of the life of one single Citizen, than to the slaughter of 1000 Enemies. And indeed for a Magistrate to be perpetually puni­shing, is as reproachful, as to see Physicians alwaies killing their Patients with their Quacksalving and Emperical tricks. Be­sides, Clemency in a Governour creates a kind of bashfulness or fear of offending in any person. Yet Clemency must be so used, as that severity, if need be, must not be al­together [Page 101] neglected: for no Country can be well governed without it, by reason of the different dispositions of men; for a harsh word strikes deeper with some, than a shrewd punishment with others. Over-much clemency was an imperfection that the Stoicks would have all wise men to want; alledging, that it was an argument of an ignoble mind, condescending and subscribing to the guilt of other mens crimes and offences: and therefore such men may be assimilated to fond foolish women, that would have Malefactors freed from the lash and rigour of the Law, because Crocodile-like, after the commis­sion of an hainous offence, they can drop a deceitful tear.

Next, Liberality. Among some of those Vertues that were constellated in Scipio Africanus, this is not the least; that before his return from any place, he obliged some person or other to him by his liberality.

The Son of Titus Vespatianus was wont to say, That that day wherein he had not be­stowed some benefit, was utterly lost. Now in giving, these two things are observable; to forget the benefits we bestow, and re­member perfectly what we have received: for ingratitude is a black crime; In­gratum [Page 102] dixeris, & omnia dixeris; Name but Ingratitude, and you epitomize all crimes in a word.

Magnificence is the next concomitant of Justice; which Vertue consisteth in large expences, and great gifts; differing from Liberality in this only, that the one is em­ployed in small and mean, the other in large gifts. Now it is observable, that Magnificent men usually erect Churches, build Cities, Towns, and Villages, and em­ploy themselves about such things as may either redound to the glory of the Creator, or else augment the fame of the Author. And though Parcimony be judged a noble revenue, yet must not our Senator be so pe­nurious, as altogether to forget liberality, or Magnificence; and so degenerate into Co­vetousness, which is a malady incurable: which as Salust hath it, doth effeminate both body and mind: Delighting it self in two things, giving nothing, and receiving much: and yet excess must be avoided; so that the middle way is best. The advice of Apollo to his unsatisfied Son Phaeton is very good, ‘—Medio tutissimus ibis.’ [Page 103] Therefore that no man might exceed a be­coming moderation in expences, it was provided by a Law at Rome, that no Sena­tor should be indebted above a certain sum of money prescribed. Which order was taken, to remove excess and superflui­ty in expences. P. Rufinus was deposed by the Censors for having 10 l. weight in Silver. And Aemilius Lepidus having spent 6000 l. in building a house, was devested of his Senatorship. So strict were the an­cient Romans, lest the Senators excess should move the Plebeians to the same su­perfluity. Yet we allow a Senator far more liberty than so; for, our Laws do not so narrowly confine them.

Next, Friendship; which is absolutely necessary: for, since man is a civil person, and a lover of society, he cannot be desti­tute of other mens conversation; from hence, as from a source or foundation, all amity, marriage, or consanguinity doth flow: And he that endeavours to deprive a Kingdom of united friendship, doth in a manner snatch the Sun out of the firma­ment. Friendship is of an uniting or con­gregating quality; for as cold congeals a multitude of waters into one cake of Ice, so Friendship makes of many one; which is [Page 104] by Laelius defined to be a perfect consent of things divine and humane, in all love, charity, and affection. Yet are we not to entertain any person at the first sight (pri­ma facie, as we say) as a friend; we must first, according to our Proverb, eat a bu­shel of salt with them, that so we may dive into their disposition, and know what metal they are made of. It is the opinion of the Philosophical Tribe, that that ami­ty is most sure, and best grounded, that is nourished by similitude of temper; for where mans delight is one and the same, his affection cannot be divers. Such friends were Achilles and Patroclus; Orestes and Pi­lades; Damon and Pythias, with many more that might be mentioned. The friendship of the two last was so great, that Dionysius did earnestly desire to make a third person, that so there might be a Trinity of friends linked together with the ligament of love. Few friends are best; and the reason is, be­cause perfect friendship is inconsistent with multiplicity of persons: and indeed they that delight to associate themselves with many, are not accounted friends, but sociable; for it is one thing to be a lover of conversation, and courteous in the enter­tainment of all persons; and another thing [Page 105] to be a friend to one whom we make a con­stant companion, one who is the Manu­script wherein we write all our secrets. Epaminondas was heard to use this expressi­on frequently, That a man should not leave the Court till he made an addition to the number of his old friends by gaining of a new one; but this observation tends more to the obtaining of the common good will of men, than perfect friendship. Now true friendship requires three things.

First, Vertue, from which we must never swerve; Next, Pleasure, which proceeds from familiarity and sweet conversation, stealing away the tediousness of melancho­ly hours. For, amici fures temporis. And lastly, Profit; whereby one real friend may accommodate another with neces­saries, when stimulated by that Tyrant necessity. Though it be the custome of the World to fawn upon a person that a­bounds with the affluence of all terrene comforts, and hath high and mountain'd fortunes; but when he is at a low ebb, then they usually forsake him with a Benedicite, or God help you. Nor can you try a real friend better, than in the kick of malignant chance: Then, if he deserves that name, he will stick close to you; if not, scoff [Page 106] at your meanness. Well might the Satyrist say,

As if the Poor man were but fortunes Dwarf, (saith one excellently) made low­er than the rest of men, to be laugh'd at. Yet, if any thing that is unjust be reque­sted by one friend of another, it is his du­ty to disswade, rather than encourage him. Pericles being desired by a friend to assist him by bearing false witness; replied like a Christian more than a Pagan, Tuus sum usque ad aras; I am yours to do you any courtesie that comes within the limits of my power, as far as Religion gives me leave: intimating thereby, that he would aid his friend so far as justice, equity, or divinity would permit, and no farther. Now by the concatenation of amity, and co-union of Senators, the Kingdom is as it were linked together, and so strengthned. Whenas, who can expect concord or mu­tual love between Subjects, when Magi­strates are disagreeing and at variance? Aristides and Themistocles were enemies, yet whensoever they went out on publike [Page 107] Embassage or Commission, being arrived at the borders of the Athenian Land, there they laid down all contention and former enmity; though after their return home they did often renew their old grudge and displeasure. To forget injuries received, is a noble part, and an argument of a royal spirit.

Out of Friendship ariseth Concord, which is nothing but civil amity: and a conspiracy or plot among all degrees of men to maintain Liberty, Law, Justice, Fideli­ty, Religion and Quietness in a Kingdom. Wherefore the Senate of Rome did usual­ly sit in the House of Concord, to demon­strate thereby, that in Council nothing should pass contentiously. Agesilaus, King of Lacedaemonia, being asked why Sparta was not environed with walls; informed the Questionist, that the Citizens lived united; and shewing him the men, said, Behold the walls of Sparta. Scilurus blest with a numerous off-spring, fourscore Sons, before he expired, produced a bundle of arrows, and bid them break them all at once: they replied, It was absolutely im­possible: then took he the arrows from them one by one, and so brake them all; thereby exhorting his Children to live in [Page 108] concord, for so they might be invincible and happy; whenas otherwise they would be ruinated and dispersed.

In like manner Mycypsa, King of Numi­dia, being on his death-bed, assembled all his Children, and left them this golden Sentence as a Legacy: By concord the smal­lest inconsiderable things encrease; but the grea­test and most considerable by discord come to con­fusion.

Hospitality is a companion to Friend­ship and Concord, which entertains stran­gers as well as friends, with courtesie and affability; which Vertue redounds very much to a mans credit and reputation. The priviledges belonging thereunto are so considerable, that the Romans observed the performance of the rights thereof even to their very enemies; and would never joyn in battel with them, till such time as the Prisoners to whom they were indebted for food, were manumitted. Plato under­standing that it was impossible to reduce his Commonwealth to a happy condition by any other way but amity, concord, or hospitality; brought down all Laws and Customs to friendship, making all things common, that so mutual society and love might be conserved; affirming withal, [Page 109] that that brace of words, Meum and tuum, were like a pair of Engines framed on pur­pose to unhinge the whole World.

Now, since it is manifest, that man, whilst he lives, floats in a turbulent Sea of vexations and misfortunes, subject to perils as considerable for their number as their weight; and that we must overcome them by patient suffering, or manfully revenge them; we must next discourse of Fortitude, which is able to supply us with weapons to defend us against the assaults of the mind and fortune. A Life free from the inter­mixture of discontent, is aimed at by all, but impossible to be obtained by any: for Nature hath so ordained it, that care, trou­ble and molestation is interwoven with the web of our life; so that as our more gross part, the body, is burthened with labour and toyl; so our more spiritual part, the mind, is disquieted with discontented imaginations. Nor indeed can we tell how to rellish Vertue, unless we first taste of discontent; for, the clouds of sorrow being overblown (like rest after labour) the fruit of felicity is much more delight­ful and pleasing. Vertue is not a Lady that loves to smother her self in down, and lie at her ease; [Page 110] ‘—Petit ardua virtus:’ But she affects industry, triumphing in the midst of most imminent danger: which made Hercules forsake the path of pleasure, because it was wide, broad, and easie to be traced; and turn into the way of Vertue, whereunto the passage is hard, and the ascent difficult. Nor must we only despise all labours and difficulty in ascending the Pyramid of Vertue; but when we are pos­sessed therewith, we must with far more courage and magnanimity endure all cala­mities, sorrows and afflictions. Now there is no misfortune, how great soever, but she can withstand, and with her own power overcome. This excellency of mind is cal­led Fortitude, an affection that submits to Vertue by constant and patient suffering. The nature and substance of Prudence, Ju­stice, and Temperance, is soft and effemi­nate without Fortitude: for it is their pro­perty to think and act only; but the quali­ty of this Vertue is to think and execute constantly, manfully, and valiantly. All commendation due to Fortitude, consisteth in Domestical, and Publike or Military actions. Domestical Fortitude adorns a [Page 111] Man; and her quality is to remove all per­turbation of mind, Fear, Sorrow, Anger, Voluptuousness, and every other exorbi­tant affection. Fortitude Military consists in undergoing all perils and dangers, all labour and hardship, that so a man may be able to look death in the face, if his country or a good cause require it. He must look to lie sometimes at the signe of the Star, and have his bed feathered with the down of Heaven; lie down a Man, and rise a Snow­ball; gnaw Match, instead of Liquorish; He must fear nothing; contemn all world­ly things, and be resolved to suffer whatso­ever can befall him.

Moreover, it is the duty of our Senator to be so couragiously affected and dispo­sed, that all his gifts of body and mind be as with a certain sauce seasoned with Forti­tude; for, as without salt all meats, so all Vertues without Fortitude are judged un­savoury. This is that which defendeth both body and mind from the cruel shock of misfortune. This is that which renders us quiet and peaceable in Prudence, con­stant in Temperance, and stout, valiant and invincible in Justice. Yet is there some­thing to be declined in this Vertue; as be­ing fool-hardy, proud, rash, timerous, sloath­ful, [Page 112] or puny-spirited; For, he that intends to gain the reputation of valiant, must be pricked forward by no other spur than Glory, Renown, or Vertue; ‘—Immensem gloria calcar habet.’ He must follow the conduct of no other Captain but Reason, and not be led up by Chance, Hazard, or Desperation; alledg­ing that rash piece of Poetical fury for his excuse, ‘Una salus victis nullam sperare salutem.’

The People of Numantia chose rather to be massacred, than yield to the merciful enemy; and the Saguntines were guided by the same Precepts: but we must never act any thing desperately. Well might that Roman Demosthenes Cicero say, Injustis­simam pacem bello justissimo antefero; I prefer the most unjust Peace before the most just War. Now he that despairs, flees from Fortitude; and it is an argument of a dunghil-spirit, to seek death by shewing the heel through fear and pusillanimity. But a valiant man despiseth life judicious­ly, fighteth stoutly; not as one destitute of [Page 113] all hope; but, because he is grounded on this perswasion, that it becomes him so to deport himself: which moves him rather to choose an honourable death, than blur his life with the stain of reproach. This Vertue hath many Concomitants, which with some other qualifications shall be the subject of the ensuing Chapter.

CHAP. VI.
Of Fortitude and her Concomitants, as Mag­nanimity, Constancy, Patience, Confi­dence, &c.

THis Vertue, as is before mentioned, wants not her retinue of other Ver­tues. And first, Magnanimity, which makes a man aspire to honour and dignity; and yet by the help of vertue, imitating Mar­cellus, who consecrated a Temple to Ho­nour our of the spoyls of Syracusa, making the access thereunto through the House of Vertue near adjoyning; perswading him­self, that there was no possible way of catching at honour, to a mans credit and reputation, but by the aid and assistance of Vertue. This will support him, as blad­ders [Page 114] do a young swimmer, from being implunged into despair when he floats up­on the waters of affliction. The fame of Codrus shall live till the conflagration of the World, who for the preservation of his Souldiers and Country, offered up himself a sacrifice. Curtius and Scaevola are immor­tal; the one, because he cast himself into a merciless gulph, to cure Rome of the infecti­ous Plague; the other, for burning his own hand, to make his enemies sensible that no torture should deter Romans from prose­cuting the defence of their Liberty. He­roick actions embalm the memories of Magnanimous spirits, and preserve them sweet and fresh, maugre the malignity of fickle Fortune, or the succession of Ages. There is no Chronicle nor History in which they shall not have a place, and be honourably mentioned and registred, for Posterity to imitate.

Besides, our Senator must bestow gifts voluntarily and liberally, and receive them with a modest blush, and a kind of unwil­ling willingness, following the counsel of Hesiod, who teacheth, that a good turn re­ceived should be returned with Interest; for the Recipient is inferiour to the Donor. Taxilis, an Indian King, meeting with [Page 115] Alexander the Great (as Plutarch informs us) accosted him in this manner: Noble Monarch, I challenge you, not to war, or duel; but to another kind of combat: if you be our In­feriour, receive a benefit; if our Superiour, bestow one on us. To whom Alexander re­plied, as the Story farther informs us, This contention is laudable, and suits with Our Dig­nity; for we should endeavour to exceed one ano­ther in well doing: and closed these words with an embrace; suffering him to enjoy his Kingdom, with additions. Among those of the more noble extract, let him behave himself with a well-balasted de­portment, and be the discreet Herald of his own praise; but among those of the infe­riour allay (the vulgar I mean) he must abstain from so doing, because of the con­trary effects: for in the one, it attracts love; in the other, it causeth hatred.

Next, it behoveth our Senator in all suc­cesses and events to be constant and un­moved; and not like Proteus, capable of re­ceiving all shapes. The constancy of Ari­stides deserves no mean commendation, considered as he was a Heathen; for Dio­nysius the Tyrant, demanding his Daugh­ter in marriage, he retorted, That he had rather see her wedded to her Grave, than [Page 116] to a Tyrant: and having slain her, he was re-demanded, whether he had changed his opinion; he replied, He was sorry for the fact, but glad that he had so exprest him­self. Who can but admire the constancy of Cato? Who, if we may relie upon the Records of the Ancients, was ever obser­ved to keep the same countenance, as well when he was repulsed and accused, as when he was Praetor: being still immuta­ble in Counsel, War, at the time of his Death, and when that pannick fear ague­shook his whole Country; Caesar being victorious, and as a Tyrant usurping the Government of the Republick. Xantippe, who was the Billingsgate Wife of Socrates, the wife Philosopher (if a modern title may be applied to an ancient scold) could utter this to his eternal honour, that she alwaies observed he went out and returned with the same countenance; for indeed, he was so rarely qualified, that no violent or impetuous gusts of adversity could shake him out of his constant com­posed temper. Merit will be crowned with her deserved bayes, Velit nolit invidiae, in spight of fate; or else her very enemies will lend a helping hand. It becomes him therefore to be a fixed star, no Planet, in [Page 117] his own Sphere; like Regulu [...], who rather than the Captives should be restored, de­livered himself into the hands of the Car­thaginians. It is reported, that when Nico­rontos, the Tyrant of Cyprus, had vanquished Anaxarchus; he told him, he might proli­bitu, as he pleased, torment and wrack his body, but he could never prejudice the con­stancy of his mind; that would be still in­violable. Yet he must be wary that his constancy extend only to just causes and ends; for to defend any conceit by strength of sophistical dissertations, against the opinion of wise men, is an argument of a perverse and obstinate, no constant dispo­sition: For in vain were all our consulta­tions, if like the River Euripus, they ebb and flow at no certainty. In Council, as he must be active, so like a stone he must be mute, and not divulgive, because there pass many things in consultations which are to be communicated neither to strangers, nor domestical friends; and it is the property of a light and unsettled head, to blab all mysteries spoken in Council: as if they could receive nothing, but like squeamish stomachs they must immediate­ly cast it up. The Romans would not ad­mit the Senators Pedarii, when they had any weighty matter in hand, nor any of [Page 118] the Clerks to be present; but they them­selves debated it. At first, indeed, the Se­nate-house was open to all young men, that were descended of the Patricii; till after that noble and memorable part acted by Papyrius, they were forbidden; lest through the unsetledness of greener heads, the se­crets of State should be divulged, and the Republick thereby damnified: who being one day questioned by his Mother, what matter was so long in debate among them, and compelled to give some answer; re­plied merrily, Whether it were more ad­vantagious to the Common-wealth, that one man should have two Wives, or one woman have two Husbands: and so by dissembling the truth, came off handsome­ly, satisfying his Mother without prejudice to the Senate or the Commonwealth.

The next Concomitant of Fortitude is Patience, which (according to Tully) is a voluntary and continual enduring of ad­verse fortune, either for credit or commo­dity; which are the two Poles about which the World moves; and the use hereof is in war greatest. For they that are Men of war, Souldiers, adventure their lives for their Country, and undergo all perils and dangers whatsoever, with a patient, [Page 119] resolute, and undaunted mind.

If Coriolanus had taken it patiently when he had a repulse for aspiring to the Con­sulship, he had manifested himself discreet, and his life had not been attended by so many disasters. Patience is the Panacea of all griefs: sor things past that are irrecove­rable, may be endured, though not amen­ded. He that cannot undergo the bitter chance of misfortune, is but a bearded wo­man: yet in the exercise of patience, we must be very circumspect that the multi­tude and greatness, the quantity and qua­lity of injuries do not discompose us: for, Laesa patientia fit furor; Patience abused is turned into fury.

Confidence is another of Fortitudes Associates, which is a certain conceit or assurance of mind that we shall have fu­ture success; encouraging, and fetting us forward to the atchievement of noble and heroick performances. He that is confi­dent, is a perfect stranger to cowardly fear. It is storied of Julius Caesar, that seeing Caius Crastinus prepared for the Pharsalick war with hope of success, asked him what he thought would be the event of the battel: whereunto Crastinus (holding up his hand armed) answered, Caesar, thou shalt be [Page 120] victorious, and have cause to commend me dead or alive: which accordingly fell out, and he was slain in the skirmish; whereupon Caesar assembled his Army, and made an Oration in his praise. Aristotle affirms, that men, according to the success they have already had, judge of the future in their proceedings. Plutarch reports, that Antonius was alwaies accompanied with an Egyptian Philosopher, who, by the cal­culation of mens looks, would give a shrewd guess at their disposition, fortune, and destiny: He did very much expatiate upon the felicity of Antonius, but more upon that of Octavius; saying, That the Ge­nius that waited on Octavius was more powerful than that that attended Antonius; which he conceived, because in gaming, Cock, or Quail-fighting, he had the bet­ter hap, and was most fortunate; besides other conjectures. It is thought, nay, main­tained, that every King, Prince, and Person hath a certain Guardian Angel; which Spirits are by Homer and Plato called Genii; and by others Lares, Daemones, Lemures; and by us, Angeli: which, as they affirm, assist them in battel, and inform them what is to be done. Of which there are two sorts, the one good, the other evill. We read that [Page 121] Uladislaus Jagelonus King of Polonia, in the Prussian war against the Germans, spied an Angel armed assisting him; whom he re­ligiously called Divum Stanislaum: by rea­son of this spectacle, he fought resolutely, came off victorious, and in spight of the Tyrants fury delivered Prussia. Plutarch tells us of an evil Angel that still accom­panied Brutus; who being in consultation about the management of war, percei­ved a man standing before him of a prodigious bulk: he demanding of him, Who he was; received this answer, That he was his evil Spirit, whom he should see in the Philippick war: which proved true; for thereby he did not only prognosticate his ill success, but his death also, which accordingly happened. That the Romans relied much upon the predictions of their Spirits, appears, by the Inscriptions of the Roman Coyns: Genius Augusti, Genius Senatus, Genius Populi Romani; and thereupon Ovid sings, ‘Et vigilant nostra semper in urbe Lares.’ But to pass by all these Phancies; there is no­thing conduceth more to the perfecting of a Conquerour, than Confidence; which our [Page 122] Senator must be endowed with; for many times all other helps and hopes fail, when this remains for the last Refuge.

Security brings up the rear of the Con­comitants of that Noble General Forti­tude; which as it is the end of a good, so is it of a valiant life; and hereby we gain tranquillity of mind. He that hath Securi­ty, is in the same condition he was before his Birth: my Author is Cicero. Now, this Security tends to a peaceable and quiet life in a Republick, which is commonly termed, Common Felicity. Yet our Secu­rity must have a better foundation than an airy conceit; Sloath, Carelesness, or Neg­ligence. Pompeius, being Commander of numerous Forces, and going to wage war with Caesar, seem'd secure; yet some of his captains, that feared the vigilancy of Caesar, advised him to be diligent: to whom he said, All was secure, and they might in utramque aurem dormire, take their rest, and sleep securely. But this Security caused his flight, and by consequence his overthrow. This is an errour incident to most King­doms and Republicks; who being russet­ted with peace, and grown hoary, as it were, with quietness, think themselves se­cure, when as they are sloathful, cowardly, dull, and negligent.

[Page 123] The Roman Empire was extreamly en­larged by their Vertue Military; insomuch that their Eagles flew as far, if not father, than the current of their Laws did run. This Metropolis, from the time of Romulus, till the reign of Octavius Augustus, was ne­ver unarm'd. But Octavius finding a general peace all the World over, caused the Tem­ple of Janus (which stood open in time of universal peace only,) to be shut; as if thereby the State should be for ever secu­red from Martial tumults. Rome being by this means secured, no succeeding Empe­rour opened the Temple of Janus: so that from that time the People embraced an idle lazy life; whence it followed, that in process of time all Countries, Cities and Kingdoms shook off the Roman Yoke, and purchased their own liberty; whereas she, quite-disarm'd, became subject to the Goths. We therefore approve of no other Security in our Counsellor, but such, as wanteth not care and provision to repel danger and misfortune when they begin to encroach upon us. And happy is that Kingdom, that in time of peace prepares for war. It will not be amiss, I presume, to inform you what men are to be judged va­liant, and the rewards due unto such per­sons [Page 124] so judged. Some there are, that only led with love to Vertue, grounded upon ho­nest Principles, choose rather to hazard their lives and bodies in fight, than in time of necessity to abandon their Prince, Country, or Friends. We find it recor­ded, that the Roman, German, and French Captains did alwaies animate their Soul­diers to fight, with perswasions of the effi­cacious power of their great Forces, the Valour of their General, the Virtue of their Ancestors, and the numerous spoils taken from the enemy: but the Comman­ders of Polonia use no other argument or compellation than this; Let every person be mindful of his own Virtue, and peculi­ar reputation: which only Sentence did sa­tisfie the Polonians, whose fixed resolution it is to fight till Victory seats her self upon their Banners, or die in the Field. Now, he that stands thus affected to Vertue and Honesty, may lawfully be termed Valiant. Which sort of men are not to pass with­out their reward, and badges of honours, as Ensigns of their Loyalty and Allegi­ance to their King. It is but reason and equity, that after the turmoyls of War, they should be cloathed with long Robes, and enjoy the tranquillity of a serene, quiet [Page 125] and peaceable life. In Rome, all such Soul­diers were adopted Senators, as brought home any spoyl that did belong to the Person of the enemy, or that wore a Gar­land for saving a Citizen in fight. Those that had born office in the field for the space of ten years, were admitted to be ci­vill Magistrates. Nay, Regulus being re­moved from the dignity of a Senator, was so much disturbed at the affront, that he tore his cloaths, and manifested the wounds of his body that he had received in battel; thereby claiming a place in the Senate-house; and made a succinct relation of those martial services he had done for the good of his Country; which wrought so much upon the Senate, that he was re-ad­mitted to his former dignity.

The Peripateticks affirm, that anger is Cos fortitudinis, the whetstone of Fortitude; and men lightly moved thereby, attempt all things with the more vivacity and sprightliness. Yet our Senator must be careful that he avoid all fury and outrage in the use thereof, lest he be branded with madness, and lose the title of Valiant; which may be effected by making Anger a Companion, no Commander of Forti­tude. There is nothing more misbecoming [Page 126] any man (especially a Counsellor) than Anger: for he that is overswayed with that furious passion, becomes like a brute beast, whose property it is to seek revenge in the heat and height of fury. Wherefore in all enterprises, let Honesty bring up the front, or be Commander; and Anger be Adju­tant General. Plato the Divine calls An­ger, The Sinews of the mind, because there­by she is stretched and scrued up, and by Lenity let down. And he that engageth with an enemy, prompted to his enterprize by no other instigation than Anger, de­serves the name of Cholerick, and not Va­liant; because he undertakes the manage­ment of his affairs, moved thereunto by a certain perturbation of mind, not by rea­son or honour. Wherefore it was well said by the Epicure, Anger is the issue of Madness; which is a prejudicial to the health of the body, as the perfection of the mind. Some there are that ascribe more to Fortune, than, if rightly conside­red, she can lay claime to; and being ar­med with this conceit, only cry out Victoria, before they do classicum canere; which, as we say, count their Chickens before they be hatcht. For although the force of For­tune be great, and most considerable in [Page 127] War, (because it is most prevalent in those things where reason is least power­ful) yet must we not rely upon her so much, as altogether to forsake all advice and consultation; for, those that are con­ducted by reason, want not the Auspices of Fortune. Hannibal suing for peace with Scipio, expressed himself as followeth; I have been instructed by good and bad suc­cess so well, that I am sensible it is far bet­ter to relie on Reason, than Fortune. For she often fails when a man is come to the last pinch of extremity; and there is no­thing more fickle and inconstant; she's a Female, and will wax and wane twice in a minute; and blinds the judgement of those that bridle not her head-strong fury. Therefore let our Senator be suae fortunae fa­ber, the hammer of his own fortune; and make way for his success by his valour and magnanimity, and then she will afford as­sistance; for she lacqueys reason, as a sha­dow doth the body. It is the opinion of Xenophon, that in war evill fortune accom­panies the bad, and good fortune the good. Alexander, Scipio and Hannibal were fortu­nate, but not so much through the aide of that fickle Lady, as the assistance of Wis­dome, and the benefit of Vertue. Yet he [Page 128] behaves himself wisely, that takes Fortune and Opportunity when it is offered: for, post est occasio calva; he must take her by the foretop, because she's bald behind; and once past, is past recovery. Now, some there are, that if they find success in their undertakings, immediately ascribe all to Fortune as the Authoress, as is before men­tioned; yet there is no man that may be termed wise, but scorns to make her the Di­rectress of his actions.

Now, to the perfection of our Senators body, (for we have already discoursed of the endowments of the mind.) The goods of the body consist partly in the whole body, and partly in some particular mem­bers thereof: Health, strength and sound­ness are required in the whole body; but perfect sence, and agility, and activeness in some peculiar members only. And as there is a consent or harmony between the body and mind; so is there a certain cor­respondency and similitude between the vertues of them both. Health resembleth Justice; because it reduceth the different constitutions of the body to an equal tem­perature, and they both conspire to make the body and mind perfect. Strength is compared to Fortitude; because they [Page 129] mutually assist one another in the undergo­ing of perils and dangers. Soundness of body is assimilated to Prudence: for as Prudence makes a reconciliation between all opinions and judgments, till they shake hands; so in a sound body, all parts unite their forces together, to make it up perfect. Health doth very much avail; for in all our actions she sets us forward with cou­rage and delight; whereas sickness debili­tates the body, and hinders it from the pro­secution of a design: She's not to be had by price, saith the Lyrick Poet, ‘—Non gemmis neque purpura venale nec auro.’ Neither Gold nor Silver can purchase it. The multitude of Acres will not cure so much as the head-ach; nor the tumbling over of your Bags, the rich-Gout, Stone, or Collick. It is a free gift of the Creator, as from the prime efficient; but good diet and exercise is the secundary cause: Therefore our Senator must take heed lest he destroy or lose this inestimable Jewel by Intempe­rancy. Health (saith the Prince of Ora­tors) is maintained by knowing a mans own body, and taking an observation of those things which agree or disagree most [Page 130] with the natural constitution; as also by continency in diet, and contempt of plea­sures: what else remains, must be fetch'd out of the volumes of those two famous pil­lars of the Temple of Aesculapius, Galen and Hippocrates. Diogenes used to laugh them to scorn, that thought to procure health, being distempered, by sacrificing to the Gods; and yet wallow all their life-time in debauchery and excess. Let our Senator therefore be, as the Physicians term it, Sanguine or Cholerick; for those humours encline men to be ingenious, do­cible, healthy, and of large memories. Aristatle saith, Melancholick men are wit­ty, because they being subject to anger, are apt to have divine cogitations, and pro­found thoughts; yet are they to be exclu­ded from Council, because the humour most predominant in such persons is cold and dry; which makes their consultations solitary, sowre, sad and dull: for a melan­choly person is nothing but a lump of quickned care; whereas the merry soul is blithe, pleasant, affable and debonair. Ci­cero chancing to meet with that passage in Aristotle, that melancholick persons were ingenious; with a smile, said, He rejoyced extremely, that Nature had favoured him [Page 131] so far, as to make him dull witted, and not melancholick. Caesar being desired to take heed of a corpulent, merry, jovial person; said, Such persons were not to be feared, but those rather that were sad, of a swarthy meagre complexion; pointing to Brutus and Cassius. Nor do we approve of phleg­matick persons, as fit for Senators; lest their cross humour be a disturbance to all the rest, and so prove offensive: for, as the mo­tion of the phlegmatick is Saturnine, slow and dull; so likewise is the disposition of their mind.

Good proportion and comliness of bo­die is requisite in our Senator; for accor­ding to the Poet, ‘Gratior est pulchro veniens & corpore virtus.’ Now I call that comliness in him, which shews him to be manly, and not effemi­nate. Aristotle saith, in tall persons there is no great vertue, and in the short or low of stature, little; therefore let him be of a moderate size. His body must not be gross, nor yet lean and dry, like a Skeleton or Anatomy. For, the former is unapt for travel, and the latter over-weak to en­dure hardship. Besides, great notice should [Page 132] be taken of those that Nature hath mark'd with any deformity, or defect of Member, as the want of an eye: For such persons are counted crafty and subtile, and so un­fit for Consultation, (had this been obser­ved among us, Hewson had never sate so oft in Council.) Yet, notwithstanding all these niceties of features and comeliness, if any such person, though deformed in body, be perfect in mind; he shall be ad­mitted: for the excellency of Vertue over-comes the imperfection of Nature. And though the inward disposition is some­times known by the outward complexion; yet is not the conjecture of the virtues of the mind by the lineaments of the body so certain, but that it may fail: for many there be, who are rough-hewn without, but neatly polisht within. Nor can deformity of body blemish the mind, though the beau­ty of the mind beautifie that of the body. Nor doth Vertue confine her self either to beauty or deformity, meanness or great­ness; but sometimes dwels with russet hone­sty, in the low cottage, as well as with plu­med gallantry in lofty Palaces. So that not the countenance of a Senator is altogether to be regarded, but his mind and qualifi­cations.

[Page 133] Now, to the Robes and Vesture of our Senator: He must be decently apparelled, according to his degree and dignity; for the comely ornament of a garment adds a reverence to his person; and by his Robes he is distinguished from all other sorts and kinds of persons. The Roman Senators wore a Garment set full of studs or tufts of Gold; and on their Hose did they wear the form of the Moon; which was the cog­nizance or hadge of great honour. This kind of Ornament the Romans were be­holding to other Nations for, according to all probability; for Isaiah the Prophet foretold the Noble women of Judaea, that God would take away those Moons and Ornaments of the Hose. Plutarch alledgeth four causes of this fashioned Hose among the Romans, which for the Readers de­light and recreation I shall here rehearse.

First, Because their superstition taught them, that the souls of their Heroes should be led the nearest way to Heaven by the light of the Moon.

The second was, that the Sign of the Moon did manifest their descent from the Arcadians, who came into Italy with Evan­der; and the Arcadians were so lunatick as to imagine themselves more ancient than the Moon.

[Page 134] The third cause that mov'd them to the wearing of the Moon, was, to the end that in prosperity it might be as a memento unto them of the mutability and inconstancy of Fortune. For, as the Moon is sometimes partly lightned, and partly darkned; so no honour or felicity can be so clear and re­fulgent, but it may somtimes be overcast with clouds of obloquy and malice.

The fourth cause was, that as the Moon drinks in all her light from the Sun; so ought all men to think themselves indebted to heaven for their wisdom.

Others there are who affirm, that the Roman Senators did not wear the figure of the Moon, but the proportion of the letter C. as though the hundred that Romulus chose to be Patres (as he call'd them) should thence take their Title. It hath ever been a Custom in all Kingdoms, Republicks, and well-govern'd States heretofore, to distin­guish the Degrees of men by their Ve­sture; and without doubt this is of much moment to make them constant and settled in their professions. Among the Romans no man might be adorned with Purple, but Senators, Magistrates, Priests, and the Younger sort that were of noble ranke and quality. I omit the mentioning of Rings, [Page 135] Chains, and Bracelets, which were bestow­ed on vertuous persons, advanced to digni­ty, as encouragements. Though these cu­stoms now adaies are obsolete, since the alteration of vertues, manners and times; for Jone is as neatly trickt up as my Lady, and the Artizan as the Gentleman: It is most certain, that by ornaments and ad­ditional titles of honour men are put in mind of their duty; and thereby they pro­secute all things with the more eagerness and diligence. Scepters, Crowns, Chains, Rings, Gowns, Robes and Saddles, are no dignities, but the badges of Dignity, where­by men are stirred up and encouraged to perform what is requisite in the office and place whereunto those Badges belong. Re­mulus (saith Livy) intending to take the Government of a strange People upon him, did adorn himself with his majesti­cal Robes, and called twelve Lictors with Maces, to attend upon his person, that he might thereby appear with greater pomp and ostentation, and so captivate the hearts of the people: for the Vulgar (like Chil­dren) are hugely taken with the outward face and appearance of things; and mind the outward bark more than the inward substance. Our Senator therefore shall ob­serve [Page 136] such a decorum in his apparel, as not to encline to lightness or foolish gallantry, so to decline all slovingliness and rusticity: As he must not be like the Frenchified Gal­lant, who when he hath once seen Paris, comes over metamorphos'd both in body and mind; dancing out an entertainment to his friend with a giddy feather in his Crown: no more must he be like the Sun­bak'd-peasant, who understands nothing of ceremony or civility besides the ma­nagement of his plough, and understands no other Gammut but Hay, gee, ho, which he signs to his country Teem when they draw the Plow that furrows the face of the Earth. He must ever observe such a comly neatness, as may speak him man, and not woman; utterly declining and abhorring all nice curiosity.

CHAP. VII.
Of Travel; the Age, Gravity, and Election of our Senator.

THe major part of the wisdom of a Counsellor consists in the knowledge of the Manners, Laws and Customs of all [Page 137] Nations; which is best attained by forrain Travel, as Homer sings of Ulysses,

And indeed, there is nothing accomplishes a man more than forrain Travel. In motu melas. There is a certain kind of harmony in motion. And as the Master of Elo­quence hath it, Plebeiae sane sunt istae animae, quae suis affixae trabibus domi resident; illa di­vinior, quae coelum imitatur, & gaudet motu. Those are dunghil spirits, that live confin'd to the narrow round of the place of their nativity; and that soul is of a more noble allay, that like the Heavens rejoyceth in motion. Sir Thomas Moor writes, that a mans best friends in Travel is his coyn: yet under favour, notwithstanding the Autho­rity of so learned a Grandee, if a man be accompanied with too many of these friends, his journey will be motus trepidati­onis; for according to the nipping Saty­rist,

[Page 138] Whereas, as he immediately affirms, ‘Cantabit vacuus coram latrone viator.’ The indigent Traveller shall sing before a Qui va la? or High-way-man. Yet would not we have our Counsellor so destitute of money, as thereby to expose himself to hardship and distress; but so handsomly accommodated, as that he may take a sur­vey of all Countries with honour and cre­dit. Yet in travelling, he must be very care­ful that he only come over again furnished and full fraughted with those Laws and Customes that are honest and civil, and leave those that are erroneous and evill be­hind him. For, ‘Terras, non animos mutant, qui transmare currunt.’ Or at least they should do so, and not like some green heads that corrupt themselves, and learn nothing but the superstitious Idolatrous ceremonies of other Countries, and be sure to retain what is bad, though it prove to their own prejudice and ruine. He must be very exact in informing him­self what Laws, Jurisdictions, what order of life, military Discipline, civil Govern­ment, [Page 139] and domestical life is in every Nati­on practised. He shall take particular no­tice of the situation of Countries and places, the building of Cities, their Forti­fication, Strength and Ammunition. Let him also understand the vertue of every Prince; how his People stand affected to him, and upon what terms; the wisdom of their Senate, the form and method of their Consultations, as far as without pre­judice to himself it may be pried into; the nature and ingenuity of the people; what vertues they adhere to, and what vices they are most addicted unto; what Learned men, Souldiers and Commanders are in every Country to be found out; that so by the report of them to his own Nation, the best precepts may be cull'd out, and the rest rejected. Yet he must take heed, lest by the new-fangled fashions that he brings over, he make not the people effeminate, and careless of their own Laws, Customs, and ancient vertues: for as Pliny saith tru­ly, Est natura hominum novitatis avida: Man's nature prompts him to embrace Novelty, which oftentimes proves pernici­ous, and tends to the molestation of the Kingdom, Republick, or State. Many fa­mous persons have taken delight in travel, [Page 140] as Nestor, Menelaus, and Alexander the Great, out of love thereunto, Homer, and Democritus, that merrily passed his time away, travelled all over Aegypt, Babylon, and Persia; thereby hoping to obtain know­ledge, that so their minds being stored with variety of observation, they might be the more accomplished, and remain con­tent with their own fortune. The words that Diodorus Siculus reports to be written upon the Tomb of Osiris, are worthy the quotation and remembrance; which are these, or to this effect: Osiris Rex sum, Sa­turm antiquior filius, qui nullum orbis locum reliqui, quem non attigerim, discens ea omnia, quae generi humano utilia sunt, & necessaria. But if he want money to support him in travel, let him employ his time in the stu­dy of Geography, and Cosmography: And a smack he may have of Natural Phi­losophy; but to consume much time in that Science, is judg'd, by some, superflu­ous in a Senator. The field of knowledge is unmeasurable and infinite; which was the reason that men applied themselves to one particular Art or Science. Aliquis in omnibus, and nullus in singulis, is no fit Motto for a Counsellor. Wherefore, we com­mit to the Jurisdiction of our Senator two [Page 141] sorts of Countries; the one is that which containeth both God and Man (not as if we prescribed God his place of residence, but we speak here according to vulgar ca­pacities) not limited within the bounds of Europe, Asia or Africa; but is only surroun­ded by the posting Sun. The other is the place that Nature hath destined for his re­sidence or being, as England, France, Italy, Spain, Germany, &c. For it belongs unto him to take a survey of the order and na­ture of the Macrocosm, the universal World, which the Latines call, Majorem Mundum; as well as the Microcosme, or little World, where he hath his habitation and abode, which they term, Minorem mundum. And when the mind is dismanacled of those worldly incumbrances which usually ad­here to the body, and by Travel and Sci­ence is perfected, as much as lies within the verge of humanity to be; she officiates as she ought, affecting Vertue, and disaffe­cting Vice, suppressing the lusty insurre­ctions of the flesh, and like a Monarch curbing and giving Laws to all exorbitant affections. Nay further, when the mind hath pried into the nature of the Heavens, considered their harmonious motion, knows the circumference of the Earth, her [Page 142] Longitude, Latitude, and the rarities con­tained therein; hath plough'd the fur­row'd Ocean, and seen the wonders of the deep, understands their causes, begin­nings and ends; what is the order and beauty of the glimmering Lights of Hea­ven, and what influence they have upon sublunary bodies: what causeth the passi­ons or deliquia of the two Grand Lumina­ries, the Sun and Moon; the reason of their Rising and Setting, their Diurnal, Nocturnal and horary motion; what is the generation and corruption of all things; what the nature of the Elements, of Animals, and the vertue and beauty of that innumerable number of fragrant herbs that usually adorn the Earth: when, I say, all these things are understood by one single person, and God acknowledged the Supreme Author and Governour of them all; Shall not that Person be judged a Prince, rather than a meer Inhabitant or Citizen of the World, that is of so pro­found and polite an understanding? Sure­ly yes. Socrates, who by the Oracle at Del­phos was pronounced the wisest of Eth­nicks, being demanded what Country-man he was; replied, A man of the World; not confining himself to any particular [Page 143] place or Country; for he thought himself to be an universal Prince. The same Laerti­us reports of that Tub-hugging Cynick Diogenes. Omne solum forti patria, is an old saying; and Omne solum sapienti patria, car­ries as much truth with it, as the former an­tiquity. The whole World is a Wise man's Country: 'Tis a City that comes not under the tyrannous scourge of any Nero, Domitian, or Caligula; Nor can be envi­ron'd with walls, but is surrounded with the universal Circle, governed by a comly order, and natural decorum, as it were with a Law certain and inviolable, palizadoed with no other fortifications than the Ele­ments. The Citizens or Inhabitants of this place are termed Philosophers, com­manded only by themselves, fortified with invincible minds, and sufficiently arm'd against the griping talons of penury, or any other misfortune that can seize upon man. Such Persons (nay, Princes as these, I may say, without entrenching on the Royal Charter of Kings) no fury of War can terrifie, no Faggot frighten, nor Axe disturb; for they are all valiant, resolute, and beyond the prejudice of Fortune.

Now, to the Age and Gravity of our Senator. They that have penned any thing [Page 144] of the life of man, did usually confine it to a certain proportion of time. Plato as­signeth eighty one years; Solon, eighty; others affirm, that the continuance of mans life extends but to seventy, referring all to the number seven, because it frequently fals out, that every seventh year some alterati­on or change appears in the body. The first seven years, Childrens teeth fall out; The next seven, their hair grows; The third, their body comes to its proper sta­ture and height; The fourth, they encrease in bulk and thickness; The fifth, they ar­rive at their full strength and virility; The sixth, they find themselves addicted to plea­sure and delight; The seventh, they come to the maturity and ripeness of wit and un­derstanding; The eighth, they begin to be termed aged, or ancient; The ninth, weak and feeble, beholding to the support of the staff, and the help of Spectacles; And the tenth, they have one foot in the grave, and are reckoned to be è peculio Proserpinae, of Proserpina's fold. Others there are, who maintain that this change happens every ninth year, and so ascribe the alteration thereof to every unequal number till twen­ty and one. Pythagoras the silent, called the eightieth year of mans Age fatal, dividing it [Page 145] into four times twenty, as followeth: Childhood, continues till twenty; Youth, other twenty; Man's estate, the other twen­ty; and old Age, the fourth, which puts a period to all. Some again compare Mans Age to the four Seasons of the Year: Childhood, is compared to the Spring; Youth, to Summer; Manhood, to Autumn; and Old-Age, to Winter. Varro divides Man's Age into four degrees, and compre­hends every of them within the number of fifteen: Childhood (saith he) lasts till fifteen, for so long Children are weak and tender; Youth, till thirty, because till that Age men encrease and grow in height and thickness; Ripe Age till forty five, for so long strength of body continues, and men are then fit to be employed in publike af­fairs; Old-Age begins at sixty, and then the body is impotent, crazy and decay'd; so that they are not fit for State-employ­ments, lingring, and consuming till death come and trip up their heels, as he did all their Ancestors before them. To this divi­sion of mans Age we assent; but the di­stinction by number doth principally be­long to Physicians; for they in exhibiting their medicines, observe certain critical daies. But our opinion is, that the forty [Page 146] fifth year of man's age is most suitable for Consulation; because then the strength both of body and mind is arrived to the very height. Besides, it is the middle age of Man; and at that time, if ever, the mind is perfect in judgement and experience, less attracted with brutish affections and de­sires, and least of all transported with rage, fury, or passion. When old Rome was in her glory, and shone with all her splendor, Senators were chosen at that Age, being then most perfect in body and mind: yet dare we not deny, but that some men may be termed Aged at thirty; that is, are both prudent, grave and wise. And we find it upon record, that some, though very few, were created Senators by the Romans before the thirtieth year of their Age; which we do not disallow, in regard that men may be reputed ancient for vertue as well as number of years: yet care must be taken that the Kingdom be governed chief­ly by mature and grave Head-pieces; for as Plutarch affirms, that Kingdom is most happy that hath store of young mens Lan­ces, and old mens Laws. Pertinent is that of Euripides to this purpose: Dictum est ve­tustu [...] facta Juvenum, caeterum magis valent concilia Senum. In Athens no person was [Page 147] created Senator before he was fifty years old. And in Rome it was permitted for any man of sixty to enter the Senate-house, though he never came to the Senatorship by choice or election; and after that year, it was left to his pleasure to be present or absent; so that they did neither bind him to, nor bar him from coming to Council. A good, though ancient Custom; for every man, though he hath seen as many Win­ters as hoary-headed Nestor, ought to em­ploy himself pro posse suo, according to his utmost ability, for the benefit of his native Country. Plato is of opinion, that men must learn till Age snow white hairs up­on their heads. Nulla dies sine linea; that day is lost, in which a man hath not bet­ter'd his knowledge. Yet we prohibit de­crepit, doting persons, whose judgements are as crazy as their bodies; and the rea­son is, because their counsels and consulta­tions are for the most part dubious, and are rather he sitant conjectures than solid coun­sels, beginning every Sentence with per­haps, perchance, peradventure, and the like: and this they do, as being sensible of their former imbecility and weakness, and so are unwilling to suffer a relapse in­to their juvenile and youthful errours and [Page 148] mistakes. Yet, if they have only so many years over their heads as may render them grave, solid and wife, they are perfect in uttering their conceits: for by use and ex­perience (which is the best School-Mi­stris) they have gain'd, as it were, a third eye, whereby they are enabled to pry into, and discern with the more vivacity, the e­vents and causes of things. And as every man is discovered by his speech, so is the prudence and wisdom of a Senator mani­fested by uttering his opinion. Socrates, casting his eye upon a Youth that he never had seen before, saies to him, Speak, that I may know thee: So may we say to our Counsellor, By the solidity of thy speech, and the gravity of thy deportment, manifest thy self unto us. Now his opinion must be delivered in significant, but plain naked terms; not daubed over fuco Rhetoricae lascivientis, with the paints of lasciviating Rhetorique, which becomes the Rhetorick School, bet­ter than the Parliament House. But so much for his Age and Gravity.

Now to the Election of our Senator. Among the Romans (in the times of Yore Lords of the whole World) Senators were elected divers waies; for, they were chosen either by the King, Consuls, Dicta­tors, [Page 149] Tribunes of the people, the Censors or Chieftains. And the Custome of free­born natives is to choose Senators among themselves, or else to commit the authority of Election to a single person, who for wisdome, gravity and dignity is judged the most fit, and that is the King; which the Romans did at first. Romulus, the first founder of their City, elected a hundred Senators; which custome was followed by their succeeding Kings. But, when Kingly Government, through the insolent govern­ment of Tarquinius the Ravisher, was re­moved, this power of election (according to the quality of the time) was somewhat changed, yet not given to a multitude; for till the State returned to the Basis and foun­dation of Government, Monarchy, Sena­tors were elected by Consuls, Censors, Dictators, or Chieftains. In all which Elections, till the time of Augustus, there is no mention made of lots; but the Fame, Family, Order, Office before born, riches and possessions, were most of all considered and respected. Now, since there is no earth­ly possession but comes far short of Ver­tue for excellency in the choice of Senators, that must be chiefly look'd upon; because they are reputed Defenders of the Law, [Page 150] Moderators of Liberty, and Conservers of a Kingdom. And as the Republick or King­dom is oftentimes infected by the vice and impiety of Magistrates; so is it antidoted, corrected and repaired by their vertues. Such are the People of every Country, as are the Manners of their Governours; and the Subjects are apt to Ape the Customs and Constitutions of their Prince. It was well said of one, That the change of Prin­ces Lives, and the alteration of Manners in Magistrates, would also work even to a mutation of the Customs, Institutions and Rights, nay, of the Kingdom it self. And to deal really with you, evill Princes are very much to be blamed, not in that they themselves are guilty of any crime, for it is a Maxim in our Common Law, That the King can do no wrong; but that thereby the Subjects are prone to be feduced, and led away to the same exorbitancies; which may justly be so termed in them, though not in a King. And indeed, how can it en­ter within the lists of possibility for a man to perswade other men to be vertuous, when he himself is vicious? The Romans derided Scylla, who, though a man infinite­ly debauched, and wholly given up to licen­ciousness, did nevertheless admonish and [Page 151] stir up others to Sobriety, Temperance and Frugality. And who would not blame Li­sander? though he swam in a contrary stream, yet he allowed and gave tolerati­on to the Citizens for those vices which he himself abstained from and abhorred. But Lycurgus deserves commendation, because he never imposed the observation of that upon any man, which he himself did not first of all diligently follow. Yet in a free-State, (if any such there be) it hath been observed, they have been directed by the suffrage of chance. This order of Election is observed by that Virgin, Venice. The like institution Solon authorized among the Athenians for the choice of the five hun­dred Senators: For, out of every Tribe were so many elected, as were thought to deserve that dignity; whose names were put into a Pot; and into another as many Beans, the one half white, and the other black: now so many as hapned upon the white, were pronounced Senators; and those that chanced to light on the black, were re­pulsed and dismissed: which made Thucy­dides to call that Senate, Senatum à Faba. Besides, it was observed among the Ro­mans what Office he had born before his Election, and with what fidelity he had [Page 152] discharged himself of his duty: for they made choice of their Senators out of that number of men only, that were by them styled Patres, which was, as it were, the Nursery of Counsellors, that so they might be known to be men famous for some pub­like exploit, or renowned for their Wis­dom and Gravity.

Among us, those that sit in Parliament obtain that Dignity three manner of waies:

• First, By reason of their Tenure.
• Secondly, By vertue of Writ; and
• Thirdly, By vertue of Office.

Per Tenure are these: Archbishops, Bi­shops, Abbots, Priors, Dukes, Marques­ses, Earls and Barons. And these are sum­moned to appear before the Parliament in the space of 48. daies.

They that come in per Breve, or by Writ, are these: Knights of the Shires, Burgesses, Citizens, Barons of the Cinque-Ports, and the King's Council. There come also per Bre­ve, directed to the several Deans and Arch-Deacons of this Kingdom, two several Pro­ctors of the Clergy for every several Dea­conry & Arch-deaconry; and these Proctors of the Clergy are elected by the Clergy. There come hither per Service, or by vertue of [Page 153] Office, The Chief Crier of England; The Chief Usher; The Chancellor; The Trea­surer; The Chamberlain, and Barons of the Exchequer; The Justices of either Bench; The Steward of England; The Por­ter, Grooms, and all tyed by service to be here done. The Stewards Office was to place the Lords; the Porter used to see there be but one door to enter in and go out at: And every one of the above-mentioned Officers, hath had his several Charge re­spectively. Thus have you had a descripti­on of our Sage Senator, of all the qualifica­tions that tend to his accomplishment; his Duty, Dignity and Office displayed and laid open; the rewards due unto, and con­ferred on him; the ancient Customs of the Romans and Grecians touching this parti­cular; their election and choice; as also their manner of sitting in Parliament a­mong us; how and by what means they obtain the Senatorship, or title of Parlia­ment-men, according to our modern styles, who were so termed, because every Mem­ber of this High and most absolute Court of Justice in England (from which there is no appeal to any other for redress) should sincerely and discreetly Parler la ment, as it is in the old Norman French, that is, freely [Page 154] express their minds for the benefit of the Kingdom. Nor are the Laws of this Island only, and the Liberty of the Subject conser­ved by Parliament, but those of all well po­licied Kingdoms & Countries else in Europe. The Germans have their Diets; The Danes and Swedes their Riicks Dachs; The Spani­ard calls his Parliament Las Cortes; And the French have (or at least should have) their Assembly of the three States, though it be now in a manner grown obsolete, be­cause the authority thereof was by acci­dent devolv'd upon the King: it will not be altogether impertinent to give you a suc­cinct account of this memorable alterati­on; which hapned as followeth: When our Nation had taken such large footing in France, that they advanced as far as Orleans, and had forced their then Soveraign to fly to Bourges in Berry, for sanctuary; the Assem­bly of the three States not being able to convene during these pressures in full Par­liament, because that by those invasions the enemy made into the very bowels of the Kingdom, the Country was altogether unpassable, so that the power that was inherent in the Parliamentary Convention, of enacting Laws, assessing the Subject with Taxes, subsidiary Levies, and other Impo­sitions, [Page 155] was transmitted to the King, during the rage and fury of that war only; which proving of long continuance, that entrusted Authority began to grow habitual, and could never hitherto be taken from him; so that his Edicts stand in lieu of Acts of Parliament. Out of these foregoing pre­mises this Conclusion may easily be dedu­ced, ‘That the principal Fountain whence the King derives his happiness and safe­ty, is the Parliament: It is the great Conduit-Pipe which conveys unto him his Peoples bounty and gratitude; the truest Looking-glass wherein he dis­cerns their loves. Now the Subjects love hath been ever accounted the prime Ci­tadel of a Prince. In his Parliament he appears as the Sun in the Meridian, in the Altitude of his Glory, in his highest State-Royal, as the Law informs us.’ But lest we should spin out too long a thread, and so wear the Readers Patience thread-bare, we will conclude this first Book, and make the discourse which we allot for the scope and Subject of our next, run in another Channel.

CHAP. I.

In the Trinity we find Unity; Among the Orders of Angels there is an Archan­gel; The Heavens have their Primum mo­bile, and the Sun is their chief Luminary; The Beasts of the Forest have the Lion to their King; The Fowls of the Air, the [Page 158] Eagle: The Fish of the Sea a Soveraign; And shall man only be Independent? Absit, Absit; let us therefore sing with Homer:

‘Kings (saith one of our quondam Pen-men, though since an Apostate) are lively Representations, living Statues or Pictures, drawn to the life of the great Deity: these Pictures, for their better continuance, are done in Oyl; the co­lours of the Crown never fade, they are no water-colours.’ They are Gods Vice­gerents here upon earth; nay, God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost say, they are Gods, and would have them live as Gods. God the Father plain­ly affirms, Joh. 10. 34. Dixi dii est is: I have said ye are Gods. God the Son told Pilat [...] Thou shouldst have no power, except it were ( [...]ta de super) given from above. And I'm sure the Holy Ghost tells us, Per me Reges regnant; By me Kings reign, and not by the suffrage of the people; for then it would have been per nos. They are the Lord's anointed, there­fore not to be touch'd or brought in questi­on by their Subjects: for all the failings in [Page 159] a King can but make him a bad King; but he remains a King still. If indeed, as one saith excellently, Kings held their Crowns by Indentures from the People, they were then disobliged from their obedience to him upon his failing (in those things whereunto he was sworn at his Coronati­on) on his part; but if they receive their Crowns immediately from God, and that by him alone Kings raign, as is said before, then they must still stick close to their Al­legiance, or else come off with the brand of Traytors. Our modern times have fur­nished us with too many of that infernal rabble, who were so hellishly wicked and impious, as to fight against their lawful Soveraign; and having got him in their clutches, slew him at his own door. But to the purpose.

The Athenians, (as Demosthenes writes in his Oration against Neaera) when Theseus had contrived the model of their Com­monwealth, being accustomed to choose some one out of the number of the vertu­ous, by a general consent, manifested by holding up their hands, they elected him King. In ancient times, the election of Kings was ever held sacrum & divinum quid, a certain holy and divine action [Page 160] among the very Heathens. Romulus, after the sight of twelve Ravens (if we may cre­dit Livy) or rather because the lightning had pierced his body from the left to the right side (as Dionysius hath it) was by di­vination chosen King; and that ordinance, called Jus Auspiciorum, was religiously obeyed. Their authority hath been judged ever as divine as their election; for Homer and Isocrates joyntly affirm, That he that governeth as a King, represents the Deity. The Kings of Persia were honour'd as Gods, and the people believed that they were the sole and absolute defenders of their Laws, Liberties, Lives, and Country. The ancient Latines called their Kings, Indigetes, that is, deified; (as Aeneas and Romulus were) whose bodies after they were expired, could never be found. Kings are the Sons, not of the most voices, but of the most High; and as God is King of the whole Universe, so are they Lords of the whole Commonwealth. About their skirts they have this Motto written by the finger of God, Touch not mine Anointed. Nor did ever any Church-man, Christian Father or Expositor, obtrude any other sence upon this Text, than that it was meant of Kings, till such time as the Puritan and Papist, both at a time, and [Page 161] that time bearing not above 100. years date, who began then to infect the world with this damnable doctrine, That it was Lawful to murder Kings. It is strange that two such contrary factions, that had ever been antipathetical one to the other, should ne­vertheless, like Herod and Pilate, agree in condemning the Lord's Anointed. Dieu & mon Droit, is their Motto; God, and my Right: no body else have any thing to do with me. They have a Noli me tangere, to defend them from the assaults of rebellious Subjects.

Yet although Kings are counted God's Lieutenants, or Adjutant-Generals; the Council, Wisdom, and Knowledge of Kings is not their own, but given them by God, who is the Author of every good and perfect gift, according to that verse of the Holy Pen-man:

And since, I say, no King can with his own peculiar stock of wisdom govern his Kingdom rightly (for it is the prerogative of the Almighty only to know all things that appertain to good Government,) [Page 162] they have ever used to call unto their aid and assistance some wise grave men, by whose advice and counsel the Kingdom might be well regulated. These men being as a mean between the King and the Peo­ple, do on the one hand, understand the Office of the King; and on the other, the Duty of the Subject; knowing what course must be taken for the preservation of the Kings Honour and Royal Prerogative, and what belongs to the profit and benefit of his good and Loyal Subjects. Thus a King may govern all things well, not only by his own opinion, which may oftentimes prove deceitful; but by the general advice and counsel of others, whereby his judgement and reason is brought to perfection. And as the hand divided into many fingers, is thereby made more strong and apt to lay hold on all things; so he that governs by the aid and assistance of Councellors, will manage all publike affairs, tending to the benefit of the Kingdom and Country whereof he is Soveraign, with the greater discretion and wisdom: for a single person is not able to manage all affairs without additionall help. Alexander, King of Ma­cedonia, conquered many Countries, and subjugated a multitude of Enemies. Pyrrhus [Page 163] was excellent at the choice of places for Fortification. Hannibal was often atten­ded with success in Victory, but knew not how to make the best improvement of it: ‘Vincere scis Hannibal, uti Victoria nescis.’

Philopoemon was a brave Admiral at Sea; Cleon could manure lands and posses­sions; Cicero was a famous Orator; Pom­peius a valiant General; Cato a grave Sena­tor; and Scipio admirable both in peace and war. So were several others, that might be instanced: for every man (according to the Proverb) is a Roscius in his own Pro­fession. Now when so many well-qualifi­ed Heroes are bound up together in Coun­cil, what a Constellation of Vertues will shine and appear there? And what firm Edicts and good Laws will there be en­acted by them for the publick benefit and good of the Kingdom? which he is obliged to; for he is called Rex, à Regendo; but some will have it, à recte agendo. And it is clear, that one man cannot be so clear fighted as to perceive all; which proves that verse of Homer to be true, rendred into Latine, thus:

Nor doth this any waies diminish his power and authority; for though many convene, yet he is still the head of them all, and hath a negative voice; nor can any Act be pass'd without his Royal assent or ap­probation. It is taken pro confesso, that there is much care and vigilancy required in a Monarch; for, he must not seek so much after his own profit, as the publike good and commodity of his People; he must observe the Laws, preserve the Rights and Liberty of his Subjects, and maintain the authority and reputation of his Senate. For Kings were first of all instituted for the aid and assistance of the vertuous, against those that are vicious: to them absolute power is transmitted, to the end that they may revenge injuries, and be just Judges in all causes and legal proceedings. A good King ought to be as vigilant over those whom Providence hath allotted him Su­preme, as a Shepherd is of his Flock. Ho­mer calls King Agamemnon, the shepherd of the People; and Plato in imitation of him, the Shepherd and Conserver of Mankind. Besides, he should govern his People, not [Page 165] as Masters do their Servants, but as Pa­rents do their Children; with Paternal care, not with rigid severity or cruelty. And as it is customary with indulgent Pa­rents, sometimes to rebuke their Children, sometimes to admonish and encourage them, and sometimes also to correct and punish them; so should a Prince behave himself toward his Subjects; ma­nifesting himself sometimes severe, (when moved thereunto) and at other times gen­tle, affable and courteous, both for the pre­servation of his people, and the safety of the Kingdom; defending and enlarging the bonum commune with no less care than a Fa­ther provides for the sustentation of his Children. This makes the difference be­tween Kings and Tyrants: the one is studi­ous for the publike good, the other for his own private profit. The end of the Tyrants endeavour is voluptuousness; but the Kings study is honour: Riches are the mark at which a Tyrant levels, but Vertue is the true Meta of the King. Tyrants de­sire the assistance of strangers, but Kings are guarded by their own loyal Subjects. Alphonsus, King of Arragon, being deman­ded what Subjects of his he most tenderly affected? answered, I love them better that [Page 166] love me, than those that fear me. And not with­out reason did he thus express himself: for fear is usually accompanied with ha­tred. A King is as secure by the love, good will and loyalty of his Subjects, as by the defence of Arms; and his Senators will stand him in more stead upon any occasi­on, than a Tyrants Souldiers. Trajanus, that great Emperour of the World, did alwaies call the Senate, his Father: for, as the Fa­ther usually foretels the Son what may prove beneficial, and what injurious to him: so the Senate counsels the King, and instructs him how to conserve his King­dom, and by what Laws and Ordinances it must be governed. This is the only way to keep the King from Tyranny, and the Subject from Rebellion. Now tyranny in the one, with rebellion in the other, will soon verifie that Dystich of the Satyrist:

A good King knows how to irretiate and allure the hearts of the People to him by love and clemency, sooner than by violence and compulsion. And good people know their duty and obedience: and if the King [Page 167] through the sins of the people be any way misguided, they will bite their nails, and not scratch their heads; they know it is a crime inexplable, to quarrel with Maje­sty: the only way to live happy in a King­dom, is this, first, to give God, and then Caesar his due. But when Kings grow ty­rannical, then there is little or no allegi­ance from the Subject, but what they are compelled to; whereas that is far more to be esteemed, that flows naturally and vo­luntarily from the people; and this usual­ly stirs them up to sedition, and so conse­quently to their utter ruine and destructi­on, and the downfal both of Kingdom and King: and the reason is, because Tyrants use certain sleights and State-tricks to de­prive the Subject of liberty: First, by clearing the Country of all good and wise men, either by banishment, imprisonment, or death; because the vertue of good men reproves them for their vice, and renders them odious; whenas all they aim at is on­ly to enslave the Nation, to the intent that they may prosecute their own lust and pleasure without obstruction. Such coun­sel as this, Periander poysoned Thrafibulus with; who by his infernal Rhetorick endeavoured to perswade him to cut off the [Page 168] highest spikes of corn; meaning thereby, that he should cause the cream of the Athe­nian Nobility to be executed. The like subtilty did Sextus Tarquinius, the Son of Lucius, follow; who being suborned by his Father, pretended to be banished, and fled fraudulently to the Gabii; where having scrap'd as much acquaintance as he judged convenient, sent privily to his Father to know his will and pleasure, and what far­ther was to be done in the business for his satisfaction: who conducted the Messen­ger into the garden, where walking toge­ther, he with a wand in his hand strook off all the heads of the Poppies before him; which being by the Nuncio reported to his Son, who had hellish wit enough to under­stand such damnable mysteries, soon put the chief of the Nobility to death, and by force and injustice usurped the Government of the Commonwealth, and deprived the Sub­jects of their liberty. Another knack they have to prejudice their Subjects, by inhibi­ting their meetings, conventions and con­ferences, to prevent their study of honest discipline. Nay, farther, they often sow discord among the people, to the end that filled with hate and private displeasure, they may be stirred up to civil war and [Page 169] sedition; who being thereby much impo­verished, and the war ceasing, are compel­led to pay for their pardon; and being af­ter this manner fleeced both waies of their money, and reduced to poverty, become base minded, and altogether unfit to de­fend their Lives, Laws, or Liberties. These, and many more that might be numerated, are the plots and devices of Tyrants; all which, they imagine, tend to their own be­nefit, and to the promoting of their ambi­tious designs; whenas oftentimes it proves quite contrary, to their own ruine and per­sonal destruction: for if they mount them­selves too often on the Subjects galled back, they will undoubtedly cast their rider, let him be never so expert a Horseman. But Kings are of a quite contrary temper and disposition: it is the good, and not the ruine of their Subjects they labour for; because they understand sufficiently, that the loss of Subjects is the shaking off of their Crowns; and wanting their protection, they are left unarm'd to the mercy of the insulting enemy. But we will now leave the lofty Subject of Kings to the fancy of a more sublime wit, and the work of a more noble quill; and come to our second Chap­ter, which treats of the division of Com­monweals.

CHAP. II.
Of the division of Commonweals and King­doms.

THe diversity of Republicks proceeds not from Fortune, or Chance-medley, nor the disposition of the Heavens, or the influence of the Stars upon things subluna­ry; but every Government is framed ac­cording to the minds, tempers, and consti­tutions of men, their wits and education; though some ascribe their variety to the situation of the Country or Climate where men have their allotted residence and bee­ing. It is confest, that sometimes, through sedition, faction, and civil war; Kingdoms are subverted, and changed into States; for the proof whereof we need not ramble far, since our native rebellions have lately ma­nifested the truth hereof. Such is the flu­ctuating condition of all worldly things, that mischance waits at the elbow of good fortune, and vice is masked with vertue, that she may not appear in her own native hew and deformity; for Man is prone to forsake v [...]ue and embrace vice, which ever hood­winks [Page 171] him with an appearance of good. Sometimes also it falls out, that well-go­verned Republicks, through evill Ministers, are either utterly extinguished, or altered into other forms of Government. Hence it happens, that Kingdoms become Tyran­nies, Optimacies come under the jurisdiction of a few; Popular States are perverted in­to licentious liberty, and from that reduced into Tyranny; and this is the revolution of their Government, and original of their Catastrophe. Plato writes, that the muta­tion of Commonweals is fatal, through the disposition of the Heavens, and the operation or influence of Coelestial bodies upon Terrestrial. But as we have already instanced, their variation happens from the variety of the minds of the Inhabi­tants. For some Countries abound with rich, others are cram'd with poor men. In some, there is store of Nobles, Souldiers and Husbandmen; in others, plenty of Merchants, Handicraftsmen and Artifi­cers. Now, wheresoever the number of Merchants, Artificers and Husbandmen surmount the rest, that State usually be­commeth Popular: But where there is the greatest quantity of rich men, there is established the government of a few. [Page 172] Where the major part of Citizens be good, wise and vertuous, that State is apt to be governed as an Optimacy. There are three things (saith Aristotle) that contend for priority in Government: Liberty, Ri­ches and Vertue. For, Nobility (which supplies the fourth place) is the associate of vertue and riches, because the equal mixture of rich and poor men, make a Po­pular State. A faction of rich men, is cal­led, the Government of a few; and the con­sent of all three, viz. Freemen, rich men, and good men, is counted an Optimacie: such was the Carthaginian Republick; for Rich men, Good men, and Noblemen were therein equally esteemed. Now, it is the disposition and desire of some men to live, in Kingdoms rather than in any other State; who are such men as are naturally ambitious of honour, vertuous, and fitted for action. The Cappadocians having enjoy­ed Kings for many years (whose Race was at length extinguished) were profered by the Romans to have their State converted into popular Liberty; but they refused it: whereupon they appointed Ariobarsanes, their friend, King of Cappadocia. The Athe­nians followed the quite contrary course; for they affecting a Popular State, would [Page 173] not allow of the Government by one, nor many. Yea, some there are that approve of Tyrannical Government most of all; as the Siculi of old, who were ever accusto­med to be ruled by Tyrants, and so were almost all the people of Asia; who being naturally servile, are even to this Age sub­ject to tyrannical Government. Now, if any man demand, What a Common­wealth is? This doubt cannot arise from the name, it being a certain order among the Inhabitants assembled together in one City or Country, and there residing; but from the variety and difference of Repub­licks: for as mens manners, delights and estates be various, so also is the Govern­ment of Commonweals manifold. And though the Terminus ad quem, or end, is one and the same, viz. bonum, good; yet the Terminus d quo, or means whereby they aspire to that good, are various, and so con­sequently the Laws and Customs are of sundry sorts that are by them used. For, he that shall compare the Laws of Hippo­damus enacted for the Miletians, with those of Minos made for the Candians; or the Ordinances of Lycurgus, with the Decrees of Solon, the one writing of the Lacedae­monian, the other of the Athenian Go­vernment, [Page 174] may with facility understand their Laws to be divers, their Magistrates unlike, and the Form of their States very discrepant. The seven Wise wen (Thales excepted, who did not care for fishing in the troubled waters of State-affairs) intro­duced several exercises, Laws and Govern­ments according to the peoples capacity, and their own pecular fancies, and by sun­dry orders and uses did execute them. Which variety of Government hath mini­stred matter of great controversie and con­trariety of opinion; Insomuch, that the Learned, as well in our, as forrain Schools and Universities, have assumed the dispu­tation of the several sorts of Common­weals, and confined them to a certain num­ber; besides, they have manifested which of them deserve the greatest commendati­on, and ought to be embraced. Plato and Aristotle seem to excell all persons that ever wrote on this Subject: For they with solid judgement, and great respect to the nature of men, and the temperature of the Regi­on or Climate, have discreetly appointed Laws and Governments suitable to the disposition and temper of the Inhabitants: therefore according to the opinion of these two famous Philosophers, we will discourse [Page 175] of three sorts of Republicks: The first is called, Monarchia; The second, Aristocratia; And the third, Democratia; which the La­tines term, Regnum, Optimatum Principatus, & Popularis Respublica. The Supreme Go­vernour of all things, by his Providence di­vine, hath so ordered, that the faculties or powers of man's mind should reside in three parts of his body, representing there­by three Idaea's or Forms of Republicks; constituting Reason as sole Monarch, or Lord Paramount of them all, to remain in the head, being the highest part. The se­cond part, as most vigilant and apt to obey, he hath placed near unto it, in the breast, creating it a companion and helper to the head; which Plato calls, Vim irascendi, or affectuum sedem. The third, resembling a rude multitude, witless, froward, and full of sensual desires, harbours beneath the heart, far remote from the other. In these parts of the soul, as in a Mirrour or Look­ing-glass, we may spy out three sorts of Commonweals. The highest supplies the place of King, as destined and appointed to exercise authority over all. The second, though in place inferiour, yet in quality is of no less regard, being well obeyed: for, where Reason swaies without the aid and [Page 176] assistance of the affections, all actions are weak and impotent. Just so a Senate want­ing the assistance of Reason, which deports her self partly as Captain, partly as a Soul­dier in all actions and consultations, be­comes timorous and effeminate. Aristotle hath therefore made a division of the pow­er of Reason, making one part absolute and standing upon its own Guard, and the other, as it were, depending and subservi­ent, like a Son that obeyeth the Father. Which Titus Livius hath significantly ex­pressed, in setting forth the errour of Minu­tius in his unadvised fight against Hannibal, which Fabius reprehends in these or the like words: Souldiers (saith he) I have of­ten heard, that he that of himself can rightly judge, deserves the greatest commendation: next unto him are they, that know how to subscribe to the good advice of others: But he that can nei­ther counsel, nor follow the counsel of others, is but an inch on this side a Natural, and of a very shallow capacity. The third part of man's mind resembles a Popular Government, wherein the multitude hath authority to hear all causes, and determine or decide all controversies, though many contests arise from hence to the prejudice both of the Country and Inhabitants.

[Page 177] Aristotle writes also, that the Image or representation of Republicks may be found out in private families; for the au­thority of the Father over his Children may be compared to Principality; because Children are the Parents charge; he alone must provide for them all, and their faults are chastised, rather than severely punished by him; so ought a good King to demean himself toward his good Subjects. There­fore Jupiter, the God of Gods and Men, is by Homer styled Father. The Husbands au­thority over the Wife may be compared to Optimacie; for the Husband ought to rule his Wife according to Justice, and command nothing but what may endure the test of the Laws of God and man. The State Po­pular is assimilated to brotherly Society; for they ought to live in equality, differing only in the degrees of Age. And as the Father that useth rigour and cruelty to­wards his Children, is judged a Tyrant, and no Father; so that King, that by the oppression of the Subject endeavours to en­crease his private interest, contemning all Laws, and living dishonourably, puts off his Kingship, and is called Tyrant. A Hus­band and Wife living in discord, either through negligence, or obstinacy, rejecting [Page 178] the care of their Children, and domestick affairs, do thereby abuse their authority, and become unworthy the name of natural Parents; so Optimacie abused, deserves not that title. In like manner Brethren disa­greeing, neglecting their mutual profit, ad­dicting themselves to sloath and lascivious­ness, are not to be accounted Brethren; no more is a Popular State so to be estee­med, if of such a temper. Thus it is appa­rent, that through the default and inconsi­derateness of Superiors, true Common­weals are converted into false and contrary Governments. Policy, which by the Grae­cians is called, [...], and by Plato and Aristotle, Respublica popularis, may be refer­red to all sorts of Republicks; because that word is universal, and includes all civil Go­vernment. Plato adds another kind of Go­vernment, that is, a King subject to his Laws; making Monarchy of two sorts, and consequently two Kings; the one bound and confined, the other free, and not re­strained to any Law: this is his opinion of Monarchy, though not ours.

But now let us discourse of the best sort of Republicks, though it be a very hard task: to the accomplishment of which in­tended work, it is requisite that a man [Page 179] understand the best kind and order of life; for otherwise a perfect Commonwealth cannot be conceived: but what sort of life merits the reputation of the best, as yet la­tet in obscuro among the major part of Phi­losophers. The Epicures, Stoicks and Peri­pateticks are of different opinions concern­ing this subject, and have divided the world by the variety of their Sects and whimsies. But our intent is to concur with the Peri­pateticks, because their Schools have been the greatest Nurseries of good Governours. The Stoicks, that did ever wed themselves to an austere life, ground their felicity up­on Vertue only; which we disapprove not, so that they consent, that external goods, which both Nature and Fortune have made for the use of man, to the end he may thereby be the better accommodated, be joyned thereunto as necessary additaments; otherwise he cannot be perfect: and seeing that man's felicity is numbred among things that are perfect, and that thing is only perfect that wants nothing; surely, whosoever desires to be happy, must neces­sarily be fully furnished, so that his felicity may be absolute, and no way deficient. Riches are very necessary; the liberal per­son stands in need of money to perform the [Page 180] actions of Liberality, and the just man must therewith reward and make satisfaction. The Warriour wants it; for according to the Poet,

Now the Epicure, he placeth his sum­mum bonum in sensual delights and plea­sures; which is more becoming a beast, than a man. Whereas Aristotle makes a joynt agreement of Vertue, and other additional ornaments, or external helps, most necessary for a well-regulated person.

Philosophers affirm, that there are three sorts of life: The first, consisteth in Action; The second, in Contemplation; And the third, in Pleasure. That which resteth in Action, if not accompanied with wisdom and vertue, proveth unprofitable, and is subject to many vices and imperfections. That which is employed in Contempla­tion, not being accompanied with Action, is vain and ineffectual. For, as he that boldly looks upon the Sun when in the Me­ridian of his lustre, is made blind with his vehement heat and tralucent splendor: so the mind of man, continually occupied [Page 181] with the speculation of sublime mysteries, becomes stupid, heavy, and languishing. He therefore that desires the name of ver­tuous, must lead a civil as well as a philo­sophical, an active as well as a contempla­tive life; the mixture of which two, makes man happy and fortunate. But he that de­lights only in sensuality, absolutely forget­ting that he was ever qualified with the gift of reason, may be said to represent man, as to his outward complexion or blush; but he wants the true and proper nature of man.

Hence ariseth the diversity of mankind; for some are born free, noble, wise, and fit for government; others, servile, boorish, witless, destined to servitude and bondage. Plato hath it, that God in Man's Creation had so ordered, that in the generation of those that are apt to govern, he hath mixed gold; of them that are appointed as assi­stant to Governours, silver; And the nature of Plough-men and Artizans is compoun­ded with Brass and Iron: which similitude Aristotle applies to the manners and capa­cities of men. For, although every man doth naturally desire that his children should resemble him; yet it often happens, that silver is the issue of gold, and some [Page 182] metal of a more inferiour allay, the issue of silver. It is therefore very requisite, that Princes pry into the nature of their Chil­dren, that they may understand their dispo­sition; and they that are like Iron may be converted into gold; or that proving impos­sible, the government may be allotted to others: for it hath been oraculously pro­phesied, that those Countries that are go­verned by Brass and Iron, should perish and come to confusion.

But now as to Optimacie, it consists in a certain number of vertuous Citizens (or at least should) because they govern the Republick according to the Rules and E­dicts of the Law; whereas in popular States all things are contrarily managed: for Liberty being the end thereof, the State is ruled according to will and popular fu­ry, without the consideration of vertue or reason. In such Cities, men are called good, because they are profitable or bene­ficial to the Commonwealth, not for their being endowed with honesty, which con­sists in the action of vertue; so that vertue there is measured by publike profit, not ho­nesty; for Popular Justice, called Jus popu­lare, is where honour is conferred upon persons, not according to the vertue of him [Page 183] that receiveth, but the number of those that give it; who think those things to be most equitable, that are so according to the Vogue of the multitude, not as Justice in­structs us; and that to be honourable, which hath the repute of popular fame, or approbation of the Multitude. And though it must necessarily be granted, that there is corruption in all Republicks; yet is it frequently known in Popular States, and that more than in any other kind of Government: for if any man well-princi­pled chance to have his residence or abode in any such State, and he out of natural reason only disgust the Plebeian insolency, and by admonition, reprehension and cor­rection strives to reduce the Citizens or In­habitants to a more vertuous and religious course of life, he is instantly branded with the name of an enemy to the State, and ar­rested by the Law of Ostracisme; and many times it falls out, that he comes to executi­on. Many famous Citizens of the popular States of Greece were hereby afflicted, as Aristides, Thucydides, Socrates, Themistocles and Damon; and at Rome, Camillus and Sci­pio had the same measure dealt them. Ari­stides deserves a monument that may en­dure to perpetuity, for his singular vertue [Page 184] and wisdom; who for his integrity of life and conversation, was sirnamed Justus. And at that time when the Law of Ostracisme was in force among the Athenians, a rude, boorish, beef-brain'd fellow, with a scrole of paper in his hand, chanced to meet him, who with much importunacy would have forced him to write his name therein. Ari­stides being astonished at his earnest and strange request; asked him, Whether any man could ever say he had injured any person? No, (replied the fellow) all the reason that prompts me to my demand, is only this, I stomach your Sirname, Justus. It is reported by Cicero, that the Ephesi, at the banishment of their Prince, Hermodorus, pronounced this Sen­tence: Let us not excel one another; and if any do contrary to what is herein specified or mentioned, he shall no longer reside among us, but must procure some other dwelling place. Strange Customs of Popular States! Plato (as we have already instanced) saith, That no State can be long liv'd that is governed by Iron or Brass; that is, by phanatick or infa­tuated persons; who being altogether unfit for Government, seem to be born to di­sturb, rather than obey. For they, after some petty or imaginary success at war, growing insolent and tympanous, have [Page 185] alwaies some flattering Tutors, and collo­guing popular Captains to extol their Ver­tues, ready at hand; who immediately up­on this allured, or rather caught with the golden bait of glory, reject the authority of their wise governours, rebelling against their Superiours, and so usurping their lawful power, take it into their hands, and manage it according to their own corrupt wills and depraved judgements; which is the cause that such States soon expire, and that oftentimes in their very infancy: for through the diversity of minds and opini­ons among them, they become void of counsel; and after a continued series (if it last any considerable time) of insolency, contention and faction, they become sub­missive either to a few, or else to some sin­gle person. Thus did the Athenians, who having obtained the victory in a memora­ble Sea-fight against the Medes, bladder'd up with pride from their success herein, it caused sedition and tumultuation in that State, notwithstanding the contrary endeavours of the more sober to prevent it. Nay, the original of States Popular some­times ariseth from rebellion attempted a­gainst the Royal Party, as it frequently happened at Rome: and at other times it [Page 186] falls out, when the people through tyranny are exasperated, and made desperate by the rigour of their Princes or Governours; for then by force of arms against their King, they begin to mould a new-fashioned Government among themselves; which the Swisses, not many years since, have done. As to Oligarchy or Tyranny, we shall not extend our discourse, but pass them by, be­cause we judge such kind of Government to be altogether unjust, insupportable, and quite contrary to a vertuous and civill life.

Now, as to the discovery of the most notable and imitable Commonweals and Kingdoms in the habitable World, that shall be the subject of our ensuing Chap­ter.

CHAP. III.
Wherein is contained the various Forms of the most memorable and famous Commonweals and Kingdoms in the World.

THe excellency and pre-eminency of every Nation or Republick may easily be understood by the Government and [Page 187] Laws therein practised and exercised: for those are judged the best, that direct the course of their life according to justice and equity, and not the peculiar w [...]imsies of their own natural fancy; and constantly persevere therein, without so much as the appearance of change or variation: it is an apparent and clear argument of female frailty, far derogating from the dignity of Man, to be so fickle and inconstant, as to seek after variety; but to be fix'd and grounded, is an argument of a noble reso­lution.

And first, as for the Commonwealth of Plato, we shall pass that by, because it is usually said, that such a Government as his, neither is, hath been, nor shall be hereafter.

The Athenian Republick was first made as followeth: That People being disper­sed, and haunting the woods and fields like brute Animals, were first by Cecrops, and af­ter by Theseus confined to a City, which was then called Cecropia, now Athens, and at length reduced to a Kingdom, descenda­ble to their Posterity. But what authority the Senate had under those Kings (which order did represent the Optimacie) cannot be manifested or apparently known, by [Page 188] reason of the length of time, and multi­tude of years since elapsed, as also the paucity of those Writers that have any waies discoursed thereon. Yet we must be­lieve, that Kings had in those daies their Sages or Wisemen about them, and made use of their counsel in the management of their political affairs. The Kings of that Age (as Thucydides writes) did rule by consent of People, and with their suffra­ges did many times determine those things whereof they themselves were doubtful. Yet that Government was of short continu­ance; for, in tract of time (which alte­reth all things) it was committed to the multitude, whose force and power did ut­terly subvert the Commonwealth.

The Lacedaemonian State seemed to contain all the three sorts of Government, viz. King, Nobles, and People; the No­bles were their Senators, and the People were the Ephori; for they were alwaies elected out of the number of popular men. Now the Lacedaemonians are very much extolled, in that for the space of seven hun­dred years compleat, they have continued without any alteration of their Laws, Cu­stoms, or Government. But the Venetians in that respect may challenge a greater por­tion [Page 189] of glory, for they have till this very present Age of ours constantly lived under one Form of Government and Governours the space of one thousand years, and better.

Now the Venetians in framing their Republick, do include within the name of People, Gentlemen and Citizens; being very careful to oppose any other, if he pre­sume or dare usurp that title, because they only are capable of Magistracy. The Se­nate is chosen out of that number that re­presents an Optimacie, and is the foundati­on, as it were, of that State. The Duke is elected out of that number that resemble Kings.

Polybius doth very much extol the Ro­man Monarchy, because it was made up of the King, Nobility and People; supposing that by this means the King for fear of the People durst not become insolent; and the People, out of respect to the Senate, durst not disobey the King. Which Form of Re­publick is accounted most just. For as per­fect harmony is made up of Treble, Mean, and Base; so the best and surest agreement among men, and the most stable Govern­ment, is established by the mixture of the Best, the Mean, and the Base people.

Romulus (saith Livy) being (as we have [Page 190] already mentioned) by consent both of God and men elected King, though the State was then but an Embryo, refused to have the reins of Government lie altogether upon his own shoulders, and did therefore call unto his assistance one hundred Sena­tors, who out of respect to their Age and Gravity, were called Fathers. And lest the People should suppose that they were hereby deluded, misled, and defrauded of all honour, and thereby envy and maligni­ty might ensue, to the prejudice of the King or Senate; He made them Judges, and gave them full power and authority to sit and determine War, and conclude peace, with many other priviledges there­unto annexed. And if this model of Go­vernment had still continued in Rome, there had not been so great an effusion of bloud in aspiring after Liberty and enlarging the Territories of the Roman Empire; Nor had the happiness of that Country been shaken with so many seditions, which did at length work her ruine and desolati­on: for she was observed to be very little acquainted with peace all the time she stood upon her own legs, ever since she was able to go alone.

But now let us take the Governments of [Page 191] our Age into consideration; and first, of the French Monarchy; which owns a King, who rules ad placitum, at his own discretion: and although his authority come not under the lash of the Law, yet like an honoura­ble and just Prince, he acts nothing contra­ry to Law, or Honour. In his Kingdom, the Noblemen, which they call Peers, re­present an Optimacie: the People are divi­ded into three sorts; Gentlemen, Clergy-men, and the popular Multitude; and a choice number of these three assembled to­gether by the Kings Edict or Command, determine matters of greatest importance in the Kingdom. This Council was anci­ently called Panceltium, as the Aetolians na­med theirs Panaetolium, and the universal Council of the Ionians was termed Panio­nium; though since, as we have already hinted, by reason of the English wars there, the King got all authority into his own hands, so that his word carries as much force and validity with it, as the for­mer acts of Parliament, which were their three Estates conven'd and met together.

As for the Spanish Monarchy, the King there hath Soveraign authority and power; the Council-Royal represents an Optimacie; and the three prime Orders of Knighthood [Page 192] may be compared to the popular State. For the Order of St Jago, Collatrava, and Alcantara, assembled with the King, decide the most important State-controversies and affairs.

The Monarchy of Polonia consists like­wise of these three sorts, i. e. The King, No­bility and People; but it is to be noted, that this word People here, denotes only Knights and Gentlemen. The Union and Fellowship of these orders is so admirable, that the King without the advice of his Council and their authority, can do no­thing; nor can the Council determine without the King's approbation, and the Peoples consent. In this Kingdom, the Laws are of so great force, that every man religiously swears to keep and observe them; and if any person act contrary to that Oath, he is accounted unjust and im­pious. Now that Oath by which they swear to be strict in the observance of their Laws and Liberty, is in their vernacular language called, Captue; which is as much as Tegmen capitis in Latine: for, as the head is kept in health, and preserved from the injury of the nipping weather, by being covered; so by vertue of that Oath, their Laws, Lives, and Liberties are conserved; and to main­tain [Page 193] it, no man is so fearful, as not to venture his life against Tyrants, and all such as en­deavour to cut the wings of publick Liber­ty and Happiness. This people enjoy great freedom; being principled with this per­swasion, that to live according to the dire­ction of the Law, is the most absolute Li­berty in the World. In this Kingdom, the Prince follows not the dictamen of his own will and fancy, but sticks close to the Rule of the Law. In waging war, or concluding peace, he makes use of his Council; never transgressing Law: which works this effect, that the Kings person is not only honoured among the people, but had in high reve­rence and estimation; so that he may be said to be adored, rather than obeyed. And who indeed is there, that would not entire­ly love, honour, respect, and reverence that Prince, that in governing steers himself by the Cynosure of the Law, contented to be led by the Line of reason, directing himself in all his undertakings, according to the prudent and grave advice of his Senators? Authority thus used, creates a general love, liking and consent among the Subjects. To conclude, the King of Polonia seems such a Prince, as Plato, Aristotle, Xenophon, and o­ther Legislators have desired to bear sway [Page 194] in all well-regulated Commonweals and Kingdoms, and such as both God and Na­ture approve. The Senate here bears the Image of Optimacy, and hath much power and authority; for they being chosen out of the wiser sort of Nobles, they only, I say, consult with the King about State-af­fairs. Their authority is not unlike the Ho­motimi of Persia, or the Ephori of Lacedaemo­nia. The Gentlemen of Polonia resemble the Popular State; for on them is imposed a great part of the Government, and may be said to be as a Seminary from whence issue both Counsellors and Kings.

The Empire of Germany consists of the Emperour, Princes, and People; which being governed by divers Potentates, and their policy being scattered into sundry Governments, comes not easily within the reach of a concise description.

The quondam Kingdom of Britain, now called England, obeyeth one King; who ele­cteth Senators, unto whom the residue of Nobles, and some of the Popular Order being joyned, make one Common Coun­cil, which is called in our Idiom, a Parlia­ment. But native modesty forbids us to proceed any farther upon this subject; whose Encomia's we judge to be a Theme [Page 195] far more suitable to a forrain Pen.

One difficulty there remains still, the re­solution whereof we have reserved for the close of this Chapter; and that is this; What a Citizen is, which we have so much all along discoursed of? To which we answer:

That this word Citizen hath had several acceptations among Writers. Some have called the whole number of Inhabitants by the name of Citizens. Others, only those that are descended of Noble and free-born Citizens. Some call them Citizens whose Fathers were free-born within the City; Others would have them to fetch their Pe­digree more remote, from their ancient Grandfathers. And some are of opinion, that forrainers received into the Society of Citizens, and naturalized, or Denizen'd, deserve the name of Citizens. Aristotle terms them Citizens, that are capable of publick Offices in State, and are descended of free and honest Parentage. In popular States, all they are usually called Citizens that dwell in the City, as well Poor, as Rich; Bad, as Good; none being Bond-men; for every one is capable of Govern­ment, because there is an universal parity among them. Of this nature was the [Page 196] Athenian Commonwealth (before spoken of) so long as it was subject to Popular Government; and the Cantons of Switzer­land steer the same course even to this very Day. And divers Cities in Germany there are, called free; where the Inhabitants live popularly, secluded from Gentlemen, and noble Citizens. In an Oligarchy, be­cause men are most respected for their re­venues and substance, they that are most rich are reputed Citizens, though they are dishonourable, because careless of all ver­tue; and make it their whole study to be rich Quo jure, quaque injuria, by hook or by crook (as we say) right or wrong, no matter which way they obtain it; to the end that they may come to dignity and preferment, not as wise and vertuous, but as rich and wealthy persons.

Among the Romans, there were several sorts of Citizens; Some were called Mu­nicipes, some Coloni, and others Latini; eve­ry one of them retaining those conditions that were allotted them by the people of Rome. Some whereof were free, some Con­federate, and some Stipendiary. Some were created Citizens pleno jure, which was by voice; and they were thought wor­thy of all honours; Others, Jure honorario, [Page 197] which were of the number of those that were admitted into the the City without the suffrage of the people; and they were honoris gratia called Citizens, as the Cam­pani, and Equites. He likewise was counted a Citizen of Rome, whose name was writ­ten in the Book of the Censors, and was an House-keeper. By all which it is perspicu­ous and evident, that in all Republicks they were properly called Citizens that could plead a right to Office, and could give suf­frage in the State; whereas he that wants these priviledges, is rather to be called In­habitant, or Client, than Citizen. In Mo­narchies and Aristocracies those are Citi­zens that are vertuous. In the latter, good and vertuous men only govern; in the for­mer, one alone, that for Bounty, Liberali­ty, and Magnificency excels all others. Those people which are naturally Slaves, or wickedly debauched, do for the most part obey Tyrants, and that Government is cal­led Imperium despoticum: Yet are not all they to be judged Slaves, that are encum­bred with the power and oppression of Ty­rants, if they be not withall base minded and vicious. For we read of many Citizens that have freed themselves and their Coun­try from servitude, by slaying or expelling [Page 198] the Tyrants; and if they found their ex­pectations were herein frustrated, they chose rather to lose their lives than their Liberty, as Brutus and Cato did, with many other Romans. Thus we have given the de­scription and division of the ancient States Popular, Republicks and Kingdoms; in the next Chapter we shall demonstrate the new models of Government set up by the rebellious since the late unhappy wars be­tween King and Parliament.

CHAP. IV.
The new-fangled Model of Modern Policy, be­ing of three sorts; a Protectordom, a Commit­teedom, and a Rumpdom; and first, of the Pro­tectordom.

AS for that hellish monster, that dam­nable Machiavilian that first gave rise to this same strange and unheard of Go­vernment; we shall say nothing tending either to his Parentage, Birth, or Educati­on, because we have reserved that as a sub­ject for another entire peece; only, that he might be said to be a man of blouds, in the plural number, as Zipporah said to her Hus­band [Page 199] Moses: Who butcher-like made cru­elty his profession, and was never better than when he had his Sword sheathed in his Country-mens bowels; so that we may affirm, what succeeding Ages will unque­stionably maintain:

An audacious Rebel, that durst aspire from the mean condition of a private person, to the Throne, though he first wash'd his hands in the bloud of his Soveraign! He represented the real Tragedy of a King and no King; whose mouth water'd after that Title, but that he durst not assume it, being he had fought so long against it, and was sworn to the deposition of all Kingship for the future.

He, to raise himself on the top of the Pyramid of honour, trampled over the heads of the most Loyal Subjects of the Realm; made a foot-ball of a Crown, and endeavoured utterly to extirpate the Royal Progeny, Root and Kind, Stem and Stock: Nay, I will be bold to say, if that an inno­cent Babe had been born with Vive le Roy in his mouth, he must have been food for his [Page 200] Sword, as well as the first-born were for Herods. It is credibly reported, that Hugh Peters, that spiritual Dragooner, and Nol, hatch'd this Government as they were wal­king together in a field: a brace of pious Devils! They would carry the outward shew of sanctity, whenas all their actions proclaim'd them diabolical. There was never so furious an Incendiary, as this pi­ous Pulpit-cuffer; nor no Machiavel more apt to receive the impression of infernal Counsel, who would sacrifice both soul and body to accomplish his own ends, or promote his self-interest. The whole Na­tion was enchained in a more than Aegypti­an Bondage; who were compelled to sub­mit to this Tyrant Nol, or be cut off by him; nothing but a word and a blow, his will was his Law; tell him of Magna Char­ta, he would lay his hand on his sword, and cry Magna Farta: No Liberty was granted to the Subject, unless it were that of Con­science; and that too was denied the more Orthodox and Loyal Party. The People were rob'd of all Laws, Rights and Privi­ledges, and sometimes of their Lives; whilst he, like a Tyrant, insulted with a Quis contradicet? The Citizens were so fleeced and pilled, that had this [Page 201] inhumane barbarous wretch continued much longer, he had sent London into the Country a begging. To say God save the King, was a crime as black as any forbidden in the Decalogue: but so long as that was prohibited publikely and privately, it was in vain to cry out, God speed the Plough, or expect any blessing from the superiour power. His infernal plots and machinati­ons had wrought the utter ruine and deso­lation of the Country, had not Providence divine cut him off, to the general benefit and rejoycing of the Nation. English ground groaned with the burthen of this inhumane Tyrant. It was not enough that the English should be scourged, but the whip must lye before them; it was not sufficient that he should be the Author of all their woes while living, but they must live subject to his Tyranny and oppression; and like so many mutes, condescend to all his actions by silence, not daring to menti­on the least dislike, though it thwarted their disposition never so much. He was a rod of their own making, and they were content to untruss whilest he whipt them. In vain it was for the most accurate wit to plead Reason or Law against the Sword: the Tongue is too weak a weapon for the [Page 202] Dagger. During the usurpation of this same hellish Tyrant, what a Chaos of con­fusion bespread the face of the whole Na­tion? How was all the Land benegroed with more than the Egyptian darkness of persecution? The whole Country was en­veloped in clouds, and ruine hung over the heads of the people, by as slender a thread, as the Sword over the head of Damocles at the Banquet. The whole Land was en­tombed in despair, and little or no hope of a resurrection, till a divine hand wrought it by his long-expected death: and it is the Cordial wish and hearty desire of the loyal Pen-man, that all his Majesties and the Kingdoms enemies were as stately interred as he was. Had he deserved an Epitaph, we would have stretch'd hard but our brain should have furnished him with one; but since he was so unworthy, we hold it as great a disparagement to our quill to be­stow a Copy of Verses on him, as he was a grief and trouble to the Loyal Party of the Nation. And indeed, how can any Son of Phoebus employ his time so ill, as to salute his dead corpse with an Epitaph, that was so great an enemy to them when living; Who had a real design to extirpate all li­terature, and implunge us into as deep a [Page 203] gulph of ignorance and profaneness as the Turk is cast into? he hated all Learning, and the Learned, because his crimes were so black and horrid that they went far be­yond the mercy of the Book. He granted a toleration for all Religions, because his own was to choose; and that he might not offend the tender Consciences of his pre­tended Zealots and Favourites, who were true Vassals to the Lust and Villany of such an imperious Usurper. Honesty was so much out of fashion, that he that was ver­tuous was a Malefactor, and deserved death; for Knavery was à la mode; and you know the old Saying, It is as good to be out of the World, as out of the Fashion. An honest loy­all Subject was as much hooted and poin­ted at, and judged as ridiculous an Object, as a Spanish Don in his Country Garb at Paris. An honest man was as strange a sight in England, as a Horse in Venice, or a Beggar in Holland; and he was as like to be pre­ferred to his favour, as a Spurrier was to Queen Elizabeth. But since he is in his grave▪ we will not rake up his ashes any farthe [...] if he can find any rest there now dead, who living I am sure had little or none in his conscience; (for he ever carried a civil War in his breast, of fears, suspicions and [Page 204] jealousies) he shall lie secure; for we intend to disturb him no farther.

After the death of this British Idoll, Ri­chard the fourth his Son peep'd out; who had no fault so great, as that he had him to his Father; for it was generally believed, he would be but Tenant to the Right Landlord, or the Stuarts Steward, to set all things in order till he was restored. But alas! he prov'd but a fortnights wonder; no sooner up, but down; his deposition (if we may credit report) was the womanish plot of weeping Fleetwoods Lady; who sto­mach'd it that his preferment should be greater than her Husbands, though it pro­ved to little purpose: & indeed, it is seldom known that female counsel ever arrives to any better success; nor is there any reason that the Distaff should be a companion for the Scepter. A Kitchin was a great deal more fit for her than a Throne, though she had ambition enough to perswade her self that she deserved the name of a Princess.

Yet had Richard been heir of his Fathers parts (though it was well he was not) he would soon have frustrated all their de­signs, and come to as much height and greatness: But he had not enough of the Rogue in his Composition, to make up a [Page 205] damned Politician. He was fitter to bear a Hawk on his Fist, than to hold a Scepter in his hand. A sedentary, retired, Country-life, was far more suitable to his temper and disposition, than a tumultuous City-life. He was altogether ignorant in that so much practised profession of piecing the Lion with the Foxes tail; which no doubt he might have done, had he been as well read in Machiavil as his Sire was. He was not much read in Politicks, as appears by the small term of time that was allotted him to play the Protector. But no matter, it was well it fell out so: he is like to fare the better for it, in the judgement of the most censorious. Besides, it was what suited with his phancy (according to relation) better than all the usurped power and au­thority of his Predecessor. Exit Protector, he was but like a Pageant, a King in a Play; he only appears upon the Stage, makes a leg, and takes his leave of you: but what comes next? The State-Grotescoes will soon resolve you, the business is already hatch'd; room for a Committteedom, which being the second branch of this tripartite Anar­chy, challenges a place in the fifth Chap­ter.

CHAP. V.
Of a Committeedom.

WHen Richard (as the Major part of the Gentry do) had retired himself to his Country-house for a mouth-full of fresh Air, there starts up another kind of Government, hatch'd by a Committee of Safety; (of slavery, they meant) who were a rude rabble of Factious, Illiterate, Phanatick, Disloyal Rebels; a knot of Knipperdolings; of the same stamp with that German Botcher, Jack-a-Leyden: the very merdaille and excrementitious off­scouring of the Nation: during which time we might be said to be the true Anti­podes; for the Shooe was placed above the Head: and the Nation troubled with such a State-Apoplexy, or Political Meagrim, that it would soon have reel'd to its destru­ction (being drunk with Rebellion) had not the Heavens made a restautation of our pristine Laws and ancient Liberty, by the re-establishment of our most gracious So­veraign, Charles the Second. Thus did they wheel about the Circumference of Go­vernment, [Page 207] till they hit upon the Center, viz. Monarchy. How like a senseless bo­dy did the Nation lie, during this strange unheard-of Government? Nor was it a wonder; for how can the Members live without their Head? Miserable and despi­cable was the condition of the Natives, so that they became ridiculous to their Neighbours; Law lay bleeding, and Ju­stice run quite contrary to her Institution. Learning was of so small esteem and ac­count, that it was thought an incumbrance and prejudice to him that could boast of it. Divinity was quite out of date; Churches were pulled down for Edification; To rob Cathedrals sacrilegiously, was Piety; The Temple was converted into a Stable; so that it might well be said, that Horse and Man serv'd God alike. The Pulpits were hung with blew Aprons, and Cheapside pro­duced better Preachers than Cambridge. No Order nor Decorum in Gods house, but all things sluttishly handled; as if the Queen of Sciences, Divinity, must be cloathed in filthy rags. As if the Father of Langua­ges understood no Language but English, the Latine and Greek Fathers must not be quoted, but were almost come to the Chandlers shops to make waste Paper. [Page 208] No Prayer but what was by the Spirit: Bold audacious Villains, that dare ascend the Pulpit, and there talk with God ex tem­pore. And indeed, most of these Spirit-mongers made moving Sermons: for not a man of understanding in the Church, but would go out before they had done. The Orthodox Clergy were dis-respected, ca­lumniated, reviled, imprisoned, and execu­ted, what not? But why, or wherefore, no one knew: as squeamish as these Sectaries seemed to be, they could swallow down fat Benefices, and never disgorge them. The Steeple-Houses must down, they were su­perstitious businesses; They say, their ten­der, I say, their large Consciences promp­ted them to these sacrilegious actions; and all for the promoting of their own filthy lucre and self-interest; which made them convert those Church-Utensils that were consecrated to Sacred uses, to their own be­nefit and profit. These foul fiends haunted sacred grounds most, not out of devotion, but gain; Thus was it their dayly practice to learn to leap over Steeples: and whereas we used to say, Lord encrease our Faith; we might then heartily cry out and say, Lord decrease our Faiths; for we had then so many among us, that if a Jew or Pagan had come [Page 209] to be converted among us, he would have found as much difference in the outward ceremony and preaching of the Word, as there is between our Tenets and theirs: Outward shew and ostentation had almost worm'd out the Substance of Religion. But this Cockatrice (thanks to Heaven) was crusht in the Shell; this prodigious birth prov'd abortive, almost as soon confoun­ded as conceived. Had we suffered those Birds of prey to have been fledge (for they were but pin-feathered) it might have been said in our Proverb, that we brought up Birds to pick out our own eyes. But they were all soon got by Lowbelling; these silly Wood-cocks were ensnared in a Gin laid by the Royal Party. Well may Albion acknow­ledge St George her Patron, since we have a Trinity of them to protect us; one St George, and a brace of Sir Georges. This Commit­tee-Conventicle of Cacodaemons was soon crackt and dissolved; which hapned very successfully, for else the whole Nation had soon come to its dissolution. If ever there was a Tower of Babel, sure it was here then; for what could be said of England more just­ly, than that it was a Land of Confusion? Now the Anabaptists strutted it en cuerpo; they domineered as if they had been sole [Page 210] Masters of the Universe: And had liberty to broach their damnable and erroneous opinions in all places without controule: Six days shalt thou labour, that part of the Commandment they allowed; and the se­venth thou shalt teach, that was their own addition; at work all the week, and a preaching on Sundaies. Surely the leaven of these Pharisees must be very strong, that can work a Cobler out of the Stall into the Pulpit; where you might see him thumb the Bible with his massey fist, and begins to pitch on a portion of Scripture, though he begin at the wrong end of the Book; and then like a Fugitive, runs away from the Text (and how can he do otherwise? for he is beside the Last.) Ne sutor ultra crept­dam, was an ancient Proverb; but they neglected all antiquity so much, that they pulled down all Churches whose outside pronounced them ancient, and crept in holes and corners; which is enough to evince that they can never be registred inter Angelos, who were found so often in Angu­lis: but their deeds of darkness required such dark corners, who if they had appea­red in the Light, had soon manifested their imbecility and villany: But now we may in the Juglers Dialect say, Presto! Jack [Page 211] Lambert and his Legion of Hobgoblins are vanished; Ingoldsby routed his Forces, and secured his Person; where now in the Tower he hath so much liberty (though confined) as to sing a Palinode for his fore­past misdemeanors, if he have but the grace to do so: his hellish crew may wait for his deliverance by an Angel, as long as the Turks did for the Resurrection of their Mahomet, and find themselves at length mi­serably deluded. All which may afford them matter of repentance, if they have but the knowledge to make a spiritual im­provement of so gracious an opportunity. But as their reign was short and of small continuance, so will we be, suiting the dis­course to the matter discoursed on, and come to the third sort of this new-fangled Government, which will take up the last Chapter.

CHAP. VI.
Of the Rumpdom.

THe Subject of this discourse being concerning the Rump, we thought fit to place it in the Buttock of our Book, that [Page 212] so we may come to an end by discoursing of an End, a Fag-end of Parliament, the Rump. It is credibly reported, that noble Brown was their Godfather, and bestowed this name upon these Arse-worms; which proves him to be as good a Nomenclator as Adam, who gave names according to the nature of the Beasts that came before him; and so did he; which was, and will conti­nue to be a brand upon them (notwithstand­ing the Vote that past in the House for a fifty pound forfeiture on every person that should call them by that name) and their posterity, so long as the Sun and Moon en­dures. Had he searched all the Dictionaries that ever were extant, he could never have found out a term more suitable for them. Had these beasts been to enter the Ark, it would have puzzled Noah himself to have suited them into pairs.

This Rump was made up of a Rabble of rude, illiterate, rebellious fellows; a heap or cluster of Mechanicks; that intended to reduce the Nation to as much slavery and servility, as they themselves were born to. And first of all, let us nip Hesilrig; that wide-mouth'd fellow, that could swallow down Church and Bishops Lands without any scruple or conscience: so furious a Vil­lain, [Page 213] that he was able to set a whole King­dom in combustion: One, that would have made a Bonefire of the City, so that he might but have warm'd his hands thereby, rather than fail. So horrible a Mammonist, that he was resolved to cram his Coffers, though he starved his Conscience: so that Lord have mercy upon rich Sir A. Hesilrig a sin­ner, might have been the sum of his Letany.

Desborow, that bloudy beef-brain'd wretch falls under our description next; who was a State Hay-gee-ho, or Carter; and never shall come to the honour to be Waggoner to Charles his Wain; who still thought, when he sate in the Parliament, that he was whist­ling to the Country Teem; and therefore alwaies endeavoured to ride the Citizens, and make Asses of them. But indeed, to speak truth, we cannot much blame the Man; for he was ever so much used to the Whip, that he must still be lashing where­ever he came. Yet one would have thought he might have spit in his hand and took better hold; for now his Whip may prove like a Rod for his own Breech: But no mat­ter, every School-boy could have told him, that the Rump used to pay for all faults; And he might have remembred that we have a Proverb runs thus, The Pot goes not so [Page 214] often to the water, but it comes broke home at last; which no doubt he will soon be made sensible of. But I am weary with whistling to this Brawny Boor.

Enter Scot: his very name implies trea­chery; As treacherous as a Scot, is old, though true; and may be appliable to him: for they are as true Types one of the other, as the Dragon of the Devil. A bitter enemy to Kingship he was, and one that had the im­pudence to affirm publikely (so report in­forms me) that he was one of the chiefest that sate in the Highest Court of Injustice for the executing of Charles the first; and were it to do again, he would be as ready upon that design as ever. Sure he was some kin to a Tinker, he proves himself such a man of metal.

Surge Harry Martin; shew thy smock­face: well might he be a Rumper, he de­lighted so much in the Tail. A lewd disso­lute fellow; fitter to walk before a party of Whores, than to lead up a Regiment of Horse. This is one of that sanctified Crew, that would procure any business to be done, if a female, from whom he might but ex­pect a kindness, put up the Petition. But he was once handsomly fitted by a handsome Girl; which action made the name of Tre­pan [Page 215] first known in England: His lustful de­sire, though unaccomplished, cost two hun­dred pounds in sawce; only they were so ci­vil to bestow a dinner of him, inviting some other of the Members of this mock-Parlia­ment, only to divulge the frollick. Hence­forth, Harry, take this advice as from a friend, Beware of all such costly petitions, if ever it be thy hap to prefer any more.

But to dwell upon particulars thus, would require a Volume: I must hasten, fince I am come to the end. Thus did Nol and the Rump play at Nose in a—with the Na­tion, intending (as it is thought) to stink the People out of their dominions, and to remain with their Confederates Lords of Great Britain. (As for the Rumpers, they provided a Scavenger) to sweep London-streets; and he hath swept them away, and made the house clean for more deserving Persons. I wonder what benefit did ever accrew to the Nation by their Acts and Ordinances; or when did they ever at­tempt any thing, but, Tinker-wise, in mend­ing one hole they made three? All their consultations tended only to their own preferment. A knot of gnawing Vermine, that fed upon the fat of the Land; A Com­pany of Book-worms, who, because igno­rant [Page 216] themselves, were resolved to destroy all Learning, and implunge the People into an Abyss of Brutishness and Barbarism: and make them subscribe to, and approve of whatsoever their dunghil spirits promp­ted them to. But I must draw to a period. This New-fangled Model you have under the notion of Modern Policy (though it is a favour to call it so) for Rebellion it should be; but I was unwilling to front my Page with so formidable a Title. For the Nati­on hath been too too long sensible of the heavy effects of Rebellion; which have lighted somewhat hard upon their shoul­ders. The latter part of this Piece, I con­fess, differs from the former, as much as Heraclitus from Democritus; yet it is no of­fence, I presume, (if I may be thought a sufficient Apothecary) to put a scruple of mirth into a dose of seriousness; wherefore I shall conclude with what I ever made my Motto, ‘—Non seria semper.’