THe moderation of New Englands Juſtice, deſired to be known to all men As you may ſee in the following Treatiſe., and what is the principall things pretended in the Execution thereof; namely, To ſuppreſſe Hereticks, and to confirm that to be truth which the Unity of the moſt Colonies hold; plainly declaring and ſetting forth to the view of all, What is the proper bent and drift of that ſpirit that diggs ſo deep to hide its ſin in ſecret, which ſo affecteth to aſſume titles unto it ſelf, & alſo to give at their pleaſure unto others; to make themſelves appear, in the eyes of men, more holy and honourable in the things of God, then others of their Brethren; commonly crying out, againſt that power exerciſed amongſt others, for no other end but to aſſume it unto themſelves, to cloth the dictates of that ſpirit therewith, whereby themſelves are led, and ſo to exerciſe it with all zeal and wrath in the life, ſpirit, and ſubſtance of it, only with another face or countenance ſet upon it to deceive and beguile the ſimple; Not being able to indure the aire, where Cap, Tippit, or upper Shirt appeareth: but can bath themſelves in blood and feed themſelves fat, by devouring the good name, eſtates, and lives of their brethren, who neither do, nor think harme unto them, nor reſide within the compaſſe of any of their Juriſdictions, evidently proved by a late aſſault given (by the men of the Maſſachuſets and other Colonies united for ſuch a purpoſe) upon others of their Countrymen, Inhabitants of a tract of land called Shaw-omet, ſituate in the Nanhyganſet Bay in New-England: The truth whereof this Treatiſe witneſſeth, and the ſubſtance of all is to be ſeen under their own hand writing; as alſo in the writings of others, who were eye and ear-witneſſes in the Cauſe, and have teſtified under their hands the truth of it.

This Warrant being delivered unto us by their new made officer William Arnald, in the name of the Maſſachuſets, we took into ſerious conſideration, having former experience abundantly of their unkind and inhumane dealing with us, yea towards our wives and children, when our ſelves were ſometimes in baniſhments, and ſometimes in priſon, and irons (by them) before. We thought it meet (for the preſervation of our peace, together with that Compaſſion we had of our wives and little ones) to leave our houſes, and the reſt of our labors, lying neer unto thoſe their pretended ſubjects (whom we ſaw maliciouſly bent) and to remove our ſelves and families further off, from the Maſſachuſets, and ſuch their coadjutours, being then amongſt us: For we ſaw that they did not only endeavor to take away our livelyhood, but intended to take away our lives alſo, in caſe they could find a way to ſatisfie the Country in doing of ſuch an act and execution: For we had never accuſation brought in againſt us, but what roſe from the Magiſtrates and the Miniſters; for we walked ſo, as to do no man wrong, only juſtified the cauſe of our Religion, as we had learned and received the principles thereof before we went amongſt them; as alſo the laws and government of this Kingdome of England unto which we ever willingly acknowledged our ſelves to be loyall ſubjects, and therefore could not ſuffer our ſelves to be intrenched upon by our fellow ſubjects, further then the laws of our King and State doth allow.

Now that they ſought the lives of ſome of us, at this time is evident; For Iohn Warner Citizen and Freeman of London a man well known, who afterwards was one of thoſe againſt whom they now proſecuted, having formerly had ſome buſineſſe with Maſter Winthrop the Governor of the Maſſachuſets, he asked the ſaid Warner (living then in the Nanhyganſet Bay) whether he knew one Samuel Gorton, (a man alſo againſt whom they now proſecuted) who lived alſo in the ſaid Bay, but at that time Iohn Warner had not ſeen him, living a matter of twenty miles one from the other: The Governor told him he was a man not fit to live upon the face of the earth; alſo one of the Elders of the Church of Boſton told a MiniſterOld M. Oliver (who reported it in the place where Gorton lived) That if they had Gorton at Boston in the Maſſachuſets, he would hardly ſee his own houſe any more; yea one Maſter Collins, a man of excellent parts of learning, and of an unblameable life amongſt men, being Miniſter of one of the Weſtern Iſlands, from that report he heard of Religion, came to New-England, who married one of Miſtreſſe Huchinſons daughters, and being Francis Huchinſon his brother in law, was a member of the Church at Boſton, who ſeriouſly conſidering and laying to heart the wayes of their Church and the carriage of his brethren conſulting with the Miniſter, the two yong men could not have reſt in their ſpirits till they went down to adviſe or debate the matter with the Church, though they were come out from them and lived on Road Iſland in the Nanhyganſet Bay, and when they came to Boston, and the Brethren were gathered together either to give or receive ſatisfaction, when they ſaw the arguments produced by the Miniſter and his brother to weigh ſomewhat heavy, then the ſtrongeſt of their Church members of Boston (namely the Governor and Aſſiſtants) caſt them in priſon to regulate their opinion that differed from them, and there kept them in durance for many Moneths; but at the laſt, ſetting them at liberty, yet giving out ſome threatning words afterwards, as though they would fetch them again; the yong men could have no reſt in their ſpirits day nor night, till they were gone out further from the Maſſachuſets then that Iſland was, yea under ſome forreign government where the Maſſachuſets could not pretend to have any thing to do; for they had heard that the Maſſachuſets intended to take in all the Nanhyganſet Bay under their Government and Juriſdiction: Whereupon Maſter Collins came where the aforeſaid Gorton and his Family were, namely at Providence; and ſeriouſly adviſed him to go along to the Dutch Plantation or elſe to the Sweads; for, upon his knowledge, the Maſſachuſets intended, in ſhort time, to take away his life, if he aboad in any of the Engliſh Plantations; for he had received certain information thereof, whil'ſt he was amongſt them, ſhewing great affection to move him thereunto: Gorton thanked him kindly for his love, being but a ſtranger to him, but told him he could not go under a forreign Prince for protection, till he ſaw further then yet he did; knowing he had neither been falſe to his King nor Country, nor to his conſcience, in point of Religion, ſo far as God had informed him. But Maſter Collins and his Brother, together with their Mother and whole Family, for fear, removed to the Dutch Plantation, with divers other friends and families; who were miſerably maſſacred by thoſe barbarous Indians (both men, women and children) being then at war with the Dutch, who took ſome of the Engliſh children (out of families of good note) as Captives, and keep and train them up amongſt themſelves unto this day, having moſt barbarouſly and cruelly ſlain their Parents, who had been not a little carefull to train them up in their life time, both in faith and manners. But we removing ourſelves, as aboveſaid, into another part of the Nanhyganſet Bay, further from the Maſſachuſets, and where none of the Engliſh, nor other Nations had any thing to do, but only Indians, the true natives, of whom we bought a parcell of land called Shaw-omet (as is aboveſaid) not only of Myantonomy, chiefe Sachim, or prince of thoſe parts of the Country; but alſo with the free conſent of the Inhabitants of the place.

Now we plainly perceiving that the drift of the Maſſachuſets, and thoſe joyned with them, was not only to take the whole Country of the Engliſh Plantations into their Juriſdictions; but alſo to eſtabliſh what way of Religion themſelves thought fit, to the the taking away (not only of goods) but lives alſo of ſuch as were otherwiſe minded: We made anſwer unto the Writing▪ they had ſent unto us, on this wiſe; which Anſwer was made upon our removall from Mooſhawſet (otherwiſe called PROVIDENCE) to Shawomet.

This Writing ſent to the Maſſachuſets we have related verbatim; only what is in the margent is added for explanation, and more eaſe to the Reader to underſtand our meaning which we ſent at the time when their general Court ſat; deſiring that all the Country might take notice of it, doubting they were not well informed how the Magiſtrates and Miniſters had carryed themſelves towards us, nor upon what ground they had, or did proceed againſt us: But the chief of them taking the matter into conſideration▪ thought good to call an Aſſembly of Magiſtrates and Miniſters to conſult, in way of a Synod, what courſe to take uniting themſelves together that what was done by any of them might be the act of them all: and they peruſing of our writings, framed out of them 26 particulars, or there abouts, which they ſaid were blaſphemous, changing of phraſes, altering of words and ſenſe, not in any one of them taking the true intent of our writings; but if they ſpake our own words, it was to ſuch purpoſe as this; as though a man would write the words of the Pſalme, and affirm (there is no God) ſuch words he may find written therein; but if he leave out this, That the fool hath ſaid in his heart ſo, he ſpoils the ſenſe, and in ſuch manner did they deal with our writings, and thoſe things they were free to divulge and make known amongſt the people: Theſe things concluded to be hereſies and blaſphemies before ever they heard a word of what interpretation we could give of our meaning therein: The Miniſters did zealouſly preach unto the people the great danger of ſuch things, and the guilt ſuch lay under that held them, ſtirring the people up to labour to find ſuch perſons out and to execute death upon them, making perſons ſo execrable in the eyes of the people, whom they intimated ſhould hold ſuch things, yea ſome of them naming ſome of us in their Pulpits As Mr Cobbe • who cryed out againſt Gorton that arch heretick, who (ſaith he) would have al men to be preachers. But if he had turned his ſpeech againſt Moſes, who wiſhed that al the Lords people were prophets, he had far more plainly expreſſed the bent of his ſpirit, & what manner of zeal he had., that the people that had not ſeen us thought us to be worſe by far in any reſpect then thoſe barbarous Indians are in the Country, which ſome of the Miniſters have rendred unto the people as Hittites, Cananites, and P • reſites, urging it as a duty unto the Engliſh to put them to death; whereupon we heard a rumor that the Maſſachuſets was ſending out an Army of men to cut us off: but when they perceived we were removed further into the Countrey, and had left our Lands, Houſes, and Labours, where their pretended ſubjects, by meanes of whom they ſought for ſome temporall occaſions againſt us, lived, they thought it not ſafe to come out againſt us, having ſhow of nothing againſt us, but only our Religion; therefore ſeeing themſelvs diſappointed in that deſigne, wherein their Coadjutors, had wrought to bring them in, to make an inr • ad upon us, they then wrought by theſe their Agents, who traded for them with the Indians, to inſinuate themſelves into two, or three Indians amongſt us, to become ſubjects to the government of the Maſſachuſets, hereby with-drawing them from their lawfull and naturall Prince, Myantonomy; and the name of theſe his ſubjects, who now became ſubjects to the Maſſachuſets, were Pumhom, and Soccononocco; and when this was accompliſhed, then they againe ſent forth their warrants unto us, as formerly to command our appearance at their Courts, in the Maſſachuſets, and that without any conſideration or delay, at the firſt time of their ſending unto us after our removall, the Court being then ſiting at Boſton in the Maſſachuſets.

This Warrant being delivered unto us, by ſome of their forenamed Agents, the Engliſh, we preſently returned them this anſwer by word of mouth, by their Meſſenger, telling them, that we being ſo far out of their juriſdictions, could not, neither would we acknowledge ſubjection unto any in the place where we were; but only the ſtate and government of old England, who only had right unto us, and from whom we doubted not but in due ſeaſon we ſhould receive direction, for the well ordering of us in all civill reſpects; and in the meane time we lived peaceably together, deſiring and indevouring to doe wrong to no man, neither Engliſh nor Indian, ending all our differences in a neighbourly and loving way of Arbitrators, mutually choſen amongſt us: They receiving our anſwer, tooke it diſdainfully, as their intent was to take any we ſent, without our perſonall appearance, being reſolved what courſe to runne concerning us; whereupon they ſent us another Writing immediatly from the Court, to informe us, that they were reſolved to come downe amongſt us, to exerciſe Juſtice there.

The next newes wee had, immediatly upon the receipt of this Writing, (being about our neceſſary imployments, in proviſion for our families) was thi • ; that one Captaine George Cooke, with a company of armed ſouldiers, accompanied with many Indians, having Commiſſion from the Maſſachuſets, either to bring us away by force of Armes, or elſe to put us to the ſword; which when we heard, we partly beleeved, in regard they had given order by publicke Court, long before, that no Gun-powder ſhould be ſold into thoſe parts where we lived, but only to ſuch as would become ſubjects to them, whereby the place was not only hindred of means of defence from a forraine Enemy, but alſo to furniſh their families with ſuch proviſions as the countrey • ffords: we hearing of their approach, immediatly ſent a Letter to thoſe which we heard they ſtiled Commiſſioners, which proved to be the Captaine, together with his officers, deſiring to know their intent, and what their Commiſſion was to doe in thoſe parts, ſignifying, that if they came to viſit us in way of neighbour-hood, and friendſhip, to cleare any matter or cauſe, they ſhould be welcome to us▪ but if otherwiſe, we wiſhed them not to ſet a foot upon our Lands, in any hoſtile way.

This Letter being ſent unto theſe Commiſſioners ſo ſtiled by them, though as yet unknowne unto us, by the hand of one Iohn Peiſe, who lived amongſt them in the Maſſachuſets, who having a Father in Law amongſt us, was willing to come and declare unto his Father, out of his tenderneſſe towards him, of the n •• rneſſe of the ſouldiers approach, and as neare as he could, the end of their comming, to perſwade his ſaid Father to eſcape for his life.

And when the Captaine, and the reſt of the Commiſſioners had read our Letter, they returned us this anſwer (by the ſame Meſſenger) namely that they deſired to ſpeake with us, to ſee if they could convert us to be of their minds, (bringing a Miniſter with them, to accompliſh their ends in ſuch deſigns) which if they could not, then they would account of us, as men • itted for the ſlaughter, and with all convenient ſpeed, would addreſſe themſelves for our diſpatch in the ruine of us, and of our families.

The returne of this anſwer from the Commiſsioners, as above, affrighted our wives & children, forcing them to betake themſelves, ſome into the Woods among the Indians, ſuffering ſuch hard-ſhip, as occaſioned the death of divers of them, As the wife of Jo. Green, as alſo the wife of Robert Potter, other women miſcarrying to the loſſe of their children. So alſo Francis Weſton, through cold and hardſhip in priſon, fell into a conſumption, and in ſhort time after dyed of it. and others going to take water, to depart to other plantations for ſuccour, the ſouldiers approached before they could take boat, who preſented their Muskets at women great with child, forcing them and their children to runne deep into the water, to get into the boat for feare of them The wife of S. Gorton, and ſome of her children, ſhe being ready to lie downe in child bed, was ſo dealt with by the ſouldiers, the boat haſting off for feare, if one of her ſonnes could not have ſwimmed, had been left behind her, ſo was glad to betake himſelfe to the water, though young to recover the Boat.; we betaking our ſelves to one of our houſes, for our defence, they preſently appeared in ſight; S. Gorton being out of the houſe to convey his Wife (who was great with child) towards the water-ſide for her eſcape, eſpied them about Musket-ſhot from the houſe, the way which they came being full of wood; they were not ſooner diſcerned but he called unto them, to keepe without the diſtance of Musket-ſhot, calling to his friends in the houſe alſo to ſtand to their Armes, for a band of ſouldiers conſiſting of Engliſh and Indians were in ſight; ſo committing his Wife to ſome of Providence, which came along with them to convey her to the boat, betooke himſelfe to the houſe with the reſt. Theſe our loving neighbours, inhabiting neere unto us in that Towne where Maſter Williams ſate downe, being deeply affected with the proceedings of the Maſſachuſets, comming downe unto us along with them, to be eye and eare witneſſes how things were carried at our meeting; who inſtantly urged the Captaine, and officers for a parley, who denyed to yeeld o • grant any ſuch thing, but profeſſed they would fall upon us preſently, unleſſe it might be private betwixt themſelves and us, and none elſe to heare it, profeſsing to make diſpatch of us in one quarter of an hours worke, They had ſo animated, and incouraged the ſouldiers, yea, ſo incenſed them againſt us, that they were loth to entertaine ſpeech or parley, though they ſay in their laſt writing they came to examine caſes of right and wrong which could not appeare without parley, nay ſome of their ſouldiers, picked out to be at the parley, profeſſed to ſome of us, when they came to viſit us as we lay in bolts and irons amongſt them, comming in the night, not daring to ſee us in the day, profeſſed in theſe words; When we came firſt to the ground we were ma •• to • ight, and to fal upon you without ſpeech or parley, but after we ſaw you, and heard you ſpeake, many of us had rather have been on your ſide, then for the cauſe we came, and the Captaine ſeeing ſome of us diſcouraged to fight, would not permit us to diſcourſe with any of Providence men, • eſt they ſhould ſpeake on your behalfe; and this we know, that ſome that did ſignifie unto them any ſmall thing concerning the equity of our cauſe the Captaine ſeized on them for priſoners, and kept them in bonds, during the time of their aboad there, and much adoe to releaſe them, that they had not taken them downe into the Maſſachuſets, to undergoe further puniſhments. which we underſtanding refuſed to enter into parley, unleſſe our ſaid neighbours of Providence might be preſent to witneſſe the paſſages of it; but at the laſt after much affectionate urging, they yeelded to a parley; and foure of Providence men to be choſen out as witneſſes, which we freely conſented unto the mutuall choyce of them, and accordingly we met together; and we demanding of them the end of their comming, they pretended we had done ſome wrong unto certaine of their ſubjects, as alſo that we held blaſphemous errours, which we muſt either repent of, or goe downe to the Maſſachuſets to be tryed at their Courts, or elſe they had Commiſſion to put us to the ſword, and to pay themſelves out of our goods, for their charges in comming thither; to which we made anſwer, we could not yeeld thereunto, that they that were our profeſſed adverſaries ſhould be our Judges, we being ſo farre out of all their juriſdictions; but freely tendred our appeale to the honourable State of England, in any thing that could be objected againſt us, which they peremptorily refuſed: We then offered to put our caſe to arbitration, by indifferent men, mutually choſen in the countrey, ingaging our goods, our lands, & our perſons, to make full ſatisfaction for any thing that could be brought in, or appeare againſt us; which Propoſitions ſeemed ſo reaſonable, not only in the eyes of the witneſſes, but alſo to the Captain and the reſt, that there was a truce agreed upon, untill ſuch time as a Meſſenger being diſpatcht into the Maſſachuſets, might returne with the anſwer of the Governour, and Aſſiſtants, during the time of which truce, they broke open our houſes, and our desks, taking away our Writings, killed our Cattle for themſelves and the Indians, whom they brought with them, to live upon taking the bedding, with other neceſſaries in our houſes, for the ſouldiers to lie upon, and make uſe of, not only at that time, but afterwards in their trenches, during the time of their league, aſſaulting ſome of our friends, both men, women, and children, who only came to ſee us, in that ſad time of extremitie, hearing there was a truce concluded for a ſeaſon, indeavouring to cut them off, upon the water, (being in a ſmall veſſell) by ſhooting halfe a ſcore or a dozin Muskets at them, before they could get out of their reach, which they very narrowly eſcaped; during the time of this truce, the men of Providence (unknowne unto us) ſent a Letter to the Government of the Maſſachuſets, to informe them how things had been carried at our meeting, whereof they were eye and eare witneſſes.

Now after the enterchange of theſe Letters, between the men of Providence, and the Governour of the Maſſachuſets, which we at the preſent were ignorant of, when certaine dayes were expired, the Meſſengers ſent by the Commiſſioners into the Maſſachuſets to acquaint them with our Propoſitions, returned, which we perceived by their ſhooting off of Guns at his comming: And the firſt thing we diſcerned in them, they ſent out and gathered all our Cattle together, and tooke them into their owne cuſtody, ſending two ſouldiers unto us to give us notice, that the time of truce was expired, and that our Propoſitions could in no cauſe be accepted or imbraced by the Maſſachuſets▪ we then deſiring to ſpeake with the Captain and the officers, they utterly denyed to have any ſpeech with us; but immediatly intrenched themſelves, and the ſame day gave fire upon us; whereupon to ſhew our allegeance to the State of old England, we hung out the Engliſh colours, which they perceiving ſhot the more violently againſt us▪ ſhooting the colours many times, through and through: Now when the Meſſenger from the Maſſachuſets returned, comming through the Towne of Providence▪ two of the men of Providence came along to Shaw-omet, to ſee how things were carried, and what the newes was at his returne; and however the Commiſſioners would not ſpeake with us; yet the men of Providence went unto them, & had ſpeech with them▪ whom they warned to come no more unto us, upon their perill, for they were reſolved of their courſe; therefore who ever came neer unto us, they would take them for their enemies: For when the Governour and Aſsiſtants of the Maſſachuſets perceived that the Commiſsioners had declared their errand unto us in plainer termes then, then they intended it ſhould have beene; they thought to make the houſe we were in our grave, was the beſt vvay to vindicate the moderation of their equall Juſtice tovvards us, as plainly appeared by their practiſe, and courſe held concerning us.

And ſo continued for divers days together in their fierce aſſalt, the Sabbath approaching, we imagining they would not have continued their aſſalt upon that day, and were very confident that they would go about no ſuch work upon the night before the Sabbath; being we knew well that they held the Sabbath begins in the evening going before, and that they had no leſſe ground for it then Maſter Cottons judgment; as alſo that it was one of their laws that the breach of the Sabbath is to be puniſhed with death. Now what they may judge the killing of their Countrymen cauſleſly upon that day is, whether to keep or break the Sabbath, we leave to all men to judge.

But contrary to our expectation, early in the morning, having prepared their fire-works, they attempted to burn the houſe wherein we were, ſeconding their fire with the diſcharge of above four hundred ſhot againſt us, according to the Souldiers account, who afterwards told us how many ſhots they had made that morning, according to the emptying of their band • l • ers; all which time they told us Captain Cook ſtood behind ſuch a great white oaktree, whom we heard incouraging his ſouldiers to come on with courage, thinking himſelf in ſafety, and ſo he was, for we diſcharged not a Gun that morning, nor of al the time of their ſiege, but onlytwo in the nighttime at random, to ſcar them from working their trenches neer unto us; for we had concluded to take away the lives of none of our Countrymen, unleſſe they offered to enter violently upon us, which we only • itted our ſelves to prevent ſuch aſſalt, or elſe that we were forced out upon them by the firing of our houſe; only we perceived our words to be ſhot good enough to keep them aloof. For we called cheerfully upon the Captain to come on and bring up his men; for he ſhould find vs very cheerfull ſpirits to deal with, and that we would make him as good a Sabbath days breakfaſt as ever he had in his life; our care was only to quench the fire which they had laid to the wall before we were aware; But we ſaw the wind took the flame ſo from the wal that it kindled not upon the houſe▪ vvhen the day began to break Captain Cook called to the ſouldiers to go on with a freſh aſſalt; but we heard ſome of his Souldiers deny to come on again, being the fire took not; and the day beginning to be light they thought we might ſhoot from the houſe at ſome certainty; we called on the Captain to animate his ſoldiers, for we underſtood (we told him) his charret wheels began to drive very heavy, and were in danger to fall off, and that was all the violence we offered to our Countrymen in this their ſo eager an aſſalt, though we heard the Captain in the beginning of it, give ſtrict charge to the ſouldiers that they ſhould not let one eſcape alive, but to put all to the ſword, thinking the fire would have taken, and ſo we have been a prey for them: But however we diſcharged not a peece againſt them, being loth to ſpill the blood of our Countrymen, though to the hazard of our own lives, yet were we well provided and could eaſily have done them much hurt; only ſtood upon our defence ſo, as they durſt not make entry upon us: afterwhich aſſalt they ſent back into the Maſſachuſets for more ayd: But in the mean time another parley was procured wherein we conſented to go down into the Maſſachuſets upon Compoſition to prevent the ſpilling of blood, which we could no longer refrain in the defence of our ſelves, they having approached ſo neer unto us; The condition whereof was this, that we ſhould goe along with them, as free men, and neighbours, as though ſuch paſſages had never been betwixt us, which the Captain and his Company conſenting unto, beat up the Drum, and gathered his ſouldiers together, ſeeming joyfull that things were ſo concluded; whereupon the Captaine deſired to ſee our houſe, which requeſt we lovingly imbraced, thinking he intended to refreſh him ſelfe and his ſouldiers with ſuch proviſions as we had, before we ſet upon our journey towards the Maſſachuſets; but no ſooner was he come into the houſe, but contrary to the Articles of out agreement, he ſeized upon our Armes, uſing us as captives, and preſently carried us away, not ſuffering us to diſpoſe of any of our goods, that were in or about our houſes, having not ſo much as a ſervant left behind, and ſo left them all as pillage to the Indians, Which they had promiſed to do as they came on the way towards us to incourage the Indians to come with them againſt us, in the hearing of ſome of our friends▪ the Captain giving charge unto the ſouldiers, that if any of us ſpake a word in our journey, to give any of them diſcontent, that they ſhould preſently knock us downe, and if they ſaw any of us ſtep aſide, out of the place deſigned unto us, that they ſhould run us through, and he would beare them out, in that their action: And withall they drove away our cattle into the Maſſachuſets, dividing and diſpoſing of them amongſt themſelves; only ſome of them they had diſpoſed of to ſuch of their ſubjects, as lived near unto us, who had been inſtruments and aſſiſtants unto them, to bring about and effect this worke. The number of • attle which they took from us was foure-ſcore head, or thereabouts, beſides Swine and Goats, which they, and the Indians, lived upon during the time of their ſiege, alſo breaking violently into our houſes, taking away our corne with other proviſions provided for our Families to live upon.

Now as we paſſed along on the way to the Maſſachuſets, which was about three-ſcore, or three-ſcore and ten miles, in the common account of men, from our Plantation at Shawomet, after they were come into the Townes within their own juriſdictions, in ſome Townes their Miniſter which the ſouldiers brought along with them againſt us, gathered the people together, in the open ſtreet went to prayers, that the people might take notice, what they had done, was done in a holy manner, and in the name of the Lord; and when they came to Dorcheſter, there being many people gathered together, with divers of their Miniſters, as Maſter Cotton, and Maſter Mather, &c. there they placed us at their pleaſure, as they thought fit to have us ſtand; and made vollies of ſhot over our heads in ſigne of victory, [z] and when we were come to Boſton, x A great triumph for a whole countrey, to carry away eleven men (and that upon faire compoſition alſo, if they had kept touch with us; for one of us, that is Sampſon Shotton, was dead before by hardſhip, which ſome of their ſpirit had put him upon) and but ten of us that handled arms. and brought before the Governours doore, the ſouldiers placing themſelves and us, as they thought fit, and orderly; the Governour comming forth, walking throughout, all the company of ſouldiers bleſſed them; the word which he uſed as he ſtill paſſed along was this, God bleſſe you, and proſper you: God bleſſe and proſper you; We thought he did it to imitate Melchiſedeck, comming out to bleſſe Abraham, when he came from the ſlaughter of the Kings, in the reſcue of Lot, he did it ſo gravelyand ſolemnly, only the Captain wanted the ſpirit of Abraham for all his good ſucceſſe, yet we thought he was not uncapable to communicate, in that prayer or bleſſing of the Governour; for his errand to us was, to utter and exerciſs the ſpirit of the government in his Commiſsion made manifeſt▪ when this was done, we were brought into the Governors Hall, before the Governor, Mr. Iohn Winthrope, unto whom we complained, how the Captain had uſed us, contrary to our Articles; but he told us, what ever the Captain might expreſſe unto us, his intent was to have us as captives, and their captives now we were; and unto the common Goale we muſt goe, without either Baile or Mainprize, where we continued untill the Court ſate, and the Countrey comming in on every ſide, to underſtand the cauſe, why they had ſo proceeded againſt us; and they labouring to give the countrey ſatisfaction, rehearſed in the ears of the people, divers groſſe opinions, which they had compiled together, out of our writing, which we abhorred: As that we ſhould deny the humane nature of Chriſt, which they gathered from this, that we profeſſed his death to be effectuall to the Fathers, before the time of his incarnation in the wombe of the Virgin; alſo that we denyed all the Churches of Jeſus Chriſt, becauſe we could not joyne with them in that way of Church order which they had eſtabliſhed amongſt them; Againe, that we denyed all the holy Ordinances of Chriſt, becauſe we could not joyn with them in their way of adminiſtration; as alſo, that we denyed all civill Magiſtracie, becauſe we could not yeeld to their authority, to be exerciſed in thoſe parts where we lived, (that place being above foure and twenty miles out of their bounds) which we ſhould not once have queſtioned, if we had beene within the compaſſe of their juriſdictions, as it well appeared by our carriage, all the time we were amongſt them, as alſo by our ſundry appeals unto this ſtate, which have been denyed unto us; yea, and ſince that great favour granted, and given unto that people of Providence plantations, in a late Charter of civill government, from this State, our humble reſpects unto al ſuch authority, hath been made manifeſt to all men: not only in our unanimous and joyfull imbracing of it, but alſo ſome of us by the generall vote of the whole Colonie, have been choſen into the place of Judicature, for the orderly execution of the authority of the Charter; yea, ſome of us that are now here preſent, at the publication hereof: Now when we deſired liberty to ſpeak in the Court, to anſwer to ſuch things as were alleaged, and read in the ears of the people, ſuch as is above, with divers more to the number of about ſix and twenty, all drawn from our writing formerly mentioned in this Treatiſe, we denyed that we either held, or had writ any ſuch thing▪ and deſired our writing might be read in open Court, that it might appear what was in it, which was denyed unto us; only their charges muſt appeare, by the affirmation of the Bench; for no other man nor woman appeared to teſtifie a word againſt us; and when wee continued to deny the conſtructions they had given of our writings, and abſtracted from them, denying them to be ours, we were commanded ſilence; Maſter Thomas Dudley, one of the Bench, ſtanding up, charging us to be ſilent, and told us if we were not, they would lay irons upon our legs, and upon our hands, and alſo upon our necks; whereupon the Court for that time was diſſolved, no man objecting againſt us in the leaſt, in any wrong or injury betwixt man and man; neither at that time, nor in any time of all our tryall amongſt them. After which they brought us forth divers times before their Court, which then ſate more privately in a Chamber, the door being kept very carefully, that none ſhould enter, but only whom they thought fit to permit, their Court then conſiſting of about a dozin Magiſtrates, and about fortie Deputies choſen out of ſeverall Towns, as were thought fit, and many of their Miniſters uſually preſent with them to aſſiſt in the worke; they then queſtioned, and examined us apart▪ to the uttermoſt they could, to get ſome matter againſt us from our owne mouths, and alſo uſually ſending their Agents as Elders, Old M. Ward once Lecturer at S. Michael in Corne-hill, London, came to the priſon window, and called to him one of our ſociety, namely Richard Carder who had once lived near together in Eſſex, Mr▪ Ward ſeemed to be much affected, being a man knows how to put himſelfe into paſſion, deſired the ſaid Richard, that if he had done or ſaid any thing that he could with good conſcience renounce, he deſired him to recant it, and he hoped the Cour would be very mercifull▪ and ſaith he, it ſhal be no diſparagement unto you, for here is our Reverend Elder, Mr. Cotton who ordinarily preacheth that publickly one year, that the next year he publickly repent▪ of, and ſhews himſelfe very ſorrowful for it to the Congregation, ſo that (ſaith he) it wil be no diſgrace for you to recant in ſuch a caſe. and Members of their Churches, Vſually comming to us into the priſon, many of them together; As alſo, when we were put apart in the time of our examination, one of the Members of the Church of Boſton, telling ſome of us in his own houſe, that he was perſwaded, that we did not worſhip the true God; for, ſaith he then, he would not have permitted you to be brought down from your own Plantation amongſt us; for (ſaith he) I am perſwaded, that our Churches ſhal not be over-come by any people that ſhould come out againſt them; his wife ſtanding by, being an ingenuous woman, made anſwer to our content, before we could ſpeak; Husband (ſaith ſhe) pray doe not b • aſt before the victory be known, it may be the Battle is not yet ended. unto us in priſon, frequently putting queſtions unto us to get occaſion againſt us; thus continuing for the ſpace of two or three weeks together, during which time Maſter Wilſon ordinarily in his Sermons, preſſed the Magiſtrates and the people to take away our lives, from that text of the King of Iſrael letting Benhadad goe, applying it unto them; that if they let us eſcape with life, their life ſhould then goe for our life, and their people for our people, urging them from that of Samuel and Agag, to hew and cut us in peeces; Maſter Cotton alſo in his Sermons, incouraged the people in the lawfulneſſe of their dealings with us, from that in the Revelations, where it is ſaid, the Kingdoms of this world are the Kingdoms of the Lord, and his Chriſts, whence he obſerved, that they being the Kingdom of Chriſt, they were bound to goe out againſt all people, to ſubdue all ſuch unto themſelves as are weaker then they; otherwiſe they might ſtay at home within themſelves, and ſerve God with all their hearts; but they could not ſerve him with all their might, unleſſe they went out to ſubdue others, and ſo would be guilty of the breach of that command, viz. Thou ſhalt ſerve the Lord thy God with all thy ſtrength. Now after our many conſultations, and debating of matters with the Magiſtrates and Miniſters, not only in the Court, ſometimes one of us anſwering and declaring of his mind, only in matters of Religion a whole day together, yea part by Candle-light, beſides all their more private conferences in the priſon, and at other houſes, where we vvere put apart, in cuſtody one from an another in the time of our examination: at the laſt the Court ſent for S. Gorton, out of priſon, to appeare before them; and when he came before them, the Governour told him, he heard there was exception taken, that there ſhould be a rumour, that it was for ſome civill things they had ſo proceeded againſt us, and yet no man appeared to object the leaſt againſt us, in any civill reſpect; unto which the Governour himſelfe gave anſvver (not expecting an anſvver from Gorton) that they had ſet their ſubjects the Indians in their own Land, and that was all they looked after in that reſpect, but they never queſtioned in publicke, whether it was right or wrong, to take it from us, only had privately called one of us, which was one of the Interpreters, at the buying of it, and the Indians their ſubjects together, to ſee what could be ſaid in it, and found the Indians by their own confeſſion, to make things ſo clear on our behalfe, that they thought it not fit to bring it into publick ſcanning of the matter.

The Governour then told Gorton, he was now to anſwer ſome things that ſhould be propounded unto him upon his life, for it was upon his life that now he was to anſwer; unto which Gorton made anſwer, that he was to ſhew unto them all dutifull ſubjection that might be, being under the government of their juriſdiction, as he had done ſince his comming amongſt them, to give them their due honour and reſpect to the utmoſt, which he could not doe but as he looked upon them with relation unto the State of old England; by vertue of which power, they ſate there, as executioners of juſtice, unleſſe he looked at them, and carried himſelfe towards them, as they had reſpect unto that State, (from whom what power they had was derived) elſe he could not give them their due honour and reſpect; for it could no way appeare to be ſuch, but as it was derived from that noble State of old England; and therefore, however he had according to what they had demanded, for the clearing of any thing, been free to anſwer unto them: So now if it was his life that they would now put him upon, he did as freely, and in the preſence of them all, appeale to the State of old England for his tryall in that point, by vertue of which State only he conceived they ſate there as Miniſters of juſtice; and therefore might not deny unto him his juſt appeale (underſtanding that the deniall of an appeale, muſt either preſuppoſe a ſuperiority in them that deny it, or an equality at the leaſt, with the • tate appealed unto) unto which the Governour made anſwer▪ as alſo Maſter Iohn Indicote, deputy Governour, and bad Gorton never dream, or think of any ſuch thing, for no appeale ſhould be granted unto him.

Now the Miniſters and Magiſtrates, having weighed better our Writings, our Examinations in Court, anſwers to queſtions more privately, with any thing, ſpoken in the priſon amongſt our ſelves, which daily ear was lent unto, or our carriage and demeanure in any reſpect; they had now ſummed up, and drawn all into four queſtions, which were now to be anſwered in caſe of life and death.

To theſe four queſtions the Court told Gorton he muſt anſwer ſpeedily upon life and death, and that under his hand writing; he told them he was not willing to anſwer in any thing but as before he had done; they told him he muſt give in ſpeedy anſwer under his hand writing; he asked what time he muſt have for the anſwer of them; they told him a quarter of an houre; he told them he could anſwer them in ſo ſhort a time, but he knew not whether it could give them ſatisfaction; for it was as much as for a man to deſcribe Ieſus Chriſt what he is, and the way of Autichriſt alſo, which might be done in few words; but not to be clear to every man; for a man may deſcribe the whole world in theſe words; in the beginning God created heaven and earth, and the earth was without forme and void, and darkeneſſe was upon the face of the deep, and the ſpirit of God moved upon the face of the waters; all the whole worke of creation is in this maſſe or heape; but to ſet out the glory and beauty that comes out of this, needs many Phraſes to expreſſe it; even ſo it is in the deſcription of the Son of God, Ieſus Chriſt, borne of the Virgin, it may be done in few words; but to lay out the nature, benefit, and glory of it, no ſmalſpeech, or time can ſerve to expreſſe: and therefore deſired in word (as before he had manifeſted his mind unto them) ſo he might give that preſent anſwer which God gave unto him in this point alſo; but they told him it muſt be done in writing, and ſo commanded the Go • ler to convey him to an other room to diſpatch the ſame; but as he was going out from them, they called unto him, and told him he ſhould have the liberty of halfe an hours time to performe i • in; when he was come into an other room, pen, inke and paper being brought unto him, as he was going to write, word was ſent from the Court, that if it was brought in, on the ſecond day in the morning, it ſhould ſuffice, for the Court conſidering of it, that many of them had farre home, and it being the day of Preparation for the Sabbath (for it was now Saturday in the afternoon) and they thought not fit to ſit any longer; ſo Gorton was conveyed againe into the Priſon to the reſt of his friends; who continued cheerfully together, all the Sabbath day, as they had done before in the Priſon; only ſome part of thoſe dayes, they brought us forth unto their Congregations, to hear their Sermons, of occido and occidio, which was ment not to be digeſted, but only by the heart or ſtomacke of an Oſtrich: But upon the Munday morning, Gorton tooke pen and inke, and writ in anſwer to every one of the four queſtions given unto him, as here followeth.

Upon the finiſhing of theſe anſwers on the Munday morning, the Court ſent for S. Gorton to come before them; and when he was come, the Governor asked him, whether he had brought in his anſvver to the queſtions propounded unto him (at their laſt ſitting) in writing, he anſwered he had brought them; then the Governor asked him, whether he had put his hand unto them, he anſwered he had not, not thinking it would be required, elſe he had done it; the Governour called for pen and inke, and cauſed him to put his hand unto them, and then demanded them of him, Gorton deſired he might have liberty▪ to read them firſt in the Court, that he might pronounce the Phraſes and words according to the true meaning, and intent, having had experience of wrong done, in reading (in way of pronunciation of things not plainly) before, to the giving of true intelligence to the hearers, when the anſwers were read in the audience of the Court, the Court pauſed, and no man ſaid any thing unto them, only bade Gorton with-draw, which being done, they hade ſome conſulta • ion among themſelvs, and ſhortly after called for Gorton to be brought in again: Maſter Saltingſtone found fault, that it was written in the anſwer, what is the Star of (that) God Remphan, whereas it was in the writing (your, God Remphan) Gorton anſwered, the Phraſe was only changed for modeſty; for indeed (ſaith he) it is the phraſe of the Apoſtle, your God Remphan, and ſo it reſted to clear that ſcruple. The Governour told Gorton, that they were one with him, in thoſe anſwers; for they held as he did; Gorton anſwered he was very glad of it, for he loved not differences and diviſions amongſt men: the Governour then asked him whether he would retract the writing that was formerly written unto them; Gorton anſwered, that nothing was written before, but would ſuit and agree, with theſe anſwers; ſo that if there was cauſe to retract one, there was cauſe to retract all; the Governour ſaid, no theſe anſwers they could agree with him in; but not in the former writing; whereupon Maſter Dudley ſtood up, ſeeming to be much moved, and ſaid he would never conſent to it whilſt he lived, that they were one with him in thoſe anſwers; the Governour then asked Gorton what Faith was: to which he anſwered, that was nothing that concerned what they had formerly written, and that he and the reſt had only undertaken to anſwer to any thing that was in their writing: the Governour told him, he was bound, and ought to be ready to give an anſwer to any that ſhould aske him a queſtion of the hope that is in him; Gorton made anſwer, that the difinition which the Apoſtle gives of faith, was ſufficient, as he thought to give any man ſatisfaction; he asked him what that was, he told him it was this; that faith is the hypoſtaſis or ſubſiſtance of things that are hoped for, and the evidence (or argument demonſtrative) of things that are not ſeen, nor demonſtrated at all; the Governour told him that was true, but he could ſay more of faith then ſo; Gorton told him, it gave him ſatisfaction, and being an other point then they had had to deale about, ſince their comming amongſt them, and being no queſtion produced from former writings, deſired to be ſpared from any further anſwer then the plain words of the Apoſtle; whereupon Maſter Broadſtreet made anſwer, that he thought it was not fit to put him upon any new queſtions, unleſſe he were free to ſpeake unto them, and ſo they diſmiſſed him from the Court to the Priſon againe.

Shortly after this, there was a day appointed, wherein wee were to receive our ſentence from the Court, which was to be given in the afternoon, and in the forenoon Maſter Cotton preached, having gathered up the minds of the people, in what they had obſerved, and perceiving the people took notice, that in what we diſſented from them, was out of tenderneſſe of conſcience, and were ready to render a reaſon and ground for what we held and practiſed, & divers ſuch like things; to which he anſwered, that if we had done i • out of ignorance, then there had been hopes of regaining us▪ but if out of tendern • ſſe of conſcience, and able to render reaſon for what wee did (and other things of like nature) then were we ripened for death, urging them to agree together, and conſent in one thing, that ſo it might be, elſe would not the Angels carry their ſoules to heaven; for he was then ſpeaking of the office of the Angels in that point; and when by all their examinations in Court, Inturgatories put upon us in Priſon, and publicke preaching, they could find nothing againſt us, for the tranſgreſſing of any of their Lawes, they then proceeded to cast a lot for our lives, putting it to the major vote of the Court, whether we ſhould live or die, which was ſo ordered by the providence of God, that the number of two votes carried it on our ſide; and whereas both by Law, Equitie, and act of Providence, they ought to have ſet us forthwith at liberty, yet notwithſtanding they proceeded further to cenſure; namely, confined us to ſeverall Towns, and to wear bolts and irons, and to worke for our livings, though it was i • the extremity of winter, and not to ſpeak of any of thoſe things which they had dealt with us about, and all this during the pleaſure of the Court, and that upon pain of death.

This charge being laid upon us▪ • t the Ba ••• before we heard of the cenſure (though they came as above in writing to us:) the Governour asked us, whether we bowed under it, and whether we would retract; we anſwered and told them (as in the preſence of God) that the charge neither bowed nor touched us at all, for we were free, and fa •• e from being guilty of any ſuch things, and for our r • tracti • n, we told them we came not there to deny our Religion, in any • oint of it, but to teſtifie and bear witneſſe unto it; then did they reade our cenſure, for our confinement, as i • above ſaid▪ and when the bolts and chains were made ready, they put them upon us, in the priſon at Boſton, that ſo we might travell in them to the ſeverall Towns to which we w • re confined, ſome of us having fifteen miles, and ſome thirty to goe from Boſton; only we were to ſtay till Maſter Cotten his Lecture day, and then were all brought to the Congregation in th • t our iron furniture, for the credit of the Sanctuary, which had ſet the ſword on work to ſuch good purpoſe, and after that were with all ſpeed ſent away; yea, ſome of us among the people that went from the Lecture, that ſo we might be a ſpectacle unto them.

In which condition we continued a whole winter ſeaſon; in which time their Miniſters ſtirred up the people in their publick Sermons to famiſh us to death, out of that place of the Prophet Zephany, • . 10. 11. This ſhall they have for their pride, becauſe they have reproached, and magnified themſelves againſt the people of the Lord of Hoſts; the Lord will be terrible unto them, for he will famiſh all the Gods of the earth, and men ſhall worſhip him, every one from his place, even all the Iſles of the Heathen. Samuel Gorton having intelligence, from Boston, to Charles-Town, to which he was confined▪ that Maſter Cotton preached from that text in the prophecie of Zephany, and how he applyed the doctrine from it to have all neceſſaries with-held from him, telling ſome eminent members of the Church, that i • they either went unto us, to viſit us, or ſent unto us, to miniſter to our wants, the curſe of God would abide both on them and their poſterity, for ſo doing; the ſaid Gorton hearing of theſe things, writ a Letter to the ruling Elder in Charles-Towne, We had liberty to ſpeak or write to Elders, or ſuch as the Magiſtrates lycenſed to ſpeake with us, in way of queſtion, whom they tho • ght were fi • teſt to inſn •• e us, ſo that this writing is but a queſtion, only it hath a large preface. a Copie whereof (verbatim) here followeth, which was conſulted upon, by the Miniſters immediatly, together with the Governour, as intelligence was brought unto him, but never anſwer given unto it, neither by word nor writing.

Now during the time of our confinement, being diſperſed abroad into ſeverall towns in the countrey, the people came to be informed of the truth of proceedings, whereupon they were much unſatisfied with what they had done againſt us, which being perceived, they called a generall Court, and without any appearance, or queſtioning any of us, concluded upon our releaſe ſending us a writing of it, together with a further baniſhment, not onely out of all their own juriſdictions, but alſo that we ſhould not come in, nor near Providence, nor our own plantations at Shawomet, with other parts thereto adjoyning, out of all which places we were to depart within the ſpace of fourteen dayes, and that upon pain of death, which were places out of all their juriſdictions, as Maſter Iohn Indicote (at that time deputy Governor) confeſſed, ſtanding up in publick Court, and profeſſed that God had ſtirred them up to go out of their own Iuriſdictions, to fetch us from our own places unto them.

When this order of the Court wa • preſented to Samuel Gorton, by the Conſtable of Charles town, bringing a Smith with him, to file off his bolts, he told the Conſtable he was not willing to part with his irons on theſe termes, but expected other news in fairer termes of releaſe, then were therein expreſſed, deſiring him to go to Maſter Nowel who lived in that town, and declare ſo much unto him. In ſhort time, the Conſtable returned, bringing divers of the chief men in the town with him, and commanded the Smith to fall to work to file off his bolts, who did accordingly, and ſo took them from him, leaving the ſaid Gorton either to walk abroad, on ſuch conditions, or elſe to ſtay at his perill.

Now two or three dayes after our releaſe, Some of us being returned to Boſton, deſiring to ſtay for the reſt of our friends, that we might return together, accompanying each other in our journey, the people ſhewing themſelves joyfull to ſee us at liberty, and entertaining us kindly into their houſes, which the Governor perceiving preſently ſent out his warrant, with ſtrict charge to depart from the town, within the ſpace of two hours, (it being about ten of the clock in the forenoon when the warrant came unto us) otherwiſe further penalty ſhould be laid upon us.

Now although by the Generall Court, we had fourteen dayes allowed u •• o us to inhabit within their Juriſdictions, not limited to any place, nor excluded from any place for the ſpace of ſo long time yet notwithſtanding upon notice given unto us by this warrant we preſently departed the town* though upon a ſuddenAs we paſſed along the way a matter of three▪ or foure miles from Boſton, we cam • to ſome▪ Indian wig. wammes, the Sachim being the prime Sachim, that lives neare them, and familiar among them, we came into his wigwam accidentally, and he having taken notice of us amongſt them how we had been dealt with, as ſoon as we came in, called ſome of us by our names) his name being C • ſhanakin, we a • ked him whether Captain Cook were a good Captain, he anſwered I cannot tell, but Indians account of thoſe as good Captains, when a few dare ſtand out againſt many. when we were unprovided for victuals & other proviſions for our journy, & being there was no place inhabited by the Engliſh near the place where our wives and children were ſcattered, out of which they had not expelled us, but onely a little Iſland, called Road Iſland, ſituate in the Nanhyganſet Bay, upon which we arrived, within the time limited unto us, but the night before we came to Road Iſland we lodged at Shawomet in our own houſes there, and conſidering of the act of their court in our expelling and baniſhment out of thoſe parts, we obſerved that they had not expreſſed our land at Shawomet, but onely named the lands of Pumhom▪ and Soccononocco, (the Indians whom they claimed as Subjects) we thought good therefore to write unto them for a further explanation of the Courts act▪ that ſo we might underſtand their true intent being very unwilling to diſcover their dealings towards us in ſeeking redreſſe, if we could but ſee a way, that through our hard labours, our wives and little ones might find a way to ſubſiſt▪

Thus far the Governors Letter, written with his own hand.

Now upon our comming to Road-Iland, the Indians of that great Countrey of the Nanhyganſet • earing of our return without the loſſe of our lives, they won • red, having obſerved the cauſeleſſe cruelty they had offe •• d unto us, ſome of them being within the hearing of the ſho • of the Guns, whilſt they lay intrenched againſt us, as alſo • ow we were uſed in the Maſſachuſets, and the conſtant report, whilſt we lay amongſt them, that ſome of our lives ſhould be taken away, or elſe kept as ſlaves ſo long as we lived; conſidering theſe and the like things they marvelled much at our deliverance and releaſe, from amongſt them: Now our countrey men having given out formerly, amongſt the Indians, that •• were not Engliſh men, to encourage them againſt us (b •• auſe the awe of the Engliſh, hath been much upon them) • nd being they could not father the name of any Sectary, or Sect upon us, but we could clearly demonſtrate, we were no ſuch opi • ionated perſons, they then called us Gortoneans, and told the Indians we were ſuch kind of men, not Engliſh: now the Indians calling the Engliſh in their language Watta • onoges, they now called us Gortonoges, and being they had heard a rumour of great war to be in Old-England, and that it was a land ſ • furniſhed with multitudes of people, they preſently framed unto themſelves a cauſe of our deliveranc • , im • gining that there were two kinds of people in Old-England, the one calle • by the name of Engliſh men, and the other Gortonoges; and concluded that the Gortonoges were a mightier people • he • the Engliſh, whom they call Wattaconoges; and therefore the Maſſachuſets thought it not ſafe to take away our liv • s, b • cauſe how ever there were but a few of us in New-England, in compariſon of thoſe that came out againſt us, yet that g •• at people, that were in Old-England would come over, and p • t them to death, that ſhould take away our lives from us, without a juſt cauſe.

Whereupon the Sachims of the Nanbyganſet conſ • lting together, preſently ſent Meſſengers unto us, to come and ſpeake with them, and being they were thoſe of whom wee had bought our Land (which now the Maſſachuſets had taken away from us,) as all that inhabite upon that Bay have done) they being very importunate to have us to come over to ſpeak with them, we not knowing what the occaſion was, yeelded unto their requeſt, a matter of halfe a dozin, or ſeven of us took boat to goe over the Bay to them, they ſeeing the veſſell come▪ newes was brought to the Sachim, who ſent aband of luſty well armed men, who met us, as ſoon as we were come to Land, to conduct us to old Sachim Conaunicus his houſe, multitudes of Indians, as we paſſed along, coming forth, and ſeemed joyfull, which we taking notice of, (neither the one nor the other being uſuall amongſt them) ſome of us began to be a little jealous▪ that the Agents of the Mſſachuſets, who lived near unto us, had gone about to betray us into their hands, upon ſome falſe ſuggeſtion concerning the death of their Sachim Myantonomy, who loſt his life immediatly before the Maſſachuſets came againſt us; and however he was ſuddenly ſl • ine by an Indian coming behind him, as he marched upon the way, yet there were Engliſh preſent at the doing of the act, which we were a little jealous, the above-ſaid Agents might have ſuggeſted, that we might be conſenting thereunto, which all the Indians tooke for a moſt injurious act, not onely becauſe he was ſo famous a Prince amongſt them, but alſo how ever he was taken in a ſtratagem of warre by the Indians, yet a great ranſome was paid for his Redemption, and his life taken away alſo, and they are very conſciencious, to recompenſe the ſhedding of blood, (eſpecially of ſuch perſonages) with blood againe: But when wee were come to the old Sachims houſe, we were courteouſly entertained, and from thence conducted to the houſe of Sachim Peſſecus, Brother, and ſucceſſor in government to the late Myantonomy, when we were there, divers Sachims, and their chiefe Counſellors, took us aſide to conſult with us, and asked what we intended to doe, or how we could live, ſeeing the Maſſachuſets had not onely taken our eſtates from us in goods and • hattels, but alſo our houſes, lands and labours, where we ſhould raiſe more, for the preſervation of our Families, and with • ll, told us that their condition, might (in great meaſure) he paraleld with ours, elſe they would willingly have done any thing for our helpe, in regard that our Land was bought of the • , and we had faithfully paid them for it, according to our co • tract: But they told us, they had not only loſt their Sachim, ſo beloved amongſt them, and ſuch an inſtrument of their publick good; but had alſo utterly impoveriſhed themſelves, by paying ſuch a ranſome for his life, (as they then made u • an account of) notwithſtanding, his life taken away, and that detaine alſo; we made anſwer unto them, that for our p •• ts, we were not diſcouraged, in any thing that had b • faln • us, for we were ſubjects to ſuch a noble State in Old-England, that however we were farre off from our King and Stat • , yet we doubted not but in due time, we ſhould have redreſſe▪ and in the mean time we were reſolved, to undergoe it with patience, and in what way we could, labor with our hands, for the preſervation of our wives and children: the anſwer that they made unto us was this, That they thought we belonged to a better Maſter then the Maſſachuſets did: whereupon, deſiring our ſtay, they called a generall Aſſembly, to make known th • ir minds, and to ſee the minds of their people, and with j • y • t and unanimous conſent, concluded to become ſubjects to the State and Government of Old-England, in caſe they might be accepted of; we told them, we could promiſe them nothing, nor take any ingagements upon us, not knowing the minds of that Honourable State; but if they would volunt • rily make tender of themſelves, as they themſelves thought▪ meet, we would endeavour to convey it ſafely (in caſe we went over about our own occaſions) and bring them word what was the pleaſure of the State therein; whereupon they choſe four of us, as Commiſsioners in truſt for the ſafe cuſtody, and conveyance of their Act and Deed unto the State of Old-England.

DIvers Letters were written to friends in anſwer to queſtions, and reſolution of Scripture • , which now are not at hand; otherwi • e we are very free to publiſh them to be ſeen of •• l, that the wiſe hearted might iudge of what our ſpirits and practiſes relliſh • d, and how they were imployed in the time of our durance amongſt theſe men, that were ſo eagerly minded to make us blaſphemers, that ſo they might take away our lives, as a part of the glory, and beautification of their Religion.

Only we deſire the Readers p • ins to take a view of one other Letter, in anſwer to a friend, who ſeemed to be troubled about that Scripture, in Iohn 6. 53. verſe, what the meaning of it might be, deſiring reſolution thereit, ſince we arived in England.

The words are theſe.

IN theſe words conſider, firſt the occaſion of them. Secondly, the ſumme of them, and thirdly the parts.

Firſt for the ſumme, it is a divine ſentence excluſive, of all men, from the life and ſpirit of God, ſave only ſuch as doe eat the fleſh of the ſonne of man, and drinke his blood.

Secondly, the parts of them for order ſake are foure. Firſt the occaſion of this ſentence, in theſe words, then Jeſus ſaid unto them; ſecondly, the confirmation of this ſentence, laid down in theſe words, verily, verily; thirdly, the manner of the ſentence, contained in theſe words, I ſay unto you, fourthly, the ſentence it ſelfe, excluding all from the life of God, ſuch only excepted as doe eat the fleſh of the ſonne of man, and drinke his blood.

For the firſt, which is the occaſion of this divine ſentence; that is, the reaſonings within themſelves, which the Jewes had in the operations of their naturall hearts, upon the delivering of this manner of doctrine unto them, even by the ſonne of God himſelfe, implyed in this word (Then) looking back upon the verſe immediatly going before, from which Chriſt takes occaſion to utter this ſentence; whence we obſerve, That the word of God takes occaſion, to utter and make it ſelfe manifeſt, even from the naturall reaſonings, and argumentations framed in mens minds; though they are not the cauſe, yet they are the occaſion of the manifeſtation of it, even as the truth, righteouſneſſe, power, and authority that is in God, breedeth occaſionally, feare, terrour, jealouſie, and wrath, in mens hearts and minds, though theſe excellencies that are in God, are no proper cauſe hereof, but onely an occaſion, without which they would not be; For if there were no Iudge, the Malefactor would not have terrour; even ſo, the very naturall reaſonings of mens hearts, are the occaſions of the manifeſtation of the word of God in us, but no proper cauſe of it, for the cauſe is only in God himſelfe; but without ſuch reaſonings, and Characteriſticall impreſſions in mans mind, the word of God could never have been implanted, written, or tranſlated in us whereby we come to have the argumentations, and concluſions of ſonnes of God, and not ſimply, or meerly of creatures in our minds, being once inlightned by him who is God, and the Father of lights, where ever it appeareth: So that the ſoule of man is of farre greater ſublimitie, and naturall excellencie in its creation, then any other creature under heaven ever had vouchſafed unto it; So that there is an utter impoſſibility that any creature ſhould receive the impreſſions of God, but man alone.

This is a large field to walk in, for according to the variety of the reaſonings of the mind of man by nature, which is ſet forth in all thoſe wayes, wherein men have walked, and manifeſted themſelves in this preſent world, ſuch it that wonderfull Epiſtle of Ieſus Chriſt, in the various writing and expreſſion of it in the ſouls, hearts, and lives of the Saints that are in light through Ieſus Chriſt; inſtance in one for all, the ſpirit of a naturall father reaſons thus, if my child ask bread (to ſupply nature in the ſuppreſſing of hunger) I cannot put a ſtone into his mouth, (that were cruelty) but bread; if ſo be that I have it or can procure it; if the child ack fiſh, the father cannot put a ſerpent into his boſome to bide and ſting him, but ſomewhat to cure and refreſh him, if he have it. Now do but change this argument into the way of Chriſt, and let God be the father, and my ſelf the child, and then is God, not man, the father; the bread heavenly and not from the earth; the writing, reaſoning or argument, divine and eternall, not humane and temporary; and ſo the reaſnings and dictates of our ſpirits are tranſlated into the arguments and dictates of the Spirit of God, and the arguments and dictates of the Spirit of God are tranſlated into a mind and ſpirit that ſpeaks the very ſame things naturally in it ſelf, though onely in a way of death, through its naturall ignorance, that now it ſpeaketh in that way of life, through that light and knowledge that is in the Lord; and thus, Chriſt by ſinne condemnes ſin in the fleſh: for by thoſe reaſonings wherewith we juſtifie our ſelves naturally, through that ignorance that naturally is in us, by the very ſame arguments and reaſonings we condemn our ſelves, and juſtifie the Lord, through that light and knowledge we have in him by Ieſus Chriſt.

2 The ſecond thing to be obſerved, is the certainty of this ſentence laid down in the form o • an oath, verily, verily, that is, ſo it is or ſo it ſhall be, as if he ſhould ſay Amen, Amen, ſo it is and ſo it ſhall be without alteration or change, and in that the word is doubled, it is for the certainty of the thing, as Ioſeph ſaid of Pharaohs dreame, and of no leſſe certainty is all true expoſition and interpretation of holy Scripture, whatever men may dream as Pharaoh did and knew not the meaning of it, and ſpeak at uncertainties▪ not being reſolved whether things may come to paſſe now or then, or fall out to be thus, or ſo in the things of God; for the ſame ſpirit of truth and certainty, that gives the Propheſie, Proverbe, Parable, and adviſe, that records the Hiſtory, or gives ſentence divine, muſt alſo interpret, expound, and declare the meaning thereof; elſe is the Booke ſhut and ſealed up unto us; great folly therefore to conclude of certaintie of Scripture, and of no infallibility in the interpretation thereof; For no more then we know the truth of an interpretation, no more doe we know the truth and certainty of any Hiſtory, Propheſie, Proverbe, or Parable, which is propounded unto us, but take things upon repo • t, as we doe other Chronologies of this world, having only the traditions of men for the ground of our worſhip of God.

The third thing, is the manner of pronunciation of the ſentence, I ſay unto you, or as the word is, I ſay (in) you; the word uſed here, tranſlated (I ſay) ſignifies ſuch a ſaying as a Iudge ſpeaks upon the Bench, when he gives ſentence in a cauſe, upon due proofe and evidence, which ſtands faſt in Law, being irrevocable; ſuch is the ſaying and ſpeech of Chriſt, the truth whereof can never be altered; and whereas he ſaith, I ſay unto you, or as the word is, I ſay (in) you, it ſignifies that what ever the Saints utter in point of Religion, it is, and muſt be, the voice of the Sonne of God, and not of themſelves; ſo that as he ſuffereth in them, elſe can hee have no death at all, and then no Saviour; even ſo he ſpeaks in them, or elſe hath no voice, nor language at all; and therefore without them, no Revealer of the will of his Father; for where Chriſt is ſilent, there can be no Revelation▪ therefore is he the word, or expreſſion of the Father; and what he ſaith of him, he ſaith it in them: therefore he ſaith, I ſay in you, as in that very Epiſtle, or writing, wherein I expreſſe my ſelfe in the Father unto the world, for my Father and I are one.

The fourth thing to be obſerved, is the ſentence it ſelfe, excluding all from the life of God, ſuch only excepted at doe eat the fleſh of the ſonne of man, and drinke his blood; wherein obſerve five things briefly, firſt why he is called the Sonne o • man, ſecondly, what is meant by his fleſh and blood in this place; thirdly, what we are to underſtand by eating and drinking; fourthly, what is meant by life in this place; and fifthly how we are to underſtand, that exception or limitation, ſeeing That of our ſelves we are n •• able to thinke a good thought, how can we then performe ſuch a weighty worthy, and unknown action, that is no leſſe then life it ſelfe, in the doing of it.

For the firſt, viz. why he is called the Sonne of man?

Anſw. Not only, nor properly, becauſe he had a ſoule and a body as all men have, which indeed was good in the creation, and ſo man is called the ſonne of God: But he is called the ſon of man, becauſe he is ſo produced and brought forth, as none can be, but ſuch as proceed of man alone: Nor can he be a Saviour, but in way of ſuch production and ſon-ſhip, for Chriſt in reſpect of his death (with • ut which no Saviour) is brought forth and produced no other way, but only in, and by man; for there is no death to be heard of in God, nor can he bring forth or produce of himſelfe, any thing that is deadly, for he is that Fountaine of life; yea, life it ſelfe, in the abſtract; nor can it be proper, or competible • o the Sonne of God, to be brought forth in his death, in any, No, nor in all other creatures in the world, but only in man; for as no other creature in the creation was made in the Image of God, but man alone, ſo no other creature in regard of degeneration, can beare the Image of death and hell b •• man alone: Therefore it is that Chriſt is ſaid, to deſcend into the lower-moſt parts of the earth for our redemption, or in our redemption, which is wrought in us, or in our nature only; Therefore he ſaith, thou wilt not leave my ſoule in hell, neither wilt thou ſuffer thine holy one to ſee corruption; therefore of neceſſitie muſt he be brought forth, in reſpect of his death by man alone.

The ſecond thing to be obſerved, i • , What is meant by fleſh and blood?

Anſw. By fleſh in Scripture, ſometimes is meant, that which our Lord, or any of his were never nouriſhed, nor in the leaſt refreſhed by, and that is the ••• me of fleſh, which is a curſe to all them that ſtrengthen themſelvs by it in the things of God; for in that ſenſe, ſhall fleſh and blood never inherit the Kingdome of God; nay adde further, in that ſence it is true, That if you live after the fleſh, it is death, which is to live according to the wiſdome, skill, ſtrength, ſtudy, and fore-caſt, about the things of God, that a creature (meerly as he is a creature) is able to produce and bring forth, which is to live according to the wealth, power, and honour of the creature; whoſe goodlineſſe is as the flower of graſſe that withereth, conſumeth, and is brought to nought; for the beſt thing that is in it (which is his wiſdom) is emnitie with God, for it is not ſubject to the Law of God, neither indeed can be. But ſecondly, we are to underſtand by fleſh, that weakneſſe, frailty, and imbecillity of man, when he is deprived, and laid waſte in himſelfe, of all created glory, which is only then; when the ſpirit of the Lord blowes, or breathes upon him; and ſo becoms nothing in himſelfe but weakneſſe and infirmity: And in this ſenſe the Prophet ſaith; Now the Aegyptians are men, and not God, their Horſes fleſh, and not ſpirit: So ſaith the Pſalmiſt in the ſame ſence, my fleſh alſo reſteth in hope, that is my weakneſſe, and tired out condition, hath reſt, and ſtrength in an other, though not in my ſelfe; for hope that is ſeen is no hope, ſo that my nature affords no ſuch thing, but only that nature to which I am united: And in an other place, Thou art a God that heareth prayers, and unto thee ſhall all fleſh come, that is▪ thou art ſtrength, and able to ſupply abundantly in all things, for thou art God, and we bring nothing but weakneſſe and infirmitie unto thee, for unto thee nothing but fleſh comes; and ſo the Sonne of God is truly ſaid, to be made fleſh, that is weak and • rayle, in regard of our nature which he tooke, or (as a continued act) takes upon himſelfe.

Againe, by blood is here meant the life, spirit, and power of the Sonne of God, as he deſcends from the Father, even as the vigour, life and ſpirit of the creature runs in the blood, in the heat thereof: ſuch is the life, ſpirit, power, vertue, and vigor of the ſonne of man, as he is of the life, deſcent, and power of the Father from above, and ſo is God bleſſed for ever Amen; and in this ſence is blood taken by our Apoſtle, where he ſaith, This is he that came by water and blood, that is, by weakneſſe and ſtrength, not by water only, but by water and blood; that is, not by weakneſſe only, but by weakneſſe and ſtrength, that is, weakneſſe in us, or in our nature, but power in God, or in that nature divine; ſo is he ſaid in the like ſenſe, to be crucified in the fleſh, but quickned in the spirit; and ſo is it alſo ſaid, That what the Law could not doe, i • that it was weake concerning the fleſh, yet the Sonne of God taking upon him that ſimilitude, and by ſinne condemned ſinne in the fleſh, that the righteouſneſſe of the Law might be fulfilled in us, that is, even as he became fleſh in us, ſo doe we become ſpirit, and life in him, which is the fulfilling and perfection of the Law.

The third thing obſerved is, what it is to eat this fleſh, and to drinke this blood?

Anſw. Is that as it is in the body of a man naturally in that reſpect, even ſo alſo it is in that myſticall body of Chriſt ſpiritually; for if a man ſhould eat, or communicate in (as the meaning is) only in food for the body, and not take in moyſture, or drinke, for the digeſtion thereof, it is the deſtruction of the body, becauſe moyſture, as well as heat, muſt be maintained, thoſe being the two Radicall humours; elſe doth the Lampe goe out, and is extinct; yea, meate without moyſture doth ſuffocate, and choak the ſpirits, to the ſurfetting of the body, and ſo becomes the over-throw of it, which otherwiſe would maintaine and uphold it. Againe, if wee ſhould take in only drinke, without meat, upon which it operateth, and worketh, then doth the moyſture preſently overflow to the quenching of the heat, and ſo breedeth either ſome dropſie in the body, to the ſinking and overthrow of it in that way, or elſe it • umeth up into the head, and breeds madneſſe, and giddineſſe in the brain, unto all fooliſh, wanton, and laſcivious wickedneſſe: Even ſo it is in that myſticall body of Chriſt: And hence it is ſaid (by an • legant alluſion) to eating and drinking naturally) that we eat the fleſh of the ſonne of man, and drinke his blood; that is, if we ••• or communicate with that weakneſſe and frailty which i • naturally in man, and which the Sonne of God aſſumed and tooke into unity with himſelfe, without alike drinking in, or communication with, that spirit and life wherein he viſits us, and comes into our nature from on high (even out of the boſome of the Father) then doe we ſurfeit, & ſuffocate the ſpirit, and die in our ſelves, and in our ſinnes; and ſo alſo, if we neglect that weakneſſe that is in us (as though no ſuch thing were) and dream of a high and ſpirituall eſtate, which doth not ariſe out of, and is the reſult, (through the wiſdom of God) of that weakneſſe that is in us, then doe we either ſinke in our folly, and become ſottiſh in the things of God, being drunke up only with the things of this naturall life, elſe are we puffed up, and become giddy in our ſelves, thinking we know ſomething, when as indeed we know nothing as we ought to know, but are meerly, and vainly puft up in a carnall, aspiring, proud, vaine-glorious, and fleſhly mind. So that to eat the fleſh, and drinke the blood of the Son of man, is to communicate in the things that are of Jeſus Chriſt, both as he is God, and as he is man, and to hold the unity of ſtrength and weakneſſe; that is, how he is made weak in taking our nature, and ſo carries and bears our infirmities away for ever (he being that ſcape-Goat, whoſe office it is ſo to doe:) And alſo, how our nature is, thereby made ſtrong and mighty, througth that ſtrength of the Sonne of God, in whom we find no infirmity, but are furniſhed with his power everlaſtingly, ſo that death which is naturally in us (as we are the ſonnes of men) is ſwallowed up of that victory and life, which is in him, as he is that victorious, and eternall Sonne of God, and without a ſutable correſpondent, and hermonious feeding of theſe two, as in one individuall ſubſiſtance, we cannot have life in us, no more then our bodies can be ſuſtained by meat without drinke, or by drinke only without meat: and that is the fourth particular, elſe we cannot have life in us, that is, we can have no life, spirit, or breathings of the Sonne of that living God in us: For as the body without the ſoule is dead, ſo alſo the ſoule without the life, and ſpirit of the Lord Ieſus is dead, and as the body lives not without meat and drink, heate and moyſture, ſo the ſoule lives not without communicating alike▪ in this ſtrength and weakneſſe, or in this life and death, which is in the Sonne of God, who dies concerning the fleſh, but is quickned in the spirit, and the ſpirit of God proceeds ever from theſe two, when ever it uttereth it ſelfe, in that lively Oracle or ſpeech from off the covering Mercy-ſeat, it is ever from between theſe two Cherubims, and never ſpeaks evidently, what perillous times are in the laſt dayes, but only as it proceeds from theſe twain, that is, from a dying unto the fleſh; and a being quickned in, and living unto the ſpirit, by which life, spirit, or breath it ever preacheth, from the dayes of Noah, even untill now, both in our ſelves, and by our ſelves to others; for as it is a Maxim, that the ſpirit proceedeth both from the Father and the Son; ſo is it here, for the fleſh, or infirmity of Chriſt is the Father, & the ſpirit or power is the Son, as he is brought forth in that way of his death, without which he had never been a Saviour, and the Spirit or power is the Father, and the fleſh is the Son, in as much as he brings forth life in this death, without which he had never been as he is man, in reſpect of that life, by which hee liveth the life of God, never to dye any more, ſo have we eating and drinking made one in that way of the faith of the Son of God, without which we cannot live the life of that Saint or holy one of Iſrael.

The fifth particular in this point is, how it can be ſaid, that we eat this fleſh of the Son of man, and drink his blood; in which conſider two things, firſt who are meant in that he ſpeaks plurally, except ye eat, &c. Secondly, how we can be ſaid to eat and drink in ſuch a high nature, ſeeing that we of our ſelves cannot thinke a good thought, much leſſe performe ſuch an act as this.

For the firſt, who are meant in that he ſpeaks in the ſecond perſon plurall, Ye.

Anſw. It is not properly to be underſtood, as being meant of man and man, no not as of Saint and Saint, but of one Saint as he conſiſts of a two-fold nature, according to that faith of the Sonne of God; ſo is it, Yee, that is, every one that is in Chriſt, and ſo through thoſe precious promiſes, or gracious Covenant, is made partaker of that nature divine; ye • , who ever is one of thoſe children that have fleſh and blood, of which the Sonne of God alſo tooke part with them, namely, they that are partakers of thoſe two natures by faith, that are in Jeſus Chriſt, to every one of thoſe this is ſpoken, as to ſuch as are eaters, and drinkers in this caſe; for Chriſt as he is God, feeds upon nothing but our infirmities; that is, ſtrengthens himſelfe in point of our ſalvation, with nothing but our frailties and imperfections, and ſo of weak becoms ſtrong, yea of an abject, the Lord of all, For he in no caſe taketh hold on Angels, that is, of any power or excellency in the creature to deliver us thereby, but only on the ſeed of Abraham (a Pilgrim and ſtranger in the Land) he taketh hold; that is, on our weakneſſes, and imperfections, and out of them he brings his owne power and ſtrength and other food the Sonne of God never tooke into unitie, nor digeſted, to gather ſtrength unto himſelfe by. Againe, as he is man he drinketh the blood, that is, takes in, or receives that blood, life, ſpirit, and power of God, whereby he is inabled to doe all things, according to the purpoſe of his will, and other drinke he never drunke, as he is man; for our poor nature is of that vaſt emptineſſe, that nothing but the fulneſſe and power of an infinit and al-ſufficient God, can poſſibly ſupply and perfect it, and ſo there is a compleat eating and drinking, which is that full ſatisfaction and nouriſhment, that can be found in none, ſave only in the Sonne of God himſelfe, for it is a weakneſſe of that nature and latitude, that nothing can ſupply and make up but God himſelfe; and it is a power of that fulneſſe and perfection that can take nothing into unitie with it ſelfe that may be thought to adde any thing (no not in the leaſt) unto that ſtrength and vigour that is in God; for then it were not an Almighty power of God that ſaves us.

And ſo it is (We) that eat and drinke, that is, We, humane nature and divine; for in eating, the word eats up, and conſumes our infirmities, and ſo there is a plurality in the act, not only of natures in that one act, but of eating alſo in ſundry kinds and wayes; for as our infirmities are multiplyed, and that aptitude that is in us to fall, ſuch is the multiplication of that reſtoration which is in that good word of God; it is (We) alſo in drinking, that is, our vaſt emptineſſe, drinks and takes in that fulneſſe, power, and ſpirit that is in the word of God, in which we are expreſſed and made manifeſt to be the ſonnes and daughters of God, and in that mutuall eating and drinking our life, ſtrength, and comfort doth conſiſt.

The fifth particular, how it is ſaid (that we doe eat) that are not able to doe any thing; alike anſwer is to be given to this as to the former, when he ſaith, Yee, he means not only divers men, but he meaneth every one as conſidered, in him, who is not only of man, but alſo of God; ſo that if we ſpeak of man ſeparated from the Word of God (which hath ſufficient power in it ſelfe) we miſſe of the meaning, and of the mind of God, and ſo of that communion or eating that is in the faith of Jeſus Chriſt; and if we ſpeak of God divided and ſeparated from man, we commit the like errour, and are in the ſame default; but we muſt hold and maintain the unity of them both, in that way of faith in the Sonne of man, then is there power and ability, both to eat and to drink, even as there is power and ability in the Heavens and the earth, united in their operations, to bring forth fruit plentifully, which worke cannot be done, if either of them were ſet apart, and ſeparated one from the other: So that the word of God is made ſtrong through our weakneſſe, that ſo it may appeare and make manifeſt it ſelfe: and our weakneſſe appears, and is acknowledged through that word of God, that ſo all may be given unto God, and he may be all in all; ſo that it is (Yee) as man conſidered, in and with the power and ſpirit of God, in which he is inabled to doe all things, and not (Yee) as conſidered one man, in and with an other, for ſo all fleſh is graſſe, ſurely in that reſpect the people is vanity.