THAT we may no longer be the dis-satisfaction of our friends, the subject of our enemies malice (to worke jealousies and misrepresentations upon) and the suspiti­on (if not astonishment) of many in the Kingdome, in our late or present transactions and conduct of businesse; we shal in all faithfulnesse and clearnesse professe, and declare unto you, those things which have of late protracted and hindred our dis­banding, the present grievances which possesse our Army, and are yet unremedied, with our desires, as to the compleat settlement of the liberties, and peace of the kingdome; which is that blessing of God, then which (of all worldly things) nothing is more dear unto us, or more pretious in our thoughts, we having hitherto thought all our present enjoyments (whether of life or liveli­hood, or nearest relations) a price but sufficient to the purchase of so rich a blessing; that we, and all the free-born people of this Nation, may sit down in quiet under our Vines, under the glori­ous administration of Justice, and righteousnesse, and in the full possession of those Fundamentall Rights and Liberties, without which we can have little hopes (as to humane considerations) to enjoy either any comforts of life, or so much as life it selfe, but at the pleasures of some men, ruling meerly according to will and power.

It cannot be unknown what hath passed betwixt the Parlia­ment and the Army, as to the service of Ireland. By all which, together with the late proceedings against the Army, in relation to their petition and grievances; all men may judge what hath [Page 2] hindred the Army from a ready engagement in that service; and (without further account or Apologie, as to that particular, then what passages and proceedings themselves (already made publicke,) doe afford; we doe appeale to your selves, whether those courses, to which the Parliament hath (by the designes and practises of some) been drawne, have rationally tended to induce a cheerfull and unanimous undertaking of the Army to that service, or rather to break and pull the Army in pieces with discontent and dishonour, and to put such disobligations and provocations upon it, as might drive it into distemper, and indeed discourage both this Army and other Souldiers from any further engagement in the Parliaments service. And we wish all men would (with us) upon the whole carriage, seriously consi­der, whether (in the intentions of those who have by false in­formations, and misrepresentations put the Parliament upon such wayes) the timely and effectuall reliefe of Ireland, seem really to have been intended, or rather (with the breaking, or disban­ding of this Army) to draw together, or raise such other forces, and of such a temper as might serve to some desperate and distru­ctive designes in England. For which, (besides the probable sus­pitions from their carriage of the businesse) we have beforehand, in the transaction thereof, had more then hints of such a designe, by cleare expressions to that purpose, from many of the Officers of the Army, that have been perswaded, and appeared most for­ward, to engage as for Ireland, on the tearmes proposed. And, that such a designe hath all along been driven, seemes now too e­vident, by the present disposing of those Forces that have been engaged for Ireland by the endevours of some, to gain a power from the Parliament of ordering those Forces for some service in England; and by the private listings of men for service there, without any publick authority of Parliament. And (all this) by the same persons, who have all along, appeared most active, and violent in the late proceedings against the Army.

As to the full discontents and dis-satisfactions of the Army, in relation to their grievances, and their non-compliance to the late orders for sudden disbanding by peece-meale (before more full and equall satisfaction were given to the whole) we desire you to look back to the Papers already published, of the grie­vances [Page 3] themselves, the Narrative of the Officers, and the late Papers from the generall Councell of Warre at Bury, and late generall Randezvouz neare Newmarket: and (we thinke) your late resuming the consideration of their things (as to a further satisfaction) doth much iustifie the desires and proceedings of the Army, in the past particulars, hitherto.

And though (had we (upon our first addresses) for our un­doubted Rights and Dues) bound or free, and candid recep­tion, with a iust consideration, and a reasonable satisfaction, or at least a free answer therein, we should have been easily perswaded to have abated or forborne much of our Dues, and not to have enquired into, or considered (so farre as we have) either the possibilities there are for more present satisfaction of Arreares, or the credit of future securities proposed; yet since vpon these former addresses, we have found such hard dealing, as in the said Papers is set forth, and those additionall (though hitherto but partiall) satisfactions, comming so hardly as they have, we finde no obliging reasons in the least, to decline or re­cede from what is our due; but rather still to adhere unto our desires of full and equall satisfaction, in all the things mentio­ned in the aforesaid Papers, not onely in behalf of our selves, and the Army, but also the whole Souldiery throughout the whole Kingdome, who have concurred, or shall concurre with us in the same desires.

And to all our former desires, as Souldiers, we cannot but adde this (wherein we find our selves so nearly concerned in poynt of Justice and Reputation) that more care, and a stricter course may be taken for making good all Articles granted upon Surrenders, according to the true intent and meaning of them. As also for Remedy and Reparation in case of any breach; (and this) with­out those delayes which divers have found, as preiudicial to them or more, then if they had been totally denied the performance of them.

Nor will it now (wee hope) seeme strange or unseasonable to rationall and honest men, who consider the consequence of our present case, to their own, and the Kingdoms, (aswell as our) future concernments in point of right, freedome, peace, and safety, [Page 4] if (from a deepe sence of the high consequence of our present case, both to our selves (in future) and all other people) we shall, before disbanding, proceed, in our own and the Kingdoms behalf, to propound, and plead, for some provision, for our, and the King­doms satisfaction, and future security in relation to those things, especially considering, that we were not a meere mercinary Army, hired to serve any Arbitrary power of a State; but called forth and conjured, by the severall Declarations of Parliament, to the defence of our owne and the peoples just rights, and liberties; And so we tooke up Armes, in judgement and conscience to those ends, and have so continued them, and are resolved according to your first just desires in your Declarations, and such principles as we have received from your frequent informations, and our own common sence concerning those our fundamentall Rights and Li­berties, to assert and vindicate, the just power, and Rights of this Kingdome in Parliament for those common ends premised, a­gainst all arbitrary power, violence and oppression, and against all particular parties, or interests whatsoever. The said Declarations still directing us to the epuitable sence of all Laws and constituti­ons as dispencing with the very Letter of the same, and being su­preame to it, when the safety and preservation of all is concerned, and assuring us, that all authority is fundamentally seated, in the office, and but ministerially in the persons, neither doe or will these our proceedings (as we are fully and in conscience perswa­ded) amount to any thing, not warrantable before God and men, being thus far, much short of the common proceedings in other Nations, to things of an higher nature then we have yet appeared to. And we cannot but be sencible of the great complaints, that have been made generally to us of the Kingdome, from the people where we march, of arbitrarinesse and injustice, to their great and insupportable oppressions.

And truly such Kingdomes, as have according both to the law of Nature and Nations, appeares to the vindication and de­fence, of their just rights and and liberties, have proceeded much higher; As our brethren of Scotland: who in the first beginning of these late differences, associated in Covenant, from the very same grounds and principles (having no vissible form, either of Parliament or King to countenance them) and as they were [Page 5] therein justified, and protected by their own, and this Kingdome also, so we justly shall expect to be.

We need not mention the States of the Netherlands, the Por­tugals, and others, all proceeding upon the same Principles of right and freedome; And accordingly the Parliament hath de­clared it no resistance of Magistracie, to side with the just Prin­ciples, and law of Nature and Nations, being that Law upon which we have assisted you. And that the Souldiery may lawful­ly hold the hands of that Generall, who will turne his Cannon against his Army on purpose to destroy them; the Sea-men the hands of that Pylot, who wilfully runnes the Ship upon a Rock, (as our brethren of Scotland argued.) And such were the pro­ceedings of our Ancestors of famous memory, to the purchasing of such Rights and Liberties as they have enioyed through the price of their blood; and we (both by that and the later blood of our deare friends and fellow-Souldiers, with the hazard of our own) doe now lay claim unto.

Nor is that supreame end, (the glory of God) wanting in these cases, to set a price upon all such proceedings of Righteous­nesse and Justice, it being one witnesse of God in the World to carry on a Testimony against the Injustice and unrighteousnesse of men, and against the miscarriages of Govermnents, when cor­rupted or declining from their primitive or originall glory.

These things we mention, but to compare proceeding, and to shew that we are so much the more iustifiable, and warranted in what we do, by how much we come short of that height and measure of proceedings, which the people in free Kingdomes and Nations have formrly practiced.

Now having thus farre cleared our way in this businesse, we shall proceed to propound such things as we do humbly desire for the setling and securing of our own and the Kingdomes com­mon right, freedome, peace, and safety, as followeth.

1. That the Houses may be speedily purged of such mem­bers, as for their Delinquency, or for Corruptions, or abuse to the State, or undue Elections, ought not to sit there: whereof [Page 6] the late elections in Cornwall, Wales and other parts of the King­dome afford so many examples, to the great prejudice of the peo­ples freedome in the said elections.

2. That those persons, who have, in the unjust and high pro­ceedings against the Army, appeared to have the will, the confi­dence, credit, and power, to abuse the Parliament, and the Army, and indanger the Kingdom in carrying on such things against us (while an Army) may be some way speedily disabled from doing the like or worse to us (when disbanded, and disperst, and in the condition of private men) or to other the free-born people of England in the same condition with us, and that for that purpose, the same persons may not continue in the same power (especially as our and the Kingdoms Judges in the highest trust) but may be made incapable thereof for future,

And if it be questioned who these are, we thought not fit par­ticularly to name them in this our representation unto you, but shall very speedily give in heir names; and before long shall offer what we have to say against them, to your Commissioners, where­in we hope so to carry our selves, as that the world shall see we aime at nothing of private revenge, as animossities, but that ju­stice may have a free course and the Kingdom: be eased, and secu­cured by disinabling such men (at least) from places of Judicature who desiring to advantage, and set up themselves, and their party in a generall confusion have indeavoured to put the Kingdom into a new flame of warre, then which nothing is more abhorrent to us.

But because neither the granting of this alone, would be suffi­cient to secure our own, and the Kingdoms rights, liberties, and safety either for the present age or posterity, nor would our pro­posing of this singly be free from the scandal, and appearance of faction or designe onely to weaken one party, under the notion of unjust or oppressive) that we may advance another (which may be imagined more our own) we therefore declare.

[Page 9]That indeed wee cannot but wish, that such men, and such onely, might be preferred to the great power and trust of the Common-wealth, as are approved, at least, for morall righteous­nesse; And of such wee cannot but in our wishes preferre those, that appeare acted thereunto by a principle of Conscience and Re­ligion in them. And accordingly we doe and ever shall blesse God for those many such Worthies, who, through his providence, have been chosen into this Parliament; And, to such mens endea­vours (under God) wee cannot but attribute that Vindication, (in part) of the peoples Rights and Liberties, and those begin­nings of a just Reformation, which the first proceedings of this Parliament appeared to have driven at, and tended to, though of late obstructed, or rather diverted to other ends and interest by the prevailing of other persons of other principles and condi­tions.

But yet wee are so farre from designing, or complying to have an absolute or arbitrary power fixed or setled for continuance, in any persons whatsoever, as that, (if we might be sure to obtaine it) wee cannot wish to have it so in the persons of any, whom wee could most confide in, or who should appeare most of our own opinions or principles, or whom wee might have most personall assurance of, or interest in, but wee doe, and shall much rather wish, that the Authoritie of this Kingdome in Parliaments (right­ly constituted, that is, freely, equally and successively chosen, ac­cording to its originall intention) may ever stand and have its course. And therefore wee shall apply our desires, chiefly to such things, as (by having Parliaments setled in such a right Constitu­tion) may give most hopes of Justice and Righteousnesse, to flow downe, equally to all, in that its ancient Channell, without any Overtures, tending either to overthrow, that foundation of Order and Government in this Kingdome, or to ingrosse that power for perpetuity into the hands of any particular persons, or party whatsoever.

And for that purpose, though (as wee have found it doubted by many men, minding sincerely the publique good, but not weighing so fully all consequences of things) it may and is not un­like to prove, that, upon the ending of this Parliament, and the [Page 10] Election of New, the Constitution of succeeding Parliaments, (as to the persons Elected) may prove for the worse many wayes; yet since neither in the present purging of this Parliament, nor in the Election of New, wee cannot promise to our selves, or the Kingdome, an assurance of Justice, or other positive good from the hands of men, but those who for present appeare most righteous and most for common good (having an unlimited power fixed in them during life or pleasure) in time, may become corrupt, or settle into parties, or factions; or, on the other side, in case of new Elections, those that should so succeed, may prove as bad or worse then the former. Wee therefore humbly conceive, that, (of two inconveniences the lesse being to be chosen) the maine thing to be intended in this case (and beyond which humane pro­vidence cannot reach, as to any assurance of positive good) seemes to be this, viz. to provide, that however unjust or corrupt the per­sons of Parliament-men, in present or future, may prove; or what­ever ill they may doe to particular parties (or to the whole, in particular things,) during their respective termes, or periods, yet they shall not have the temptation or advantage of an unlimited power fixt in them during their own pleasures, whereby to per­petuate injustice and oppression upon any, (without end or re­medy,) or to advance and uphold any one particular party, facti­on, or interest whatsoever, to the oppression or prejudice of the Communitie, and the enslaving of the Kingdome unto all poste­ritie, but that the people may have an equall hope, or possibili­tie, if they have made an ill choice at one time, to mend it in ano­ther; and the members of the House themselves may be in a ca­pacitie, to tast of subjection as well as rule, and may so be incli­ned to consider of other mens cases, as what may come to be their owne. This wee speake of, in relation to the House of Commons, as being entrusted, on the peoples behalf, for their interest in that great and supreame power of the Common-wealth, (viz. the Le­gislative power, with the power of finall judgement,) which being, in its own nature, so arbitrary, and in a manner unlimited (un­lesse in point of time) is most unfit and dangerous (as to the peo­ples interest) to be fixt in the persons of the same men during life, or their own pleasures. Neither, by the originall Constitution of [Page 11] this State, was it, or ought it to continue so, nor does it (where­ever it is, and continues so) render that State any better then a meere Tyranny) or the people subjected to it, any better then Vassalls: But in all States, where there is any face of common free­dome, and particularly in this State of England (as is most evi­dent, both by many positive Lawes, and ancient constant custome) the people have a right to new and successive Elections unto that great and supreame trust, at certain periods of time, which is so essentiall and fundamentall to their freedome, as it is, cannot, or ought not, to be denied them, or withheld from them, and with­out which the House of Commons is of very little concernment to the interest of the Commons of England. Yet in this wee would not be mis-understood, in the least, to blame those Worthies of both Houses, whose zeale to vindicate the Liberties of this Nati­on, did procure that Act for continuance of this Parliament; whereby it was secured from being dissolved at the Kings plea­sure, (as former Parliaments had been) or reduced to such a Cer­tainty, as might enable them the better to assert and vindicate the Liberties of this Nation, (immediately before so highly in­vaded, and then also so much endangered.) And these wee take to be the principall ends and grounds, for which, in that exi­gency of time and affaires, it was procured, and to which wee ac­knowledge it hath happily been made use of; but wee cannot thinke it was by those Worthies intended, or ought to be made use of, to the perpetuating of that supreame trust and power in the persons of any during their owne pleasures, or to the debar­ring of the people from their right of Elections (totally new) when those dangers or exigencies were past, and the affaires and safety of the Common-wealth would admit of such a change.