IT is no time to make Apologies, and Prefaces, to have Epistles dedicatorie, and unto the Reader, to write under the Rose, or to shadow discourses with darke and knotty resemblances; wee have been premising, and prefacing all this while; plain English is best, for we are like else to lose our own Dialect shortly. The name of Liberty of Sub­jects, and Priviledges of Parliaments will soone be worne out, as the old Saxon language, and refined into Prerogative and Tyran­ny. And our lawes which were first written in French, are like for better understanding them, to be reprinted in the same, with the Scots marginall notes.

I am soone fallen into a lamentable discourse before I am aware, and my trembling pen would faine hasten over it; But I must be se­rious. Distractions and confusions in States, and Kingdoms, are not trifles. He that will view the condition of poore England, had need have a heart made of wax, and eyes of water, and bovvels of com­passion. If men knew vvhere they are come to, they would soone know how to thinke themselvs miserable; wee have gone a seven years march in a State disguise, and after a long round are fairly re­duced into our old condition, and it were well (say some) if vve are no worse; the scene is changed but the play the same. That no­ble, and gallant spirit, which heretofore wrought in true English hearts, for liberty, and Priviledges, is now down, and the old un­manklike [Page 2] pusillanimitie come upon us, with an addition of stupidi­ty, and insensiblenes; we have lost our bloud, and now we are like to lose our hearts; we have been almost destroyed by a civill warre, and may be undone by unsound peace; But I must be cautious, I shall be accounted a foole for my labour, yet I must be honest, I shall only speak what wise men think, and honest men feele; if more were done, lesse would be spoken Our greatest worke hath been to un­doe our selves; we have acted magno conatu, magnas nugas, sowne the winde, and brought forth the whirlewind. Certainly we have lost that reflect act of our understanding, by which, they say, the ra­tionall soule is made happy. Recollect your selves what you have been doing so long a time, where you are going, vvhat new designs are on you. We have escaped the Spanish Inquisition, we hope, But hovv nigh you are to France, and Scotland, you little thinke. What is become of that golden fleece (Liberty) vvhich you so gal­lantly fought for? where are the trophies of your conquest? vvho will pitie us? We have seen our maladie, but know not our reme­dy; we know how to be miserable, and have found out an easie way to it, but yet cannot see our way to be happy. Our enemies are con­quered, and now vve are falling out vvith our friends; Its harder to reconcile our ovvn party, then to destroy the Kings. Our wounds are opened, none wholly cured; our nakednesse discovered, and nothing to cover it. What shall become of poore England? wee have wonne liberty, but dare not weare it; the victory is got, but we cannot agree about the spoyle? Formerly we knew our enemies, now vve neither know them nor our friends. Seven years experience of tumults and war is sufficient (one would think) to learne us the way to a happie peace, vve have not wanted time, or wayes to know our enemies and our friends. Providence hath helpt us through a bloudy warre, and now division would help us to a dishonest peace, But these are too melancholy meditations; if men had been as honest as they pretended to be wise, vve should have no such sad things to work upon. But let us warily consider how vve are come into this condition, on whom lies the fault. Aske our gran­dees who stear at the Helme. Some blame one, some another, I blame none, and yet all; I have nothing to say to particulars, vve have too much in generals,

Some lay the fault on his Majesty, And the truth is he hath enough [Page 3] to be charged withall, yet since the conquest, he hath been under re­straint, and could not so possitively hinder, except you grant him his negative voyce, yet he cannot be altogether excused, he hath done what in him lies in such a condition, & his private influences and ne­gotiations have not been ordinary, but we have too much to charge him with on the old account.

Others lay the blame on the Parliament (and here we shall not want Votes) they say they have sought themselves, not the Kingdom: but wee may give our enemies too great advantage of us by such jealousies. Its true, they are the rock to which we have lookt for our salvation, they have promised us our liberty, they can procure it, and it were to be wished they could wash their hands cleane of all things; yet all must not be laid on the Parliament, but a faction in it: they are a great body, made up of divers and unsutable spi­rits, and labour with abundance of infirmities, and passe through those difficulties vulgar eyes see not, yet to be plain, more might have been done then is; had some of them been lesse imployed, and interessed in affaires, more would have been acted for us: those sad retreats they have made of late, is too ominous, of great distempers even among them: but I shall rather pray for them, then speak any more of their frailties. Others wipe away all blame from both, and lay all on the Army; poor men, they have born the heat of the War, and now must needs have the blame of the Peace: its our mi­sery that we have none to distrust, but these which have been most faithfull; but yet it may be they are not wholly free, though I think in an equall distribution little will come to their share; they have been good servants, what they may prove when they become ma­sters, I know not; some mens conditions alter their spirits, but we have little cause to suspect them; where ever the blame lies, the mi­sery is like to lye on us: the truth is, It hath been the designe of some to bring us where we are; and the ill foresight of others; we can­not go so far back, as to question the truth of our cause, (God hath cleared that from heaven,) but some men may question their princi­ples. God hath acted for us in the VVar, and now men act in the Peace: we have not come into this condition per saltum, as many Dunces are made Doctors; but have gradually & insensibly been led into it by the cunning artifice of some master builders in the black Art: As many an ignorant disputer granting this, and that, is by an [Page 4] ingenious Sophister, brought before he is aware, into a confuting absurdity.

Let us cast our eyes back, but since the end of this War with the Royall partie, and we shall finde some steps, wherein the secret con­trivers of our ruine have walkt. When the King saw he could hold out no longer in Arms, he betakes himself to his shifts, leaves Oxford to a confiding party, and betakes himself to the Scots Army as his sanctuary, (a plot agreed on to mutuall advantage) the King gives in Newark at the desire of the Scots, is carried to Newcastle, and by this time Oxford is likewise surrendred, and the War ended, but things end not so: we want an enemy in the field, one must be made at home. Factions are raised, discontents fomented against the Ar­my, under the name of Independents, &c. Some principles infused into the City of designs against them, they are set on to go to the Parliament w^th Petitions, Remonstrances for the setling Presbyterian Government, the Ministers made to stir up the people against such & such men, under such names as they know would incense sufficiently; some of our English, great men (who knew not how to be high enough) joyn Counsels with the Scots, under pretence of maintain­ing the Covenant, and setting up Presbyteriall Government, and that the City might be made sure, the Scots are sent to Court them, with Letters from the Ecclesiasticks and Civils, to congratulate their faithfulnesse to this Cause, to stir them up to the diligent prosecuti­on of the Covenant; things grow to some height, (as such fire will not want fewell,) and are ripe for action, they get Ordinances for pressing all men to take the Covenant anew, that none shall be im­ployed in any office in Church or State, but he which will take the Covenant, (and that over again) and submit to the Presbyteriall Government, and all this with an eye to the Army, whom they knew how to insnare; and as things were thus laid, so they were not negligent in the execution, the City of London must first begin as a patern to the rest, cast out their old Militia, get power to choose a new fit for the design, and because the Common Counsel is to order the Civill Affaires, as the other the Military, that must be Moddled into the same image; all that were thought but to be of the other partie, or favorers of them, cast out: All this while the King is at Newcastle, indeavoring to ingage the Scots Army for him, and how far he prevailed I could tell you, but that we had such [Page 5] a peaceable parting at last. While the King was ingaging for him the party in England had another eye on that Army, as the Army of the Covenant, and to have kept them to Ballance this Army which lay in their way; but things were not yet ripe, they were too great a power to be conquered by force, especially having been just then raised with the glory of so great a Conquest, and the coun­tryes crying out of their burthens under all the severall Armies, which were insupportable; counsels are joyned, and agreed to the march of the Scots Army, and delivery up of the King, on the lit­tle consideration of 400000 l. The King shall still be kept as a reserve to make advantage of at last; But now the Scots are gone, and that feare over, what they could nor doe by force, they will do by guile, the Army is still the eye-sore, that darkned the glo­ry and Splendor of some great ones who had formerly been in Command, and had done Service, but had not the happinesse of being totall Conquerors; nothing lesse is indeavoured then to breake this Army; many ways they essayed, but the maine was under pretence of relieving Ireland, (a designe, not only faire, but so honest in it selfe, that all men cryed it up,) but how is this to be carryed on? who but Waller and Massey, (men who had an in­veterate hatred against this Army, they thinking themselves too much clouded by them) are sent downe to treat with the Army about it, and propose questions and conditions to the Souldiers to be under their Command: the one as Generall, the other as Lieu­tenant generall: The reflexion of this carriage in the thoughts of the Souldiery, cannot but make them look about them, that some designe was on foot against them, by their and the Kingdoms ene­mies; especially seeing the Parliament should wave them, who had but even now done them such faithfull service, and not so much as thinke them fit to be further imployed in any Service, especially to command their owne Souldiers; they resent the businesse, observe the Designe, and are strangely united, to give a Negative Answer, that none of them would stirre without their owne Commanders; But with either the Generall, or Lieutenant Gen Crumwel, would all march at the Parliaments pleasure; yet seeing this will not doe, some other way must be taken: Mony for Arreares is offered to those which will leave the Army, (on which some fell off, but no consi­derable number,) as they sought to divide, they unite; yet when [Page 6] this would not doe, but they saw they were not so meal mouthd as the rest, they must be disbanded as unnecessary, and a burthen to the Kingdome, and that without their Arreares, and in parts, with­out those requisites which belonged to their honour and security; thus would they have the first fruits of this Conquest, begin in the dishonourable disbanding of the Conquerours. But the Souldi­ers grew acquainted with these designes, and get heart, resolve to stand on their guard, and to knit them the more, choose Agitators out of every Regiment, for the better ordering and communicating of things to each other, draw up Petitions to the Parliament, which by the strenuous negotiation and power of those first designers a­gainst them, was censured as Treasonable, and the Authors as Tray­tors; which could not but incense, when they saw favours and ser­vices so soon forgotten: yet all this which was laid for division is the advantage for their union, and they randevouz with much unani­mity and courage, and were at last owned by the Generall, and the rest of the Commanders, who for a while were shy because of the newnesse and hazard of the businesse. Things being thus in the Ar­my, and in that posture, they bethink what may be of concernment to them before they are disbanded, expecting to have no more after­wards, then they could make sure at first; they therefore propose to the Parliament what belonged to them as Souldiers: And ha­ving this advantage, seeing they fought for the good of the King­dome, make an Essay by Propositions to the Parliament for the set­ling of the Kingdome also; drew up charges against eleven of those Members who were the chief Actors in the design; upon which, they, at their owne desires, had leave given by the Parliament, to withdraw; but things thus acting, new Counsels are set on foot. First, the King must be lookt unto, and got away either into Lon­don or Scotland, and so it was endeavoured, in the mean while (unknown unto the Army, as the Generall profest in his Letter to the Speaker) by the particular Act of Cornet Ioyce, (one of no great head for to lay any deep designe) who was sent out with a party of horse towards Oxford, but would needs go visit his Ma­jesty, the King was voluntarily brought to the Army, which though it was strange to them, and they were startled at it, yet they thought they might make an advantage of him as well as others, at least to keep him from being in a Faction against them. [Page 7] But that designe is not yet broken, all this while Reformadoes, Apprentises, and others are secretly listed, great sums of money paid to the old Officers of Essex, and Wallers, and Masseyes Army, and things grew so high, as a great company of them beset the House of Commons kept them in till nine of the clock at night, with threatning words make them recall their Ordinances, vote in the King which made the Speakers of both Houses, with many of the honest Members fly to the Army for safety: These men are still in the City stirring up the Militia, and Common counsell, framing a new Army, and those seeds which were formerly sown by the Scots and them▪ come up into blades▪ and Pikes, they stand in a Posture of War to defend themselves and oppose the Army, which never intended to come nigh them, unlesse provoked; the Army hearing of these doings march towards the City, and when they came to Windsor accidentally met with the Speakers, and the rest of▪ the fled Members; after congratulation and mutuall expresses of love, and joy to see one another, the Army Rendevouz at Hun­slow heath, and resolve to march to the City, who prevented them with termes sutable to peace, (out of what principle we will not dispute) the Members were brought to the House in peace the Army marches through the City in peace, and now things seemed to be hopefull; but though the eleven Members were gone, yet the Spirit was not gone with them; though the City durst not op­pose the Army, they will starve them, and make them odious, and a burthen to the Kingdome, therefore they will lend no money, de­lay their contributions, not pay their Arreares that the Army is looked on as our misery, the Countries undone and all businesse retarded above, by the remainder of that party, that while we look for peace, behold threatnings of another War, and we are now brought to such a passe, that he is a wise man that knowes what to propose first. The King is gone from us to the Isle of Wight, and there he takes time to weigh his designes upon us; Propositions are gone to him, di [...]ed by some, and protested against by the Scots; coldly, and cunningly answered by himselfe: Thus have we hand­somly made way for our own misery, we know not our own strength, and therefore must divide, and with David number the people. Some men have plaid their own games, and now leave us to pay stakes; divisions are growne so high among our selves, [Page 8] that our common enemy growes high in their hopes, and expect a turn, wherein they may be a third party, and have one cast more for to recover their compositions. When shall we learn to be wise? But I crave pardon I have made this digression, but its to shew you the way you are come to this misery, which if God prevent not, will make us the spectacle of the Nations.

But what is become all this while of our Brethren of Scotland, that they have been out of the transaction? You will have enough of them anon. The truth is, they have not been idle all this while in the City. And not unknowne, how they have endeavoured to bring Edinbrough to London, and Hallyrudehouse to White-hall; they love us so well, that they vvould not only be one with us in Co­venant, but Priviledge, and would gladly have the name of great Britain comprehend us all. And because our divisions were not wide enough, out of their superabundant love to us, they cast in bones betvveen us, and publickly reflect on our strength (the high Court of Parliament, and the Army) to strengthen the great ani­mosities that is in the most against them, that we may have a second need of them to be Umpires. But now before I am aware I am faln into the bosome of the Scots Declaration, a Declaration of the Scots indeed, and of other men too; by vvhich I hope all true hear­ted English men will take a copy of their countenance towards us. Yet I shall not meddle much with the contents of it; the Parliament no doubt will so fully doe Justice in it. Only in the generall I shall take leave to animadvert something. We may better speak plaine English then they. I take notice of a grand De­signe driven on against the Parliament and Army, by those who wait for our ruine; and of which this Declaration is but a Manifesto to the world. Viz. to make the Parliament low in the eyes of the peo­ple, and render them distastefull, that so the King may have the fai­rer way to his old power; so likevvise to render the Army, so intol­lerable a burthen as that the Kingdome cannot subsist under them; and to carry on this the more secretly, the Covenant, and Religion are made the veiles.

Two things I cannot but take notice of as generall in that Decla­ration. First, their so often zealous (if not superstitious) mentio­ning of the Covenant, more then tvventy times in one leafe, as if all Religion were vv [...]p [...] up in that, that it were not only the compen­dium, [Page 9] but the exact forme of all divinity. And as if they would make the world beleive, that they preferre the Covenant before all their own Interests, and Designes, whereas I feare, they, and too many more, have made it but a State trick to deceive poore igno­rant devout soules. Its a great question whether they think so high­ly of the Covenant of Grace. I confesse vve have no reason to re­pent of taking the Covenant, we tooke it honestly, and sincerely, little thinking the use which vvould be made of it, to insnare us to the Scots designes. I would only desire our Brethren to recollect themselves, how they kept Covenant vvith our Commissioners in the North, and then they will have little heart to charge it on us in the South. I could name the particulars, but that I am loth to disturb the honourable Commissioners in their Religion.

Secondly I cannot but take notice, (as all men else should) of the tendernesse of our Brethren, and the deep refenting of the af­faires of England, and that in so neer and intimate a way, that they neglect their owne; chiefly insisting, purely and nakedly on these things which concerne our Kingdome, and fcarce mentioning their own. This is brotherly love indeed; But lest we should be suspiti­ous, they fairely salve a mistake with this, that they would have the Militia in the hands of the King, and the Parliament and Kingdom lye again at his Majesties feet for a generall pardon; for so they shall soone if once he get that power. And now since I am falne on this, it will not be much out of the way, to spend a word or two, in distinguishing how farre Scotland is to meddle in the concernments of England by the Treaty. Let this be laid as a foundation, that let the union be never so nigh; it doth not necessarily imply a commu­nication of properties, there are intire and proper incommunica­ble Priviledges which are reserved to both: As between man and wife, which is the nighest conjunction, there are titles and honours which are proper to each person, which both have the benefit of, but not the particular propriety in. The union between England and Scotland, can be only in those things which are of common concern­ment to both, which belongs to the very being, and well being of the union; they are notwithstanding two Kingdomes, and have di­stinct Lawes, and Priviledges peculiar to each, and which neither may meddle in. Novv let it be seriously vveighed, that to presse our uni­on too farre, even to an introaching on the properties of one ano­ther, [Page 10] is to make our union uncomfortable, and to lay a foundation for a breach; Now vvhat concernes us in particular, and doth not touch on the Interests of the Kingdome of Scotland, must be left to the Parliament to determine, as vvhat concerns them to their Par­liament. That which concerns us are especially our Lawes, the Pri­viledges of Parliaments, the Militia; and these are so ours, as that you may turne Scotland into England, and make an Identity be­tween us, before they can meddle with them; and doubtlesse the Parliament cannot choose but resent it highly, that any Commissio­ners either of Scotch, or of any Kingdome in the world, shall take upon them to declare and protest against the sending those things in Propositions, vvhich is their birth right, and undoubted Priviledge, and which they can have no competitors in, without the highest breach of their trust. And the Commissioners might as well have protested against any Ordinance made by the Parliament for Excise, or against their making a new great Seale, as against any of these foure Propositions, vvhich are solely the concernments of England, and have not so much, as the least aspect on the Interest of Scotland, nor influence upon the Treaty between the Kingdomes. And as to that clause in the Treaty vvhich saith, that we shall not make either peace or warre without each others advise and consent; It must be still meant in these things wherein our mutuall Interests are contain­ed: for else we have covenanted our selves into a faire condition, that the Scots negative voyce, though in those things which essenti­ally concerne our own Kingdome, may hinder our happinesse as they please; so that we must be beholding unto them for their consent in that vvhich God, and nature hath invested us withall; How much should vve have been overseen to deny his Majesty a negative voyce (knowing the hazard of it) and give it to the Scots? You see how our exigencies have brought us into inconveniences; vve have, of our indulgence, and brotherly respect made them privie to all our Counsels, and Priviledges, and they now claime an Interest in them; I doubt that if this Parliament be dissolved, our Brethren will chal­lenge the right of calling the next, that vve shall neither have Law, nor Priviledge without their consent. The last year they claimed a Right to the disposing of the Kings person in England; and novv they claime a Right to dispose of the Parliament, and their trans­actions, though purely in matters of our own Kingdome. They be­gin [Page 11] fair, if the progresse be sutable, vve shall have neither Law, nor Liberty, but what the Scots Commssioners shall vote for us; But that by the by, though they make it the great scope of their De­claration. We have now seen our misery, how vve lye at the brink of great dangers, some would divide us into more parties, then all the wise men among us know how to make up; and what advantage men are taking daily to make the Breaches wider, while others lie at the catch to disadvantage us.

Let us now see vvhat may doe us good, (if we be not past cure) we have been long time in warre, its time for us novv to think of a peace; and I know that is in the expectation of all men. Peace is a sweet word, especially after war, yet we had it a long time, and could not prize it, we have been long unacquainted with it, and now have lost the way to it; we all agree on the thing, if we could on the termes; Indeed to some the name of peace is as an unpleasant sound, there be fish that cannot live but in troubled waters; others love peace, but have too common apprehensions of it. I love peace, and I hate it, I love it as I find it wrapt up in the armes of truth, I hate it as its in iniquity, and on base termes; let others take it, I shall not envie them. I would men loved truth as I love peace. I love that peace which may requite the bloud which hath been shed to pur­chase it, such a peace as may keep God, and the Gospel with us; a­ny other will be but a foundation of a future warre; Its better suf­fer a little to settle a good peace; Its better suffer a little longer, then get a peace that will end in greater warre; We know what vvill be the worst to stand to such conditions as may produce a so­lid peace, but we knovv not vvhat will be the end of an unsound peace.

Divers, as they have desired, so have assaied to bring forth peace; the wayes and means, with the ends they act, are not so consonant, wee will a little consider what is proposed in such a transaction. The Parliament and the Scots are the great Agitators of this work, but with different principles and ends, as we shall see anon: the Par­liament stick to the way of Propositions, only those for security tur­ned into bils: the Scots urge a personall treaty, and therefore have followed it hard, that no other way may be thought on, yea, have protested against the Parliaments way of Addresse, though they so far condescend, as to bring down the number of Bils to four, and to treat the rest.

Let us consider soberly, which way is most likely to effect the end. In generall, I much question, whether the Queen of Hearts and the King of Clubs will make a good match, especially when the Queen of Diamonds is competi [...]resse. But especially this must be taken in, what the nature of that peace is, we are to indeavor. That peace which must make us happy, must be a safe, honourable, and well grounded Peace. The Question is, whether in a personall treaty ac­cording to the Scots indeavor, such a peace may be established? they urge much for it, and quote former Declarations of the Parliament; but what may be for the good of Scotland properly, and as in its own constitution is one thing, and what for England is another; I doubt whether a peace grounded only on such things as are contained in the generall Treaty, will serve for all the particulars we need have granted for our own Kingdome; such a peace must be procured, as will confirm our union with them, and incourage our friends, discountenance our enemies; that may unite us at home, and [...] others abroad.

Now what way is most sutable to such an end, is the question: Let us take first into consideration, the personall treaty, which our Bre­thren are such sticklers for, how like it is to produce such a peace.

First, Consider the probable good that will come out of such a treaty in reference to this end. The Parliament have sent Proposi­tions, which they have thought fit for the future good, and security of the Kingdome, without the granting which, we can neither be happy, nor hopefull; they have altered some of them; and qualified them, more to the sense of the King, rather then Kingdom, that it might take better with him, a long time he hath had to consider of them, some he is willing to grant, which are lesse materiall, others he refuseth his consent to; as being against his honour, (we are sure for our good) the Parliament cannot but still insist on the substance of the Propositions, they must be the matter of the treaty▪ Now if his Majesty after so long time of consideration; cannot consent to our demands, how can we believe he will when he shall treat in person, when the same things are urged and stuck unto? for either the Parliament must treat only on what the King shall propound, or else frame new Propositions of a different sense; not so good for the Kingdome, or else a personall treaty will be no more then a for­mallity, or complement; which yet may be hazzardous to us; to [Page 13] speake truth, the King can write plainer then speake; and if we can­not have his hand and seale, how can we expect his heart.

Secondly, Neither is it honourable for the Parliament after so long waiting for his Majesties consent, now to admit his person with freedom and honour to a personall treaty, wherein they must be fain to retract all their former Propositions, or have the same negative answer to the most materiall concernments of their privi­ledges, and our liberty; they have made too many sad retreats alrea­dy, to their own dishonour and the Kingdoms disadvantage. Its our unhappinesse that his Majesty hath put himself in such a capacity, as he is yet to be looked on under the notion of enmity; and whereas the Scots urge the Parliaments own Declarations, they must consider times and seasons: can the Parliament in honour treat on equall tearms now, as when the King had an Army to ballance their power? It was the utmost the King desired, to come to a personall treaty, when he had his greatest strength, and doubtlesse he knew his own ends then as now. But it will be objected, can any way be more honourable then to treat personally with the King? I answer, that is most Honourable to the Parliament, which holds them to their first principles of justice and liberty, and keeps up their resolutions for the good of the Kingdome, and the personall treaty will not con­tribute much to this, however if it be honourable touching Cere­mony, we must have it firme, in regard of security, which is the Third thing to be considered seriously, How safe it may be; though the Commissioners seem to make it out of Question, they must give us leave to feare it, especially when so many heart-burnings are already among us, and fire balls ready for [...] are [...] up and down City and Countrey. It is a sad condition we are brought in, that what his Majesty thinkes honourable for his person, is not safe for us. How can we thinke to gaine any thing by a personall trea­ty, or have security of any good by it, seeing he refuseth to take the Covenant? and here I wonder our Brethren, can dispence with their Cause, to trust the Kings person in such a Treaty, when he refuseth and protesteth against the Covenant; they highly charge the Parliament for that they left it out in the Propositions, and yet our Brethren can willingly let it out of the personall Treaty▪ The truth is, they would gladly have his person with us, for they know they can never have him further off them, they [...] go [...] [Page 14] what they can of the Parliament, how they would try what they can get from the King. But how safe it may be for us in these un­setled times, vvhen most are discontented, and seeme to be taken vvith any thing vvhich is nevv, and seems but to speak of peace, though it be in its remote principles, at never so great a distance from it; How safe I say, let our brethren judge. We have vvarping e­nough already, the presence of a fevv apprentises, hath made us re­tract Ordinances, hovv much more the presence of the King looking smilingly for his ovvn advantages? vvhat if the King should come in person to Treat, and He and the Parliament should not agree, they standing to their just and reasonable demands in the Propositions, and the King vvithdravv his consent? vvhat vvill fol­lovv in regard of hazard, and danger, he being brought so nigh us, before he hath given any security to us of our Liberties? we know Kings are strange creaturs can carry that in their countenance which they never had in their hearts, and the influences, & painted rayes of Majesty on Subjects may work strange things, which may be strange indeed unto us. His Majestie hath had a great share in the ruine of the Kingdome, he must be content to share in the misery, and abate something of his honour to make up our losses; we should joy in his Person if we had his heart, without which the other will doe us li­tle good; the Kings honour lies in granting the just desires of his Subjects in Parliament, and if he looks to his honour abstractively, we must to our safety. We have little cause to put our necks under his Majesties feet, and lye at his mercy.

Besides, neither can His Majesty come alone without his traine; I mean those Incendiaries which have been actors of this Designe a­gainst the Kingdom; those he calls friends, which the Parliament calls Delinquents: And I wish as his Person hath been ingaged with them in a bloody War, so his honour be not left with them. Its doubt­ed, He hath wrapt up his interests too much with theirs, and can­not honourably come himselfe without good quarter for them: However, he will have an eye to them as his Favorites, and how safe we can thinke our selves, when such shall be about His Ma­jesty, let our Brethren of Scotland judge.

That Peace can only be Happy, which is suited to the first Prin­ciples and Answers the ends of this War, which was to preserve and settle Religion in power and purity, by countenancing the [Page 15] professors of it, and discountenancing the opposers; by this Trea­ty the Bishops themselves might be likely to be accommodated, and those outcasts brought in State: And the second stated end, was to bring Delinquents to justice, an Act of Oblivion will not sa­tisfie the just expectations and ingagements of the Kingdome, and we shall still by it keepe the fuell of the same fire, or worse within us, they will not so forget us, though we doe them, but when they grow up with us, will take their advantages to be quit with us; if we do not justice on them, God will on us: Can wee expect by such a Treaty, that the King will ever suffer them to be plucked from his bosome, whose new Titles and Punctilioes of ho­nour, he will not suffer to be taken from their persons? It is cer­tain we cannot be safe, as long as they get heart, this generation will retain the seeds of this discontent; Impunity will but incourage them to act more when they have oportunity, yet still as much fa­vour as can be shewn with the safety of the Kingdome must; ju­stice must be distributive, and proportionable to the persons, and faults.

In a word, such a peace we must have, as may not let the guilt of blood be upon us. It can never enter into any serious heart, that the issue of all this blood, and the naturall product of all this stirres, should be a slight and overly accommodation: Doubtlesse God hath had his end, as well as men theirs, and that hath been working out, and we ought to expect it with faith, and patience, & not run our selves on uncertain rocks, and skin over our sores, when we may heale them; but no more of the Personall Treaty, (the golden bait our Brethren have laid before us, we shall have enough of it to our griefe, if ever providence should permit such an over­ture,) only let me adde this; I know not why, if the Parliament have made war without the King, nay against his consent, they may not make peace without him, especially seeing he refuseth to grant that which they judge essentiall to our happinesse; we con­clude with this, That the sending honest and wary Propositions for his Majesty to grant, is the best and safest way to procure a setled peace; if he be obstinate, it must be done without him, there is no Medium, the Kingdome cannot alwayes languish. But our bre­thren will not only have a personall Treaty the best way to peace, but adde the disbanding of the Army, without which the grant [Page 16] of the former will not serve: This Proposition they urge from the tendernesse of the sense they have of the taxes, and burthens of this Kingdome, in regard of free­quarter, and Contributions; (for this thanks must still be returned,) but I won­der our Brethren lost their sense of Englands burthens in the North, where besides free-quarter, and plunderings, they laid such a sesse, that the fish in the sea could not scape their tax: However, I am glad they are come to their senses at last, we hope, they will be sensible to abate some things of their hundred thousands we owe them▪ out of brotherly assistance: the reflections on those gallant men (of the Ar­my) I will not mention; its a sad thing that faithfulnesse should be the ground of suspition, and the object of envy. Whereas they say, that they expected on the dis­banding of their Army in Scotland, we should disband ours. Its a wonder, with what face of reason they could urge that, seeing that we have work to do, which they have not; they know the ends of keeping up their Army, and we know ours, the Parliament are not bound to give an account to the Commissioners why they keep up their Army, and though they are pleased to say there is no use for them now, they must know, they go about to make use for them. England was the first seat of War, and most distempered, and that will not settle us, which will Scotlan; we have conquered our enemies persons, we had need have an Army to keep down their spirits: What is the matter our brethren have such an eye at this Army? Is it because they have been too faithfull? Have done too much service which they would fain have the honour of? It may be they have conquered those, which our Brethren were in hopes to conquer, and get the spoil of. It may be the reasons are, because the London Apprentices and Reformadoes, may more handsomly come, and be­set the Houses of Parliament and make them V [...]e in the old Militia, and cr [...] down Independents, and such like tricks; but I hope they are more serious, and therefore I recall my words; it is, that the Parliament may be disbanded more handsomly, and be made the next burthen to the Kingdom, and the Scots may have a new Covenant with the King, to be his Loyall Subjects: If the Army become a burthen, the Kingdome may thank them, and their Party, who could not carry it so fairely and wisely, as to disband them Honourably at first. The violence and rashnesse of those men, gave them ground enough of distaste then, and still ground of jealousie; let peace be setled, they will soon disband: Its reason, that if they have fought for peace, they should not disband untill they see tearms agreed on, and things put in a hopefull way of security for the Kingdom and themselves: they have made many proposals for the good of the Kingdome, and if they have failed in cir­cumstances, we may well overlook that; now they are freed of their popular Coun­sell, we may well be free from Jealousies of them: If in any thing they have mis­carried, its because some of them have been at court as well as the Scots Commis­sioners, but I have said too much on these things, more then will please I am sure; I wish they would give lesse occasion to the Parliament and English men, to make Anti-Declarations. There only remaines to add, what we are to indeavour parti­cularly for the stablishing of a well grounded Peace: I know wiser men have it in hand, I wish they may in their hearts also. I only offer something to inform the people what they must stick to, if they will finde the way to peace.

The first thing must be the settlement of Religion in the power and purity of it, and in this our Brethrens order of giving it the preeminence, is to be commend­ed, but I hope by Religion, they do not only mean the Presbyterian Government; [Page 17] Ministers must be sent out to preach the Gospel, and inform poor souls in the things of Christ, this will be a good foundation of our happinesse.

The second thing mainly to be eyed is the preservation of the Union of the two Kingdoms, by all the lawfull wayes we can, according to the true intent and proper sense of the Covenant; the strengthening of such a mutuall correspondence be­tween us will increase our happinesse; yet care must be taken that we interfere not in our proper priviledges; even reckoning, and fair stating of our peculiar concern­ments will keep us long friends.

Next in order to this, what concerns our own particulars, and are most funda­mentall to our future happinesse, must be proposed, and not moved from. These things are,

First. The Priviledges and Authority of Parliaments; our liberty and happi­nesse is bound up in them, if they be discountenanced, discontinued, disesteemed, so shall wee be too; we must therefore be very wary of entertaining hard thoughts of them, or reflecting on their proceedings, that is the great advantage our ene­mies now look at: this Parliament must be continued, untill it hath done the work of this season.

Secondly, The happinesse of our Peace will lye in the establishing of good Laws, repealing bad, or inconvenient ones, and in a speedy and direct way for the pro­fitable execution of them; if our Lawes be never so good, they will not be so to us; if they be not in good hands to execute them; the influences of them will be cold and destructive, if they have bad Interpreters▪ we know formerly, how good Laws have been made use of against good men.

Thirdly, The power of the Militia must be put in those whom the Parliament can trust, and though we are hardly able to find such as could be wished, yet we must take such as we can, and are most cleer of scandall, and have given best testimony of their faithfulnes to the Kingdome. The next thing, which might have been put in the first rank, in regard of the concernment of it, is an indeavour to unite among our selves, untill this be done we shall be to seek of such a desired peace; Something must be given in by each party as a sacrifice to this Design; nothing undoes us but this; that we strive to strengthen parties, and doe not our parts to compose our diffe­rences. And unto this must be added a constant cying of our publike enemy; some distinction must be put on them, whereby they may be known, and observed in their actings; while this Generation lasts, their grudge will last against our peace above all things; (that so we may be out of fear against next Parliament) something must be done to take away their Votes (vvho have been in Armes, and are adjudged Delinquents) in election of Burgesses; for else we are like to be as we were, yea more sad; for they are so numerous, and desperate, that they will over-vote all the Parliaments party, and at length think of revenge by such an ad­vantage; they will soone have a Parliament of the old strain, to make us more miserable; and what act of this Parliament can bind the next? I would this haz­zard were more seriously in the hearts of men, I knovv nothing of more ominous consequence, then the allowing such a priviledge to Delinquents, neither is it rea­son, that those who have fought against the Parliament, should have their Vote in the chosing of them again: Besides, God requires something as well as reason, to be done in way of distinction to them who have acted in such a desperate Designe; [Page 18] the Parliament will find few or no friends, if their enemies be brought up in e­quall priviledge with them. But some will say, what shall be done with the King all this while the Parliament is about Propositions with him, and if he will not con­sent to the termes of our Peace, we must preserve him, and our selves as we can. The Parliament vvill take care of his Person with honour, and safety, and wait on God to change his heart, in the mean time to proceed without him, and see to the setling of the Kingdome; great care must be taken for the satisfying the Parlia­ments ingagements to the Kingdome, paying their debts, performing their pro­mises, that publike faith may be had in reverence; especially something must be done for meum & tuum, that the poore people may see Justice running like streams by their own doors; this would ingage people much, and indear them to the Par­liament; that the vulgar: may be able to say this I have got by this Parliament that I could not have before; this mechanick kind of Justice, as its most honest, so its most profitable; let people see some things visible that they may find in their plowing and sowing, in their bargains and estates, and they would never be against the Parliament more. Let those especially which have been most forward, and active, and faithfull, have most of the influences of the peace upon them, and then wee shall act like wise men, and honest men. Many things might be added which are not so considerable as these. I shall not want censures for these; I can onely wish men honester, or wiser. Si populus vult decipi decipiatur; If we will be fools we shall soon be slaves. If we wince, and seek to cast off the easie burrhen, that will be but for a time, till things settle, we may sinke for ever under the intollerable mischief of an unsettlement, and perhaps, Tyranny and perpetuall flavery attend the issue. If we will not see our happinesse, we shall quickly our misery. I cannot better conclude all, than with this desire to all those which have any English bloud yet left in their veins, (or any sense of true liberty) that as they have valiantly fought for peace, so they would considerately weigh and stand to the terms of Peace a­gainst Scot, or whoever attempt to encroach upon, or enslave this Nation. You are yet in the greatest hazzard: Have not your own hands been your destruction? Doe not lose all by playing one card. Your enemies are waiting to see your folly, and their own advantage; and many of your pretended friends secretly under­mine you; leave nothing out you can foresee, and trust not men further then you see; our condition is sad, and the worse, because we are so; but remember you are English men, when you think of Scotland, wait on the Lord, seek his face, and he will yet appear.