An humble Remonstrance from his Excellen­cy Sir Thomas Fairfax and the Army under his Command, concerning the present State of affairs in relation to themselves and and the [...]g­dom, with their desires and present Resolutions thereupon.
Presented to the Commissioners at S. Albans June 23. 1647. to be by them humbly presented to the Parliament.

• LIeutenant General Cromwel.
• Lieut. Gen. Hamond.
• Com. Gen. Ireton.
• Sir Hardresse Waller.
• Col. Lambert
• Col. Rich.
• Col. Lilburn.
• Col. Okey.
• Col. Hewson.
• Col. Scroope.
• Col. Harrison.
• Col. Tomlinson.
• Col. Horton.
• Col. Pride.
• Quarter Master Gen. Grosvenor.
• Scout Mr. Gen. Watson.
• Adjutant Gen. Deane.
• Lieutenant Col. Jubbs.
• Lieut. Col. Cobbet.
• Lieut. Col. Ewers.
• Lieut. Col. Salman.
• Lieut. Col. Goffe.
• Major Barton.
• Major Rogers.
• Major Sanders.
• Capt. Cannon.
• Capt. Husbands.
• Capt. Disney

The Remonstrance of the Army was this day read, and after debate thereof by the Councell of War, was agreed unto, and afterwards by di­rection of the Generall and Councell of Warre, was delivered unto the Commissioners of Parliament residing at St. Albans, by the hands of Sir Hardresse Waller, Col. Rich, and Col. Tomlinson.

OUr Desires as Souldiers in behalfe of our selves and o­ther Souldiers that have faithfully served the Parliament in this Kingdome; as also our remaining dissatisfactions in relation thereunto, may be clearly collected out of our severall Papers that have formerly been presented to the Parliament concerning the same, to which particulars we have not yet received any further satisfaction.

2. In our last Representation it may appeare what our Desires are, a [...] [Page 58]Members of the Common-wealth in behalfe of our selves, and all others for the clearing, setling, and securing of the Rights, Liberties and peace of the Kingdome: for the Iustnesse, Reasonablenesse, Necessity, and Common concernement whereof unto all, we dare appeale to the whole Kingdome, and to the World: yet we have hitherto received no An­swer thereunto, nor can we heare of any consideration taken thereupon, to put the thing [...] [...]ntained therein into any way of resolution or dis­patch.

3. We have since, in pursuance of the first and second head of our de­sires in the said representation, delivered in a charge against divers per­sons, Members of the House of Commons, for divers designes and Practi­ses to the abuse and dishonour of the Parliament, the insufferable injury of the Army, the infringement of the Rights and Liberties both of Soul­diers and Subjects, the breach or hazzard of the peace of this Kingdome, and the hinderance of the reliefe of Ireland, &.

4. Upon which though the maine things charged, with the mischie­vous effects and further dangerous consequences of them, as also the con­stant and continued activity of all, or most of the persons charged in re­lation to those things, for the most part are suffici [...]ntly known, esp [...]cially to the Parliament it selfe, yet we find neither any thing done upon what is so knowne, nor any way resolved on or admitted by the Parliament for the examination or discovery of what may be lesse knowne: But ra­ther (as if neither the things charged nor the present sad effects nor fu­ture ill consequences thereof were at all considerable) the whole busi­nesse seems to be slightly past over or set aside.

Lastly, we did with these deliver in another paper (whereof here is a Copy annexed) containing divers just and necessary things which we did desire might be provided for, and done for the better proceeding in the Premisses with more safety to our selves and the Kingdome, and with more assurance or hopes of a timely and happy issue.

To which things desired (which we suppose all men reasonable will thinke just and necessary,) we have yet received no Answer or resoluti­on, nor can find any consideration at all had of them; save that a Moneths pay is sent downe to the Army, whilst those that have deserted the Ar­my, receive at London much more, and that some Votes have been pas­sed for the annulling the Committee pretended for safety about li­sting of men, and drawing of Forces together; which Votes we find rendred but vaine and delusive by the continued under-hand practises of those whom we have charged, and their accomplices in listing and inga­ging men for a new Warre, and by a later dayes Votes, not admitting [Page 59]that the Forces so listed or ingaged should by publick Order be dismist or discharged: which with other things we cannot but attribute chiefly to the prevalent influence of the same persons.

Now whereas we find that our first desire in the Paper last mentioned (for present suspending the persons impeached from sitting in the House) is judged by some to be against the course and priviledge of Parliament, or of ill consequence in the president of it, (the charge being but general, and no particular proofes as yet produced to render the proceedings Le­gall) we cannot but remind the Parliament.

First, That as the most and maine things charged (with the sad ef­fects and consequences of them) so the constant and continued activity of all or most of the persons charged in relation thereunto, (in misinforming, deluding, abusing or supprising the House, and otherwise, are sufficiently knowne to the Parliament it selfe,) so as the House might upon their own past and present cognizance of the same, most justly proceed to suspend them,) as (in many other cases upon farre lesse occasions which never could have produced such sad effects to the Kingdome,) they have done many o­ther of their Members meerly for words spoken of things moved in the House alledged to be but against Order or Custome of the House, and this without any tryall, proofe or charge, but meerly upon the Houses owne cognizance of the things, as we could instance in many cases since this Par­liament began.

Secondly, Whereas many of the things to which the Charge relates, are things spoken, moved or done in the House, so as yet we have no clear way opened particularly to charge or mention them, or to produce proof [...] to them, without some pretence against us of breach of priviledge, and therefore (though we think no priviledge ought to protect wicked men in doing wrong to particulate, or mischiefe to the publiq [...]e, yet) we have been hitherto so tender of Parliament priviledges, as that we have onely re­monstrated the evill of such things done, and supposing the House to have beene (as we did, and doe beleeve, and if way were open, without breach of priviledge, should not doubt to prove it was) some wayes misinformed, deluded, surprized, or otherwise abused in these things by evil Members, we have frequently in former papers, (before the Charge) put the Parliament upon it, (who without colour of breach of priviludge might doe it,) to finde out and discover who they were that had so abused them, and to disingage the honour of Parliament from the evill practises and designes of such Insendiaries.

Now since the same difficulties or prejudices lye yet in our way, (as to the particular charging or proofe of such things against Members,) [Page 60]And the Parliament (though so often put upon it in our former Papers, yet through the powerfull interest of the persons guilty,) hath not ta­ken any cognizance what Members or others have so abused them, to draw the Parliament to such dishonour and inconveniences, we cannot but a­gaine more fully and clearely assert (as we have in former Papers, and shall more particularly if need be, remonstrate) that divers things late­ly done and passed from the Parliament against this Army, (as particular­ly the Order for suppressing the Petition, that high Declaration against it, and against all that should proceed in it, putting the faithfull ser­vants of the Parliament and Kingdome out of the protection of the Law and exposing them as enemies to the State, &c. to the forfeiture of E­states, Liberties, Life and all, but for going about in an humble, peaceable and inoffensive way, to desire what was undeniably their doe, and dear­ly earned, and many other such like proceedings both against the Army and others,) do carry with them such a face of injustice, oppression, ar­bitrarinesse and tyranny, as (we thinke) is not to be paralleld in any former proceedings of the most Arbitrary Courts against any private men, but have brought insufferable dishonour upon the Parliament, (which we are, and others ought to be deeply sensible of,) hath tended to disoblige all men, especially Souldiers from the same, to destroy all just freedome either of Souldiers or Subjects, and hath conduced to all other the sad effects and worle consequences, expressed in the Charge, and gives us and others cause to conclude that those worthies, who have for­merly acted and carried on things in Parliament for Publick good, Right and freedome, are now awed or over-borne by a prevailing par­ty of men of other private interests crept in, and that neither we nor any other can reasonably expect right, freedome or safety (as private men) or to have things acted in Parliament for publick good while the same persons continue there in the same power to abuse the name and authority of Parliament, to serve and prosecute their private inte­rests and passions; and (under the priviledges of Parliament) to shelter themselves under the worst of evils or mischiefes they can doe, though to the ruine of the Kingdome. We are in this case forc'd (to our great grief of heart) thus plainly to assert the present evill and mischeif, together with the future worse consequences of the things lately done even in the Par­liament it selfe, (which are too evident and visible to all.) And so (in their proper colours) to lay the same at the Parliaments doores, untill the Par­liament shall be pleased either of themselves to take notice and ridde the House of those who have any way misinformed, deluded, surprised, or o­therwise abused the Parliament to the passing such foule things there, or [Page 61]shall open to us and others some way how we may (regularly and without the scandall of breaking priviledges, come to charge and prosecute those particular persons, that (in truth) have so abused the Parliament, (as well as our selves) even for those misinformations, and other evill and indirect practises or proceedings in Parliament, whereby they have so abused the same (as in our said Charge and former papers is set forth.

And here (if we may) we should humbly offer to consideration whe­ther it were not a necessary expedient, for prevention or remedy of such evils in future, that in things so clearly destructive to the common Rights and Liberties of the people, and the safety of the Kingdome, there should be a liberty for dissenting Members in the House of Commons (as it is al­lowed in the House of Peeres) to enter their dissent, and thereby to acquit themselves from guilt and blame of what evill may ensue, that so the King­dome may regularly come to know who they are that performe their trust faithfully, and who not. And this provision for the future, (as also our de­sires for remedy in the present cases) as it were clearly good and necessary in the respects premised, so (we think) the same may well be without future prejudice or discouragement in any other respects to succeeding Members of Parliament. Providing alwayes that no man shall be questioned or cen­sured for any thing said or done in Parliament any further then to exclu­sion from that trust, which is all that in the present case we should desire upon any such grounds. And that future liberty of entring dissents we do not here propose as a thing we any way insist on to the prejudice of Par­liament priviledges, we only offer it to consideration, and that from good wishes to the priviledges of Parliament, to render them more lasting by being lesse nocent. And indeed whoever most adores or tenders those pri­viledges, will best expresse his zeale towards them in taking care they be not abused or extended to private wrong or publike mischeif. (For wee clearly finde and all wise men may see it) that Parliament priviledges, as well as Royall-prerogative, may be perverted and abused to the destructi­on of those greater ends for whose protection and preservation they were admitted or intended (viz.) the Rights & Liberties of the people and safety of the whole) and in case they be so, the abuse, evill, or danger of them is no lesse to be contended against, and a remedy the [...]of no lesse to be endeavo­red, then of the other.

And whereas the injustice (in that particular of the Declaration a­gainst the Army for the just and innocent Petition) may seeme to have beene recompensed in the late expunging thereof out of the Journall books. We confesse it had been so in great measure, as to the particular or present injury done to the Army therein, and (we cannot but acknow­ledge [Page 62]therefore the justice that lies in those Votes for expunging thereof, and for our owne or the Armies particular reparation, we should nei­ther wish more, nor scarce have insisted on so much to any dishonour of Parliaments in future, and we should rather have been satisfied with the Parliaments declaring how, and by whom they have been misinformed, sur­prised, or otherwise abused in the framing, proposal or passing thereof as it was, but as to that particular, or any other of that nature, we say as fol­loweth.

1. We never did nor doe value or regard our owne injury or repara­tion in any comparison to the consequence of the one, to the prejudice of the other, or to the future security of common right and freedome in this Nation, And accordingly we doe not account any reparation considera­ble that extends but to our selves in the present case, and does not in some sort secure our selves, and all others from danger of the same or worse inju­ries or oppressions, (as private men from the wils and passions of the same persons that have offered and acted such things against us while an Army.

2. We cannot but imagine and consider (according to generall re­port) how the expunging of that Declaration was carried and obtained, and upon what grounds and intentions it was given way to, but had those that procured it been all for expunging it (and that freely) yet how can we expect better but that the same men who at one time carried such a Declaration, and another time expung'd it, may the next day ob­taine the like or worse (upon any occasion wherein it may serve their pri­vate ends or interests) if they continue in the same power and sway and be let passe in deluding and surprising the Parliament as they have done in the past particulars.

3. The apparent dishonour and prejudice brought upon the Parlia­ment, in having such a Declaration so passed as they should soone after, (without any alteration) in the pretended ground of it find cause (for shame of the world) to expunge (we thinke) should engage those Mem­bers that love Parliaments in point of honour, to find out and discover, how, and by whom the Parliament had been abused or otherwise brought into such an inconveniency. And the Parliament may in this see the tem­per, (as by-standers doe the prevalence) of those Members that abused the Parliament in that Declaration, who will and can make the authority of Parliament still lie under the dishonour of it (in a bare expunging or re­tracting) rather then to admit any consideration to acquit the authority of Parliament that would tend to six the blame on those particular Mem­bers that had deserted it. And this certainly will be admitted and [Page 63]done rather then to slight it over in a bare expunging, were not some men more tender of, and more swayed with such considerations and con­sequences as may tend to the prejudice of persons, then such as tend to the generall prejudice and dishonour of Parliaments.

As to these particulars included in our charge, which depend on things done without the Parliament, we are ready, and should most wil­lingly, proceed in the particular charging and proving thereof if (first from the Justice of the House in a present proceeding against the persons charged for those things that are already known to the House being done in it) we could find incouragement to expect any good issue upon those other things, and did we not (on the contrary) find that (notwithstan­ding what is so knowne to the House as before expressed) the same per­sons continue in such power and prevalence both in the House, and in all Committees of the highest trust, as leaves little hope of Right▪ or sa­tisfaction to the Army or Kingdome in other things, and much lesse in any just proceeding against themselves, while they continue Judges of their owne and our concernements, so as we cannot, while they remaine in the same power, expect any other but a continued perverting and ma­king advantage of all things (and especially of those delays which a re­gular proceeding against them would necessarily induce) altogether to our owne and the Kingdomes prejudice and danger disable or weaken us for those things, which the safety and setling of the Rights, Liberties, and peace of the Kingdome requires: And to strengthen themselves by un­der-hand practises and preparations both at home and abroad the be [...]ter to oppose us, and engage the Kingdome in a new War, thereby to ac­complish their designes or at least to save themselves from Justice in a common confusion: We say were it not for thes [...] and other considera­tions, that leave little hopes of Iustice to our selves or the Kingdome (while they continue in the same power,) and render all delayes dange­rous and destructive to ourselves and peace of the Kingdome, we should be contented that the businesse concerning the Members we have charged should be laid aside, till those other things were first setled, which our Declaration does propound for the common Rights and Liberties of the Kingdome.

But finding things still so carried as they are, and as we have before ex­prest, and that while they are Judges in their owne causes they (with that party which they make) will do what they please, and yet render it a breach of Priviledge to be accused for it, we cannot but upon all these considerations and for all the reasons before exprest insist upon it▪ that the members charged may first be forthwith suspended from fitting in the [Page 63]House otherwise we cannot expect any faire proceedings against them, upon a more particular charge, nor thinke there is any good intended to our selves or the Kingdome.

As to our desire of having the Army presently paid up equally with those that have deserted it, we appeale to all men for the Iustice, reaso­nablenesse, and necessity thereof.

The Iustice in that the former service (for which there arrears are due) hath been (at least) as faithfully and diligently performed by the Army as by those late deserters of it, and in our present posture (though they have appeared indeed more officious and serviceable to the interest and will of particular men then we, yet we are sure) the Army is and (we hope) will at last appear to be more faithfull to the true interests of Parliaments and the Kingdome (which we were at first called out and in­gaged for) then they in deserting the Army have hitherto ap­peared.

For the reasonablenesse of our desires though we have ground to claim more then they, or rather that they or some of them should forfeit their Arrears; yet we aske (for present) but equall, nor should we (at pre­sent) insist much on that (as to Officers) if our Souldiers were but first paid up. Our necessity to insist on that, is obvious to every man, and therefore (unlesse we should betray our owne and the Kingdomes cause) we cannot but positively insist upon it, that the Army should forth­with be paid up, (at the least equally to those desertor [...] of it, which if de­nied or delayed, we shall be thereby inforc' [...] upon present wayes of in­stant remedy and right to the Army therein.

And whereas the Parliament hath lately ordered and publickly de­clared that all that shall desert the Army, shall have present satisfaction in their Arrears (the Officers three Moneths pay, the Souldiers all their Arrears deducting for free Quar [...]er [...]) which still continues unrecalled, we cannot but look upon it as a most cleare evidence of the contin [...]ing malice and prevalence of ours and the Kingdomes Enemies. And we must and do insist upon it, that that order or Declaration may forthwith be publikely recalled, otherwise we cannot beleeve that any thing but ru­ine and destruction is designed to our selves and all others in the King­dome, who every where call upon us, not to d [...]band till we see the Rights, Liberties, and peace of the Kingdome s [...]led according to the many Declarations by which we were first called forth, and invited to in­gage in the late War.

Next we cannot but take [...] that (in stead of gra [...]ting or Answe­ring our desires in the last Paper,) in order to the be [...]r and more [...]se [Page 64]proceeding to a composure and settlement of all things for the good and peace of the Kingdome, and for prevention of a now War, the Army being first commanded to forty miles distance from London, his Majesties perion is demanded immediately to Richmond house within eight miles of London, which (as we cannot but impute it) to the prevailing inter­est of the same enemies to our and the Kingdomes peace, so all men may easily discerne (with us) how directly it [...]ends (in pursuance of their for­mer private designe) upon the King ere he came from Holdenby to put his Majesty within the reach of those mens power who have under-hand Listed about London, already very considerable numbers both of horse and foot, and are daily listing and engaging more both there and in many parts of the Kingdome to serve their designes: And therefore we appeale to all uningaged men whether we can in this give way to have the King put so farre within those mem power, without giving them the so long sought for advantage of his Majesties Persons, whereby to imbroyle the Kingdome in a new and bloudy War, and to strengthen themselves in their mischeivous designes, the better to uphold and establish their facti­on and intended domination, so that in this case we cannot but impor­tune the Parliament (as they tender, the peace and safety of the King­dome and the avoiding of Iealousies or worse inconveniency in the Ar­my) that they would resume the consideration of this businesse concer­ning the Person of the King, and not propose any place for him [...]ter to London then they would have the Quarters of the Army to be.

And whereas (by the procurement of the same persons, or others of their party) there hath been scandalous informations presented to the Housea, and industriously published in print, importing, as if his Ma­jesty were [...]ep [...] [...] a p [...]sones amongst us, and barbarously and uncivilly used, we cannot but decla [...]e that the same, and all other suggestions of that sort are most false and scandalous, and absolutely contrary, not only to our declared desires, but also to our Principles which are most clearly for a generall right and just freedome to all men, And therfore upon this occasion we cannot but declare partic [...]larly, that we desire the same for the King, and others of lift [...]arty▪ (so farre as can consist with common right or freedome) and with the security of the same for future,) and w [...] do further clearely professe we do not see how there can be any peace to this Kingdome, firme or lasting without a due consideration of, and pro­vision for the P [...]igh [...]s, Quiet, and Immunity of his Majestie [...] Royall Fa­mily; and his l [...]t [...] [...], and here in [...]e thinke that [...]nder and equi­tab [...]e dea [...]ing (a [...] supposing th [...]re [...]ses had been ours) and a spirit of com­mon [Page 66]love and justice diffusing it selfe, to the good and preservation of all, will make up the most glorious conquests over their hearts, (if God in mercy see it good) to make them, and the whole People of the Land, lasting friends.

Now to draw to a conclusion: since we can yet obtaine no satisfecti­on or answer to the things desired as before, but contrariwise find all things carried on by the prevailing interest of those our enemies, to the prejudice and danger of our selves and the Kingdome, since (notwith­standing some Votes of Parliament against the late Orders of the Commit­tee of safety, for listing of Forces, and notwithstanding the earnest desires and indeavours of the City, concurrent with our owne, to have the same prevened or remedied, yet the said Committee of safety, being continued still in the same power) we find that by the appointment or contrivance, and under the protection or countenance of the same persons whom we have charged, and their accomplices, there are still manifold practises under-hand to list and raise new Forces, and (notwithstanding the dis­covery thereof to the Parliament from the City, yet) the same persons have prevailed so far in the House, as not to admit the Question for dis­charging of them, but the same practices still continue, and with double diligence are inforced since: also divers forces (pretended to have inga­ged for Ireland) are by the same persons ordered to Randezvouz about Worcester, there to lay the foundation of a new Army. And to that pur­pose their Emissaries and correspondents in all Counties, are busie and active to raise forces for them. And though for these things the actors of them have no present publick authority, yet they have some way, such countenance or assistance to be justified in Parliament, (if questioned for it) as that they have the confidence to act openly, since they have like­wise their Emissaries or Agents abroad in Scotland, France, and other Countries, very active to draw in sorraine Forces for their assistance; since in the mean time, they are endeavouring by Spies and secret agents in all our Quarters, to inveigle and invite the Souldiers of this Army to desert their Officers and come to London, and for that purpose do improve the advantage of the Order or Declaration of Parliament afore-mentio­ned, for satisfaction of Arreares to such as shall desert the Army. And we find they have the publick purse so much at their disposall, as to make good that, and other their undertakings of that nature; and yet such as have so deserted the Army and received their Arrears, are not discharged or dispersed, but continued together in bodies, and under command, in or near the City, (as in particular some of Sir Robert Pyes men, Coll, Greaves his, Cap. Farmers and others still quartered upon Ke [...]) Since [Page 67]likewise they have Agents, and Correspondents, labouring with the King to make contract [...] with him to draw his Majesty to engage, and declare for them, or at least to declare himselfe a prisoner amongst us, whereby to stirre up and engage his party against us, since in all these respects we find all delatory wayes (which they industriously devise) to be design­ed and made use of only to our disadvantage, weakning, and ruine, and the Kingdomes prejudice, and to their owne advantage, and strengthe­ning in their designes, the better to prepare for a new War.

And lastly, considering the multitudes of Reformadoes and other Souldiers, swarming about the City (whom the persons we have char­ged and their accomplices, have at their beck, to bring up to Westminster when they please) and that by their frequent tumultuous confluences thi­ther, (besetting, and sometimes blocking up the Parliament doores threatning and offering violence to the persons of the most faithfull Par­liament men (the just freedome of Parliament seems to be taken away, or ar least for the present abrogated, in so much that those Members who have served the Kingdome hitherto with most faithfulnesse, diligence and integrity for the publick good, many of them dare scarce come to the House; or (if they doe) they come in feare and perill of their lives, and when they are there, are awed, discharged, or disabled from discharging their consciences, or doing their duties to the Kingdome.

Upon all these considerations, we are clearely convinc'd and satisfied, that both our duties and trust for the Parliament and Kingdome cals upon us, and warrants us, and an imminent necessity (for our owne and the Kingdomes safety, and a prevention of a new warre) inforceth us to make or admit of no longer delayes, but upon these foundations God hath given us with vigour and speed, to indeavour in some extraordinary way, the vindicating of Parliament freedome from tumultuous violence, the breaking of these designes and preparations that otherwise threaten a present imbroilement of the Kingdome in more blood and war, and a fu­ture perpetuable inslaving of it under faction and Tyranny. And so (if God see it good) to put the Parliament into a freedome and capacity (with his Majesties wished and hoped concurrence) to settle the Rights, Liberties and peace of the Kingdome.

Upon all these grounds, and for all these ends premised, we shall be in­forced to take such courses extraordinary, as God shall inable and direct us unto, to put things to a speedy issue, unlesse by Thursday night next we receive assurance and security to our selves and the Kingdome, for a more safe and hopefull proceeding in an ordinary way, by having those things granted, which in order thereunto we have before insisted [Page 67]on. And shall here for more brevity and clearnesse, repeat as followeth.

• 1 That the declaration, inviting men to desert the Army, and promising their Arrears in case they doe so, may be recalled and annulled.
• 2 That the Army may be presently paid up equally to those that have deserted it.
• 3 That his Majesties comming to Richmond may be suspended untill af­faires be better setled and composed. And in the meant time no place may be ap­pointed that may be neerer to London than the Parliament will allow the Quar­ters of the Army to be.
• 4 That the Members charged may be forthwith suspended or sequestred the House.
• 5 That those that have deserted the Army, may be instantly discharged and dispersed and receive no more of their Arrears till the Army be first satisfied.
• 6 That both Parliament and City, may be speedily and effectually freed from those multitudes of Reformadoes and Souldiers before mentioned, that flock to­gether about London, by a speedy dispatch and discharging of them from the City.
• 7 That all such listings or raising of new forces, or drawing together of any before mentioned, and all preparations towards a new warte may be effectually declared against and suppressed, as also all invitations or indeavours to draw in forraigne forces.
• 8 That the present perplexed affaires of the Kingdome and those concerning the Army as also all the things desired in our late representation in behalfe of the Kingdome may be put into some speedy way of settlement, and composure.

A REMONSTRANCE From his Excellency S^ir THO: FAIRFAX, And the Army under his Command.

WHen (by the blessing of God upon the endeavours of this Army, and other forces of the Parliament) the adverse forces and Garrisons within this Kingdome were dissipated, and reduced, a present quiet, and freedome of Trade, and all Commerce, and businesse restored to all parts of the Kingdome, and an hope­full way made for setling of a sound & lasting Peace, on good termes for the Interest of the Kingdome, in­stead of the hoped fruit of our labours, and hazzards, and of the King­domes vast expence (in the dispensing of Justice and Righteousnesse, and the setling and upholding of common Right and freedome to the Subjects of this Nation) we found immediately the crosse-workings of a strong and prevalent Partie in the Parliament, and Kingdome, who walking (under the maske of the Parliaments (friends; but being in truth men of corrupt, and private ends, and Interests, different from, and destructive to the reall and common Interest of the Kingdome) made use of their power to ob­struct, and pervert Justice, to injure, oppresse, and crush the peaceable, and well-affected people of the Kingdome, to abridge and overthrow all just freedome and libertie, and drive on designes to set up a Party, and fa­ction in the Parliament, and Kingdome, and (by the advantage of a per­petuall Parliament) to domineere over, and inslave the Kingdome to po­steritie. And for that end to make such a Peace with the King (if any) as [Page 130]without any just provision for the common and true Interest of the peo­ple, and the securitie thereof for future, would serve onely to make up, and establish their own greatnesse, and the affected domination of themselves, and their Partie over all others.

To all which ends (as before this Parliament, the ignominious names of Puritan, and Non-conformist, and the specious pretences for setling of Order, Decencie, and Uniformity in Religion were made use of, to the prejudice, trouble, and suppressing of all, that appeared, either for the Truth and power of Religion, or for the Rights, and Liberties of the Kingdome, and towards the advancing at once, both of an Ecclesiasticall, and Civill tyranny. So this generation of men in the application of the Parliaments Power (succeeding the former in the exercise of the Kings, have made use of the odious names of Brownists, Anabaptists, Independents, Hereticks, Schis­maticks, or Sectari [...]s of one sort or other, to blast such men, in whom the Truth, and power of Religion, or a just sense of the common Interest of the Kingdome, hath appeared, and have held forth the pretences of Reforma­tion, and Uniformity to colour and countenance their Designes, of setting up their owne irreligious, or pharisaicall domineering faction, to the op­pression of all other people; And herein they have had a great advantage, to further their aforesaid Designes, by reason of the jealousies, which many Conscientious men of the Presbyterian Judgement, have enterrained con­cerning this Army, and concerning divers other eminent, and worthy In­struments of the Kingdomes good, who (being in places of publick trust and power) were supposed to be of the Independent way.

In pursuance of their aforesaid designe [...] they endeavoured, and by their power and influence upon the Parliament, and the advantage of such pre­tences as aforesaid, very much prevailed to put out of all places of power, or publick trust, the most sob [...], and co [...]sciencious men, and such as had approved themselves faithfull to the publick interest throughout all the late troubles; and to put in debauched, and dissolute men, or such as would for advantage serve their prevate interests; and for that end (in ca­ses where they could not otherwise prevaile) procured such Garrisons to be slighted, and such powers to be recalled (though more necessary to have been continued) which they found in the hands of persons of the former sort, and such to be continued (though lesse necessary) as they found in the hands of the later. And the better to strengthen themselves in their de­signes, closing with a very po [...]ul party in the Citie of London, they first, with much activitie, endeavoured and prevailed to new modell the Com­mon-Councell, and forme the same to their own party, and then stirred them up to Petition (amongst other things concurrent to their ends) for [Page 131]the alteration of the City Militia, who, by their continuall, violent, and pressing Importunitie at the Parliaments doores, wrung from the Parlia­ment an Ordinance for that purpose, whereby they procured the power of that Militia (the speciall influence whereof upon the Citie and Kingdome, and upon the Parliament it selfe (being the onely guard they had for their safe sitting) is evident to all men, to be taken out of those hands in which it had been continued without out prejudice, and with great, and known security, and advantage, both co the Parliament, City, and Kingdome, throughout the late troubles (and this, without any exception, either then or since made against them) and to be put into the hands of such others as were (at best) of doubtfull affections to the interest of the Parliament, and Kingdome, but indeed men given up, and ingaged to the private inte­rests, and designes of the said factious party, as hath since too evidently appeared, and as in the late Declaration of the Army, concerning the grounds of our advance towards London, is more fully remonstrated. And (finding this Army not for their turnes) they made it their maine worke to dis-band or breake it in pieces, (even before the reliefe of Ireland were provided for, or the peace of this Kingdome setled.) And though all this went under the pretence of easing the present burthen [...] of the King­dome, yet at the same time they designed and went about to put the King­dome to the expence, and trouble of raising and forming a new force (un­der pretence as for the service of Ireland) but evidently designed, and so framed as to serve their own ends and purposes aforesaid in England. And (being many of them filled and acted with personall envy, and others with malignity of principles and interests against this Army, and the worke of God by it.) It would not serve their turne to breake or dis-band it, but it must be with all possible dishonour, injury, oppression, and provo­cation that they could put upon it. And it was too evident, that their endeavour was not onely to put it off without the honour, or satisfaction due to it, for the service it had done, but to dis-band it on such termes, as to subject, and expose all (and even the most faithfull) servants of the Par­liament, and Kingdome, both in the Army, and elsewhere, unto oppressi­on, and undoing, or to the mercy of their own, and such other mens ma­licious and envenomed spirits, which could promise no better; for the more full and particular Demonstration of all which, wee referre all knowing men to the practices and proceedings against this Army, unto the times (by their procurement) appointed for the dis-banding of it in severall parts, without just and equall satisfaction, which have been in part remonstrated in papers sent from this Army, and published before our coming up to S^t Albans.

Upon consideration of all this, and upon the resolution, (which their own abuses and provocations put upon the Army, had raised in the whole body of it) not to dis-band without further satisfaction, and security from the like abuses in future; Wee did in our Representation or Declaration sent from S^t Albans, expresse in generall what things wee desired, (besides our concernments as Souldiers) to see done or provided for, before our dis-banding for the peace of the Kingdome and a securing the common rights, and liberties thereof, which wee were called out to defend and vindicate, and had so long sought for. And having (therewithall) impeached seve­rall Members of the house of Commons for their unjust practises and de­signes to such purposes as are before expressed, and for indeavoring in pro­secution thereof to ingage this Kingdome in a new warre; wee added some further desires for the prevention of that mischiefe (of a new warre) to the Kingdome, and for our own present securitie from immediate ruine, while those other things might be treated on or considered. And upon the grant­ing of some of them in part, and hopes given of some others (though we could not obtaine the rest, and especially not that which we held most just, equall and necessarie; viz. The positive suspension of those impeached mem­bers from sitting in the House, as Judges in their own cause, and from their power in Committees, whereby they had th'advantage to raise warre a­gainst us, and to make new disturbances in the Kingdome, yet) the said im­peached Members pretending to withdraw themselves from the Parlia­ment, untill their causes should be heard and tryed, and the House giving consent thereto; Wee, out of our tendernesse to Parliament Privilidges, and our earnest desires to yeeld all observance to the Parliament and satis­faction to the Citie (who pretended a full concurrence with us in our de­clared desires for settling the peace and liberties of the Kingdome) did at the Parliaments command, and the Cities request, withdraw the Army to the desired distance from London, and dispersed it further to severall parts of the Kingdome for the ease of the Countrey, and proceeded in a peaceable and regular way, to prepare & prosecute more particular Char­ges against the said Impeached members, which within a few dayes after wee accordingly sent up to the House: And the said Impeached Members, (having put in a delatorie answer thereto with a plea and demurre to di­vers particulars therein) pretended, that (to avoyd any disturbance or interruption to the present proceedings for settling the publicke affaires, by the interposall of their private cause,) they desired leave and passes to travell for some Monthes, which accordingly the Speaker of the House of Commons was ordered or authorized to give them, and wee (presuming on the Houses caution for their forth-comming to be tryed, when the af­faires [Page 133]of the Kingdome were settled (which upon their first motion of withdrawing wee had insisted on,) did not gainesay. And thereupon we proceeded in a quiet and hopefull way to prepar more particular propo­salls (in persuance of our former generall desires) for the present setling of the peace of the Kingdome to be tendred to the Commissioners of Par­liament residing with the Army for that purpose. But finding that while wee were thus peaceably proceeding, the said impeached members (not­withstanding their pretended desires to travell) did continue in and about London very active and busie to raise warre, or make disturbances in the Kingdome, and that the Committee of the Militia there did comply with them therein (by daily listing of men and other preparations towards warre, and sheltring to that end, yea, and entertaining into service those same Reformadoes, who (by Ordinance of Parliament,) were by them to have been put out of the Lines of Communication) and finding continuall jealousies and disturbances to our said proceedings, bred in the Army by the daily reports and alarms thereof from the Citie, wee made a particular addresse to the Parliament for the restoring of the Citie Militia into those hands, in which it was before the Ordinance of the fourth of May last. For the reasonablenesse of our desires wherein, supposing that we had such cause to insist on some removall of that power out of the hands in which it was then put (as here before is partly exprest, and in our late Declara­tion is more fully set forth) wee dare confidently appeale to all men (not engaged or prejudiced against us) whether, for the present safety and quiet of the City upon such a change, and to prevent those dangers or distur­bances to, or in the City, which the want of a Militia during the intervall (betwixt the ceasing of one, and new forming of another) might give oc­casion and advantage unto, (especially in such a juncture of affaires) there could be any other way so expedient, as to render that change but an im­mediate reverting into those hands in which it was so lately before (who would make up a Militia ready formed to succeed immediately in place of the other, without any considerable intermission or delay) and whether, at a time when jealousies and distrusts were both so rife and hurtfull (as they might occasion no lesse distraction or interruption to any quiet settle­ment or proceedings thereunto, then reall attempt of mischiefe would) there could be any proposall more reasonable or hopefull to beget a con­fidence and acquiescence (as to that point) both in the Parliament, Citie, and Army, then to have that power restored (for the present) into those hands of whose fidelity to the common interest, we had all found so am­ple and unquestioned proofe throughout the most dangerous times: upon our addresse therefore to the Parliament for that purpose (the Army be­ing [Page 134]at such distan [...] as aforesaid) both Houses were pleased on the 23. of July last, to passe an Ordinance for returning of the Militia into those hands, and repe [...]ling the Ordinance of the 4. of May, by which it had been changed as before: hereupon hoping all would quietly succeed to a settle­ment in this Kingdome, wee went on securely to finish our Proposalls for that purpose, (the heads whereof have been since published) withdrew the head quarter to a further distance, dispersed the Army to larger Quar­ters for more ease to the Countrey, and upon a recommendation of the businesse of Ireland from the Parliament, wee had in lesse then a weekes space prepared and ordered a considerable force (no lesse then 4000. horse and foot, as Sir Thomas Temple, employed from the Parliament about that businesse to us, can testifie) for a present reliefe thereunto: But the restless [...] and treacherous malice of the enemies to our and the Kingdomes peace, (taking their supposed advantage of our distance, and dispersed posture (which their faire pretences of peaceable intentions had induced us into) first, they did without all colour of authority, contrive and set on foot in the City, and many of them entred into a mischievous and desperate now and ingagement, tending to the subversion of the freedome of Parliament, and the liberties of this Nation, to the frustrating of those just and pub­lick ends, for which so much bloud and treasure hath been spilt, and spent, in the late Warres, and to the raising of a new Warre against the Parlia­ment and their Army (which said ingagement both Houses of Parliament, did by their Declaration of the 23. of July, adjudge and declare to be high Treason in all that should promote or abet the same; and within a few dayes after, (to wit, on Monday July 26.) there was a Petition brought to the Parliament, by the Sheriffes, and some Aldermen, and Common-Councell-men, in the name of the City of London, for the recalling of the said Ordinance of the 23. of July, concerning the Militia, and the return­ing of the Militia into those hands, in which it was put by the Ordinance of the 4. of May, which Petition was immediately followed and backed with a tumultuous confluence of Apprentices, and other dissolute and de­sperate persons, who committed most horrid and unheard of violence up­on both Houser, inforcing them to recall both the said Declaration of the three and twentieth day of July, (concerning the said engagement:) and also the said Ordinance of the same date, concerning the Militia, and compelling the Speaker of the House of Commons to resume the Chaire, after the House was adjourned, and the House to passe such further Votes concerning the Kings present coming to London, &c. as the said Rioters did please, neither the Guard from the City, that then attended the Hou­ses, nor the Lord Mayor, Sheriffes, or any Authority in the City (though [Page 135]sent to for that purpose) taking any course to suppresse the said tumult, or relieve the Parliament against that violence, though it was continued for the space of eight or ten houres.

And the Houses having next day adjourned till Friday, July 30. There were printed Tickets fixed upon posts, in and about the City the day before, inviting the same persons to the like confluence at Westminster, against the House, next meeting, all which hath been more fully and more assuredly made known, by the Declaration of the Speaker of the House of Commons concerning the same.

By this meanes the Speakers of both Houses, together with most of the Lords, and a very great number of the most faithfull and unquestioned Members of the House of Commons were driven away, so as they could not with safety attend their service in Parliament, nor with freedome dis­charge their trust to the Kingdome therein, but were forced to fly to their Army for safety, so as there was not, nor could then be, and free meeting or legall proceeding of a Parliament. Notwithstanding which divers Members of both Houses, (who by the carriage and sequell of the busi­nesse, will appeare to be of the same party and confederacy with the afore­said Enemies to our and the Kingdomes peace, and with the Authors and Actors both of the said treasonable ingagement, and the tumoltuous force upon the Parliament.) Taking this opportunitie of time, to carry on their designes, when very few were left, but of their owne party, did continue to meet in the usuall places in Westminster. And (having under pretence of a necessity for continuing the Parliament, by adjournement, they drawn in some few well-minded Members to sit with them, out of a scruple least the Parliament should fall for want of adjournement,) took upon them the name of both Houses of Parliament.

And having on Friday July 30. chosen a new Speaker, did proceed to Vote and Act as a Parliament, and adjourned from time to time; But of what party and confederacy the most of them were, and to what ends and interests they acted, will appeare by what they did whereof we shall for present give a taste in some particulars, hoping that shortly the whole Journall of their proceedings may be made publick.

First, the said Members of the House of Commons (conveening as a­foresaid) immediately Voted and called in (as to the service of the House, the Eleven impeached Members. And also those who upon former Votes of the House were suspended, or under Question to be put out for Delinquency, and had put in their cases; with this pretended House of Commons thus composed, and foure or five Lords of the same. Modell (for an house of Peares) they proceed to set up a Committee for safety, [Page 136](whereof almost all of the said impeached Members were apart) this Committee they appointed to joine with that same pretended Committee of the City Militia, whose power was obtained only by the tumultuous force and violence aforesaid: To these Committees the most or many of their proceedings referre, and by divers pretended Votes, Orders, and Ordinances, procured in the name of one or both Houses of Parliament, large powers were given to these two Committees for raising of Forces, appointing chiefe Commanders and other Officers, and other vast, unli­mited, and unusuall powers were given them, all tending to the raising and levying of a new Warre within this Kingdome: upon which many forces both of Horse and Foot, were actually levyed, and other prepara­tions of Warre made; all which, that they were intended and designed in Justification, prosecution, and maintenance of the aforesaid treasonable engagement, and of the said force and violence done to the parliament, or of the very same ends and interests, and to oppose and hinder the resti­tution of the Houses of Parliament, to their honour and freedome and the advance of this their Army for that purpose (being then upon a March. Besides the consideration of the persons, into whose hands these powers were committed. It is abundantly evident many other wayes, but especially by that Declanation of the Lord-Mayor, Aldermen and Common-councell of London, which was first, by that pretended Committee of safety, ordered, and then by the pretended Houses (without reading a word of it) approved to be published in the Parish Churches, with an exhortation to the people to take up Armes, in maintenance of the ends therein expressed, which (though the pretence were for the defence of the King, Parliament and City, then alledged to be in great danger, (when as indeed none were in danger, but only the Authors, Actors, and Abettors of the traiterou [...] practises aforesaid, yet) the true ends thereof appeare clearely to be the same with the said treasonable ingagement, and tumult against the Parliament, all of them concentring (as in other things, so es­pecially in this) viz. To have the King brought up to London without delay, or any nearer upproach of the Army. And to all these, the succeeding Votes of the pretended Houses, for the same thing did speedily eccho the same note: Concerning which matter (not to examine the alteration of the case, since both Houses, and both Kingdomes also (of England and Scotland) resol­ved, that it was not safe the King should come to London, untill he had given satisfaction and secutity to his people in relation to those publick ends, for which so much bloud and treasure had been spent) we shall only say thus much to those mens intentions and designes in the businesse: That had the King come up to London (as they have so oft desired and attemp­ted) [Page 137]it is apparent they intended and would have made use of it, rather to lay the stronger foundations of a new Warre (upon the ruines of that publick interest contended for in the former, and of all those that had with most candor, clearenesse, and simplicity of heart, appeared and act­ed for the same, then any way to settle thereby a safe and well-grounded peace. And since they could not rationally expect so easie an obtaining of the Kings person to London, upon such a pretended Vote or Declaration of their desire thereof, it is as evident that they could intend nothing thereby, but a more plausible pretence, and foundation of quarrell against this Army, whereby to ingage or incline to their assistance the Kings par­ty, and such others, who might be catcht with the apprehension thereof, as a speedy way to Peace (the thing so generally longed for) and by such assistance gained the better to ruine this Army, and those faithfull Mem­bers of Parliament, who were retired to it. For our parts we shall re­joice as much as any, to see the King brought back to his Parliament (and that) not so much in place, as in affection and agreement on such sound termes and grounds, as may render both Him and the Kingdome, safe, quiet and happy, and shall be as ready as any to bring his Majesty to Lon­don, when his being there may be likely to produce (not greater distur­bances, but) a Peace indeed. And that such as may not (with the ship­wrack of publick interest) be shaped and moulded only to the private advantages of a particular party or faction. But bottomed cheifly on grounds of common and publick welfare and security. And if (without regard to these considerations) we would have brought his Majesty with us to London, in our late advance thither (which our enimies could not hinder or prejudice us in) we had no cause to doubt, but (as to men) we might have had all the advantages which our adversaries promised to themselves, thereby added to the strength and interest of the Army, and have inverted the disadvantages upon them that they intended a­gainst us thereby; so as his Majesties so much desired to come to London, might have been much to their prejudice, and our advantage and security, if we had regarded only our owne particulars.

But (as at present our consciences beare cleare witnesses to our selves,) so we hope God will in the issue make it cleare to others, that we have not minded, nor been acting our owne workes or interests, but the King­domes, and every honest mans in it. Mean while (to return to our purpose) we thinke it is sufficiently cleared, that the proceedings of those members, or the major part of them (that continued to sit at Westminster during the absence of the Speakers) the powers by them given, the forces there­upon levied, and other preparations of Warre thereupon made, were all [Page 138]designed and driven on in prosecution and maintenance of the said trea­sonable ingagement, and of the force done upon the Parliament, or for the same ends and interest with them, and to oppose the advance of this Army towards London, for restitution of the Parliament to honour and freedome, and indeed to raise a new warre in the Kingdome against the Parliament and their Army for the destruction thereof. And the same may (yet further) appear by this that those very Appentices, Reforma­does, and others about the City, who were the cheife actors in the said ingagement and tumult, were afterwards most trusted and imployed, and most active in their preparations for War.

By what we have here said and what hath been declared and published from us, and from the Speakers, and aforesaid Members of both Houses, and by the whole series of our owne, and our enemies actions and carri­ages, (compared together) it may appeare how tender we have been not only of the authority and just Priviledges of Parliament, and of the safe­ty, peace, and welfare both of the Kingdome and the City, but even to­wards those our enemies themselves (seeking only things necessary for the common good of the whole, (and that if possible) without ruine or hurt to any, and yet how maliciously and unworthily we have that while been dealt withall by those our enemies, and by a factious and powerfull par­ty (especially) in Parliament and City combining with them: And what cleare cause we have had both for all that we have formerly desired or done in prevention of our owne ruine and the Kingdomes disturbance, and also what just grounds for our late advance to London. The good service whereof (especially in restoring the Parliament into a condition of safety, honour and freedome, thereby hath been, (without any seeking of ours) acknowledged by both Houses with thankes to us, and publick thankesgiving to the Almighty for it; And a further trust hath been thereupon committed to the Generall for taking care with his Army to safe-guard the Parliament.

The Houses being thus restored to a condition of present safety, honor and freedome; Two things seem clearly remaining to be done, (which our owne and most mens expectations are most set upon) viz.

First, to vindicate the honour, freedome, and safety of Parliament from the like affronts or violences in future, and the Army and Kingdome from danger of the like disturbances (whilst things shall be in a debate or trea­ty for a settlement) and then to proceed unto a speedy settlement of the peace of the Kingdome.

The latter of these is first in our intentions (being nearest to the ulti­mate end. And we shal earnestly desire in order therunto, the proposals of [Page 139]the Army (whereof the heads are published) may be speedily considered and brought to a resolution. But considering that the debates of them may take up some time ere they be agreed on all hands, and the framing of them into Bils, and perfecting of the same will require much more. Some­thing must first be done in the former for a present security to the Par­liament from like affronts or violence, and to the Army and Kingdome from the like disturbances to the peace thereof by any farther advantage, which the time like to be spent in the setling of peace, may afford to our watchfull, restlesse, and (we doubt) implacable enemies.

First, therefore to those ends (unlesse it should be thought fit to secure the Parliament by keeping the whole body of the Army, or so great a part thereof, to remain continually in and about London, as might be sure to over-power any future tumults or force that may arise out of the City and ease of the parts adjacent, nor the safety of the Kingdome in respect of the present posture of affaires will admit).

It is absolutely necessary that there be speedy and exemplary justice done upon (at least) the cheif authors or abettors of the said treasonable engagement, and of the said force done to the Parliament, and upon the chief actors, in maintenance and prosecution thereof (whereby men may be deterred from the like in future.

And this is also as necessary to the security of the Army, and peace of the Kingdome, since it is apparent by all that hath been said, and by infi­nite other evidences (too many to recount.) That both the said ingage­ment, and the force done to the Parliament, and the power of the City militia thereby gained, and the succeeding votes and orders of the preten­ded Houses (but indeed of that faction that are our professed enemies) in maintenance and prosecution thereof, and the Forces thereupon levi­ed, (put under the command of Major Gen. Massey and others our pro­fessed adversaries) were all designed and directed to the ruine and destru­ction of this Army, and the raising of a new war against us in this King­dome; And having had such experience of their restlesse malice and cru­ell intentions towards us (notwithstanding our tendernesse and lenity towards them) and of their treacherous dealing (so soon as they thought they had the advantage) notwithstanding all their semblances of com­pliance to a composure; what reason is there to expect, but that if by our patience and delays they apprehend in future the like or other advantage, they will break out againe into the like or worse attempts of vio­lence and war, if all escape with impunity for these.

But, as to this point of security by exemplary justice in an ordinary, way, we see our hopes almost frustrated, whilst (though our desires and [Page 140]resolutions to that purpose exprest in our late Declaration of the grounds of our advance towards London, were then seconded with the declared approbation and concurrent resolutions of the Speakers and Members of both Houses that were driven away to the Army, and with their ingage­ment to live and die with us therein. And though in pursuance thereof the Right Honourable House of Peers, have since their restitution began and proceeded to declare null and void all that was done in the name of both Houses, while they lay under the power of that tumultuous vio­lence, and to give their more authentick approbation to our said Declara­tion made in behalfe of the said Speakers and Members while they were with the Army, and in behalfe of the honour and freedome of the Parlia­ment, and to give their like approbation to the concurrent Declaration and Engagement of the said Speakers and Members made to us while they were with us; yet the House of Commons have not only concurred with the Lords in any of those things, but rather seem to have cast them aside; and upon the Question concerning those very Votes of July 26. to which the Houses were by the said violence inforced, [whether they should be declared null and void] it was carried in the Negative, that the Question should not be put in; by the consequences whereof (which are many wayes very sad to this poor Kingdome, and more then we can recount) and by all subsequent proceedings in that House in relation to the whole businesse, we clearly find that the Members of that House, who (after the violence done to it, and during the absence of the Speaker and the other Members thereby driven away) proceeding in the name of that House as aforesaid, procured the pretended powers, and did make the pretended Votes, Orders and Ordinances aforementioned, and (many of them) were chiefe actors thereupon for the levying of warre in prosecution and main­tenance of the aforesaid treasonable Engagement and force done to the Parliament, and for the opposing, resisting and destroying of this the Parliaments Army in its advance to London, for the restitution of the Par­liament to its honour and freedome, being conscious of their owne guilt, and danger thereby; yet presuming on their interest in the House, and the patience and lenity of this Army, do continue to intrude themselves to sit and Vote there, and by their present interest in the House, do use their utmost eudeavours and very much prevaile to obstruct and avoid the bringing of any to justice who have acted under their pretended autho­rity, (knowing it to be their owne case and concernement in point of impunity, as well as conducency to their faction and interest) And for that cause they labour (as for life) to uphold the things past and done; and the authorities given by them and their faction (in their and the [Page 141]Apprentices pretended Parliament,) yea even those very Votes and au­thorities wrested from the Parliament by that palpable force of July 26. to be good and valid till they be repealed (as if past in a free and legall Parliament.) In which point and all Questions touching upon it, we find they presume upon, and are strengthened by the concurrence of divers o­ther Members, who having (perhaps with harmelesse intentions,) conti­nued to sit with them during the speakers absence as aforesaid, (though they consented not to any of their mischievous Votes, Orders, or Treaso­nable proceedings aforementioned (may yet feare themselves, to be invol­ved in the same case and danger by having sate with them; and thus by the concurrence of these two partyes in the House, (as to that point) and the interest which both these partyes have with others in the House (espe­cially upon a matter of saving one another,) and by the partiall respects of some others in the House, for the saving of their friends out of the House, who have acted under the authority, and for the evill ends afore­mentioned, we find an absolute obstruction to the bringing to justice, or questioning of any who have acted in the late levying of warre against us, and against the Vindication of the Parliaments freedome, or in the said Treasonable ingagements, yea, or in abetment of the tumultuous violence upon the Parliament it selfe, neither can we find or heare of any one per­son brought to justice or question for my of those things, but all seem to be either justifyed, or at least protected from Iustice by the power and prevalence of those Members in Parliament, who are (many of them, as we can make appeare) equally guilty of, and (others) in some kind ob­noxious for the same things; and thus not only our just expectations of Vindication to the Parliament, and security to our selves and the King­dome from the like treasonable and turbulent practises in future, (by Exemplar justice for what hath been so done) are frustrated, but even the safety and immunitie of the Speakers, and those faithfull Members of both Houses that were driven away by the violence aforesaid, and the immuni­tie of the Army in advancing to London, to bring them back and restore the Parliament to its honour and freedome; (which have been acknow­ledged, with publick Thankesgiving to God for it as aforesaid) is subje­cted and exposed to question (wherein theirs and ours and the Kingdoms enemies obtrude themselves to be the Iudges, (for if those pretended Votes, Orders and Ordinances, whereby werre was levied against them and us, were then good and valid (though they should now he repealed, yet) we, with the Speakers, and those Members aforesaid, in opposing of them while they were of force, must needs remaine transgressors still, and yet God and we are thanked for it. [what a Mock is this to God and [Page 142]man?] but to returne to the more serious consideration of our case, in relation to the securitie of the Parliament, Kingdome and our selves, a­gainst the like turbulent and treasonable practises in future, since by the means aforesaid, no securitie by exemplary justice can at present be had (to deterre any from the like) we wish all men to consider what straights we are in this case put upon.

That which is the maine worke of the Kingdome, and which we most earnestly thirst for and attend upon: (viz. the setling of a peace and con­sideration of our Proposals in Order thereunto,) will aske time to bring it to an issue, and that done, the relieving or remedying of the pressing grievances of the Kingdome, will take up and require the sitting of the Parliament for some further time, though upon the setling of a peace, a period be set for the certaine ending of it.) Now for the body of this Ar­my, or so great apart of it (as may serve to over-power any future tu­mults or force that may arise in or from the City to continue hereabouts so long, the condition of the Countrey hereabouts, and the nceessities of the City (in point of provision) cannot well beare it, and (we doubt) Forraign forces (that are already upon the wing) and turbulent Spirits that in severall parts of the Kingdome are beginning insurrections (if we continue fixed here) will have such opportunity and take such encou­ragement there-from, as that they may ere long necessarily call us off; should we now or hereafter (while the Parliament sits) draw off the Army from about the City (without exemplary justice upon some; would not the same or more dangerous tumults and violences probably returne upon the Parliament, and the like or worse practices of raising a new war be revived (with more advantage to our enemies, more danger to us and the Kingdome, and lesse hopes of appeasing it so easily and happily as the former) while the same violent and factious spirits both in the Par­liament and elsewhere shall continue in the same power and opportunities as formerly, and both they and all others shall have before their eyes the encouragement of that impunity and protection (yea rather that Justifi­cation,) which they have hitherto found from within the Parliament it selfe in the past practises aforementioned, though as grossely treasonable as any they can hereafter run into? should we or any others (for the ob­taining of exemplary justice upon some) proceed to impeach any for their past treasonable practices, what hopes of justice or of a timely dis­patch therein can we have; while such a prevailing party of men, inter­essed and concerned in the same things, shall in the House of Commons continue to be judges thereof, or at least be ready to avow and justifie the offendors therein, as having acted, under their pretended authority? In [Page 143]this straight therefore (though we ever have been and shall be most tender of all just priviledges of Parliament, yet) finding the root of these and o­ther difficulties to the Parliament, Kingdom, & our selves to lie in this, viz. That those Members of the House of Commons, who (during the forced absence of the Speakers of both Houses) continuing to sit [...]n [...] act as a Par­liament, did procure and consent to the pretended Votes, Orders and Ordinances afore-mentioned for levying of war, and that (as is before de­monstrated) in direct prosecution or maintenance of the for [...]-said treaso­nable Engag [...]-ment, and the violence done to the Parliament, and for the opposing, resisting, and destroying of this the Parliaments Army in its ad­vance towards London, (to returne the Speakers and Members of both Houses which were driven away, and the Houses themselves to their ho­nour and freedome) and who are thereby, and by their late owning and avowing of the same, and many of them (as we can prove) by acting per­sonally▪ the said treasonable practises, become p [...]r [...]ies to the same, doe yet take the boldnesse to sit and Vote in Parliament, especially in the House of Commons. Wee say, finding the main roote of our difficulties and dan­gers to [...]ye in this.

First, we appeale to all men, whether it be just or tolerable, that any priviledge of Parliament should (contrary to the Law of nature) make a man judge in his owne case and concernment; and wee wish those Mem­bers themselves to consider if we had come to engagement with the Forces raised by vertue of their pretended Votes and Ordinances, and that thou­sands had been shine, and we had made our way by the sword) whether they would then have expected to have sate as Judges upon us therein? and we are sure it is no thanks to them that it hath beene otherwise, and had wee found those Members in Armes against us, and subdued and ta­ken them, whether had they not beene in the condition of prisoners of Warre? and if so) then having put Armes into the hands of others against us, and still maintaining it, whether can they in strict justice challenge any better condition from us? but that (contrariwise) we should suffer ei­ther that those whom by the course of Warre, (which they had chose to engage in against us) wee might justly make our prisoners; should in a course of Law become our Masters and Commanders, or that those who the other day did in an hostile manner endeavour to have beene our Exe­cutioners, should (now we have by force broke their prepa ations against us) become our Judges (we suppose no reasonable man, nor themselves, (when they well consi [...]er it) can expect from us.

Upon all these Considerations of the justnesse of the Cause, and the ne­cessity of the thing, for the safety of the Parliament, Kingdome and this [Page 144]Army; (having no other way left timely to remedy the difficulties we are put upon, or prevent the growing dangers of future violence unto the Parliament, and disturbances to the Kingdome, or to secure the Parlia­ment in a quiet proceeding to settle the peace of the Kingdome; And (in such case the safety of the people being the Supream Law) we doe protest and declare, That if any of those Members, who during the absence of the Speakers, and the rest of the Members of both Houses (forced away by the tumultuous violence aforesaid) did sit and Vote in the pretended Houses then continuing at VVestminster, shall hereafter intrude themselves to sit in Parliament (before they shall have given satisfaction to the respe­ctive Houses, wherefore they are concerning the grounds of their said sit­ting at Westminster, during the absence of the said Speakers, & shal have ac­quitted themselves by sufficient evidence, That they did not procure or give their consent unto any of those pretended Votes, Orders, or Ordi­nances tending to the raising and levying of a war (as is before declared) or for the Kings comming forth-with to London) we cannot any longer suffer the same, but shall doe that right to the Speakers and Members of both Houses who were driven away to us, and to our selves with them, (all whom the said other Members have endeavoured in an hostile man­ner, most unjustly to destroy) and also to the Kingdome which they en­deavoured to embroyle in a new War,) as to take some speedy and effectu­all course whereby to restrain them from being their owne, [...]urs, and the Kingdomes Judges in those things wherein they have made themselves parties, by this meanes to make way that both they and others that are guilty of, and parties to the afore-said treasonable and destructive pra­ctises and proceedings against the freedome of Parliament and peace of the Kingdome may be brought to condigne punishment (and that at the judg­ment of a free Parliament, consisting (duely and properly) of such Mem­bers of both Houses respectively, who stand cleare from such apparant and treasonable breach of their trust as is before expressed.