A DISCOVRSIVE CONIECTVRE VPON THE REASONS THAT produce a desired event of the present troubles of GREAT BRITAINE, different from those of Lower GERMANIE. Considered in the maine passages that seeme parallel, but upon a further survey are discovered to be otherwise. BY CALYBVTE DOWNING, L.L.D. Pastor of Hackney.
Rara Temporum foelicitas, ubi sentire quae velis, & dicere quae sentias licet; quando Nerva Imperium, & Libertatem, res olim insociabiles miscuisset.
LONDON, Printed by RICHARD HEARNE for Iohn Partridge, and are to be sould at Purse Court, in the Old Change. MDCXLI.
A DISCOVRSIVE Conjecture upon the Reasons that produce a desired event of the present troubles of Great Britain, different from those of Lower Germany.
THE Hope that these sad and destructive distempers, may now have a more desired end, than the world of wise men could lately beleeve, puts us on [Page 2]beyond our feares to produce pregnant grounds, to make good what we have laid in about this businesse; as it is now transacting in happy hands. Which Worke (in all Politique probability) will give a great advance to his Majesties honour, and render Him considerable abroad, and like Himselfe at home; the blessed Fountaine of justice, peace, and plenty; that His ROSES and LILLIES may not grow, or rather be blasted in his Peoples blood.
We doe not adventure to run up this discourse so high, as the originall causes of these troubles, either in respect of the States principles, or divine providence; that I hold hard, and high worke, wherein latitude, and liberty of Divination is as dangerous, as difficult, and so leave it to time, and those that shall be trusted to draw up, and Commentary these three yeares affaires in an Heroicall history, for his Majesties honour and [Page 3]use both in the State Ecclesiastique, and Civill: and I cannot but conclude it the choisest piece in a practique way, that hath ever passed the Presse, Pancerol. de Reb. Invent. 122. since the Sword-man devised Printing, or the Gown-man conjured up Gunning.
It is not to bee denyed, but that there is so much similitude betwixt these Brittish troubles, and the beginnings of the stirres and storms of the Belgique Provinces, (before they setled into a solemne War) that wee had great ground to feare the same cruell Calamities, had not God gratiously supplied his Majesty with these present Counsels. Yet now we beleeve, that not only out of a fond facilitie, because we wish it, that there is no such reason to fix the same infelicity, as a fatall period, the remedie being proper, powerfull, and not Posthumum. Now to make this come hot to honest hearts, with great and growing comfort; Let us [Page 4]consider the occasions that cast the Low-countries into confusion, and allow how far we are gone in those wayes, and then truly take up, and see with what variety of better circumstances we may qualifie our feares, and quicken our hopes of a more happy event.
My designe is but to point at those passages that may be discovered in a Transit, without pretending to reach the reason of State in the non-communicable conveyances and negotiations of either side; supposing them fundamentally of force to produce a difference falling in with my proposall. Before we pitch any particular, the generall consideration of the cursed consequences, of the Belgique confusions, must needs worke strongly with all wise men, especially upon his Majesty, who is highliest interested, causing him to cast his provident eye upon the seat of those civill cruell wars, as an example of [Page 5]caution; as a Rocke covered, with the remaines of a wrecked Spanish Carrack, floating about it, sinking a whole Navy, to save that which was scarcely considerable, if wise men had had the valuing of it, who use to rule by remitting, when Subjects cannot obey with subsisting; Alas, that poore patch and spot of his patrimony is turned into a common Golgotha, to bury all Spanish greatnesse of a Fever In spiritualibus, which every Spring is ill Physick for an olde State to graft a new Monarchy upon, and all this by Ecclesiasticall Order, and solemne Procession, as they are the Heraulds and Masters of his Ceremonies. This were Item enough (too dearely bought) for us to steere another course, and not to trust shifting Sands, with Caesar, and all our fortunes.
But to come close to the bare businesse, the first consideration wee shall propose in this worke, is the [Page 6]Time and Manner of the rising of these Troubles in both States. Now though Belgia began first to feele these growing Distempers, upon King Philip the Second his personall taking Possession of that governement, by solemne investiture, upon his father Charles the fift his Resignation: and the present Troubles of Scotland first appeared upon his Maties making his Royall residence and Actuall assumption in his sacred Inauguration; yet this holds but lightly, with Wise men, either in morals or Politiques, to produce the same event, if duly considered. For indeed there is a vast and operative distance, in the concurrent circumstances of their royall journies: because K. Philip came into Belgia, not as K. of England, but K. in England, or onely the Queenes husband (as hee complained to his Father, Strada, de Bell. Belg. Lib. 1. that the English called him, which was one argument, to obtaine a resignation of [Page 7]somthing) who dying in his absence, he remained onely the bare Dominus, not Rex Belgiae, and seeing all his other Dominions, both hereditary, and Feudall past and possest in a monarchique way, this temper of government, in his other territories, tempted him to try conclusions, against his trust, even to trouble those provinces, and his owne conscience, by attempting to turne them into a Kingdome, contrary to his oath so lately taken; which desire though Charles the fifth had in his heart, Lud. Guic. Comment. de Belgi, 1554. yet his well tempered head, held him from driving it to a point. Knowing full well, how ill it would worke, being alwayes under severall Lords and Lawes, pitched into Provinces, Grot. Apol. C. 1.2. under particular Proceres, who had more than a meere Simulachrum potestatis, especially being that Flanders was but lately coldly relinquisht by the French King Francis the first, Sleid. de-reb. Illustr. Gal. upon an unequall Treaty, when Charles [Page 8]had him prisoner at Madrid: and so this could not come well from Philip In novo, nutanti, & quasi praecario Domino: Thus was his way. When as his Majesty came into Scotland sole and supreme Potentate, of all Brittish Dominions, not to turne a Republique, or an Aristocracie, into a Monarchy, but tooke solemne possession of an unquestioned Crowne, and his Nobles of England were welcome Witnesses, and Attendants of this roiall Worke, without any interruption from any supposed Inter-Regnum, or pretensions of diminusion whatsoever. So that the nature of the businesse and the ends of the Princes beeing so divers, must needs produce various events; and it were a wonder in government if they should not; especially if in the next place you consider the proceedings issuing from these Royall Presences, and you will finde them conclusive for his Majesties honor, and the publique peace.
I will not deny, but there was something proposed, and put on by some, that in good time may have little thankes for their paines; which in the State Ecclesiastique drive to a change; but that was not his Majesties designe, but as it was represented to him as a Nationall question, to be determined by his Wisdome. But Philip raised the question, and was warme in the Worke; as see it in a particular: The first offence given and taken in both States, was about fourteene Bishops, with their Canons, the one of Trent, with Regall limitations; and the other of England, with mitigating variations; the Inquisition to execute the one, and the High Commission the other, but in far different waies. Meteran. hist. Belg. li. 2. For Philip did erect de novo 14 Bishops, out of Abbots ruins & revenues, and in a Republike, against an express priviledge in termes, with the scandall of the Nobility, who well understood, [Page 10]that so cautious a Prince would never so provoke such jealous Peeres; but that he conceived the creating of these new Ministers an assured meanes to tie them short, and silent in all their State-assemblies, as overawed by their presence, and so in event reduce the force of such freedome into forme, that they might waxe weary, and be content to want them, and so he worke his will; especially considering, how this notorious Innovation was transacted at Rome, by a Bull of Faculty from Paul the fourth; Thuanus hist. lib. 33. which must needs be carried with great power, and privacy, because Philip was at odds, and odious to the Pope about the present businesse of Naples: It was to be beleeved, that some great matters were to be managed by this new engine, procured with so much care and cost, both of time and treasure, with such a dash of reputation, and danger of rebellion, [Page 11]and the States being not so sleepy, as to suffer themselves to bee supplanted by a cunning consequent of a pernicious and unpleasing President, could not but stirre. Now take up these circumstances, and they quite change the case; for it is one thing to erect 14. new Bishops, therby laying the foundation, for setling of a Faction, and shaking the present Government, by mixing instruments distributed into all Provinces, as dependants at absolute devotion; one thing (I say) to erect 14 new Bishops, another to protect 14 olde Episcopall Sees; represented to his Majesty as a necessary, ancient, usefull State in that kingdome: and the manner of composing the question, falls in much with the maine, Inchoavere sibi annum ultimum, Reipub. prope supremum, Tacit. hist. lib. 1. Philip maintaining those moderne Prelates beyond all moderation: his Majesty relinquishing these, as not standing with the present State of affaires. For though he hath done [Page 12]much for them, yet he will not undoe his State Civill, to support the Ecclesiasticall in accidentals. So that in Politique possibility we may hope a correspondent event to the reall difference of these proceedings.
And now wee have seen a difference in the designe, and the maine meanes to compasse it; in the next place let us consider the instruments, how they were called, or thrust themselves into the affaires of the State; and with what successe they fell in with their Masters Counsels, or furthered their owne upon his greatness & goodnes. Now you shall finde Philip the second, for atchieving of his end forenamed, chose himselfe instruments fit for usurpation of absolute dominion, and without doubt was the leader of these Ministers, especially at the first. For Archbishop Cardinall Grandvell was trusted in traverse worke, by Charles the fifth, not taken for an [Page 13]ambitious piece of aiery, aspiring timber; but this Austrian Eagle, proposed such glorious objects to these Harpies, as pleased his eyes, and cared not, if it burnt their feathers. Yea, he was so radically resolved, that when his prudent sister, Thuan. hist. lib. 38. Margaret of Parma, moderatrix of Belgia, proposed waies of moderation; his nature, seconded and set on by his ends, boldly broke through all her mediation, and some of his owne promises and protestations which were wrought out of him by present importunity, and impossibility to proceed. True, he went severall waies, but alway to the same ends, which was to make an end of all those Provinces, rather than hee would misse of his minde, though he found it Durissimam Provinciam: therefore concluded her removall, and to send the daring Duke of Alva in her place. Now there is an infinite distance, and must needs have [Page 14]successe in sutable way, for a Master upon ill ends to imploy bad servants, and uphold, and hold them to it, as his businesse, upon judgement; and for a prudent Prince, not used to vicious waies, and so not jealous, to bee misinformed by Ministers that thrust themselves upon odious unwarranted actions, supposing that his Majesty must owne them and their proceedings; it is true, that such a gracious Master merited to have better servants, or by this time to have made them so: but this case will infallibly afford a more blessed conclusion, both in the judgement of God, and man, than where indifferent instruments were driven to degenerate, to serve one mans will, and lay the foundation of all mens misery.
And it were not amisse to make this evident by the severall carriages of these Princes towards their Ministers; as to instance only in two [Page 15]grand Creatures of King Philips, compared with the ambitious imbracers of his Majesties affaires, (so far as they are disturbed) not to speak of their Collaterall auxiliaries of State. Take Archbishop Grandvell a forreiner, yet making an imbracement of all the businesse of Belgia, first, or last all touched upon him; and joyne to him the Duke of Alva, a great Commander in the conquered kingdome of Naples, and compare them with whom you see cause, and then take a view how their Masters dealt with them; and it will be the shortest and the surest rule of the uses they meant to make of them. Few without an Italians cunning, and a Spanish Iesuited conscience, could ever have gotten leave of themselves to put in practise such false and fatall Counsells as Bishop Grandvell executed; for grant, that as a great Church man, of vast desires, and designes, he had over-acted in the proposall [Page 16]of the project of fourteen new Bishops, supported with the new Inquisition and Canons: sure hee would never have set himselfe to make good his mistake by so much mischiefe, as a Civill war, if King Philip had not put him on, to assure his fraud by force, in the promise of Alva his Army (as you find these two men shifting interests, and crushing all opposites by Combination) sure these Dominationum Provisores (as Tacitus) Purveyors of Tyrannie, that proceeded against the Law of Nations, Arms, and Leagues; whose truces, Treaties, Pacifications, had all Treachery under them, had in reason of state (in which King Philip seldom erred) been discarded as destructive disturbers, if they had not bin much wrought, and upon meere motion first warranted for their humorous undertakings: without doubt this Prelate, the chiefe Augur of Austrian Tyrannie, that had more of the Diviner [Page 17]than the Divine in him, had been soone banisht as a mischievous State-Mountebanke, and not beene trusted as a faithfull Foecialis, if there had not beene some disorders to bee acted In Ordine ad Spiritualia, thereby to serve his Masters Temporall turne. Else would Philip never have withstood so many Complaints of the whole State, with the aggravating letters of humble Information, from the chiefe of the Nobility, against this odious instrument, that the Prince of Orange (whom the cunning Prelate called Taciturnus) should so speak out, to such a Prince, and yet Philip owne him, sure there was more in it than ever saw day, or can endure it: especially when the Governesse, his wise wel-tempered sister, signified the same, and desired his displacing; yea and some of the Nobility of Spain at home, Strada li. 2. that were not of the Cabinet Councel, fully voted to displace him: only Alva stuck [Page 18]close to his Ecclesiastique friend: and when by universall hatred hee began to totter, the king did not then remit him to the state, for the triall of his pretended integrity; onely cast a jealous eye upon him, not as one grosly evill, but as too great, too able, absolute, and something insolent an Instrument; suspecting and supposing his owne supreme abilities eclipsed by his so neere, so high advancing: so that all hee did with him, was to lay him by for a time, lodged under a cloud of personall displeasure, to make him passe lower, and come lesse in the worlds esteeme; not that hee had any disposition of doting indulgence, beyond reason of state, to reverence his office or order, being he immediately cast him upon hard, rough, and rocky work, cut out of purpose to breake him, or that hee might break the wilde, Thnan. hist. lib. 1. unbackt, unbitted Neapolitan Courser, which Tolitomus had heated into a sedition, [Page 19]by seeking to hamper & halter them with Inquisition. Sure the most the King disliked in him, was a busie boldness to over-do the businesse; as whē he was his Vice-Roy of Naples, he presently fel foul with the Bishop, possessed his temporalls, and cast him into prison. Wise Princes long relish not those Ministers, that will needs be not onely executioners, but Authors of their Masters Counsels; being they love to serve their own wils with their owne wits; and instruments must know no more of businesse, than they think good to reveal, especially if it be such as wil not endure the light: rightly concluding, that all openings are weakenings both in buildings and in businesse, as well in Factions as in Fabrickes: therefore this Prelate being privy to so much, Philip did wisely, not to change his fortune by dis-favour, lest he should change his faith to his disadvantage; holding this false Principle, [Page 20]not to permit the most pernitious Minister to sinke or suffer; and therefore gave an expresse to the Governesse, Strada li. 5. that shee should never call an universall Assembly of the States; and when, upon an exigent, by private instruction shee assembled a Senate, it was with a designe to dissolve it; being not intended so much to have their advice and assistance, but to feele their Pulse, and finde by their affections, whether the worke was a possible pull; Thuanus hist. lib. 40. exploring their strength, or rather their weaknesse, putting them into passion in provoking waies, that there might be more colour, to embrace, or crush the greatest, as they saw occasion. Now what needed all this shifting, & shuffling, if the dealing had been faire, and above-board, in the view of the body of the Councell of State And that his Majesty goeth no such waies to shelter his mischievous Ministers, let the present proceeding discover; [Page 21]though more might be said in excuse of our Ecclesiasticall instruments, being not beaten to businesse of State, to consider consequences in long winded workes, good only at quicke turnes, hints, fits, starts, and onsets of actions, out of ambition, envy, and humorous interests, being subtile, yet shallow, concealing a bottome not worth the owning, wanting both patience, and experience, heated with passion into a Calenture; whose power wiser, yet worser men, Iesuited Statists, have abused to doe more mischiefe than they ever meant. But further let us consider, how Philip dealt with his second Minister, the great Duke of Alva; and see his Majesties carriages towards the like man, of prodigious pride and parts. When Philip called Alva out of Italy, into Belgia, having no minde either to goe himselfe, or make good the pacification; and pretended only the distemper of a [Page 22]tertian Ague, as a fit divertive, to deny his Royall presence; though he was assured by good hands, that an Emplaster applyed by any other hand, would be taken for a cutting Corrasive, Strada li. 5. and breed ill blood; Yet by Alva's perswasion at the Councell-table in Spaine, upon a private Item of his owne, brake through all, and concluded upon his advice, with a Royall Army to make good all his demands; Meteran. hist. li. 2. (which counsell was Treason in Belgia, being the forces were forraine) now if this Duke had only acted his owne nature, and not tooke these hints from the K. ends, sure Philip would have used him according to the event of his unhappy service, and not only have made a relegation and faire confinement of him to Vzeda, Confinatoe perele da Corte. Conestag. da Portogalliae Istorza. li. 3. five and twenty miles from it, as a reservation to his owne use, till time, and occasion should call him home, and no neighbour use him in the interim, nor corrivall [Page 23]envy him, for favour obtained upon such foule, and fatall undertakings. Sure had he not performed the maine, Ex praescripto Regis, Philip would have laid a damning deportation upon him, Stradali. 7. or at least have left him at a losse, and never have called him home, to passe with an Army into Portugall, setting him at liberty, to chaine them short. Indeed his ill service, when all was passing along to peace, and his Majesties owning, or not openly deserting of him, soone turned the worke of War, in the progresse and processe of it, from a defensive, into an offensive, on the States part; and it is likely so to continue, Idem li. 6. being cast into such a way of subsisting, that what goeth out of the doore in expence of armes, commeth in at the window in exsise and successe. As ake a view of his particular proceedings; after the breach of the pacification, Plus significat, quam loquitur. and the Prince of Orange his relinquishing [Page 24]Belgia, upon the tender of a new oath to the Nobility, and so avoiding his treacherous hands; Alva by private, pocket warrant, procured by whispering Counsell, upon halfe a word from his Majesty, Hippol. à collib. consil. q. 2. cut off chiefe of the Nobilities heads who set their hands to the complaint against ill Counsellors, and petitioned for composing all in honorable, safe waies; Thuan. li. 41. and that for crimes never published, and therefore for ever suspected, which raised such a mischievous mixture in mens mindes, as fixed a resolution, to have Spanish blood pay the arreares for ever: that he was held up to goe on at this rate, hath cast downe the power of the elder house of Austria in lower Germany, whence the Eagle first tooke his flight, Comineus Com. li. 8. to mount to the top of the Capitol, upon the malicious mistake of Lewis the eleventh. Now let us reflect a little, and see how his Majesty carrieth the like proceedings [Page 25]to a more prosperous point, giving full way to sequestre and punish all malignant delinquents; wherein his Highnesse holds close to his own prudent principles, to rule by Counsell, especially in extraordinary confounding causes, when the ordinary private, set Councell of Princes is concluded too short, and insufficient, as never intended for universall advice in such domestique designes, as worke upon the body and soule of a State; especially if some of those Counsellors, who have pulled hardest to be interested in publique affaires, be found faultiest, and the fomenters of the dissentions, Pet. Mat. hist. pacis l. 6. n. 3. driving the interests of a false and forraine friend, Opes factionis. Salust. Bell. Iugur. long since sworne Protector Regni Angliae, and hath ever since beene so wise, as to have Pensioners at devotion; knowing that seditions make Conquests easie, where he hath a party.
This indeed is the root of all these [Page 26]ruinating courses; which is the next consideration to be examined for a hoped different event, and will satisfie all rationall, disingaged Statists, concerning his Majesties deserting many of his Ministers, as Piaculares publiciodii victimae (as Pliny perswaded just Trajan)
Now to make this manifest, wee must lay downe what principles necessitated Philip irrecoverably to correspond and support such kinde of instruments, Meteran. li. 1. especially his Spanish tooles of State, crosse to his Fathers last advise, and you will finde it to be the making himselfe head of the holy League concluded in the Councel of Trent, upon his owne conditions to make the Westerne world his holy Land, and a fifth Monarchy; then he began to execute the Canons of the Councell, with a Writ, De excommunicato capiendo, farming all the Popes Fines at a quit rent of his own rating, making this a Title, to have [Page 27]footing by a faction, in all Dominions he aimed to embrace; now for this worke he was to have Ministers that must live in the bowels of neighbour kingdomes, to be their death. Witnesse the Guisian faction that wrought so malignantly upon Scotland, with reference to England. When they perswaded the Queene Regent to get a guard of Italians; Thuan. li. 23. this engine had the maine spring turned by Spanish reason of State. Sure the performing of this pleasing trust cast him upon many most unpleasing passages, which were too sutable to his disposit [...]on, (as well as his designe) which was severe, even to cruelty. For I cannot beleeve that Q. Maries temper, notwithstanding all provocations by her Mothers divorce, and her danger of disinheriting by the Protestant party, did put her into such waies of wasting her Countrey, and Conscience, if King Philips company and counsels had [Page 28]not engaged her, neither was it a passage of pitty, but policy, that made him mediate for Queene Elizabeths life, Repraesent. pacis general. ca. 6. being he had no hope of Issue, and meant to marry her, and would not in any case she were removed, because the French King, Francis the second had obtained Mary Queene of Scotland, the next heire to the Crowne, and hee was wiser than to let so considerable a Kingdome (that moderateth Christendome) fall into French hands: so that to returne, and leave digressing, this service of an Ecclesiastique voluntiere, filled his head and hands full of bloody businesse; as see how he ventured all, to settle that Councell in these petty Provinces; what waies he went to extirpate the Protestants of France. Instance the interview of Baion, when Alva went in his roome, attending his Queene, to give the French King and their Mother Katharine de Medices a meeting; Thuan. l. 37. [Page 29]when Alva had Plena mandata à Philippo, to communicate in Arcano; and all was covered and coloured with his presenting his Majesty with the order of the golden Fleece; when the maine designe was the proposing of a plot for the Parisian Maatins, in imitation of the Sicilian Vespers; which hee delivered as a Master-piece from King Philip, Io. Baptista. Hadrian. apud Thuan. li. 37. Fazellus de rebus Siculis li. 8. Dec. 2. who communicated it to the Pope Gregory the thirteenth, to beg a benediction for a cursed Conspiracy; for which invention, or rather imitation of his predecessor Peter of Arragon, Philip well merited to have his name written in Rubricks, in the Gregorian Kalender, Stylo no vo reformato, not as a Saint, but sanguinary hater of reformation. Yea, further, it may bee Physically conjectured, that the same blood begat that cruell Counsell, which put him upon deliberation, against his owne best blood, Charles his brave eldest Son; [Page 30]who upon Spanish reason of State, Pet. Mat. hist. pacis li. 6. nar. 14. and no other ground rendered, but feare of his Religion, must die, and have only the favour to chuse his death. Yea, this politique zeale worked to the last gaspe with him; as that free, faithfull Author testifieth, Idem nar. 16. Philippum animam agentem, filio suo, summo ardore, bellum in Haereticos commendasse: and to make it impossible ever to meete in medium waies of moderation, Mariana de los yerros del govier de los Iesuit. cap. 10. he made choise of the Iesuits for his conscientious Casuists, which cunning Confessors have composed a Somma poenitentiale, according to the compasse of their Grandizing Masters conscience, crosse to the quiet of all Christendome, Hispaniam pari justitia continuit, major privato visus dum privatus fuit, & omnium consensu capax imperii nisi imperasset. Tacit. hist. 1. and the good of humane society, which they keepe as Cases reserved, Inter arcana dominationis. So that all the world may see how King Philip and his successors are held to it, to stand by their Ministers, without they will lay down their designe [Page 31]of enlargement of Dominion; Antonio Perez. part 2. cart. 33. but while that humour reigneth, they must be unjust, if it be for a kingdome, and shall have use of such instruments that they dare not remove but by sudden ruine. Whereas a moderate Prince who hath no such service, and Ministers burne not with black secrets, to make themselves deare, and over-awe him; may with honour, safety, transcendent justice, and great content bequeath notorious suspected ill Counsellors, to a solemne publique triall; being not necessitated, either to protect them for ever, or, without Processe, to ruine them in a moment. De Clem. li. 2. cap. 5. Serious Seneca advising two waies of Clemency (a vertue of as much policy as piety in a Prince) seasoneth that sweetning, with mixing Salutares severitates. Yea, where he is most judiciously angry with Anger, he entereth a Caution, that sometimes, De Ira. li. 1. cap. 9. Optimum misericordiae genus est occidere; [Page 32]especially such as are blood-thirsty, & deceitfull men, who should not live out halfe their daies: Atrocium ministri, Contrivers of mischiefe and misery, whom no necessity, or straights of State can excuse. For there are Foeda, Decius de regul. Iuris l. 122. n. 2. falsa, & flagitiosa, quae patriae quidem causa facienda non sunt; especially being waies against their King and Countrey upon a true interpretation, and a necessity of their owne procuring, to the States undoing, by their making the worst of that, which at the best was no better than nought; having concluded it good counsell to bring both kingdomes neere to ruine, that they might rule thē with more ease, when they are poore & passive; a most confounding course in a free Monarchy.
And let no obnoxious disturber that hoped to escape in a smoke, thinke to stop, or divert this present course for the common good against the common enemies; by [Page 33]making it a question whether a Prince should suffer Ministers, of his owne making, bee publiquely punisht for ill execution of their offices? I refer them to their friends, Tesaur. polit. parte terza dis. 55. Italian and Spanish pens, that have fully discussed this quaery, to their destruction; only let us represent the state of the question, and leave it to rationall men to consider.
The inquiry is not whether it be safe, or ever seasonable by a civill sword of Iustice, to cut off multitudes of men, though guilty of disturbance, so as to make a considerable party in State an example, having been missed by a few; when the way should be to give such time to repent, and come to themselves, and mitigate; as men only bitten by a mad dog, a Moone will assure them that are only lunatique for a fit: such epidemicall executions proceed as a worke from these publique enemies, sutable to their natures, rather than [Page 34]from our necessity; these are they that value their owne sweat in ill service, above the blood of the best of men: this is not that we aime at, either as justifiable, or plausible; but what we propose, stands thus; and we may stand to make it good to the whole world: that it is most honourable, just, and safe for a supreme Potentate, who hath the sole power of chusing his owne ordinary Ministers, in exigents of State to give up notorious and manifest Ministers of ill Counsels, to his owne extraordinary, supreme Councell, both of State and Iustice, Extraordinariae persecutiones in animadversione capitalium Vid. Brisson. de verb. sign. as to them that cannot be mistaken in domestique affaires; having power not only to proceed by President, but also occasionally to create them, as reason of State, Legge piu dannosa Repub. che riguarda assa tempore indietro. Machiavel. hist. Fieront. li. 3. for full, safe, secret, and sudden dispatches shall require; that they be not foiled in their deliberations, by over-punctuall, paedantique, literall interpretations; as full, Aristocraticall [Page 35]bodies move many times so slowly in solemne waies, that their dangers prevent them, especially when all affaires are in statu perturbato, & quasi in maligno posita, Clapmar de Arcanis Dominat. li. 3. cap. 2. then by a tacite consent of States, there be latitudes allowed, and variations, by way of relaxation from common courses, to serve and secure the King and State. And if private men may upon favour procure a priviledge above, at least besides Law, as in omitted Cases; sure the State for the avoiding of present pressing evils, and the obtaining of future good, may assume the power, as supposed, to goe the Kings waies, and gates, upon sufferance, to meete with those common enemies that keep no compasse; but have well digested, that they lose not reputation, nor abuse their offices, so they get their ends, though by most high offences Now that these men be let fall, as the proposers, as well as the executioners, of [Page 36]ill advice, against the fundamentall Lawes, and universall wel-being of his Majesties Dominions, Media consilia in medium prolata sunt à prava dispositione, vel quia negotium non probe intelligitur, ut Guiccard. hypomneses Politiae 142. and accordingly proceeded withall by the Parliament, more majorum, as being neither novum, nor nimium, may very well stand with his Majesties honor, and settle him in his native glory, with this Motto, Carolum hactenus vixisse, & imperâsse, nullos, nisi bostes Reipub: poenitere. (as was said of Charles the fifth) Indeed there can be no colour of cruelty, covetousnesse, or inconstancy cast upon this course: For when upon further triall, and advice with his great Councell, they are discovered as false, their discarding is no inconstancy, but fals in with his Maties own principle; Fredericus Furius idea confiliarii in qualitate 11. that they serve him best, that serve him with most honesty. Neither is it any defect of prudent circumspection in their choise; for when one Minister of State is trusted to commend another, & the choise be bad, [Page 37]the Supreme Master is only misinformed, not mistaken; and so the first error remedied will rectifie all the rest, who were wrought and brought in, as secondary supports and supplies to make a Party, Campanella in Atheismo triumphato, cap. 6. and raise a fortune by a Faction, as men bred, and fed for any service: and if a King should chuse any upon his owne judgement, he may as a man (and above the base flats of flattering spirits) by gracious Royalnesse be taken off from the security of suspecting men, so bad as they be; Ore probi, sed animo inverecundi, Salust. and it may be they were much better when their Prince first pitched upon them, before the possession of power, and secret practise with worser men, rendered them as bad, or discovered their disposition: Alfonsus de Azevedo de syndicatoribus Hispaniae so that nothing of moment can be alleaged against his Majesties way of leaving them to his supreme Senate, being he doth not deliver them as devoted to destruction upon his own private [Page 38]ends, interests, or disaffections; but hath owned them more, and longer than such a good Master, so free from their guilt, needed ever to have done: it was meere necessity of State, produced by their Counsell, that caused his goodnesse to suspect their bad service.
And sure I am, the want of this now, when the eyes of all the world are opened, and set upon them as Pests and Vipers, K. Iames his speech in Parliament. 1609. perfidious enemies of mankinde, both as he is a rationall, and religious creature, taking up, or shaking the foundations of Church, and State; if now Iustice should not proceed, Spes & praemia in ambiguo: certa funera & luctus. Tacitus hist. 61. much dishonor, and more danger would arise out of it: if we should now undergoe the worst of Government (Civill War) under the best of Princes, it were the depth of misery; which God and man forbid, and this course is the only way to prevent it.
Rewards and punishments hold [Page 39]up all rationall orders, and operations, and have immediate influence upon the well-standing of a State: now if the worst of men should not only have immunities, & impunities, it were punishment unjustly inflicted upon the best; but much more provoking, when they reape and receive the chiefest rewards, and have the favour, though they want the faithfulnesse, to distribute the rest.
Well it were, Paucis charior fides quam pecunia. Salust. de Bello Iugur. if such men as live against the rules and maximes of mans well-being, that make Monopolies, and so scarcity of necessary commodities, Crimina extraord. arbitraria & capitali poena coercentur. Vesembec. in paud. de crimin. extraor. which the God of nature hath made common, should not be permitted to possesse a portion in the earth, or to breathe in the aire, but be interdicted fire and water, as those that stop, turne, or corrupt the course of the Fountain, & his Majesties high waies of Iustice, and by a Law fiction sinke the Land to serve the Sea, and yet trouble all [Page 40]Traffique; these are to be prosecuted as enemies of Civill society, being de jure proscribed by the Lawes of Nature, and Nations; who to make good their mischiefe, Clapmarius de flagitiis Domination. lib. 5. would make the head of a State, the top of a Faction, and provoke a just Prince to be a Party, when his office is to be a Iudge, and charge the disturbance upon such Ministers as sought to worke a distance, and by degrees a defiance with those Subjects that endeavour to deserve his Majesties favour, and are most faithfull to his Crowne and dignity: these men have wrought in so many obnoxious under-instruments, as their Ministers and Minions, that there will be roome time enough to exercise royall clemency towards them, when the State is safe, and strongest humours purged; Then it will bee a naturall, non-necessitated work, of highest humanity, when there is a true temper held, betwixt formall [Page 41]refining, reall reforming, and utter ruine of all that deserve it.
Oh how much honour, and comfort well underlaid, which enemies would envy, but could not hinder, would come to his Majestie, if out of these troubles, and travels of his three Kingdomes, with false conceptions and monsters, a deliverance might be obtained by an universall reformation. Sure (with Gods blessing) we are very faire for it.
So that weigh well, and winde up all these particulars, and consider withall the temper of the State, strongly disposing to take up Civill dissentions for a Monarchy, where Councells meet in one head, hath more absolute advantage to compose and controule faction, Warramond de foederib. li. 2. then any Aristocracy, especially if mixt of Germanes, and Spaniards, that could never fall into a League, but only a Truce for Traffique; and lay to that the universall love of his [Page 42]Majesties Royall person; Optanda sunt laudandis pauciora. Wotton. ad Regem è Scotia reducem. the confidence of his absolute Iustice, and the present concurring of all the three States to serve him upon new endearing obligations, and then you cannot but conclude the best event that ever was expected of so difficult and dangerous a disturbance.
Si non stet Respub: certè in boni Principis sinum cecidit. Vt SENECA sub AUGUSTO CAESARE.