THe Independent Faction being become considerable, their first design was to monopolize all power into their hands.

This was effected first by dashing the Earl of Essex and Sir William Waller one against another; which was easily done by taking hold of their severall misfortunes, the one at Lislethiel in Cornwall, the other at the Devises in Wiltshire. My Lord of [Page 2] Manchester also being a Lord, and therefore not to be confided in, was undermin'd and accus'd by Cromwell of high Crimes, and so discarded.

Then was the Army new modell'd, and under Sir Thomas Fairfax Cromwell got the sole command of the Army. He was no soo­ner in power, but by his own diligence & the help of his Faction, he endeavours to make himself famous and popular, by taking to himself the honour of other mens atchieve­ments. To this purpose the News books are taught to speak no language but Crom­vvell and his party, and to be silent in such actions wherein he could claim no share. That the Army might be sutable to him and his designs, carried on without inter­ruption, all pretences of scandals and crimes are laid hold of at the Councels of Warre to remove the Presbyterian party, that the Independents and Sectaries might be let into their rooms.

The next study of Cromwell was how to make this Army become his creatures; which he thus contriv'd: The two Houses, in a full and free Parliament had ordained the disbanding of the Army, Cromwell knowing how much this would be against [Page 3]the Armies will, put the Houses again upon passing this Ordinance, ‘Protesting in the presence of Almighty God, before whom he stood, that he knew the Army would disband, and lay down their Armes at their dore whensoever they should com­mand:’ when at the same time he had his Agitators animating the Army against the major part of the House, under the no­tion of men that sought their ruine, and making traiterous comments upon the Or­dinance. He knew the Army hated no­thing more then disbanding, and therefore would not be a little enraged against the promoters thereof: and thus by causing fears and jealousies in the Army, he easily provok'd them to mutiny against the Par­liament: By this mutiny having made them sure to his own interest, Cromwell leaves the Parliament, not daring to trust himself among them, where now both he and his Son Ireton publickly joyn with the Army at New-Market in trayterous En­gagements, Declarations, Remonstrances and Petitions, pend by Cromwell himself, tending altogether to nothing but sedition, whereby the Army and the Parliament were easily rendered odious to one another.

Having thus debauch'd the Army, he plotted in his own Chamber how to secure the Garrison, Magazine, and train of Artil­lery at Oxford, and surprise the Kings person at Holmby, which was done by his Instru­ment Cornet Ioyce, with a commanded par­ty of Horse: by which action Cromwell now thought himself so secure, that when Ioyce, giving him an account of what he had done, told him, that he had now the King in his power; Cromwell repli'd, Then have I the Parliament in my pocket. It was not for him publickly to own so impudent an act, therefore he had recourse to his wonted dissimulation, protesting in the sight of God his ignorance in that business both to the King and Parliament, adding to his Prote­station an Execration upon his Wife and Children.

Having so farre prosper'd in his design, as to get the King into his clutches, the next contrivance was to get the Parliament into his power.

This was to be effected by purging both Houses, so that there might be no Members here, but what should be absolutely of Cromwels Faction; to which purpose they send first a confused impeachment against [Page 5]eleven of the Members, who thereupon modestly withdrew, to free the Parliament from such danger as they should incurre by protecting them.

But while these things were acting, Crom­well finding he could not compasse what he intended against the Parliament, but that he must make the City his enemies, casts about how to cheat the Countrey, it being dangerous to have both City and Countrey his enemies at that time. Agents are there­fore imploy'd to spread Books and Pam­phlets about the Kingdom wherein parti­cular notice is taken of the pressures and grievances of the Nation, courting them to neglect the King, and the Parliament, as unable to relieve them, and to make their addresses to the Army, who had it in their hands onely to restore the King, uphold the Parliament, and give them their Freedoms and Liberties, and to take away from them all Taxes and Excises: by these and the like pretences they deceived the people so far, as to make them patiently bear the burthen of free quarter, and to make Addresses to the Army for free quar­ter.

Having Iull'd the people into a sleep, they now seek how to quarrell with the City. They had withdrawn their quarters some thirty miles from London, in a pretended obedience to the Parliament (of which pretended example of their submission, they made singular use against all objecti­ons) but finding their designs retarded both in City and Parliament, by the re­mainder of that party which they had left; they must therefore find a quarrel to march against the City, to give the Houses a stron­ger purge then they had formerly done. Hereupon the Army demands the City Militia, and had it granted by a packt com­pany of the lower House, when most of the Members were absent. The City petition for their former Militia; and to second their Masters, many of the Apprentices came down with another of theirs: it was not long ere Cromwell, who watch'd for this opportunity, had his Agents among them, to keep up the Ryot, and increase it as much as in them lay, particularly one High­land was observed more active then all the rest. This was cunningly contriv'd to en­crease the sdandall upon the City.

The Army was now upon their march to London, whereupon the speaker and a­bout forty Members more, having left a­bout one hundred and forty sitting in the House, sled to the Army. It is thought that what the Speaker did, proceeded from cer­tain strong Threats and Menaces of Crom­well and Ireton, for that he had solemnly professed a day or two before to Sir Ralph Ashton and others, ‘that he scorned to do such a base unjust and dishonourable act, and that he would rather die in his chair.’

Hereupon, the remaining Members choose a new speaker, and proceed to act one way, while the Army with both the fugitive Speakers, and the sugitive Mem­bers vote another, signing engagements to live and die with the Army.

The Army were so overleavend with this engagement, that they send out War­rants to the Trained Bands to march with them against the City. The City hearing of their approch, sent Commissioners sun­dry times to mediate an accord; but the Army would give them no better termes then these, that they should yield to desert both Houses and the impeached Members, [Page 8]that they should call in their Declarations, relinquish the Militia, deliver up their forts to the Army, with the Tower of London, and the Magazines there; disband all their Forces, and turn the Reformadoes out of the line, receive such guards of horse and foot as the Army should appoint, demolish their works, and suffer the Army to march in triumph through the City. All which was suddainly and dishonourably yielded to, so great was the undermining strength of Cromwels party to weaken the hands of all his opponents.

This being effected, the fugitive Mem­bers were brought agin into the House. And now we must look upon the Army and Par­liament acting and consulting together. They put into imployments none but men of their own faction, that they may have all in their own hands; they alter and divide the Militia of London, setting up particular Militia's at Westminster, Southwark, and the Hamlets, to make them weaker by such a division, and demolish the lines of Commu­nication and fright many more members from the House partly by threats, and part­ly by false impeachments. Then they de­clare all void which the Parliament had [Page 9]done in their absence; and when many of the Commons were refractory, and denyed to pass this ordinance, they were either ur­ged to it with threats, or forced to depart the house, Sir Arthur Haslerig telling them some heads must fly off, and that he feared the Parliament of England could not save the Kingdome, but they must look another way for safety: That they could not satisfie the Army but by declaring all void from the beginning. In which words he was secon­ded by Vane, Prideaux, Gourdon, Mildmay, Scott and Holland, whom we must hence­forward look upon as the Protectors grea­test instruments. And because this did not wholly effect the design, they produce a scandalous letter from the Army, wherein the members that sate while the two Spea­kers were absent, were called pretended Members, and threatned that if they would not give their assents topass the ordinance, they should sit in the House at their peril, for the Army would take them as Prisoners of war, and trye them at a Counsel. Thus the Members being frighted away, the next day in a very thin assembly of Olivers crea­tures the ordinance passed: and thus had Cromwel and his few conspirators what so [Page 10]far they sought for, (that is to say) the whole power of the Parliament and Army.

This being done several accusations of high Treasons were brought against the Earles of Suffolk, Lincoln, Middlesex, the Lords Berkley, Willoughby, Hunsdon and Maynard, they were committed to the Tower, that so those Lords that had engaged with the Army might have their house to themselves: Several Petitions were like­wise exhibited to the Houses, bearing these titles, to the Lords and Commons in Parli­ament assembled, distinct from the Lords and Commons that sate in the absence of the two Speakers, and others which Petitio­ned against divers Members sitting ‘preten­ded to be enemies to godliness, usurpers of Parliamentary authority, & such as en­deavoured to bring in the King upon his own tearms.’ These Petitions were all pen'd by the Cromwellian faction, to put the two parties that yet remaind in the House into heights the one against the other, to make the lesser party in the House, viz. the ingaged party of fifty nine, to expel the o­ther consisting of 140. that the House might below, and base in the opinion of the people, and all things come into the pow­er of the sword.

Then were the Lord Mayor, and several Aldermen, and Citizens impeached also of high Treason, and sent likewise to the Tower, and their own creatures placed in their steads.

And now Cromwel annimated by these successes, begins to think of contriving that horrid murther which he afterwards brought to pass. First, that he may not want strength, the Army is dayly recruted without any authority; then is the Parlia­ment put upon it to send the four dethroa­ning bills to the King, of which that of set­ling the Militia in the hands of the Army-party, and the bill for adjourning both Hou­ses to any other place, were the chief. When the Kings answer to the said bills came to be debated, Sir Thomas Wroth had his one to speak high, and feel the pulse of the House, who did it to this effect. ‘That Bedlam was appointed for madmen, and Tophet for Kings, that our Kings of late had carried themselves as if they were fit for no place but Bedlam, and that there­fore his humble motion should consist of three parts. To secure the King and keep him close within some inland Gar­rison with sure guards. To draw up Arti­cles [Page 12]of impeachment against him. And lastly, to lay by and settle the Kingdome without him, for that he cared not what form of Government they set up, so it were not by Kings and Divels.’

Ireton seconds this speech, pretending to speak the sense of the Godly party, telling he House ‘That the King had denied safety and protection to his people, by de­nying the four bills, that subjection to him, was in lieu of his protection, which being denied they might well deny any more subjection to him, and settle the Kingdome without him; that it was now expected after so long patience, that they should shew their resolution, and not de­sert those valient men that had engaged for them beyond all possibility of retreat, and would never forsake the Parliament, unless the Parliament forsook them first.’ After some debate, Cromwel seeing his time brings up the rear, and giving an ample character of the valour and godliness of the Army, argued. ‘That 'twas expected that now the Parliament should govern and defend the Parliament by their own pow­er and resolution, and not teach the peo­ple any longer, to expect safety and go­vernment [Page 13]from an obstinate man, whom God had hardned, and that those men that had defended them hitherto, would defend them in whatever they should do in relation to such a resolution. Teach them not by neglecting your own and the Kingdomes safety, in which their own is involved to think themselves be­trayed and left hereafter to the rage and malice of an irreconciliable enemy, whom they have subdued for your sake; and are therefore likely to find his future government of them insupportable and fuller of revenge then Justice, lest despair teach them to seek their safety by some other means then by adhearing to you who will not stick to your selves, and how destructive such a resolution will be I tremble to think, and leave you to judge.’

These words seem to have something of meance in them, and therefore the Houses pass the Votes for Non-addresses and to shew the people the reasons thereof; the Independant Grandees appoint a Commit­tee to search into the Kings conversation, and the errors of his Government, and to publish them in a Declaration to the world. [Page 14]Whereupon they form many high crimes against him, as the loss of Rochel his fathes death, and the masacre and rebellion in Ire­land.

These desperate courses to dishonour the King and make him uncapable of Govern­ment, to ruine his person, Crown and dig­nity, and to exterpate Monarchy, root and branch, were taken up in order to the usurp­ing the Kingly power into the hands of the Grandees of the Parliament and Army.

The next thing they do is to compel the Countries to give thanks to the Houses for their Votes against the King; Pine and Pri­deaux get subscriptions in the West, Mild­may in Essex, Purefoy in Warwickshire, Ha­slerig in the parts about Newcastle, making the world believe that the subscriptions of a few inconsiderable persons, or of such as they had put a force upon, had spoke the language of the whole Nation. But the Ci­ty being not so fully satisfied, a greater force is to be put upon them; and that the Grandees might have the better excuse to do it, they stir up the apprentises by their own agents to a tumult, which being easi­ly quelled, they presently order for future security, that more Souldiers be put into [Page 15]the Mews and White-hall, that Barges capa­ble of fifty Musketeres, to conveigh the Souldiers to any place where any Insur­rection might be, and that the chains and posts be taken out of the streets.

While these things were a doing, Crom­well, finding the King to be a great stop to his affairs, resolves to take him privately a­way, and therefore writes to Hammond to remove him out of the way, either by poy­son or by any other means.

Mr. Osborn informs the Houses of this by a Letter to the Speaker, wherein he tells them that Rolfe should say, ‘That Ham­mond had received severall Letters from the Army to remove the King, by poyson, or by any other meanes, out of the way.’ He further wrote, ‘That Rolfe should tell him, that Hammond had a good allow­ance for keeping the King, and therefore he would not do it, as being loth to lose the profit: but said Rolfe, If you will joyn with me, we will endeavour to con­veigh the King to some private place, and we may then do what we will with him. And further; Mr. Osburn offered in his said Letter, to appear and make it good upon oath, if he might be permitted to [Page 16]come and go with freedome and safety.’ The Clerk had no sooner done this, but with a slight neglect, and the laughter of some of the Members, the business was pass'd over without debate; and Mr. Scowen stood up to propound new business. When presently another Gentleman interrupting him urged, ‘That such an Information coming to the House ought not to be neglected, whether true or false, but to be examined and sifted to the bottom, and therefore mov'd, that a Committee might be named to examine Rolfe, Osborn, and Hammond:’ This was seconded by Sir Si­mon D'ewes, Mr. H. Hungerford and Mr. Ed. Stevens; but they received a slight answer, ‘That Osborn was not to be found, and that he was a Malignant, and had attempted to set the King at liberty.’ To which it was replyed, ‘That a Committee could be na­med to examine the business concerning the Foot-boy that struck Sir H. Mildmay, though no man knew where to find the Foot-boy; that it was strange there should be such a difference between beat­ing a Subject and killing a King; that though Mr. Osborn were a Malignant, yet unless he were also a Nullifidian, convicted [Page 17]of perjury, his oath was valid and good.’ But Scot stood up and said, ‘That this pres­sing to examine this business, was but to draw C. Hammond to Town, that the King might the easier make an escape:’ and Sir IOhn Evelin of Wilts alledged, ‘That this was an invention of Mr. Osborn, to bring the King to Town with freedom, honour, and safety.’ And though other motions were made for the said Committee, yet ei­ther Mr. Scowen, or Skippon, stood up and offered to divert the business by new mat­ter concerning the Army, which bears all business down before it; and so the bu­siness was buried in silence for that time. Afterwards the Lords propounded, that he might have forty dayes allowed him, which was with much ado granted: He comes and avouches it: and one Doucet further affirm'd a design of Rolfe's to pistoll the King. Rolfe presents himself at the Com­mons Barr, with a Letter from Hammond, who denies the design, and pleads Rolfe's cause for him. Rolfe denyed it at the Barr with a very trembling voice; yet after­wards hid out of the way. Hammond was neither sent for nor questioned. Thus was this business quite husht up, which onely [Page 18]serv'd to shew what the Gentlemen at Westminster solely aimed at; and indeed their rancour was now at that height against the King, that Skippon thought it just cause of complaint, that some persons had prin­ted a Book, called, A motive to loyall Sub­jects to endeavour the preservation of his Majesties person.

Many Petitions now also come for a Personall Treaty, and among the rest the Surrey men petition for a Personal Treaty: But Scot standing up in the House argued, ‘That it was a design to ruine the Godly: That he was of opinion, that there could be no time seasonable for a Personall Treaty, or a Peace, with so perfidious a Pince, but that it would be alwayes either too soon, or too late; that he that draws his sword against the King must throw away the scabbord, that all peace with him would prove the spoil of the God­ly.’

Thus by him, and by the assistance of the Worthies, Ven, Miles, Corbet, Hill, and Har­vey, Cromwell had his design in part, for that the Petition had no success.

The King was now a prisoner in the Isle of Wight, when Cromwell had overthrown [Page 19]Duke Hamilton at Preston, and there by cut off the greatest hopes which the King had of being releived: The Victory was great, and swelled the Grandees, that were then sitting at Westminster, to such a height of pride, of whom the chief were, Thom. Scot, Cornelius Holland, and Sir. Harry Mildmay, that though before there were fair hopes of a Personall Treaty, now began to shew an utter disdain and malice against it, and to threaten and insult over all that had peti­tioned for it abroad, or spoken for it in the House.

But the wise sort, or rather the more crafty to do mischief, knowing how weary the people were of their Texes and the Ar­my, and how covetous to purchase peace, though at the price of a new warr; and further considering that the Scots were not wholly reduc'd, that the people were not yet quieted in many parts of England; and finding the Prince with a considerable Fleet at Sea, ready to raise new tempests at Land, thought it better to dally on the Treaty, till Oliver had quite finish'd his Northern Expedition, and were marched nearer Lon­don, and that all things were quiet in Eng­land, and then to break off the Treaty, and [Page 20]purge the House of those that sought to agree with the King, under pretence of be­ing the Kings corrupt Party.

Therefore to blind the peoples eyes, it was debated in the House, whether a Trea­ty should be had with the King upon the Propositions of Hampton-Court; the que­stion being put, the Yeas and Noes were even fifty seven to fifty seven, insomuch that the Speakers voice was put to turn the scales; who, though at this time he fore­man of Oliver's shop, gives his voice in the affirmative, following then his conscience against his interest; andmy Lord Say o­penly in the House of Lords said, God for­bid that any man should take advantage of this victory to break off the Treaty. How­ever Cromwell having got a full conquest over his enemies, marches for London upon his design, though the Parliament forbid his approach. And to shew his contempt of them, he prints a Declaration, accusing them of lightness, breach of trust, incon­stancy, and indiscretion, and threatning pre­sently to advance towards Westminster, to do what God should enable them: The same night he came to Hide-Park corner: The next thing he did was to take possessi­on [Page 21]of White-hall for his Quarters: He brought to town with him four Regiments of Foot, and six of Horse, which he quarter­ed in the Mews by his own order.

The next news frequent in the Town was that of the Kings being seized in his bed-chamber, and hurried away prisoner to Hurst Castle, a Block-house in the Isle of Wight, standing out a mile and a half in the Sea, so noisome, that the Guards could not endure to be there long without often shifting their quarters.

This insolent action satisfied onely the Independent and Monarchicall party, but the others, who were yet more numerous, seeing so hainous a fact committed against the life of the King, and the faith and ho­nour of the Parliament, resolve once more to try their power; whereupon it was mo­ved that it might be declared, That his Ma­jesty was remov'd by the Generals War­rant, without the consent or privity of the House.

The Army Members to slop this, argue that the word (Declare) would be construed a declaring against the Generall and Army, and that the word (Consent) argued a dis­agreement in opinion and practise between [Page 22]the Parliament and the House, as if the Houses dissented from it; hereupon it was barely voted without the privity of the House.

Nevertheless the other Members pro­ceed to the Kings Answers to the Proposi­tions of both Houses, whether they were satisfactions or no; which after a long and tedious debate was carried in the affirma­tive; and to keep a good correspondence with the Army, a Committee of six Mem­bers was appointed to confer with the Ge­nerall and his Officers, but could receive no other answer from them then this, that the way to correspond was to comply with the Armies Remonstrance.

And now the Saints militant being inra­ged that the House had recovered so much courage and honesty to vote according to their consciences, after some proud confe­rence between Pride, Hewson, and other Officers, and the Speaker, in Westminster-Hall, with the dores shut, Cromwell sends a paper to the House of Commons, requi­ring that the impeached Members and M. G. Brown might be secured and brought to justice, and that the 90. & odd Members that refus'd to vote against the Scotch En­gagement, [Page 23]and voted to recal the Votes for non-addresses, and for a treaty, might be suspended the House; and that all faithful Members who were innocent of those Votes would acquit themselves by prote­station from any such concurrence, that there might be a distinction made between um. The Paper was delivered in, but they scorning to sta for an answer, sent several guards to the House under the command of Pride, Hewson and Hardres Waller, and vi­olently seized all those Members that they found two honest for their purposes.

The House being thus purged, and brought to so small a number in so much that an Officer of the Army having secured some of the Members in the Lobby as they were going into the House, the Speaker ha­ving not enough within to make up a House, was forced to send to the said Offi­cer to lend him his prisoners to make up a free Parliament, in comes Cromwel out of the Countrey, and brings Harry Mar­tin that sanctified Members along with him to make up his numbers, and to awe the City Garrisons, Blackfriers and Pauls.

The secluded Members protest against [Page 24]their seclusion, but the Cromwellian faction Vote their Protestation seditious, scanda­lous, and tending to destroy the visible and fundamental Government of the King­dome. Then like Cromwels good boyes, they vote all the votes of the secluded Members for a personal treaty null and void; and to try whether all were their trusty friends that voted for them: Gourdon moved that a protestation be forthwith drawn up, and that every Member set his hand to it in detestation of those repealed Votes which was drawn up afterwards, and within a few daies after subscribed by

The Lord Lisle, Colonel Boswel, Lord Grey, Per. Pelham, Colo. Iones, Colonel Temple, Colo. Ven. Sir Thomas Maleverer, Sir Tho. Wroth, Sir Io. Bourchier, Col. Pet. Temple, Tho. Chaloner, Sir, Gregory Norton, Oldsworth, Garland, Sir Io. Danvers, Dove, Smith, Frie, Searle, Nic. Love, Io. Lisle, Col. Rigby, Holland, Ludlow, Greg. Clement, Col. Purefoy, Col. Stapely, Dunch, Cawley, Downs, Io. Carey, Blackstone, Scot. Hutch­inson, Mildmay, Sir Iames Harrington, Col. Harvey, Penington, Atkins, Dan. Black­grave, Moor, Millington, Prideaux, Roger Hill, Denis Bond, Col. Harrington, Hodges, [Page 25]Valentine. The design being thus pritty well ripened, the Counsel of War who managed the business in relation to the King, ordered that all state and ceremony should be forborn, the King and his atten­dants lessend, which was done to mortifie him by degrees.

Now was it thought fit to have it moved in the House, to proceed capitally against the King.

Cromwel after it was once proposed sin­ding it then his cue to speak, stoop up and told them, That if any mov'd this out of de­sign he should think him the greatest Traytor in the World, but since providence and necessi­ty had cast them upon it, he should pray to God to bless their Counsels, though he were not provided on the suddain to give them Counsel. The White Boys thus animated went on furiously, and Scot with an unheard of impudence now dares to bring in the or­dinance for tryal of the King; it was read & recommitted three several times, and Com­missioners names inserted, consisting of di­vers Lords, Commons, Aldermen, Citizens, Countrey Gentlemen and Souldiers; that the more persons of all sorts might be en­gaged in so damnable and treasonable a de­sign, [Page 26]and because this Ordinance and the proceedings thereupon had no foundation in Divinity, Law nor Reason. The Crom­wellian Faction to give it a foundation and ground from the authority of their Votes, declare that by the Lawes of the Land it is treason in the King to levy war against the Parliament and Kingdome of England. This Vote together with the ordinance was carried up to the Lords by the Lords Grey of Groby. The first debate was upon the Vote. The Earl of Manchester told them, That the Parliament of England by the fundament­tal lawes of England consisted of three E­states, King, Lords and Commons. The King is the first and chiefest estate, He calls and dissolves the House, and confirms all their Acts, and without him there can be no Par­liament, and therefore tis absurd to say, The King can be a Traytor against the Par­liament. The Earl of Northumberland said, That the greatest part of the people of En­gland were not yet satisfied whether the King levied War first against the Houses, or the Houses against him; and therefore it was ve­ry unreasonable to declare Treason by an Or­dinance, when the matter of fact is not yet proved, nor any Law extant to judge it by. [Page 27]Whereupon the Lords cast off the debate, and cast our the Ordinance.

Hereupon the Zealots of the House, that is to say, that Protestors, were very angry at the Lords, and therefore intend to rid their hands of them, and the King, both toge­ther, and thereupon they presently passed a Vote, should be impowred to act, not­withstanding the Lords did not concurre with them; and many of the most famous hot-spurs were so high, as to insist, that the Lords, who would not give their con­currence to the Votes and Ordinance, should be impeached for favouring the grand Delinquent.

Having thrown by the Lords, they pro­ceed to make themselves to have the shew of a legall power by passing these three Votes.

• 1. That the people, that is to say, their own Faction, are the original of all just pow­er under God.
• 2. That the Commons of England, being chosen by, and representing the people, are the supreme Power of this Nation.
• 3. That whatsoever is enacted by Law by [Page 29]the House of Commons assembled in Parlia­ment, hath the force of a Law.

This was Cromwels Chain-shot, whereby he swept a King and Lords, putting all the Liberties of this Nation under his own and the power of fifty or sixty of his own covetous Saints.

By their former contrivances having now brought themselves to such a height of power, and that power to a boldnesse that durst go so farre, there was a necessity for them now to proceed, and therefore the next thing they did was, to passe the Ordi­nance for tryall of the King, which was car­ried on without one negative voice.

There was one rub in the way, that they could not use his own Great Seal against him, and a new one was long a making: But after consultation, they agreed upon a new way; for what need ceremonies when men are resolved upon the substance? They therefore proceed without any Commission under Seal, upon the Ordinance, and every Commissioners set his own hand and seal to the publick instrument of their transacti­ons.

At the same time great endeavours are [Page 29]made to stop the mouths of the Ministers, giving them threatning admonitions not to preach against the actings of the Parlia­ment and the Army; and the Councill of Warr finding it difficult to stop the Mini­sters mouths, did sundry times debate to shut up the Church dores, to which purpose they imprisoned Mr. Canton for praying for the King, and threatened to try him at the Upper Bench for his life.

And to set a greater gloss upon their acti­ons, Tichbourn their own creature, by their command, presents a schismatical Petition, directed to the Supreme Authority the Commons in Parliament, demanding justice upon the capital offenders from the highest to the lowest.

The like Petitions were invited by them from the Countries, where a dozen schis­maticks and two or three cloaks represent­ed a whole family.

After this Hammond presents them with a scandalous Libell, called, The Agreement of the People, demanding nothing else but the totall subversions of the Fundamentall Laws and Government of the Nation, which they ordered to be forthwith printed, as if it had been the generall sence of the whole Nation.

When the Commissioners come to sit in the Painted Chamber, the Witnesses were not farre off, a company of the most con­temptible persons in the world, suborned for the purpose, men rather told what they should say, then examined what they knew, for that the Grandees might do things le­gally, they made the examinations and caused the others to put their names to them.

The names of the Witnesses were as fol­loweth, persons next to professed beggery, the meanest that could be.

• Henry Hartford of Stratford upon A­von.
• Edward Roberts of Bishop Castle, Iron­monger.
• Will. Braines of Wrynxhall, Gent.
• Robert Lacy of Nottingham, Pain­ter.
• Rob. Loade of Cottam in Com. Nottingh. Tyler.
• Samuel Morgan of Wellington in Com. Salop Feltmaker.
• Iames Williams of Ross in Com. Hart­ford, Shoomaker.
• [Page 31]Richard Potts of Shaepreton in Com. Nor­thumb. Vintner.
• Giles Price of Wellington, Gent.
• Will Arnop of
• Iohn Hudson of
• Iohn Winston of Dornorham in Com. Wilts.
• George Seely of London, Cordwainer.
• Iohn Moore of Cork in Ireland, Gent.
• Thom. Ives of Bosset in Com. Northamp­ton, Husbandman.
• Iames Iresby of Dublin, Barber.
• Thom. Rawlins of Hanslop in Com. Buck. Gent.
• Richard Blomfeild of London, Wea­ver.
• Iohn Thomas of Kangallan in Com. Denby.
• Will. Lawson of Nottingham, Mal­ster.
• Iohn Pinegar of Damer in Com. Darby, Shoomaker.
• Humphrey Brown of Whitsundine in Com. Rutl. Yeoman.
• David Evans of Neathe in Com. Cla­morg. Gent.
• Robert Holmes of
• [Page 32]Robert Williams of Hillary in Com. Gla­morgan, Atturney.
• Samuel Worden of Limeham in Com. Wilts, Gent.
• Thomas Read of Maidstone in Com. Kent, Gent.
• George Cornwall of Aston in Com. He­reford, Forgeman.
• Will. Iones of Usk in Com. Monmouth, Husbandman.
• Arthur Young Citizen and Barber Chi­rurgion of London.
• Diogenes Edwards of Caston in Com. Sa­lop. Butcher.
• Iohn Bennet of Huewood in Com. Ebor, Glover.
• Will. Sutbert of Patrington in Holderness in Com. Ebor, Gent.
• Richard Price of London, Scrivener.
• Henry Gracye, stil'd of Greys Inne,

Gent. But the Book being examined, the name of no such person was there to be found, nor was he ever known there: He soon spent the reward he had, and lived miserably afterwards, and was taken in a very low and despicable condition; by which it is easie to guesse at the gentility of the rest, who stile themselves Gentlemen, [Page 33]yet were hired to mix with the basest of Mechanicks to perpetrate so great a vil­lany.

Thus instead of bringing the King to his Parliament, instead of bringing an end to the Treaty, they bring him to a publick Tryall in Westminster-Hall.

The first day they urged him to acknow­ledge the Jurisdiction of the Court: a most unheard of piece of tyranny, which had neither law, president, rationall debate or argument to prove it. But the King with a magnanimous resolution denies it: so they adjourn for that day. As the King was conducted back, they had so contrived it, that divers schismatical souldiers and fel­lows were placed round about the Court to cry justice, justice, thinking all the rest would have bleated to the same tune; but they almost all cryed, God blesse Him, and were some of them well cudgelled by the Army, for not saying their prayers hand­somely after the Army mode, and one of the barbarous Souldiers spit in the Kings face; the King onely saying, Christ suffered more for my sake, and wiped it off with [Page 34]his handkerchief: Yet the Court took no notice of this affront, so far already had they condemn'd him to sufferings.

The second day they urge the same thing again. The King demands that he may put in his Demurrer. But they over­rule his Demurrer without an Argument; a thing never heard of before, and against all reason: But they did as good as tell him, that reason was not to be heard against the remaining Faction of the Commons of Eng­land.

Being brought the thirdday, Cook pres­ses for judgement, telling the Court, among other things, that the House of Commons, the Supreme Authority and Jurisdiction of the Nation, as he named them, had decla­red, that it was notorious, that the matter of the Charge was true; whereby it ap­pears, that Cromwell and his Faction had fore-judged the King before they erected their new Court to sentence him, claiming a Jurisdiction as well as a supreme Autho­rity.

The fourth and last day, Sentence was pronounced against him. The King how­ever before Sentence urged to have them hear the reasons why he could not submit [Page 35]to their tyranny, but could not be heard: Which reasons, because they are not com­mon, we have thought fit to set down as they were taken from his own original wri­ting, as followeth.

Having already made my protestations not onely against the illegallity of this pre­tended Court, but also that no earthly power can justly call me (who am your King) in question as a Delinquent; I would not more open my mouth upon this occasion, more then to referre my self to what I have spoken, were I alone in this case concerned. But the duty I owe to God, in the preservation of the true Li­berty of my people, will not suffer me at this time to be silent. For how can any free-born Subject of England, call life or any thing that he professeth his own, if power without right daily make new, and abrogate the old fundamentall Law of the Land, which I now take to be the present case.

There is no proceeding against any man, but what is warranted either by Gods Laws, or by the Municipall Laws of the Countrey where he lives. Now I am most [Page 36]confident, that this dayes proceeding can­not be warranted by Gods Law; for on the contrary, the Authority of obedience to Kings is clearly warranted by Gods Law, and strictly commanded both in the old and new Testament; which if denied, I am ready instantly to prove; And for the que­stion now in hand, there it is said, That where the word of a King is there is power, and who may say unto him, what dost thou?

Then for the Laws of the Land, I am no lesse confident, that no learned Lawyer will affirm, that an Impeachment can lie against the King, they all going in his name, and one of their Maximes is That the King can do no wrong. Besides, the Law upon which you ground your proceedings, must be ei­ther new or old; if old shew it; if new, tell what Authority, warranted by the Fun­damental Laws of the Land, hath made it, and when.

But how the House of Commons can erect a Court of Judicature, which was ne­ver one it self, as is well known to all Law­yers. I leave God and the world to judge: And it were full as strange, that they should pretend to make Laws without King or [Page 37]Lords House, to any that have heard speak of the Laws of England.

And admitting, but not granting, that the people of Englands Commission could grant your pretended power, I see nothing you can shew for that; for certainly you never asked the question of the tenth man of the Kingdom; and in this way you ma­nifestly wrong, even the poorest Plough­man, if you demand not his free consent; nor can you pretend any colour for this your pretended Commission, without the consent, at least, of the major part of every man in England, of whatsoever quality or condition, which I am sure you never went about to seek, so farre are you from having it.

Thus you see I speak not for my own right alone; as I am your King, but also for the true Liberty of all my Subjects, which consists not in sharing the power of Go­vernment, but in living under such laws such a Government, as may give them the best assurance of their lives, and the propriety of their goods.

And for the House of Commons, that the major part of them are detain'd or de­terr'd from sitting, so as if I had no other, [Page 38]this were sufficient for me to protest a­gainst the lawfulness of your pretended Court.

Besides all this, the peace of the King­dome is not the least in my thoughts, and what hopes of settlement are there, so long as power rules without Law, changing the whole frame of that Government, under which this Kingdome hath flourished for many hundred years; and believe it, the Commons of England will not thank you for this change, for they will remember how happy they have been of late years under the reign of Queen Elizabeth, the King my Father, and my self, untill the be­ginning of these unhappy troubles, and will have cause to doubt that they shall never be so happy under any new.

These were the Reasons which the King intended to have delivered before sentence, but they were utterly rejected, by those who knew it was not their business to hear reason in a Court that was erected contra­ry to reason; and therefore they hasten to give judgement, which was brief, That the King for sundry Crimes and Misdemeanours (which he was never guilty of) should be put to death.

During the intervall between his Sen­tence and Execution, the House ordered upon moton, that Doctor Iuxon, Bishop of London, should be permitted to be private with the King in his chamber, to preach and administer the Sacrament and other spiritual comforts to him.

But nevertheless the Masters of the Councill of Warr appointed Iohn Goodwin of Coleman-street, the Balaam of the Ar­my, to be Superintendent both over the Bishop and the King, so that they could hardly speak a word together without be­ing over-heard by the long schismaticall eares of black-mouth'd Iohn: And besides all this, the Guard of Souldiers that was kept within his chamber, what with talking, what with clinking the pots, and opening and shutting the dores, and taking Tobacco, a thing very offensive to the Kings nature, they kept him waking, thereby distemper­ing and amazing him with want of sleep, that they might the more easily bring him to their termes.

Upon the twenty eighth of Ianuary, be­ing the last Sabbath the King kept in this life, some of the Grandees of the Parlia­ment and Army tender'd to the King a [Page 40]paper book, with promise of life, and some shadow of regality if he subscrib'd it. It contained many particulars destructive to the fundamentall Government, Religion, Laws and property of the People; one among the rest was this,

(That the King should pass an Act of Parliament for keeping on foot the Militia of this Army, during the pleasure of the Grandees, who should be trusted with that Militia, with power to recruit from time to time, and continue them to the number of forty thousand Horse and Foot, under the same Generall and Officers, with power notwithstanding in the Councill of Warr to chuse new Officers and Generals from time to time, as occasion shall happen, and they think fit; and to settle a very great Tax upon the people by a Land rate, for an established pay for the Army, to be levied and collected by the Army themselves; and a Court-Martiall of an exorbitant extent and latitude.

But his Majesty having read some of the Propositions threw them aside, telling them, He would rather become a Sacrifice for his People, then betray their Lives, Laws, Liberties, and Estates, together with the [Page 41]Church and Common-wealth, and the honour of his Crown to so intolerable a bondage of an armed faction.

Saturday night and Sunday night the King lay in White-hall, so neer the place ap­pointed for the separation of his soul and body, that he might hear every stroak the workmen gave upon the scaffold where they wrought all night; this was a new de­vice to mortifie him, but it would not doe.

Tuesday the thirtieth of Ianuary was the day appointed for the Kings death. His Majesty coming upon the scaffold, shewed all the while an extraordinary magnanimi­ty and Christian patience. He had his head severed from his body at one stroke, the Schismaticks showting presently after. His Executioners, though then concealed, are now found to be Ioyce, that bloody in­strument of Cromwell's designes, and Pe­ters, who lay not with a Butchers Wife so long, to be ignorant of her Trade. And therefore the Parliament have now sent for them to receive the condign punish­ment of their villany.

This is the relation of his Majesties Tryall by a mix'd Court of Justice, erected by fifty or sixty confederate Members, after all the rest of the Members, above two hundred and fifty, had been violently se­cluded, secured, and frighted. And thus this noble Prince, a Person sanctified by many afflictions, after he had escaped Pi­stoll, Poyson, and pestilent Air, could not escape the malice of Cromwell, nor the impudence of Cook, Bradshaw, Steele, Aske, Doristaus. Thus was the Shep­heard smitten, and the Sheep were scat­tered.

But Heaven not willing longer to en­dure the wickedness of such insolent Ty­rants, nor to see the innocent longer in affliction, hath been pleased at length to restore the King to his Throne, putting his Enemies to shame and confusion; and herein we must admire the justice of the Parliament, to whom the King, unwil­ling to be Judge in his own cause, hath referred himself. What they have done their Acts declare.

The last week they excepted eleven of the grand Delinquents from mercy.

• [Page 43]M. G. Harrison.
• Mr. Say.
• Mr. Scot.
• Coll. Berkstead.
• M. Lisle.
• Cornel. Holland.
• Iones.
• Cook.
• Broughton.
• Sar. Dandy.
• M. Hulit.

After this in further prosecution of their intentions, to bring these horrid murtherers to condign punishment, they made a Pro­clamation in the Kings Name, that all the Kings Judges should render themselves within forty dayes, or else they should be excepted for life and estate, whether they were of the twenty nam'd or no.

Hereupon Alderman Tichborn, Charles Fleetwood, Coll. Temple, Coll. Waite, Peter Temple, Simon Maine, Bourchier, Owen Roe, Coll. Rob. Lilburn, Coll. Downes, Isaak Penington, Sir Henry Mildmay, Coll. Dix­well, Adrian Scroop, Augustine Garland, [Page 44]Coll. Harvey, Mr. Smith, Sir Hardress Waller, Henry Martin, Heveningham, Iohn Carew, M. G. Ludlow, M. Corbet, did sur­render themselves, and are now in custody under the Sergeant at Armes attending the House.

From Ireland were sent Coll. Hunck, Coll. Pheire, to whom the Warrant for ex­ecution was directed, and one Hulet, suspected to be the Executioner, and upon examination excepted out of the Act of Pardon, and Cook Sollicitor to the High Court of Justice.

They have also ordered, that twenty of the most engaged persons be excepted out of the generall Act of Pardon and Oblivi­on, not extending to life, to suffer such pe­nalties, and forfeitures as shall be specified in an Act to that purpose.

Whose names are;

• Will. Lenthall Speaker.
• Sir Harry Vane.
• Will. Burton Bailiff of Yarmouth.
• Sir Arthur Heslerig.
• Coll. Sydenham.
• Coll. Desborow.
• Alderm. Ireton.
• [Page 45]Coll. Axtell.
• Mr. Keeble.
• Capt. Blackwell.
• Maj. Creed.
• Charles Fleetwood Lieut. Generall.
• Coll. Iohn Lambert.
• Alderm. Pack.
• Coll. Pine.
• Coll. Cobbet.
• Capt. Deane.
• Oliver St. Iohn late one of the Justi­ces of the Common Pleas.
• Mr. Philip Nye. and Mr. Iohn Goodwin. Ministers.

Thus we see Divine Vengeance prose­cuting these Sons of Massacre, who having by treachery, dissimulation, and breach of oaths, as we have shewn you, gotten into power, by their extravagant tyranny had al­most ruined the Nation. Let God arise, and let his enemies be scattered.