The royal prerogative vindicated in the converted recusant convinced by Scripture, reasons, fathers, and councils, that the oath of abjuration (compared with those of allegiance, and supremacy) containeth nothing, but what may be lawfully taken by every pious Christian, and loyal subject; and that the known doctrine, and discipline of the Church of England, in opposition to Popery on the one hand, and all sects, and schisms on the other, is the safest way to peace and loyalty here, and salvation hereafter. To which is annexed The King's supremacy in all causes, ecclesiastical, and civil, asserted in a sermon preached at the assises at Monmouth before Sir Robert Hide, one of his Majestie's judges, March 30. 1661. / By John Cragge, M.A. Cragge, John, M.A. 1661 Approx. 617 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 134 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2014-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 2). A80756 Wing C6790 Wing C6786 Thomason E2261_1 Thomason E2261_2 ESTC R210148 99868973 99868973 130769

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Early English books online text creation partnership. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 2, no. A80756) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 130769) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 244:E2261[1]; 244:E2261[2]) The royal prerogative vindicated in the converted recusant convinced by Scripture, reasons, fathers, and councils, that the oath of abjuration (compared with those of allegiance, and supremacy) containeth nothing, but what may be lawfully taken by every pious Christian, and loyal subject; and that the known doctrine, and discipline of the Church of England, in opposition to Popery on the one hand, and all sects, and schisms on the other, is the safest way to peace and loyalty here, and salvation hereafter. To which is annexed The King's supremacy in all causes, ecclesiastical, and civil, asserted in a sermon preached at the assises at Monmouth before Sir Robert Hide, one of his Majestie's judges, March 30. 1661. / By John Cragge, M.A. Cragge, John, M.A. [8], 256, 30 p. Printed by T.R. for H. Twyford, N. Brooke, Tho. Dring, and John Place, London : 1661. "The King's supremacy in all causes ecclesiastical, and civil" (Wing (2nd ed., 1994) C6786) has separate dated title page, register and pagination. Reproduction of the original in the British Library.

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THE Royal Prerogative Vindicated in the Converted RECUSANT, CONVINCED By Scripture, Reaſons, Fathers, and Councils, that the Oath of Abjuration (compared with thoſe of Allegiance, and Supremacy) containeth nothing, but what may be lawfully taken by every pious Chriſtian, and Loyal Subject; And that the known Doctrine, and Diſcipline of the Church of England, in oppoſition to Popery on the one hand, and all Sects, and Schiſms on the other, is the ſafeſt way to Peace and Loyalty here, and Salvation hereafter.

TO WHICH IS ANNEXED The KING'S SUPREMACY in all Cauſes, Eccleſiastical, and Civil, aſſerted in a Sermon preached at the Aſſiſes at Monmouth before Sir Robert Hide, one of His Majeſtie's Judges, March 30. 1661.

By JOHN CRAGGE, M. A.

Matth. xxii. 21.

Render unto Ceſar the things, that are Ceſar's; and unto God the things, that are God's.

LONDON, Printed by T. R. for H. Twyford, N. Brooke, Tho. Dring, and John Place, 1661.

TO THE HONOURABLE, And truly-worthy, Heroick Sir TREVIR WILLIAMS, Baronet. SIR,

I Preſent, with all Humility, to Your pious conſideration, a Defence of that cauſe, which is, and ought to be infinitely dearer to You, then the riches of China, or the wealth of the Weſt-India Company; as being that, which Divine Providence hath ſo ſignally carried on with a Palm of Victory; and promiſeth (if we be not deficient to our ſelves) to crown with the Olive-branch of peace: I mean Religion, and the Royal Prerogative, in oppoſition to Romiſh Superſtition, and Fanatick diſorder, and ſedition; which is compendiouſly ſet forth in that form of Abjuration, and unparallel'd Oaths of Allegiance, and Supremacy, intended to conjure all Romanized, and other Recuſant Diſſenters within the circle of verity, and obedience. In vindication whereof, I have taken up the Gantlet againſt all Antichriſtian, and Antimonarchical challengers; not doubting, but that, upon this entring the Liſts, I ſhall be cenſured for undertaking ſo great a work, ſo far beyond my weak abilities. But it is ſatisfaction enough to my ſelf and may be to others, that I was not induced to it out of any unballanced conceipt of my ſelf, whoſe perſonal defects (according to that of the Oracle, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) are the onely thing I preſume to know: But undertook it in obedience to him, who exhorted all his Brethren earneſtly to contend for the faith, which was once delivered unto the Saints; now torn in pieces, like Hippolytus his body, by Babyloniſh Wolves, Jeſuits, Quakers, and Fifth-Monarchiſts, ſwarming like Locuſts out of the Infernal pit; which daily invade our Folds, worrie our Flocks, and ſeduce them both from Piety & Loyalty: whom to countermine (while the Sword of Juſtice ſleepeth not) a neceſsity lyeth upon every faithful Paſtour, not onely by the power of the Keys, as Preaching, Praying, and Diſcourſing, (when opportunity ſhall fairly tender it ſelf) but even by Penning; though we muſt expect our writings will be dealt withall by them, as the tongue of Cicero was, after his death, by Cleopatra, Wife to Mark Anthony, who thruſt it through and through with needles, and ſtabbed it again and again with poyſoned pens.

For my inſcribing to it Your Patronage; as gratefulneſs may plead my duty, and obligation on the one hand; ſo your ſignal ſufferings, and activity for His Sacred Majeſty, may ſway acceptance on the other, if the handling of it were anſwerable to the ſubject. I confeſs, my perſon, and parts are over-mean to engage in ſuch an excelſe, and ſublime Province. For, if Alexander would commit the proportion of his Body to be effigiated by none, but Lyſippus; Apelles himſelf could never ſet out the outward beauty of his Face, but ſlubbered, and far ſhort of the native vivacity: How then ſhall I, poor Zanie, emblazon the Seraphick ſublimity of the Royal Prerogative, the livelyeſt Repreſentative upon earth of that great Tetragrammaton in Heaven? But as he, that dwells on high, deſpiſeth not things below; ſo I hope my Mite, and Goats-hair, may be accepted, ſeeing it was intended in all ſincerity for the honour of God, and of our dread Sovereign's Royal Majeſty, and to confirm his liege people in the right faith, and true love, and obedience of his moſt juſt, and gracious Government. As an Angel of God, ſo is my Lord the King to diſcern good, and bad; therefore the Lord will be with him: 2 Sam. xiv. 7.

I have no more to apologize; but pray, that he, which ruleth in the Armies of Heavens, would crown with the bleſsings of his right, and of his left hand, Your Self, Your truly virtuous Lady, Your hopeful Iſſue to the glory of God, and comfort of all Your Relations; which is the daily petition of him, whom you have obliged for ever,

Your Honour's moſt humble, and devoted Servant in the Lord, JOHN CRAGGE.
To the READER. Courteous Reader,

PErhaps thou wilt admire, why I vindicate the Doctrine of our Church, and the Royal Prerogative, under the Notion of that illegal Oath of Abjuration: It is well known, I never acknowledged that Power, whence it iſſued, but made uſe of it onely, thereby to aſſert the lawfulneſs of this preſent Power; As Saint Paul at Athens did of the Inſcription of an Altar, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , TO THE UNKNOVVN GOD, to introduce the worſhip of the true God; Or as Arnobius, and Lactantius ſearched the Sibyls, and other Heatheniſh Writers, that by the Conceſſions of their own Oracles they might convince them of their Heatheniſh Idolatry. For, having been queſtioned for a Sermon preached before our then Sovereign Lord, King CHARLES the Firſt of ever-bleſſed Memory; for ſtiling him a Martyr in a printed Book; committed for not taking, and oppoſing the Negative Oath; and involved in further danger for replying to Mr. Milton's Anſwer to Salmaſius (which took Air, though, by reaſon of the times, no Stationer durſt print it) I ſtill projected how I might continue in diſcharging my Conſcience to His Sacred Majeſty, and the Royal Family; where, lighting upon that Oath of Abjuration, which the then-pretended Power had mounted as a Cannon for their own Defence, I found, that the force; and fury thereof might eaſily be turned againſt themſelves; as, if the Contrivers thereof had acted Caiphas, who, being High-Prieſt that year, propheſyed what ſhould be. For the matter thereof is in every Syllable concentrick, and ſymbolical with the Articles, and Apologie of the Church of England, the Oath of Allegiance, and Supremacy; which are the Cynoſura, or Pole-ſtar, by which we ought to direct our Sails to the Haven of Piety, and Loyalty. This I endeavoured to improve to the beſt advantage; but, when the Children were brought to the Birth, there was none to deliver them: for it hath lay dormant in the Hands of the Printers almoſt three years; but now creeps out in theſe Halcyon days to give the world a viſit, where I hope it will finde ſome Entertainment, ſeeing it it comes not out of a Cage, where (as is Storied of Macrobius Birds) there was one for Pompey, as well as for Ceſar; as perhaps ſome, who formerly were the greateſt Sticklers againſt, now, ſince the Succeſs of the Pharſalian Victory, defend the Oath of God: but it ſtood up in the worſt, and moſt dangerous Times, when the Furnace was ſeven times hotter, then ordinary. Beſides, this Dialogue, in a great part, was a real Hiſtory, crowned with the Succeſs here pretended. Howſoever, if I may diſcharge my Duty to my Sovereign, if Truth may be advanced, true Godlyneſs countenanced, Diſloyalty unmasked, the Church edified, God glorified; I have mine Ends.

I. C.
THE Converted PAPIST Convinced BY Scriptures, Reaſon, Fathers, and Councills; THAT THE Oath of Abjuration

Containeth nothing, but what may be lawfully taken by every pious Chriſtian, and Loyal Subject.

Miniſter.

WELL met, Sir, it joyes me to ſee that Debenairity in one of your Profeſſion; though I reſent it not without ſome regret; that we, whom one County, and, which is leſs, one Pariſh confines, cannot be contained within the Verge of one Church. What Magical Charms of that Apoſtate Rome hath bewitched you? that neither our common Mother's Tears, like Monica's: nor divine Motives, like St. Ambroſe's to Auguſtine, Poſsidonius in Vita Augustini. while a M •• icke, can prevail with you to come out of Babylon: Speramus meliora; for my mind preſages, that a Son of ſo many Tears, and Prayers cannot periſh: and your very Countenance ſuggeſts me this hope, which (like Sebaſtian's Picture, wounded with a Shower of Arrows) ſpeaks Sadneſs, and Compunction; as if in, or after our laſt Diſcourſe, your Iſaiah xxx. 21. Ears had heard a word behind you, ſaying, This is the way, walk in it; or Chriſt by his Embaſſadours had met with you (like Saul going to Damaſcus) and ſent you to ſome Ananias for further Inſtruction; or the Auguſtin. Confeſs. ſtill Voice of the Spirit had alarmed you to take up the Book (our Bible) and read.

Gentleman.

You miſtake in your Phyſiognomy; for, though my thoughts are troubled, and Spirit perplexed, yet not from any Scruple of Conſcience, or unſettledneſs in Religion, which, like the Poles of Heaven, is unmoveable, founded upon that impregnable Rock, againſt which the Gates of Hell ſhall not prevail. But my Sadneſs ariſes from the Storms of Perſecution, which aſſault us poor Catholicks, like Waves, one after another. As if the rigour of Anno 1581. 24. Elizab. Anno 1584. 27. Eliz. former Statutes had not been ſevere enough, this late one (like Nebuchadnezzar's Furnace) is ſeven times hotter then ordinary; throwing us upon the Horns of this inevitable Dilemma: either by a ſolemn Oath to abjure our Faith, or be deſpoiled of two parts of our Patrimonies; in a word, ſhipwrack either Souls, or Eſtates for ever. Durum telum! And, if you will but truly feel how the Syſtole, and Diaſtole of my Pulſe beats, this is the right cauſe of my Diſtemper.

Miniſt.

Is that a juſt cauſe of Diſtemper? or is it ſo new, or ſtrange a thing, for Laws to inflict a Penalty for breach of Ʋniformity in Religion? You might reflect upon your own Spaniſh Inquiſition, and conſider, that Magiſtrates are Cuſtodes utriuſque Tabulae, Guardians as well of divine, as humane Laws, Rom. xiii. 4. executing wrath on them, that do evil. Falſe-Teachers are ſtiled Philip. iii. 2. evil workers, and Hereſie a Fruit of the Fleſh. The Spirit of God Revel. ii. 20. condemns the Church of Thyatira for ſuffering the Woman Jezebel, to teach, and ſeduce Chriſt's Servants: reproves Revel. ii. 14. the Church of Pergamus, for ſuffering them, that taught the Doctrine of Balaam, for entertaining them, that hold the doctrine of the Nicolaitans. Hence unſound Doctrine is reſembled to a Canker, Tim. ii 17. that corrodes the ſound Fleſh: the Abetters and Fomenters thereof to Thieves, that ſpoil; to ravenous Wolves, that devour; to deceitful Workers, Cor xi. 13. that undermine the Truth. Now how the Chirurgeon cauterizes, or cuts off a Canker, what Penalty is due to Thieves, Wolves, deceiptful Workers; you are not ignorant.

Gent.

I know the Church hath power to anathematize, excommunicate, and exerciſe Eccleſiaſtical Cenſures againſt contumacious Children, and Hereticks. Dic Eccleſiae, Tell the Church; and, if they will not hear Her, let them be as Heathens, and Publicans.

Miniſt.

And what no more? This Doctrine concenters with that, which your Aſſeruit non licere Haereticum incorrigi •• lem tradere Saeculari poteſtati, & permittere com ur re eum. Bellarm. cap. 21. lib. 5. De la c •• . Bellarmine Fathers upon John Huſs, Johannes Huſs, Articul. 14. in Concilio Conſtantinenſi, Seſs. 15. as condemned in the Councel of Conſtance, that It was not lawful to deliver an incorrigible Heretick to the Secular Power, and to inflict corporal, or pecuniary Mulcts. Which St. Auguſtine, Auguſt. lib. 1. Contra Epiſtolam Parmeniani, cap. 7. lib. 2. Contra Lit •• ras Petiliani, cap. 10. lib. 2. Contra Epiſt. Gaudentii 17. Epiſt. 5 c. ad Boniſacium. reproves of old in thoſe Donatiſts, Parmenianus, Petilianus, and Gaudentius; and is backed by your Cardinal, Bellarm. Tomo ſecundo, De controverſiis Chriſtianae fidei. lib. 3. who undertakes to prove it by a Vollie of Arguments. In time of the Law, Aſa, Jehoſhaphat, Joſiah, and Nehemiah, puniſhed abuſes in Divine Worſhip. Under the Gospel, God by Miracles ſupplyed the defect of Chriſtian Magiſtrates: ſmiting Ananias, and Sapphira with ſudden Death by St. Peter, Elymas the Sorcerer with Blindneſs by St. Paul. Concurrent with Scriptures are the Primitive Fathers. Tertullian ſaith; Tertull. adverſ. Ghoſt. cap. 2. Hereticks muſt be compelled, not prayed to do their Duty. Athanaſius ſaith; Arrius, Eudoxius, and Patrophilus, when they write unſound Doctrines, are worthy of all Puniſhments. Auguſtine (Auguſt. Epiſt. 48.) tells Vincentius, that it is no Paradox, that men ought to be forced to Righteouſneſs, ſeeing he reads, the Maſter ſaid to his Servant, Compel all you finde to come in; and that Paul was forced to receive, and embrace the Truth by violent Compulſion of Chriſt: except he judge Goods, and Lands, dearer unto men, then their Eyes. Gregory Nazianzen Nazianz. Homil. in Dict. Evangel. ſaith, Cut off the Arrian Impiety, cut off the pernicious Errour of Sabellius: this I ſay unto the Magiſtrates. Seing my words have not that Efficacy, their Edict ſhall, if they will ſuppreſs ſuch, as are infected with pernicious Hereſy. Euſeb. de Vita Conſtantini, lib. 2. cap. 36. Conſtantine prohibited the Exerciſe of all unſound Religions, either in publick, or private Places, commanding their Books to be burned, their Goods to be ſold, their Houſes to be pulled down, and proſcribed them as Traytours, and Enemies to the Truth. Here you have an Abridgment of that large Syſteme of coercive Power, that might be alleged againſt Hereticks.

Gent.

Coercive Power (I confeſs) is lawful, and uſefull in the Church: but this Statute now in Force againſt us, is (like Draco's Laws) writ in Blood, tending to ruin, either Body, or Soul.

Miniſt.

Compared with the rigour of yours, where you have any Power, it truly may be ſaid to be writ in Oyl, for the gentleneſs thereof. If I may have leave to parallel: What think you of your Pope Innocent the Third, Ex Hermanno Mutio, Innocentius, 111. Anno 1212. who made but one Bonefire of an hundred Nobles, and others, in the Country of Alſatia, in one day? See theſe Stories at large in the Book of Martyrs, page 868. Of Minerius, one of the Pope's Captains, who deſtroyed two and twenty Towns of the Merindolians, barbarouſly murdered the Inhabitants, whether they reſiſted, or not; raviſhing Virgins, and Matrons, butchering Women with Childe: and, when their Men had deſerted their Cities, leaving their Females, and Infants behind, in hope of Commiſeration, the bloody Aſſaſinat practiſed ſuch inhumane Barbarity upon five hundred Women at once, beſides innocent Babes, as hath been unheard off. In the Town of Cabriers, he culled out thirty choice Men, carrying them into a Meadow, cauſed them to be hewed in pieces, by his Souldiers: he ſhut up forty ſilly Women, whereof ſome with Childe, in a Barn, full of Straw, and Hay, and cauſed it to be ſet on fire at the four Corners and when a Souldier, pitying the out-Cry, let them out, the Tyrant Doctour Taylor in his Romiſh Furnace. commanded them to be cut in pieces, exenterating their Bowels, that their Children fell out, whom they trod under feet. And, Diocleſian-like, he ſent a Band of Ruffians into the Church, where a numerous Company of Women, Children, and Sucklings had taken Sanctuary, and, without reſpect of Age, or Sex, ſlew all they found. In this one Town the Catalogue of murdered Proteſtants was above a Thouſand. In the year 1560. under Pope Pius the Fourth, Acts, and Monuments, pag. 859. were, in two Towns of Calabria, condemned at one time ſix hundred Proteſtants, whereof fourſcore and eight were executed at once in this manner: having encloſed them in one houſe; the Executioner ſingles one out after another, and, blindfolding them with a Muffler, cauſes them to kneel down, and cuts their throats, till all were diſpatched.

Virgil. Aenead. 2. —Quis talia fando Myrmidonum, Doloptimque, aut duri Miles Ulyſſis Temperet a lacrymis?—

A direful, and lamentable Spectacle! inſomuch that a Romiſt, writing to his Friend at Rome, and one Simon Florellus, writing to an Italian Doctour of Phyſick in the Ʋ niverſity of Baſil, profeſs both, they cannot expreſs themſelves without weeping: But the Turkiſh Hiſtories, the Stories of Nero, Decius, and Diocleſian veils to the Barbarity of that French Maſſacre at Paris, Gathered out of Janus Auguſtus Thuanus, Preſident of the Parliament at Paris. where, in the Space of three days, ten thouſand; and, in the ſpace of thirty days, thirty thouſand Proteſtants were perfidiouſly murdered. I need not inſtance in the Martyrologies of Queen Marie's days, nor revive the Tragick Stories of the Albigenſes, Waldenſes, Wicklifiſts, Taborites, and Lollards in former times. The Sufferings of them of Piedmont, under the Duke of Lorrain, is freſh in our Memory.

Gent.

You have ſaid too much: though I do not approve of this Cruelty in the extent, and Dimenſions of it; yet it may ſeem pardonable, in compariſon of yours, in a twofold reſpect. Firſt, This was acted by Catholicks againſt Hereticks: yours by Hereticks againſt Catholicks. Secondly, This you mention reſpects the puniſhment onely of the Perſons offending, and hath no influence on Poſterity: yours tends to the ruin of Poſterity, although they ſhould conform to your Profeſſion, leaving the Parents ſcarce a Shroud, nor the Children any Livelyhood.

Miniſt.

Whether ye, or we be true Catholicks, I ſhall demonſtrate anon, as impartially, as Solomon decided, whether the living Childe was the true Mother's, or the Strumpet's. For the preſent; Have your puniſhments no influence on Poſterity? when the former Records diſcover ſo many harmleſs Babes deſtroyed, ſo many Infants periſhing in the Womb: you are able to name the Inquiſitor; who, when the Childe ſprang out of the womb of the Mother bound to the Stake, cauſed it to be thrown into the Fire,, and burned with her, becauſe it was a young Heretick. Your Fore-Fathers rage was not appeaſed with the death of Proteſtants, for Acts, and Monuments, page. 816. Bucer, and Fagius were cited out of their Graves to appear, or any, that would for them, and that at Cambridge, four years after their Burial; which when the ſilly Aſhes could not do, they were digged out, Page 1780. and burned on the Market-Hill. Wickliff Page 739. was condemned after his Death, and his Bones burned one and forty years after his Burial. Richard H •• n Stow's Chronic. was firſt apparently hanged, and murdered in Priſon by wicked hands, and afterwards burned after his Death. Peter Martyr's Wife, Page 1785. the Divinity-Reader of Oxford, was two years after her Death digged out of her Grave. John Glover Page 1556. was not only excommunicate, but ſtruck with the great Sentence of Maranatha, after his Death. John Tooly was cited by Biſhop Bonner after he was dead, and buryed, to appear before him on ſuch a day: and the time of Citation limited being expired, and, he not appearing, he was excommunicated, and ſtreight Charge was given, that none ſhould eat, or drink with him, or ſalute him; and, if he came to Church, tempore Divinorum, he muſt be thruſt out: after this Excommunication, he was condemned, and committed to the Secular Power, to be burned for an Heretick; and ſo by the Sheriffs the poor man was the ſecond time executed.

Gent.

I love not to hear of theſe things, neither do I think they were juſtifiable, moderate Catholicks diſclaim them. Prove me two things, and I ſhall be ſatisfied. Firſt, That ever ſuch an Oath was approved by any General, or Provincial Council: Secondly, That the matter of this Oath is juſt, and lawful.

Miniſt.

If I prove not both theſe; I'le looſe the Gantlet.

Gent.

If you prove them, I'le yield up mine Arms, and abjure my former Profeſſion.

Miniſt.

I am contented, let us joyn iſſue in theſe. For the former, the Concil. Tolet. 4. Can. 74. Spaniards impoſed an Oath upon all thoſe Subjects, of whoſe Diſloyalty they were jealous, and that above a thouſand years ago; which was ratified by ſeveral famous Toletan Councils: which one of the latter expreſſes in theſe Words, Quicunque ex ipſis, vel totius Hiſpaniae populis, quâlibet conjuratione, vel ſtudio, Sacramentum fidei ſuae, quod pro patriâ, gentisque ſtatu, vel conſervatione Regis ſalutis po licitus eſt, temeraret, aut regem necare attrectaret, aut potestate regni exueret, aut praeſumptione Tyrannicâ regium faſtigum uſurparet: Anathema eſſet in conſpectu Dei Patris, & Angelorum, atque ab Eccleſia Catholicâ, quam profanaverat, haberetur extraneus. Conc. Tolet. 5, 6, 10. Whoſoever of them, (meaning, diſcontented perſons) or of the people throughout all Spain, by any pretenſe, or endeavour, ſhall violate the Oath of his fidelity, which he hath engaged for the State of his Country, and Nation, or preſervation of the ſafety of his Prince; or ſhall attempt the death of his Sovereign, or deveſt him of his Regal Power, or by Tyrannical power uſurp the Supremacy: let him be Anathematized in the Sight of God the Father, and Angels, and be excommunicated from the Catholick Church, which he hath prophaned.

Gent.

What gather you from hence?

Miniſt.

I gather four things; Firſt, That there hath been ſuch an Oath exacted in former times. Secondly, That Oath very much reſembles this of Abjuration. Thirdly, That that Oath was approved off, and confirmed by ſeveral Councils. Fourthly, That the Violaters of that Oath were anathematized by the Eccleſiaſtical, and otherwiſe ſeverely handled by the Secular Power; as the Stories of thoſe times relate more at large.

Gent.

But the Contents of that Oath was legal, this illegal, which ought not to be taken, and being taken obliges not. Our Canoniſts teach us, that Iſiodore. Can. 74. Votum non debet eſſe iniquitatis vinculum; Ʋnjuſt Vows are not binding.

Miniſt.

That is the ſecond thing I engaged to prove, that The matter of this Oath is juſt, and lawful: which I will make good in every Circumſtance, if you will be pleaſed to recite it.

Gent.

I have not the Copy of the Oath by me, neither can I repeat it verbatim, though my memory (as I have too ſignal an occaſion) is retentive of the whole Subſtance of it.

Miniſt.

I ſhall repeat it for you, having for mine own, and others Satisfaction, digeſted it into twelve Articles, which in order run thus.

Article I.

I A. B. do abjure, and renounce the Pope's Supremacy, and authority over the Catholick Church in general, and over my ſelf in particular.

II. And I do believe the Church of Rome is not the true Church. III. And that there is not any Tranſubſtantiation in the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, or in the Elements of Bread, and Wine, after Conſecration thereof, by any Perſon whatſoever. IV. And I do alſo believe, that there is not any Purgatory. V. And that the Conſecrated Hoaſt, Crucifixes, or Images ought not to be worſhipped, neither that any Worſhip is due to any of them. VI. And I alſo believe, that Salvation cannot be merited by Works. VII. And I do ſincerely teſtifie, and declare, that the Pope neither of himſelf, nor by any Authority of the Church, or See of Rome, or by any other means, with any other, hath Power, or Authority to depoſe the chief Magiſtrate of theſe Nations, or to diſpoſe of any the Countries, or Territories thereunto belonging, or to authorize any foreign Prince, or State to invade, or annoy him, or them. VIII. I do ſincerely teſtifie, and declare, that the Pope hath not any authority to diſcharge any of the people of theſe Nations from their obedience to the chief Magiſtrate, or to give licence, or leave to any of the ſaid people to bear Arms, raiſe tumults, or to offer any violence, or hurt to the Perſons of the ſaid chief Magiſtrates, or to the State, or government of theſe Nations, or to any of the people thereof. IX. And I do further ſwear, that I do from my hear abhorr, deteſt, and abjure their damnable Doctrine, and Poſition, that Princes, Rulers, or Governours, which be excommunicated, or deprived by the Pope, may, by virtue of ſuch excommunion, or deprivation, be killed, murdered, or depoſed from their Rule, or Government, or any outrage, or violence done unto them by the people, that are under them, or by any other whatſoever upon ſuch pretenſe. X. And I do further ſwear, that I do believe that the Pope, or Biſhop of Rome hath no authority, power, or Juriſdiction whatſoever within England, Scotland, and Ireland, or any, or either of them, or the Dominion, or Territories belonging to them, or any, or either of them. XI. And all Doctrines in affirmation of the ſaid Points, I do abjure, and renounce, without equivocation, mental reſervation, or ſecret Evaſion whatſoever; taking the words by me spoken according to the common, and uſual meaning of them. XII. And I do believe, no power derived from the Pope, or Church of Rome, or any other perſon, can abſolve me from this my Oath, and I do renounce all Pardons, and Diſpenſations to the contrary. SO HELP ME GOD.

Duo ſunt in unoquo que Juramento praecip è advertenda; alterum, materia, ſive res illa, in quae juratur; alterum, forma. ſive modus jurandi. Dr. Andrews. There are two things eſpecially conſiderable in this, as in every Oath. Firſt, The res, or matter, that is ſworn, or abjured: Secondly, The modus, or manner of abjuration. The former is compriſed in the ten firſt Articles: the latter in the cloſe, or two laſt. I ſhall, God willing, give you Satisfaction in order; beginning with the firſt, which is this.

The Firſt Article.

I A. B. do abjure, and renounce the Pope's Supremacy, and Authority over the Catholick Church in general, and over my ſelf in particular.

Gent.

How can I, or any Catholick abjure the Pope's Supremacy over the Church in general, or my ſelf in particular? Seing 'tis an Article of our Creed, Symboli Tridentini Articulus primus. and my Conſcience tells me that, which it did Sir Thomas More Surius. Commentar. at his Tryal; that having ſtudied the point, at leaſt ſeven years, I finde that the Truth thereof is ſounded upon Fathers, Councils, Scriptures, and Traditions, with Preſcription ſince the Apoſtles; which demonſtrates it to be of Divine Inſtitution.

Miniſt.

You will fall ſhort in all theſe, and upon impartial Survey finde the Riſe, and Spring of it to be from novel Uſurpation. The Pythagoreans were ſo accuſtomed to Numbers, that they fancyed the Ingredience of them in every Compoſure. Your ſeven years ſtudy, with Doway, and Lovain's Education, hath ſo moulded your imaginations, that it hears no Melody, but, like that of Sappho's Herodotus. in the Woods, Clemens in Prooemio in Gloſſa. Dominus Deus Papa, your Pope's Supremacy. Whence you make Scriptures, and Fathers, like Procruſtes Plutarch. in vita Theſei. his Bed; what comes ſhort, you rack, and ſtretch it to your meaning; what is too large, you curtail it by amputation.

Gent.

I read Scriptures, and Fathers with that Traveller's indifferency, that Epictetus Aulus Gellius. Noct. Atti . requires in all, that would finde the Truth: and therein I diſcover, Firſt, The Neceſſity of one Head to be conſtituted over the Catholick Church. Secondly, That St. Peter was that Viſible Head, and had Supremacy over the whole Flock of Christ, and the reſt of the Apoſtles. Thirdly, That he fixed his Seat at Rome, and delegated his plenitudinem poteſtatis, fullneſs of power, to the Biſhops, his Succeſſours there. Fourthly, That all Biſhops of Rome have enjoyed it ſince.

Minist.

Not one of theſe Poſitions is true, but comes from that ſpirit of lyes, as ſhall appear in order. Firſt, there is no neceſſitie of one Head to be conſtituted over the Catholick Church; if you mean militant, Chriſt the triumphant Head is ſufficient, for all your Canoniſts blaſpheamy, who ſay, Non videretur Dominus diſcretus fuiſſe (ut cū reverentia ejus loquar) niſi unicum poſt ſe talem Vicarium reliquiſſet, & qui haec omnia poſſet. De majoritate & obedientia, unam ſanctam, in Gloſſa. Chriſt, our Lord ſhould not have ſeemed to have dealt diſcreetly (to ſpeak it with reverence) unleſs he had left one ſuch Vicar behind him, that could do all theſe things; that is, regulate the whole Church. For neither is it poſſible for one man to take cognizance of the whole Church, unleſs he were omniſcient, as of all Europe, Aſia, Africk, China, and Preſter John's Dominions, Peru, Mexico, with Magellanica, and the reſt of the Americans, no Civil Prince had ever the fourth part of it under his Scepter, much leſs an Eccleſiaſtick; neither could the Church poſſibly (if this were granted) be preſerved from ruin. A Pope himſelf hath delivered it e Cathedra, and that is Gregory the Great, who ſaid of John Biſhop of Conſtantinople, who firſt claymed to himſelf this univerſal power; Si hanc cauſam aequanimiter portamus, totius Eccleſiae fidem corrumpimus: corruit univerſa Eccleſia de ſtatu ſuo, ſi is, qui Ʋniverſalis dicitur, cadit. Gregor. lib. 4. Epiſt. 34. 38. & Epiſt. 78. If we patiently ſuffer this matter thus to proceed, that one man ſhall be univerſal Biſhop, we ſeek not waies to preſerve unitie, but we overthrow the faith of the whole Church: if he, that is ſaid to be Univerſal Biſhop, happen to fall, the whole Church falleth from her state. And, relating to this Queſtion, Saint Auguſtine ſaith, Auguſtinus, De ve ae religione, cap 45. Habet & ſuperbia appetitum quendam unitatis, & omnipotentiae. Pride it ſelf hath a certain deſire of Ʋnitie, and univerſal power: though the tendence thereof be to ruine. In conformitie to this Saint Paul expreſſeth the laſting Politie Chriſt ſetled in his Church, who, Epheſ. iv 12, 13. when he aſcended far above any heavens, gave (not one Ʋniverſal Pope to rule the whole, but) ſome Apoſtles, ſome Prophets, and ſome Evangeliſts, and ſome Paſtours, and Teachers for the perfecting of the Saints, for the working of the miniſtery, for the edifying of the body of Chriſt. Whereupon Saint Cyprian deſcanting ſaith Ʋnus eſt Epiſcopatus, cujus à ſingulis in ſolidum pars tenetur. Cyprianus De ſimplicitate Praela o ū. Ʋnus eſt Epiſcopatus, &c. There is but one Biſhoprick; part whereof is holden of ſeveral Biſhops in whole. And again; Ideo plures ſunt in Eccleſia Sacerdotes; ut, uno Haereſin faciente, caeteri ſubveniant. Cypr. lib. 3. Epiſt. 13. Therefore there are many Prieſts, or Biſhops in the Church, (not one over all the Church) that, if one fall into Hereſie, the reſt may help. As Paul reproved Peter, and Irenaeus Pope Victor. Upon that place of Hoſea, The children of Iſrael, and the children of Judea ſhall be gathered together, and appoint them one Head, Saint Hierom Paraphraſes thus; Haec omnia fient; quia magnus eſt dies ſ minis Dei, qui interpretatur Chriſtus. Hierom. in Hoſeae cap 1. verſ. 12. All theſe things ſhall come to paſs; becauſe it is the great day of the ſeed of God, which ſeed is interpreted (not an Ʋniverſal Biſhop, but) Chriſt. Lyra harps upon the ſame ſtring. Congregabuntur filiae Judae; id eſt, Apoſtoli: & filii Iſrael; id eſt, Gentiles converſi: pariter; id eſt una Eccleſia: & ponent ſibi caput unum; id eſt, Chriſtum. Nicol. Lyra in Hoſeae cap. 1. There ſhall aſſemble together (ſaith he) the children of Judah; that is, the Apoſtles: and Children of Iſrael; that is, the Gentiles converted: together; that is, in one Church: and ſhall appoint unto themſelves one Head; that is (not one Ʋniverſal Biſhop, but) one Chriſt. Saint Auguſtine is of the ſame conſort ſaying, Recolatur lapis ille angularis, & duo illi parietes; unus ex Judaeis, & alter ex Gentibus. Auguſtin. De Civitate Dei. lib. 18. cap. 28. Let us remember that Corner-ſtone Chriſt (not any Prelate) and the Walls, the one of the Jews, the other of the Gentiles. Dionyſius; In Opere Tripartito, lib. 2. cap. 5. deciphering purpoſely the Politie of the Church, and comparing the ſame with the glorious Hierarchie of the Angels, and Powers in Heaven, yet never dropped one word of the univerſal government by one Prelate. So that we may ſafely conclude with that Appendage of the Council of Lateran; In caeleſti Hierarchia tota congregatio Angelorum non habet caput unum, praeter ſolum Deum: ergo, a ſimili, in Eccleſiaſtica Hierarchia hominum non debet eſſe unum caput, praeter ſolum Deum: That is; In the Celeſtial Hierarchie, the whole Chore of Angels hath no other head, but onely God; therefore, by like proportion, in the Eccleſiaſtical Hierarchie of men, there ought not to be any one Head, but God; That is, Christ, God-man.

Gent.

I ſhould eaſily grant, by virtue of thoſe Premiſes, that there is no apparent neceſſitie of a viſible Head over the whole Church. Chriſt, and his Spirit can eaſilie ſupply that defect. And it is congruous enough to reaſon; that no one Prelate (Atlas-like) can bear the axle-tree of the whole Church upon his Shoulders: yet, methinks, there are clear Evidences in Scriptures, and Fathers, that Saint Peter had ſupremacie over the reſt of the Apoſtles, and the whole flock of Chriſt.

Miniſt.

This is your Second Poſition, which, for all your confidence, will vaniſh into Aſhes, like Sodom's Apples. But, I beſeech you, tell me theſe Evidences out of Scriptures, and Fathers.

Gent.

Of Scriptures, theſe two places are pregnant: the one, Matth. xvi. 18, 19. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Thou art Peter, and upon this Rock I will build my Church. Hart againſt Rainolds. Though in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , may ſeem in the Greek to be a difference in termination, and an Enallage of Genders, the Hebrew, or Syriak Word, Cephas, which our Saviour uſed, ſignifies both Peter, and a Rock: whence I gather, that Peter was that rock, upon which Christ builded his univerſal Church; as appears by his further promiſe, that he would give unto him the keys of the Kingdom of heaven, &c. The other place is, John xxi. 16. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Feed my Sheep. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ſignifies as well to rule, and govern, as to feed. Out of thee ſhall come, ſaith Micah Micah v. 2. Matth. ii. 6. of Beth-lehem, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a Governour; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that ſhall rule my people Iſrael. Homer ſtiles Agamemnon, the Grecian General, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the Ruler of the people. Hence I gather, that Chriſt appointed Peter the Ruler, or Governour of the whole Church.

Miniſt.

You gather Concluſions without Premiſes, as erroneously, though not as imperiouſly, as did your Pope Boniface, Declaramus, dicimus, definimus, pronunciamus omnino eſſe de neceſsitate ſalutis omni humanae Creaturae, ſubeſse Romano Pontifici. De Majoritate, & obedientia. who declared, ſaid, defined, determined, and pronounced, that it was of undoubted neceſſitie of Salvation, for every humane Creature, to be ſubject to the Biſhop of Rome: but it was from his not right underſtanding of thoſe Texts; whence, as Saint Hierom Hierom. in Matthaeum. cap. 16. lib. 3. ſaid of others, Aliquid ſibi de Phariſaeorum aſſumpſit ſupercilio; He aſſumed ſomething of the Luciferian Pride of the Phariſees. For the Primitive Fathers, who lived neareſt the Fountain, judged it no leſs, then Blaſphemie, to interpret any mortal man, as Peter was, but onely Chriſt, the onely Son of God, to be this Rock. So Gregory Nyſſen. Gregorius Nyſſ ••• Teſtimoniis 〈…〉 ex Veteri Te 〈…〉 ſaith, Tu es Petrus, &c. Thou art Peter, and upon this Rock I will build my Church: he meaneth the confeſſion of Chriſt, for he had ſaid before, Thou art Chriſt, the Son of the living God. Saint Hilarie ſaith, Haec eſt una felix fidei petra, quam Petrus ore ſuo confeſſus est. Hilar. De Trinitate, lib. 2. cap. 6. This is the onely-bleſſed Rock of Faith, which Peter confeſſed with his mouth, and upon this Rock of Peter's Confeſſion is the building of the Church. Where, you ſee, Peter, and the Rock, are two diſtinct things. Cyril ſaith, Petra nihil aliud eſt, quàm firma, & inconcuſſa Diſcipuli fides. Cyrillus, De Trinitate. The Rock is nothing elſe, but the ſtrong, and impregnable faith of the Diſciple. Saint Chryſoſtome Supra hanc petram, id eſt in hac fide, & confeſsione, aedificabo. Chryſoſt. in Matthaeum, Homil. 55. goes on in the ſame Equipage, Ʋpon this Rock, that is to ſay, upon this Faith, and this Confeſſion, I will build my Church. Saint Auguſtine ſpeaks home, Auguſtinus De verbis Domini, ſecundum Matthaeum, Serm. 13. Petra erat Chriſtus, ſupra quod fundamentum etiam aedificatus fuit Petrus: Chriſt was the Rock, upon which foundation even Peter himſelf was builded. And, leſt he ſhould leave any in the Clouds, he adds further in the perſon of Chriſt, Non me aedificabo ſuper te, ſed te aedificabo ſuper me: I will not build my ſelf upon thee; but I will build thee upon me. And, that no man might conceive, that Peter was in any ſence ſingularly this Rock, or that he had the monopoly of the Keys, which were firſt promiſed to him, but performed in a Juncto, with the reſt of the Apostles; Origen, who lived nearer the Original, tells us, Petra eſt, quicunque eſt Diſcipulus Chriſti, & ſupra talem petram conſtituitur omnis Eccleſiaſtica Doctrina. Auguſt. ibidem. He is the Rock, whoſoever is the Diſciple of Chriſt, and upon ſuch a Rock all Eccleſiaſtical Learning is built. Quòd ſi ſupra unum illum Perrum exiſtimas aedificari totam Eccleſiam, quid dicturus es de Johanne filio Tonitrui, & Apoſtolorum unoquoque? nū audebimus dicere, quòd adverſus Petrum unum non praevaliturae ſunt portae Inferorum? an ſoli Petro dantur claves regni coelorum? Orig. in Matthaeum, Tract. 1. If thou think, that the whole Church is built onely upon Peter, what wilt thou ſay of John, the Son of Thunder, and of every of the Apoſtles? Shall we dare to ſay, that the Gates of Hell ſhall not prevail onely againſt Peter? or, are the Keys of the Kingdom of heaven given onely unto Peter? Seeing Saint Cyprian Cyprian. De ſimplicitate Praelatorum. avers, Hoc erant alii, quod Petrus, pari conſortio praediti & honoris, & poteſtatis: The reſt of the Apoſtles were the ſame, that Peter was, all endowed with the like fellowſhip both of honour, and power. That Saint Ambroſe, balancing them in Scripture-ſcales, is at a ſtand, Inter Petrum, & Paulum quis cui praeponatur; of Peter, and Paul, whether of the two ſhould be preferred before the other. And, if Gregory, Gregorius, lib. 4. Epiſtol. 32. who was a Biſhop of Rome himſelf, may be believed, Petrus univerſalis Apoſtolus nonvocatur: Peter is not called an Univerſal Apoſtle. And for your Criticiſm, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are Synonomous, Budaeus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Budaeus in Lexico. denies it, unleſs in a Dialect the Goſpel owns not. Whether our Saviour uſed the Hebrew, or Syriak word, Cephas, is uncertain, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Ariſtoteles, lib. 1. De Coelo, cap. 11. text. 110. and more certain, if he did, it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and concludes nothing, amounting but to a fallacia aequivocationis in the one Language, to a Paronomaſia, or colluſion of words, in the other. And Chriſt's promiſe of the Keys to Peteter inferrs no more, then Saint Auguſtine gathers from it, Petrus pro omnibus dixit, & cum omnibus accepit: Peter was the mouth, and ſpake for the reſt of the Apoſtles, and received the promiſe with all the rest. Now, to concenter all theſe lines in one point; If by the Rock be meant principally either Faith confeſſing, and relying upon Christ the Rock himſelf; or inſtrumentally the Apoſtles, who were all Equal, and by a joynt Commiſſion received the Keys; it comes far ſhort of proving the Supremacie of Peter over the reſt of the Apoſtles, and the whole Church.

Gent.

I have not what further to reply in that, being miſtaken in the Fathers, which I ſee are unanimous againſt us: yet, before I ſurrender this Hold, Ajacis Clypeus, & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . in which our Side moſt confides, let me hear what you can ſay to the other Scripture, whereby Chriſt commiſſioned Peter to Feed, that is rule, his Sheep, and feed his Lambs, and that thrice repeated in preſence of the reſt of the Apoſtles: whence our Pope Boniface concludes, Dominus dixit generaliter, Paſce oves meas, non ſingulariter has, aut illas: ergo commiſiſse intelligitur univerſas. De Majoritate, & obedienti . The Lord ſaid generally unto Peter, Feed my flock, he ſaid not ſpecially, Feed theſe, or theſe: therefore, we muſt underſtand, he committed all his flock to him.

Miniſt.

Your Premiſes are weak, and Boniface his Concluſion conſequentleeſs. What can be more ridiculous, then this Inference? Chriſt ſaid to Peter, Feed my Sheep; he ſaid it thrice, he ſaid it in the Preſence of the Apostles; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ſignifies alſo to rule; Therefore he gave him Supremacy over the Apoſtles: It's my Sheep indefinitely; Therefore he gave him Power over the whole Flock, or Ʋ niverſal Church, Prince, and People. To anſwer; St. Auguſtine, Auguſtin. ſupra locum. and the Primitive Fathers gave other reaſons. Chriſt ſaid to Peter thrice, Feed my Flock, in relation to his threefold Denyal; that he, that abjured him thrice, might be adjured to Fidelity in his Pastoral Charge, by this Advice repeated thrice. He ſaid it in the Preſence of the Apoſtles, that they, that were ſcandalized with his fall, might be confirmed by his Eſtabliſhment, and make uſe of the Inſtruction, which alſo concerned themſelves. Haec, velut ad Petrū dicta, ſunt omnium communia. Orig. in Matthaeum, Tract. 1. Theſe words, being ſpoken, as it were, unto Peter, are common to all the Apostles, ſaith Origen. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 not onely in St. Matthew, and Homer; but in Plato 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Plato, lib. 1. De Legibus. (who alſo uſeth the ſame words) ſignifieth to rule; but is (as Budeus ſaith) Paſtorum more gubernare, & curare gregem; To rule, and take care of the Flock, Paſtour-like. As the Father of Hippo emblazons it, Non te paſcere cogita; ſed oves meas, ſicut meas paſce, non ſicut tuas: gloriam meam in illis quaere, non tuam; Dominium meum, non tuum; lucra mea, non tua. Auguſt. in Johannem, Tract. 123. Think not to feed thy ſelf, feed my Sheep; feed them as my Sheep, not as thine own; ſeek mine Honour in them, ſeek not thine; ſeek my Dominion, and not thine; ſeek my Gains, and not thine own. No man ever denyed this Feeding, this ruling of the Flock to St. Peter; nor did Peter himſelf ever deny it to any other Paſtour; but ſaid, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Feed, or, if you will, for it is the ſame word, rule the Flock of God, which is among you, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , 1. Pet. v. 2, 3. taking the Overſight thereof; not by conſtraint, but willingly; not for filthy Lucre, but of a ready mind; neither as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , over-ruling (or being Popes) over God's Heritage; but being Enſamples to the Flock. Where you ſee St. Peter yields that to every Paſtor, which Chriſt yields to him. But, ſays Boniface, Christ ſaid to St. Peter, Feed my Sheep: Therefore he committed all his Flock to him. What ſequel more then in this? Peter ſaid to all Paſtours, Feed the Flock: Therefore he committed the whole Flock to all Paſtours. Biſhop Jewel Defence of the Apologic of the Church of England, page 92. Biſhop Jewel. challenges the Romaniſts to produce the Authority of one antient learned Father, that ever made this Collection; but ne 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 quidem: yet we deny not, but St. Peter had Commiſſion to feed, and rule the whole Church; but it was a joint Commiſſion with the reſt of the Apostles, upon whom Chriſt breathed alike, ſaying, John xx. 22. 23. Receive the Holy Ghoſt, whoſe Sins ye remit, they are remitted, and whoſe Sins ye retain, they are retained: gave them miſſion, and commiſſion alike in the ſame extent, and latitude, Matthew xxviii. 19. Go teach all Nations, &c. Whereupon St. Hierom Hierom. Contra Jovinianum, lib. 1. ſaith, All the Apoſtles received the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven, and the Stability of the Church was built equally upon them all.

Gent.

But, though I ſhould be forced to relinquiſh my hold from theſe Texts, and the antient Commentaries, and Gloſſes thereupon; yet it is undeniable, that the Fathers give St. Peter Primacy over the reſt of the Apoſtles; for St. Chryſoſtom Chryſoſt. in Matthaeum Homil. 83. Homil. 87. Homil. 55. calls him Verticem Apoſtolorum the Head of the Apoſtles; the Head, and Paſtour of the Church; the Maſter of the World, Ruler over all the World.

Miniſt.

So doth the ſame St. Chryſoſtom Chryſoſt. ad Rom. Homil. 18. call Elias Caput Prophetarum, the Head of the Prophets: yet had not Elias Primacy over Moſes, and all his Collegues. He gives Paul Nullus Paulum antecedit, de ea re nemo omnium dubitat. Chryſoſt. de laudibus Pauli. Chryſoſt. in Geneſin Homil. 7. in Geneſin Homil. 11. Preheminence over all the reſt, over the World: Paulus Magiſter Orbis, Paul the Maſter of the World. And from Generalities condeſcends to induction of particulars. Paulo tribuitur cura omnium Eccleſiarum, non unius, vel duarum, vel trium, ſed omnium, quae ſunt in toto orbe. Chryſoſt. in Johan. Homil. 11. in Act. 53. Paulo tribuitur cura omnium Eccleſiarum, non unius, vel duarum, vel trium: Ʋnto Paul the charge of all Churches is given, not of one, or two, or three Churches, but of all the Churches, that be in the world. Gregory, Gregor. 1 Reg. lib. 1. cap. 4. a Roman Prelate himſelf, ſtiles Paul, caput Nationum, the Head of Nations. Eleutherius, Epiſtola Eleutherii ad Epiſcopos Galliae. Stow, Chronic. another Biſhop of Rome, writing to the Biſhops of France, ſays, Ʋniverſalis a Chriſto vobis commiſſa eſt Eccleſia: The Ʋniverſal Church is committed to you by Chriſt. Chryſoſtom Chryſoſt. in Epiſt. ad Phil. Homil. 13. calls the Women of Philippi, caput Eccleſiae, the Head of the Church: and ſalutes Theodoſius the Emperour Chryſoſt. ad populum Antiochen. Homil. 2. with this Encomium, Summitas, & caput omnium ſupra terram hominum; the Height, and Head of all men upon Earth. Yet neither had St. Paul, nor the Gauliſh Biſhops, nor the Women of Philippi, nor Theodoſius the Emperour Primacy over the Apostles, or Superintendency over the whole Church.

Gent.

But St. Ambroſe ſaith, Ambroſ. in locum, cap. 24. Christus Petrum amoris ſui veluti Vicarium reliquit: Chriſt left St. Peter, as the Vicar of his love: which Attribute, and Elogy is not given to any of the Apoſtles.

Miniſt.

He ſaith not expreſsly his Vicar, but as his Vicar: which, Tertullian being Judge, is the Holy Ghoſt's peculiar: who, ſpeaking of Chriſt, ſaith, Miſit vicariam vim Spiritus Sancti, qui credentes agat. Tertull. De praeſcriptione adversùs Haereticos. He, ſitting at the Right Hand of God the Father, instead of himſelf, ſent the power of the Holy Ghoſt, as his Vicar, to direct them, that believe. But, if St. Peter in a borrowed Sence may be termed Chriſt's Vicar, the Stile is but the ſame Eleutherius of Rome gave Lucius, firſt King of Britain; And that Euſebius gives not onely the Apoſtles, but all Miniſters, ſaying, Euſebius Epiſcopus Romanus, Epiſt. 3. 2. Cor. 5. Caput Eccleſiae Chriſtus eſt. Chriſti autem Vicarii Sacerdotes ſunt, qui vice Chriſti legatione funguntur in Eccleſia. Chriſt is the Head of the Church, and his Vicars are the Prieſts, that do their Embaſſage in the Church in place of Chriſt. Now the Collection would be wilde, Eleutherius ſtiles King Lucius, and Euſebius calls all Prieſts Chriſt's Vicars: Therefore Lucius had, and all Prieſts have Supremacy over the whole Church. But I beſeech you, if it ſhould be granted, that Peter was Chriſt's Vicar in ſome peculiar Senſe, (ſuppoſito, ſed non dato) what makes it for the Pope's Supremacy, and Authority over the Catholick Church in general; which is the Queſtion?

Gent.

It makes in this, That Peter fixed his See at Rome, and delegated his Plenipotentiary Power to the Biſhops, his Succeſſours there; that what Power he had, he left it in Fee, and hereditary to them.

Miniſt.

You ſpeak much in little; for this is 2 Theſs. ii. 7, 8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the myſtery of that wicked one: wherein is touched, Doctour Sclater upon Theſſal. pag. 94. Firſt, Temerarium, a raſh avouchment, that Peter fixed his Epiſcopal See at Rome. Secondly, Erroneum, a palpable miſtake, that he could delegate his Apoſtolick Power to Succeſſours. Thirdly, Haereticum, a notorious falſity, little leſs then Fundamental, that he actually inveſted the Biſhop of Rome with his Apoſtolick Power, derivative to all Poſterity.

Gent.

Will you deny, that Peter fixed his Epiſcopal See at Rome? when the Fathers ſo frequently call Rome the Seat of St. Peter.

Miniſt.

Gildas, pag. 2. Epiſt. De excidio Britanniae. So Gildas the Wiſe calls Britain St. Peter's Seat, telling the Britiſh Prieſts, Quod ſedem Petri Apoſtoli inverecundis pedibus uſurpaſſent; that They had uſurped the Apoſtle St. Peter's Seat, with unreverent Feet: I hope you will not conclude hence, that St. Peter fixed his Epiſcopal See in Britain; which is as genuine Logick, as the former. That Peter was ever ſo much as at Rome, you have neither Scripture Proof, nor Preſumption. Vellenus printed by Illyricus. Vellenus, with many others, proves the contrary. Conſider but theſe Reaſons impartially: Whereas Peter is ſaid to come to Rome the Secundo anno Claudii, Petrus Apoſtolus Romā venit; qui annos aliquot anteà Antiochiae praedicaverat, & hic initium ſumit Romana Eccleſia. Carion. Chronic. lib. 3. pag. 122. ſecond year of Claudius, and to reſide there twenty five years, which is till the laſt of Nero; why doth St. Paul, writing his Epiſtle to the Romans, the laſt year of Claudius, or firſt of Nero, make no mention of Peter, ſaying, Rom. 1. 5, 6. that They were called of Jeſus by his Apoſtleſhip amongſt all Nations. Secondly, In the laſt Chapter, he greets, and ſalutes near thirty eminent Saints at Rome, with their Families; and names not Peter, which had been an irreverent overſight, if he had been reſident, as Primate there. Thirdly, Claudius baniſhed all Jews from Rome; Peter was a Galat. ii. 7, 8. Jew. Fourthly, Auguſt. in Epiſt. ad Galat. cap. ii. The Gospel of Circumciſion, that is to preach to the Jews whereſoever ſcattered, was committed unto Peter; but the Romans were Gentiles Ʋncircumciſed. Laſtly, The Antients, that averr Peter's reſidence ſo many years at Rome, contradict the Stories of the Acts of the Apoſtles, and amongſt themſelves vary, ſpeaking the confuſed Language of Babel. But, admit Peter was at Rome, will it follow, he was fixed as Biſhop there?

Gent.

Doth not St. Auguſtine give a lineal Succeſſion from Damaſus, who was Biſhop at Rome in his time, till St. Peter? And Doctour Pocklington, Pocklington; Sunday no Sabbath. one of your own, glories, that he can derive his Pedigree from Auguſtine the Monk, Biſhop of Canterbury, and from thence aſcend the Scale of Primitive Succeſſion till St. Peter.

Miniſt.

Not from Saint Peter, as Biſhop of Rome; but as an Apoſtle, who, with his Collegues, or Fellow-Apoſtles, ordained Elders, and Biſhops of their times; they, ſucceeding Paſtours, and Teachers, to the world's end. Thus the Apoſtles divided the earth amongſt them; Saint Paul ordained Timothy at Epheſus, Titus at Crete, Saint John Polycarp at Smyrna, and other Biſhops of Aſia; Saint Bartholomew had his Succeſſours in India, Saint James in Spain: yet Paul was no Biſhop of Epheſus, or Crete, John of Aſia, Bartholomew of India, or James of Spain. The Apoſtleſhip was an Extraordinary Office, which expired in the Twelve, and was incommunicable to Poſterity, and would have been diſparaged by Confinement to a particular Charge. Thus Irenaeus; Irenaeus, lib. 3. cap. Contra Haereſes. It is eaſie (ſaith He) for all men to ſee, that will ſee the Truth, the antient Traditions of the Apoſtles in the Church, through the whole World; and we can reckon thoſe, that were ordained Biſhops of the Apoſtles themſelves, and their Succeſſours alſo, even until our ſelves.

Gent.

Confutation of the Apology of the Church of England. Harding againſt Jewel. page 95. Apoſtolick Power was twofold: either extraordinary, common to Saint Peter, with the reſt of the Apoſtles; this expired in them, and was incommunicable to Succeſſours: or ordinary, which was Saint Peter's peculiar Privilege; and this he bequeathed to his Succeſſours, Biſhops of Rome.

Miniſt.

This is that Erroneum, palpable Mistake maintained by Petrus de Palude, who ſaid, Nullus Apoſtolorum praeter Petrum factus eſt à Chriſto Epiſcopus; alii Apoſtoli nullam poteſtatem juriſdictionis à Chriſto receperunt; ſpecialiter poſt Chriſti Aſcenſum fuit collata eis à Petro. Petrus de Palude, De poteſtato Apoſtolorum, Art. 2. That None of all the Apoſtles, ſave onely Peter, was Biſhop by Chriſt: and that The reſt of the Apoſtles received no Power of Juriſdiction at Chriſt's hand; but that ſpecially, after Chriſt's Aſcenſion, it was given unto them by Peter. Blaſphemy worthy of tearing of Garments, as highly prejudicial to Chriſt's Prerogative, and contradictory to Scripture; as Paul declares, Gal. 1. 1. Paul an Apoſtle, not of men, neither by man, but by Jeſus Chriſt, and God the Father. Whereupon Saint Chryſoſtom Paulus nihil opus habebat Petro, nec illius egebat voce; ſed honore par erat illi: nihil hic enim dicam ampliùs. Chryſoft. in Epiſt. ad Galat. cap. 1. Comments thus; Paul had no want of Peter, nor had any need of his Suffrage, or Allowance, but in honour was his equal: here I will ſay no more; meaning, he was, in ſome Senſe, his Superiour. And Saint Auguſtine Auguſt. in Epiſt ad Gal. cap. 2. makes Peter, without any diſtinction, Fellow, and equal with the other Apoſtles; avouching, that Chriſtus, ſine Perſonarum acceptione, hoc dedit Paulo, ut miniſtraret Gentibus, quod etiam Petro dederat, ut miniſtraret Judaeis: Chriſt, without any respect of Perſons, gave the ſame Authority to Paul, to miniſter among the Gentiles, that he gave to Peter, to miniſter among the Jews. Whence is gatherable, that rather Saint Paul, who writ to the Romans, preached at Rome, lived, and dyed there, ſhould have had this ordinary Delegation (if any) then Saint Peter, who was deſigned the Miniſter of Circumciſion: which he himſelf knew well, when he ſaid Galat. ii. 9. James, Cephas, (that is Peter) and John, who ſeemed to be Pillars, gave to me, and Barnabas, the right Hand 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , of Fellowſhip; that is aequalitatis, of equality, ſaith the Gloſs: and further, Non didici ab aliis, tanquam à majoribus; ſed contuli cum illis, tanquam cum amicis, & paribus. Gloſſa Ordinaria, ad Galat. 2. I learned not of Peter, and others, as of my betters; but I had Conference with them, as with my equals, and Friends. So that this Diſtinction of extraordinary, and ordinary Juriſdiction, which gives Saint Peter a ſpecial Legiſlative Power, is Scriptureleſs, and a mere Popiſh Chimera.

Gent.

Though there be no ground for it in Scripture, yet it may be demonſtrated from Tradition of the Church, as the Cauſe from the Effect; that St. Peter had this Power, and delegated it to his Succeſſours, who, without interruption, have enjoyed it ſince. Nil dat, quod non habet: as our Gerſon, once Chancellour of Paris avers; ſaying, Sicut Chriſto collata eſt omnis poteſtas in coelo, & in terra, ſic eam Chriſtus omnem Petro, ſuisque Suceſſoribus dereliquit. Gerſon. De poteſtate Eccleſiae, Conſid. 12. part. 3. As all Power in Heaven, and in Earth, is collated upon Chriſt, ſo Chriſt hath delegated it to Peter, and his Succeſſours.

Miniſt.

This is that third thing, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Haereticum, a notorious falſitie, which Franciſcus a Victoria, a Friar of your own, and once Profeſsour of Divinity in the Ʋniverſitie of Salmantica, confeſſes; ſaying, Victor. De poteſtate Eccleſiae, Relect. 1. Sect. 1. 1. pag. 39. Gloſſatores Juris hoc Dominium dederunt Papae, cum ipſi eſſent pauperes rebus, & doctrina: The Gloſſers of the Canon-Law, (not Saint Peter) gave the Pope this Dominion; when they themſelves were poor in eſtate, and Petits in Learning. Which Pope Zoſimus Zoſimus in Concili. Africano. himſelf was conſcious of, when, in that long contention with the Biſhops of Africa, touching his Supremacie, he alleged not one word out of the Scriptures; but only the Council of Nice, which he himſelf had falſified. And Meltiades, Meltiades in Epiſtola Ad Epiſcopos Hiſpaniae. writing hereof to the Biſhops of Spain, claims it only by Cuſtom, not by Donation of Peter, or Divine Right. The Spring, and Riſe whereof Philip Mornay Hiſtoria Papatus, quibus gradibus ad id Faſtigii eniſus ſit. Philippus Mornaius Pleſſiacus. in his Myſtery of Iniquity, or History of the Popedom, diſcovers: and is a Truth ſo clear, that it extorts this Confeſſion from Bellarmine; Bellarmin. lib. 5. De Romano Pontifice, cap. 9. Etiamſi nihil horum extaret, abunde ſufficeret praeſcriptio 800. Annorum; nam etiam regna, & imperia per latrocinium acquiſita, tandem longo tempore fiunt legitima: Though the Preſcription of eight hundred years be ſufficient; for even Kingdoms, and Empires gotten by robbery, through continuance of time, become lawfull.

Gent.

This is a ſhrewd confeſſion of ſo Learned a Cardinal, and gives our cauſe a deadly blow. There are four things, wherein Supremacie conſiſts. Firſt, Reformation of the Church. Secondly, Calling of Councils, and Synods. Thirdly, Promulgation of Church-Laws, and Edicts. Fourthly, Receiving of Appeals, and giving Deciſions. Have not Biſhops of Rome exerciſed all theſe, ſince the Apoſtles times? According to Gerſon, Sicut non eſt poteſtas, niſi à Deo; ſic nec aliqua temporalis, vel Eccleſiaſtica, Imperialis, vel Regalis, niſi à Papa; in cujus femore ſcripſit Chriſtus. REX REGUM DOMINUS DOMINANTIUM. Gerſon. De poteſtate Eccleſiae, Conſider. 12. part. 3. As there is no Power, but of God; ſo neither any Temporal, or Eccleſiaſtical, Imperial, or Regal Juriſdiction, but of the Pope, in whoſe Thigh Chriſt hath writ, KING OF KINGS, LORD OF LORDS.

Miniſt.

You ſhall finde upon Examination, for all Gerſon's Blaſphemy; that not one of theſe was exerciſed by the Biſhops of Rome, in the Primitive Times. Firſt, Reformation of the Church, by aboliſhing Idolatry, Superſtition, and Hereſie, and placing of true Religion, was practiſed by Conſtantine, and all the godly Emperours, his Succeſſours. The Emperour [ſaith Euſebius Tanquam communù Epiſcopus à Deo conſtitutus. Euſebius, De vita Conſtantini, lil. 1. cap 37.] put down Idolatry, eſtabliſhed Chriſtian Religion, compoſed differences of Biſhops, ſuppreſſed Hereſies, and Schiſms, heard Cauſes of Religion, and judged them in his own Perſon; made Laws, Decrees, Edicts, and Orders for Religion; and all this, as a common Biſhop, or Over-ſeer, ordained of God. This in ſpecial Conſtantine engaged to perform againſt the Fomenters of Arrianiſm, and Fautours of Arrian Biſhops; ſaying, Peſtium illarum audacia ministri Dei, hoc eſt, meá, executione coercebitur. Theodoret. lib. 1. cap. 19. The Boldneſs of ſuch (Biſhops, and others) ſhall be brought in order by the execution of God's Miniſter, that is, my ſelf. And the ſixth Toletan Council, ſpeaking of Chintillanus the King, ſaith, Concil. Toletan. vi. cap. 14. Nefas eſt in dubium deducere ejus poteſtatem, cui omnium gubernatio ſuperno conſtat delegata judicio. It is an heinous Offence to call his Power (not the Pope's) into Queſtion, to whom, it is apparent, that the Government of all is delegated by the Divine Decree.

Secondly, Calling of Councils, and Synods, was by the Authority of Emperours; not Biſhops of Rome. As the four firſt General Councils were called by four Emperours: The Nicene Council, againſt Arrius, by Conſtantine. The Council of Conſtantinople, againſt Macedonius, by Theodoſius the Elder. The Council of Epheſus, againſt Neſtorius, by Theodoſius the Younger. The Council of Chalcedon, againſt Eutyches, by Martian. The Council of Sardis, by Conſtans, and Conſtantine. And many more for many Centuries after Chriſt: and that not (as Bellarmine Bellarm. De Cenciliis, lib. 1. cap. 13. ſaith) Authoritate Rapae, By the Pope's Authority; which appears, in that Leo, Biſhop of Rome, made Supplication Supplicationi noſtrae dignetur Imperator annu •• c. Leo. Epiſt. 9. to Theodoſius, that he would call a Council in Italy; but the Emperour called it at Epheſus: and the Biſhops of Italy could not come in time; ſo that Eutyches his Hereſie was there countenanced by means of Dioſcorus, Biſhop of Alexandria. Then Leo made a ſecond Supplication Leo, Epiſt. 24. and alledged the Tears of all the Clergy for to obtain a Council it Italy. Then he ſolicited the Empereſs Pulcheria Leo, Epiſt. 26. to further his Supplicaon to the Emperour; he wrote Leo, Epiſt. 23. to the Nobles, Clergy, and People of Conſtantinople, to join with him in Supplication to the Emperour, yet could not obtain it in the time of Theodoſius. When Martian ſucceeded, by the favour of Pulcheria, a Council was called, not in Italy, but at Chalcedon. Then Leo made a freſh Suit, Leo, Epiſt. 43. that the Emperour would command the Biſhops of the Council, that the Faith of the Nicene Council might ſtand in full force, unaltered: which the Emperour did at his Requeſt, and the Emperour's Oration Oratio Martiani in Concilio Chalcedoneuſi to that purpoſe is extant. Now, if Supplication, Interceſſion of Friends, Sighs, and Tears of Priests be the Authority of the Pope; let him, in God's name, uſe it ſtill. And, as in the Calling, ſo in the Subſcription of the Council you may further ſee his Authority; Becauſe (ſaith Leo Leo, Epist. 56. to the Emperour) I muſt by all means obey your Sacred, and Religious Will, I have ſet down my Conſent, in writing, to thoſe Conſtitutions. Here you ſee, it is plain, Councils were called by Princes at the Pope's Petition, and ſubſcribed at their Command. Therefore, when Ruffinus Doce, quis eum juſſerit Imperator convocari è Hieron. in Apologia contra Ruffinum. alledged the Canon of a Council, againſt Saint Hierom; his Anſwer was, Shew, what Emperour commanded this Council to be called. I will ſhut up this Point with Socrates his words, who, giving a reaſon, why in his Church-Story, he made ſo often mention of Emperours, ſaith, Propterea, quòd ex illo tempore, quo Conſtantini eſſe ceperunt, negotia Eccleſiae ex eorum nutu pondere viſa ſunt, atque adeò maxima Concilia de eorum ſententia convocata faerunt, & adhuc convocantu . Socrat. lib. 5. in Prooemio. Since Emperours became (like Conſtantine) Fathers of the Church, the Cauſes of the Church have depended upon their ill; and therefore the greateſt Councils have been, and yet are called by their Authority.

The third work of Supremacy is Promulgatio Legum, Promulgation of Church-Laws, and Edicts, expedient for Eccleſiaſtical Government. And this was performed by Kings, and Emperours, not Pope's, as Church-Stories are pregnant Proofs. Conſtantine made many Laws concerning Confeſſours, and Martyrs, Chriſtians, and Heathens. Euſebius Euſeb. De vita Conſtantini, lib. 2. cap. 20, 21, 24, 44. mentioneth two Laws; one, that aboliſhed Idolatry, Images, Sacrifices, and Divinations: another, concerning building, and enlarging of Churches, at the Emperour's Charge. Theodoſius made a Law againſt the Arrians, occaſioned thus; Amphilochius, Biſhop of Iconium, having been a long Suitour in vain, uſed this Stratagem, ſaluting the Emperour, ſlighted his Son Arcadius, newly Created Caeſar, which the Father interpreting as a Contempt of his Son, grew angry, till Amphilochius, diſcovering himſelf, ſaid, Theodoret. lib. 5. cap. 5. Art thou offended, Emperour, that I reverence not thy Son? And thinkeſt thou, that God is not offended with the Arrians, that blaſpheme his Son? The Emperour, overcome with theſe words, Legem ſcribit, made a Law againſt the Aſſemblies of the Arrians. I will not enter particulars, but refer you to the Titles De ſumma Trinitate, & ſide Catholica. De ſacro ſanctis Eccleſiis. De Epiſcopis, & Clericis. De Haereticis, &c. of the Civil Law, which were promulgated by Juſtinian, Theodoſius, Valentinian, Honorius, Arcadius, and other Godly, and Religious Emperours.

There is a Collection of Eccleſiaſtical Laws made by Charls the Emperour, Lodovick, and Lotharius, gathered by Anſegmus, Anno 827. Anſegmus. Of Charls his Laws there be an hundred ſixtie eight; of the Laws of Lewis, and Lotharius an hundred fiftie ſeven. In the Preface, the Emperour Charls profeſſeth, Quapropter & noſtros miſſos ad vos direximus; qui, ex noſtri nominis authoritate, una vobiscum corrigerent quae corrigenda eſsent. that he hath directed his Commiſſioners (here you ſee Princes Commiſſioners, and Viſitours are antient) that ſhall joyn, with others, to redreſs thoſe things, which need Reformation, according to his Canonical Conſtitutions in his name, and by virtue of hi authoritie. Gregory the Firſt Gregor. Epiſt. , Biſhop of Rome wrote a ſubmiſſive Letter to Mauritius the Emperour, and another to Theodorus, his Phyſician, to intreat the revocation of a Law invented by Julian, and that in a very humble Stile, Ʋtrolique ergo quod debui, exolvi; qui & Imperatori obedientiā praebui & pro Deo, quod ſenſi non tacui. Gregor. Epiſt. 61. lib. 2. Ego quidem juſſioni veſtrae ſubjectus: I, your Servant, and ſubject to your command, have ſent this Law to many parts of the World, and now I write my opinion to your Majeſtie: in both I have done my duty; I have performed mine obedience to the Emperour, and I have not concealed what I thought fit for God's cauſe. And Saint Auguſtine ſaith Hoc jubent Imperatores, quod & Chriſtus jubet; quia, cùm bonum jubent, nemo jubet, niſi per eos Chriſtus. Auguſt. Epiſt. 166. of this power of Laws, When Emperours command that, which is good; it is Chriſt, and no man elſe, that commandeth by them.

The fourth work of Supremacie is receiving of Appeals, giving Deciſions, Reſtitutions, and Deprivations, and other puniſhments of Biſhops for Cauſes Eccleſiaſtical; which in Primitive Times fell to the judicature of Princes, not Popes: for when Donatus Vide Optatum libr. 1. & Auguſt. Epiſt. 162, 166. had procured Cecilianus to be condemned by ſeventy African Biſhops, and had ſet up another Biſhop in his See of Carthage; he appealed to Conſtantine, the Emperour, and deſired him to aſſigne him Judges: Conſtantine, by Commiſſion extant in Euſebius, Euſebius, lib. 1. cap. 5. delegated, and authoriſed Meltiades, Biſhop of Rome, to hear the cauſe; who gave Sentence for Cecilianus: upon a ſecond Appeal Euſeb. lib. 10. cap. 5. Conſtantine made a ſecond Delegacy to Chreſtus, Biſhop of Syracuſe; who likewiſe gave Sentence with Cecilianus: upon the third Appeal, Conſtantine appointed Elianus, a Civil Magiſtrate, to examine Felix; who acquitted Felix alſo. Then the Emperour called both Parties before him, and gave final Sentence for Cecilianus, and made a ſevere Law againſt the Donatiſts. In which Paſſage, I pray you, obſerve; Firſt, that Meltiades, not as ſupreme Judg of all Controverſies, but as delegated by Conſtantine, did judg of Cecilianus his Cauſe: and Saint Auguſtine Auguſt. Epist. 162. defended him from uſurpation upon the ſeventie African Biſhops; becauſe the Emperour, not Saint Peter appointed it. Next the Biſhop of Syracuſe did judg the ſame Cauſe after Meltiades, without any wrong to the See of Rome; no man in that Age found fault with it. And Thirdly, It is apparent, that Conſtantine was ſuperiour to Meltiades, and both made him his Delegate, and Judge of his Sentence, and Judgement; which Saint Auguſtine Ʋltimum Judicium, ultra quod Cauſa pertranſire non poteſt. Auguſtin. contra Parmenian. lib. 1. cap. 6. calleth the laſt Judgement, beyond which the Cauſe could not paſs. Socrates, lib. 5. cap. 10. Theodoſius calling a Council of all Opinions, where Nactarius, and Agilius made the Confeſſion 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of Conſubſtantiality; Demophilus delivered up the Arrian Faith; Eunomius the Eunomian Faith; Eleuſius the Macedonian Faith: Then the Emperour, alone, ſeparated from all Company [ſaith Tum ſolus, & ſeparatus, precatur Deum. Socrates, ſuprá. Socrates] made his Prayers to God to direct him in the Truth; and then he read the ſeveral Faiths, and condemned, and rent all the reſt, that rent, and divided the Trinity; and commended, and approved that Faith of the Conſubſtantiality of the Father, and the Son.

Gent.

You have ſatisfied me ſufficiently in theſe; onely one Scruple remains behinde, how the Biſhop of Rome came to this height, that he is the Head of Councils, Papa ſit, qui poſſet transferre Reges, & regna. Gerſon. De poteſtate Eccleſiaſtica; Conſider. 12. dethrones Princes, and diſpoſes Kingdoms.

Miniſt.

Not at once; but by ſeveral Steps: for Popiſh Primacy is a Mystery of Iniquity, and inſinuated by Degrees.

The firſt Step was the Departure of the Emperour Conſtantinus from Rome to Conſtantinople: at which time, Gratian ſaith, he gave his whole Power, Dominion, and Territories both in Rome, and Italy, and the Weſt, to the Biſhop of Rome; Conſtantinus Imperator Coronam, & omnem Regiam dignitatem in urbe Romana, & in Italia, & in partibus Occidentalibus Apoſtolico conceſſit: The Emperour gave the Pope his Crown, and all his Royal Dignity in Rome, Italy, and the Weſt. And, in the next Canon, Decrevimus itaque & hoc, ut ipſe, & Succeſſores ejus, Diademate, viz. coronâ, quam ex capite noſtro illi conceſsimus, ex auro puriſsimo, & gemmis pretioſis uti debeat pro honore Beati Petri. Gratian. Diſtinct. 96. Can. Conſt. We have made this Decree, that the Pope, and his Succeſſours, ſhall, for the honour of Saint Peter, wear the Crown of pure Gold, and precious Stones, which We have given him from our own Head. Thus the Decree; though Laurentius Valla, Raphael Ʋolaterranus, Paulus Catthalanus, Nicolaus Cuſanus, and other Popiſh Writers, repute it but fabulous; and even Bellarmine Regna, & Imperia per latrocinium acquiſita, tandem longo tempore fiunt legitima. Bellarm. lib. 5. De Romano Pontifice, cap. 9. himſelf ſeems to make a Doubt, implyedly aſcribing the Original of Popiſh Claim to Ʋſurpation, and Preſcription.

The Second Step was the Fall of the Empire in the Weſt: for, after the Diviſion of the Empire, it began dayly to decline, and was utterly diſſolved in Auguſtulus Anno Domini 471., of whom was made this Epigram; Ad Pontac. Burdeg. pag. 93. Auguſtus Romanum Imperium condidit, Auguſtulus labefactavit; Auguſtus ſet up the Empire, but Auguſtulus pulled it down. And the lower Ebb the Imperial Throne had, the Epiſcopal See had the higher Tide.

The third Step was the Donation of Phocas; who (having murdered all the Mauricium ipſe perſequi, aſſequi, in oculis ipſius liberos omnes interſicere, pendentem inter alios ab uberibus infantem, ac poſtremò ipſum, tot doloribus tranſverberatum, jugulare. Philippus Mornaius, Myſterii Iniquitatis, pag. 112. Emperour Mauricius his Children in his Sight, amongſt the reſt, a tender Infant, hanging upon the Nurſe's Breaſt, and laſtly him) granted to Boniface the Third, (that he, this Parricide, might be confirmed in the Empire) Ʋt ſanciretur Romanus Pontifex Oecumenicus & Summus Epiſcopus totius Eccleſiae Chriſtianae: That the Biſhop of Rome ſhould be eſtabliſhed the Oecumenical Patriarch, and Biſhop of the whole Church of Chriſt. From that time (ſaith Carion) the Romane Prelates never ceaſed to labour for the encreaſe of their Dignity, and Power.

The fourth Step was the Voluntary Charter, which Conſtantine, the Emperour of Conſtantinople, made Anno Domini 684. Platina in vita Benedicti Secundi. to Pope Benedict the Second; that whomſoever the Clergy, People, and the Romane Souldiers, ſhould chuſe to be Biſhop, all men ſhould believe him to be the true Vicar of Chriſt, without tarrying for the Authority of the Emperour of Conſtantinople, or the Deputy of Italy, as the Cuſtom, and manner was ever before that Day.

The fifth Step was the Amity Anno Domini 751. between Zachary Biſhop of Rome, and Pipin Governour of France, under Childerick the King; which Biſhop aſſoiled Pipin, and the other Frenchmen of their Oath of Allegiance, and Fealty made to Childerick, and confirmed Pipin the Traitor in his Maſter's Kingdom. Which Bellarmine Childericum depoſuit Zacharias, & in ejus locum Pipinum, Caroli Magni Patrem, creari juſsit. Bellarmin. lib. 5. De Romano Pontif. cap. 8. confeſſes; ſaying, Pope Zachary depoſed Childerick, and commanded to place, and inveſt Pipin, Father to Charles the Great, in his Throne. For this Kindneſs the Popes were gratified by both the Father, and the Son, and all the Caroline Line: for Pipin, having beſieged Aiſtulphus, King of the Lumbards, at Pavie, forced Anno Domini 756. him to yield up the Exarchate of Ravenna, and Pentapolis into his Hands; who conferred it upon the Biſhop of Rome. Ità Roma Romanús que Ducatus à Graecis ad Romanū Pontificem, propter nefandam corum Haereſin, impietatémque pervenit. Sigon. lib. 3. De Regno Italiae. So now the Liev-tenants of Conſtantinople ended their whole Power in Italy; who formerly had their Seats at Ravenna: and now was he taken out of the way, who, (as the Apoſtle tells us) did hinder the coming of Anti-Chriſt, 2 Theſ. ii. 7.

The ſixth Step was the Vide Philip. Bergomatem, pag. 277 Conſtitution of the Electours of the future Emperours; for Gregory the Fifth, being a German born, and Kinſman to Otho the Emperour, did appoint Antoninus, part. 3. tit. 22. cap. 5. Sect. 13. Seven Electours of the Empire for ever; viz. the Arch-Biſhop of Mentz, the Arch-Biſhop of Trevirs, the Arch-Biſhop of Colen (all his own Creatures) the Marqueſs of Brandenburgh, the Count Palatine, the Duke of Saxonie, and the King of Bohemia; that the Empire might be eſtabliſhed in their Poſterity, and their Blood thereby advanced for ever. Thus I have emblazoned you in brief, how that Beaſt, that obſcurely ſprung out of the Earth, was naſcent, creſcent, regnant, and triumphant.

Gent.

But how came he to have Power here in Britain; for I do not ſee, that any of theſe Donations expreſly reaches that.

Miniſt.

Centur. 6. lib. 5. cap. 17. Anno Dom. 600. By Auguſtine the Monk, whom Gregory the First ſent to convert the Saxons; which being effected, he occaſioned them to be forced by the Sword to ſubmit to the Romane Slavery; which they knew not before, murdering twelve hundred Students at Bangor, laying the Foundation of Popery here in Blood; as I ſhall have Opportunity further to diſcover.

Gent.

Well; you have almoſt ſtaggered me in this: but, I beſeech you, proceed to the Second Article.

The Second Article.

And I do believe the Church of Rome is not the true Church.

Gent.

This Propoſition is contradictory to that, which was riveted into me, when a Childe. The Holy Catholick Church is the true Church; The Church of Rome is the Holy Catholick Church: Therefore the Church of Rome is the true Church. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Philo. This was the firſt Syllogiſm I learned, and probably will be the laſt, (unleſs I ſee ſufficient Reaſon to the contrary) that I ſhall forget.

Miniſt.

Sir, your Aſſumption is palpably falſe; The Church of Rome neither is, nor ever was the Catholick Church; once it was a ſound Member thereof, now, not ſo much as a ſound Member. Dr. Rainolds Rainolds, in his Six Poſitions. and others, have unanſwerably proved it.

Gent.

What? not the Romane the Catholick Church, whoſe Faith Rom. i. . 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , is spoken of throughout the whole World, and hath taken Poſſeſſion thereof, according to the Divine Poet,

Sedes ſumma Petri, quae Paſtoralis honoris Facta caput mundi, quicquid non poſſidet Armis, Relligione te net?—
Miniſt.

The Romane Church, at the beſt, was but a particular Church, not the Catholick, or whole: which Saint Paul clears; ſaying, (Rom. i. 5, 6.) They had received Grace for Obedience to the Faith 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , among all the Gentiles (or all Nations) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , among whom are ye alſo. But a Church, which is but one amongſt the reſt, cannot be the whole, or Ʋniverſal Church. It is as abſurd to ſay, that the Romane is the Ʋniverſal, or Catholick Church, as to affirm, that England is the Ʋniverſal World. Therefore Saint Chryſoſtome, deſcanting upon thoſe Words, ſaith, Romanis ſcribens, qui, velnt in totius orbis vertice conſtituti erant nihil, prae reliquis Gentibus, illis praecipuè adſcribit. Neque enim ideo, quòd tum potentes erant, & regnabant, plus rerum ſpiritualium eos habere dieit; ſed Quemadmodū, inquit, omnibus Gentibus praedicamus, ità & vobis; connumerans eos & Scythis, & Thracibus. Niſi enim hoc ſignificare voluiſset, ſuperfluum erat dicere, In quibus eſtis & vos. Chryſoſt. ad Rom. Homil. 1. Paul, writing to the Romanes, who were placed, as it were in a ſublime Turret of the whole world, aſcribes no ſpecial prerogative to them above other Nations: for neither then, becauſe they were potent, and bore rule, did he ſay, they had more of ſpiritual things: but he ſaith, As we Preach to all Nations, ſo to you, reckoning them with the Scythians, and Thracians. And, unleſs this had been his meaning, it had been ſuperfluous to ſay, Among whom are ye alſo. Theodoret ſaith, Theodoret. ſuper Rom. cap. i. He diſtinguiſhed not them (the Romanes) as having Dominion over the world, from other Nations; but joyned them with them. Eos non, ut qui totius orbis terrarum Dominium obtinerent, aliis Gentibus ſecrevit, ſed aliis commiſcuit.

Gent.

Though the Romane Church be not the Catholick, or whole Church, as the Head is not the whole Body: yet, as all the Members depend upon the Head, and receive Animal Spirits thence; ſo all the Members of the Catholick depend upon the Romane, and communicate with it. Hence Saint Cyprian Cyptian. lib. 4. Epiſt. 8. calleth the agreement with the Biſhop of Rome, and communicating with him, Catholicae Eccleſiae unitatem; the firm holding the unity of the Catholick Church. And writing to Antonianus, in the ſame Book, he accounteth it for one thing to communicate with Cornelius the Biſhop of Rome, and to communicate with the Catholick Church.

Miniſt.

The Antients were of another Judgement; amongſt whom Oecumenius Oecumenius in Rom. cap. 1. pulls down the Romane Creſt, in his Commentary upon Rom. 1. 6. ſaying, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Ad modeſtiam revocat, (ſo Budaeus renders it) He humbles, (or brings down) their Wiſdom, [the Romanes] as if he had ſaid, Do not think, that the Imperial City [Rome] hath more Prerogative, then others; but ye are called together with other Gentiles. With whom accords Theophylact, ſaying, Hic tollit eorum cogitationem de Primatu; non enim inquit, Alias antecellitis gentes, tametſi imperium vobis uſurpetis; verum enim, Perinde ac caeteris, ſic vobis praedicamus, nè igitur turgeatis faſtu. Theophyl. in Rom. cap. i. He takes away their Imagination of Primacy: for Paul ſaith not, Ye excell other Nations, or the rest of the Gentiles, although ye ſhould uſurp Rule to your ſelves; but, We preach even unto you, as we do unto others, leſt therefore ye ſhould ſwell with Pride. There is not that dependance of other Churches with Rome; as is of the Members with the Head. The Members cannot live without the Head. The Church was Catholick, before Rome was a Member thereof; and might continue ſo ſtill, though the Romane Church, and the Hierarchie thereof were wholy extinct. Your Paralogiſm, taken from Saint Cyprian's Advice, is Complicatio fallaciarum, a Fardle of Fallacies. Firſt, Non Cauſae, ut Cauſae; for the Eſſence of Catholick Ʋnion did not conſiſt in Communion with the Roman Church Saint Steven, with many thouſand, lived, and dyed in the Unity of the Catholick Faith, and never knew Romiſh Communion. Secondly, Fallacia accidentis; for it is a thing Contingent, and not neceſſary, that to communicate with the Romiſh Church is to communicate with the Catholick Church. Chriſt enjoins the Jews to hear the Scribes, and Phariſees were but Novel Intruders: for Antigonus Sochaeus was the firſt, who ſucceeded Simeon the Juſt, being Coëtanean with Alexander the Great. Godwin, Hebrew Antiquities, lib. 1. page 37. Phariſees; which is more, then to communicate with them: and yet they were not Heads, but unſound Members of the Jewiſh Church; as appears by our Saviour's Caution, Beware of the Leaven of the Phariſees. The ſame Saint Cyprian, that calls Agreement with the Biſhop of Rome, Catholicae Eccleſia unitatem. •• prian. lib. 4. Epiſt. Ʋnity of the Catholick Church, reproves Cornelius, and Stephanus, both Biſhops of Rome, and told them, that they were both deceived: and would not therefore agree with them.

Gent.

But we have been taught, that There is no Salvation out of the Romane Church, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Pillar, and ground of Truth; 1 Tim. iii. 15. Whoſe Doctrine is spread over the Earth.

Miniſt.

There is Salvation to them, that are baptized, believe, and repent; Mark xvi. 16. Act. ii. 38. and which have all the ordinary means of Salvation, 1 Tim. ii. 4. but, without Dependance upon the Church of Rome, people may be Baptiſed, Beleeve, Repent, and have all the ordinarie means of Salvation; as appears by the Jews; Acts ii. 41. the Evnuch, Acts viii. 37. Lydia, Acts xvi. 14. many Gentiles, Acts xiii. 48. the Elect Lady, and her children, 2 John i. 2, 4. the ſeven Churches of Aſia, Apocal. ii. 3. all theſe Independents of that Church. This is confirmed by Occham Extrae eccleſiam autē Romanam poteſt eſſe ſalus, quemadmodum post Aſcenſionem Chriſti fuit ſalus, antequam Romana Eccleſia inchoaretur. Occham, Dialog. part. i. lib. 5. cap. 23. one of your own Schole-men, who proclaims, that Out of the Romane Church may be Salvation, as after our Saviour's Aſcenſion there was Salvation, before the Romane Church had any being. And Aeneas Sylvius, Ante Concilium Nicenum quiſque ſibi vivebat, & parvus reſpectus habebatur ad Eccleſiam Romanam. Aeneas Sylvius, Epiſt. 288. who was afterwards Pope Pius the Second, affirmeth, that, the firſt three hundred Years, Before the Nicene Council, ſmall regard was had of the Romane Church. Johanes Major Indi, & Chriſtiani, in aliis locis ſeparati, ſi reliqua ad fidem neceſſaria crederent, neſcii quod Romanus Pontifex caput ſit Eccleſiae, durum eſt dicere quòd ſint in ſtatu Damnationis. Major. d. 24. q. 3. ſaith; It were over hard to affirm, that the Indians, and other Chriſtians, which live in remote Countries, ſhould be in the State of Damnation for not knowing that the Biſhop of Rome is the Head of the Church, if they believe other neceſſarie Articles to Salvation. And Alchaſar Alchaſar, Comment. in Apocalyp. cap. xx. v. 1. 2. 3. ſaith, Antequam nuptiae cum Romana Eccleſia per receptam publicae Chriſtianae Fidei conſuetudinem celebrarentur; minus frequens cum Romana communio ſatis fuit: Before ſuch times, as the publick Nuptials between the Romane Church, and other Churches were celebrated by a common-received Cuſtom, a leſs frequent communion with that Church was ſufficient. Neither the Romane, nor any other particular Church, was ever ſimply the Ground, and Pillar of Truth; but onely the Primitive, Generale Concilium Papae, Cardinalium, Epiſcoporum, Doctorum, in Scripturis Propheticis intelligendis non est nunc tantae authoritatis; quamae fuerit olim Apoſtolorum collegium. Dried. De dogmat. Eccleſ. lib. 2. part. 58. compriſing the Apoſtles, the ſucceeding Ʋniverſal Church, and the Members thereof, onely by Office, and ſecundum quid: it was not ſpoken to the Church of Rome, but of Epheſus, which was never the Head of the Church, and is now no Member thereof. Caveat Roma. And, if the Romane Church be ſpread over ſundrie Parts of the World, becauſe ſome people, profeſſing the Romane Faith, travail, or reſide in many Countries, and exerciſe their Religion where they travail, or live; yet this will not demonſtrate, that it is the Church univerſal: for both Jews, and alſo ſundrie other Chriſtians, which are no Romists (as the Syrians, or Melchites, Georgians, Ruſſians, Nestorians of Saint Thomas in India, Jacobites, Copthi, Habaſſines, Armenians, Maronites) are largely diffuſed over the world, and exerciſe their Religion in places, where they make their aboad. And there is nothing more preſumptuous, Gregor. Nazianzen. Oratione De ſeipſo contra Arrian. Ʋbi illi ſunt, quae Eccleſiam multitudine definiunt? Chryoſt. Ad popul. Antiochenum. Homil. 40. Auguſt. ſupra Pſal. 39. then to make external Fame, and Amplitude (which are things common, and ſeparable) proper Notes of the true Church, and upon this ground to reject ſmaller Churches, which have leſs Fame in the world, but more veritie.

Gent.

Well; admit Salvation be not confined to the Church of Rome, and that it be not the peculiar Ground, and Pillar of Truth; yet it is the Mother-Church: all, or moſt have received their Chriſtianity from her.

Miniſt.

Rome, when ſhe was the moſt ſuperlative, ſtanding upon her higheſt tiptoes, was not a Mother, but a Siſter, or a Daughter Church, juniour to many. If we look into the original; Jeruſalem is the Mother of us all. De Sione exibit Lex, & verbum Domini de Jeruſalem; Iſai. ii. 3. there Chriſt was Crucified, there the Apoſtles were commiſſioned, there they received the Holy Ghoſt, there Stephen firſt ſealed the Truth with his Blood: one of the eldeſt Siſters was Antioch, where men were firſt called Chriſtians, not at Rome; whereupon Saint Chryſoſtom Antiochia caput totius orbis. Chryſoſt. Ad populum Antiochenum. Homil. 3. calleth that Citie, The Head of the whole world. The Apoſtles divided this Earthly known Globe amongſt them; which, in few years after the Paſſion, they compaſſed. Whereas it is but pretended by Irenaeus, lib. 3. cap. 3, & 1. Irenaeus, that Saint Peter came to Rome, when Saint Matthew wrote his Goſpel, which was in third year of Caius Caligula, and one and fourty after our Saviour's Nativitie, eight after his Paſſion, during which time the Foundation of Chriſtianitie was laid by the Apoſtles through the world, who received not their Faith from Rome, but were rather more antient. Titus was ſent to Dalmatia, Creſcens to Galathia (2 Timoth. iiii. 10.) or Gallia, (ſo Euſebius Euſebius, lib. 3. calls it) Aventinus in Annalibus Boiorum. Sabell. Enncad. 7. lib. 4. Trophimus to Orleance, Photinus to Lyons, Lucius of Cyrene to Germanie, Barnabas to Millain, Apollinaris to Ravenna; all the Countries, and many more, were converted by theſe, and others, without Commiſſion from Rome.

Gent.

But if not others; yet we of this Nation muſt acknowledg Rome for our Mother-Church, as receiving our Faith, and Converſion thence.

Minist.

No: for Britain received the Chriſtian Faith, in a manner as ſoon as Rome; in the ſecond year of Claudius, and fourtie fourth year after the Nativitie, Simon Zelotes, an Apoſtle, came hither to Preach the Goſpel, as Dorotheus witneſſeth. Simon Zelotes, peragratâ Mauritaniâ, & Afrorum regione, Chriſtum praedicavit tandem in Britannia; ubi crucifixus, occiſus, & ſepultus eſt. Dorotheus in Synopſi. Simon Zelotes, having paſſed through Mauritania, and the Regions of Africk, at the laſt Preached Chriſt in Britain, where he was Crucified, Slain, and Buried. Nicephorus Evangelii Doctrinā ad Occidentalem Oceanum, Inſulás que Britannicas profert. Nicephor. lib. 2. cap. 40. alſo avouches, that Simon, having Preached to many Countries, conveighed at laſt the Doctrine of the Goſpel to the Weſtern Ocean, and Britiſh Iſlands. With theſe Baronius, Baron. ad diem 28. Octobr. and the Magdeburgenſes Magdeburg. Centur. 1. lib 2. cap. 2. agree, which Gildas the Wiſe ſumms up, ſaying, Interea, glaciali frigore rigente, Inſula, &c. In the mean time, while Claudius was raging with bloody War, there imparted it ſelf to this cold Iland (removed off from the viſible Sun further, then other Countries) that true, and inviſible Sun Chriſt, which, in the time of Tiberius Caeſar, had ſhewed himſelf to the whole World. Theodoret, Sophronius, and Arnoldus Mirmannus Arnoldus Mirmannus in Theatro, quarto Neronis, Anno Dom. 59. affirm Saint Paul to have paſſed to Britain, the fourth year of Nero, and there to have ſ wn the Seed of Life. To theſe I might add Ariſtobulus (whom Saint Paul nameth in his Epiſtle to the Romanes) recorded Mirmannus in Theatro De converſione Gentium, pag. 43. Doroth in Synops. Baron. out of the Greek Martyrol, ad diem 25. Matrii. by Mirmannus, Dorotheus, and Baronius, to have propagated the Goſpel in Britain. As alſo Joſeph of Arimathea with his ten Companions, who pitched in the Iland Avallonia, where Glaſtenbury after was builded, thence called in our ancient Records Capgravius, Polydore Virgil, Cambden, Harpesfiend, Bal us, Flemingus, Scropus. the Burial-place of the Saints: none of theſe were ſent from Rome, nor had any dependence on it.

Gent.

But the firſt Chriſtian King of Britain, Lucius, required Eleutherius, Biſhop of Rome, to ſend him Preachers to inſtruct him in the Chriſtian Faith: and he (as the Chronicles record) ſent him two Prieſts, Damianus, and Fugatianus. So it ſhould ſeem, that Britain received the Faith from Rome.

Miniſt.

How can that be? Seeing Britain received the Faith the fourty fourth year of our Saviour; and Lucius was not inaugurated King, till the hundred ſeventy nineth year. By this Computation it appears, the Britains had been Christians above an hundred thirty five years before Lucius, which Baronius, a Romane Cardinal, confeſſes; ſaying, Cum diu alioqui Evangelium Chriſti illuc perlatum fuiſſet, ut teſtatur Gildas Sapiens. Baron. Annal. Long before Damianus, and Fugatianus, came here, the Gospel was preached; as witneſseth Gildas the Wiſe. It is true, Beda, Aſſer, Flores Hiſtoriarum, Record of Saint Aſaph's Church, John Capgrave, Marianus Scotus. Lucius, being already a Christian himſelf, ſent Elvanus, and Meduvinus, two learned men in Scriptures, with his loving Letters The Epiſtle of Eleutherius to Lucius, King of Britain, is extant, lib. Conſtitut. Londinenſ. to the Biſhop of Rome, importuning him to ſend the Romane Imperial Laws for reiglement of his Kingdom: but he refers him to the Laws of Chriſt expreſſed in the Old, and New Teſtament; whence, he tells him, by the Grace of God, and the advice of his Senatours, he may gather Inſtructions for ordering of his Subjects. Where obſerve, Firſt, that the Britains were Chriſtians long before. Secondly, That Lucius himſelfe was alſo a profeſſed Chriſtian. Thirdly, That the Meſſengers he ſent, were mighty in the Scriptures. Fourthly, That they were ſent for a directory in the Imperial, or Civil Laws. Fifthly, That the Biſhop of Rome challenges no Power of Judicature; but refers him to Scripture, and his Council.

Gent.

Well; though you have driven me out of theſe four Holds; That the Church of Rome is not the Catholick Church; That it is not the Head, upon which other Churches, as Members, depends; That Communion with Rome is not neceſſarie to Salvation; That Rome is not the Mother of all Churches, nor of our Britiſh: yet, I hope, I may communicate with Rome, as with a Member of the Catholick Church, and a Siſter, having preſcription of a thouſand years, ſince Ethelbert, W. Malmesburienſis, Marianus, Florian. Beda. in whoſe time Auguſtine, Melitus, and Justus, Commiſſioned by Gregory the Firſt, converted the Saxons, and made them, with the Britains, conformable to the Romane Church.

Miniſt.

Auguſtine, and his Companions, were not the firſt Converters of the Saxons, whoſe Queen Berta Stow, Chronicl. page 90. was Chriſtianed long before, having a Biſhop with her of incomparable Holineſs, whoſe Name was Letardus. Neither were the Britains conformable, till, almoſt two hundred years after, King Oſuvius his inclination, and Ecbertus his blandiſhments betrayed them thereto: how ever it is not lawfull Ʋbi incurritur crimen Haereſis, ibi ſides naufragium patitur, & perinde ratio verae Eccleſiae am •• titur. Perez. P ••• a cuch. ſid. vol. 1. cap. 14. for you to communicate with the Church of Rome being ſhamefully Apoſtated, and not ſo much as a ſound Member of the Catholick Church.

Gent.

Your own Doctours approve the Church of Rome to be a true Church; as expreſsly Biſhop Hall in a Sermon, for which when he was checked, he Apologized, that he had delivered the ſame twentie years before, at Paul's Croſs, without controul, and appears to Doctour Davenant, Biſhop of Saliſbury, Doctour Pridea x, and Doctour Ward, Profeſſours in the two Ʋniverſities, Doctour Primroſe, Preacher of the French Church in London; who all accord with him, as appeareth by their Determinations.

Miniſt.

They all accord (it is true) that the Church of Rome, in a Metaphyſical ſence, is a true Church: for ſo to be Veritas tranſcendentalis nihil poſitivum, & reale addit Enti. Euſtachius, Metaphyſ. pag. 42. a Church, and a true Church is all one. Ens, & Verum convertuntur: nihil hoc modo falſum dici poteſt, niſi quod fictitium, & impoſſibile est. Every thing thus is True, and nothing (ſaith Euſtachius, Metaphyſ. pag. 43. Euſtachius) can be called falſe, but that, which is fained, or impoſſible. So a Leprous, and Hectically diſeaſed Body, is a true body: a Monstrous conception, a true conception. Thus the Church of Rome, though ſhe hath loſt Tot in Eccleſia abuſus, & graviſsimos morbos irrupiſſe, quibus ad ſanitatis desperationem ferè laboret. Eſpenc. Comment. Tit. cap. 1. pag. 71. as much of her Primitive compoſure, as Jaſon's Ship did, and conſiſteth, in a great part, in a Patcherie of Traditions, hath not loſt her truth. But they never acknowledged, the Church of Rome was a true Church, more then a Thief is a true man in a Moral ſence, as being notoriouſly depraved. And, to prove, that the Church of Rome in this ſence (which is the Queſtion) is not a true Church, I will demonſtrate four things. Firſt, That it is corrupted in Doctrine, Secondly, In Manners. Thirdly, That Rome is Apocalyptical Babylon. Fourthly, That the Romiſh Hierarchie is Anti-Christian.

Gent.

Prove theſe four, and conclamatum est, the Controverſie is at an end.

Miniſt.

Firſt, The Church of Rome is manifeſtly corrupted in Doctrine, and therein fallen from the Apoſtolick, and Primitive puritie. To give ſome Inſtances; Chriſt Nec caro ſine ſanguine, nec ſanguis ſine carns, jure communicatur. Paſchaſ. De corpore, & ſanguine Domini, cap. 9. inſtituted, and gave the Sacrament in both kinds: They rob the Laitie of the one moitie, with a non obſtante, in the Council of Constance; notwithſtanding Chriſt appointed both Elements: Sit Anathema, Let him be accurſed, that ſaith, one is not ſufficient. Chriſt Non recedet liter Legis hujus ex ore tuo: ſed meditaberis die, & nocte: ut obſerves facere omnia, quae ſcripta ſunt in eo. Cyprian. Epiſt. 74. ad Pom peium. enjoyned the reading of the Scriptures, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Search the Scriptures: They forbid, and bring under the Inquiſition all Lay-men, even Regulars unlicenced, that in known Language read the Scriptures. God ſaith, Thou ſhalt not make to thy ſelf any graven Image: They wholly defalk the ſecond Commandment, and, to make up the Decade, Dichotomize the laſt. The Scripture ſaith, pſum conteret, The Seed of the woman (Chriſt) ſhall bruiſe the Serpent's Head; ſo See the ſeveral places, as they are quoted by Doctour Raynolds, Ad Anglic. Seminar. Hierom, Irenaeus, Cyprian, Leo, Serapion, Moſes Bar-cepha, Rupertus, Pererius, Iſiodorus Clarius, Lipomanus, and St uchus interpret it: Coſterus the Jeſuit, Picus de Mirandula, Caniſius, Gregorie de Valentia, Guido Fabricius, maugre the Original, correct it, and make the Vulgar ſpeak, Ipſa conteret, She (the Virgin Mary) ſhall bruiſe, &c. Anacletus, and Calixtus, both Biſhops of Rome, decreed, Diſtinctio. 1. Epiſcop. & 2. pacta. that, after Conſecration, all Dominica coena debet omnibus eſſe communis. Hieron. 1. Cor. xi. preſent ſhould communicate, or elſe be thruſt out of the Church: They enjoyn, and practiſe the celebration of Private Maſſes, onely by the Prieſts, while the people are Spectatours. In private Maſſes (ſaith In Miſsis privatis ſufficit, ſi unus ſit praeſens, ſcilicet Miniſter: qui populi totius vicem gerit. Aquinas, part 3. Quaeſt. 83. Art. 5. Aqninas) it is ſufficient, if there be one preſent, that is the Miniſter, that repreſenteth the whole people. Saint Auguſtine, Auguſt. De ſide, & operibus. with all the Primitive Fathers interpret thoſe words, 1. Cor. iii. 13. The fire ſhall trie every man's work of what ſort it is, of the Fire of Tribulation. Bellarmine Bellarmin. De Purgat. lib. 1. cap. 5. rejects that, and, with his Romane Complices, interprets it of Purgatory. Saint Auguſtine ſaith, Chriſt ſpake theſe words This is my Body, when he gave a ſign of his body: Romiſts ſay, It is Chriſt's very body; Anathematizing all, that deny Tranſubſtantiation. Saint Auguſtine ſaith, with Scripture; Sine fide etiam, quae videntur, bona opera in peccatum vertuntur: The works, which are done without Faith, though they ſeem good, are turned into ſin. Maldonate, Non ſequendum illam opinionem, quam Tridentinum Concilium nuper merito damnavit, Omnia infidelium opera eſſe peccata. Maldonat. Comment. in Matth. vii. 18. with the Council of Trent, ſaith, They are not ſins. Saint Auguſtine Auguſtin. De meritis Eccleſ. lib. 1. cap. 34. ſaith, I know certain worſhippers of Tombs, and Pictures, whom the Church condemneth: this the preſent Church of Rome approveth; whoſe Mouth Bellarmine is, ſaying, Bellarmin. De Imag. cap. 6. This Book was witten in the begining of Auguſtin's firſt converſion to the Catholick faith. And, as Rome is apoſtated from the Apoſtolick, and Primitive Veritie, ſo even from of the ancient Doctrine of their former Biſhops. Gregory the Firſt, who lived ſix hundred years after the Nativitie, ſaith, Greg. Moral. lib. 19. cap. 13. Art. 6. We do not amiſs, if we produce a teſtimony out of the Books of Maccabees, which, though they are not Canonical, yet are they ſet forth for the edification, and inſtruction of the Church: The Council of Trent ſaith, Concil. Trident. Seſs. 6. If any ſhall refuſe the Books of Maccabees for Canonical Scripture, let him be accurſed. Gregory ſaith, Gregor. in Ezek. lib. 1. Hom. 9. In hoc volumine omnia, quae erudiunt, cuncta, quae aedificant ſcripta, continentur; whatſoever ſerveth for edification, and inſtruction, is contained in the Volumes of the Scriptures: Romiſts ſay, Scripturae ſine Traditionibus nec fuerunt ſimpliciter neceſſariae, nec ſufficientes. Bellarmin. De verbo Domini ſcript. Et, Concil. Trident. Seſſ. 4. Decret. 1. Scripture, without Traditions, are neither ſimply neceſſarie, nor ſufficient. Gregory ſaith, Gregor. in ſex Pſal. poen •• ent. Chriſt giveth unto his Members the moſt holy Myſteries of his quickening Body, and Bloody, making a plain difference between the body of Chriſt offered on the Croſs, and the Myſterie of that body offered in the Sacrament. The Church of Rome ſaith, Concil. Trident. Seſs. 13. cap. 1. In the Sacrament of the Euchariſt, after Conſecration, our Lord Jeſus Chriſt, true God, and man, is truly, really, and ſubſtantially contained under the form of ſenſible things; that the Jeſuit Holcot Holcot in 4. Sentent. Quaeſt. 3. profeſſeth, If there had been a thouſand Hoſts in a thouſand places, at that very time, when Chriſt hung upon the Croſs, then had Chriſt been crucified in a thouſand places. Gregory ſaith, Gregor. in lib. Capitulari, capit. 7. apud Caſſand. Liturg. 33. pag. 83. Sacerdos Miſſam ſolus ne celebret; Let not the Prieſt alone celebrate Maſs: The Trident Conventicle ſaith, Concil. Trident. Can. 8. Seſs. 22. If any affirm, that Private Maſſes, in which the Prieſt alone doth ſacramentally communicate, are unlawfull, and therefore ought to be abrogated; let him be accurſed. Gregory faith, Gregor. in xxviii. 1. Job. lib. 18. cap. 32. There are ſome, that glory, that they are ſaved by their own ſtrength, and brag, that they are redeemed by their own precedent merits; but herein they contradict themſelves, for whilest they affirm, that they are innocent, and yet redeemed, they fruſtrate the name of redemption in themſelves. The Roman Proſelytes ſay, Rhem. Annot. •• Hebr. vi. 10. Good works are meritorious, and the very cauſe of Salvation, ſo far, that God ſhould be unjuſt, if he rendered not heaven for the ſame. Gregory ſaith Gregor. lib. 7. Epiſt. 109. to Serenus, Biſhop of Maſſilia; Your Brotherhood, ſeeing certain Worſhippers of Images, broke the Images, and caſt them out of the Church; the Zeal, which you had, that nothing, made with hands, ſhould be worſhipped, we praiſe. The Church of Rome ſaith, Concil. Trident. Seſs. 15. We teach, That the Images of Chriſt, the Virgin Mother of God, and other Saints, are chiefly in Churches to be had, and retained, and that due Honour, and Worſhip is to be given to them Gregory ſaith, Gregor. lib. 6. Epist. 30. Mauritio. Auguſt. lib. 6. Epiſt. 24. Ego confidenter dico, &c. I confidently ſay, whoſoever calls himſelf, or deſires to be called the Univerſal Biſhop, in the Pride of his heart, is the fore-runner of Anti-Chriſt. Romane Extravagants ſay, Subeſſe Romano Pontifici omni humanae creaturae definimus omnino eſſe de neceſsitate ſalutis. Bonifac. viii. in Extrag. We define, that every humane Creature, upon neceſſity of Salvation, muſt be ſubject to the Romane Biſhop. I could bring you more of the ſame Bran, as of their depraving of Scriptures, Fathers, Councils, their Indices Expurgatorii, and forged Authours, if you will have the Patience to hear.

Gent.

No; This is ſufficient, and more, then I could have believed; but that the Authours, you produce, are ſo pregnant. I beſeech you, proceed to the Second Poſition, that The Church of Rome is manifestly corrupted in Manners.

Miniſt.

Your own Friends, and Followers teſtifie, that your Church hath been, for many Ages, notoriouſly defiled with the Enormity of Vices. Gerſon ſaith Gerſon. Tomo 4. Epiſtol. Brugis ſcript. pag. 71. in general Terms, that, from the crown of the head, to the ſole of the foot, the ulcerous matter of enormous ſin hath defiled, and deformed the whole body, and ſtate of Chriſtianitie living under your profeſſion. In the Council of Baſil, Concil. Baſil. responſ. Synodal. pag. 139. Surius. it was affirmed, that all Eccleſiaſtical, and Chriſtian Diſcipline was, in a manner, extinguiſhed in every place. In the Lateran Council, that Oppreſſion, Rapine, Adulterie, Inceſt, and all peſtilent Vice, did confound all Sacred, and Profane things; and that Ita in fanctā Naviculam impetum facere, ut penè ſcelerum fluctibus illa latus dederit, & propè merſa, & peſſundata ſit. Oratio Aegidii, Concil. Lateran. ſub Julio ii. the ſame beat Saint Peter's Ship ſo impetuouſly, that it began to hull, or wallow upon the one ſide. Platina ſaith, Platina in Marcello 1. Vices were ſo exalted, and multiplyed, that they hardly left any ſpace for God's Mercy. Macchiavel ſaith, Macchiavel. Diſp. De Republ. lib. 1. cap. 12. pag. 73. There is no place, wherein there is found ſo litle Pietie, and Religion, as in thoſe people, who dwell neareſt Rome. Eſpenceus ſaith, Eſpenc. Comment. Tit. cap. 1. pag. 71. that you have not onely imitated, and matched, but ſurpaſſed all the Avarice, Ambition, Lubricitie, and Tyrannie, that was ever heard of amongſt the Heathens. Sundry of your own part have written Volumes, [as Alvares Pelag. De planctus Eccleſ. Alvares Pelagius, Nicholaus Clemangis, Onus Eccleſiae] containing the Narrations of the outragious wickedneſs, which reigned among you. Platina Platina, in Johanne xiii. ſtiles your Grand-fathers Monſters of mankind. In the Council of Conſtance Concil. Conſt. Seſs. 11. Art. 5. they are called the Dregs of Vice, incarnate Devils. Aventine ſaith, Aventin. Annal. Boiorum, lib. 3. pag. 211. Nothing was more luxurious, covetous, and proud, then Prieſts; they ſpent the Church's Patrimony in gluttonie, riot, upon Dogs, and Queans; and all their Preaching was to maintain their own licentiouſneſs. Matthew Paris ſaith, Matthaeus Paris, Chron. in Henrico iii. pag. 535. The Prelats of Rome ſeek not to make people devout, but to fill their Coffers with treaſure: They ſtudy not to win Souls; but to encroach upon other mens revenues: They oppreſs the Godly, and impudently uſurp other mens right: They have no care of honeſtie, or right King John of England, from whom Pope Innocent extorted fourtie thouſand Marks at once, and twelve thouſand annually, to abſolve his Kingdom being Interdicted, ſaid, that Matthaeus Paris, ibid. Anno 1213. pag. 327. He had learned by wofull experience, that the Pope was ambitious beyond all men living, an inſatiable Gulf, and thirster after money, and ready, for hope of Gain, like wax, to be moulded to any thing, kind, or degree of wickedneſs. Alvarez hath theſe words, Alvarez De planct •• Eccleſiae, lib 2. Artic. 5. literâ Aleph. Vide Suriū Tomo 4. Concil. pag. 820, 824, 569, 579. Abbatem Uſperg. anno 99. Luitprand. Vit. Pap. lib. 6. cap. 6. Dionyſ. Carthuſ. Epiſt. in ſine Comment. Apocal. Petrum Bleſenſ. pag. 39, & 40. The Myſtical Sion, the Church, which, in her Primitive ſtate, was adorned of her Spouſe with ſuch, and ſo many Royal Graces, is now clouded, and eclipſed with the black miſt of ignorance, iniquitie, and errour, and we behold her caſt down from heaven, as a Deſert uninhabited of virtue: and, if any godly people remain, they are eſteemed as Arabians, and Sarracens. The Prelates of the Church are an army of Devils, potius depraedandis, & ſpoliandis, & ſcandalizandis hominibus; quam lucris animarum operam dantes: they rather labour to rob, ſpoil, and ſcandalize men, then to win ſouls. The conſideration of which moved Cornelius, Biſhop of Bitanto, in an Oration at the Council of Trent, to expreſs himſelf thus; Ʋtinam à religione ad ſuperſtitionem, à fide ad infidelitatem, à Chriſto ad Anti-Chriſtum, à Deo ad Epicurum, velut prorſus unanimes, non declinâſſent: Dicentes in corde impio, & ore imputencio, non eſt Deus. Epiſt. Bitant. in Concile Trident. O would to God they (meaning the Romiſh Prelates, and Dependants) had not fallen with common conſent, and that altogether, from true Religion to Superſtition, from Faith to Infidelitie, from Chriſt to Antichriſt, from God to Epicurus; ſaying, with a wicked heart, and ſhameleſs mouth, There is no God.

Gent.

This is a loud Out-cry, and I am convinced, that our Church was in a great part guilty; but part of this might be kindled from Factions, and Intereſts; as, at this preſent, with you, each Sect ſtudies to diſparage the other, and render them ignominious.

Miniſt.

You might have ſaid ſo, if I had cited againſt you, the Evidences of the Albigenſes, Waldenſes, Wicklifiſts, Lollards, Taborites, Poor men of Lyons, who were Diſſenters from you in Judgement; but the Authours I produced, are unbiaſſed with Partiality, and wholly your own boſom-Friends; who, out of a Sympathy, bewailed the Rottenneſs in their own Bones. No wonder, if, amongſt us, Civil Wars have untwiſted the Cords of Diſcipline, and that hath begot Liberty; Liberty, Diverſity of Opinions; Diverſity of Opinions, Difference in Affections; hence every latter endeavours to rout the former: as the Anabaptiſts whoſoever went before them; the Quakers would diſmantle them. It is as antient, as Hoſtility, for the prevailers to aſperſe, and burthen the conquered, as they pleaſe. But, even in calm Times, the offences of your Church in this Nation were ſo outragious, that Gulielmus Nubrigenſis, Gulielmus Nubrigenſis, lib. 2. cap. xvi. Roger Hoveden, Anndl. part. poſt. an Hiſtorian of your own, confeſſes, that the Judges complained to the King, that there were many Robberies, and Rapes, and Murders, to the number of an hundred, committed within the Realm, by Eccleſiaſtical Perſons, in the Compaſs of one year. And the very Tendency of your Romiſh Doctrine is to Licentiouſneſs: For, ſaith Aventine, Quemcunque ſceleris obnoxium, Parricidio, Inceſtu, Sacrilegio pollutum, continuò, ubi cruciculam veſti aſſuiſſet, ſolutum eſſe & crimine, & poenâ, d clamitabant; quippe, anſ •• hinc acceptâ, inimicos ſuos prius tollebant, hinc in militiam ſacram nomine dabant. Aventin. Annal. Boior. lib. 7. pag. 530. they declare any man guilty of wickedneſs, contaminated with Parricide, Inceſt, Sacrilege, as ſoon as he hath ſewed a Crucifix to his Garment, to be quit from the Crime, and Puniſhment; which lays open a great Gap to Wickedneſs; for many firſt murder their Enemies, and then retreat into a Monaſtery for Sanctuary, and, under the covert of a Cowl, ſecure themſelves. And your Sanctuaries are Harbours, and Dens of Aſsaſsines, and other enormous Delinquents tolerated, and ſupported by your Church; you openly maintain Stews, and receive Nam & Mariſcallus Papae de facto eximit ••• butum à Meretricibus. Conſtit. Otho. De concubitu Cler. yearly Tribute, and part ſtake with Harlots.

Gent.

I always diſliked thoſe Sanctuaries, that were receptacles of Murderers, and Aſsaſsines, as alſo toleration of Stews. But, admit the Church of Rome be ſomewhat corrupted both in Doctrine, and Manners, yet I cannot conceive it is become ſo vile, as to be that Apocalyptical Babylon, which is your third Poſition; becauſe, in Scripture, Rome is never called Babylon.

Miniſt.

Whether Rome, in Scripture, be ever called Babylon, is not much material; though Jeſuits, for want of beter Arguments, prove, that Peter was at Rome, from 1 Pet. v. 15. The Church, which is at Babylon (that is Rome, ſay they) ſaluteth you: but Babylon is not taken here literally, either for Babel in Aegypt, called now Cairus; or for that Babylon in Chaldee Juſtin. Histor. lib. .1 begun by Nimrod, and finiſhed by Ninus, and Semiramis: but figuratively, as your own Jeſuit Ribera confeſſes; ſaying, Hoc primum conſtet, nomen Babylonis hic non propriè; ſed figuratè accipi: cum dicit myſterium myſticum eſſe dicit, quod indicat id eſt arcanum, quippiam latere in nomine Babylonis, nec ità debere accipi, ut ſonat. Ribera in Apocal. xiv. Let this be firſt agreed upon, the name of Babylon here not to be taken properly, but figuratively: when he ſaith a Myſtery, he ſhews that to be myſtical, he ſpeaks of, that is ſome hidden thing to be couched in the name of Babylon, and not ſo to be taken as it ſoundeth.

Gent.

But, if Babylon be taken myſtically, muſt it neceſſarily be interpreted of Rome?

Miniſt.

Yes; Jeſuits of Rhemes upon Revel. xvii. 5. your Divines of Rhemes are forced to confeſs, that the firſt perſecuting Emperours were but Figures, and it may well be, that the great Anti-Chriſt ſhall ſit in Rome alſo, as his Figures ſat in Rome: Bellarmine (p) not only confeſſes Babylon is Rome, but proves it by the Teſtimonies of antient Fathers. Ribera ſaith, Romae conveniunt aptiſsimè omnia, qua de Babylone dicuntur, atque illud inprimis, quod alii convenire non poteſt, Septem capita ſeptem ſunt montes. Ribera in Apocalyp. cap. 14. Whatſoever in the Apocalypſe is ſpoken of Babylon agrees moſt properly to Rome, eſpecially that, which can agree to no other, The ſeven Heads are ſeven Hills.

Gent.

But none of them, that I remember; interprets it of Rome in the preſent ſtate, as now.

Miniſt.

No; for that were to yield up their Arms; but they are forced to miſerable ſhifts, and to ſpeak the Language of Babel, confounding one another. Bellarmine ſaith; By Babel is meant Ethnica Roma ſub Imperatoribus, Heathen Rome under Emperors. Viega ſaith, Sermo non eſt deantiqua illa Roma, ſed de illa, quae florebit in extremo mundi tempore: The Speech is not of old Rome, but of Rome, as it ſhall be in the laſt time of the World. Ribera joyns both together, ſaying, Quicquid mali de Roma ſcribitur in hac Apocalypſi, vel ad tempus illud spectat, quo Gentilibus Imperatoribus ſerviebat, vel Pontificatum ſuum à ſe ejecerat. Ribera in Apocalyſ. cap. 14. Whatſoever evil is ſpoken of Rome, in this Apocalypſe, pertains either to that Rome, which was ſubject to Heathen Emperours, or to that Rome, that will eject the Biſhop of Rome. For they grant the Pope will be caſt out of Rome, and that the Citie will be ruinated. Thus you ſee, how they reel, Some ſay Rome was Babylon; others ſay, it will be; none deny, that Babylon, ſpoken of by Saint John for the chief Seat, and Citie of Anti-Chriſt, is Rome.

Gent.

I confeſs, they are brought into great ſtraits, when forced to confeſs, that Rome is Babylon; but they have one main Fort yet untaken, which is this, This preſent Rome under Popes is not Babylon.

Minist.

Either this preſent Rome is Babylon, or Heatheniſh Rome under Emperours, or that at the end of World: but neither of the later; therefore preſent Rome is Babylon. The Propoſition is their own confeſſion, the branches of the Aſſumption I will prove in order.

Firſt, Not Heathen Rome, under perſecuting Emperours, was Babylon; for the Times of this Myſtical Babylon, and Anti-Chriſt do 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and are contemporanean: but Anti-Chriſt ſucceeded the perſecuting Heathen Emperours; which Viega confeſſes, for, having ſpoken of them, he ſaith, Haec eſt quarta Viſio hujus operis, eaque illuſtriſſima, & ad Anti-Chriſti tempora pertinens. Viega. This is the fourth Viſion of this work, and that most remarkable, and pertaining to the times of Anti-Chriſt. With him accords the Jeſuit Ribera; who, having finiſhed his Diſcourſe of the Emperours, comes to the ſecond part of the Book, which, he ſaith, Eſt hujus libri pars ſecunda, & tota ad Anti-Chriſtum, ejúsque tempora pertinet. Ribera, à cap. 12. ad 21. wholly pertains to Anti-Chriſt, and his Times.

Secondly, Heatheniſh Rome had never been marryed to Chriſt; but Carthuſian, their own man, interprets Babylon Meretricem adulteram. Carthuſ. in locum. an adulterous Whore, who had fallen from Chriſt, and committed spiritual fornication. There muſt be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a ſtanding in Faith, before there can be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a falling from Faith.

Thirdly, This Whore of Babylon hath a Golden Cup in her hand full of abominations; Revel. xvii. 4. This Golden cup, ſaith Berengandus, Documenta erroribus plena. Berengandus in locum. is Documents full of errours: but Pagan Rome ſubdued the World by Sword, not falſe Doctrine, and Miracles.

Fourthly, This Babylon is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . the Mother of Fornications, Revel. xvii. 5. which not onely, her ſelf, played the Whore, corrupting the true Worſhip of God, but enforcing her Corruptions, and ſuperſtitions, upon others: But Heathen Rome infected not other Nations with ſuperstitions, but was rather infected with the ſuperſtitions of others, erecting her Pantheon in honour of all Gods.

Fifthly, Saith Carthuſian, one of your own, This Babylon eſt Myſterium, in quo aliud cernitur, aliud intelligitur; A Myſterie, wherein one thing is ſeen, another thing underſtood. Quia enim tot ſimulatis vi utibus decoratur, non omnibus mulieris hujus pravitas innoteſcit, ſed viris juſtis, & prudentibus. Hieron. in Daniel. 1. Becauſe, ſhe is embeliſhed with ſo many fained Virtues, the pravitie of this Strumpet appears not to all, but to the juſt, and prudent: Simulabit ſe Ducem Foederis; (ſaith Saint Hierom) ſhe ſhall fain her ſelf to be chief of the New Covenant. But we never find, that Heatheniſh Rome put on this Veil of Sanctitie, or oſtentaciouſly ſet her ſelf forth with the Dreſs of Hypocriſie, or ſpake lyes in hypocriſie, 1 Timoth. 14. 2. which is her Character.

Gent.

It is clear enough from theſe Characters, that Pagan Rome was not this Babylon; prove, That Rome is Babylon already, and we need no further diſcovery at the end of the world.

Miniſt.

Firſt, Obſerve, that the Woman John ſaw ſitting upon the Beast, is that great Citie, which had rule over the Kings of the Earth; Rev. xvii. 18. and that is confeſſed to be Rome.

Secondly, The Beaſt, that was, and is not, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . ſic legit Editio Complu enſis, Primaſius, & Syrus Interpres. yet ſhall be, Apoc. xvii. 8. who carried the Whore, is the Romane Government.

Thirdly, This Beaſt, which carried the Whore, had ſeven Heads, which were ſeven manner of Governments, Quorum quidem quinque, Regum, Conſulum, Tribunorum, Decemvirorum, Dictatorum, Johannis aevo jam praeterierunt. Mede, Comment. Apoc. pag. 260. whereof five were expired in Saint John's time, to wit, Kings, Conſuls, Tribunes, Decemvirs, Dictatours; the ſixth was then in being, which was ſhortly to fail, that was the Romane Empire, which hath been taken from Rome above twelve hundred years. The ſeventh Head is Noviſſimâ illius (putà Pontiſi i ) capitis vice, qua demum ajularet Meretricem. Mede, ſupra. that of the Popes, which ever ſince ſucceeded the decaied Emperours, and this is that, which carries this Myſtical Whore.

Fourthly, Theſe ten Horns of the Beaſt, that the laſt Head was adorned withall, are ten Kingdoms not known in Saint John's time, but ariſing out of the diſſolution of the Romane Empire. 1ſt, Vortimer of the Britains. 2ly, Hengiſt of the Saxons. 3ly, Childeric of the Franks. 4ly, Gunderick of the Burgundians. 5ly, Riciarius of the Alamans. 6ly, Genſericus of the Vandals. 7ly, Theodoricus of the Wiſi-Goths. 8ly, Sumanus of the Alamans. 9ly, Theodemir of the Oſtro-Goths. 10ly, Marcian of the Grecians. Theſe are characterized to be Contemporanean with this Apocalyptical Babylon.

Fifthly, Theſe ten Horns, under the Banner of the falſe Prophet, that fight againſt the Lamb, are thoſe ten Kingdoms, that have fought under the conduct of the Pope againſt Chriſt; but he rides on upon his White horſe, conquering, and will conquer. Which is ſo evident, that Viega, Nobis etiam iliud d cendum videtur cum Aretha, Primaſio, Ambroſio, Ansberto. Haimone. Idololatriam ejus verbis ſignificari, defecturamque eſſe Romam fide, atque adeò futuram eſſe habitationem Daemoniorum, ob execranda fiagitia, & Idololatriae ſuperſtitionē. Viega, in locum. after a long Diſpute, is forced to conclude, that he is of the ſame judgment with Arethas, Primaſius, Ambroſe, Anſbert, Haimon, that Idolatrie is ſignified, and that Rome ſhall Apoſtate from the Faith, and become an habitation of Devils, for her execrable crimes, and ſuperſtitious Idolarrie. Thus you ſee this painted Strumpet deſcribed, as if ſhe had been Emblemed by Meſſallina Auguſta, in the Satyriſt, Juvenal. Satyr. 6.

—Nuda papillis Conſtitit auratis, titulum mentita Lyciſcae.
Gent.

Well you have made this more probable, then I imagined; prove alſo your laſt Poſition, that The Romiſh Hierarchie is Antichriſtian, and I will yield you the Church of Rome is not the true Church.

Miniſt.

I ſhall ſupererogate in this, and prove, that the Hierarchiſt, or Biſhop of Rome himſelfe is Anti-Chriſt.

Gent.

That will be ſtrange News in the Vaticane, where they are poſſeſt, that Anti-Chriſt is a Jew of the Tribe of Dan, that ſhould ſit in Jeruſalem.

Miniſt.

That is a Fable, which even your own Jeſuits reject: amongſt whom Viega In hâc multa ſunt, ad quae Viſio invita, & repugnans trahitur. Viega, in Apocalypſ. xvii. proclaims, it can never be reconciled to the Apocalyptical Viſion. For Anti-Chriſt muſt not ſit at Jeruſalem; but be eminently viſible in the Church: wherefore the Apoſtle ſaith, 2 Theſs. ii. 3. Let no man deceive you by any means; for this day ſhall not come, except there come 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a falling away firſt, and that man of ſin be revealed, that Son of perdition. The Antients, among whom Saint Auguſtine, interpret this of Anti-Chriſt's falling from the Faith. Nulli dubium eſt, eum de Anti-Chriſto iſta dixiſſe. Auguſt. De Civitate Dei, lib. 20. cap. 19. No man doubts, ſaith he, but the Apoſtle ſpake that of Anti-Chriſt. Aquinas is of the ſame Judgment.

Gent.

We deny not, but it is meant of a defection from Faith, and of Anti-Chriſt, but how reacheth it the Pope? may not Luther, and Calvine be as well ſtruck at here, who Apoſtated from the Church of Rome.

Miniſt.

No; for this Anti-Chriſt is further characterized, 1 Timoth. iiii. 1. that he ſhall depart from the Truth, attending to ſpirits of errour, and Doctrine of Devils. What is that? they ſhall forbid marriage, and abſtinence from meats, which God hath created to be received with Thanks-giving. When did ever Luther, Calvin, or any of their Followers ſo? it is apparent, the Pope forbids marriage to all in Holy Orders, interdicts meats, and that under penaltie of Death. Saint Paul ſaith further, 2 Theſs. ii. 7. The Myſterie of iniquitie worketh, onely he, which now withholdeth, will lett it, till he be taken out of the way. All interpret this of the exſtirpation of the Romane Empire. So expreſly Tertullian. Donec de medio fiat: quis niſi Romanus ſtatus? cujus abſciſsio in decem Reges Anti-Chriſtum ſuperinduest, & tunc revelabitur iniquus. Tertull. De reſurrect. carnis. Till he be taken out of the way, ſaith he, till the Romane State be defalked, whoſe diviſion into ten Kingdoms will bring in Anti-Chriſt, and then that Wicked one ſhall be revealed. Cyril ſaith, Non priùs vemet Dominus, quàm regni Romani defectus fiat, & appareat Anti-Chriſtus, qui interficiet Sanctos. Cyril. Carthuſ. The Lord will not come before there be a defection of the Romane Empire, and Anti-Chriſt appear, who will ſlay the Saints. Hilarie ſaith, Hiſar. contra Auxentium. Anti-Chriſt ſhall come, when the times of the Romane Empire ſhall be compleated, and that he ſhall ſit in the ſame Temple, we now honour, and ſhall be contrary unto Chriſt ſub ſpecie Euangelicae praedicationis, under the pretext of preaching the Goſpel: and we know none, except the Pope, who hath riſen by the fall of the Empire, in ſo much, that now the Imperial Seat, Robes, Crown, Rents, and all except the mere Title, and ſpread-Eagle are his. A Third Character of Anti-Chriſt is, 2 Theſs. ii. 4. that He ſhall ſit in the Temple of God, ſhewing himſelf, as if he were God. As the Heathen Emperours ſate in the Capitol, preſcribing Rules to all captivated Nations: ſo the Pope in the Vatican, dictating Canons to all Churches. So Saint Hierom; Anti-Chriſtus ſimulabit ſe Ducent Foederis; hoc est, Legis, & Testamenti Dei. Hieron. in Da . x. Anti-Chriſt ſhall fain himſelf to be Head of the Covenant; that is of the Law, and Teſtament of God. And the Jeſuits of Rhemes Divines of Rhemes ſupra locum. confeſs; That Anti-Chriſt, if ever he were in the Church, ſhall be an Apoſtate, or Renegado out of the Church, and ſhall uſurp upon it by Tyrannie, and by challenging Religion, and Government thereof, ſo that he himſelf ſhall be adored in all the Churches of the world; this is to ſit in the Temple of God.

Gent.

It is apparent, that the Pope ſitteth in the Temple of God, and by his Superlative Grandeur overtops the Church. But how doth that other part of the Character alſo belong unto him, that he ſhews himſelf, as if he were God?

Miniſt.

By aſſuming to himſelf, with Herod, the Name, Attributes, and Honour of God. Chriſtopher Marcellus uſed this Elogie to him in the ſecond Lateran Council, Tues alter Deus in terris; Thou art a ſecond God upon the Earth. The Canoniſts ſtile him Dominum Deum Papam, The Lord God the Pope. It is their own expreſſion, Dicere Dominum Deum noſtrum Papam non potuiſſe ſtatuere, prout statuit, Haereticum est. Extravag. Joan. xxii. To ſay, that our Lord God the Pope might have decreed otherwiſe, then he hath decreed, is Heretical. And, that they Deifie him, theſe blaſphemous Panegyricks may let you ſee, Si Papa, ſuae, & fraternae ſalut s negligens, innumerabiles ſecum ducat catervas in Geheunam, hujusmodi culpam nullus mortalium praeſumat redarguere. Diſtinct. 4. cap. Si Papa. If the Pope, ſecure of his own, and others Salvation, ſhould carrie with him innumerable Souls by heaps into Hell, no mortal man may preſume to reprove his faults: And That Quòd facta Papae excuſantur, ut Homicidiū Sampſonis, Furta Hebraeorum, & Adulterum Jacobi. Diſtinct. 40. The evil deeds of the Pope are to be excuſed, as the Self-murther of Sampſon, the Theft of the Hebrews, and Adulterie of Jacob.

Gent.

All the Characters are manifeſtly convertible with the Pope, yet I wonder, that there was no more notice taken of it in former Ages, if he be the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that ſignal Anti-Chriſt.

Miniſt.

What greater notice could be, then that both Heathens, and Chriſtians have marked it nigro carbone, with black Obelisks. Sibylla ſaid Sibylla, Oraculorum cap. 8. He ſhould be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , white-headed: ſo the Biſhop of Rome weareth ſolemnly, on his Head, a white Miter of Silver adorned with three Crowns, and Pretious Sones; or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , having many heads, as by Saint John the Beaſt of ſeven Heads: That he ſhould be called by a Name much like Pontus, which ſuits with his Title in Latine PONTIFEX; and That the Seat of his Empire ſhould be upon the Banks of Tyber. Irenaeus, ſpeaking of the number of the Beaſt's Name, ſix hundred ſixtie ſix, ſaith, Irenaeus, lib. 5. that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 valde veriſimile eſt; Anti-Chriſt very likely will be a Latine, or Italian. Tertullian ſaith, Babylon apud Joannem Romanae urbis Figura eſt, perinde magnae, & de Rege ſuo ſuperbae, & Sanctorum Dei bellatricis. Tertull. Contra Marcion. that Babylon in Saint John is a Figure of the Romane Citie, very great, and proud of her King, (Anti-Chriſt) a Perſecutour of the Saints of God. Gregory (who was immediate Predeceſſour to Boniface the Third, from whom, till Pompey's ſubduing of Syria to the Romane Empire, were ſix hundred ſixtie ſix Years) ſaith, Rèx ſuperbiae prope eſt, &, quod dici nefas est, Sacerdotum et exercitus praeparatur. Gregor. lib. 4. Epiſt. 38. The King of Pride is at hand, and, which is irreverent to ſay, an Armie of Prieſts is made readie for him. In the Abbey of Saint Edmonds-Bury, in Suffolk, the Storie of Anti-Chriſt was Painted, and he Pictured in a Glaſs-Window, in the Habit of the Pope wearing his Triple Crown, attended with Monks, Friers, Prieſts, and Cardinals, ſtopping their Ears againſt Enoch, and Elias, and perſecuting them, that hearkened to their Preaching: a Tranſumpt of which was to be ſeen in Sir John Croft's Houſe of Saxham, near Bury. Thetgand, Biſhop of Trevir, above ſeven hundred Years ago, calls the Biſhop of Rome Anti-Chriſt, a Wolf, an Ʋſurper of Dominion, a Deceiver of Chriſtendom, and Rome he calls Babylon. Joachim an Abbot, who lived almoſt four hundred Years ſince, ſaid, Joachim. Abbas in 2 Theſs. ii. Anti-Chriſtus jamdudum natus eſt in Roma, & altius extolletur in Sede Apoſtolica; Anti-Chriſt long ſince is born in Rome, and ſhall be advanced yet higher in the Apostolick Seat. Francis Petrarch, Arch-Deacon of Parma, who lived in the thouſand, three hundred, and fiftieth Year, compares Petrarch. Epiſt. 5. 14, 17, 18, 19. the Pope to Judas, who betrayed Chriſt with a Kiſs; his Clergie to the Jews, who ſaid, Ave Rex Judaeorum; his Prelates to the Phariſees, who, in mockery, clothed him in Purple, and after Crucified him: and again, Deny, if thou canſt, that thou art She, whom Saint John ſaw ſitting upon many Waters, thou art She, and none other, that Babylon, the Mother of Whoredoms of the Earth, drunken with the Blood of the Martyrs of Jeſus; thou art She, who haſt made all Kings of the Earth drunken with the cups of thy poyſon. The like Oration

Sub Pontificis Maximi titulo, Paſtoris pelle lupum ſaeviſsimum (niſi caeciſimus) ſentimus, Romani Flamines arma habent in omnes Chriſtianos, audendo, fallendo, & bella ex bellis ferendo, magni facti, oves trucidant. In Synodo Reginoburgenſi, lib. 2. cap. 5.

Doctour James, in his Epiſtle Dedicatorie before his Book, Of the Corruption of the Fathers, &c.

was delivered by a Biſhop againſt the Pope in the Synod of Reginoburg, part thereof, being Anti-Chriſt's Deſcription, was, In cujus fronte Contumeliae nomen ſcriptum est; In whoſe forehead (the Pope's) the word MYSTERIE, the mark of the Beaſt, was in thoſe days written. By this, I hope, you ſee, That the Church of Rome is neither the Catholick Church, nor the Head thereof; That Communion with Rome is not neceſſarie; That the Romane Church is not the Mother Church, That neither our Britiſh no, nor our Saxon Church ows her converſion to her; That Communion with Rome is not lawfull, in ſo much as ſhe is not a ſound Member of the Catholick Church, as being notoriouſly corrupted in Doctrine, and Manners; That Rome is that Apocalyptical Babylon; and the Romiſh Hierarchie, Anti-Chriſt.

Gent.

You have ſo evidently declared this out of authentick Authours, void of exception, that I have no more to ſay; but deſire you to proceed to the third Article.

The Third Article.

And, That there is not any Tranſubſtantiation in the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, or in the Elements of Bread, and Wine, after Conſecration thereof by any perſon whatſoever.

Miniſt.

THis is identically the ſame with the twentie eight Article of the Church of England, wherein is expreſſed; That The Tranſubſtantiation of Bread, and Wine, in the Euchariſt cannot be Non poteſt per ullam Scripturam probari. Joann. Fiſher. Contra Captivit. Babylon. proved by Sacred Writ: but is contrarie to John vi. 51, 53, 54. evident Teſtimonies of Scripture, and overthrows the nature of a Sacrament, and gives occaſion of many Superſtitions.

Gent.

Is Tranſubstantiation contrary to Scripture? when Chriſt, in the inſtitution thereof, ſaith expreſsly, Matth. xxvi. 26. Take, eat, this is my Body: whereupon your own Caſaubon confeſſes, Caſaubon. Respon. ad Caedinalem Peton. pag. 399, 400. Praeſentiam credimus, non minus, quam vos veram; We (Proteſtants) believe a preſence, no leſs true, then you.

Miniſt.

Real, or true preſence is twofold.

Either by Faith, whereby the true Body of Chriſt in the Sacrament is eaten ſpiritually, not corporally. By reaſon of the relative union between the Elements, and things ſignified, this is a real preſence (as Cajetan Manducatur verum corpus Chriſti in Sacramento; ſed non corporaliter, ſed ſpiritualiter: ſpiritualis manducatio, quae per animam fit, ad Chriſti carnem in Sacramento exiſtentem pertingit. Cajetan. Tom. 2. Tract. 2. De Euchariſt. cap. 5. confeſſes) but it will not infer Tranſubſtantiation, or a corporal preſence, when the the thing ſignified is, in the natural ſubſtance thereof, contained under the outward, and viſible ſigns: this is the Tranſubſtantiation, which we denie.

And the Preſence acknowledged by us, though expreſſed by figurative Speeches, is as real Figuratio locutionis veritatem rei non perimit. Rupert. in Joann. lib. 6. pag. 131. as theirs:

For firſt, a Mystical Head is really preſent to the Mystical Body, which is taught in Scripture by Tropical Expreſſions; Pſalm xlv. Canticles, Epheſ. v. John xv.

Secondly, our Saviour's words about the other part of the Sacrament, (to wit, This Cup is the new Teſtament in my Blood, Luke xxii. 20.) is confeſſed by the Romiſts Non negamus in verbo Calix Tropum eſſe. Bel. larm. De Euchariſt. lib. 1. cap. 11. themſelves to be figurative: why may not this as well?

Gent.

But our Catholick Writers have taught, that Tranſubſtantiation may be gathered from thoſe words of Conſecration; and that they are not figurative.

Miniſt.

Here you affirm two things Firſt, That your Catholick Writers taught, that Tranſubſtantiation may be gathered from the words of Conſecration: Secondly, That they are not figurative.

For the former, your Doctour Fiſher, once Biſhop of Rocheſter, ingenuouſly confeſſes, that Hactenus Matthaeus, qui & ſolus Teſtamenti Novi meminit, neque ullum hic verbum poſitum eſt, quo probetur in noſtra Miſſa veram fieri carnis, & ſangiuins, Chriſti praeſentiam. Fiſher. Contra Captivit. Babylon. There is not ſomuch as one word there, whereby the real bodily preſence of the fleſh, and blood of Chriſt can be proved in the Maſs; no nor in any Scripture elſe: theſe are his words, Non poteſt per ullam Scripturam probari. So you ſee, it is acknowledged, that your Popiſh Tranſubſtantiation is Scriptureleſs.

For the latter, That the words of Chriſt, This is my Body, are not taken figuratively, but Subſtantia panis nunquam eſt corpus Chriſti, quamvis convertatur in ipſum. Richard. 4. Diſt. 11. in ſine Art. qu. 9. 6. properly, conſider theſe Arguments.

Firſt, If the Elements of Bread, and Wine, remain in their ſpecifical Nature without alteration, even after Conſecration, as before, then the Words muſt needs be figurative; for one individual ſubſtance cannot be predicated of another property: but I ſhall prove anon by Scriptures, and Fathers, That the Elements of Bread, and Wine, remain in their ſpecifical Nature without alteration, even after Conſecration, as before.

Secondly, The Body, and Blood of Chriſt would be delivered, and received without the Soul, and Deitie of Chriſt. For, in propriety of Speech, the Body is diſtinguiſhed from the Blood, and Soul. If the Body be onely received, as the letter purports, then Chriſt is dead, his Soul, and Blood, ſeparated from his Body. If by Body, Blood and Soul be alſo meant, it is a Synecdochical, and ſo a figurative Expreſſion; the part put for the whole. This Dilemma is not eaſilie anſwered.

Thirdly, That, which Chriſt delivered to be participated by his Diſciples, he did Sacramentally eat, and drink himſelf; Luke, xxii. 15. as Hieron. Ad Hedib. Qu. 2. Saint Hierom, Chryſoſt. in Matth. Hom. 83. Saint Chryſostom, Euthym. in Matth. xxvi. cap. 64. Euthymius, with Aquin. 3. Quaeſt. 81. Art. 1. Vaſques. in 3. Diſp. 2. Concluſio eſt affirmans, in qua omnes Catholici, quos ego legerim, plane conveniunt. Sic. Vaſquez. many Schole-men, affirm: but, if the words be literally interpreted, then he did eat his own Fleſh, and drink his own Blood, which the Cannibals abhor.

Fourthly, If the Words be underſtood literally, then Chriſt gave his paſſible, and mortal Body to his Diſciples: but a paſſible, and mortal Body could not be received of ſeveral Communicants, and ſo be in ſeveral places at once, could not wholly be contained in a piece of Bread, be divided into parts, without ſenſible effuſion of Blood: But Bellarmine avers, Corpus exhibitum Apoſtolis, & ſumptum ab ipſo Chriſto Domino, vereerat paſsibile. Bellarm. De Euchariſt. lib. 2. cap. 14. That The Body Chriſt gave his Diſciples, and they received, was a paſſible Body.

Fifthly, If our Saviour's Words be literally expounded, then Verum corpus Chriſti manet adhuc ſub ſpeciebus à Brutorum ore acceptis. Turre-Cremata. Dogs, and Swine may eat the Fleſh, and drink the Blood of the Son of man: but all, that eat the Fleſh, and drink the Blood of the Son of man, have everlaſting life; John vi. 49, 50.

Sixthly, If our Saviour's Words were literal, and plain, they themſelves could not be ſo diſtracted, and divided about the ſence thereof: but they are notoriouſly divided, as Vaſques confeſſes, (p) Ingens (q) Vaſques in 3. Thom. Tom. 3. inter Catholicos de horum verborum ſenſu eſt controverſia; There is a great Controverſie amongſt the Catholicks, of the ſence of theſe words. And Suarez ſaith, Catholici in tanta opinionum varietate ſunt conſtituti, ut ſingulatim eas recenſere, nimis moleſiū eſſet. Suarez, in 3. part. Thomae. Catholicks are in ſuch variety of opinions, that, to reckon them ſeverally, were too troubleſom.

Gent.

What varietie of Opinions? I had thought, that there had been ſumma pax, a compleat Harmonie.

Miniſt.

No; for in every word their different Conceipts outſtrip the number of Letters.

Firſt, For the ſubject of the Propoſition, Turre-Cremata ſaith, Turre-Cremata, De Conſecrat. Diſt. 2. That The Pronoun This ſignifieth nothing; ſo the ſenſe would be, Nothing is my Body. Alexander of Hales ſaith, Alexander Hales, 4. q. 10. m. 4. Artic. 2. Sect. 3. Hoc, id eſt, Panis tranſubstantiandus in corpus meum, eſt corpus meum: This, that is the Bread to be tranſubstantiated into my Body, is my Body. Bonaventure ſaith, Pronomen demonſtrat Panis ſubſtantiam ſub Accidentibus, quae oculis conſpici poteſt. Bonavent. 4. Diſt. 8. Art. 1. It ſignifies the Accidents, and Forms of Bread. Others ſay, Suarez, in 3. partem Thomae, Disp. 58. It ſignifies the Body of Chriſt: Others ſay, It ſignifieth confuſedly that, which is couched under the Forms. And all of theſe have their Daedalian Windings, Labyrinths, and Limitations.

Secondly, For the Copula, or Verb Subſtantive Eſt, Is, Aquinas Aquinas, 3. q. 75. Art. 8. Art. qu. 78. expounds it by Continetur: Under theſe forms my Body is contained. Bellarmine Bellarm. De Euchar. lib, 1. cap. 11. interprets it by Erit; This ſhall be my Body. Marſilius Marſil. 4. qu. 6. Art. 1. by Tranſmutatur; It is changed, and converted into my Body.

Thirdly, For the Predicate, corpus meum, My Body; ſome make it materia prima, the first matter of Chriſt's Body; and that is common with the Bread, and needs no Tranſubſtantiation: Others Corpus materiatum, the materiate Body, with the reaſonable Soul; Others an organized Body without reference to a living Body; Others a living Body. Durand Durand. 4. Diſt. 10. q. 4. makes it a Body (indeed bodyleſs) without quantitie, dimenſions, or parts: Occham Occham, 4. Diſt. 10. q. 4. a body having quantitie, without extention, figure, and order of parts: Bellarmine Bellarm. De Euchar. lib. 3. cap. 4. lib. 1. cap. 2. & 14. a Body, having dimenſions, without external relation to place, or ubi, a Body without matter: like Angels, and Spirits, which he reſembles by the image of man's face reflecting in a Glaſs. A Body (ſaith Suarez, in 3. partem Thomae, Diſp. 52. Suarez) having the ſtature of a man (palpable contradiction) and yet contained in every crumb of Bread.

Thus the Romiſts incurr that of the Poet.

Horat. Satyra 1. Dum vitant vitia, in contraria currunt:

For to avoid one Figure, or Metonymie in our Saviour's Words, they are forced to forge innumerable Figures (ſixteen at the leaſt, as Biſhop Jewel hath obſerved) to make it a phantaſtical Body, or rather Chimera, or Ens fictum impoſſibile, a Body bodyleſs.

Gent.

But the antient Fathers, and our Scholemen agree, That this Converſion, though myſterious, and inſcrutable, is by Tranſubſtantiation.

Miniſt.

Nothing leſs: for Tonſtal, one of your own, confeſſes, Deo modo, quo id ſicret ſatius erat curioſum quenquam relinquere ſuae conjecturae, ſicut liberum fuit ante Concilium Lateranum. Tonſtal. De Euchar. lib. 1. pag. 46. That for the manner, how this is Chriſt's Body, it were beter to leave everie curious Fellow to his own conjecture, as it was free before the Lateran Council. Lombard, Maſter of the Sentences, ſaith, Si autem quaeritur, Qualis ſit illa converſio, an Formalis, an Subſtantialis, vel alterius generis? definire non ſufficio. Lombard. Sent. 4. Diſt. 11. That he is not able to define the manner of converſion in the Sacrament. Bandinus, Sent. D. Sacr. pag. 367. Some affirm one way, ſome another. We ſay, with Saint Auguſtine, The Mysterie is ſafely believed, but not with ſafety ſearched into. Cyril of Alexandria ſaith, Cyril. in Joan. lib. 4. cap. 13. We ought firmly to believe the Holy Myſterie; but let us never in Matters thus ſublime, ſo much as imagine to utter the manner how, the manner how this is done can neither be conceived by the mind, nor expreſſed by the tongue. Theophylact ſaith Theophyl. in Joan. vi. when we hear theſe words of Chriſt, unleſs ye eat the Fleſh of the Son of man, &c. We ought firmly to believe the ſame, and not to enquire after what manner. According to that of Saint Chryſoſtome, Chryſoſt. in 1 Cor. Homil. 17. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . It is better to be ſoberly ignorant, then naughtilie intelligent. For this myſterie is of that nature, that Athanaſius teſtifies, Athanaſ. Ad Serap. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The verie Cherubims veil their faces, when it comes to this: and yet the Romiſts, with the Beth-ſhemites; dare look into the Ark, though Salvianus accounts it Sacrilegae temeritatis auoddam genus eſt, ſi plus ſcire cupias, quam ſinaris. Salvian. lib. De Provid. a ſacrilegious temeritie, to covet to know that, which we are not permitted.

Gent.

But the Fathers, although they mention not Tranſubstantiation, or the manner of preſence, or converſion in the Sacrament, yet they call it the very body, and blood of Chriſt, as Saint Cyril of Jeruſalem, in his book highly commended by Whitakerus, De Sacris Scripturis. Doctour Whitaker, ſaith, Cyril. Hieroſol. Catech. Myſtag. 4. Let us therefore, with all certitude, receive the Body, and Blood of Chriſt.

Miniſt.

They call it the Body and Blood of Chriſt, in conformity to out Saviour's Metonymical, and myſtical Expreſſion, but withall, that no man miſtake, they unfold what they mean by Body and Blood: for, treating of the Sacramental ſigns, the Antients Chryſoſt. in Matth. Hom. 83. & Epiſt. Hebr. Hom. 17. Gelaſ. Cont. Eutych Theod. Dial. 2. Dionyſ. Hierarch. cap. 3. Gregor. Nazianz. Apol. Macar. Homil. 17. call them Figures, Repreſentations, Memorials, Anti-Types; but that, which is a Figure, Similitude, Type, and Repreſentation of a thing, is not properly the ſame. Saint Auguſtine ſaith, Auguſt. De Doctr. Chriſtian. lib. 3. cap. 16. It is a figurative ſpeech, commanding us to be partakers of the Lord's Paſſion, and ſweetly, and profitably to keep in mind, that his fleſh was Crucified, and wounded for us. Dominus non dubitavit dicere. Hoc eſt corpus meum. quando dedit ſignum ſui corporis. Auguſt. in Pſalm. 98. The Lord did not ſtick to ſay, This is my Body, when he gave a ſign of his Body. Origen, ſpeaking of the conſecrated Element of Bread, ſaith, Origen. in cap. xv. Matth. This I ſpeak of the Typical, and Figurative Body. Saint Ambroſe Ambroſ. De Sacr. lib. 4. cap. 5. calls it, figuram corporis, & ſanguinis, the figure of the Body, and Blood of the Lord Jeſus. Saint Chryſoſtome ſaith, Chryſoſt. Opus imperfect; in Matth. Homil. 11. In the ſanctified Veſſel there is not the true Body of Chriſt, but a Mystery of his body is there contained. Gratian's Gloſs confirms this, The Divine Bread [ſaith Gratian. De Conſecrat. Diſt. 2. he] which repreſenteth the fleſh of Chriſt, is called the Body of Chriſt but improperly. Beda ſaith, Beda in Lucam, 22. Chriſt ſubstituted his Fleſh, and Blood in the figure of Bread, and Wine. Druthmarus, Druthmar. ſupra Matth. cap. 26. The Blood of Chriſt is aptly figured thereby. Bertram, Bertram. lib. De corp. & ſang. Domini. Bread and Wine is Figuratively the Body, and Blood of Chriſt. And Tertullian, who lived nearer the Apoſtolick Times, ſaith, Tertull. contra Marcion. lib. 1. cap. 14. that Bread repreſenteth the Body of Chriſt, calling it in two places The figure of Chriſt's Body. By all theſe it is moſt evident, that the Ancients taught, That the body of Chriſt was not eſſentially, and ſubſtantially in the Sacrament, but onely figuratively, and Typically.

Gent.

But the Orthodox Fathers teach, that The Bread our Saviour gave his Diſciples was changed not in ſhape, but in nature, and by the omnipotence of the word was made Fleſh. Amongſt whom Cyprian ſaith, Cyprian. Serm. De Chriſmate. Epiſt. 102. ad Eudoxium. Chriſt carried himſelf in his own hands: and Saint Auguſtine affirms, Auguſtin. De Civitate Dei, lib. 13. cap. 20. Serm. De Coena Domini. that The Body of our Lord enters into our mouth, and that Our tongues are cruentated with the Blood of Chriſt: is not this an eſſential, and ſubſtantial Converſion?

Miniſt.

The Orthodox Fathers never taught, that Bread, and Wine were changed in Eſſence, and Substance; though hyperbolically ſometimes they affirmed them to be changed in nature; meaning in their ſignification, repreſentation, and exhibition. So Cyprian in your own inſtance interpreteth himſelf; for, when he had ſaid, The nature of Bread, and Wine were changed in the Sacrament of the Body, and Blood of Chriſt, he adds, Sacramenta habere nomina earum rerum, quas ſignificant. Cypr. Serm. De Chriſmate. Sacraments have the names of thoſe things they ſignifie: which agrees with Chryſoſtom's Saying, Quod est Symbolum tribuit rei ſignificatae, maximè quoad fidem, & mentis cogitationem. Chryſoſt. The Signe hath the Attribute of the thing ſigned, or ſignified, eſpecially by Faith, and cogitation of the minde. And, whereas Saint Auguſtine averrs the Body of our Lord enters our Mouth, he means by Faith; for ſo he vindicates himſelf, We cannot [ſaith Nos Chriſtum in coelis ſedentem manu contrectare non poſſumus, ſed Chriſtum fide contingere poſſumus. In Epiſt. in Joanem. Aug. Tract. 1. he] touch with hand Chriſt ſitting in heaven, but we can lay hold on Chriſt by Faith: and again, Aſcendit in coelum corpus Chriſti, quaerat aliquis? quomodo in coelum manus mittam? fidem mitte, & tenuiſti, Aug. Tract. in Joh. The Body of Chriſt is aſcended into heaven, ſome may enquire, How ſhall I lay hold on him being abſent? how ſhall I ſend up my hand into heaven, that there I may apprehend him ſitting? fidem mitte, & tenuiſti, Stretch but out the hand of Faith, and thou haſt layd hold on Chriſt. And, deſcanting upon the Seventy third Pſalm, he ſaith, Christ did carrie himſelf in his own hands quodammodo, in a manner, how? quia geſtabat in manibus ſuis corporis ſui Sacramentum, becauſe he carried the Sacrament of his body in his hands: Sacraments have the names of thoſe things they ſignifie, and are ſublimed to an higher condition, then before, hence Scripture calls the Supper, the Supper of the Lord, and the Cup, the Cup of the Lord, and 1 Cor. x. 4. the Rock, of which the Iſraelites did drink, a Spiritual Rock. I will conclude this with that of Theodoret, which, methinks, is more, then ſatisfactorie, Dominus, quae videntur, ſymbolae, corporis, & ſanguinis ſui appellatione honoravit, non equidem naturam ipſam tranſmutans, ſid gratiam naturae adjicions. Theodoret. Dialog. 1. cap. 8. The Lord hath honoured the (Sacramental) Symbols with the appellation of his Body, and Blood, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , not changing Nature it ſelf, but adding Grace to Nature.

Gent.

But our Church hath defined, That, After Conſecration, the ſubſtance of Bread, and Wine is aboliſhed, and the Shapes, Accidents, and Quantitie thereof onely remain.

Minist.

Your Church (it is true) hath defined it, but without teſtimonie both of Scripture, and Antiquitie; as your own Authours confeſs. Cajetan evidences, that, ſecluding the authoritie of the Romane Church, there is Non apparet ex Euangelio coactitium aliquod ad intelligendum haec verba proprié. Cajetan. 3. quaeſt. 75. art. 1. impreſs. anno 1528. nothing in the Scripture, which may compell one to underſtand the words properly, or the Elements to be tranſubſtantiated. Scotus ſaith, Scotus. 4. D. 11. quaſi. 3. lit. 13. There is no Scripture, that proveth the ſubſtance of Bread doth not remain. Alphonſus a Caſtro ſaith, De Tranſubſtantiationo panis in corpus Domini rara eſt in antiquis Scriptoribus mentio. Alphonſus à Caſtro, Contra Haereſ. lib. 8. There is ſeldome any mention in ancient Writers of Tranſubſtantiation of the Bread into the Body of our Lord: he might have ſaid, Never; ſeeing purer ages know no Doctrine, but that of Macarius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Bread, and Wine preſents in the Church an Antitype of his (Chriſt's) fleſh, and blood, and thoſe, that partake of the apparent bread, do eat the fleſh of the Lord ſpiritually; And of Theodoret, Signa mystica poſt Conſecrationem no recedunt à ſua natura. The odor. Dialog. inconfuſus. The myſtical ſignes after Conſecration depart not from their nature; And of Gelaſius, Non deſinit ſubſtantia, vel natura panis, & vini Gelaſius, De duabus naturis, Adv. Eutych. It ceaſes not to be the ſubſtance, or nature of Bread, and Wine

Gent.

But if the Ancients be againſt Tranſubſtantiation, and Scriptures countenance it not, is there any Scriptures againſt it?

Miniſt.

Quod non dicit Scriptura, id contradicit: in matters of Faith, that, which the Scriptures countenance not, they diſcountenance; becauſe, as Auguſtine proclaims, Aperte in Scriptura inveniuntur omnia illa, quae continent fidem; moresque vivendi; ſpem ſcilicet, atque charitatem. Auguſt De Doctr Chriſtian. lib. 2. cap. 6. Therein are found all things plainly, which contain Faith, and Moralitie of life, Hope, and Charitie: with this Weapon onely Tertullian fights againſt Hermogenes, ſaying, Scriptum eſt, doceat Hermogenis officium: ſi non eſt ſcriptum, •• meat Vae illud adjicientibus, aut detrahemibus deſtinatum. Tertull. Contra Hermog. pag. 373. Let the ſhop, or Schole of Hermogenes make it appear, that that, which he pretends as a Plea againſt me, is written; If it be not written, let him fear that Wo, that is denounced againſt them, that add, or diminiſh. This Wo the Romiſts incurr; ſeeing, by their own confeſſion, there is no Scripture extant for Tranſubstantiation: nay there are apparent Scriptures againſt it.

Firſt, Matth. xxvi. Mark. xiv. Luk. xxii. 1 Cor. xi. it is ſaid, Chriſt took Bread, bleſſed Bread, brake Bread, gave Bread to his Diſciples. Paul ſaith, let a man examine himſelf, and ſo let him eat of this Bread, and drink of this Cup; whoſoever ſhall eat of this Bread, and drink of this Cup unworthily, &c. But Chriſt brake not his own Body (it was the Souldiers, that Crucified him) This Tertullian clears, ſaying, Acceptum panem, et distributum Diſcipulis, corpus ſuum illum fecit, Hoc eſt corpus meum dicendo, id est, figura corporis mei. Tertull. contra Adamant. cap. 12. contra Marc. lib. 4. He made the Bread taken, and diſtributed to his Diſciples that his body, by ſaying This is my Body, that is, a Figure of my Body.

Secondly, The Body of Christ was delivered up for us, Rom. viii. 32. but the Bread, that Sacramentally is called his Body, was not delivered up for us; Therefore the Bread is not properly Chriſt's Body.

Thirdly, Chriſt ſaith not (as the Tranſubſtantiatours wreſt it) My body is contained under theſe forms of Bread, and wine: but this, The very bread is my Body Antitypum ſancti corporis, & ſanguinis tui. Baſil. in Liturg., Antitypa pretioſi ſanguinis, & corporis Chriſti. Greg. Nazianz. Oratione De Paſch. ſymbolically; that is, as Saint Ambroſe tells us Ambroſ. in 1 Cor. xi. De Sacrament. lib. 4. cap. 5. In edendo, & potando, ſanguinē, & carnem Domini, quae pro nobis oblata ſunt, ſignificamus; In eating, and drinking, we ſignifie the fleſh, and blood of the Lord, which were offered forus.

Fourthly, Chriſt ſaith not, This ſhall be made my Body: therefore the words of Chriſt do not convert Bread into the ſubſtance of the Body of Chriſt: but onely declare the Bread in this uſe to be the Body of Chriſt, that is Sacramentally; as Saint Chryſoſtom evidences, Antequam ſanctificetur panis, panem nominamus, divinâ autem illum ſanctificante gratiâ, mediante Sacerdote, liberatus est ab appellatione panis, dignus autem habitus eſt Dominici corporis appellatione, etſi natura panis in ipſo permanſit. Chryſoſt. ad Caeſ. Monach. Before the Bread be ſanctified, we call it Bread; but, Divine Grace ſanctifying it, by the miniſterie of the Prieſt, it is freed from the appellation of Bread, and is accounted worthy of the ſtyle of the Lord's Body, Et ſi natura panis in ipſo manſit, although the nature of Bread remains in it.

Fifthly, If the Bread ſhould be tranſubſtantiated, it would deſtroy the nature of a Sacrament, which is defined by Saint Paul 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Rom. iv. 11. a ſeal of the righteouſneſs of Faith; and by Saint Auguſtine, Iſta ideo dicuntur Sacramenta, quod in eis aliud videtur, aliud intelligitur, quop videtur, ſpeciem habet corporalem, uod intelligitur, fructum habet ſpiritualem. Auguſt. Serm. Ad Infant. a viſible ſigne of inviſible grace; now nothing can be imagined, but the Bread, to be this viſible ſigne, this ſeal, that Signum res prater speciem, quam ingerit ſenſibus, aliud aliquid faeciens in cogitationem venire. Auguſt. lib. 2. De Doctr. Chriſt. cap. 1. preſents it ſelf to the ſenſes, and ſomething beſides it ſelf to the underſtanding. In every Sacrament (ſaith Irenaeus) there is a thing terrestrial, which is viſible, a thing celeſtial, which is inviſible: the Terreſtrial viſible thing in the Euchariſt is the Bread, and Wine; the Celeſtial, and inviſible, is the body of Chriſt, that was broke, and his Blood, that was ſhed upon the Croſs: but Tranſubſtantiation takes away one part; therefore the whole Sacrament, which is Duorum unio, a relative Ʋnion of two.

Sixthly, If the Bread, and Wine were Tranſubſtantiated into the Body, and Blood of Chriſt, then there were nothing left, that could nouriſh the body: but there ought to be ſomething in the Sacrament to feed our body, ſeeing our Faith is confirmed by the proportion between the Bodilie, and Spiritual Alimonie; as the material Bread feeds the body, ſo Chriſt by Faith feeds the Soul: as Euthymius ſaith, Naturalis cibus, & potus eſt panis, & vini. quae proponuntur; ſupernaturalis verò efficax eorum operatio. Euthym. in Matth. xxiii. cap. 64. It is the Natural meat, and drink of Bread, and Wine, which are propoſed; but the efficacious operation of them is ſupernatural. The Accidents of Bread, and Wine, void of matter, and form, cannot nouriſh, as being not capable to be Nutritio est adjecti alimenti in corporis ſubstantiam converſio, & perfecta aſsimilatio. Fuchſius, Inſtitut. Medicinae, lib. 1. Sect. 7. chilified, ſanguified, agglutinated, or aſſimulated to our bodies; for Whatſoever nouriſheth (ſaith the Philoſopher) muſt be ſimile genere, like in kind with that, which is nouriſhed, but diſſimile ſpecie, ſpecifically different; but Accidents differ from Bodies, which are ſubſtances, toto genere, and have nothing common with Fleſh, and Blood, that from power can be reduced into act.

Seventhly, If every crumb of Bread, and drop of Wine were tranſubſtantiated into the entire humane Nature of Chriſt (as the Romiſts maintain) then in receiving one Element, we ſhould receive the whole mystery, and commit no Sacrilege in detaining the Cup from the Laitie: but the Antients judged otherwiſe; as Gelaſius, Diviſio unius ejusdem myſterii ſine grandi ſacrilegio pervenire non poteſt; The diviſion of one, and the ſame myſterie cannot be without great Sacrilege: And Ignatius, Ʋnus panis omnibus confractus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , unum poculum omnibus diſtributum. Ignatius in Epiſtol. Ad Philadelph. One Bread was broke for all, and one Cup was diſtributed to all: And Saint Chryſoſtom, It is not with us, as in the old law, where ſome parts of the ſacrifice was given to the Prieſts, others fell to (e) Non est apud nos, ut in Lege veteri, ubi aliae partes ex Victimis dabantur Sacerdotibus, ali e veró cedebant offerentibus: ſed nobis omnibus idem Chriſti corpus proponitur, atque idem poculum. Chryſoſt. Homil. in 1. Cor. xxv. them, that offered; but to us all the ſame body of Chriſt is given, and the ſame cup: here you ſee he diſtinguiſhes the Body from the Cup; where, according to thir Tenet, the Cup is as well the Body, as the Bread.

Gent.

How then, if not by Tranſubſtantiation, is the Bread Chriſt's Body? or what manner of praedication, or enunciation is this, This is my Body?

Miniſt.

Not identical, where the ſame thing is praedicated of the ſame, as This my Body is my Body: not proper, and regular, for ſo one diſparate, as the Body of Chriſt, cannot be praedicated of the Bread: but it is an analogical Enunciation, where Tropically, or Figuratively, the thing ſignified is affirmed of the ſign; Ex ſimilitudine Sacramenti ſigna ipſarum rerum nomina accipiunt. Auguſt. Epiſt. 23. ad Bonifacium. From the ſimilitude (ſaith Saint Auguſtine) the ſignes of the Sacraments take the very names of the things themſelves; for Dominus non dubitavit dicere, Hoc eſt corpus meum, cùm ſignum daret corporis ſui. Auguſt. contra Adamant. cap. 12. The Lord doubted not to ſay, This is my Body, when he gave a ſigne of his Body. Which manner of expreſſion is familiar in Scripture: Circumciſion is the Covenant, Gen. xvii. the Lamb is the Paſſover of Jehovah, Exod. xii. the Sabbath is the Covenant of God, Exod. xxxi. the ſeven Kine are ſeven Years, Geneſ. xli. 26. I am the Vine, John xv. 1. the Field is the World, Matth. xiii. 38. Herod is a Fox, Luk. xiii. 32. John is Elias, Matth. xi. 4. Chriſt was the Rock, 1 Cor. x. 4. the Way, the Door, the Bread. John vi. 35. yet Chriſt was not tranſubstantiated into a Rock, or Way, or Door, or Bread, And Duae potiſsimùm cauſae ſunt, cur Spiritus ſanctus, & ipſe Chriſtus taelibus praedicationibus, & Phraſibus ſit uſus: quarū prima eſt Analogia, & arctiſsima unio Sacramentalis inter ſigna, et ros ſignatas; altera eſt ſumma certitudo obſignationis ſpiritualium bonorum, & eorundem in uſu legitimo exhibitionis. Kec kerman. Logic. lib. 2. pag. 395. there are two reaſons, why the Holy-Ghoſt, and Chriſt himſelf, hath uſed ſuch enunciations, and manners of expreſſion; whereof the firſt is the Analogie, and moſt ſtrict Sacramental Union betwixt the ſignes, and things ſigned; The other is the infallible certaintie of the obſignation, and exhibition of ſpiritual good things in the right uſe of the Seals.

Gent.

All this, I acknowledg, ſeems very probable. But we have been taught, that in this ſtupendous Myſterie we muſt deny both ſenſe, and reaſon.

Miniſt.

Where any Myſterie is evidently expreſſed in Sacred Writ, ſenſe, and reaſon muſt ſubmit to Divine Revelation, as in the Incarnation of the Word, The Word was made fleſh, John i. 14. the Trinitie of Perſons in the Ʋnitie of Eſſence. Theſe Mysteries are clearly revealed in Scripture, and though Oportet igitur nos, cùm audiverimus, Niſi ederetis carnem filii, non habebitis vitam, in ſumptionibus divinorum Myſteriorum indubitatam retmere fidem, & non quaerere quo pacto. Theophylact. in Joann. vi. above reaſon, yet not contrary to reaſon. But Tranſubſtantiation (as you have heard it proved, and by the Romiſts confeſſed) is Non apparet ex Euangelio coactitium aliquod ad intelligendum haec verba proprié. Cajeran. 3. Quaeſt. 75. diſcountenanced, nay diametrically oppoſite to Scripture, beſides there are ſequeles, and concomitances, that attend it, that involve Mirum videtur, quare in uno Articulo, qui non eſt principalis Articulus fidei, debeat talis intellectus aſſeri, propter quam fides pateat contemptui omuium ſequentium rationem. Scot. 4. Diſt. 11. q. 3. lit. 13. contradiction, and inextricable abſurdities; as in particular theſe,

Firſt, That the Bread ſhould be changed into the Body, or humane Nature of Chriſt, which was Virtute Tranſubstantiationis non accipit corpus Domini Eſſe post Non eſſe, quoniam priùs erat. Aureol. 4. Diſt. 11. q. 1. Art. 1. before.

Secondly, That the accidents, or forms of Bread ſhould be without a ſubject.

Thirdly, How whole Chriſt ſhould be in every crumb of Bread, and drop of Wine. Fourthly, That at once Chriſt ſhould be in Heaven, and in a thouſand Hoſts upon Earth.

Gent.

The Meditation of theſe hath oftentimes ſtaggered me; therefore I requeſt you to lay them open more diſtinctly, and that in order, as you named them; Firſt, That the Bread cannot be changed into the humane Nature of Chriſt, which was praeexiſtent, or before.

Miniſt.

The impoſſibilitie of this change is apparent; Becauſe in all ſubſtantial converſions, natural, or miraculous, there is a new thing, which was not before, produced out of that, which is converted; as appeareth in the converſion of Water into Wine, Wine, that was not before, is made of Water; and Lot's Wife into a Pillar of Salt, Salt, that was not before, is made of Her Body converted into it. But, in Popiſh imaginary Tranſubſtantiation, the Body of Chriſt is not produced anew; for it is praeexistent, and receiveth no ſubſtantial change by the confeſſion of Romiſts themſelves; for Faventinus, one of your own propoſes the Queſtion, Quaero quis ſit terminus formalis hujus actionis [Tranſubſtantiationis] & converſionis? Non est corpus Chriſti. Faventin. in 4. Diſp. 35. cap. 6. What is the terminus formalis, the formal Bound of this Action (Tranſubſtantiation) or converſion? and anſwers, Non eſt corpus Chriſti, It is not the body of Chriſt: for that, ſaith he, is the terminus materialis, the material bound, intimating it was before; and concludes Hoc totum eſt accidentale, there is no ſubſtantial change, but onely an accidental alteration. Neither is the Body of Chriſt ſubſtantially united unto the accidents of Bread, and Wine; for it giveth no ſubſiſtence to them, and it ſuſtaineth them not, but is united accidentally onely, by being made Terminus novae actionis accipit Eſſe per ipſam actionem, ſed per Tranſubſtantiationem, quae eſt actio nova, non accipit corpus Chriſti Eſse ſubſtantiale, ſed praeſentialitarem ad specics; ergo corpus Chriſti non eſt terminus Tranſubſtantiationis ſecundium Eſſe ſubſtantiale, ſed ſolùm ſecundùm praeſentialitatem. Petigian. Summa Theol. in 4. Diſt. 11. q. 3. Art. 3. preſent, where the ſubſtance of the Elements formerly were: now if Water ſhould be poured upon the Ground, or otherwiſe conſumed, and Wine brought from Heaven, as Hail, and Snow are, and be placed where the Water formerly was, here is no ſubſtantial converſion: ſo likewiſe, when the ſubſtance of Bread, and Wine ceaſe according to their Doctrine, and Chriſt's Body, and Blood are brought into the place where theſe were, no ſubstantial thing is produced; but one ſubſtance ſucceedeth in the room of another, by that, which they ſtile, Ubiatio est quando aliquid de Ʋbt non tranſit ad aliud Ʋbt. Aureol. 4. Diſt. 11. q. 1. Art. 3. Ʋbiation: Therefore, I conceive we may ſafely conclude, thus; That Body, which was compleatly praeexiſtent before, was glorified, and impaſſible, took (q) Praeciſe unum ſuccedit alteri, non eſt verum dicere, quod illud, cui ſucceditur, accedat, & convertatur ad illud, quod ſuccedit. Aureol. ſupra. its ſubſtance of the ſeed of the Virgin, cannot be made anew of the Conſecrated Bread; But Chriſt's body is compleatly praeexiſtent before, is glorified; and impaſſible, took its ſubſtance of the ſeed of the Virgin; Therefore Chriſt's Body is not made anew of the Conſecrated Bread. Again, Nothing, that is Illud non tranſit in aliud, quod deſinit antè, quàm veniat ad illud. Auteol. 4. Diſt. 11. q. 1. Art. 1. annihilated, and ceaſeth to be any thing, is changed into that, which was before: Bread, according to the Romiſh Tenet, is annihilated, and ceaſes to be any thing, Therefore it cannot be changed into the Body of Chriſt, which was before.

Gent

I apprehend this as very reaſonable, and conſequent from our own Grounds, proceed to the ſecond, that The Accidents, and Forms of Bread cannot ſubſiſt without a Subject.

Miniſt.

That Accidents may ſubſiſt, and have their natural operation, without a Subject of ſupport, or inhaerencie, implies a contradiction; that the Bread ſhall ceaſe to be, and yet taſt, colour, weight, and form to remain, as before; to be ſweetneſs, and nothing ſweet, whitneſs, and nothing white: for it is of the Definition, and Being of Accidents to be, in another, or to be in their ſubject, ſo Porphyrie ſaith, Accidentis Eſſe eſt Ineſſe. Porphyr. Iſagog. cap. 5. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Thus you ſee it is Diſſonant to Reaſon: and Doctour Biel a Romiſh Champion, confeſſes, Quomodo ibi fit corpus Chriſti; an per converſionem, an ſine converſione incipiat eſſe corpus Chriſti, cum pane manentibus accidentibus, non invenitur expreſſe in Canone Biblii. Gabr. Biel, De Canon. Lect. 4. How the Bread becomes the Body of Chriſt, whether by converſion, or without converſion, the accidents ſtill remaining, is not contained in the Canon of the Bible. And if both reaſon, and Scripture diſclaim it as an erroneous Prodigie, let us ſee what countenance it hath from Antiquitie. This Doctour Tonſtall upon ſearch hath found, Cuthbert. Tonſtall. De Euchariſtia, lib. 1. pag. 45. That it was determined in the Council of Lateran, which was holden in Rome, in the Year of our Lord a thouſand, two hundred, and fifteen, and that, before that time, it was ever more free for any man without impeachment of his Faith to hold the contrarie. And indeed they learned it from the Manichees, who hold, that Chriſt was but a ſpectrum, or phantaſm, and what outwardly appeared in him was nothing elſe, but Accidents. The reſult is, Poſt conſecrationem accidens eſt ſine ſubjecto, quia exiſtit tum per ſe; tranſit enim ſubſtantia, ſed remanent accidentia. Innocent. 3. Myſt. Miſs. lib. 4. cap. 9. That, which is impoſſible in Nature, and is ſupported neither by Scripture, nor Antiquity, is not to be believed; But the Accidents (as ſweetneſs, colour, &c.) to remain without a ſubject is impoſſible in Nature, and is ſupported neither by Scripture, nor Antiquity; Therefore Accidents to remain without a ſubject, is not to be believed.

Gent.

This is agreeable to Philoſophical grounds; and it ſeems deſtitute of Scripture-evidence; proceed therefore to the third, That the whole body of Chriſt cannot be in every crumb of Bread.

Miniſt.

Aquinas 3. p. q. 76. Art. 1. Aquinas, Bellarm. De Eucharist. lib. 1. cap. 2. col. 468. Bellarmine, Melchior Canus, Joſeph. Angles in 4. 1. pag. 9. 4. De Eucharist. Joſephus Angles, the Concil. Trident. Seſs. 3. Can. 1. Councel of Trent, with all the Romiſh Proſelytes teach, that the whole Organical body of Christ, which was born of the Virgin, crucified, ſits now at his Father's right hand, is wholly, and entire under the Accidents in every crumb of Bread, and drop of Wine; which, by their own Principles, is not to be believed as poſſible, if Bellarminus De Euchariſt. lib. 3. cap. 19. col. 748. Bellarmine may be credited, who ſaith, Fides nostra ad id nos non obligat, ut ea defendamus, quae evidenter implicant contradictionem; Our faith doth not oblige us to that, that we ſhould defend thoſe things, that do evidently imply a contradiction: then, that the body of Chriſt ſhould be viſible, and in perfect ſtature, and, at the ſame time, to be not viſible, and not in a perfect ſtature; as it muſt needs be, if it be confined to a point almoſt indiviſible, as is the form of the leaſt crumb of bread. This Chimaera was not hatched in St. Auguſtine's time, who affirmed, that Ità futurum ſit spirituale corpus, ut propter ineffabilem quandam facilitatem ſpirituale dicatur, ſervet tamen ſubſtantiam corporalem. Auguſt. Enchir. cap. 91. ep. 76. The body of Chriſt was to be ſo ſpiritual, that by reaſon of a certain unexpreſſible facility, it might be ſtiled ſpiritual, ſervet tamen ſubſtantiam corporalem, yet would ſtill keep its corporal ſubstance; nay ſpace, poſiture, diſtance of part from part, ſpacia locorum tolle corporibus, & nuſquam erunt, & quia nuſquam erunt, non erunt: Take away, ſaith he, ſpace from bodies, and they will be no where, and becauſe no where, they will not be at all. Hence I conclude, That, which implies a Contradiction, by the Romists confeſſion is not to be believed: but that the ſame numerical body of Chriſt ſhould at the ſame time be in perfect ſtature, and contained in every crumb of Bread, implies a contradiction by the Romiſts confeſſion; Therefore that the body of Christ ſhould be in every crumb of bread is not to be believed.

Gent.

There is but one difficultie yet remaining, that it is Cùm quaeritur, Ʋtrū aliquid ſit Deo poſsibile, quod naturae ſit impoſsibile, diſtinguendum eſt de impoſsibili; quia ſi hujuſmodi impoſsibile dicitur, quia repugnat ipſi Eſſe, prout eſt verificatio contradictoriorum, ſic quod naturae impoſsibile eſt, eſt Deo impoſsibile. Ae idius Rom. 1. Sent. D. 42. q. 4. impoſſible, that at the ſame time Chriſt's body ſhould be wholly in heaven, and in a thouſand conſecrated Hoaſts upon the earth.

Miniſt.

That an individual body may be in many places at once, and in divers forms, and according to divers actions, and have no reference to place, nor any properties inward, nor outward of a true body, is not divine veritie, but an audacious fiction, and incongruous dream, diſowned by all the Antients. Vigilius, an holy Martyr, taught, that Caro Chriſti cùm eſſet in terra, non erat in coelo, & nunc, quta eſt in coelo, non eſt utique in terra. Vigil. cont. Euticher. lib. 1. The fleſh of Chriſt, when it was on earth, was not in heaven; and now, when it is in heaven, cannot be alſo upon earth. Saint Cyril demonſtrates, Chriſtus non poterat verſari in carne cum Apoſtolis, poſtquam aſcendit ad patrem. Cyril. in Joan. lib. 1. cap. 3. Chriſt could not be converſant with the Apoſtles in the fleſh, after that he had aſcended to the Father, the Heavens muſt contain him till the end of all. Saint Auguſtine teſtifies, that Donec ſaecula finiantur, ſurſum eſt Dominus, ſed tamen hic nobiscum eſt veritas Domini: corpus enim, in quo reſurrexit, in uno loco eſſe oportet, veritas autem ejus ulique diffuſa eſt. Auguſt. De conſecr. Diſt. 2. Our Lord is above untill the world's end, but yet his truth is with us here; for the body of our Lord, wherein he roſe again, muſt be in 〈◊〉 place, but his truth is diffuſed everie where And that, Secundum praeſentiam corporalem ſimul & in Sole, & in Luna, & in Cruce eſſe non poſſet. Auguſt. contra Fauſtum, lib. 20. cap. 11. Tom. 6. according to his corporal preſence, it was not poſſible for him to be both in the Sun, and in the Moon, and on the Croſs at one, and the ſame time. This Truth is ſo clear, tha •• •• torts this confeſſion from Aquinas, Corpus Chriſti non eſſe in pluribus locis ſecundum proprias dimenſiones; The body of Chriſt cannot be in many places according to the proper dimenſions thereof; for Angels cannot, which are pure ſpirits, much leſs a body. They are, ſaith Marſilius, Marſilius, 2. q. 2. Art. 1. in loco definitive, quia ſunt ſic in uno ſitu, quod non ſunt in alio quolibet; Definitively in a place, becauſe they are ſo in one poſiture, that, at the ſame inſtant, they cannot be in any other. Thus you ſee the impoſſibility of Chriſt's body to be wholy in heaven, and in innumerable conſecrated Hoaſts upon earth at the ſame time, demonſtrated by Scriptures, and Fathers: Hence my final Concluſion about this Article is, That Doctrine, which is not expreſsly taught, or formally deduced from holy Scripture, which no antient Council, or Church, for the firſt ſix hundred years plainly taught, and unto which many adverſe paſſages are extant in the Monuments of Antiquitie, alſo which is repugnant to ſenſe, and common reaſon, and hath no apparent utilitie, ought not to be believed to be effected by any man whatſoever, but rather to be abjured, and renounced: But Audito nomine Tranſubſtantiationis, tanta inter recentiores aliquos Scholaſticos de natura illius exorta fuit controverſia, utquó magis ſe extricare conati ſunt, eo ſeipſos majoribus difficultatibus implicârunt. Vaſques in 3. Thom. Tom. 3. Disp. 183. cap. 1. ſuch is the Doctrine of Romiſh Tranſubſtantiation; Therefore it ought not to be believed to be effected by any man whatſoever, but rather abjured, and renounced.

Gent.

Well; by that, which you have delivered, I am convinced to be of Doctour Andrews judgment, De Hoc eſt, firmâ fide tenemus quòd ſit, de hoc modo eſt (nempe Tranſubſtantiato in corpus pane) de modo, quo fiat ut ſit, ſive per in, ſive con, ſive ſub, ſive trans, nullū inibi verbum est, & quia verbum nullum, merito à fide ablegamus procul; inter ſcita Scholae fortaſse. inter fidei Articulos non pronimus. Doctour Andrews. Biſhop of Wincheſter, Contra Apol Bellarm. cap. 1. pag. 11 believing firmly, that the words of Chriſt are true, and, in the ſence he meant it, to be his body; but for the manner, how it is his body, ſeeing there is not one expreſs word, I dare not make it a matter of faith; rank it we may amongſt the Nicities of Scholes, but not amongſt the Articles of our Creed. Therefore you may proceed to the fourth Article.

The Fourth Article.

And I do alſo believe, that there is not any Purgatorie.

Miniſt.

THIS is ſymbolical, and concentrick with the two and twentieth Article of our Engliſh Confeſſion, wherein it is ſaid, that The Romiſh Doctrine of Purgatorie is a vain Fiction, Quòd fuerit divina institutio non poſsit manifeſtè probari; quia non conſtat ex Sacris Literis, neque ex Conciliis. Nugnus. Addit. in 3. part. Thom. q. 20. Art. 3. Dif. 1. grounded upon no Teſtimonies of Scripture, but contrarie to the word of God; and the Apologie of the Church of England, which ſaith, That It is no better, then a blockiſh, and old wife's device.

Gent.

Here, me thinks, that I may cope with you with better ſucceſs, then formerly; for Purgatorie is ſo far from being a vain fiction, and old wife's device, that it mounteth high upon the Wings of Antiquitie. Saint Auguſtine, who lived in the fourth Centurie, and may be ſtiled The Standard-bearer of the Fathers, makes Auguſt. Enchirid. ad Laurent. cap. 6 . cap. 68. ad Dulcitium, Quaeſt. 1. De fide, & openbus, cap. 16. De Civitate Dei. lib. 12. cap. 26. often mention of it.

Miniſt.

Your Argument in form is this That, which Auguſtine makes often mention of, is no vain fiction; but a creditable veritie: Auguſtine makes often mention of Purgatorie.

I firſt deny your Propoſition: for all, that Augustine makes frequent mention off, is not creditable veritie, and void of fiction; he inſiſts often upon Infants damnation, that dy without Baptiſm, of the Euchariſt to be given to Babes, that Sine fide etiam quae videntur bona opera in peccatum vertuntur. Auguſt. De fide, & operibus. all Works of Infidels are ſins, which the Concilium Tridentinum meritò damnavit Omnia Infidelium opera eſſe peccata; etiamſi gravem habeat authorem Auguſtinum. Maldonat. Comment. in Matth. vii. 18. Romiſts deny. In the Bull of Pius Quartus, by the Oath their fore-man hath taken, all Prieſts, and Jeſuites are ſworn, not to receive, or interpret the Scriptures, but according to the uniform conſent of Fathers; Saint Augustine is but one, Ariſtoteles, Ethic. lib. 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .

Secondly, to your Aſſumption; Saint Auguſtine, in the pretended places, mentions Purgatory, not as a creditable veritie; but as a doubtfull opinion, for thus he writes to Laurentius, Auguſt. ad Laurent. cap. 67. Tale aliquid etiam post hanc vitam fieri, incredibile non est, & utrum ita ſit, quaeri potest: Some ſuch thing as Purgatorie to be after this life, is not incredible, and whether it be ſo, or no, it may be a Question. And to Dulcitius, Quòd ſpiritus defunctorum ignem tranſitoriae tribulationis inveniant, non redarguo, quia forſitan verum eſt. Auguſt. in 8. Quaeſt ad Dulcitium. That the spirits of the dead finde a fire of tranſitorie tribulation, I reprove it not; for perhaps it is true. And in his Civitate Dei, Quis ſit ille modus, aut quae ſint illa peccata, quae ità impediunt perventionem ad regnum Dei, ut tamen ſanctorum amicorum meritis impetrent indulgentiam, difficilimum eſt invenire, pericaleſiſſimū definire, ego certè uſque ad hoc tempus, cùm indè ſatagerem, ad eorum indaginem perventre non potut. Aug. De civitate Dei, lib. 21. cap. 27. The manner how, and what ſins they be, which ſo let a man from coming to the Kingdom of God, that they not withstanding obtain pardon by the merits of holy friends, it is very hard to finde, and very dangerous to determine, certainly I my ſelf, not withstanding my Study, and Travail taken in this behalf, could never attain to the knowledg of it. Thus you ſee, how Saint Augustine is pendulous; Theſe crochets, and quavers, Whether there be any ſuch thing, as Purgatorie after this life, or no, it may be a Question, Perhaps it is true, As much as I think, I cannot tell, I could never attain to the knowledge of it; make no full conſent, or perfect Muſick in matters of Faith: But, what if theſe Sentences be forged, and interfoisted into Auguſtine's Works? Ludovicus Vives, a Romiſh Rabbie, and therefore not partial on our behalf, confeſſes, that in antient Manuſcripts of ſeveral Ʋniverſities, and Monaſteries, he could not finde them; and it is no wonder, ſeeing Eraſmus, Melancthon, Oecolampadius, Poſſevinus, in Select. Bibl. lib. 1. cap. 19. Poſſevinus, Craſtov. in Bello Jeſuit. Craſtovius, Rainolds, in lib. De Idolol. Roman. Doctour Rainolds, Doctour James, and Felkmanus have diſcovered ſo many Forgeries in this one Father, who, unleſs Saint Auguſtine contradicteth himſelf, there is no probability, thoſe Sentences ever dropped from his pen; for in his Hypognoſticks he maintaineth, there are but two places after bodily Diſſolution: The firſt place, ſaith he, the Catholick faith by Divine authority believeth to be the Kingdom of Heaven; The ſecond place the ſame Catholick Faith believeth to be Hell, where all Apoſtates, and whoſoever is without faith of Chriſt, ſhall tast everlasting puniſhment; as Tertium locum penitùs ignoramus; imò nec in Seripturis ſacris invenimus. Auguſt Hypognoſt. lib. 5. for any third place, we are utterly ignorant, neither ſhall we finde in holy Scriptures, that there is any ſuch. And again Non eſt ullus locus medius, ut poſsit eſſe, niſi cum Diabolo qui non eſt cum Chriſto. Auguſt. De peoca merit. & remiſs. cap. 28. There is no middle place for any to be elſe-where, then with the Devil, who is not with Chriſt. Thus you have Auguſtine's mature, and ſetled reſolution, with the Juncto of the Catholick Church, in traverſe, and countercheck to his private ſcruple, if his.

Gent.

The Doctrine of Purgatory was not in traverſe, and oppoſition to the Quidam nullas poenas, niſi purgatorias, volunt eſſe post mortem. Auguſt. De Civitat. Dei, lib. 21. cap. 13. whole Catholick Church; ſeeing Origen, whom Perkins places in the year 230. avouches it.

Miniſt.

All, that Origen avouches, is not Catholick Doctrine for, amongſt many errours, he proclaims general Gaol-delivery of all Devils, and damned Spirits, and converts Hell •• ſelf into a Purgatory. Beſides Origen's Purgatory hath no affinity, or alliance with your Romiſh.

Firſt, Your Purgatory is pretended to be immediately after death: Origen's after the Reſurrection.

Secondly, Yours onely of the Soul: Origen's of the Body alſo, as well as the Soul.

Thirdly, Yours onely of ſome few, that die in venial ſins unſatisfied: Origen's of all; though eminent Saints, and Martyrs.

Fourthly, Yours onely of a purging fire in an higher vault of Hell: Origen's of that univerſal fire, that ſhall diſſolve the Heavens at the laſt Trumpet, joyned with the Sacrament of Baptiſm: for theſe are his words, Ʋt ego arbitror, omnes nos neceſse eſt venire in illum ignem, etiamſi Paulus aliquis ſit, vel Petrus. Origen. in Pſalm. 36. Homil. 3. I ſuppoſe, that all we must come into that fire, yea, although it be Paul, or Peter: and, Ego puto, quòd poſt Reſurrectionem ex mortuus, indigebimus Sacramento elu ••• e nos, atque purga te: nemo enim abſque ſordibus reſurgere poterit, neque ullam puto poſſe animam reperiri, quae univerſis ſtatim vitiis careat. Origen. in Lucam, Homil. 14. I think, that, after the Reſurrection from the dead, we ſhall need the Sacrament of Baptiſm to waſh, and purge us; for no man can riſe again without filth, neither do I think there can be any ſoul found void from all manner of ſin.

Gent.

But, though Origen was miſtaken, Purgatory, as ſtated by the Roman Church, hath been received as an antient Tradition.

Miniſt.

Your own Fiſher, Biſhop of Rocheſter, writing againſt Luther, was more modeſt, and ingenuous; for he confeſſes, that De Purgatorio apud priſcos nulla, vel quàm rariſsima ſicbat mentio, ſed & Graecis, ad hunc uſque diem, non eſt creditum Purgatorium eſſe: legat, qui velit, Graecerum •• crum Commentarios, & nullum, q •• •• m opinor, vel rariſsma 〈◊〉 Purgatorio ſermonem inveniet. Sed neque Latini ſomulomnes, a ſenſi •• hujus rei veritatem concepe runt. Cum itaque Purgatorium tam ſerò cognitum, atque receptum uni verſae Eccleſiae ſuerit, quis jam de Indulgentiis mirari poteſt, quia in pr ••• ipiis naſcentis Eccleſiae nullus fuerit earum uſus. Roffenſ. Contra Luther. Art. 18. p. 496. Amongst the Antients, there was either none, or very ſeldom, mention of Purgatory; and that the Greeks, to this very day, do not believe it, and whoſoever ſhall read their ancient Monuments, or Commentaries, ſo far as he ſees, ſhall finde very ſeldom mention of Purgatory, or none at all; and the Latines, in the Weſtern Church, did not receive the truth of this matter altogether, but by little, and little; neither indeed was the faith, either of Purgatory, or Indulgences, ſo needful in the Primitive Church, as now it is. Here you ſee, he affirms five things, whereof every one overthrows your Romiſh ſubterranean Gulf. Firſt, That There is no mention of it amongſt the Antients. Secondly, That the Greeks deny it, till this day. Thirdly, That it was late before the Latines received it. Fourthly, That they received it by little, and little. Fifthly, That the faith of Purgatory was not needful in the Primitive Church. Durand Durand. 4. d. 20. q. 3. is of the ſame judgement, profeſſing, that Sancti Ambroſius, Hilarius, Auguſtinus, Hieronymus, minime de eis loquuntur, St. Ambroſe, Hilarie, Auguſtine, Hierom, ſpake nothing of them; [Purgatory and Indulgences.] And Alphonſus a Caſtro, Alphonſ. Caſtro Contr. Haereſ. lib. 8. Inter omnes res, de quibus in hoc opere diſputamus, nullae ſunt, de quibus vetuſti Scriptores minus dixerint, apud priſcos nulla mentio Indulgentiarum; Of all things diſcourſed in this work, antient Writers ſpeak nothing leſs, then of Indulgences, or Popes Pardons, for purgatorial puniſhment; for the Antients make no mention of them. With them concurs De Indulgentiis nihil expreſsè habemus ex dictis antiquorum Doctorum, vel modernorum. Antonin. Summa Moral. pag. 1. tit. 10. cap. 3. Antonine.

Gent.

But the Antients make frequent mention of Prayer for the dead, which neceſſarily infers our Catholick Doctrine of Purgatory, and Indulgences, received from the Apostles.

Miniſt.

That Purgatroy, and Indulgences were received from the Apoſtles, is as true, as that St. Peter ſaid Maſs in Rome with a golden Cope, & triple Crown; and is a concluſion, that hath no dependance on your premiſes; which are Quoties affertur pro vera cauſa, quod vel nulla eſt, vel tantùm cauſa per accidens, aut diſsimilis effectûs. Faſciculus Praecept. Logic. pag. 224. fallacia non cauſae, ut cauſae, aſſigning that for a reaſon, which is no reaſon, For St. Ambroſe, Dionyſius, and Epiphanius gave four other reaſons, beſides Purgatory (of which they never dreamed) for praying for the dead.

Firſt, A continuation of the ſame affection towards them dead, they had living. Secondly, Their imperfect bliſs in ſoul, without the body, and Fellow-Saints. Thirdly, Imperfection, in compariſon of Chriſt. Fourthly, A meer thankſgiving for their departure in the true faith.

Thus St. Ambroſe, in his Oratio Panegyrica pro Theodoſio, & Valentiniano. Ambroſ. Funeral Orations, made at the Funerals of Theodoſius, and Valentinianus, two Emperours, rejoyced for their ſakes, that they had already attained eternal felicity, yet prays, that God would grant them their deſired reſt, in regard of their bodies, and communion with all Fellow-Saints. St. Baſil, and St. Chryſoſtome, in their Liturgies, make ſolemn Oriſons thus; Offerimus tibi rationalem hunc cultum pro in fide requieſcentibus Majoribus. Patribus, Patriarchis, Prophetis & Apostolis, Praeconibus, & Evangelistis, Martyribus, Confeſſoribus, &c. praecipuè vero pro ſuaviſsima, immaculatà, ſupra omnes bonedicta Domina Dei para, & ſemper-Virgine Maria. Baſil. & Chryſoſt. We offer, O Lord, unto thee, this reaſonable ſervice for them, that reſt in faith, our Elders, our Fathers, the Patriarchs, the Prophets, the Apoſtles, the Preachers, the Evangeliſts, the Martyrs, the Confeſſours, &c. ſpecially for the moſt holy, without ſpot, bleſſed above all, our Lady, Gods Mother, and ever-Virgin Mary. St. Cyprian 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Cyprian. lib. 3. Epiſt. 6. alſo ſaith, Sacrificamus pro Martyribus; We make Sacrifices of prayers, and praiſes for the Martyrs. Yet the Romiſts themſelves will not conclude hence, that the Patriarchs, Prophets, Apoſtles, Preachers, Evangelists, Martyrs, Confeſſours, and the bleſsed Virgin Mary, were all in Purgatory.

Gent.

But there are authentick Scriptures for Purgatory; how dare we then abjure, or disbelieve it?

Miniſt.

Now you ſpeak ſomething to the purpoſe, if your Aſſumption were true; for Chryſoſtom. Contra Gentes. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The holy Scriptures given by inſpiration (ſaith Athanaſius) are of themſelves ſufficient for the diſcovery of truth. Bring but one clear place for Purgatory, and you win the Goal. But your own Champions diſclaim ſuch Weapons. Durand ſaith, Nec Scriptura expreſsè de iis loquitur. Durand. 4. Diſt. 20. q. 3. Scripture ſpeaks nothing of Purgatory, and Indulgences. Antonine ſaith, Nihil expreſsè habemus in ſacra Scriptura. Antonin. Summa Moral. p. 1. Tit. 10. cap. 3. We have nothing expreſly of them in holy Scripture. Alphonſus a Caſtro ſaith, Nulla res, quam minùs apertè ſacrae Scriptura prodiderunt. Alphonſ. à Caſtro, Contr. Hareſ. lib. 8. There is nothing, of whom Scripture ſpeaks leſs plainly. Elſe why ſhould Roffenſis acknowledge the Latine Church diſcovered it lately, and that by little, and little. The Greeks have no glimpſe of it yet. Whitak. Contra. 1. cap. 5. Quaeſt. 6. If it were revealed in Scripture, Scripture was the ſame, and as clear in Primitive, and ſucceeding times, as now. Beſides, Bellarmine, Lindan, and other Bigots of your Faction, marſhal Purgatory amongſt Traditions, which are, as your Doctor Kelliſon Doctor Kelliſon. Survey, lib. 8. cap. 3. deſcribes them, an opinion, or Custom of the Church, not written in holy Scriptures, but delivered by the hands of the Church, from time to time. With whom conſents Bellarmine, ſaying, Bellarmin. De verbo Dei, lib. 4. cap. 2. Traditions ſignifie that Doctrine, that is not written by the firſt Authours in any Apoſtolick Book.

Gent.

There is expreſs Scripture, 2 Macchab. xii. 44. for praying for the dead; a reconciliation for the dead, verſ. 45. that they might be delivered from ſin: which inforces Purgatory.

Miniſt.

Firſt, The Jews, from whom Chriſtians received the Canon, with Origen, Cyprian, Hierom, Augustine, Melito Biſhop of Sardis, Euſebius, Epiphanius, deny that Book to be Veteris Testamenti libros meditare duos & viginti, tu itaque, cùm ſis filius Eccleſiae, non tranſgredieris illius terminos. Cyril. Catech. 4. Canonical Scripture, and therefore from it can nothing be concluded. The Church (ſaith St. Hierome Maccabaeorum libros legit Eccleſia, ſed eas inter Canonicas Scripturas non recipit: legit ad aedificationem plebis, non ad authoritatem Dogmatum confirmandam. Hieron. in Prafat. lib. Solom. reads the Books of Macchabees, but receives them not amongſt Canonical Scriptures; reads them for edification of the people, but not for confirmation of the Authority of doubtful Opinions. Elſe one might from thence, with the Circumcelliones, digeſt that miſtake, that Self-murder is lawful, from that unnatural act of Razias commended, 2 Macchab. xiv. 41. as Heroical.

Secondly, Admit the Authority were authentick, Purgatory will not follow from prayer for the Dead; there are many other reaſons aſſigned, as it formerly hinted. And whereas it is ſaid, He made a Reconciliation for the dead, that they might be delivered from ſin; the meaning is, that the living might be delivered from the plague, or puniſhment deſerved by that prophanation, or Sin, that was committed by them, which are dead: and this will neither infer Purgatory, nor any Popiſh Errour.

Gent.

Scriptures alſo, that are undoubtedly Canonical, make for Purgatory. Matth. xxv. 26. Agree with thine adverſary quickly, whileſt thou art in the way with him, lest at any time the Adverſary deliver thee to the Judg, and the Judg deliver thee to the Officers, and thou be caſt into priſon; verily, I ſay unto thee, thou ſhalt by no means come out thence, till thou haſt payed the uttermoſt farthing.

Miniſt.

He muſt be a good Chymiſt, that can extract the fire of Purgatory hence.

Firſt, The words are ſymbolical, which by Bellarmine's Convenit inter nos, & adverſarios, ex ſolo literali ſenſu peti debere argumenta efficacia. Bellarm. lib. 3. De verbo Dei, cap. 3. Confeſſion are not argumentative. For Arguments (ſaith he) can onely be drawn from the literal ſenſe.

Secondly, Saint Auguſtine Donec ſolvas noviſſimum quadrantem. miror, ſi non eam ſignificat poenam, quae vocatur aeterna. Auguſt. De ſerm. Dom. in monte, lib. 6. here by priſon underſtands Hell, not Purgatory, and parallels with that place of the Pſalmiſt, Pſalm cx. 1. Sit thou on my righthand, until I make thine enemies thy footſtool; and that of the Evangeliſt Matth. i. (o) In illis ſunt, quae cū libris Canonicis pugnani, vel 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , vel 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , vel apertê falſa, 1 Macchab. vi. 2. Macchab. 14. 2. M. 12. Bucan. Inſtitut. Theol. p. 37. 25. He knew her not, untill She had brought forth Her firſt begotten Son; where the first implies not that, after Chriſt's Enemies were ſubdued, He ſhould ſit on God's right hand no longer; nor the latter helpeth the Inference of Helvidius, that, after our Saviour's Birth, Joſeph knew his Wife. Saint Auguſtine therefore concludeth, Donec ſignificat non finem poenae, ſed continuationem miſeriae. Auguſt. ſupra locum. that (till) in this place ſignifies not an end of pain; but a continuance of Miſery. Thou ſhalt (ſaith Hugo Semper ſolves, nunquam perſolves. Hugo ex Remigio. out of Remigius) be ever paying, yet never ſatisfy. Which expoſition Calvine, and Bucer, and Muſculus, do not onely (q) Oſtendit debitum ſolvendum, ſed non debitorem ſolvendo. Piſcator. in Matthaeum, v. 26. embrace; but Anſelm, and Beda, Aquinas, and Gorram, Ammonius, and Avendado, Maldonat, and Janſenius, with I know not how many of their own Conſorts: now the ſequel would be prodigious, The damned ſouls in Hell ſhall never fully ſatisfy, therefore there is Purgatory, cujus contrarium eſt verum.

Gent.

Chriſt ſaith Matt. xii. 32. Whoſoever ſpeaketh againſt the Holy Ghoſt, it ſhall not be forgiven him, neither in this World, neither in the World to come; implying, that there is a remiſſion, or pardon, in the World to come.

Minist.

None ever held a remiſſion, and pardon of Sins in the World to come, but Origen, Origenes ipſum Diabolum, atque Angelos ejus poſt graviora pro meritis, & diuturniora ſupplicia, ex illis cruciatibus cruendos, atque ſociandos ſanctis Angelis credidit. Auguſt. De Civitate Dei, lib. 21. cap. 17. who with his miſericordes Doctores believed, that the Devil himſelf, and his Angels after great, and long puniſhment ſuffered for their wickedneſs, ſhall be delivered from their torments, and ſhall be placed in Heaven with the Holy Angels of God; and that Origen in Epiſtola cap. 6. lib. 5. Chriſt ſhould deſcend into Hell, and be crucified again for them, for whom the preaching of his former Death, and Paſſion was not prevalent. Romiſh pretended Purgatory, and Indulgences pleads not for a remiſſion, or pardon of Sins, but onely of temporal puniſhment due to Sins unſatisfied. So, conformable to Aquin. Quodlib. 2. artic. 66. & 1, 2. Q. 47. art. 3. 4. Cajet. Opuſc. Tom. 2. q. 4. Aquinas, and Cajetan ſaith Zerula, Per Indulgentiam non remittitur culpa peccati, nec poena aeterna mututur in temporalem; ſed ſolae temporalis remittitur tota, vel pars. Zerula, De Indulgentiis,, lib. 1. cap. 11. By Indulgence is not remitted the Fault of Sin, neither is an eternal puniſhment changed into a temporal; but onely the temporal is remitted whole, or part. But admit, pardon of Sin were in Purgatorie's jurisdiction, how is it gathered from theſe words, It ſhall be forgiven him neither in this World, nor in the World to come. Amongſt the Logicians, Ex meris Negativis Syllogiſmus eſt vitioſus, ut Ariſtoteles prolixè repetit cap. 4, 5, 6. primi Priorum. two Negative Propoſitions are not wont to conclude an Affirmative; it is an Hebraiſm by way of exaggeration, intimating it ſhall never be forgiven; for ſo Saint Mark iii. 29. in aequivalent Terms expreſſeth the ſame thing, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . It is ſaid Rom. viii. 38. Neither things preſent (that is of this Life,) nor things to come (that is of the Life to come) ſhall ſeparate us; none gathers hence, that they, that are in Chriſt, ſhall be ſeparated from his Love in the World to come; but it is an emphatical expreſſion ſignifiying, They ſhall never be ſeparated.

Gent.

But the Apostle Saint Paul ſpeaketh expreſsly of Purgatory-fire, 1 Cor. iii. 15. If any Man's work ſhall be burned, he ſhall ſuffer loſs; but he himſelf ſhall be ſaved, yet ſo as by Fire.

Miniſt.

You are like them, that think the Bells ring whatſoever they fancy; or the Pythagoreans, that had ſo moulded their imagination to Numbers, that they found them in every thing. You are ſo poſſeſſed with this Lunacy of Purgatory, that Kitchin-fire, Elementary-fire, Hellfire, yea Metaphorical fire muſt ſerve to kindle your Ʋtopian-Forge. Eraſmus, in his Annotations upon this place, ſaith, Eraſmus, Annot. ſupra locum. It is a vain thing, to interpret it of Purgatory, ſeeing it is here meant far otherwiſe. Saint Chryſoſtom, Chryſoſt. ſupra locum. with the Greek Scholies, underſtands it of Hell. St. Auguſtine, Auguſt. De Fide, et operibus, cap. 15, 16. Enchirid. ad Laurent. cap. 69. De Civitate Dei, lib. 21. Octo quaeſtiones ad Dulcit. q. 1. Supra Pſalm. xxix. and Saint Ambroſe diſcover it to be onely a Symbolical, or Typical fire, and that by it is onely meant the Word, Spirit, and Afflictions, which, Mal. iii. 2. like a Refiner's fire, or Fuller's ſope, ſhall try every Man's Doctrine, whether it be Sound, or Heterodox; and is ſuch a fire (as they finde it rivetted in the Text) which is common both to the Good, and Bad Builder, whether fundamental, or praeterfundamental, which is not pretended for Purgatory. Peter Martyr, Joſias Sinlerus, in Oratione, De vita, & morte Petri Martyris Vermilii. Governour of the Neapolitan College of Saint Peter, at Spoletum, reading his uſual Lecture (as it fell out) upon this Chapter, coming to thoſe words, He ſhall be ſaved, yet as by Fire, in conformity to Saint Auguſtine, and the Antients, interprets it of a Metaphorical, not Purgatorial fire; becauſe it was common both to Saints, and Reprobates: whereupon he was interdicted to proceed any further, which occaſioned his more diligent ſearch into Antiquity, (which he found againſt Purgatory, and other Popiſh points) and conſequently his Reformation.

Gent.

But nothing, that is defiled, ſhall enter into the Kingdom of Heaven. Men, when they dy, are not perfectly pure, and ſanctified; therefore it is requiſite, before they enjoy the preſence of the Lamb, and eternal bliſs, that they have their purgation.

Miniſt.

We have our Purgation, not by the natural energy of any Creaturè, as Fire, Water, but by the moral, and ſpiritual influence of the Blood of the Lamb applyed by faith; 1 John 1. 7. The Blood of Jeſus Chriſt cleanſeth us from all Sin. The Holy Scripture teacheth us expreſly, that all ſpiritual redemption is Vult docer Apoſtolus legem veterem per Chriſtum abolitam eſſe, totámque ejus obligationem ceſſare, introductâ lege Chriſti. Eſtius. immediately wrought by the blood of Chriſt. Hebr. i. 3. When he had by himſelf, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 purged our Sins; Coloſs. 2. 15. Triumphed over them in himſelf, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . whereupon Saint Cyprian ſaith, Sanguis tuus, O Domine, non quaerit ultionem, ſanguis tuus lavat crimina, peccata condonat. Cyprian De paſsione Chriſti. Thy blood, O Lord, ſeeketh no revenge, thy blood waſheth our Sins, and pardoneth our Treſpaſſes. And Saint Auguſtine, Valeat mihi ad perfectionem liberationis tantum pretium ſanguinis Domini mei. Auguſtin. in Pſalm. xxv. Let onely the price of the Blood of my Lord avail me to the perfection of my Delivery. And whereas Purgatery-mongers reſtrain theſe, and the like places, to the ſtain, and eternal guilt of Sin; the Apostle, Colloſs. 11. 14. Lex enim judicabat nos reos, dum non praeſtabamus quod praecip ebatur, unde etiam dicit Chirographum ipſum fuiſſe contrarium nobis: hoc Chirographum delevit Chriſtus, quia ejas beneficio non amplius tenemur lege. Adam Sa bo . affirmeth, that Chriſt bletted out, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the handwriting of Decrees contained in the Law, that was againſt us, and took it out of the way: But the temporal puniſhment of Sin is contained within the latitude of the Law, Levit. xxvi. 14. Deut. xxviii. 15. therefore Chriſt Jeſus our Saviour immediately, and by himſelf, and not mediately, and the paſſions of Saints, or Purgatory-fire, wiped out, and removed out of the way the malediction of temporary puniſhment, as well as the guilt of eternal.

Gent.

But Sins cannot be waſhed away, but by long tract of time, and pain in Purgatory.

Miniſt.

There needs no tract of time to them, that truly by faith lay hold on the infinite merits of Chriſt. Iſaiah, liii. 5. By his Stripes we are made whole. Revel. xiv. 13. Bleſſed are the Dead, that dy in the Lord, even ſo ſaith the Spirit; for they reſt from their Labours, and their works follow them: he ſaith not, They ſhall be in Purgatory, but they rest from their Labours. Revel. vii. 16, 17. They ſhall hunger no more, they ſhall thirſt no more; for the Lamb, which is in the midſt of the Throne, ſhall lead them (not into Purgatory, but) into the lively Fountains of waters, and God ſhall wipe away all tears from their eyes. Whereupon St. Auguſtine ſaith, Quando aliquis ſe converterit ad Deum. prorſus illi omnia dimittuntur. Auguſt. De Verbo Dom: erm. 59. Whenſoever any man turneth himſelf unto God, all things are utterly forgiven him; let no man be doubtful, leſt any thing haply be not forgiven. And St. Chryſoſtome engages thus in the Perſon of God, Ego fide jubeo, ſi quis noſtrum recedat à peccatis ex animo, & verè promittat Deo, ſe ad illa non rediturum, nihil Deum requiſiturum ad ſatisfactionem. Chryſoſt. De B. Philogonio. I will ſtand bound in God's behalf, if any of us forſake his ſins with all his heart, and make true promiſe unto God, he will no more return unto them, that then God ſhall require nothing elſe to ſatisfaction. St. Cyprian ſaith, In eodem articulo temporis, cum jam anima festinat ad exitum, & egrediens ad labia expirantis emerſcrit, poenitentiam clementiſsimi Dei benignitas non aſpernatur, nec ſera eſt, quae vera est. Cypr. De Caena Dom. In that very moment of time, even when the Soul is ready to paſs, and is even at the lips of the Party, ready to yield up the ſpirit, the goodneſs of our merciful God refuſeth not repentance, and whatſoever is truly done, is never too late. St. Chryſoſtome ſaith, Chryſoſt. in Geneſ. Homil. 27. Neque uno die, neque brevi hora. The Thief on the Croſs had not a day, no not an hour, before he was with Chriſt in Paradiſe.

Gent.

But, though the guilt of ſin be remitted to the penitent, yet is a ſtain inherent to the ſoul, which muſt be purged by ſatisfactory puniſhment, or Indulgence before the laſt Judgment.

Miniſt.

After bodily diſſolution there is neither purgation, nor ſatisfaction; for as the Tree falls, ſo it lies; as death leaves us, ſo judgment findes us. Joh. v. 24. He, that heareth my Word, and believeth on him, that ſent me, hath everlaſting life, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and cometh not unto judgment, but is paſsed from death unto life: whereof St. Augustine renders reaſons conſonant to analogie of faith, Auguſt. in Apocal. Homil. 11. Qualem invenit Dominus, cum hinc vocat, talem & judicat; As our Lord findeth a man, when he calleth him hence, even ſo he judgeth him. Qui in hac vita non plac •• erit, habebit quidem poenitentiam in futuro ſaeculo de malis ſuis, ſed indulgentiam in conſpectu Dei non inveniet; quia etſi erit ibi ſtimulus poenitudinis, nulla tamen erit correctio voluntatis. Auguſt. ad Petr. Diac. cap. 3. Who in this life ſhall not pleaſe God, ſhall in the World to come, have repentance for his ſins, but pardon in the ſight of God he ſhall not finde; for although there ſhall be there the pricks of repentance, yet there ſhall be no amendment of the will. Olympiodorus ſeconds him, ſaying, In quocunque loco de prehenditur homo, cum moritur, in eo gradu, atque ordine permanet in aeternū. Olympiodor. in Eccleſ. cap. 9. In what place, or ſtate ſoever a man ſhall be found, when he dyeth, in the ſame ſtate, and degree ſhall he remain for ever.

Gent.

How then came Purgatory, and Indulgences to be ſo generally received; if they have no ground from Scriptures, nor uniform conſent of Fathers?

Miniſt.

That they have neither ground in Scriptures, nor uniform conſent of Fathers, is already demonſtrated, and by your own confeſſed; and therefore wants that infallible mark of Catholick Doctrine, given by Vincentius Lyrinenſis, Vir centius Lyrinenſis Adverſus profanas novationes haereſium; pag. 646. he requires the Marks of Catholick Doctrine, Ʋniverſality, Antiquity, and Conſent, or Succeſsion. In ipſa eccleſia Cathelica magnopere curandum eſt, ut id teneamus, quod ubique, quod ſemper, quod ab omnibus creditum eſt; In the Catholick Church, we muſt have an eſpecial care, that we hold that, which was believed every where, always, and of all. But Purgatory was not believed every where; for ſaith Nilus, Nilus de Purgatotio, Catholica Traditio. quaeſt. 16. We know, that the Eaſtern Church doth not believe it: and Roffenſis, Roffenſis contra Lutherum, Art. 18. Graecis uſque ad hunc diem non eſt creditum; The Greeks believe no I urg t ry till this day. Not always; for (ſaith the ſame Roffenſis) de Purgatorio apud priſcos nulla eſt mentio; The Antients make no mention of Purgatory. And Marcus, Biſhop of Epheſus, in the Apologie of the Greeks to the Council of Florence, begins, Marcus Epheſ. in Graecorum Apol. de igne Purgatorio ad Concilium Florentinum. Whereas our Fathers had delivered unto them many Viſions, and Dreams, and other wonders concerning the everlaſting puniſhment in Hell; yet none of them had declared any thing concerning the temporary fire of Purgatory. Not of all, for the Muſcovites, Cophites, the Abiſſines, the Georgians, and Armenians, the Syrians, and Chaldeans, that are ſubject to the Patriarchs of Antioch, and Babylon, from Cyprus, and Paleſtina until the Eaſt-Indians, never made diſcovery of this new-found Land of Purgatory: Cardinal Cuſanus, and the Deputies of the Council of Baſil, in the year 1438. do ſufficiently manifeſt the Opinions of the Greek Church, wherein the Grecians began their Diſputations in this manner. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Marcus Cruſ. in Turco-Graec. pag. 186. A Purgatory fire, and a puniſhment by fire, which is temporal, and ſhall at laſt have an end, neither have we received from our Doctours, neither do we know, that the Church of the Eaſt doth manifeſt it. And from theſe, and the like Progoſitions, they make this peremptory concluſion, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Ibid. For theſe Reaſons therefore, neither have we hitherto affirmed any ſuch thing, neither will we at all affirm i .

Gent.

Whence then had Purgatory its Original, if it have neither Ʋniverſality, Eccleſiastick Antiquity, nor Succeſſion? ſuch a great fire (as it is pretended) could not be kindled from a ſmall ſpark.

Miniſt.

It had its firſt ſpring, and riſe from the Heathens; Plato Plato in Timaeo. made diſcovery of it amongſt the Grecians; St. Auguſtine Auguſt. De Civitate Dei, lib 7. cap. 7. amongſt the Pagan Romans, who had a Sacrifice, called Sacrum Purgatorium, a Purgatory Sacrifice; they probably borrowed it from Homer; he communicated his fictions to ſucceeding Poets: hence Quid negotii est, haec Tocta um, & Pictorum portenta convincere. Cicero, Tuſculan. thoſe Fables ariſe of Hercules delivering Theſeus; Orpheus his Wife Eurydice; Aeneas his viſit of his Father Anchiſes. The manner whereof Virgil, who was Homer's Imitator, expreſſes.

Virgilius, Aeneid. 6. Quin & ſupremo cum lumine vita reliquit, Non tamen omne malum miſeris, nec funditus omnes Corporeae excedunt poſtes; penitusque neceſse eſt Multa diu concreta modis molleſcere miris. Ergo exercentur poenis, veterumque malorum Supplicia expendunt; aliae panduntur inanes Suſpenſae ad v ntos; aliis ſ b gurgite •• aſ o Infectum eluitur ſcelus, aut exuritur igne; Quiſque ſuos patitur manes. And Claudian; Quos ubi per varios annos, per mille figuras Egit Laethaeo purgatos flumine, tandem Rurſus ad humanae revocar primordia formae.
Gent.

How came this Heatheniſh, and Poetical Figment traduciary to Chriſtians? It is not probable, they ſhould intermingle their Fables with Divine verity.

Miniſt.

Corruption was introduced, and Divine Oracles contaminated with humane Traditions three ways.

Firſt, By retaining ſome reliques of former Superſtitions; for when Pagans were converted Chriſtians, Quo ſemel eſt imbuta recens, ſervabit odorem Teſta diu. Horat. the Casket ſtill reliſhed of the precedent Liquor. Conſtantine Euſebius in Vita Conſtantini. the Emperour, when a profeſſed Christian, continued the Plutarch. in Numa Pompil. Heathen Office of Pontifex Summus, with other remainders of Idolatry.

Secondly, The People's Credulity, and the Clergie's policy; for whereas Cardinal Cajetan tells us, Indulgentias dari tantum de impoſitis poenitentiis. Cajetan. Opuſc. Tom. 1. tr. 8. q. 1. Indulgences at the firſt, were onely given after penance impoſed; the manner how, is deſcribed in the Nicene, and Ancyran Concil. Ancyr. Concil. 1. Nic. Burchard. lib. 19. & Gratian. Dist. 12. cap. Presb. Councils, thus, Concil. Anc. Can. 5. Nic. 1. Can. 11. After grievous crimes, men were put to grievous penances; it fell out ſometimes, that it was thought convenient, that penance ſhould be mitigated; which favour the Biſhops, and Prieſts, inveſted with jurisdiction, had authority to grant; at length, they began to redeem them with mo ney: by little, and little, Superſtition took ſo deep root, that the common people began to think, that if they did not perform, or redeem them, while they lived, they could not die in peace. The Romiſh Higlers took advantage of this, and affrighted them on their Death-beds with exquiſite tortures to be endured hereafter, if not ranſomed by themſelves, or friends: hence it was a common opinion in the days of Albert. 4. Dist. 12. Art. 17. Albertus, and Gand. Quodlibet. 15. Henricus de Gandavo, that Popes Pardons, and Purgatory were onely pious frauds. So Altiſiodorus expreſly; Dicunt quidam, quod relaxatio non valet, quantum Eccleſia promittit; ſed facit, ut ex it ntur fidcles ad dandum, & decipit eos Eccleſia. Altiſiodor. Sum. lib. 4. De relap. The end of Indulgences is, that the Faithful may be excited to give, and the Church deceives them.

Thirdly, Satan, having got Videtur dicendum, quod valet ad tot annos. ad quot ſecundum divinam ordinationem pro peccatis praeteritis haberet ſustinere in Purgatorio, ſi ante indulgentiae conſecutionem in gratia deceſsiſset. Viguer. Inſtitut. cap. 16. ſect. 6. verſ. 22. this hint, drove on the deſign by Frater Juſtus. qui defunctus fuerat, nocte quadam fratri ſuo Germano Copioſo per viſionem apparuit, quem cùm vidiſſet, inquiſivit dicens, Quid eſt frater? quomodo es? cui reſpondet, Nuncuſque malé: ſed jam modo bene habet quia hodie communionem recepi. Gregor. Dialog. lib. 4. cap. 55. Apparitions to the living, in the ſhape, and perſons of the Dead; telling them, they were ſcorched in Purgatorial Flames, and not to be delivered from thence; but by Popes Pardons, Pilgrimages, Maſſes, Oblations, Prayers for the Dead, and other Superſtitious ſuperſtructures, which this ſubtile Serpent builded upon this foundation. Hence, as ſome Geographers for proving of a Vide Tabulam M reat. univerſam. black Magnetick Rock, many hundred miles about, directly under the Northern Pole, ſends us to Gyraldus Cambrenſis, he to a Prieſt of Norway; the Prieſt to an Oxford Magician, who was carried thither to ſee it by the Devil: So the beſt Romiſh proofs for their ſubterranean Purgatory come by many deductions from the ſame Authour, as appeareth by the divers Apparitions they ſo confidently alledge for it. The reſult of the whole epitomized is this; That, which is not grounded upon Scripture, and can juſtly plead neither Ʋniverſality, Antiquity, nor Succeſſion; but had its ſpring, and riſe, from Poetical Fictions, People's credulity, Prieſt's avarice, Satan's ſubtlety, ought not to be believed, but rather abjured, and renounced; But ſuch is Purgatory: Therefore it ought not to be believed, but rather abjured, and renounced.

Gent.

Well; I clearly perceive, there is no Purgatory, but in a man's Imagination, with which Lunacie I have been vexed theſe many years; but I thank you for delivering me out of it, and deſire you to proceed to the next Article.

The Fifth Article.

And that the Conſecrated Hoaſt, Crucifixes, or Images, ought not to be worſhipped, neither that any Worſhip is due to any of them.

Miniſt.

THis Article innovates nothing, but is ſynonomous, and, without any conſiderable alteration in effect, the ſame with the twenty ſecond of our Engliſh Confeſſion, wherein it is ſaid, That the Romiſh Doctrine of Veneration, and Adoration, both of Images, and Reliques, are grounded upon no warrant of Scripture; but rather contradictory to the Word of God.

Gent.

There is ſome difference; for in the preſent Article there is no mention of Reliques; in that of the Engliſh Confeſſion, none of the Conſecrated Hoaſt; which ſeems to me diſtinct things, and requires a diſtinct manner of handling: Therefore, I beſeech you, begin with the former, that the conſecrated Hoast ought not to be worſhipped.

Miniſt.

They are coincident, and the handling of them will fall in together; for the conſecrated Hoaſt, and Images, are in this diſtinguiſhed; that the former repreſent the Prototype by a Divine, the latter onely by a humane inſtitution: but both concenter in this, (which is eſſential to the Queſtion) that they are but ſigns, or Creatures at the beſt, and ſo not adorable: we have been long ſince taught of St. Auguſtine, Ea demum eſt miſerabilis anima ſervitus ſigna pro robus accipere. Auguſt. De Doct. Chriſt. lib. 3. cap. 5. That it is a miſerable ſervitude of the Soul, to take the ſigns inſtead of the thing ſignified.

Gent.

But Chriſt calls the conſecrated Hoaſt his Body; and Theodoret tells us, Intelliguntur ea eſſe, quae facta ſunt, & creduntur, & adorantur. Theodoret. Dialog. 2. The Myſtical ſigns are underſtood to be thoſe things, which they are made, and ſo they are believed, and are adored.

Miniſt.

In what ſenſe the Conſecrated Hoaſt is the Body of Chriſt, you have heard in the Article of Tranſubſtantiation; your own quoted Theodoret, (if you deſire it) will give you further ſatisfaction; for an Heretick having avouched (as you do now) That Symbola Dominici corporis, & ſanguinis, aliae quidem ſunt ante invocationem Sacerdotis, ſed poſt invocationem mutantur, & aliud fiunt. Reſpondetur. Signa myſtica poſt ſanctificationem non recedunt à natura ſua, manent anim in priori ſubſtantia, & figura, & forma. Theodoret. Dialog. 2. The Sacraments, or ſigns of Chriſt's Body, and blood, are one thing before the bleſſing of the Prieſt, but after the bleſſing they are changed, and made other things: Theodoret anſwers no; For the myſtical ſigns after the bleſſing (of the Prieſt) depart not from their own nature, for they remain in their former ſubſtance, figure, and form; the ſame Bread, and Wine, remains as before, are underſtood, and believed as before; but he addeth, They are alſo adored; his meaning is, They are reverenced, or honoured: for Theodoret was a Father of the Greek Church, who adore not the Sacrament till this day, yet would ſpeak reverently of it, as St. Augustine doth of Baptiſm, ſaying, Baptiſma ubique eſt veneramur. Auguſt. Epiſt. 164. We honour, or adore Baptiſm, whereſoever it be. I hope the Romiſts will not gather hence, that Baptiſm muſt be worſhipped: It was the Counſel of Anaſtaſius, that Dominica verba at tentè audiant, & fideliter adorent. Athanaſ. De Conſ. Diſt. 1. Apoſtolica. Men ſhould deligently hear, and faithfully adore the Words of God; yet Papiſts themſelves give no divine Worſhip to ſacred Oracles: we may reverence, and admire the Eucharist, with Veniſti ad Altare vidisti Sacramenta poſita ſupra Altare, & ipſum quidem miratus es creaturam; tamen creatura ſolennis, & nota. Ambroſ. De Sacr. lib. 4. cap. 3. St. Ambroſe, yet give no divine Worſhip to it; as the Wiſe men did the Stars, Cognoverunt hanc ſtellam eſſe, quae hominem, Deumque ſignabat, ſed adoraverunt parvulum. They knew (ſaith St. Ambroſe) (g) Ambroſ. in Lucam. lib. 2. cap. 2. this was the Star, that ſignified him unto them, that was both God and Man, but they adored the little one, and not the Star.

Gent.

But why may we not worſhip the Conſecrated Hoaſt, ſeeing it ſignifies, repreſents, and exhibits Chriſt, who is to be worſhipped?

Miniſt.

Becauſe there is no worſhip due to it, either by Divine Inſtitution, or otherwiſe, that is free from Idolatry. For as Theophilus, being ſometimes demanded, Wherefore he would not adore the Emperour, as the manner was then, with divine honour? made anſwer thus, Quia non eſt ad hoc inſtitutus Imperator, ut adoretur; ſed ut legitimo honore honoretur. Theophilus contr. Autolycum. lib. 1. Becauſe the Emperour is not appointed to that end he ſhould be worſhipped; but that we ſhould give him that honour, that to him appertaineth: ſo the Sacrament was not appointed to be worſhipped, but reverently to be received by Faith. And, as St. Auguſtine ſaith of the anointed Pillar, ſo we may ſay of the conſecrated Bread, Non ſic poſuit Jacob lapidem acutum, ut veniret, & adoraret; alioqui Idololatria eſt, non ſignificatio Chriſti. Auguſt. in Johan. Tract. 7. Jacob did not erect the anointed ſtone to the intent to come, and to adore it; otherwiſe it were Idolatry, and not a ſignification of Chriſt. Sulpitius Sulpitius in Vita Martini. relates of St. Martin, that when the Devil appeared unto him, and demanded Worſhip, telling him, he was Chriſt, the holy man refuſed, ſaying, I cannot tell, whether thou be Chriſt, or no; unleſs I ſee Chriſt in the ſame ſhape, and form he was crucified in upon the Croſs, I will not adore him in any wiſe. So we, knowing not any warrant, that Chriſt is eſsentially, and ſubſtantially in the Sacrament, dare not worſhip it; for in all the Scriptures, and holy Fathers, we have neither commandment to force us, nor Quis tam ſtultus, ut id, quod veſcitur, credat eſse Deum? Cicero. De natura Deorum. example to lead us thereto.

Gent.

If adoration of the Hoaſt be diſowned both by Scriptures, and antient Fathers; how was it introduced into the Church, or when began it?

Miniſt.

Extravag. De caiebrat. Miſſar. It is a thing lately deviſed by Pope Honorius, about the year of our Lord, 1226. afterwards increaſed by the new ſolemn Feaſt of Corpus Chriſti day, about the year of our Lord 1264, and that by Pope Ʋrbanus: and laſt of all, confirmed for ever by multitudes of Pardons in the Council of Vienna, by Pope Clement the Fifth, Cleme . lib. 3. Tit. 16. •• pite Si Dominum. Anno 1310. The Church of Aſia, and Graecia, never received it until this day. The matter is weighty, and cannot be attempted without imminent danger to the ſoul; for ſaith St. Hierome, Dum Sacramenta vielantur, ipſe, cuſus Sacramem a ſ nt. vi l •• ur. Hieron, in Malac . cap. 1. While Sacraments are abuſed, God himſelf, whoſe Sacraments they are, is diſhonoured. To give the honour of God to a creature, that is no God, is manifeſt Idolatry; and all Idolaters, (ſaith St. John, Apocalyp. xxi. 8.) ſhall have their portion in the Lake, that burneth with fire; and brimſtone.

Gent.

But, admit adoration of the Hoaſt in particular was introduced within theſe few Centuries; yet worſhip of Crucifixes, and Images in general, is acknowledged by Proteſtants (as Andrews in Reſponſ. ad caput 18. Perronii. Doctour Andrews, Caſaubon. in Exercitat. Baronii; ad Annum 24. Caſaubon, and Montacutius in Reſponſ. ad Higham, & Appello Caeſarem. Montague) to be very antient.

Miniſt.

Imagerie is twofold; either Veneration largely taken; which ſignifies an external regard, and reverence of Pictures, ſuch as is given to Churches, ſacred Veſſels, and Ornaments of ſacred places; and this Hoc nemo nostrum dicit, Non eſſe colendas, nec ullo modo; ſuo modo coli probamus, velut Imagines, ſed non religioſo cultu. Junius adverſ. Bellarm. De Imag. cap. 11. Junius, with the former quoted Authours, confeſſes to be both antient, and (in their judgment) innocent: Or Adoration properly taken, which ſignifieth an internal ſubmiſſion of ſoul to the acknowledging of ſome excellency; an outward expreſſion of the body by kneeling, kiſſing, cenſing, holding up the hands. Worſhipping of Images in this manner, by religious adoration; either primary, or ſecondary, abſolute, or reſpective, is not acknowledged to be antient, or Calick Doctrine, practiſed by Primitive Fathers: But, on the contrary, it is a ſuperſtitious Dotage, and remainder of Paganiſm, as Cornelius Agrippa, a Papiſt, confeſſes, ſaying, Qui quidem corruptus mos Gentilium, & falſa religio, cùm ipſi ad Chriſti fidem converti caeperunt, noſtram quoque Religionem infecit, & in noſtram Eccleſiam ſimulachrae, & Imagines, multaque pomparum ſteriles ceremoniat introduxit; quorum, &c. Cornelius Agrippa, De vanitate Scientiarum. The corrupt cuſtom of the Gentiles, and falſe Religion, when they began to be converted to the faith of Chriſt, infected alſo our Religion, and introduced into our Church, Pictures and Images, and many barren pompous Ceremonies, quorum nihil omnino fuit apud primos illos Chriſtianos, whereof there was not any thing among thoſe primitive Chriſtians.

Gent.

Cornelius Agrippa in this, as in other Points, acts the part rather of a Satyriſt, then of a true Caſuiſt; what reaſon had he thus tartly to inveigh againſt introduction of Images?

Miniſt.

He might, and we have ſufficient reaſon.

Firſt, The Canon of the Old Teſtament is diametrically oppoſite to Image-Worſhip; Exod. xx. 5. Levit. xxvi. 1. Deut. v. 9. Pſal. cvi. 9. Iſai. xxviii. Micha. v. 13. that the beſt-learned among your Romiſh Rabbies are forced to confeſs, it was prohibited to the Jews. The Angelical Doctour ſaith Prohibitum eſt in veteri Lege, nè Imagines flerent ad adorandum. Aquin. 3. Sent. Dist 9. q. 2. The making of Images to be worſhipped was interdicted in the Old Law. The ſame is affirmed by Alexand. Hales pa. 3. q. 30. m. 3. Art. 3. Alexander Hales, Albert. 3. Diſt. 9. Art. 4. Albertus, Bonavent. 3. Diſt. 9. Bonaventure, Marſilius, Gerſon, Abulenſis, and vouched by the modern Schole-men; to wit, Soto, Corduba, Cabrera, Palacius, Tapia, Oleaſter, amongſt whom the Jeſuit Vaſques ſhall bring up the Rear; who declares, That Lege veteri non fuiſſe vetitam omnem ſimilitudinem, aut effigiem quomodocunque; ſed omnem cultum, & adorationem ipſius, atque adeo quoque omnem Imagmem, ſeu effigiem modo accommodato adorationi erectam, aut conſtitutam. Vaſques, De Ador. lib. 2. Diſ 4. cap. 6. In the Old Law, every Image, and Portraicture was not forbidden; but every Worſhip, and Adoration of Images: and therefore every ſimilitude, or repreſentation erected, or conſtituted by way of application to Adoration, was prohibited.

Secondly, The Brazen Serpent was a figure of Chriſt, John iii. 14. was formed by God's Commandment, Numb. xxi. 9. yet the worſhip thereof, being (as Vaſques Vaſques, De Ador. lib. 2. Diſ. 4. cap. 5. ſaith) cultus, qualem etiam imaginibus deferre nos conſuevimus, no other, then ſuch as Romiſts uſe towards their Images, was unlawful; 2 Kings xviii. 4.

Thirdly, The Scriptures of the New Teſtament, neither expreſly, nor by conſequence, maintain the worſhip of Images; neither is there in all the Apoſtles Doctrine, any abrogation of the negative Precept, delivered to the Jews, concerning the worſhip of Images; and therefore the ſame Law is Morale ſimpliciter, quod omni tempore, & ab omnibus ſervandum eſt. Alexand. Hales, 4. q. Art. 1. moral, and obligeth Chriſtians, as it did the Jews.

Fourthly, The worſhipping of Images was not practiſed, or held lawful by the Primitive Fathers, as Caſſander Quantum veteres, initio Eccleſiae, ab omni veneratione Imaginum abhorruerunt, declarat unus Origenes adverſus Celſum. Caſſand. Conſult. De Imag. & Simulachr. gathers out of Origen againſt Celſus; and Gregory the Great, ſix hundred years after Chriſt, condemned the ſame; for, writing to a Biſhop, he uſeth this Suaſive, Gregor. lib. 7. Epiſt. 109. lib. 9. Epiſt. 9. Tua fraternitas ab earum adoratu populum prohibere debuit; Your Brother-hood ought to hinder the people from worſhipping of them; and adorare imagines omnibus modis devita, avoid the worſhipping of Images by all means. The Council of Frankford ſeven hundred, ninety; and fourſcore years after Christ, oppoſed the Definition of the ſecond Nicene Synod, concerning worſhipping of Images, as Ado ſaith, Ado, Chron. atatis 6. fol. 181. Pſeudo-Synodus, quam ſeptimam Graeci appellant, pro Imaginibus adorandis abdicata penitus; The falſe Synod, which the Greeks call the ſeventh, for worſhipping of Images was wholly diſclaimed. And our Hiſtorian, Carolus, Rex Francorum, miſit librum Synodalem ad Britanniam, in quo libro multa inconvenientia, & verae fidei contraria, maximè imagines debere adorari, quod omnino Eccleſia Dei execratur. Roger Hoveden. Annal. part. 1. pag. 232. col. 2. Roger Hoveden, though a Papiſt, informs us, that Charles, the French King, ſent a Book of the Synod to Britain, in which Book, many Inconveniences, and contrary to the true faith, were aſserted, eſpecially, that Images ought to be adored, which (ſaith he) the Church of God altogether execrates. And this was done, even with the authority of the Pope; for, ſaith Caſſander, Caſſander, Conſult. De Imagin. Cum Legati Romani Pontificis interfuerunt, &c. When the Legates of the Biſhop of Rome were preſent, by uniform conſent of Fathers, that Synod (the ſecond Nicene) ſo far as it judged Images to be adored, was condemned, as contrariant, not onely to Scriptures, and the antient tradition of Fathers, but alſo to the cuſtom of the Roman Church.

Agobardus, the Biſhop of Lyons, who lived (as Ado ſaith) about the year 815, in his Book De Picturis, & Imaginibus, avers, that Nullus antiquorum Catholicorum unquam eas colendas, vel adorandas exiſtimavit, nemo ſe fallat, quicunque aliquam picturam, vel fuſilem adorat ſtatuam non exhibet cultum Deo, &c. Agobard. Bibliothec. Patr. edit. Colon; Tom. 19. p. 598. None of the antient Catholicks thought that Images were to be worſhipped, or adored; and delivering his own judgement, he ſaith, Nemo ſe fallat, &c. Let no man beguil himſelf, whoſoever worſhippeth any Picture, or carved Statue, neither honoureth God himſelf, nor Angels, or Saints, but Idols.

Fifthly, Many modern Pontificians have condemned the worſhip of Images; according as the ſame was practiſed by the vulgar, and maintained by Aquinas, and other prime Scholemen. Holcoth ſaith, Holcoth. in dibr. Sap. cap. 13. pag. 524. Nulla adoratio debetur Imagini, nec licet aliquam Imaginem adorare; No adoration is due to an Image, neither is it lawful to worſhip any Image. Caſſander writeth in this manner, Sanioribus Scholaſticis diſplicet ſententia Thomae; qui cenſeat imaginem eadem adoratione colendam, qua res ipſa colitur. &c. Caſſand. Conſult. De Pictur. The Opinion of Thomas Aquinas, who holdeth, that Images are to be worſhipped, as their ſamplers, is diſliked by ſounder Scholemen: and they affirm, that it is not very ſafe, unleſs it be qualified with favourable interpretation; among theſe is Durand, and Holcoth. Gabriel Biel reports the Opinion of them to be more ſound, which ſay, that an Image neither as conſidered in it ſelf materially, nor yet according to the nature of a ſign, or Image, is to be worſhipped. Pereſius Ajala ſaith, (m) All Scholemen, (n) Omnes ferè Scholaſtici in hoc ſunt, quôd imago Chriſti, & Sanctorum adorari debent, &c. neque Scripturam, neque traditionem Eccleſia, neque communem ſenſum Sanctorum, neque Concilii generalis determinationem aliquam adducunt. Pereſ. De Trad. part. 3. De Imag. in a manner, hold, that the Images of Chriſt, and the Images of Saints, are to be worſhipped with the ſame adoration, that their ſamplers; but they produce, ſo far as I have ſeen, no ſound proof of this Doctrine, to wit, neither Scripture, nor Tradition of the Church, nor conſent of Fathers, nor the determination of a general Council, nor any other effectual reaſon, ſufficient to perſwade believers.

Gent.

But we finde, that the Crucifix, or the ſign of the Croſs was in great eſteem amongſt the Antients; as was preſented in a Viſion to Ezekiel, where God commanded one clad in white, to imprint the Letter Tau, which (St. Hierome Hieron. Comment. in Ezek. ſaith) amongſt the antient Hebrews repreſents the Croſs, in the forehead of every mourner, Ezek. ix. In conformity to this, when Conſtantine, Euſebius, Eccleſiaſt. Hiſtor. libr. 1. cap. 9. the Emperour, had marſhalled his Army to encounter Maxentius, he beheld in the Sky the ſign of the Croſs of a glorious ſplendor, and heard a voice, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , In this overcome. When Sozomen Tripartit. Hiſtor. lib. 9. cap. 29. Julian the Apoſtate, had deſerted Chriſtianity, and ſacrificed to Idols, drops of rain, as they marched, formed in his, and his Souldiers Garments, the effigies of the Croſs. Ruffinus, Eccleſiaſtic. Hiſtor. lib. 10. in fine. When the Jews attempted to build the Temple at Jeruſalem, by Julian's encouragement; they being driven from that deſign by Tempeſts, and Earth-quakes, indelible Characters of the Croſs were imprinted on their Cloaks. Socrates, Hiſtor. Tripart. lib. 9. cap. 29. In the Temple of Serapis, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Hieroglyphical Letters were found engraven in ſtone, repreſenting the figure of the Croſs.

Minist.

What will you gather hence? If you affirm, that either de facto they did worſhip the Croſs; or de jure they might, or ought to have done it; you will finde no Hiſtory for the one, nor any reaſon for the other. We acknowledge there are Stories extant, when Jews, and Pagans blaſphemed him, that died upon the Croſs, the figure thereof was either wonderfully imprinted, or wonders done thereby: but any Argument drawn from thence to prove the adoration of it will as well conclude the worſhip of Moſes his Rod, Elizeus his Bones, Paul's Napkin, and Peter's ſhadow. The Brazen Serpent ſerves for an inſtance unanſwerable; which, though ſet up by God, miraculouſly curing the ſting of the fiery Serpent, enjoyned to be kept for a Monument; yet, when adored, was Quando Ezekias ipſum confregit, quòd videret ei incenſum adoleri; cùm tamen in memortam praeteriti beneficii à Deo accepti in populo illo ſervaretur, non ideo fecit, quia exiſtimaret à populo pro Deo coli, & adorari; ſed quod aliquem cultum, qualem etiam Imaginibus deferre nos conſuevimus. Vaſques, De Adorat. lib. 2. Diſ. 4. cap. 5. juſtly by Ezekias demoliſhed, and broken in pieces. Grant all theſe Stories ſhould be true; That the Letter Tau, in Ezekiel's Viſion, ſhould repreſent the Croſs; That Conſtantine ſaw the Crucifix in the Air; That the Souldiers Coats were ſtained with the Croſs under Julian; That Croſſes were burned, or ſtained in the Jews Garments at Jeruſalem; That the Hieroglyphical Letters, bearing the form of the Croſs, were found in the Temple of Serapis in Aegypt: It will demonſtrate no more, (as St. Chryſoſtome Mors Chriſti apud Judaeos maledicta, apud Gentiles abominanda, &c. Chryſoſtom. De laudibus Pauli. Homil. 4. expreſſes) then that the death of Christ, which among the Jews was held accurſed, among the Heathens was accounted abominable; might be rendered honourable every where by theſe miraculous Prodigies.

Gent.

Tertullian. Apologetico, cap. 16. Eccleſiaſtic. Hiſtor, lib. 11. cap. 19. authore Ruffino. Hiſtoria Tripart. lib. 1. cap 9. The Christians of Alexandria, when they had pulled down the Arms, and Monuments of Serapis, cauſed the ſign of the Croſs to be painted in the ſame place. Conſtantine enjoyned the ſame to be painted in all his Flags, and Banners of War, to be ſtamped in his Coins, and Moneys; to be pourtrayed in his Arms, Eſcutcheons, and Targets: of which the Divine Poet, Libr. 1. contra Symmachum. Aurelius Prudentius, maketh mention.

Chriſtus purpureum, gemmanti textus in auro, Signab at Labarum: clype rum Inſignia Chriſtus Scripſerat, ardebat ſummis crux addita Criſtis.
Miniſt.

But neither the Christians of Alexandria, nor Constantine, worſhipped the Croſs; nor doth your Divine Poet ſo much as fain any ſuch thing, which you were to prove: we yield, Princes did then (as now) paint the Croſs on their Imperial Banners: Labarum, Caſſidor. lib. 1. cap. 9. Tertull. in Apologetico. amongſt the antient Romans, was the Imperial Standard, richly wrought with Gold, beſet with pretious Stones, carried before the General of the Field, as witneſſeth Sozomen, Sozomen. lib. 9. cap. 4. Aelianns Spartianus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The one of the Standards, which the Romans call Labarum; in this the Croſs was wrought, or pourtrayed. To which Gregory alludes, encouraging Christ's Souldiers, ſaying, Chriſtum belli ſocium babuiſti, cujus Labarum inſigne geſtaſti, ipſam dico vivificatricem crucem. Gregor. ad German. Patriarch. Thou hast had Chriſt thy fellow-Souldier, whoſe Enſign, or Banner thou haſt carried, I mean that enlivening Croſs. This Standard Constantine ſo blazed with the Croſs, as the Romans. Heathen Emperours had done before with the Minotaur, and Eagle. And, though Euſebius ſaith, that Euſebius in Vita Conſtantini, Orat. 1. Constantine 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , uſed this Croſs, as a preſervative of his ſafety; yet Nicephorus Nicephor. lib. 8. cap. 32. makes it appear, his confidence was onely in Chriſt, not in the material Croſs; for he cauſed theſe words to be engraven in the Croſs, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Jeſus Christ conquereth, and not the Croſs: as St. Ambroſe ſtories his Mother Helena, to have done before him; Invenit titulum, Regem adoravit, non lignum utique; qui his Gentilis eſt Error, et vanitas impiorum. Ambroſ. in Orat. f •• ebri Theodoſii. She found the Title, but ſhe worſhipped Chriſt the King, and not the wood; for (ſaith he) that is an Heatheniſh errour, and the vanity of the wicked.

Gent.

Euſebius Euſebius Caeſatienſ. cap. 14. reports, he ſaw in Caeſarea Philippi an Image of Christ in Braſs, as alſo of the Woman, which he cured of the bloody Iſſue; which when the Apoſtate Julian had taken down, and erected his own Statue in the place thereof, it was cleft in pieces with Thunder, and Lightning from Heaven. Therefore apparently great reverence is to be exhibited to Crucifixes, or the Image of Chriſt.

Miniſt.

I will anſwer Euſebius with Euſebius, who avoucheth not one word of worſhipping, but the contrary; for having declared, that the Phoenicians, being Heathens, and hearing the ſtrange Miracles, that had been wrought by Chriſt, and his Apostles, made theſe Images in honour of him, onely out of Heatheniſh, and vain Superſtition: his words are theſe, Nec mirum est veteres Ethnicos, beneficio affectos à Servatore noſtro, iſta feciſſe; nam & ipſius Chriſti imagines coloribus ductas, & ſervatas vidimus: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Euſeb. Caeſar. lib. 7. cap. 17. It is no marvel, that the Heathens, receiving ſuch benefits of our Saviour, did theſe things; for we have ſeen the Image of Chriſt drawn in colours, and preſerved; and it may well be thought, that men in old times, being not yet removed from the Superſtition of their Fathers, uſed after this ſort to reverence them by an Heatheniſh Cuſtom, as their Saviours. Whereby it is plain, that the uſe of Images came not from Chriſt, and his Apoſtles; but from the Superſtitious Cuſtom of the Heathens; neither were theſe in that age ſet up in any Church, but in the open ſtreet; for an Herb grew at the feet thereof. Julian, out of inveterate malice to Christ, took down his Image, and ſet up his own in the place thereof, to affront the Lord of Life; therefore it was darted with a Thunder-bolt from Heaven, as an ominous preſage of his enſuing ruine, who prodigiouſly wounded, and throwing out handfulls of blood, cryed out, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Thou haſt conquered, O Galilean. This will infer, that Julian was puniſhed for diſhonouring Christ; but will not prove, that Images were then ſet up in Churches, much leſs, that they were adored: for about that time the godly Emperours, Valens, and Theodoſius, gave out this Proclamation throughout all Christendom; For as much as we have a diligent care in (i) Cùm ſit nobis curae diligens in rebus omnibus ſupernt numinis religionem tueri, ſignum Salvatoris noſtri Chriſti nemini concedimus, coloribus, lapide, liavè materia fingere, ſculpere, aut pingere; ſed quocunque reperitur loco, tolli jubemus, graviſsima poena eos mulctando, qui contrarium Decretis noſtris, & imperio quicquam tentaverit. Conſtantinopol. Concil. Petrus Crinitus, lib. 9. cap. 9. all things to maintain the Religion of the moſt high God, therefore we ſuffer no man to faſhion, to grave, or to paint the Image of our Saviour Chriſt either in colours, or in ſtone, or in any other kind of Metal, or matter; but whereſoever any ſuch Image ſhall be found, we command it to be taken down, aſsuring our Subjects, that we will moſt ſtraitly puniſh all ſuch, as ſhall preſume to attempt any thing contrary to our Decrees. And before this time, it was Arnobius his Plea againſt the Gentiles, Accuſatis nos, quod non habemus Imagines, & altaria; non eſt dubium, quin religio nulla ſit, ubi eſt ſimulaehrum. Arnobius Contra Gentes, lib. 2. pag. 214. Lactant. lib. 2. cap. 2. Ye accuſe us, that we have neither Images, nor Altars; out of doubt, where there is any Image, there is no Religion.

Gent.

But ſuppoſe Images, and their worſhip be interdicted by Scriptures, Fathers, and antient Councils; yet they are conſequent out of the Principles of Nature, and Chriſtianity; for an Image is a diſtinct, and lively Pourtraicture of ſome viſible, and corporal thing, by its very aſpect exciting the beholders to compaſſion. Thus Virgil Virgil. Aeneid. 2. brings in Aeneas weeping at the ſight of a painted Table, diſcovering at Carthage the Trojan Wars: Ovid Ovid. Epiſt. 13. perſonates Laodamia comforting her ſelf with the waxen Image of her Husband Proteſilaus in his abſence. Appian Appian. De bellis Civilibus, lib. 2. emblazons the manner how the Friends of Julius Caeſar brought his Statue in the ſame bloody Garb, as he was wounded in the Senate, thereby making a deeper impreſſion upon the Roman Citizens, to revenge his death, then the moſt eloquent Oration could have done.

Miniſt.

Your Argument (if any thing ſeemingly to the purpoſe) in form ſounds thus:

That, which hath a natural inclination to move compaſſion, ought to be adored;

But ſuch are Images.

Your Propoſition is manifeſtly falſe; and your Aſsumption may be queſtioned. And whereas you deſcribe an Image a lively Pourtraicture of ſome corporal, and viſible thing; I demand how this can be affirmed of the Images you make of God the Father, and the Trinity, which are incorporeal, and inviſible? Clemens of Alexandria is ſo far from avouching an Image to be a lively Portraicture; that the ſaith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Clemens Alexand. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . It is a dead matter, formed by a Work-man's hand; but we uſe (ſaith he) no Image made of ſenſible matter, but ſuch onely, as is perceived by underſtanding. But, methinks, you are brought to a great dearth, when, for lack of other matter, you are forced to produce Heathen Hiſtoriographers, and Poets, who (as Athenaeus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Athenaeus. ſaith) have liberty to ſay, and do what they pleaſe. That Story of Terence, Suſpectans tabulam quandam pictam, ubi inerat pictura haec, Jovem quo pacto Danae miſiſſe aiunt quondam in gremium Imbrem aureum, egomet quoque id ſpectare cepi. &c. Terent. in Eunucho. in Eunuchus had been as concentrick to your purpoſe, where in the Picture Chaerea, ſeeing Jupiter in a Golden ſhower deſcending into Danae's Lap, was encouraged to deflowre the Virgin committed unto his charge. I grant, Images do oftentimes vehemently move the minde diverſly to ſundry affections. So Salust teſtifies, that Quintus Maximus, and Publius Scipio, were inflamed with Nobility of courage to advance themſelves to like adventures, when they beheld their Ancestours Images. But every thing, that may delight, or move the minde, is not therefore Quantum autem viſibilia noceant ad inviſibilia capienda, et quantum amor corporearum rerum, etiam bonarum, ad ſpiritualia contemplanda, ipſe Dominus demonstrat, dicens, Ego veritatem dico vobis, expedit vobis, ut ego vadam; ſi enim non abiero, non mittam eam ad vos. Agobard. lib De pict. & imag. Tom. 4. Bibliothec. meet for the Church of God, much leſs adoration. God's Houſe is the Houſe of Prayer, not of gazing. Therefore the antient Lacedemonians would not ſuffer any Image, or Picture, to ſtand in their Council-Houſe, leſt the Senatours minds thereby ſhould be drawn from inſtant imployments to extravagant imaginations. That Counſel of the Wiſe man is conceived Canonical, though the Book be Apocryphal, Wiſd. xv. 5. Aspectus imaginis dat inſipienti concupiſcentiam; The ſight of an Image in the unwiſe ſtirreth up concupiſcence.

Gent.

Chriſt, to whom all adoration, and worſhip is due, became truly, and verily man; as viſible, and a ſpectable, as any other man, and conſequently, as imaginable, that he may be figured by an Image, no leſs truly, and diſtinctly, then another man. That Story in Euſebius of Publius Lentulus is well known, who ſent a perfect Deſcription of our Saviour to the Roman Senate.

Miniſt.

Concluſions borrow their ſtrength from the Premiſes; but theſe your Premiſes have no power to enforce the controverted Concluſion: for, although Chriſt be true Man, and ſuppoſe Divine Providence had permitted a true Tranſumpt to have been taken in his lifetime upon earth, truly reſembling the Prototype, and tranſmitted till our times without alteration; yet his painted, or carved Image wanteth evident, and undeniable right to repreſent him: becauſe ſuch right preſuppoſeth Divine Inſtitution. The ſame repreſents him, and ſtands for him onely by humane imagination; but religious Worſhip muſt have a more ſound, and certain foundation: otherwiſe we muſt ſay to Papals, when they are thus prodigal in giving Chriſt's honour to Idols, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , John iv. 22. Ye worſhip ye know no what: as appears by Cùm Idolum non ſuerit, id eſt cujusque Dei falſi, & alieni ſimulachrū; ſed Ephod, id eſt, unum de Sacramentis Tabernaculi, quod ad veſtem Sacerdotalem pertinet, quomodo fornicationem Scriptura dicat populi iſtae ſequentis, atque venerantis? Ideò ſcilicet, quòd praeter Tabernaculum Dei, ubi erant iſta, qua ſibi fieri juſſerat Deus Iſrael, extrà ſimile aliquid fieri fas non erat. Aug. q. 41. ſupra librum Judicum, pag. 415. Gideon's Ephod, Judges viii. 27. And, if it ſhould be granted, that artificial Images did repreſent, figure, or teach Chriſt Jeſus by divine Inſtitution, as fully as the Books of Holy Scripture, or as the Internae imagines multò perfectiùs repreſentant ipſum exemplar, quàm imagines externae. Cabre . 3. Quaeſt. 25. Art. 3. v. 28. inward Conceits, or Images of the minde; yet it were inconſequent to infer, that the ſame were therefore to be worſhipped in ſuch manner, as Papals require. They were indeed to be uſed with reverence; but reverent uſing, and adoration are divers actions.

Gent.

We aſcribe no divine honour to the Image, but to the ſamplar; as when we reverence, or do honour to the Image, of Chriſt, it is onely Chriſt himſelf, that we adore with latria, or divine worſhip.

Miniſt.

Your own eminent Doctours, and Schole-men are Biaſſed another way. Aquinas ſaith, Cùm Chriſtus adoretur adoratione Latriae, conſequens eſt, quòd ejus Imago ſit adoratione Latriae adoranda. Aquin. 3. q. 25. Art. 3. When Chriſt himſelf is adored with divine honour, it is conſequent, that his Image is to be adored with the worſhip of Latria. Picus of Mirandula ſaith, Picus Mirand. Apol. q. 3. Crux Chriſti, & imagines ſunt adorandae Latria eodem modo, quo ponit Thomas; The Croſs of Chriſt, and Images are to be worſhipped in that manner Aquinas ſets down, that is latria. Henriquez, a Jeſuite ſaith, Henriquez, Sum. Theol. Mor. lib. 8. cap 32. Some do evil, in denying, that it is meet to preach to the common people, that the Image of Chriſt is to be adored with divine Worſhip. Suarez hath theſe words, Dicendum ergò primò est, fieri rectè poſſe, ut Prototypon in Imagine, & Imago cum Prototypo, uno actu adoretur, atque hoc modo poſſe Imaginē Chriſti adorari Latria. Suarez in 3. Tom. 1. Diſt. 54. It may rightly be, that the Image, and the Prototype may be adored with one act, and in this manner the Image of Chriſt may be adored with Latria. Vaſques ſaith, Vaſques, De Ador. lib. 2. Diſ. 8. cap. 14. n. 385. If an Image be taken formally, as it exerciſeth the act of an Image, that is for the very Samplar in the Image, and for the Image, as it containeth the Samplar, and is as it were animated by it, then, without doubt, we muſt ſay, that true Latria in ſpirit is exhibited unto it. Jacob de Graphiis hath theſe words, Jacob. de Graphiis, Deciſ. Aur. p. 1. lib. 2. cap. 2. n. 15. We are to worſhip every Image with the ſame worſhip, wherewith the Samplar is worſhipped, to wit the Image of God, or Chriſt, or ſign of the Croſs, (as it bringeth the Lord's Paſſion into our minde) with the worſhip of Latria. This ſame is affirmed by Paramo, De orig. Inquiſ. lib. 2. Tit. 3. cap. 8. n. 9. Ludovicus Paramo, Puiol. De Ador. Diſ. 8. Sec. 6. Bernardus Puiol, Petig. Sum. 3. Sent Diſt. 9. q. 1. Art. 3. Franciſcus Petigianis, Petrus de Cabrera, Azorius,, Lucius Lamas, Thomas Elyſius, Arch. Rubeo, Thomas Buſtus; and though ſome of theſe Authours uſe wire-drawn Diſtinctions to qualifie the harſhneſs of their Aſſertions, they are (as Bellarmine Per ſe, per accidens; Abſoluta, & reſpectiva; Propria, impropria; Propriè, Analogice. Bellarm. profeſſeth) ſo ſubtile, and intricate, ut ipſimet viz intelligunt, nedum populus imperitus; That they themſelves ſcarce understand them, much leſs the Ignorant Vulgar.

Gent.

I never reliſhed their Judgement, who give divine honour to Images. Our Saviour's Check to Satan controles that, Thou ſhalt worſhip thy Lord God, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Matth. iv. 10. him onely ſhalt thou ſerve with (Latria, or) divine honour. Nay, the Second Council of Nice forbids it, which, you ſay, firſt introduced Image-worſhip; Though our Zonaras in Leone Iſaurico. Doctours affirm, that Leo Iſauricus, before that Council, oppoſed it, and ſo Iconolatria was more antient.

Minist.

Qui creaturam adorat, etiamſi in nomine Chriſti id facit, ſimulachrorum cultor est. Clemens Romanus, Recog. lib. 5. pag. 71, 73. You do well to diſreliſh not onely Divine honour, but all honour, that is given to Images, not grounded on Divine Revelation, whereby God is robbed of his honour. Adorare imagines omnibus modis devita, ſaith Gregory; Take heed how thou worſhip Images any way. We do not ſay, that the Second Nicene Synod brought in Iconolatry, or worſhip of Images ſimply; but, by defining the ſame to be neceſſary, and by appointing the practiſe thereof to be received univerſally; for we acknowledge, that the Iſraelites worſhipped molten Images in Dan, and Bethel; and the Scholars of Simon Magus worſhipped Images, as Euſebius Euſebius, Eccleſ. Hiſt. lib. 2. cap. 13. ſtories it. The Irenaeus, lib. 2. cap. 24. Gnoſticks worſhipped Chriſt his Image; and Marcellinus Auguſt. De Haereſ. 7. Haereſ. worſhipped the Images of Jeſus, and Paul: The Marſilians Gregor. lib. 7. Epiſt. 109. alſo, or people thereabout, worſhipped Images in the days of Serenus; but all theſe were condemned of Superſtition, and Idolatry, by the Catholick Church; and the Second Nicene Synod was cenſured, and the Definition thereof reſiſted by that of Francoford, and contrary to that of Helleboris, Contra quod ſcripſit Albinus Epiſtolam ex authoritate divinarum Scripturarum mirabiliter affirmatam, illámque ex eodem libro, ex perſona Epiſcoporum, & Principis, Regi Francorum attulit. Roger s Hoveden. Againſt which alſo Albinus wrote an Epiſtle, marvellouſly confirmed by the authority of divine Scripture, and carried the ſame to the French King together with the Nicene-Synodal Book, in the name of Biſhops, and Princes.

Gent.

How then were Images, and their Adoration introduced at the firſt, if they were Plants the Heavenly Father planted not.

Miniſt.

St. Hierome Argento, & auro decoravit illud, ut fulgore utriuſque materiae decipiat ſimplices; qui quidem error ad nos tranſivit. Hieronymus in Hieremiam, lib. 2. cap. 10. tells us, it was from the Heathens, which adorn their Images with Silver, and Gold, that by the ſhine, and ſplendour of both theſe Metals, they may deceive the ſimple, which errour, ſaith he, is now crept in amongst us, that be Chriſtians. Athanaſius ſaith, Athanaſius Adverſus Gentes. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The invention of Images is of evil, and not of good, and the thing, that hath an evil beginning, can never be judged good in any thing, as being in all reſpects, and altogether evil. St. Cyprian ſaith, Ad defunctorum vultus per imagines det nendos expreſſa ſunt ſimulachra, indè posteris facta ſunt ſacra, quae primitùs fuerunt aſſumpta ſolatia. Cyprian. De Idolorum vanitate. Images were first drawn, thereby to keep the countenance of the dead in remembrance, upon occaſion thereof things grew at length unto holineſs, which at the firſt were taken onely for ſolace. Concil Nic. 2. Artic. 6. Gregory, the Biſhop of Neocaeſarea ſaith, Gentilitas inventrix, & caput eſt imaginum; Heatheniſm was the firſt deviſer, and head of Images. Euſeb. lib. 7. cap. 17. Euſebius, ſpeaking of the Images of Chriſt, Peter, and Paul, ſaith, that it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by obſervation of an Heatheniſh Cuſtom; for with ſuch Images they honoured them, whom they thought worthy of honour. Saint Auguſtin ſaith, Auguſtin. Contra Adamant. Simulant ſe favere ſimulachris, quod propterea faciunt, ut miſerrimae, & veſanae ſuae ſectae etiam Paganorum concilient benevolentiam; They would ſeem to favour Images, which thing they do, to the intent, to make the Heathens to think the better of their moſt miſerable, and lewd ſect. For, according to Verentur nè Religio vana ſit, ſi nihil videant, quod adorent. Lactan. lib. 2. cap. 2. Lactantius, They are afraid their Religion ſhould be in vain, if they ſee nothing, that they may worſhip. Hence (if you have nothing further to object) I conclude,

That, which is contrary to Scriptures, Nè facias adverſus legem ſimilitudinem aliquam. niſi & ibi Deus juſſerit, & tu imitare Moſen. Tertul De Idololatria. Fathers, and all venerable Antiquity, had its ground from Paganiſm; and condemned Hereticks, and is plain Idolatry, ought to be renounced, Idem Deus & lege vetuit ſimilitudinem fieri, & extraordinario praecepto Serpentis ſimilitudinem edixit. Tertul. ſuprá. and abjured.

But ſuch is worſhipping of the conſecrated Hoaſt, Crucifixes, Images;

Therefore it ought to be renounced, and abjured.

Gent.

I have ſpent my whole ſtock of Objections concerning this, and I am ready to entertain your Diſcourſe touching the next Article.

The Sixth Article.

And I alſo believe, That Salvation cannot be merited by Works.

Gent.

THis is contrary to the Canon of the Council of Trent, wherein it is defined; Si quis dixerit, Hominis justificati bona opera ità eſſe dona Dei. ut non ſint etiam bona ipſius juſtificati merita; aut ipſum juſtifica um bonis operibus, quae ab eo per Dei gratiam, & Jeſu Chriſti meritum, cujus membrum vivum eſt, fiunt, non verè mereri augmentum Gratiae, vitam aeternam, et ipſius vitae eternae, ſi tamen in gratia deceſſerit, conſecutionem, atque etiam gloriae augmentum, Anathema ſit. Concil. Trident. Seſs. 6. Can. 32. If any ſhall ſay, that the good works of the justified man are ſo the gifts of God, that they be not alſo the good merits of him, that is juſtified; or that the juſtified man by his good works, which he doeth by the grace of God, and merit of Chriſt Jeſus, whoſe lively member he is, doth not truly merit the increaſe of grace, eternal life, and the conſecution of the ſame eternal life, if he ſhall depart hence in Grace, and alſo the augment of glory, let him be accurſed. And this is conſonant to the antient Fathers, in whoſe writings no Term is more frequent, then that of Merit.

Miniſt.

Though it claſh with the Definition of your Novel Trident Conventicle, yet it is agreeable, not onely to the eleventh Article of our Engliſh Confeſſion, and the Homily of Juſtification, but to Scripture, and all reverend Antiquity. And, albeit the Word [Merit] be ſometimes uſed by the Antients, yet never with approbation in your ſence: for the name of Merit is taken in two Notions;

Firſt, Properly, ſtrictly, and univocally, Rom. iv. 4. Deut. vii. 10.

Secondly, Improperly, largely, and aequivocally, Eccleſ. xvi. 15. The firſt is termed, by Scholemen, Merit of Condignity. The latter, Merit of Impetration, or Cengruity. If you maintain Merit according to the firſt acceptation, then out of all queſtion, the Doctrine of Merit is not Catholick; for St. Hierome ſaith, Nee aff rmare licet 〈◊〉 noſtra ex aequo Dei gratiae, et miſericoratae re ••• nd re: alioqui perper m dixiſſe Paulus Rom. xii. Non ſunt condignae paſſiones. Hieron. ſupra Epheſ. 2. It is not lawful to affirm our Merits equally to anſwer the grace, and mercy of God; for then Paul had ſpoken amiſs, ſaying, Rom. viii. 18. I account the ſufferings (Martyrdoms) of this preſent time not to be worthy of the glory to be revealed. And St. Baſil avoucheth, That Manet requies ſempi 〈…〉 lio , qui hac vita le 〈…〉 certaverunt, non •••• uam de i •••• operibus 〈◊〉 , ſed ob munifi 〈…〉 Dei gratiam, in 〈◊〉 ſperaverunt, exhibi 〈…〉 . Baſil. ſupr. Pſalm. c i . Eternal reſt abides for them, that have lawfully ſtriven, not as merit, or due debt to be rendered to their works, but for the grace of the moſt bountiful God, in whom they have truſted. If it be onely Merit of congruity, and meetneſs, you maintain, we acknowledge it ſometimes the Language of the Fathers: but they meant no more by Mereri, to merit, but Impetrare; to obtain, or impetrate, ſeeing they apply it to wicked, and graceleſs men: as St. Auguſtine ſaith, 〈◊〉 . et alia vitae 〈…〉 ••• oe •• um accipere 〈…〉 non per •• 〈…〉 reg u Dei. Au 〈…〉 Dei. 〈…〉 24. (d) Theſe, and the gifts of this life, certain worſhippers of Devils have merited to receive, who pertain not to the Kingdom of God. This acceptation is ſo far from being advantageous, that it countermines your deſign.

Gent.

But our Authours tells us, that you extenuate the value of the price of our Redemption, not making it ſufficient to give inward ſanctity, and purity to mens ſouls, nor to raiſe the good works of God's Children to a due proportion with their reward.

Miniſt.

No Chriſtian Church ever prized the oblation, and Merits of Chriſt, more highly, and religiouſly, than we, Hebr. x. 14. Epheſ. v. 2. Acts iv. 12. John i. 29. and we firmly believe the Mirabilis Paſsio tua, Domine Jeſu, quae paſtiones omnium nostrum propulſavit, propitiata est omnibus iniquitatibus noſtris, & nulli unquam peſti nostrae invenitur inefficax. Bernard. 4. Heb. Pentecoſt. ineſtimable price, and virtue thereof for man's redemption, ſanctification, juſtification, and glorification, 1 Cor. i. 30. and in particular, we believe expreſly, and contrary to our Adverſarie's accuſation, that the ſame is Itſe Chriſtus eſt os noſtrum per quod Patri loquimur; oculus noſter, per quem Patrem videmus; dextra noſtra, per quam Patri offerimus; omnia haebemus in Chriſto: ſi vulnera curare deſideras, Medicus est; ſi febribus aeſt as, fons eſt; ſi gravaris iniqua ſententia, juſtitia eſt: ſi indiges auxilio, virtus eſt; ſi mortem times, vita eſt; ſi teneb a f gis, lux eſt; ſi coelum deſideras, via eſt: ſi alimentum quaeris, cibus eſt. Ambroſ. lib. d. Iſai. cap. 8. all-ſufficient to juſtifie a ſinner in the ſight of God, and to give true, and inherent Sanctity, and purity to mens Souls, and actions; Firſt, in this life, ſanctity, and purity ſecundum ſtatum viae, according to the condition of man's wayfaring ſtate: Secondly, in the life to come ſanctity, and purity of perfect righteouſneſs without errour of ſin. And we believe, that the Sacrifice of Chriſt upon the Croſs effecteth all this, both by way of merit, and influence, Rom. vi. 1, 5. John xv. 1. yet for all this, it doth not raiſe our works to that ſublime pitch, as condignely to merit ſalvation, at the hands of God; as Pontificians ſay, God were unjuſt, if he did not condignely reward our works, which even your own Durand condemneth as temerarium, & blaſphemum, a raſh, and blaſphemous Aſsertion.

Gent.

Bellarmine Bellarm. De Juſtifie. lib. 4. cap. 1. ſaith, that ye hold good works, reipſa, & ſimpliciter mortalia peccata, in deed, and ſimply to be mortal ſins; bona non niſi nomine, & ſecundum quid, to be vertuous onely by extrinſecal denomination.

Miniſt.

That Bellarmine unjuſtly calumniates us, may appear from the twelfth Article of our Engliſh Confeſſion, wherein it is ſaid, That Good works are the fruits of Faith, and follow Juſtification, are acceptable unto God, and accepted in Chriſt. With which agrees Melancth. Corp. Doctr. Tit. De bouis operibus, pag. 20. Melancthon, and Beza, Quaeſi. & Reſponſ. in Opuſc. Tom. 2. pag. 676. Rucer, & alu in Colloquio Ratisbonenſi, pag. 313. Beza, who profeſs in their Treatiſe of this queſtion, That Although the works of Regenerate perſons are not ſo perfect, and good, as that they are able to merit Eternal life; yet they are truly good, becauſe they proceed from the Holy Ghoſt, who purifieth the heart by faith, and becauſe God is glorified by them, and we our ſelves receive excellent fruit by them.

For firſt we believe, that Apologia Eccleſiae Anglicanae teſtatur, Bona opera neceſsaria eſse Chriſtiano ad ſalutem. Rainold. Apolog. Theſ. pag. 263. Good works are neceſſary to ſalvation, and that all men, that will be ſaved, muſt carefully apply themſelves to the practiſe, and exerciſe thereof; which is St. Auguſtine's golden Aphoriſm, Auguſtin. De Spiritu, & litera, cap. 14. Praecepta Legis tam ſunt ſalutaria facienti, ut, niſi quis ea fecerit, vitam habere non poſſet: Divine precepts are ſo neceſſary, that none can have ſalvation, but he, which obſerves them. Tit. iii. 8. Joh. xv. 2, 8. Hebr. xii. 14. Apoc. xxii. 8.

Secondly, God rewards good works of his bounty, and grace with benefits ſpiritual, and temporal, Gen. xxii. 16. Luke vi. 35. yet ſo, as Marſilius ſaith, Talis eſt obligatio Creaturae ad Deum, quod quantò plus ſolvit, tanto plus tenetur. Marſil. 2. q. 18. Art. 14. The more debt he payeth unto God, the more he is indebted.

Thirdly, In giving the reward, he conſidereth the minde, and quality of the doer; the integrity, meaſure, and quality of the work; 2 Cor. ix. 6.

Fourthly, The reward is certain, and infallible, yea more certain, ſaith St. Non ita fidere debemus his, quae in manibus habemus, & videmus, ut promiſsionibus Dei. Chryſoſt. Geneſ. Hom. 55. Chryſostome, then any temporal benefit, which man preſently enjoys in the World. Gen. xxii. 16.

Fifthly, There is in all good works a dignity not of deſert, or aequiparance, either in reſpect of God, of whom we can deſerve nothing, or in reſpect of the reward; but onely of grace, divine ſimilitude, goodneſs, and honour, Phil. iv. 8. So Pererius; Praeter debita gratitudinis, quae nemo ſatis exſolvere Deo poteſt, ea quoqu debita, quae divino prae cepto perſolvere tenemur nemo perfectè perſolvit. Perer. in Geneſ. vi. p. 5 Diſ. 5. n. 148. Beſides the debt of gratitude, which none can ſufficiently pay to God, no man alſo can perfectly pay thoſe debts we are bound to diſcharge by divine precept.

Sixthly, The reward of good works is called a Crown of Righteouſneſs, 2 Tim. iv. 8. becauſe it is beſtowed on them, which exerciſe Righteouſneſs, and in regard of their righteouſneſs: but merit of condignity, and righteouſneſs are divers things, as appeareth in Angels, and Infants, which have righteouſneſs, and are crowned with glory, and yet they do not merit, as is declared in the Council of Colen, Appoſita eſt nobis corona juſtitiae Dei quia juſtū eſt, ut reddat, quod r ſ piſcentibus promiſit, non quidem ex debito, ſed ex gratia. Enchirid. Concil. Colon. A Crown of the righteouſneſs of God is laid up for us, it being juſt he ſhould give that, which he promiſed to penitents, but not of debt, but of grace.

Seventhly, The antient Fathers maintained no merit of condignity, but by merit (as is formerly glanced) they underſtood impetration by any means; ſometimes without a man's privacy, or knowlege: as Saint Ambroſe ſaith of St. John, Ambroſ. Serm. 53. Tantam gratiam naſcendo meruit; He merited ſo much grace in (or at) his Birth.

Eightly, Hujus vitae juſtitia non conſiſtit in perfectione virtutum, ſed remiſsione peccatorum. Auguſt. De Civitate Dei, lib. 19. cap. 27. The prime part of man's righteouſneſs conſiſts not (as Saint Auguſtine ſaith) of perfection of virtues; but remiſſion of ſins. Thus you ſee, we cut the chanel even between Scylla, and Charybdis, giveing good works their guerdon, or due Encomium, but not merit of ſalvation, which is Chriſt's peculiar.

Gent.

Catholicks themſelves hold, that no work is meritorious with God of its own nature; but, to make the ſame meritorious, many graces are required, and thoſe moſt divine, and excellent.

Miniſt.

Your Rhem. Annotat. in Hebr. vi. n. 4. Divines of Rhemes ſo far extenuate Chriſt's merits, and advance man's, that they affirm good works are meritorious, and, without any qualification, the very cauſe of Salvation, ſo far, that God ſhould be unjuſt, if he rendred not Heaven for the ſame. And Bellarmine adventures to ſay, That Non eſt temerarium. nec blaſphemum, ſed pium, & ſanctum dicere. Deum fore injustum, ſi non ſervaret promiſſa. Bellarm. De Juſtificat. lib. 5. cap. 16. It is neither raſh, nor blaſphemons; but pious, and holy to aſſert, that God were not juſt, if he kept not his promiſe, that is of rewarding merits. And whereas you pretend Romiſts hold not works ſimply meritorious of themſelves, but in complexion with many exquiſite Graces; it implies a contradiction: for that, which is of merit, is not of grace, but of debt, and divine grace doth not elevate virtuous actions, by adding unto them a force of meriting, but onely by making them ſuſceptible of a free, and liberal reward, and by placing them in the ſtate, and order of cauſes impetrant, or diſpoſitive conditions. This Andradius clears, ſaying; Paulus cùm demonſtrare ſtatuiſſet Abraham ſide fuiſſe juſtificatum, & non ex operibus, hac una potiſsimism id ratione efficit, Ei, qui operatur, me ce; non imputatue ſecundum gratiam. ſed ſecundum debitum; ergò ſi justitia Abrahae eſſet operum, illius merces ſa è debitum potus quam gratia dici debuiſſer. An •••• . Orthod. Explic. lib. 6. pag. 518. Paul, when he would demonſtrate Abraham to have been juſtified by Faith, and not by works, effected that principally by that one reaſon. To him that worketh, reward is not imputed according to grace, but according to debt therefore if Abraham's righteouſneſs was of works, his wages ought rather to be called a debt, then grace. But what are thoſe divine graces, that are required to make works meritorious?

Gent.

They are ſeven, whereof the firſt is Divine preordination, by which Man, and his actions are ordained by God to a ſupernatural end, otherwiſe not ſeiſable.

Miniſt.

By Divine preordination virtuous Actions have reference (not of deſert, but of diſpoſition, and inſtrumental tendency) to beatitude, or the laſt ſupernatural end; as Saint Bernard ſaith, Si propriè appellentur ea, quae dicimus noſtra merita, ſpei quaedam ſunt ſeminaria, charitatis incentiva, occultae praedeſtinationis indicia futurae felicitatis praeſagia, via regni, non cauſa regnandi. Bern. De lib. Arbitr. If we do not nickname thoſe things, that are called our Merits, they are certain Seminaries of hope, incentives of Charity, diſcoveries of hidden predestination, preſages of future Felicity, the way to the heavenly Kingdom, but not the meritorious cauſe of reigning. But what are your other Graces?

Gent.

The ſecond is the grace of Redemption, by Chriſt, whereby God giveth us the ineſtimable Treaſure of his Son's merits.

The Third is the grace of Adoption in Baptiſm, whereby we have God for our Father, Chriſt for our head, the Holy Ghoſt for our Paraclete, who works in us, making our works meritorious.

Miniſt.

The grace of Redemption purchaſeth for us the influence, and ineſtimable efficacy of Chriſt's merits both for pardon of Sins, and the new Creature; but that Christ's merits makes man's actions meritorious, and that his Satisfactio est redditio ejus, quod debetur ſecundum justitiam. Johannes de Coloma, Quaeſt. Magiſtrat. q. 363. ſatisfaction enableth man to ſatisfie God's juſtice, is as unſavory an Inference, as if one ſhould ſay, Chriſt hath redeemed us by his paſſion, and he communicates to us the grace of Redemption; Therefore he makes us Redeemers. The grace of Adoption it is true in Baptiſm makes the regenerate partakers in a ſence of the divine nature, and communicates divine rays from the diſtinct Perſons in the Trinity, yet makes not the works of man ſo qualified condignely meritorious: for the divine perſons work according to a certain degree, and meaſure of grace, and not according to the fulneſs of power, or as an elicitive cauſe: Alioquin (ſaith Vaſques) ſequeretur noſtra opera eſſe infiniti valoris; Otherwiſe it would follow, that our works were of infinite value; Cum opera nostra non alia ratione tribuantur Chriſto tanquam capiti myſtico, niſi quia ab eo accipimus gratiam, juſtitiam, & auxilia omnia, nequaquam autem ſicut, eliciente illa, fit ut minimè accipiunt dignitatem, neque dignitatis incrementum à Chriſto, ſed ſolùm à perſona ipſa eliciente ſuam dignitatem juſtitiae, & ſanctitatis: alioqum ſequeretur noſtra opera eſſe infiniti valoris. Vaſques, 1. 1. Diſ. 214. cap. 7. ſeeing our works upon no other account are attributed unto Chriſt, the myſtical head, but that we receive grace of him, righteousneſs, and all aids; but in no wiſe as the cauſe elicitive, it falls out, that they cannot receive their dignitie, nor encreaſe of dignity of Chriſt, but onely of the perſon, that acts them, according to the dignity of his righteouſneſs, and ſanctity, from whom (as Bonaventure Bonaventur. 3. Diſt. 20. q. 4. evidenceth) vitium humanae originis nunquam ſeparatur a carne peccati, the fleſhly ſtain, traduciary from original ſin, can never be ſeparated. And our Adverſaries, that pretend to ſo much acuteneſs, might know, that the Perſons in the Trinity in effecting our adoption concur not as ſimply Pro excluſione virturis mediae in eodem genere cauſarum ſecundarum, & in hac ſignificatione ſola cauſa proxima eſt immediata. Keckerm. Syſtem: Log. pag. 148. immediate, but remote; not as total, but partial; not as univocal, but aequivocal; not as natural, but voluntary cauſes, diſpenſing graces according to the neceſſity of the receiver, and the wiſdom, and good pleaſure of the donour. But it is neither neceſſary for men, nor ſtands with the good pleaſure of God, to receive power of meriting properly; ſeeing it is moſt honourable for God to beſtow life eternal freely; Non eſt volentis, nec currentis, ſed operantis Dei.

Gent.

The fourth grace, requiſite to make works meritorious, is prevenient, and adjuvant; whereby our actions are ſublimed to a ſupernatural pitch, above humane capacity.

The fifth is the grace of merciful Indulgence, whereby God exacts not of us in rigour what he might by the title of Religion, the title of Juſtice, the title of Gratitude; but is content, that we make uſe of our good works, for the gaining of glory.

Miniſt.

It is granted, that the will of Man by preventing, adjuvant, and ſubſequent graces produceth works ſupernaturalin their kinde, yet ſo as it is principium vulneratum, wounded with ſin, and ſoyled with many imperfections; We know but in part, Rom. vii. 18, 19. Gal. v. 17. Heb. xii. 1. Whence Tertullian profeſſeth, that In optimis nonnihil eſt peſsimi, ſolus enim Deus ſine peccato. Tertul. De Anima, cap. 23. In the beſt men there is ſomething of that, which is worſt, for onely God is without ſin. Hereupon it is conſequent, that regenerate men cannot challenge a reward by merit of debt, becauſe they offend in many things, James, iii. 2. according to Gregorie's Magni viri licèt jam magna vitae charitate luceant, aliquas tamen peccati nebulas, velut quasdam noctis reliquias trahunt. Non de meis meritis confidens, ut me ſalvum facias ſupplico, ſed de ſola miſericordia tua praeſumens impetrare, quod non de meritis meis ſpero. Gregor. in 1 Pſal. poenitent. Litany, I ſupplicate (ſaith he) that thou wouldeſt ſave me, not as having confidence in mine own merits, but preſuming to obtain of thy mercies alone, which I hope not for mine own merits. And for your grace of Deus hoc in mercedem imputat, non quòd juſtis nobis debeat; ſed quod miſericors eſt, & pius. Chryſoſt. in 2. Cor. Homil. 23. merciful Indulgence, whereby it is ſaid, God exacts not what he might by the Titles of Juſtice, Religion, and Gratitude; it diſmantles, and ſets on fire all your former Fabrick, as appeareth by this Dilemma; If God exacteth according to his due, then (upon your own ground) there is no merit; If he do not in rigour exact, then this Indulgence for Chriſt's ſake taketh away all plea of merit from us, and caſteth it upon Chriſt alone. But what are the remainders of your graces?

Gent.

The ſixth concurrent grace, to make works meritorious, is God's free promiſe to reward them according to their deſert. The ſeventh, which crowns all, is the grace of Perſeverance to the end.

Minist.

Firſt, the promiſe of God, whereby he obligeth himſelf to confer a benefit to his people upon their obedience, inferreth not deſert, or merit on their part. It is your own Durand's Aphoriſm, Promiſsio divina in Scripturis ſanctis non ſonac in aliquam obligationem, ſed inſinuat meram diſpoſitionem liberalitatis divinae; quia quod redditur non ex debito praecedentis operis, ſed ex promiſsione praecedente, non quidem redditur ex merito operis de condigno, ſed ſolum, vel principaliter ex promiſſo. Durand. 2. Diſt. 27. q. 2. n. 15. That, which is given nor from debt of a precedent work, but of a precedent promiſe, is not given for the merit of the work condignly, but onely, or principally by promiſe. God promiſed to beſtow the Land of Canaan upon the Iſraelites, and bound himſelf by Oath, Exod. xiii. 5. yet he gave this good Land to them, not for their own merits, but of his free bounty, Deut. vii. 7, 8. And it is Talis dignitas in actu nihil eſt, niſi acceptatio paſsiva voluntatis divina. Leuchet. Quodlib. 17. Art. 2. untrue, that God hath obliged himſelf by promiſe to reward the good works of his Children, according to their deſerts; for he rewardeth them according to his own bounty, but not according to their deſert, yea, he rewardeth above deſert, (as Gregory Arimine Gregor. Arimin. 1. Diſt. 17. q. 1. Art. 2. ſaith), and in part contrary to deſert, Pſal. ciii. 10. Which Gregory, the laſt of good Popes, and firſt of bad, confeſſes, Gregor. Papa. Moral. lib. 9. cap. 27. Si, ſemota miſericordia, diſcutimur, opus noſtrum poena dignum eſt, quod remunerari praemiis poſtulamus: If we ſhould be judged without mercy, our works deſerve puniſhment, which we beg to be recompenſed with rewards. And as for the grace of Perſeverance, as it is a neceſſary condition of glory, Apocal. ii. 20. ſo it is of grace, and not of merit, Rom vi. 23. Jer. xxxii. 4. 1 Cor. i. 8. Pſal. i. 6. So that your ſeven graces ſpecified are ſeven Engines to demoliſh your Babel of merit; for the Chaldean builders were not more divided, then theſe Romiſh Architects. Dionyſ. Ciſtert. 3. Diſt. 1. q. 2. Art. 3. Marſil. 2. q. 18. Art. 3. & 4. Some of them ſimply, and abſolutely deny merit.

Secondly, Some ſay Bona opera per ſe ſpectata non habere condignitatem, & rationem meriti, ſed totam rationem meriti habere petitam ex promiſſione, & pacto Deo affirmant Scotus. Gregorius Arimin. Gabriel Orcham; Alphonſus Caſtro, Vega, &c. Hi Doctores revera denegant meritum operum, & totam vim merendi aſcribunt operibus Chriſti. Vaſques ſup. 1. 2. Diſp. 214. cap. 1. Good works are meritorious, onely by reaſon of the promiſe, and acceptation of God; and theſe alſo in effect deny it.

Thirdly, Others, (as Cajetan, Soto, and Petigianis) affirm, they merit condignely by the very nature, and dignity of the work, ſecluding divine promiſe.

Fourthly, Others (as Bellar. De Juſtif. lib. 5. cap. 14. Bellarmine Suarez, and Medina) affirm, that Merit of works is founded partly upon the dignity of the work, and partly upon the promiſe of God.

Fifthly, Some of them hold, that God rewardeth according to the rule of Commutative juſtice; others ſay according to Diſtributive; and others according to both.

Gent.

It ſeems to me a wonder, that they are ſo divided; but prodigious, that any denies merit of ſalvation, ſeeing the Council of Trent is ſo definitive.

Miniſt.

It is neither a wonder, nor prodigie, but a juſt judgement; ſeeing it is contrary to Scripture, Fathers, and your moſt renowned Scholemen.

Gent.

If it be contrary to all theſe, I ſhall willingly abjure it, if you firſt make me clear demonſtration of it, and that in order; firſt, that Merit of ſalvation by works is contrary to Scriptures.

Miniſt.

I ſhall refuſe no pains for your ſoul's good. The firſt place of holy Scripture, wherewith I affront your Tenet, is Rom. vi. 23. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The gift of God is eternal life in Jeſus Chriſt our Lord; the gift (not merit) ſo Arias Montanus truly languages the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by donation, a free gift; not as the Rhemiſts, to extenuate it, by gratia, grace; which is alſo ſufficient for one purpoſe. Now upon theſe words (that we may not be our own Interpreters) Theodoret deſcants thus, Hic non dicit mercedem, ſed gratiam; eſt enim Dei donum vita aeterna: & ſi quis enim ſummam, et abſolutam juſtitiam praeſtiterit, temporalibus laboribus aeterna in aequilibrio non reſpondent. Theod. in cap. vi. ad. Rom. The Apoſtle ſaith not here reward, but grace; for eternal life is the gift of God: for although one could perform the higheſt, and abſoluteſt juſtice, yet eternal joys, being weighed with temporal labours, are nothing anſwerable. St. Chryſoſtome thus; Non eundem ſervat oppoſitorum ordinem, non enim dicit, Merces benefactorum veſtrorum vita aeterna, ſed Donum Dei vita aeterna, ut oſtenderet, quòd non propriis viribus liberati ſint, neque debitum, aut merces, aut laborum ſit retributio; ſed omnia illa ex divino munere gratuitò acceperint. Chryſoſt. in Rom. vi. The Apoſtle obſerveth not the ſame order of oppoſites; for he ſaith not, Eternal life is the reward of your good works; but, Eternal life is the gift of God; that he might ſhew, that they are not delivered by their own ſtrength, or virtues; and that it is not a debt, or wages, or a retribution of labours: but that they have received all thoſe things freely of the gift of God. Origen thus; Origen. in cap. vi. ad Rom. It was not a thing worthily beſeeming God, to give ſtipends to his Soldiers, as a due debt, or wage; but to beſtow on them a gift of free grace, which is eternal life in Jeſus Chriſt our Lord. St. Ambroſe thus; Ambroſ. in cap. vi. ad. Rom. Sequentes peccatum acquirent mortem, ita & ſequentes gratiam Dei, id eſt fidem Chriſti, quae condonat peccata, habebunt vitam aeternam. As they, that follow ſin, gain death; ſo they, that follow the grace of Chriſt, that is the faith of Chriſt, which forgiveth ſins, ſhall have eternal life. Theophylact thus, Gratiam autem, non mercedem dixit à Deo futuram perindè ac ſi inquiat, Non enim laborum accipitis praemia, ſed per gratiam, fiunt haec omnia in Chriſto Jeſu, qui haec operatur, & factitat. Theophyl. in cap. vi. ad Roman. St. Paul ſaid Grace, not Wages was to come from God; as if he ſhould ſay, for ye receive not reward of labours; but all theſe things are done by grace in Jeſus Chriſt, who worketh, and doeth them. By theſe Teſtimonies of the holy Fathers it is evident, That eternal life is not purchaſed by deſert of man, That eternal life is not a due debt, a deſerved wages, or retribution of man's labours; but proceedeth wholly of the free mercy, and grace of God; That man's works, weighed in the balance with the joys of Heaven, are nothing at all anſwerable to them.

Gent.

This Text, and the Fathers gloſs thereupon, is as clear, as if writ with the Sun-beams; produce (if you pleaſe) another.

Miniſt.

Obſerve then Rom. viii. 18. I recken, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the paſſions, or ſufferings, of this preſent time, are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , not worthy to be compared with the glory, that ſhall be revealed in us. That, which is not worthy to be compared with glory, doth not condignely merit; but the very paſſions, martyrdoms of this preſent time, are not worthy to be compared with glory; Therefore they do not condignely merit. Theodoret doth lively expreſs this verity in this golden Apophthegme, Superant certamina coronae, non comparantur cum laboribus remunerationes; labor enim parvus eſt, ſed magnum lucrum ſperatur: et propterea non Mercedem, ſed Gloriam vocant ea, quae expectantur. Theodoret. in cap. viii. ad. Roman. The Crown outſtrips the conflict, the labours are not comparable to the rewards; for the labour is ſmall, but the gain hoped for is great: and therefore the things expected are not called Reward, but Glory. And St. Chryſoſtome, Chryſoſt. imperfect. in Matth. Homil. 55. What have we wrought in this World, to merit communion with God in his Celeſtial Kingdom? and therefore the Apoſtle ſpeaketh justly, I do not think the paſſions of this life condignely worthy of future glory. Anſelme hath theſe words, Si quis pateretur omnes poenarum acerbitates, quae tempore praeſentis vitae ſuſferri poſsunt, non eſſent omnes illae paſsiones dignum meritum ad conſecutionem futurae gloriae, quae, ablato omni velamine, revelabitur in nobis. Anſelm. in viii. cap. ad Roman. If one ſhould ſuffer all kinds of torment, which can be endured in this life, yet would not all thoſe afflictions, or torments, or paſſions, be a ſufficient, and condigne merit to attain the future glory, which when every vail is taken out of the way, ſhall be revealed in us. And if any reply, Though not ſufferings, ſomething elſe may merit ſalvation condignely; your own Durand rejoyns, that Inter opera meritoria maximè videntur eſſe meritoriae Sanctorum paſsiones, et tamen illae non ſunt meritoriae de condigno. Durand. 2. D. 27. q 2. n. 3. Amongſt all meritorious works the paſſions of Saints ſeem to be most meritorious, and yet they are not meritorious condignely.

Gent.

Produce onely another Divine Teſtimony, that in the mouth of two, or three witneſſes, it may be confirmed.

Miniſt.

Ponder well that place, Tit. iii. 5. by the Rhemiſts themſelves tranſlated thus; Not by the works of juſtice, which we have done, but according to his mercy he hath ſaved us by the laver of regeneration, and renovation of the Holy Ghoſt: whence we may frame this Argument.

They, which are not ſaved of works of juſtice, which they have done, but according to God's mercy, are not ſaved by merit of works:

But we are not ſaved by works of juſtice, which we have done, but according to God's mercy;

Therefore we are not ſaved by merit of works. Anſelme, upon the place, approves this concluſion to be naturally grounded upon the Premiſes; Then (ſaith Tunc ſalvos nos fecit, qui noſtris meritis eramus perditione digni, non enim ex operibus juſtitiae, quae fecerimus nos, proceſsit haec ſalus; quia nulla opera juſtitiae ſeceramus, unde ſalutem meruiſſemus, ſed ipſe ſecundùm miſericordiam ſuam ſalvos nos fecit, non ſecundum merita noſtra nobis hanc ſalutem dedit. Anſelm. in Tit. cap. ii. . he) did he ſave us, who by our own merits deſerved perdition; for this ſalvation came not from the works of juſtice, which we have done, becauſe we had done the works of juſtice, by which we ſhould merit ſalvation; but he according to his mercy ſaved us, and not according to our merits gave he us this ſalvation. You may have the Teſtimony of Dionyſ. Carthuſ. in Tit. iii. Dionyſius Carthuſianus, and others upon this Text beſides.

Gent.

No; this is ſufficient, proceed to your ſecond reaſon drawn from the authority of Holy Fathers.

Miniſt.

I'le begin with Origen, who ſaith, Ego vix mihi perſuadeo ullum opus eſſe poſſe, quod ex debito remunerationem depoſcat; I do ſcarcely believe, that there can be any work, that may of duty require reward: and again, Dicite vos ſervos in tiles; nam etſt omnia fecerimus quae praecepta ſum, non tamen bonum aliquid fecimus, nec enim ſi bona eſſent, eſſemus mutilos; omne autem bonum noſtrum non propriè, ſed abuſivò bonum dicitur. Origeno in Matt. Tract. 8. We are unprofitable ſervants, for, admit we have done all things, that were commanded, yet we have done no good thing; for if our doings were good indeed, then were we not unprofitable, but any good deed of ours is called good, not rightly, and duly, but by abuſe of ſpeech. St. Auguſtine ſaith, Si Deus vellet pro meritis agere, non inveniret, niſi quod damnaret; If God would deal with us according to that we have deſerved, he ſhould finde nothing, but that which he might condemn. Saint Ambroſe ſaith, Caro contra ſpiritum, & contra carnem ſpiritus concupiſcit, nec invenitur in ullo hominum tanta concordia, ut legi mentis lex, quae est membris inſita, non repugnet, propter quod ex omnium ſanctorum perſona accipitur quod Johannes Apoſtolus ait, Si dixerimus quoniam peccatum. non habemus, nos ipſos ſeducimus, & vetitas in. nobis non eſt. Ambroſ lib. 10. Epiſt. 84. Tom. 3. The fleſh covereth againſt the ſpirit, and the ſpirit againſt the fleſh; neither can there be found in any man ſuch concord, that the Law, which is ingrafted in the members, fighteth not againſt the law of the minde; and for that cauſe St John's words are taken, as ſpoken in the perſon of all Saints, If we ſay we have no ſin, we decieve our ſelves, and there is no truth in us. St: Chryſoſtom is conſonant to St. Ambroſe, and St. Auguſtine, theſe are his words, Chryſoſt. De compunct. cordis, lib. 2. Tom 5. col. 592. Etſi millies moriamur, etſi omnes virtutes animi expleamus, nihil dignum gerimus ad ea, quae ipſi percepimus a Deo; Though we dy a thouſand times, and though we accompliſh all virtues of the minde, yet do we nothing worthy of thoſe things, which we receive of God. As alſo St. Baſil Baſil. De humilitate. Haec eſt noſtra integra, & perfecta gloriatio in Deo, quando propriae justitiae nos inopes agnoſcimus; ſola autem fide in Chriſtum juſtificari; This is our full, and perfect rejoycing in God, when we acknowledg, that we are void of any of our own righteouſneſs, and are juſtified by faith onely in Christ. St. Hierom ſaith, Hierom in Epist. ad Epheſ. cap. 11. In Chriſt, we have boldneſs, and liberty to come unto God, and truſt, and affiance by the faith of him; not through our righteouſneſs, but through him, in whom our ſins are forgiven. Theophylact ſaith, Servavit nos in aeternum, non ex operibus, quae fecimus, hoc eſt, neque fecimus opera juſtitiae, neque per haec conſervati ſumus, ſed univerſam ſalutem onitas ipſius, atque clementia operata eſt. Theophylact. in iii. cap. Titi. He hath ſaved us eternally, not of the works, which we have done; that is, neither have we done the works of juſtice, neither are we ſaved by them; but his goodneſs, and his clemency; hath wrought our ſalvation wholly. Saint Bernard, which ſaw not all things ſaw this; Bernard. Serm. in Annunc. p. 160. Tom. 1. Touching (ſaith he) eternal life, we know, that the ſufferings of this time are not worthy of the Glory to come; no, not if one man could ſuſtain all: for the merits of men are not ſuch, that for them eternal life is due by right; or that God ſhould do ſome injury if he gave it not, it derogates from grace, whatſoever thou aſcribes to merit; I will have no merit that excludeth grace, meritum meum miſerationes Domini, my merit is the mercies of God.

Gent.

Theſe are more, then ſufficient, let me hear, what you can ſay to your third reaſon taken from the teſtimony of your beſt approved Catholicks, and renowned Scholemen; clear this, and I, for my part, ſhall confeſs, we are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ſelf-condemned.

Miniſt.

I will begin with your Angelical Doctour Aquinas, who ſaith, Manifeſtum eſt, quòd inter Deum, & hominem eſt maxima inaequalitas, in infinitum enim diſtant, totum, quod eſt hominis, bonum eſt à Deo, unde non poteſt hominis à Deo eſſe juſtitia ſecundùm abſolutam aequalitatem, ſed ſecundùm proportionē quandam, &c. ideò meritum hominis apud Deum eſſe non poteſt. Aquin. 1. 2. Quaeſ. 114. Art. 1. That it is manifeſt, that between God, and man there is exceeding great inequality, as which do differ in infinite, all the good, that man hath, is of God: wherefore man's Juſtice received of God cannot be according to abſolute equality, but after a certain proportion, to wit, as much as either worketh according to his condition; now man hath the meaſure, and condition of his virtue from God, and therefore man's merit cannot be with God, &c. Veloſillot ſaith, that Veloſillot. Advert. in 8. Tom. Auguſt Quaeſit. 13. Scotus alſo negat meritum de condigno, & tenet quod ultra gratiam tale opus acceptatur ad gloriam, Scotus denies merit of condignity, and that the work of the faithful is accepted even, beyond grace to glory. Brulifer ſaith; Brulifer. 2. Diſt 27 q. 6. No man in this life, admit he were pure, and perfect, can merit heavenly glory condignely. Waldenſis charges it with the Pelagian Hereſie, to affirm, that God, according to the meaſure of meritorious works, ſhall reward a man ſo meriting, and reputes him the more R puto ſaniorem Theolog •• fideliorem Catholicum, & Scripturis ſanctis magis concordem, qui tale moritum ſimpliciter abnegat, & cum modificatione Apoſtoli, & Scripturarum con •• dit, quia ſimpliciter quis non meretur regnum coelorum, ſed ex gratia Dei, aut voluntate largitoris. Waldenſ. De Sacrament. t. 1. c. 7. nu. 5. ſound Divine, more faithful Catholick, and more concording with holy Scriptures, which ſimply abrenounceth ſuch merit, and with the modification of the Apoſtle, and Scriptures, yields that no man ſimply merits the Kingdom of Heaven; but that it is of the grace of God, or the will of the giver. Durand, a famous Schole-Doctour, is of the ſame judgement, ſaying, that Meritum de condigno invenitur inter homines; ſed non eſt hominis ad Deum: quod patet, qutae quod redditur potius ex liberalitate dantis, quàm ex debito operts, non cadit ſub merito condigni ſtrictè, & propriè accepto: ſequitur, quod ſi quis dicat, quod. quamvis Deus non conſtituatur nobis debitor ex altquo opere neſtro, &c. Durand. in 2: Sent. diſ. 27. q. 2. in med. Condign merit is found among men; but it is not between God and man: which hereby is clear; becauſe that, which is rendred rather of the liberality of the giver, then of the debt to the work, falleth not under condign merit, properly ſo called. If any ſay, that if God become not our debtor, by reaſon of our work, yet he is made our debtor, by reaſon of his promiſe, which the Scripture expreſſeth: That anſwer is of no force, for two reaſons;

Firſt, Becauſe God's promiſe in the Scriptures doth not ſound to any obligation, but inſinuateth the meer diſpoſition of God's liberality:

Secondly, Becauſe that, which is given, is not given for the debt ariſing of the work, but of promiſe, that went before; not that it is rendred for the condign merit of the works, but onely, or principally for his promiſe ſake. Thus far he. Dominicus Soto, a zealous Monk, and famous Popiſh Writer, tells his Colleagues roundly, that No man is able to make condign ſatisfaction for his ſins, nor by condign merit attain eternal life; for thus he ſaith, Soto De Natura. & Gratia, lib. 3. cap. 6. pag. 138. Perfect ſatisfaction is that, whoſe price, and value, proceedeth wholly from the Debter, without either preventing, or intervening grace of the Creditour, ſo as the voluntary reddition be of that, which is equivalent, and not otherwiſe due; but ſo no man is able to perform. Dionyſius Carthuſianus ſaith, Non ex operibus juſtitiae, quae fecimus not. id est, non propter merita nostra, quae nulla fuerunt; ſed ſecundùm ſuam miſericordiam ſalvos nos fecit à potestate Diaboli, & reatu aeterni tormenti merito ſuae converſationis, & paſsionis. Dionyſ. Carthuſ. in Tit. iii. Not of the works of righteouſneſs, which we have done, that is, not for our merits, which were none at all, becauſe we were ſubject to the fore-named ſins; but according to his mercy, hath he ſaved us from the power of the Devil, and guilt of eternal torment, by the merit of his holy Converſation, and Paſſion. Andreas Vega ſaith, Vega, Opuſc. Quaeſt. 4. that many other Schole-men, to wit, Gregor. Arimin. 1. d. 17. q. 1. Art. 2. Gregory Arimine, Marſilius, Burgenſ. ſupra Pſal. xxxv Paulus Burgenſis, Eckius, Centur. De Praedeſt. Eckius, Dionyſ. Ciſter. lib 3. Sent. d. 1. q. 2. Art. 3. Dionyſius Cisterienſis, Pighius, Ferus, and in a manner Vaſques, do all with one conſent, reject the Romiſh Doctrine of merit of condignity: and why may not I ſay all beſides, ſeeing they daily pray in the Litany of their Maſs, In ſanctorum nos conſortium non aeſtimator meriti, ſed veniae, quaeſumus, largitor, admitte; Admit us into the fellowſhip of Saints, not weighing our merits, but for thy mercie's ſake? The Elixar extracted is this;

That, which is derogatory to the allſufficient merit of Christ, and is contrary to Scriptures, Fathers, and (for the very horridneſs thereof) to the Popiſh Scholemen themſelves, ought to be abjured.

But ſuch is the merit of ſalvation by works.

Therefore it ought to be abjured.

Gent.

I abjure them willingly in the Language of St. Bernard, Bernard in Pſalm. Qui habitat. totum est meritum meum, ſi totam ſpem meam ponam in Domino: This is all my merit, to put all my hope in the Lord. Now (if you think fit) proceed to that, which in order is

The Seventh Article.

And I do ſincerely testifie, and declare, that the Pope, neither of himſelf, nor by any authority of the Church, or See of Rome, or by any other means, with any other, hath power, or authority to In ſacra Historia nunquam deprehendimus Pontifices, aut Sacerdotes dejiciſſe Reges; at Reges è diverſo Pontifices, & Sacerdotes in ordinem redegiſſe videmus: Quin & in orbe Chriſtiano Juſtinianus Imperator per Belliſarimum priùs removit Silveſtrum deinde Vigilium Romanos Epiſcopos. Petrus Martyr. in lib. 1. Reg. cap. 2. depoſe the chief Magistrate of theſe Nations, or to diſpoſe of any the Countries, or Territories thereunto belonging, or to authorize any foreign Prince, or State to invade, or anoy him, or them.

Minist.

THis is conſonant to the The Apologie, cap. 6. Diviſion 7. 8. Apologie of the Church of England, the thirty ſeventh Article, and the Oath of Supremacy, which all Romanus Pontifex nullam habet juriſdictionem in Anglia Artic. 37. excluded the Pope's uſurped power, juſtly out of theſe Nations; And in this Article, we may obſerve three things at leaſt implied;

Firſt, That the chief Magiſtrate of theſe Nations is ſupreme.

Secondly, That the Pope hath no power over him.

Thirdly, That he can neither lawfully excite foreign Princes againſt him, nor depoſe him from his Dominions, nor collate them upon others, either by his own, or any borrowed power.

Gent.

Before you condeſcend to theſe particulars, tell me what is the reaſon, why it is inſerted in this Article, Papa nec per ſeipſum, nec per authoritatem aliquam Eccleſiae, ſedisve Romanae nec per ulla alia media, cum quibuſcunque alits, aliquam potestatem habeat aliqua dominia in alium transferendi, aut alicui Principi ex raneo authoritatem concedendi, ut ipſum, ejúsve dominia molestet. Juramentum fidelitatis. That the Pope neither of himſelf, nor by any authority of the Church, or See of Rome, or by any other means with any other, hath power, or authority to depoſe, had not the firſt been ſufficient?

Miniſt.

You muſt call to memory that diſtinction of Bellarmin, De Eccleſiae, lib. 3. cap. 2. Bellarmine, concerning a fourfold Church.

The firſt Eſſential, which (ſaith he) is a Company of men profeſſing the ſame faith, and acknowledging the Biſhop of Rome to be Vicar of Chriſt upon Earth.

The ſecond Repreſentative, an Aſſembly of Biſhops in a general Council, repreſenting the whole body of the Church.

The third Conſistorial, made up of the Pope, & his Cardinals, termed by the Sorboniſts, Curia Romana, the Court of Rome.

The fourth virtual, the Pope himſelf, who is pretended eminently, and virtually to compriſe the power of all the reſt. The Gloſſa ſupra Gratian. cauſa. 24: q. 1. c. arrecta. Gloſs upon Gratian aſcribes this tranſcendent, ſuperlative authority to the eſſential Church, or Congregation of the Faithful; Bellarm. De Concil. & Eccleſia, lib. 1. cap. 18. Bellarmine to the Repreſentative Church, or a general Council lawfully called; Defenſio pacis, part. 2. cap. 2. Matſil. Patavinus. Marſilius Patavinus to the Conſiſtorial Church, or the Pope, and his Conclave; Per Eccleſiam intelligimus Pontificem Romanum, qui pro tempore Eccleſiae naviculam moderatur, & Eccleſiam Papam interpretari non abnuo. Gretzerus, cap 10. lib. 3. De verbo Dei. Gretzerus, the Jeſuite, to the virtual Church, which is the Pope onely. This Roman Vertumnus turns himſelf into all theſe ſhapes; ſometimes urging the depoſition of Princes in his own name; ſometimes of his Conſiſtorie; ſometimes of a general Council; ſometimes of the Catholick Church; theſe words are uſed to exclude all the pretences.

Gent.

All theſe pretences will vaniſh, and come to nothing, if you can make it good, that Princes, and chief Secular Magiſtrates are ſupreme, and independent within their Territories.

Miniſt.

This Propoſition, that Princes, and chief ſecular Magiſtrates are ſupreme, and independent within their Territories, and conſequently (which is the ſecond Theſis) that The Pope hath no power over them; I ſhall make good, firſt by Scripture, ſecondly by Fathers, thirdly (as applicable to us) by the Annals, and Geſts of this Nation.

Firſt, By Scriptures, that Papal juriſdiction is not ſupreme by Divine Inſtitution; but that Princes are inveſted with it by divine, civil, and natural right; which Gregory, the Great, a Roman Pope, confeſſes, ſaying, Nullus pradeceſſorum meorum, Pontificum Romanorum, Ʋniverſalis Epiſcopi nomen ſibi aſſumpſit; quòd ſi aſsumpſerit, typhus eſſe dico arrogantia, vocabulum ſuperbum, novum, pompaticum, perverſum, ſsultum, temerarium, ſuperstitioſum, profanum, impium, ſceleratum, nomen ſingularitatis, nomen erroris, nomen hypocriſeos, nomen vanitatis, nomen blaſphemiae, eúmque, qui ſe appellaverit. aut appellari deſideraverit illo arrogantiſsimo vocabulo, in clatione ſua Antichriſtum praecurrere, illiusque quietam, & gratam uſurpationem fidei univerſalis Eccleſiae calamitatem eſſe. Gregor. lib. 4. Epiſtol. 60. None of the Roman Biſhops, my Predeceſſours, aſſumed to himſelf the name of Univerſal Biſhop, and, if any man elſe aſſume the ſame, I ſay, it is a ſwelling of arrogancy, a proud, novel, pompous, perverſe, temerarious, ſuperſtitious, profane, and impious Title, a name of ſingularity, a title of error, a word of vanity, and blaſphemy, and whoſoever taketh upon him, or deſireth this arrogant title, by this exalting himſelf he is a fore-runner of Antichriſt, and if he be permitted to uſurp the ſame, it will prove the bane of the faith of the univerſal Church. Thus far Gregory.

Gent.

This zealous acknowledgement of ſo learned, ſo pious a Pope, is very prejudicial to their cauſe; but let me hear Scriptures.

Miniſt.

When the Kingdom, and Prieſt-hood were divided in Moſes, and Aaron; Moſes, the civil Magiſtrate, exerciſed a ſupremacy over Aaren, the High Prieſt, not onely in cauſes Civil, but Eccleſiaſtical, whom he reproved, Exod. xxxii. 21. for making the golden Calf; and in his time, the breach of the Sabbath, by gathering of ſticks, was puniſhed by the civil Sword, Numb. xv. 31. Joſhua, a Prince, no Prieſt, ſucceeded Moſes in his charge, and by this Commiſſion, Joſhua, v. 2. he circumciſed the Sons of Iſrael, erected an Altar of Stone, Joſ. viii. 30. Read the Law Joſ. viii. 32, 34. did execution on him, that concealed things dedicated to Idols; Joſ. vii. 24, 25. cauſed the people to put away ſtrange Gods, and renued the Covenant between God, and the people; Joſ. xxiv. 23, 25. David's whole ſtudy was well for cauſes Eccleſiaſtical, as Civil, after he had freed Iſrael from all enemies, then did he compoſe 1 Paral. xvi. 7. Pſalms to be ſung by Aſaph, and his Brethren; then did he ſet 1 Paral. xxiii. orders in the Temple, appointed 1 Paral. xxiv. Prieſts, Levites, 1 Paral. xxv. Singers, and other 1 Paral. xxvi: inferiour Servitours, and aſſigned to them their 1 Paral. xxvii. dignities, courſes, and offices. Solomon by this commiſſion built the 1 Kings vi. Temple, and 1 Kings viii. dedicated it, depoſed 1 Kings ii. 35. Abiathar the High-Prieſt, and placed Sadock in his room. I hope this is matter, and argument of expreſs Supremacy. Aſa took away 2 Paral. xiv. 3, 4, &c. altars of ſtrange Gods, the High-places, and groves; He put down his 2 Paral. xv. 8, 12, 13, 14, 15. Mother, becauſe ſhe had made an Idol; He took an 2 Paral. xv. 13. Oath of Judah, and Benjamin (which may be paralleled with this Oath) that whoſoever would not ſerve the LORD, and abjure Idolatry, ſhould be ſlain. Jehoſhaphat ſent his 2 Paral. xvii. 6, 7. Princes to reform Religion in the cities of Judah, and with them Prieſts, and Levites: himſelf went from 2 Paral. xix. 4. Beer-ſheba to Mount Ephraim, and brought the people again to the God of their Fathers; He 2 Paral. xix. 8. ſet of the Prieſts, and Levites, and chief of the families of Iſrael, for the Judgment, and cauſes of the LORD, 2 Paral. xxix. 3. 4, 5. Ezechias his execution of ſupremacy, even over the High-Priest in this kinde, is famous, he opened the doors of the Houſe of the LORD, and brought the Prieſts, and Levites in, He 2 Paral. xxix. 30. commanded them to ſanctify themſelves, and offer burnt-offerings, which they did according to the 2 Paral. xxx. 1, 6, 12. King's commandment. Here Priests are obedient to the King's Injunction, even in their own Duties, and Charge: He commanded the Levites to praiſe God with the words of David; There he enjoyned a Liturgy, He commanded all Judah, and Iſrael to keep the Paſs-over. Here is (as Saint Auguſtine ſaith) omnia cum imperio, all for the civil power; He 2 Paral. xxxi. 2. appointed the courſe of Priests, and Levites by turns, He 2 Paral. xxxi. 1. took away the high-places, broke down the Images, and brake the 2 Kings xviii. 4. Braſen-Serpent, made by Moſes, becauſe the people burned Incenſe unto it. Manaſſes that had ſet up Altars, Groves, and Images before his captivity; after his 2 Paral. xxxiv. 3, 4, 19, 30, 31, 32, 33. repentance he took away the strange Gods, and the Image, that he had put in the houſe of the Lord, and reſtoring the worſhip of God, commanded Judah to ſerve the Lord. The laſt inſtance I will produce is that of Joſias, who purged Judah, and Jeruſalem from 2 Paral. xxxv. 1, 2, 3, 10, 18. high-places, Groves, and Images, he gathered all Iſrael, read the Law, renued the Covenant, compelled them to ſerve the Lord, kept the famous Paſs-over, and reduced the Prieſts, and Levites to their courſes ſet by David, and Solomon: I ſupraſede the allegation of any further evidence of this kinde; ſeeing the Jeſuite Salmeron confeſſes, that In Veteri Teſtamento ſub lege naturae, vel Moſis, ſummi Sacerdotes Regibus ſubdebantur. Salemron in Tractatu 63. De poteſtate Eccleſiaſtica, & Saeculari. In the Old Teſtament, under the Law of Nature, or Moſes, the High-Prieſts were ſubject to Kings.

Gent.

But I have known others of our Allen. Defenſ. Angl. Cathol. cap. 8. Catholick Doctours preferring the High-Priest's Croſiar before the King's Scepter, and for their warrant, alledged theſe examples out of Scripture 2 Paral. xxvi. firſt of Azarias the High-Prieſt, who, accompanied with fourſcore other Prieſts, magnanimouſly aſſaulted King Ʋzziah ſmit with leproſy, becauſe he had burned Incenſe to the Lord, drave him out of the Temple, according to the Levit. xiii. Levitical Law, ſent him out of the City, and depoſed him from his Kingly authority. Bellarm. lib. 5. De Roman. Pontif. cap. 8. The other example is of Jehoiada, who, whileſt he was executing the Prieſt's office, commanded Queen Athaliah to be ſlain, becauſe ſhe countenanced the worſhip of Baal, and ſubſtituted Joaſh King in her place. Theſe are Preſidents of High-Prieſts (or Papal authority) over Princes.

Miniſt.

Theſe two Hiſtories being truly underſtood, make nothing for advancement of Papal above Civil power; but rather give it a deadly blow: for firſt, the Scripture ſaith not, that Azariah aſſaulted Ʋzziah the King, or that he violently forced him out of the Temple; for he was forced by the hand of God, when the leproſy aroſe in his forehead: And whereas Azariah, the High-Priest' with the reſt of the Prieſts, is ſaid 2 Paral. xxvi. 20. feſtinato illum templo expuliſſe, to have thruſt, and alſo haſtened him to go out, Joſephus Joſeph. Antiq. Judaic. lib. 9. cap. 11. quem ſequitur Cajetanus in 2. Paral. xxvi. Viſa lepra, Sacerdotes Regem leproſū ad feſtinè egrediendum monent. interprets it a perſwaſion onely by words, not any compulſion by deeds: whereof Chryſoſtome gives the reaſon, ſaying, Sacerdotis eſt tantum arguere, liberámque praestare admonitionem, non movere arma, non clypeos uſurpare, non vibrare lanceam, nec arcum tendere, nec jaculum mittere: ſed tantum arguere, & liberā praestare admonitionem. Chryſoft. De verb. Iſaiae, Hom. 4. It is the Prieſt's office onely to reprove, and freely admoniſh; not to move arms, not to uſe ſhields, not to ſhake lances, not to bend a bow, or throw a dart: but onely to argue, and freely to reprove. Neither did Azariah depoſe Ʋzziah from his royal authority, which he retained till death; for a Kings xv. 2. he was ſixteen years old, when he began to reign, and he reigned fifty two years in Jeruſalem; for he was ſixty and eight years old (as Joſephus Joſeph. lib. 9. Antiquit. cap. 11. relates) when he died. And, though he was 2 Kings xv. 5. 2 Paral. xxvi. 21, 23. ſhut up according to the Law, and his Son Jothan ſubſtituted, as Lieu-tenant under him, to overſee the King's houſe, and judg the people of the land; yet he arrogated not to himſelf the reins of government, till Ʋzziah ſlept with his Fathers.

Gent.

You have given a ſatisfactory anſwer to this of Azariah; but, methinks, that of 2 Kings xi. Athaliah is more intricate, and intangled with more difficulties.

Miniſt.

The Anſwer of both is alike eaſy; which I ſhall clearly diſcover unto you, if you will be pleaſed to remember firſt, when 2 Kings xi. 1, 2. Ahaziah, the Son of Joram, and King of Judah, was dead, his Mother Athaliah, ſlew all the royal ſeed, except Joah, the Son of Ahaziah, whom his Aunt Jehoſheba, the Wife of Jehoiada the Priest, had privily hid for the ſpace of ſix years in the houſe of the Lord: then 2 Paral. xxiii. 1, 2, 11. Jehoiada, not as High-Prieſt, but as the King's Ʋnkle by affinity, and his guardian; nor he alone, but the Captains of hundreds, the Levites gathered out of all the cities of Judah, and the chief of the Fathers of Iſrael brought out Joaſh, the King's Son, and put upon him the Crown, admitting him In regnum, quod ei tam jure haereditario, tum ipſius Dei conſilio debebatur adſciviſſe. Andreros. into poſſeſſion of that Kingdom, which was his own by right of inheritance, and God's decree. Laſtly, When Joaſh was thus inveſted with royalty, Jehoiada the High-Prieſt, commiſſioned with his authority, 2 Paral. xxiii. 14. brought forth the bloody Ʋſurpreſs Athaliah, and ſentenced her to death, as a condigne puniſhment for her cruelties.

Gent.

I am convinced, that they that prefer the Mitre before the Diadem, that is Papal before Princely power, have no countenance from the Old Teſtament: is it diſowned alſo by the New?

Miniſt.

If Civil Magiſtrates before the coming of Chriſt exerciſed ſupream authority, both over Prieſts, and people, as ſubject to them; it is not probable, that Chriſt took it away, or impeached it in the leaſt: which Saint Augustine proclaims in the Name, and perſon of Chriſt, Audi circumciſio, audi praputium, audite omnia regna terrena; Non impedio dominationem veſtram in hoc mundo, regnum menon eſt de hoc mundo ſed celeſte eſt. Auguſt. Tract. 115. in Johan. Hear circumciſion, hear uncircumciſion, hear all Kingdoms of the earth; I do not hinder your dominion in this World; my Kingdom is not of this World, but is celeſtial or ſpiritual. And St. Choyſoſtom declares that Chriſtus leges ſuas non ad hoc induxit, ut policias everteret; ſed ut melius inſtitueret. Chryſoſt. Hom 23. in xiii. ad Rom. Christ did not introduce his Laws for this end, that he might overthrow States, and Governments; but that he might better inſtruct them. Now among all the divine Aphoriſms of Government regiſtred in the New Teſtament, that of Saint Paul is moſt ſolemn. Rom. xiii. 1. Let every ſoul be ſubject 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to the higher powers, that is, thoſe that carry the Sword, to whom tribute is due; ſo that your Jeſuit Pererius is forced to acknowledg, that Auguſtine, Chryſoſtome, and almoſt all the Antients underſtood Paul to ſpeak here onely of ſecular power; Every ſoul (ſaith Saint Omnis omnino anima, etiamſi Apoſtolus ſit, ſi Evangeliſta, ſi Propheta, quiſquis tandem fuerit. Chryſoſt. in xiii. ad Roman. cui Theodoret. Theophylact. Oecumenius aſſentiuntur. Chryſoſtome) whether it be Apoſtle, or Evangeliſt, or Prophet, or whoſoever He ſhall be, (Pope, or Patriarch) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , muſt be ſubject. Which Paul confirms by his own example, ſtanding at Caeſar's judgment ſeat, of whom (ſaith Acts xxv. 10. he) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , I muſt be judged: and no wonder, ſeeing Chriſt John xix. 11. himſelf paied tribute to Caeſar, and confeſſed, that Pilate, the Preſident of a little Province, had power over him given from above. And Saint Peter, who exhorts his fellow Preſbyters to 1 Pet. v. 2. feed the flock of God, admoniſhes them alſo to 1 Peter ii. 13. ſubmit themſelves to every Ordinance of man for the Lord's ſake, whether it be to the King, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as ſupreme.

Gent.

I ſee the New Teſtament, alſo is clear for civil Princes Supremacy; yet one ſcruple troubles me, how Sheep ſhould be ſuperiour to their Paſtours; even civil Princes, who are alſo Sheep, are commanded, Heb. xiii. 17. to obey them; that have the rule over them, and ſubmit themſelves; for they watch for their Souls. Whereupon Saint Ambroſe ſaith, Nihil in hoc ſaeculo excellentius Sacerdote, nihil Epiſcopo ſublimius reperiri. Ambroſ. De dignitate Sacerd. cap. 3. There is nothing more excellent in this world, then a Prieſt, nothing higher then a Biſhop. How can theſe things agree?

Miniſt.

Well enough; for Princes, and Presbyters are mutually Paſtours, one to another in diverſe reſpects; which Saint Chryſoſtom lays open; ſaying, Oves Paſtor magnà poteſtate cogere ad perferendam morborum curationem queat, quam non ſuſtinent ſponte; easque ad feracia, & tuta pàſcua compellere, ſi vagae depaſcantur ſterilia, & abrupta loca. Chrvſoſt. lib. 2. De Sacerdotio. A Paſtour can compel his Sheep with great power to ſubmit to the cure of their diſeaſes, which willingly they would not, and drive them to fruitful, and wholſom Paſtures, when they ſtray to barren, and infectious places. Thus ſecular Princes are ſtiled Pastours by a borrowed Speech; becauſe they gather their Subjects (whether Clergy, or Laity) into order by coercive, and external power, and fear of puniſhment. But, ſaith the ſame Epiſcopi, & Presbyteri, homines, & rationales Chriſti oves, ſuadendo, non vim afferendo commovere debent, ut ſe curari ſinant. Chryſoſt. ibid. Chryſoſtom, Biſhops, and Presbyters, which are Paſtours of Souls, ought to work upon men, as the reaſonable ſheep of Chriſt, by perſwaſion, not by compulſion, to ſuffer themſelves to be cured. Thus the Biſhop of Rome hath onely a perſwaſive, but no juſt coercive power over his own Italian flock; much leſs over theſe Nations, which are no part of his charge.

Gent.

But Salmero, Gregorius de Valentia, Bellarmine, Suarez, Sa, Richeomus, Heiſſius, and Antonius Sanctarellus have proclaimed to the world the contrary Doctrine; whereof the laſt, in his Treatiſe Of Hereſie, and the Pope's power, affirms, That Papae, ac Chriſti unum eſſe tribunal; Papá jus, & poteſtatem habere in spiritualia ſimul, & in omnia temporalia, & in eo de jure divino eſſe utramque poteſtatē. nec eam modò in aedificationem, ſicut Apoſtolis data fuerat, ſed etiam in deſtructionem; adeóque Papam etiam ſine Concilio poſſe Imperatores, & Reges non tantùm propter Haereſin, &c. regno privare. Anton. Sanctarell. Tract. De poteſtate Summi Pontificis. the Pope, and Christ have but one Tribunal; That the Pope hath right, and power both in Spiritualities, and all Temporalities, and to claim both powers by Divine right, not onely for Edification, as the Apoſtles did, but for Deſtruction; and therefore the Pope, even without a Council, may depoſe Emperours, and Kings, not onely for Hereſie, Schiſm, or any other crime not tolerable to the people; but alſo for inſufficiency, and that their perſons are unprofitable, &c. with much moreof the ſame leaven.

Minist.

It is true, which Seneca ſaith, Nullum facinus caret Exemplo; No wickedneſs is ſo abominable, but it hath ſome Preſident: as this Diabolical Doctrine hath the patronage of the Jeſuits; yet that it was diſrelliſhed, and deteſted even by the Romiſts themſelves, appears in that, as ſoon as the Book of Sanctarellus was brought into France, the Ʋ niverſity of Paris, and eſpecially the College of Sorbone, publickly condemned, and proſcribed by a ſharp Decree the Jeſuitical Doctrine, as Pariſienſis Academia, &c. praeſcripſit, veluti exitialem, ac peſtilentem, cùm ſit falſa, nova, erronea, verbo Dei contraria, ſchiſmati occaſionem praebens, ſupremae Regum authoritati à Deo ſolo dependenti derogans, regnorum, ſtatuum, rerumpublicarum everſiva, ſubditos ab obedientia, & ſubjectione, avocans; & ad factiones, rebelliones ſeditiones, & Principum parricidia excitans. Alphonſus de Vargas, pag. 118. deſtructive, and peſtilent, and deteſtable; and that it was new, falſe, erroneous, contrary to the word of God, giving occaſion of Schiſm, derogating from the ſupreme authority of Kings depending on God alone, diſturbing publick peace, deſtructive to Kingdoms, States, and Common-wealths, withdrawing Subjects from obedience, and ſubjection, ſtiring them up to rebellions, ſeditions, and murder of Princes; and I may add contradictory to Scriptures (as is already demonſtrated) and alſo all the antient Fathers.

Gent.

That this Decree of the Ʋniverſity of Paris, and the Doctours of Sorbone is conſonant to Scripture, I make no ſcruple; let me hear what the Primitive Fathers ſay to this Point; which is the ſecond proof, you promiſed.

Miniſt.

I will only give you a few of many, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , you may diſcern Hercules his whole Dimenſions by his foot. Tertullian, ſpeaking of Imperial, or Civil power, ſaith, Colimus Imperatorem, ut hominem a Deo ſecundum, & quicquid eſt à Deo conſicutum, ſold Deo minorem. Tertul. ad Scapulam. We honour the Emperour, as a man ſecond to God, obtaining of God whatſoever he hath, and inferiour to God onely, (not the Pope.) Opatus ſaith, Optatus, lib. 3. contra Parmenianum. Super Imperatorem non eſt niſi ſolus Deus, qui fecit Imperatorem; Above the Emperour there is none, but onely God (not the Romane Prelate) that made the Emperour. Saint Chryſoſtome, ſpeaking of the Emperour Theodoſius, ſaith, Non habet parem ſupra terram, ſummitas, & caput omnium ſupra terram hominum. Chryſoſt. Homil. 3. Ad populum Antioch. He hath no Peer upon earth, the height, and head of all men upon earth; therefore of the Romiſh Biſhop. Saint Cyril, writing to Theodoſius the Younger, ſaith; Cyril. Epiſtol. ad Theodoſium praefixa libro, adverſus Julianum. Veſtrae Serenitati nullus ſtatus eſt aequalis; There is no ſtate, (therefore not the Romiſh Hierarchy) equal to your Sovereignty. Agapetus affirms of the Emperour Juſtinian, Agapetus, Paraenet. num. i. num. 21. Eum hominem quolibet ſublimiorem habere dignitatem, That His dignity was more ſublime then any other man's; Non ſe habere in terris quemquam altiorem, That He had no man upon earth (therefore not a Prieſt ſitting in the Romane Vatican) higher then himſelf. This was the continued Doctrine of the Church in Primitive, and pure times; for betwixt Optatus, and Agapetus, were well nigh two hundred years. Pelagius firſt of that name; Biſhop of Rome, five hundred years after Chriſt, ſalutes Childebert, King of France, with this ſubmiſſive language; Quanto nobis studio, & labore ſatagendum eſt, ut proferendo ſuspi ionis ſcandalo obſequium confeſsionis noſtrae Regibus miniſtremus, quibus nos etiam ſubditos ſanctae Scripturae praecipiunt. Epiſtol. 16. ad Chil eb. apud Bin. Tom. 2. Concil. pag. 6 3. How ſtudiouſly, and painfully ought we to endeavour, that we may avoid the ſuſpicion of ſcandal, to perform obedience to Kings meet for our (Chriſtian) profeſſion, to whom the holy Scriptures commands even us (the Biſhops of Rome) to be ſubject. And Gregory the Great, who ſate in the Romane See ſix hundred years after the Incarnation, piouſly confeſſes, That Poteſtatem ſupra omnes homines Dominorum ſuorum pietati caelitus da um eſſe; utrobique quod debui exſolvi, qui & Imperatori obedientiam praebui, & pro Deo quod ſenſi minimè tacui. Gregor. lib. 2. Epiſt. 61. Power was given from Heaven to his Lords, the Emperours, over all men; in which univerſal Catalogue he alſo compriſeth himſelf, Ego juſſioni veſtrae ſubjectus; I alſo ſubject to your command; and that not out of fained humility, but conſcience, and duty; for he ſubjoyns, On both ſides I have diſcharged my duty, who both performed obedience to the Emperour, and concealed not what I thought for God's cauſe. This Holy Mount was not touched for nine hundred years after the Paſſion, during which time Princes kept their power, and juriſdiction unimpeached over the Roman Prelates, ſometimes depoſing them from their Epiſcopal charge for impurity of life, as Reverſus eſt Otho Romam, ut Papam Johannem corriperet, quod plurimorum criminum reus ageretur: proinde ſceleris ſui conſcius ſibi Pontifex ob metum Othonis profugit. Carion, Chror. lib. 3. pag. 190. Otho the Emperour ejected John the Twelfth for his wickedneſs, and Necromancy.

Gent.

But this Emperour Otho was crowned by John, and performed an Oath of Fealty to him; therefore ſome think he was unjuſtly depoſed.

Miniſt.

He was crowned by him, and Forma Juramenti extat 63. Diſtinct. capite Tibi, Domina. ſwore Fealty, but, as Carion, the Hiſtorian, ſaith, Carion, ſupra. Otho hic primus eſt Imperator, qui Pontifici juramentum praeſtitit: This Otho was the firſt Emperour, that ever was ſworn to the Pope. Therefore it was a juſt judgment, that he ſhould be ejected for this uſurpation firſt attempted nine hundred thirty eight years after Chriſt whereas all Romiſh Prelats had been ever ſubject to the Emperour before.

Gent.

You have made good, according to promiſe, both by Scriptures, and Fathers, that Civil Princes de jure ought to have, and de facto have had power over the Biſhop of Rome, till the tenth Century, let me hear your third proof taken from the Tangit illam pervetuſtam quaestionem, an Anglia ſit Feudatoria Papae. Franciſeus de Sancta Ciara pag. 33 . Annals, and Geſts of this Nation, as applicable to us.

Miniſt.

De regione libera, per chartam lugubrem, ancillam fecit, & feudatoriam ſummo Pontiſici. Matthaeus Paris. Matthew Paris, and Matthew Weſtminſter, two Popiſh Chroniclers, both witneſs, that King John in the twelve hundred, and thirteenth year of Chriſt, made England, which was a free Nation, to be ſubject, and in fee to the Pope, by a ſorrie Charter. The occaſion why, and the manner how, this was performed to the Pope's Legate Pandolph, our Hiſtorians Stow. Chronicl. pag. 243. Cogſhal. are pregnant; This continued not long, e're his Son, Henry Henricus ejus ſilius in Concilio Lugdunenſi huic reclamavit, & praecipuè Epiſcopus Can natienſis. ut teſtatur Walſingham ad annum 1245. & poſtea Cancellarius Angliae, Epiſcopus Elienſis, in publicis regni Comitus, conſenti ntiius tribus ordinibus parriae reclamavit, non obſtante privata ſponſione Johannis, ut teſtatur Harpsfield ad ſaeculum 14. cap. 5. imo et armis ſe à temporali jurisdictione Papae deſenſuros proteſtabantur. the Third, in the Council at Lions, reclaimed it, and eſpecially the Biſhop of Canterbury, as Walſingham witneſſeth in the year 1245. and afterwards it was revoked, and cancelled at the inſtigation of the Biſhop of Ely, Chancellour of England, by act of Parliament, the three orders of the Nation, Lords Spiritual, Temporal, and Commons, generally conſenting, notwithſtanding John's private promiſe; and proteſtation made, That they would defend themſelves by force of arms from the temporal jurisdiction of the Pope. Here you may obſerve three things,

Firſt, That it was above twelve hundred years after the Incarnation, before the Papal power was manifeſtly attempted to be obtruded over Princes in this Nation.

Secondly, That King John out of weakneſs, without his lawful Council, being embroyled with the Barons War, was the firſt, that baſely ſubmitted unto it.

Thirdly, That it was proteſted againſt, as unlawful, in a Provincial Council, and revoked by an act of Parliament, with a National engagement to maintain the antient rights by force of arms.

Gent.

When then began the Biſhop of Rome to be ſo rampant, as to invade Imperial rights, and to trample their Diadems under his feet, or to attempt their deprivation?

Miniſt.

Above a thouſand years after the Aſcenſion. Then Gregory the Seventh, alias Hildebrand, Tandem in hane cataſtrophem abi t haec Traegoedia, quòd Caeſar ipſe à ſummo Pontifice non eſt excommunicatus ſolûm, ſed et reliquis Principibus mandatum eſt, ut Imperatorem alium deſignarent. Carion. Chronic. pag. 202. about the year one thouſand ſeventy three, deprived Henry the Fourth of his Imperial power, and conferred it on Rodolph, Duke of Suecia, ſending him a Diadem with this Inſcription; Petra dedit Petro, Petrus Diadema Rodolpho.

Lego. & relego Romanorum Regum. & Imperatorum gesta, & nuſquam invenio quenquam eorum, ante hunc, a Romano Pontifice excommunicatu , vel regno privatum. Otho Friſingenſ. lil. 9. cap. 35. I have read, and read again, (ſaith Otho Friſingenſis, a grave Hiſtorian, who lived in the ſucceeding age) the geſts of Roman Kings, and Emperours, and never finde any of them, before this Henry, excommunicated by the Roman Biſhop, or deprived of their Kingdom.

Gent.

What was the iſſue, and event of this? for God is oftentimes ſeen in his Judgments; Seneca. Medaea Tragoed. Raro antecedentem ſceleſtum Deſeruit pede poena claudo. Wickedneſs is attended commonly with ſignal judgments proportionable.

Miniſt.

By the tragical ends of thoſe prime agents, who had a hand in confederating againſt this Emperour, Romane Prelates might be diſcouraged from ſuch attempts for the future, if their hearts were not feared with more then Pharaoh's hardneſs; for Rodolph, whom, by the inſtigation of Gregory, ſome Princes of Germany had choſen Anti-Emperour, having, in battel againſt his liege Lord, loſt his right hand; by reaſon of which, and other wounds, when he was about to give up the Ghoſt; Abſciſſam dextram intuitus ad Epiſcopos, qui fortè aderant, graviter ſuſpirans dixit; Ecce! haec eſt manus, qua Domino meo Henrico fidem ſacramento firmavi. Uſpergenſis, anno 10 0. looking upon his hand, that was cut off, he ſpake unto the Biſhops, and ſtanders by, with a grievous groan; Lo this is the land, with which I ſwore fealty to Henry my Lord, as Ʋſpergenſis hath it. And Hildebrand himſelf, while he was buſied about depoſing the Emperour, was by the Votes, and ſuffrages of his Romans, ejected from the Popedom, and brought to extream miſerie, and calling to him one of the Cardinals, whom he loved more intimately, then the reſt, he confeſſed (as Sigebert In extremis poſitus ad ſe vocavit unum ex Gardinalibus, quem muliùm diligebat prae caeteris; & confeſſus eſt Deo, & ſancto. Petro, & teti Eccleſiae, ſe valdè peccaſſe in Paſiorale cura, quae ei ad regendum commiſſa erat, &, ſuadente Diabolo, contra humanum genus iram, & odium concitaſſe. Sigebert. Anno 1084, 1085. ſaith) to God, and St. Peter, and the whole Church, that he had greately ſinned in his Paſtoral charge, which was committed unto him, and by the perſwaſion of the Devil had ſtirred up wrath, and hatred againſt mankind. And this crime (ſaith Otho Friſingenſis) of Hildebrand depoſing Henry, like a whirlwinde, or tempeſt ſtriking all things down before it, Tot mala, tot ſchiſmata, tot animarum, ouam corporum pericula involvit, ut ſolum ex perſecutionis immanitate, ac temporis diuturnitate ad humanae miſeriae infelicitatem ſufficeret comprodandam. Otho Friſingenſ. 1. . . cap. 33. involved ſo many miſeries, ſo many Schiſms, ſo many perils both of ſouls, and bodies; that it alone by the barbarouſneſs of the perſecution, and the continuance thereof, were ſufficient to prove the infelicity of humane miſery.

Gent.

This truth is written in ſo clear Characters of Scriptures, Fathers, our own Hiſtorians, and ſealed with ſignal, and ſtupendous judgments, that I am convinced, and I wonder that more of our profeſſion are not, touching this Article.

Miniſt.

You heard the Ʋniverſity of Paris, with the Sorboniſts, condemned Sanctarellus, Read the Biſhop of Rocheſter, De poteſtate Papae, cap. 8. qui multos citat autores. and there are many more beſides them, that hold this negative; to wit, The Pope by virtue of his office hath not any power, or authority, to depoſe Princes, or to diſpoſe of their crowns, or lives, for any cauſe, crime, end, or good whatſoever. So that (I think) I may ſafely conclude, That, which is contrary to Scripture, antient Fathers, the Annals, and Geſts of our own Nation, hath been attended with ſignal judgments, Qui Summi Pontificis omne de re qualibet judicium temerè, ac ſine delectu defendunt, eos ſedis Apoſtolicae authoritatem labefactare, non ſovere, non firmare. Cand. lib. 5. Quaeſt. 5. and is diſclaimed by moderate Papals themſelves, ought to be abjured: But ſuch is the Popiſh pretended power to depoſe the chief Magiſtrate, &c. Therefore it ought to be abjured. But we ſhall have this more fully diſcuſſed in the next Article, which is,

The Eighth Article.

I do ſincerely teſtifie, and declare, That the Pope hath not any authority to diſcharge any of the people of theſe Nations from their obedience to the chief Magiſtrate, or to give licence, or leave to any of the ſaid people to bear Arms, raiſe Tumults, or to offer any violence, or hurt to the perſons of the ſaid chief Magiſtrates, or to the ſtate, or government of theſe Nations, or to any of the people thereof.

Miniſt.

BY reaſon of cruel Poſitions, and practiſes of Jeſuits, in the year one thouſand five hundred eighty two it was made high Treaſon, Si non vis eſſe obnoxius Caeſari, noli habere qu ſunt mundi; ſi habes divitias, obnoxius es Caeſari. Ambroſ. in Lucam, lib. 9. cap. 20. to diſſwade any Subject from Dices, Quid mihi, & Regi? quid tibi ergo, & poſſeſsioni? per jura Regum poſſeſsiones poſsidentur. Auguſt. in Johan. Allegiance to their Prince; and from the Religion, that was eſtabliſhed in England. This Article intends the Abjuration of that, which was then enacted as treaſonable.

Gen.

What difference is there betwixt this Article, and the former? it is not obvious to me eaſily to diſtinguiſh between them.

Miniſt.

They are principally differenced in this, that the former Article excluded the Pope's authority to excite any forein power to annoy, depoſe the chief Magiſtrate of theſe Nations, or to diſpoſe of his Territories. This diſclaims the Pope's power to arm Subjects againſt their Sovereign; or, being diſobliged by him from their obedience, to move commotions, ſeditions, or rebellions.

Gent.

Doth the Pope arrogate by his pleni-potentiary power to ſtir up any forein Prince againſt another, and collate their Dominions upon them?

Miniſt.

Yes; Papa Johannes nonus, conspiratione facta cum Gallorum Regibus à Germanis Imperii Majeſtatem studebat transferre in Carolum Calvum, deinde in Ludovicum Balbum, ejus filium: ſed Imperium per vim retinuerunt Germani. Carion, Chronic. pag. 179. Pope John the Ninth atempted (though in vain) to tranſlate the Romane Empire from the Germans to the French; and firſt collated the Diadem upon Carolus Calvus, and afterwards upon Ludovicus Balbus his Son, Kings of France: He encouraged, at the laſt, Sicut Zacharias tranſtulit imperium á Graecis ad Teutonicos; ita nos poſſumus illud transferre ab Alemannis ad Graecos. Carion, Chronic. pag. 179. Lewis, Son to the French King, to raiſe arms againſt John King of England. In the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, Paul the Fourth being Pope, Sebaſtianus Martignius could hardly be perſwaded from entring England with a thouſand foot, and ſome horſe; afterwards he ſtirred up the Duke D'Alva againſt her, and promiſed (if need were) to go himſelf in perſon againſt England, and engage the goods of the Apoſtolick See. It were too tedious to relate the Stories of the Scottiſh Queen, the Duke of Norfolk, Stucklie, James Boncompagno, Baſtard-ſon to Gregory the Thirteenth, Squire, Babington, Parry, Lopez, Tyrone, the intended Invaſion in Eighty eight by Pererius Guzmannus Duke of Medina, the Gun-powder-Treaſon, to invade, or embroil this Nation; as Biſhop Carlton Thankful Remembrance of God's Mercies, by G. Carleton, Biſhop of Chicheſter. hath faithfully diſcovered at large, to whoſe Book I refer you.

Gent.

I perceive by theſe Hiſtories, Ecce! in poteſtate noſtra eſt, ut demus illud cut volumus: propterea conſtituti ſumus à Deo ſuper Gentes, & regna; ut destruamus, & evellamus, aedificemus, & plantemus. Dictum Adriani Frederico. Aventinus in Adriano iv. 1154. Popes have been Incendiaries to ſtir up one Prince againſt another, for advantage of their Romane Juriſdiction; have they been as buſy to unrivet the obediential tye of people to the chief Magiſtrate?

Miniſt.

Yes; you cannot but have heard of their pragmaticalneſs alſo herein, that Cornelius Agrippa, one of your own, ſaith, Cornelius Agrippa. De vanitate Scientiarum, cap 6. ex Camatenſi. Legati Romanorum Pontificum ſic debacchantur in Provinciis, ac ſi ad flagellandam Eccleſiam Satan egreſsus ſit a facie Domini; The Pope's Legates keep ſuch Revels, and Rackets in Kingdoms, and Countries, as if Satan were ſent abroad from the face of the Lord, to ſcourge the Church. Witneſs that Ipſam pratenſo regni jure; nec non omni, & quocunque dominio, dignitate, privilegióque privatam praecipimus, & interdicimus univerſis, & ſingulis Proceribus, ſubditis, & populis, nè illi, ejusque monitis, mandatis, & legibus audeant obedire: qui ſecùs egerint, eos ſimili Anathematis ſententia innodamus. Bulla Pii Quinti. Bull of Pius Quintus, faſtened by that Ardelio Felton, upon the Biſhop of London's Palace-Gate, wherein he makes it known, that he had deprived Queen Elizabeth from the right ſhe pretended to have in her Kingdoms, and alſo from all, and every her authority, dignity, and privilege; charging, and forbidding all, and ſingular Nobles, Subjects, and people, that they adventure not to obey her, her Monitions, Commands, or Laws, upon pain of his Grand Anathema, or Curſe.

Gent.

They pretend great reaſon for this; for In Concilio Lateranen ſi ſub Leone Decimo, Seſs. 10. Stephanus, Biſhop of Patrica, in our Laterane Council ſaid; In Papa eſt omnis poteſtas ſupra omnes poteſtates tam eoeli, quam terrae; All power is in the Pope above all powers, as well of heaven, as of earth; and in the Ceremoniary it is written, Ceremoniat, lib. 1. cap. 2. Moderatio Imperii Romani pertinet ad Papam, Dei vices gerentem in terris, tanquam ad eum, per quem Reges regnant; The Government of the Romane Empire belongeth unto the Pope, being God's Vicar on earth, as unto him, by whom Kings rule. Johannes Andreas compares the Pope to the Sun, and the Emperour to the Moon, and, by Mathematical Proportion, makes him ſeventy ſeven times greater, then the greateſt Prince. Abbot Panormitan ſaith, Plenitudo poteſtatis ſisperat omnem legem poſitivam. Panormitan. Extravag. De conſtitut. cap. 1. His. fulneſs of power paſſeth all poſitive Laws.

Miniſt.

It is true; your modern Court Paraſites have fawned upon the Pope with ſuch Blandiſhments of fulneſs of power; yet (as Baldus ſaith) this plenitudo poteſtatis eſt plenitudo tempeſtatis, fulneſs of power is fulneſs of tempeſt, or diſorder. And your own barbarous Gloſs confeſſes, Imperator in Temporaelibus habet poteſtatem a ſolo Deo, & imperium fuit, antequam Apoſtolus eſſet. Extravag. De Majoritate, & Obedientia. The Emperour in temporal things hath his authority, (not from the Pope, but) from God onely, and the Emperour was before the Apoſtles were. The Emperour Ludovicus the Fourth aſſerted his own right thus, Mea poteſtas non pendet a Papa, ſed a Deo immediaté: & vanum, quod dici ſolet, Papam non habere ſuperiorem. Paralipomena Uſpergenſia in Ludovico iv. My power hath no dependance of the Pope, but immediately of God alone, and it is a vain tale, that they ſay, The Pope hath no ſuperiour. Johannes Major, your own Colleague, ſaith, Bonifacius Octavus multùm apparenter definivit, quòd Romanus Pontifex eſt ſupra Reges in Temporalibus, quod tamen oculatiſsimi Theologi dicunt eſſe falſum. Johannes Major, 4. Sent. 20. q. 2. Pope Boniface the Eight hath defined many things with great ſhew of reaſon, that even in temporal cauſes the Pope is above Princes, but I may tell you (ſaith he) the wiſeſt Divines ſay it is falſe. And your Romiſh Ceremoniary, you ſo confide in, declares to the world, Ante Carolum Magnum neminem Imperii Romani coronam ex manu Romani Pontificis Romae ſuſcepiſſe; That before the Emperour Charles the Great (that is for the ſpace of eight hundred years after Chriſt) no man ever received the Crown of the Romane Empire at Rome, by the hands of the Biſhop of Rome. Therefore Bernard, though an Abbot, living in the miſts of Popery, tells Pope Eugenius without mincing, Eſto, ut alia quacunque ratione tibi vendices, non tamen Apoſtolico jure, nec illud tibi dare, quod non habuit, Petrus potuit. Bernardus, De Conſideratione ad Eugenium. lib. 2. Be it, he may claim this pretended right by ſome other means, yet by Apoſtolical right he cannot claim it, neither could Peter give him that right, he never had.

Gent.

But to your Teſtimonies (which I approve) be pleaſed to add ſome reaſons, why the Pope hath not any authority to diſcharge any of the people of theſe Nations from their obedience to the chief Magiſtrate.

Miniſt.

The reaſons are two;

Firſt, Colimus Imperatorem ut à Deo ſecundum, & quicquid eſt a Deo couſecutum, ſolo Deo minorem. Tertull. ad Scapulam The chief Magiſtrate receiveth his authority onely of God, and may acknowledge none above him within his Territories, but God.

Secondly, The Ty, or Obligation, whereby people are obliged in Duty to the chief Magiſtrate is perpetual, indiſſoluble, and may not lawfully be broken.

The former will be pertinent to this Article; the latter will fall in; in the next. And that not only primitive Fathers, and Proteſtants, but even moderate Papiſts maintain this Doctrine, appears by thoſe Primò, Rex ſtatum ſuum non niſi à Deo, & gladio ſuo debet recognoſcere. Secundò, Rex ſolum Deum, mortalem verò neminem, in regno ſuo ſuperiorem agnoſcit. Tertiò, Papa non potest nec Regem, nec regnum ejus ſupponere Interdicto, ſeu Sacris interdicere, nec ſubditis relaxare Sacramentum fidelitatis ei debitae propter quamcunque cauſam, & occaſionem. Alphonſus de Vargas, pag. 123. three Articles, agreed upon by the French Parliament at Paris, and ſubſcribed unto by the Sorboniſts, and other Divines.

Firſt, That the King, (or chief Magiſtrate) ought to hold his ſtate of none, but God, and his Sword.

Secondly, He acknowledges onely God, but no mortal man, ſuperiour in his Kingdom.

Thirdly, That the Pope cannot interdict, or excommunicate the King, or his Kingdom, or abſolve his Subjects from the Oath of Allegiance, for any cauſe, or pretext whatſoever.

Gent.

Make good your former reaſon (which you ſay pertains to this Article) That the chief Magiſtrate receiveth his authority onely of God, and may acknowledg none above him within his Territories, but God.

Miniſt.

The latter Branch of this Propoſition, That the chief Magiſtrate may acknowledge none above him within his Tertories, but God alone, is partly proved already; but that all ſcruple may be removed, I will add two Texts of Scripture more, with the Fathers deſcant upon them, and then proceed. The former, 2 Sam. xii. ii. where the Prophet Nathan, having convinced David of his murder, and adultery, and uſing this Preface, Haec dicit Dominus, Thus ſaith the Lord; onely (as Leo Haec dicit Dominus, monuit Regem Davidem, ut per poenitentiam peccata ſua expiaret, non tulit in eum ſententiam, quae, tanquam Adulter, & Homicida, juxta Legem morti addiceretur. Leo Quartus. 2. q. 7. cap. Non ſi competenter. ſaith) admoniſhed him to expiate his ſins by repentance, but paſſed no ſentence upon him, that, as a murderer, or adulterer, according to the Law, he might be put to death. Hence we may collect, if Nathan a Prophet extraordinarily commiſſioned by God, was not impowered to ſentence David, the chief Magiſtrate, or ſtir up his Subjects againſt him; much leſs may a Roman Prelate 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , put his ſickle into another's harveſt, and out of his Dioceſs moleſt Princes, Potentates, and States.

Gent.

Perhaps, Nathan, who was an extraordinary Prophet, had an extraordinary diſpenſation to ſpare David, who was an extraordinary Prince.

Miniſt.

No; the other Text I ſhall produce, relating to the ſame Hiſtory, overthrows that; which is Pſalm li. 4. Tibi ſoli peccavi; Againſt thee, thee onely (ſaith David unto God) have I ſinned. St. Ambroſe gives the reaſon; Rex utique erat, nullis ipſe legibus tenebatur humanis; neque enim Reges ullis ad poenam vocantur legibus, tuti imporii poteſtate; homini ergo non peccavit, cui non tenebatur obnoxius. Ambroſ. in Apolog. Davidis, cap. 4. lib. 2. ep. 7. He was (ſaith he) a King, or ſupreme Regent, and ſo ſubject to no Law of man: for Princes, beeing freed by Royal Prerogatives of Imperial power, are not puniſhable by humane Laws; he therefore ſinned not to man; to whom he was not ſubject. With him agrees Euthymius in theſe words; Cùm ſim Rex, & te ſolum commiſſorum à me ſcelerum judicem habeam, tibi ſoli peccaſſe videor; hoc eſt, tibi ſoli judici ſubjicior: caeterorum enim omnium ego Dominus ſum, & ob potentiam meam licere mihi videtur, quaecunque libuerit. Euthym. in Pſalm. li. Seeing I am a King, and have thee onely my Judg over my ſins, I ſeem to ſin onely to thee; that is, I am ſubject onely to thee, as to my Judg: for I am Lord over all others, and in regard of my power, and Majeſty, whatſoever pleaſeth me, ſeemeth to be lawful for me. Lyranus his Note is concentrick with the former; Lyranus in Pſal. li. Tibi ſoli peccavi, ſcilicet tanquam Judici, & punire potenti; peccaverat enim contra Uriam, & alios occaſione hujus interfectos; tamen, quia erat Rex, non habebat Judicem ſuperiorem, qui poſſet eum punire, niſi Deum: To thee onely have I ſinned, that is, to ſay, To thee onely, as to my Judg, and to him, that can puniſh me; for he had now ſinned againſt Ʋrias, and others, whom he cauſed to be murdered by that occaſion; yet becauſe he was a King (or ſupreme Magistrate) he had no ſuperiour Judg, that could puniſh, or controll him, ſave God alone. With theſe accord Saint Hierom, Arnobius, Caſſiodorus, Beda, Didymus, Cyril, and Nicetas.

Gent.

Perhaps all the Antients brought in their verdict, that none of his Subjects were competent Judges to puniſh, or controll him; this makes nothing againſt the Pope's jurisdiction.

Minist.

It makes againſt all alike, eſpecially any pretended authority above Supreme Magiſtrates, which even your Ordinary Gloſs upon this Pſalm confeſſes, ſaying, Rex, omnibus ſuperior, tantùm à Deo, puniendus eſt. Gloſſa Ordinaria in Pſalm. li. The King, or Regent, is above all, and he can be puniſhed by none, but by God alone. If that ſuffice not, hear a Romane Cardinal, to thee onely (ſaith Tibi ſoli, quia non eſt ſuper me alius, quàm tu, qui poſsit punire: ego enim ſum Rex, & non eſt aliquis, praeter te, ſuper me. Hugo Cardinalis in Pſal. li. Hugo) becauſe there is not any above me; but thy ſelf alone, that hath power to puniſh me; for I am a King, and ſo beſides thee is none above me. And, if my Sophister with Bellarmine ſhall ſay, There was none above Kings under the Law; but now his Holyneſs of Rome is above Emperours, and Dynaſts, under the Goſpel: Gregory, himſelf a Roman Pope, ſhall decide the controverſie; for thus he writes to the Emperour, Ego quidem, juſsioni veſtrae ſubjectus, eandem legem per diverſas terrarū partes tranſmitti feci; &. quia lex ipſa omnipotenti, Deo minime concordat, Ecce! per ſuggeſtionis nicae paginam ſereniſsimis Dominis nuntiavi Ʋtro •… ergo quod debui exſolvi, qui & Imperatori obedientiam praebui, & pro Deo quod ſerſi minimè tacui. Gregor. lib. 2. Epiſt. 61. cap. 100. I being your ſubject, and at your command, have cauſed the ſame Law to be ſent through divers parts of the Land, and becauſe the Law it ſelf doth not accord to God's will, behold! I have ſignified ſo much unto Your Majeſty by my Epiſtle, and ſo I have diſcharged my duty in both reſpects; as having rendred mine Obedience to the Emperour, and have not concealed what I thought in God's cauſe.

Gent.

Nothing is more clear, then this, yet Pope Adrian thus advanced himſelf above the Emperour Frederick; By means of us (ſaith Imperator per nos imperat, unde habet imperium niſi à nobis? ecce! in poteſtate noſtra eſt, ut demus illud cui volumus. Aventinus, lib. 9. pag, 616. he) the Emperour hath his Diadem; for whence hath he his Empire, but of us? behold! it is in our power to bestow the Empire upon whom we list.

Miniſt.

Emperours, Kings, and all Chief Magiſtrates by what title ſoever they be called, receive their authority onely of God, not of any Roman Priest: which is the former branch of the Propoſition, I engaged to prove. It is I (ſaith Pſalm, lxxxii. 6. God) not any Creature, that have ſaid, Ye are Gods. It is he, Daniel, iv. 32. the moſt High, that ruleth in the Kingdoms of men, and giveth them to whomſoever he will. Job. xxxvi. 7. It is his omnipotent hand, as the Vulgar Edition hath it, qui Reges collocat in ſolio, places Kings upon their Throne, Proverbs, viii. 15. by whom Kings reign, and Princes decree Juſtice. He, that ſaid by Nathan, to David, 2 Sam. xii. 7. I have anointed thee King over Iſrael. He, by whom Solomon confeſſeth he was 1 Kings, ii. 24. eſtabliſhed, and ſet on the Throne of David his Father. In whoſe name the Prophet Ahias ſaid to Jeroboam 1 Kings, xi. 31. I will give unto thee ten Tribes; who challenges Pſalm, xxi. 3. Crowns, Pſalm. lxxxix. 20. Anoynting, Scepters, and 2 Paral. 9. 8. Thrones as his peculiar, and ſtiles them 2 Sam. xiv. 17. Angels of God, and Pſalm, lxxxii. 6. Sons of the most High, whom he empowers.

Gent.

But it is ſaid, 1 Sam. xi. 15. All the people went to Gilgal, and there they made Saul King before the Lord; And, 2 Sam. ii. 4. The men of Judah, and Elders of Iſrael anoynted David over Judah, and Iſrael: how then received they their authority from God?

Miniſt.

2 Sam. v. 3. The Elders of Judah, and Iſrael anoynted David, not as Maſters of the ſubſtance, but of the ceremony; not making him, but declaring him to be King, whom by 1 Sam. xvi. ſpecial command God had deſigned before. And Saul was firſt anoynted by the Lord 1 Sam. x. 1. Captain over his inheritance, choſen immediately of him by lots, as Matthias Acts, i. 26. was; ſo that he had all his jura regalia from God, not the people; who are alſo ſaid to have 1 Sam. xi. 15. made Saul King, becauſe they approved the election made of God, and admitted him into the Conſtituere Regem eſt Verbum tertiae Conjugationis, quod cùm eſſerat duplicem actionem, propriè ſignificat facere tenare, & regnate eſt regiam exercere poteſtatem; quaſi diceret, Fecerunt, ut regiam poteſtatem exerceret. Jeſuita Pineda, De rebus Solomonis. poſſeſſion, and adminiſtration of the Kingdom; whom the Sons of Belial impiouſly by contempt had rejected. For the Jews had a ſpecial command, Deut. xvii. 15. to ſet him King over them, whom the LORD their God ſhould chooſe. And, as in spiritual things 1 Cor. iii. 7. Paul may plant, Apollos water, yet it is God, that gives the whole encreaſe; So it is his ſole act to ſet on high whom he pleaſes, though the votes, and ſuffrages of the people may be ſubſervient, and obediential inſtruments.

Gent.

But Government, and Principality ſometimes deſcends by Succeſſion, or are conferred upon victorious Commanders, as Trophies of their Conqueſts lawfully atchieved; how then are they immediately conferred of God?

Miniſt.

Order of Succeſsion, and victorious event of lawful war, are onely qualifications preparative, or concomitant to the Inveſtiture of Government: but are not the principal, or conjunct cauſe of it, as heat, cold, moyſture, dryneſs, with the Craſis, or Temperature, that criſes, of the mixture of them, are diſpoſitions prerequiſite in an organized humane body, to the receiving of the Soul; which (as Saint Auguſtine Creando infunditu , & infundendo creatur. Lombard. 2. Sent. Diſtinct. 17. ſaith) is created by Infuſion, and infuſed by Creation; but are not the cauſes of Creation, or Infuſion of it: for that is God's peculiar Prerogative, qui format animas in medio eorum. Even ſo that of conſtituting Rulers, and Governours: as Tertullian ſaith, Indè ille poteſtas, unde ſpiritus. Tertul. in Apologe . cap. 30. Thence is their power, from whence is their Spirit, or Soul; and Irenaeus, Cujus juſſu naſcuntur homines, ejus juſſu conſtituuntur Principes. Irenaeus, lib. 5. Contra Haereſ. By whoſe command men are born; by the ſame power are Princes, or Governours, made, which is onely Gods. This the Romiſh Extravagants approve, determining, that Imperator non habet gladium a populo, ſed imperium eſt a ſolo Deo. Extravag. De Majoritate, & Oledientia. Diſt. 96. The Emperour hath not his Sword of the people, but the Empire is onely from God.

Gent.

I ſee it perſpicuouſly evident by Scriptures, Fathers, and Imperial Constitutions, that Chief Magiſtrates receive their Authority onely of God; and that, None is above them within their Dominions, but God. What ſay the antient Laws of our Nation to this?

Minist.

Bracton, who executed the office of Lord Chief Justiciarie for twenty years together under Henry the Third, treating of the antient rites, and cuſtoms of England, ſaith, that Sunt ſub Rege liberi homines, & ſervi, ejus poteſtati ſubjecti. & omnes quidem ſub eo, & ipſe ſub nullo, niſi tantum ſub Deo. I émque r •• ſus; Si ab eo peccatur (cùm Bre e non currat contra ipſ m) locus erit ſupplicationi, quod factum ſuum corrigat, & emende , quod quidem ſi non fe •• rit, ſatis erit ei ad poenam, quod Dominum expectet ultorem: nemo enim de factis ſuis praeſumat diſquirere, ou o minus contra factum ſuum venire Bracton. De lege & conſuetudine Ang •••• . lib. . cap. 8. num. 5. Under the King are Freemen, and Servants, ſubject to his power, and all are under him, and he under none (therefore not the Pope of Rome) but onely under God; and, i he offend, ſeeing no Brief can iſſue out againſt him (much leſs, a Romiſh [f] This is to be underſtood, either in relation to the Pope onely, or of them, which are alſolutely ſupreme in legiſlative, and executive power, whether Monarchs, Optimates, or Senate, which is to be referred to the Laws of every Nation; as His Majeſty is ſupreme with us, both in legiſlative, and executive power. Bull) there is onely place for Supplication, that he would correct, and reform his Errour, which if he will not do, it is ſufficient puniſhment for him, that he muſt expect, God will revenge; for none may preſume, (therefore not the Pope) judicially to enquire into his actions, much leſs to make inſurrection againſt him.

Gent.

I underſtand, that not onely the modern, but antient Laws of this Nation are againſt Papal Jurisdiction, if not expreſly, yet conſequently: but, at this preſent you need not fear his annoying the Chief Magiſtrate, State, or people of this Nation,

Miniſt.

There was never more cauſe of fear, then now, and, unleſs you diſſemble, you muſt confeſs, the Regno privare, atque etiam interficiendos, atque populos ſubjectos, relaxato juris jurandi vincul , poteſtate eorum eximere, atque ab obedientia, & ſidei debito liberare, & ipſum regnum alteri Principi donare, & armis invadendum, ſibique ſubjugandum permittere: Regem a Papa, ſive Haeret cum, ſine aliàs viti ſ m, au inu •• lem judica um, ac propterea per ſententiam ejus, velut ſuperioris regni, jure privatum, jam jus, & authoritatem imperandi amiſiſſe, nec ultra Regem eſſe, ſed Tyrannum. & a quovis de populo occidi poſſe: Clericos etiam nequaquam ulli Regum eſſe ſubditos, ac propterea nullam ab eis laeſae Majeſtatis crimen commi ••• , etiamſi rebellionem in Reges molia •• ur, & monitis, atque exemplo populos rebellare, & obedientiam, fidelitatē, tribulū, & omnia obſequia Principibus negare do e t: Apoſtolos Regibus de facto tantum, non etiam de jure ſubjectos f i ſe Sanctarel. apud Alphonſum de Vargas, pag. 117, 118. Brood of Ignatius Loyola were never more active, then now at this preſent. That Romiſh Argus in the Apocalyptical Beaſt, full of eyes, he rides upon, is intenſly vigilant to widen the breaches, he hath made, taking advantage of our diſtractions:

—haud tanto ceſſabit cardine rerum. I will give a glance of his attempts in this kind, ſince Queen Elizabeth's Inauguration. In the fourth year of Her Reign, Arthur Pole of the Race of George Duke of Clarence, and Forteſcue, his Brother-in-Law, conſpired by an army in Wales to proclaim the Queen of Scots. Pope Pius the Fifth in the year 1569. ſent out an Excommunication againſt her, abſolving all her Subjects from the Oath of Allegiance. By him, and the King of Spain, the Duke of Norfolk was excited to ſtir up what Forces he could, and to join with the Earls of Northumberland, and Weſtmerland, who were ſeduced by Nicholas Morton, a Priest ſent from his Holyneſs. The ſame year Johannes Mendoza was ſent out of Spain to inflame the Rebellion begun in Ireland, by Edmund, and Peter Botelers, Brethren to the Earl of Ormond. In the year, 1570. Don John of Auſtria, diſappointed of the Kingdom of Tunis, practiſed ſecretly with the Pope the overthrow of England. Gregory the Thirteenth promiſed a Cruciata, (as was uſed in the Holy Wars) if the Spaniard, and Stukeley (an Engliſhman, whom he had furniſhed with men, and ammunition) would turn their Forces againſt England. Sanders, and Allen, two Popiſh Prieſts, with Power Legantine, a conſecrated Banner, and Letters of Commendation came to Spain, from thence to Ireland with three Ships, and a few Soldiers to ſtir up Commotions. In the year 1580. theſe Emiſſaries, Houſe, Main, Nelſon, Sherwood, Campian, Parſons, all Romiſh Prieſts, taught, that Queen Elizabeth was an Heretick, and therefore worthily depoſed. The Jeſuits by their ſeditious Libels encouraged Summervile, and Arden to attempt the Queen's death, Anno 158 . And Bernardinus Mendoza, the Spaniſh Embaſſadour, was thruſt out of England, for ſecret Conſpiracies againſt the State. At Venice, Parry, a Doctour of Civil Law, had communication with Benedictus Palmius, a Jeſuit, who recommended him to Campegius, the Pope's Nuncio, and Campegius to the Pope; ſo that Letters of Credence were ſent to him by the Cardinal of Come, and he excited to attempt the Queen's death by a Stab, which they called ſpecial ſervice for the Catholick cauſe; which he conſented unto, having got a plenary indulgence by Ragazonius, the Pope's Nuncio, Ballard, a Rhemiſh Prieſt, perſwaded Babington, with Chernock, and other of his Complices, to aſſault Her Majeſty; commending the Scots, who had lately intercepted their King at Sterling; and Gerard the Burgonian, who killed the Prince of Orange. In the year 1587. Sir Aribeſpinaeus, the French Embaſſadour, would have perſwaded one Stafford, a young Gentleman, to take away the Queen's life. Pope Sixtus Quintus ſent Cardinal Allen into Flanders, and renewed the Bull of Pius Quintus, and Gregory the Thirteenth, to encourage the Spaniſh Armado to invade England in Eighty eight. Doctour Lopez, the Queen's Phyſician, was hired by the Romiſh Rabbies for fifteen thouſand Crowns to poyſon Her. Whalpool, a Jeſuit, in confeſſion impoſed upon Squire to poyſon the Queen's Saddle; which he attempted accordingly. Tyrone, by the inſtigation of the King of Spain, and the Pope, moved the Iriſh Subjects to Rebellion. Watſon, and Clark, two Romiſh Priests, perſwaded Lord Cobham, Lord Grey, Sir Walter Rawleigh, and others by ſurpriſing of King James in the firſt year of His Reign to force him to a Toleration in Religion. Father Creſwell, a Lieger Jeſuit in Spain, Don Pedro Frankeſa, Secretary of State, and the Duke of Lerma, did all negotiate with the Pope, and his Cardinals for the advancement of the Powder-plot: and all upon this ground, Solus Papa eſt Dominus Temporalium; ita ut poſsit auferre ab alio quod alias ſuum est; & tenet factum ejus, licèt peccet: ſed Praelati caeteri, & Principes non ſunt Domini, ſed Tutores, Procurator •• , & Diſpenſatores. Johannes de Pariſiis, De poteſtate Regia, & Papali, cap. 5. That Princes, being Hereticks, or excommunicated, may be depoſed; their Subjects diſobliged, and all the ſinews of Government disjointed; if the Pope ſend out his Bull to bellow againſt them.

Gent.

I utterly detest, and abhor theſe, and all ſuch Machinations, as pernicious, and deſtructive to Church, and State.

Miniſt.

You will not onely deteſt them, but the very Ground, and Baſis, upon which they are founded; if you conſiderately, and conſcientiouſly weigh the next Article, which is

The Ninth Article.

And I do further ſwear, That I do from my heart abhor, detest, and abjure their damnable Doctrine, and Poſition, That Princes, Rulers, or Governours, which be excommunicated, or deprived by the Pope, may, by virtue of ſuch Excommunication, or Deprivation, be killed, murdered, or depoſed from their Rule, or Government, or any outrage, or violence done unto them by the People, that are under them, or by any other whatſoever, upon ſuch pretenſe.

Gent.

WHat differs this Article from the former? what Acts, or Objects in them are remarkably diſtinguiſhed?

Miniſt.

The two former diſmantled the Pope's power juſtly to arm either forein Princes, or homebred Subjects, againſt their Native Sovereign: This abjures thoſe Heretical Principles, upon which this practical Doctrine is bottomed.

Gent.

What are thoſe Principles, which ſuſtain the Superſtructure of all the Romiſh Hierarchy, and Grandeur?

Minist.

Their name is Legion, becauſe they are many. Firſt, That Constituti ſumus à Deo ſuper gentes, & regna, ut deſtruamus, & evellamus, & aedificemus, & plantemus, Aventin. lib. 6. pag. 636. The Pope is placed by God over Nations, and Kingdoms, that he may deſtroy, and pluck up, and build, and plant. Whence (as Matthaeus Hieromonachus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Matthaeus Hieromonachus. hath it) The Conſistorial Conclave gave in Decree, and Commandment to all Lords, and the Senate of the Empire, That the Biſhop of Rome, and the Succeſſour of St. Peter chief of the Apoſtles, have authority, and power in all the world, more then that of the Empire is; and, That he be honoured, and worſhipped more then the Emperour; and, That he be Head of the four Patriarchal Seats; and, That things, appertaining to the right Faith, be of him judged, and determined.

Gent.

Where do they lay the ground of the proof of this Doctrine? whether upon Divine Oracles, or Imperial Decrees, and Conſtitutions?

Miniſt.

Some challenge it from Divine Revelation, which you have heard refuted by Scripture, Antients, and Romiſts themſelves. The moſt father it upon the Donation of Conſtantine. So expreſsly your own Champian, Doctour Harding; The firſt Chriſtian Emperour Conſtantine the Great, being fully inſtructed of the godly, and learned Biſhops of the time, thought good by his Imperial Commandment, and Decrees, to confirm, ratifie, and for his own perſon to yield unto bleſſed Sylveſter, then Pope, and to his Succeſſours, Biſhops of Rome, the ſame Authority, and Superiority, not onely over Biſhops, and Patriarchs; but alſo Power, and Honour higher, and greater, then that of Kings, and Emperours.

Gent.

What think you of this Donation, or Charter of Conſtantine? Johannes de Pariſiis, ſaith, Volunt aliqui, quòd, ratione hujus doni, Papa eſt Imperator, & Dominus mundi; & quòd poteſt Reges inſtituere, & deſtituere, ſicut Imperator. Johannes de Pariſiis, De poteſtate Papae. Some are of opinion, that by force, and virtue thereof, the Pope is the Emperour, and Lord of the world; and that hereby he hath power both to ſet up, and alſo to put down Kings, as an Emperour.

Miniſt.

Becauſe my thoughts are not ſo authentick with you; I will tell you what your own chief friends, Schole-men, Hiſtorians, & Canoniſts think. Platina, Cardinal Cuſanus, Marſilius Patavinus, Laurentius Valla, Antonius Florentinus, Otho Friſingenſis, Hieronymus Paulus Catalinus, Volaterranus, Nauclerus, Capnion, Mallinaeus, and others have diſcovered the forgery of it to the world, as aſhamed of ſuch a fiction. I will alledg one, or two, in place of many. Cardinal Cuſanus confeſſeth, that Donationem Conſtantini diligenter expendens, reperi ex ipſamet ſcriptura manifeſta argumenta confictionis, & faelſitatis. Cuſanus. De concordantia Catholica, lib. 3. cap. 2. while he adviſedly weighed this Donation, or Grant, of Conſtantine (whereby the Pope challengeth all his temporal power) even in the penning thereof he found manifest tokens of falſe-hood, and forgery. And in Gratian, the Pope's own Regiſter, it is found onely in the Palea, and not in the Original allowed Text; and in many old Books, that have no Gloſs, it is not found; and in the Gloſs upon the ſame it is noted thus, Palea iſta non legitur in Scholis, in qua continetur Privilegiū, quod Conſtantinus conceſsit Romanae Eccleſiae; ſcilicet, ut Primatum inter omnes Eccleſias obtineret. Gratian. Diſtinct. 98. Gloſſa, eodem loco. This patch is not read in the Scholes, wherein is contained the Priviledge, that Conſtantine, the Emperour, granted to the Church of Rome; that is, that the ſaid Church ſhould have Sovereignty over all Churches. Pope Pius the Second, himſelf, ſaith, Dicta Palea, Conſtantinus, falſa eſt. Pius in Dialogo. It is falſe: which Felinus his Canoniſt further declares, ſaying, Invehit contra miſeros Legistas, qui laborant in diſputando, an valuerit id, quod nunquam fuit. Felinus, De Majorit. & Obedientia. He inveighed earneſtly againſt the poor Lawyers, for that they take ſuch pains to reaſon, whether that thing may be good, and available in Law, which never was made. And thoſe Authours, who own the truth of it, diſclaim the lawfulneſs of it, avouching, that In vita Sylveſtri. Johannes de Pariſiis, cap. 22. In donatione illa audita eſt vox Angelorum, in aere dicentium, Hodie venenum effuſum eſt in Eccleſiam; At the time of the confirming, and paſſing of this Donation, there was a voice of Angels heard in the Air, This day poyſon is poured upon the Church.

Gent.

Enough of this; tell me in order the other Romiſh Principles, upon which Papal Tranſcendency leans.

Minist.

The ſecond is, That His triple-Crowned Sovereignty hath a direct power to depoſe, and inſtate Princes; and that Romiſh Catholicks are obliged to aſſiſt the Pope in the execution of his ſentence of decrowning chief Magistrates, and tranſlating their Crowns. Which is falſely fathered upon Pope Zacharie the Firſt; but indeed is no elder, then Pope Gregory the Seventh, a brand of Hell, and it was ripened by many of his Succeſſours, and fomented by ſundry Paraſites, and Aſſaſſines of Rome, and by Carerius, De poteſtate Romani Pontificis, lib. 2. cap. 3. Boskier, Legat. Apoſiol. con. 14. pag. 35. Baron. Annal. Tom. 11. many Moderns (as Marta, Simancha, Baronius, Boſius, Carerius, Paulus Cararia) defended; of which Gratian gives an inſtance, Zacharias Regem Francorum non tam pro ſuis imquitatibus, quàm pro co, quòd tantae poteſtati erat mutilis, à regno depoſuit. Gratian. cauſ. 15. quaeſt. 6. cap. Atius. Pope Zachary depoſed the King of France, not ſo much for any Delinquency of his, but that he was not competently qualified to manage ſuch a power.

Gent.

The novelty of this, with other reaſons you have formerly given, ſpeaks ſufficiently the unlawfulneſs of it: what is the next?

Miniſt.

The third is pendulous with ſhew of limitation, and mitigation, to wit, The Pope hath an indirect power limited, and circumſcribed by many cautions, & proviſions in depoſing Princes. This is maintained by Bellarmin. De Pontif. lib. 5. cap. 1. 6. 7. 8. Gretſer. Defenſ. Bellarm, De Pontif. Victoria, De poteſt. Eccleſ. quaeſt. 2. Cajetan. Apol. cap. 13. Bellarmin, and may ſeem (for manner of ſpeaking) to be more moderate, then the former; but in weight, and conſequence is equally falſe, and pernicious: for it hath the ſame effects, yielding authority to Popes to depoſe Princes, when the ſame appeareth to themſelves reaſonable, and for the benefit of the Roman cauſe. Then ſaith Si quid tale accidat Spiritualis poteſtas poteſt ac delet coërcere Temporalem omni ratione, ac viâ, quae ad id neceſſaria vidibitur. Bellarm. De Romano Pontifice, cap. 6. Bellarmine, the Spiritual power may, and ought to curb the Temporal by all means, and ways, which may ſeem conducible to that end. It armeth alſo Subjects to rebellion, and enemies to miſchief, and it provideth, that regal, or ſupreme Magiſtracy ſhall depend upon Papal diſcretion, and devotion Thus the cunning Jeſuite brings water in the one hand, and fire in the other; ſaying, Quantum ad perſonas, non poteſt Papa, ut Papa, ordinariè temporales Principes deponere etiam juſta de cauſa, eo modo, quo deponit Epiſcopos, id eſt, tanquam ordinarius Judex; tamen poteſt mutare regna, & uni auferre, atque alteri conferre, tanquam ſummus Princeps Spiritualis; ſi id neceſſarium ſit ad animarum ſalutem. Bellarm. De Rom. Pontif. lib. 5. capp. 6, 7. As to the perſons, the Pope, as Pope, cannot ordinarily depoſe temporal Princes, though the cauſe be juſt, after that manner, as he depoſeth Biſhops, that is, as an ordinary Judge; yet he can change Kingdoms, and take from one, and collate upon another, as the Chief Spiritual Prince, if it ſhall be requiſite for the health of Souls. But the moſt malignant venom is yet behind in the ſting: for, ſaith he, quod Chriſtiani olim non depoſuerunt Neronem, & Diocleſianum, & Julianum Apoſtatam, & Valentem Arrianum, & ſimiles, id fuerat, quia deerant vires Temporales Chriſtianis; That Chriſtians formerly depoſed not Nero, and Diocleſian, and Julian the Apoſtate, and Valens the Arrian, and ſuch the reaſon was, becauſe Chriſtians wanted temporal forces. To theſe three peſtilential Principles, all the Romiſh Doctrine, that relates to depoſing, or annoying of Princes, may be reduced.

Gent.

Are theſe Doctrines generally maintained by Catholicks, or an aſperſion faſtened upon them for ſome few? or who are they, that foment them?

Miniſt.

That they are not maintained by all, I have hinted to you already, and ſhall haply more fully hereafter. If the Diſeaſe be not hectical, but of a few, that aſperſe the reſt, you may more rationally abjure them, which is the ſcope I aim at: but you ſhall finde, that the maintainers, and fomenters of them, are neither few, nor inconſiderable. I'le inſtance in two, or three: By a drop you may diſcern the ſaltneſs of the Ocean. Baronius ſaith, Non eos homicidas arbitramur, qui, adverſus excommunicatos zelo Catholicae matris ardentes, eorum quoslibet trucidaſſe contigerit. Baron. Annal. Tom. 11. Anno 1089. We judge not them murderers, who, enflamed with a zeal of their Catholick Mother againſt excommunicated perſons, ſhall chance to kill any of them. Alvares Pelagius ſaith, that, Apud illum reſide Regalis, ſive Imperialis dignitatis plenitudo, cui de jure competit imperium transferre. Sicut nullus fidelis dubitat, quòd Chriſtus fuerit Rex, & Sacerdos, & Rex coeli, & terrae, &c. ſic nullus Catholicus dubitare debet, quin ſummus Vicarius Generalis in terris pariter utramque habet poteſtatem, imò uon longè abeſset ab Haereſi contrarium affirmare. Alvares Pelagius De planctu Eccleſia, lib. 1. Art. 37. With the Pope reſides the fulneſs both of Regal, and Imperial dignity, who hath lawful power to tranſlate Empires. And, as no Believer doubts, that Chriſt was both King, and Prieſt, King of Heaven, and Earth; ſo no Catholick ought to doubt, that the chief Vicar General upon earth hath both powers, Spiritual and Temporal, it would not much fall ſhort of Hereſie to affirm the contrary. Boſius ſaith, Boſius, De Eccleſiae ſignis, lib. 7. cap. 4. In quo eluceſcit authoritas Papae, qui poteſt juſtis de cauſis, vel ſine culpa, ab aliis in alios jura maxima, qualia ſunt imperia ſumma, decreto ſuo transferre. Herein appeareth the authority of the Pope, that he can for juſt cauſes, or when there is no fault, transfer by his greateſt intereſts, as chief Empires. Auguſtine ab Ancona ſaith, Auguſt. ab Ancona, Sum. de Eccleſ. Quaeſt. 1. Art. 1. Immediata poteſtas jurisdictionis omnium Spiritualium, & Temporalium eſt ſolum in Papa; All power of Spiritual, and Temporal jurisdiction is onely in the Pope.

It ſeems to me a prodigious Tenet, to hold, The Pope hath power to depoſe, and tranſlate Empires for no fault, as well as for condigne cauſes. But what are the principal cauſes, they aſſign?

Miniſt.

Boſius Quatuor cauſas habemus, ex quibus Papa, & Epiſcopi poſſunt regna illis quidem auferre, his verò adjudicare; quarum prima eſt, in ſcelere aliquo admiſſo poſita, quae multis exemplis illustra i potest: ſecunda eſt, in ſocordia: duae postremae respiciunt aetatem ad regendum in eptam; & tranquillitatem communem Reipublica Chriſtianae. Boſius, De ſignis Eccleſiae, lib. 17. cap. 4. aſſigns theſe four, for which the Pope, and his Cardinals may take Kingdoms, and Dynaſties from one, & adjudge them to another. The firſt is, If they be wicked, or guilty of hainous crimes, and this (he ſaith) may be illuſtrated by many examples. The ſecond is ſloathfulneſs, or want of activity in Government. The third is Child-hood, and decrepid old age, unfit for the managery of State-deſigns. The fourth, if it be inconſiſtent with the publick tranquillity of a Chriſtian Common-wealth. I ſhall demonſtrate, in the laſt Article, theſe, and all of the like nature, to be inſufficient to produce ſuch an effect.

Gent.

But whether was ever this Doctrine of depoſing excommunicate Princes, and arming their Subjects againſt them, countenanced by any Synod, or Council?

Miniſt.

Never of any of the ancient Oecumenical Councils, or Provincial Synods; for they abhorred it. Nay, even the preſent Jeſuites ſeem to make a ſemblance of the deteſtation of it; for the In virtute obedientiae commendatur Provincialibus, nè in ſua Provinciae quicquam, quàcunque occaſione, aut linguà evulgari patiantur à noſtris, in quo de poteſtate Summi Pontificis ſupra Reges, Principésque, aut de Tyrannicidio agatur. Ex Epiſtola, Pub. Claudii, Dat. 1614. 2. Auguſt. General of their Order hath given in command to his Provincials, that they ſhould not ſuffer within their reſpective Provinces any thing to be publiſhed upon any occaſion, in any Language, wherein it ſhould be treated of the power of the Pope over Kings, and Princes, or of depoſing, or murdering of Tyrants: yet Bellarminus contra Ba claium enumerat Synodos Beneventinam ſub Victore iii. Placentinam ſub Urbano ii. Romanam ſub Paſchali iii. Colonienſem ſub Gelaſio ii. Rhemenſem ſub Calixto ii. Lateranenſem ſub Innocentio iii. &c. Bellarmine, the Jeſuite, recites divers modern, and novel Synods, to wit, the Beneventine under Pope Victor the Third, the Placentine under Ʋrbane the Second; of Colen under Gelaſius the Second; of Rhemes under Calixtus the Second; of Literan under Innocent the Third; whereof all (ſaith he) have exalted the Pope's Temporal Sovereignty above the chief Civil Magiſtrate's.

Gent.

Have they ever been checked for this Doctrine? hath it paſſed in the latter times for Catholick, without control?

Miniſt.

No; for you have already heard, how the Sorbone Divines, and others diſreliſhed it; and the Parliament at Paris ſentenced thoſe dangerous Poſitions of Sanctarellus: and you may further take notice, that the Jeſuite Suares his Book Contra ſectam Anglicanam was condemned at Paris in France, and burned by the hand of the Hangman; and becauſe they were promoters of ſuch peſtilent, and ſeditious Principles, the whole Retinue of Loyaliſts were baniſhed out of the Dominions of the Venetians, and out of ſome other Countries profeſſing Romiſh Faith. Mariana, the Jeſuite's work De inſtitutione Principis, wherein he maintaineth Regicide, is cenſured by many Romists. I will preſent you with a few of his poyſoned Diſhes, and then leave it to the judgment of your own Pal te. For thus he plays the Panegyriſt, and Encomiaſt or Parricide, and Regicid ;Henricus, eo nomine Tertius, Galliae Rex, jaceat manu Monachi peremptus, medicato cultro in viſcera adacto; Jacobas Clemens inter ctus, & vulnera, impenſe laetabatur: ſcilicet, caeſo Rege, ingens ſibi nomen fecit. Ab omni memoriae conſideramus, in magna laude fuiſse, quicunque Tyrannos perimere aggreſsi ſunt. Et ſalutaris cogitatio, ut ſit Principibus perſuaſum, ſi Rempublicam oppreſſerint, ſi vitiis, & foeditate intolerandi erunt, ea conditione ivere, ut non jure tantum, ſed cum laude, & gloriae perimi poſſunt. Mariana, De Rege. lib. 1. cap. 6. Henry the Third of that name, King of France, was ſlain by the hand of a Monk, the poyſoned Knife being ſheathed in his bowels; James Clemens, the Actor, in the middeſt of ſtripes, and wounds, exceedingly rejoycing, that he had made himſelf ſo eminently famous by killing of the King: for (ſaith he) we conſider, that time out of minde they have been highly commended, who attempted to kill Tyrants. And it is a wholſom Meditation for Princes, to perſwade themſelves, if they ſhall oppreſs the Commonwealth, if they ſhall be vitiouſly intolerable, the condition of their life is ſuch, that to murder them is not onely lawful, but praiſe-worthy, and glorious. Thus far he.

Gent.

Truly I cannot otherwiſe cenſure this Doctrine, then King James is reported Joſeph Hall, Epiſt. 5. Decad. 1. to have done that Book of Lipſius concerning his Ladies of Halle, and Zichem: for when he had well viewed it, and read ſome paſſages, he threw it to the ground, with this cenſure; Damnation to him, that made it, and to him, that believes it.

Miniſt.

You are not ſingular in this cenſure; for the whole Parliament at Paris (though Papists) profeſſed the ſame in the Subſcription to thoſe three Poſitions in oppoſition to Sanctarellus, touching the (impeached) authority of Princes; and that Se malitioſam, & peſtiferam de Regum authoritate Sanctarelli Doctrinam deteſtari, ac paratos eſſe diverſam ſententiam, velut veram, quacunque occaſione, vel ſanguinis, vita que impenſa, confirmare. Quam quidem ſententiam nostram improbare nemo poteſt, niſi qui Chriſti praecaptum ſimul & exemplum improbet; niſi Martyribus, cùm rebellare poſſent, modestiae gloriam eripiat, & creſcenti Eccleſiae ignaviam exprobrare velit, quòd numero fortior ferrum Imperatoribus, quo ſaeviebant, non extorſerit: Ea ſiquidem eſt non Chriſtianorum, ſed Haereticorum contumacia, qui vel leviſſimo metu Religionis ad arma concurrunt, leges calcant, jura violant, & à Deo ordinatae poteſtati, qua poſſunt via, reſiſtant. Alphonſus de Vargas, De Stratagematis Jeſuitatum, pag, 119, 121. they were ready to defend the contrary thereof, as true, upon every occaſion, even with their blood, and loſs of life: and give their reaſon, becauſe none could diſlike their judgement, which did not withall diſlike the precept, and example of Chriſt, unleſs they would take away the glory of modeſty from Martyrs, when they had power to wage War; and would upbraid the Primitive Church with cowardiſe; which, being ſtronger, and more in number, might have extorted the Sword from perſecuting Emperours, when they raged. But that is the malepert peeviſhneſs of Hereticks, not Chriſtians, who for the leaſt fear of Religion fly to Arms, trample Laws under foot, violate Statutes, and, with all their might, reſiſt the power ordained of God.

The reſult of the whole is this;

That Doctrine, which is contrary to Scriptures, Primitive Fathers, ancient Councils, and is diſclaimed by all moderate Papiſts themſelves, ought to be abjured.

But ſuch is that Jeſuitical Doctrine, that Princes, Rulers, or Governours, which be excommunicated, or deprived by the Pope, may, by virtue of ſuch Excommunication, or Deprivation, be killed, murdered, or depoſed from their rule, or government; or any outrage, or violence may be done unto them by the people, that are under them, or by any other whatſoever upon ſuch pretenſe.

Therefore it ought to be abjured.

Which you will more chearfully do, if you conſider the next Article.

The tenth Article.

And I do further ſwear, That I do believe, that the Pope, or Biſhop of Rome hath no authority, power, or jurisdiction whatſoever, within England, Scotland, and Ireland, or any, or either of them, or the Dominions, or Territories belonging to them, or any, or either of them.

Minist.

YOu are here enjoyned to abjure no more, then what all Eccleſiaſticks, or Clergie were enforced formerly to ſubſcribe unto; for it is expreſſed in the thirty ſeventh Article of our Engliſh Confeſſion, that The Supreme Magiſtrate in this Kingdom of England, and the reſt of his Dominions, hath the chiefeſt power, to whom the ſupreme Government of all States of this Kingdom, whether they be Eccleſiaſtical, or Civil, in all cauſes, pertains, and neither is, nor ought to be ſubject to any foreign Jurisdiction;

Romanus Pontifex nullam habet jurisdictionem in hoc regno Angliae. Confeſsionis Anglicanae A •••• . 37.

Anglia non eſt Feudatoria Papae. Harpsfield.

The Pope, or Biſhop of Rome, hath no jurisdiction in this Kingdom.

Gent.

The Canoniſts, or Pope's Pages of Honour, ſay otherwiſe, enfeoff ng their Maſter with the Extravagant. De appellat. Ut debitus. in Gloſſa. poſſeſſion of all the World. One ſaith thus; Extravagant. De ſtaetu Regularium periculoſ. in Gloſſa. Dominus Papa eſt Ordinarius omnium hominum; Our Lord, the Pope, is the Ordinary, or Biſhop of all men. Another ſaith, Extravagant De poena Felicis, in Gloſſa. Papa totius mundi obtinet principatum; The Pope hath the Principality of all the World. Another ſaith, Extravagant. De conceſsione Praebendae, & Eccleſiae non vacantis; Quia diverſitatem ab. Papa, etiam ceſſante negligentia Praelatorum, poteſt conferre Beneficia totius orbis; quia ipſe eſt Ordinarius totius mundi: Though there be no default, or negligence in any Biſhop, yet may the Pope beſtow the Benefices of all the World; for that he is the Biſhop of all the World. Therefore, when the chief Deacon inveſteth, and enrobeth the Pope at his Conſecration, he ſaith unto him, Ego te inveſtio Papatu, ut praeſis urbi, & orbi; I inveſt thee with the Popedom, that thou mayſt rule both the City and the World: if the World, then England; which preſuppoſeth he hath jurisdiction in theſe Nations.

Miniſt.

It is true, that Sycophants have given, and modern Popes have taken ſuch jurisdiction to themſelves; reſembling Antiochus, King of Syria, who ſtiled himſelf a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Hieronymus in Daniel. cap. iii. God; and the Emperour Domitian, who uſed to aſſign his Proclamations with this Elogie, Dominus Deus veſter Domitianus. Suetonius in Domitiano. Your Lord God Domitian; the Emperour Caligula, who called himſelf the Deum Optimum Maximum, & Jovem Latialem. Pomponius Laetus. beſt, and moſt mighty God, and the great God Jupiter of Italy; Sapores, the King of Perſia, who entitled himſelf the Brother of the Sun, and Moon; Manichaeus, the Heretick, who called himſelf the Holy Ghoſt, as did that Arabian Impoſtour, Mahomet; Simon Magus, who obtained that eſteem with the antient Romanes, that they erected him a Statue with this Inſcription,

Euſebius, lib. 2. cap. 13. SIMONI SANCTO DEO, In the honour of Simon, the Holy God. So Poteſtas Papae eſt major omni alia poteſtate creata, aliquo modo ſe extendens ad coeleſtia, terreſtria, & infernalia ut de ea verificari poſsit quod dictum eſt, Omnia ſubjeciſti ſub pedibus ejus. Antonin. in Sum. part. 3. tit. 22. cap. 5. Antoninus, Arch-Biſhop of Florence, gives the Pope greater power, then any other power, that ever God made, which after a ſort even ſtretcheth it ſelf to things in heaven, things in earth, and things in Hell, ſo that of him that ſaying of the Prophet David may be verified; Thou haſt made all things ſubject to his Feet. But of this Luciferian Ambition, and inordinate Ʋſurpation, many Pontificians themſelves have complained, amongſt whom Franciſcus Zabarella, Cardinal of Rome, avers, that Ex hoc infiniti ſecuti ſunt errores, quia Papa occupavit omnia jura infertorum Eccleſiarum, & niſi Deus ſuccurrat ſtatui Eccleſiarum, univerſa Eccleſia periclitabitur. Franciſcus Zabarella. Thereupon have enſued infinite Errours; for that the Pope hath invaded the Rights of all inferiour Churches, and, unleſs God help the ſtate of the Churches, the univerſal Church is injeopardy. The learned Lady, Anna Daughter to the Emperour Alexius, and Irene, in her Greek Story writeth thus, Anna in Hiſtoria Graeca. The Pope is Lord of the whole world, as the Latines think, and ſpeak of him; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , for this is a piece of their ambition.

Gent.

What then was the Pope confined to a peculiar Dioceſs, beyond which, without Ʋſurpation, he could not extend his Phylacteries?

Miniſt.

The antient learned Fathers evermore bounded, and limited the Pope within his own particular Jurisdiction. Ruffinus ſaith, Romanus Pontifex ſuburbicavarum Eccleſiarum ſolicitudinem great. Ruffinus, Hiſtoriae Eccleſiaſt. lib. 1. cap. 9. The Fathers in the Council of Nice appointed the Pope to overſee the Churches of his own Suburbs; theſe our Nations are not within his Suburbs. Athanaſius ſaith, Roma eſt Metropolis Romanae ditionis. Athanaſius Ad ſolitariam vitam agentes. Rome is the Mother-Church (not of England, or the whole world, but) of her own particular Romiſh jurisdiction. The Biſhops, in the Council of Rome, writ thus to the Biſhops of Illyricum, Sozomen. lib. 6. cap 23. It is convenient 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that all the Biſhops, which be within the jurisdiction of Rome, accord together. Flavianus, Patriarch of Conſtantinople, writeth thus to Leo, Biſhop of Rome; Dignetur Sanctitas veſtra indicare impietatem Eutychetis omnibus Epiſcopis ſub Beatitudine veſtra degentibus. Inter Epiſtolas Leonis, Epiſt. 9. Let Your Holyneſs vouchſafe to make known the wickedneſs of Eutyches to all Biſhops, that live under you; not to all the Biſhops through the world. Saint Hierom, ſpeaking of the uſe, and order of the Church of Rome, objected againſt him, ſaith, Quid mihi profers unius urbis conſuetadinem? Hieronymus ad Euagrium. What alledgeſt thou againſt me the Cuſtom of one City? So much he abridgeth the Pope's Jurisdiction, that he extendeth it not to the circumference of the world; but reſtraineth it to the Confines of one City: becauſe Hieronymus adverſus Vigilantium. Non ſolum unius urbis, ſed etiam totius orbis erant Epiſcopi; They were the Biſhops not onely of one City (as Rome) but of the whole world. Gennadius, together with the Council of Conſtantinople, writeth thus to the Biſhop of Rome; Curet Sanctitas tua univerſas tuas. Cuſtodias, tibique ſubjectos Epiſcopos. Gennadius Ad omnes Metropolitanos, & ad Papam Rom. Let Your Holyneſs ſee unto (not all the world, but) all Your own charge, and ſuch Biſhops, as be ſubject unto You.

Gent.

But theſe were but the Speeches of private Doctours, not of any general Council, whoſe Definitions if you can produce, I ſhall ſubmit.

Miniſt.

It was the Definition of the Council of Conſtantinople; That Definimus ſedi Conſtantinopolitanae paria jura, & privilegia cum ſede veteris Romae. Concil. Conſtantin. 2. cap. 36. The See of Conſtantinople 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ſhould have the Rights, and privileges equal with the See of Rome. And that Ʋt liquidiùs appareat Papam non imperare aliis omnibus Epiſcopis, legatur ſextus Canon Synodi Nicenae, quo diſertè praecipitur, ut aliis Eccleſiis Alexandrinus, aliis Romanus, aliis Antiochenus praeſit, ut non liceat alteri alterius Provinciam invadere. Nilus De Primatu Romani Pontiſicu. it may well, and plainly appear, that the Pope hath no power, or government over other Biſhops, Nilus bids us read the ſixth Canon of the Nicene Council, where it is expreſly commanded, that the Biſhop of Alexandria ſhall have rule over certain Churches, and the Biſhop of Rome over certain, and the Biſhop of Antioch likewiſe over certain, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and that it ſhall not be lawful for any one of them to invade the Jurisdiction of another. Whereupon it was declared by the Emperour Juſtinian, that Eccleſia urbis Conſtantinopolitanae Romae veteris Praerogativa laetatur; The Church of the City of Conſtantinople enjoyeth the Prerogative of antient Rome. And, that none may think this is ſpoken of the Churches, and not of the Biſhops thereof, Nicephorus ſaith, Romano, & Conſtantinopolitano Epiſecpo ex aequo paria ſunt & dignitatis praemia, & honorum jura. Nicephor. lib. 12. cap. 13. The title of dignity, and right of honour given to the Biſhop of Rome, and the Biſhop of Conſtantinople are one, and equal. Whereupon Pope Liberius, as if he were inferiour, writeth in this ſubmiſſive ſtile to Athanaſius, Biſhop of Alexandria Epistola Liberii ad Athanaſ. Quaeſo, ut huic confeſſioni ſubſcribas, ut ego ſecurior efficiar, & tua mandata inhaeſitanter obeam; I beſeech you to ſubſcribe to this confeſſion, that I may be out of doubt and do your Commandment without delay.

Gent.

I perceive, that the Biſhop of Rome is not the univerſal Biſhop, which Gregory diſclaimed in himſelf, and reproved in John, Biſhop of Alexandria; yet the Catholick Church was divided into thoſe four Patriarchates of Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, and Antioch, with whom Jeruſalem had ſhared; were not we of this Weſtern part of the World under the Roman Patriarchate, and ſo ſubject to the Biſhop of Rome?

Miniſt.

No; for at the Council of Nice, when this diviſion of Patriarchates was made, England neither was, nor ever had been under the Romiſh jurisdiction; But the Metropolitan here was accounted alterius orbis Patriarcha, a Patriarch of another World. This Nation received the Chriſtian faith the ſecond year of Claudius, as you have heard, the fourty fourth year after the Incarnation, by the miniſtery of Simon Zelotes, Simon Zelotes, peragrata Mauritania, & Afrorum regione, praedicat Chriſtum tandem in Britannia, ubt crucifixus, occiſus, & ſepultus eſt. Dorotheus in Synopſi. and others, nigh an hundred, and fifty years before Conſtantine, in whoſe time the Council of Nice was held, which diſtinguiſhed the Patriarchs jurisdictions. And the Romiſh jurisdiction was never attempted to be impoſed upon the Church of Britain, till three hundred years after, that Auguſtine the Monk laboured with ſword to force it upon them; that (as Galfridus Monumothenſis Mille ducenti coruns, in ipſo die martyrio decorati, regni coeleſtis adepti ſunt ſedem. Galfrid. Monumothenſ. lib. 8. cap. 4. ſaith) a thouſand, two hundred Religious men, or Students were in one day honoured with Martyrdom, and obtained a ſeat in the Kingdom of Heaven; and Erant ſeptem Epiſcopatus, & Archiepiſcopatus religioſiſsimis Praeſulibus muniti, & Abbatiae complures, in quibus grex Domini rectum ordinem tenebat. Galfrid. ibid. ſeven Biſhopricks, and an Arch-Biſhoprick poſſeſſed with many Godly Prelates, and many religious houſes, in which the Lord's flock held the right religion, were heavily perſecuted, and by degrees ſubjugated to the Roman ſlavery: yet ſo as Stow. Chronic. pag. 91. Auguſtine received from the free Charter of King Ethelbert (not Pope Gregory) the City of Rex dedit licentiam praedicandi, & maniſionem in Civitaete Dorovernenſi (id est, Cantuaria) quae imperii ſui totius erat metropolis. Beda Hiſtor. lib. 1. cap. 25. Canterbury, and the ruins of a demoliſhed Church, which he repaired for his Cathedral, and dedicated it to our Saviour.

Gent.

It is confeſſed then, that England, and the aſſociated Nations, and Dominions, were once ſubject to the Pope's jurisdiction: how came he to be ejected, and looſe poſſeſſion?

Miniſt.

As was ſaid of Pope Boniface, Captus eſt Bonifacius Octavus, & in carcere periit, atque hinc eſt, quòd dicitur de eo; Intravit ut Vulpes, regnavit ut Lupus, mortuus est ut Canis. Carion. Chron. pag. 228. that he entred as a Fox, tyrannized as a Lion, died as a Beaſt; So the inſinuation of Papal jurisdiction into theſe Nations was ſubtile, the continuation tyrannical, and the ejection diſgraceful; of which I will give you a glance, referring you for the more exact, and particular diſcovery hereof to our National Annals, and municipal Laws.

Firſt, The inſinuation was ſubtile, taking advantage of the ſuperſtitious devotion of Ina, King of the Weſt-Saxons, and in a manner, Monarch of England; who having builded the College of Wells, and Abbey of Glaſtenbury, before reſignation of his royal dignity, and retiring to Rome, cauſed Peter-pence to be paid to the Pope.

Secondly, The continuation was tyrannical, as appears by the Geſts of Stow, Chronic. pag. 204, 206, 207. Thomas Becket, Arch-Biſhop of Canterbury, who, with other Biſhops, and Barons, having abjured the Pope's uſurped jurisdiction, at leaſt in part, appeals, and repairs to the Court of Rome for an abſolution, creating King Henry the Second Daniel, History of Henry the Second. many troubles; at length reſtored to his Epiſcopal See, by the mediation of Pope Alexander, and Lewis of France, and continuing his turbulency, was ſlain by William Tracy Baron of Brayns, Reignold Fitz-urſe, Hugh Morvilt, and Richard Briton, Knights; whereupon the Nation was Interdicted, the King excommunicated, and not abſolved without corporal penance. And, though Pope's Bulls were rampant in times of weak Princes, or thoſe, that were embroyled with civil Wars, as King John, and Henry the Third; yet thoſe, that were magnanimous, and victoriouſly ſucceſsful, ſhaked them off with contempt; as Edward the Third, who in the fourtieth year of his reign, The King commanded, that Peter's pence ſhould no more be gathered, or paid to Rome. Saint Peter's pence is the King's alms (obſerve, not the Pope's due) and all, that had twenty penyworth of goods, ſhould pay that peny at Lammas. Stow, Chron. pag. 461. commanded that Peter-Pence ſhould be no more collected, or paid to Rome.

Laſtly, The ejection of Papal jurisdiction out of England was diſgraceful: for, Stow, Chron. pag. 1003. in the twenty ſixth year of the reign of Henry the Eight, it was enacted by Parliament at Weſtminſter, that the Pope with all his authority ſhould be clean baniſhed out of this Realm, and that he ſhould be no more called Pope (which title he (i) Geſta Abbat. Sancti Albini. Regist. Monaſt. Sancti Albini. John Bale. Onuphrius, Giraldus Cambrenſis. borrowed of Jupiter) but Biſhop of Rome, and that the King ſhould be reputed, and taken as ſupreme moderatour of the Church of England, having full authority to reforme all errours, hereſies, and abuſes thereof, with the appendage of Firſt-fruits, Tenths, all ſpiritual Dignities, and Promotions, annexed to his Royal Dignity.

Gent.

Can you vindicate this from extraordinary rigour; That the Pope's jurisdiction confeſſedly poſſeſſed, and enjoyed ſo many Centuries, ſhould be wholly ejected in one day out of all theſe Nations? eſpecially Ireland, the regiment whereof was conferred upon Sanderus in Secta Anglicana. Henry the Second by Pope Adrian the Fourth, conditionally to hold it of him.

Miniſt.

That the Pope could give that, which he never had, is a Paradox both in Logick, and Politicks. Lunatick Thraſilaus Athenaeus. claimed all the Athenian Ships. The Cham of Tartary challenges to be Maſter both of ſubſtance, and ceremonies to the whole Univerſe. Therefore haing dined himſelf, he cauſeth a Trumpet to be ſounded, that all other Princes through the World may dine. Henry Plantagenet The Kings &c. with other Princes, and Biſhop, ſubmitting themſelves, and theirs to the King of England, and his ſucceſſours, building him a great Palace at Dublin, where he held his Chriſtmas. Stow, Chron. pag. 207. compleated that conqueſt over Ireland, which was begun by Strongbow, Earl of Strigule; not holding it of the Pope, (as the Jeſuit Sanders pretends) but of God, and his ſword; for Giraldus Cambrenſis, Radulph Cogſhall. Gervaſius Dorob. the King of Conach, Devuntius King of Cork, Morice King of Me th he King of Ʋriel, Duvenald King of Oſſery, Duvenald King of Limerick, with other Princes, and Biſhops, ſubmitted themſelves unto him, and his Succeſſours, not by virtue of the Pope's Charter, but his prevailing army.

Gent.

But I am not yet ſatisfied, how the Pope could be lawfully diſpoſseſſed of that, which he had ſo long poſſeſſed.

Miniſt.

The Pope's pretended jurisdiction is claimed either by Divine right, or humane: according to both claims, even by the Principles of your own Scholemen, and Canoniſts, he was lawfully diſpoſſeſſed.

Gent.

How was he lawfully diſpoſſeſſed, if his jurisdiction was claimed by divine right? that ſeems improbable.

Miniſt.

Suppoſing, but not granting, that Anti-Chriſtian Principle, that the Pope's univerſal juriſdiction was by divine right, your own Sancta Clara confeſſes, Subſtractio ab obedientia non ſedis Apoſtolicae, ſeu authoritatis annexae illi ſedi, quantum est ad actum primum ſeu ſignatum, ſed ſolum quantum ad actum exercitum, id eſt in quantum exercetur à tali perſona, cui pro tempore commiſſa eſt ſedes illa. Franciſcus De Sancta Clara. pag. 335. that Subſtraction, or withdrawing from obedience annex'd to the Apoſtolick See, according to the actus exercitus, as it is ſo qualified, or is exerciſed by ſuch a power, to wit Heretical, or Tyrannical, is lawful. And for proof of this he quotes Gerſon, once Chancellour of Paris; who affirms, Hoc etiam practicum eſt per quoscunque Reges, & Principes, qui ſeſe ſubſtraxerunt abobedientia eorum, quos isti, vel illi judicabant eſſe Summos Pontifices: quae tamen ſubſtractiones approbatae ſunt per ſacrum Conſtantienſe Concilium, quaedam expreſſe, quaedam implicitè, vel aequivalenter. Gerſon. that It was practiſed by all Kings, and Princes, who withdrew themſelves from the obedience of thoſe, whom they acknowledged to be Popes; which withdrawings nevertheleſs were approved by the holy Council of Conſtance, ſome expreſly, ſome impliedly, and equivalently; Concluſum eſt per Concilium Turonenſe Principem poſſe ab obedientia Papae ſeſe ſubducere, ac ſubtrahere pro tuitione tantum, ac defenſione jurium ſuorum temporalium. Concilium Turonenſe. as alſo a Synod of Turon in France, wherein it was concluded, that a Prince may withdraw himſelf from obedience of the Pope for ſafeguard, and defence of his temporal rights. And, if a Prince may withdraw from obedience, for defence of his temporal rights; how authentick a commiſſion had our Princes, when both temporal, and ſpiritual rights were at the Stake? The Church notoriouſly corrupted both in Doctrine, and Manners; Rome, that Apocalyptical Babylon, and the Romiſh Hierarchy Anti-Chriſtian, as is formerly evidenced.

Gent.

You have made this clearer then I imagined; if Princes, and Nations may withdraw themſelves from Papal obedience, even ſuppoſing their jurisdiction were by divine right, much more, if the claim be but from humane grounds, conqueſt, conſent, pact, preſcription, or the like.

Miniſt.

You ſay right; for it will follow a majore ad minus, from the greater to the leſs; but the Pope's claim of jurisdiction in England was from none of theſe, but was inſinuated by ſubtilty, continued by uſurpation, and enforced by tyranny. For Harpsfield doth unanſwerably demonſtrate Legibus autem noſtrū fuiſſe conceſſum jus nominandi, & providendi de Beneficiis, testatur poſt alios Harpsfield, Saculo 14. fuiſſe etiam aliam conſuetudinem immemorialem ex privilegio ortam cauſas Clericorum cognoſcendi, patet ex deciſione Rotae, 304. Sancta Clara, pag. 330. Supreme Magiſtrates of this nation in all Ages to have enjoyed the right of nomination, and proviſion of Benefices, and taking cogniſance of the cauſes of the Clergy. Which even Suarez proves to be their juſt intereſt by divine, and natural right, ſeeing Cui conceditur regnum, neceſſariò omnia cenſentur conceſſa. ſine quibus regnum gubernari non poteſt: regnum vero gubernari non poſſet, niſi Principes hac poteſtate potirentur etiam in Clericos. Suarez, lib. 3. De primatu Summi Pontiſicis. Whereſover God collates a Kingdom, he collates alſo all things neceſsary for the managerie thereof, and without which, government cannot be duely adminiſtrated; but government cannot be duely adminiſtrated, unleſs Princes have a power in reformation of the Church, to be exerciſed even over the Clergy: which was wholly obſtructed, while the Pope diſpenced his exorbitant, and apocryphal jurisdiction, till the Supreme Magiſtrates by the conſent of the three orders of the Kingdom were neceſſitated to reaſſume that (s) Cajetanus, De poteſtate Papae, cap. 27. tyrannidi reſistendi poteſtatem, quam jure naturali, & gentium habent etiam in rebus Eccleſiaſticis, power of reſiſting Tyranny, which Cajetan confeſſeth they have even in Eccleſiaſtical affairs both by the Law of Nature, and Law of Nations.

Gent.

Seeing then in your ſenſe the Biſhop of Rome is an Ʋſurper; tell me what you conceive he holds by divine right; what canonically, or by humane indulgence lawfully conferred; what by tyranny, and uſurpation: for this diſcuſſion will give great light to the point in hand.

Miniſt.

I will digeſt this into Propoſitions, which are all, or the moſt of them demonſtrated in the foregoing diſcourſe.

Firſt, That all the Apoſtles were equal, according to that ſaying of Saint Cyprian; Hoc erant caetari Apostoli, quod fuit Petrus, pari conſortio praediti & bonoris, & poteſtatis. Cyprian. De ſimplicitate Praelatorum. The reſt of the Apoſtles were the ſame that Saint Peter was, all endowed with the ſame fellowſhip, and power.

Secondly, It cannot be proved by Scripture, that Peter was ever at Rome.

Thirdly, The Biſhop of Rome ſucceeded neither Peter, nor any of the Twelve, in the Apoſtolick Charge.

Fourthly, The Biſhop of Rome was primatively but equal with other Biſhops.

Fifthly, Biſhops are eſſentially diſtinguiſhed from Presbyters but, at the moſt, in original power to ordain, and exerciſe of ſpiritual Jurisdiction indeterminately: which is Saint Hierom's determination, In divinis inſtituendis quid potest Epiſcopus facere, quod non Presbyter, excepta ordinatione? Hieron. What can a Biſhop do in divinis inſtituendis, in inſtituting, or executing of divine things, which a Presbyter may not do; except Otherwiſe in diſtinction of order, and Jurisdiction, Irenaeus juſtly calls Epiſcopacy Traditionem Apostolicam toti mundo manifeſtam. Ordination?

Sixthly, The Biſhop of Rome's Jurisdiction at the firſt was indefinitely over Chriſtians, in, or about Rome.

Seventhly, It was by the Indulgence of Conſtantine, that the Romane Dioceſs was further extended, which St. Hierom at the leaſt meant in that Curb; Noverint Epiſcopi ſe magis conſuetudine, quàm diſpoſitionis Dominicae veritate, Presbyteris eſſe majores. Hieron. in Epiſt. ad Titum. Let Biſhops underſtand, that they be greater then Presbyters more by Cuſtom, and preſcription, then by verity of divine Ordinance.

Eightly, More by cuſtom extenſivè, not denying Superiority of order, and jurisdiction, intenſivé. It was humane Councils, not any divine Authority, that diſtinguiſhed the Church into Patriarchates, conferring that of the Weſt upon the Biſhop of Rome; which Aeneas Sylvius, afterwards Pope, confeſſeth; Ante Concilium Nicenum quisque ſibi vivebat, & parvus reſpectus habebatur ad Eccleſiam Romanam. Aeneas Sylvius, Epiſt. 188. little reſpect was had to Rome before the Council of Nice.

Ninthly, It was by humane Inſtitution, that for Ʋnity, and Peace ſake, the Biſhop of Rome had Priority of Order in General Councils.

Tenthly, His claim of univerſal Jurisdiction was uſurped, and unlawful: So St. Hierom, Si authoritas quaeritur, orbis major eſt urbe, ubicunque fuerit Epiſcopus, ſive Romae, ſive Eugubii, ſive Conſtantinopoli, ſive Rhegii, ejusdem eſt meriti, ejusdem Sacerdotii. Hieron. ad Euagrium. If we ſeek for authority, the world is bigger then the City of Rome; whereſoever there is a Biſhop, whether he be at Rome, or at Eugubium, or at Conſtantinople, or at Rhegium, he is of like worth, of like Prieſthood. Gregory the Firſt diſclaimed the Title of Ʋniverſal Biſhop in himſelf, ſaying, Nemo praedeceſsorum meorum hoc profano vocabulo uſus est. Greg. lib. 4. Epiſt. 38. None of his Predeceſſours uſed ſuch a profane Term; and checks the Biſhop of Conſtantinople for it, ſaying, Quid tu Chriſto univerſalis Eccleſiae capiti in extremi judicii dicturus es examine, qui cuncta ejus membra tibimet conaris Ʋ niverſalis appellatione ſupponere? Gregor. lib. 4. Epiſt. 38. What anſwer wilt thou make unto Chriſt, who is indeed the Head of the Ʋniverſal Church; at the trial of the laſt judgment, that thou goeſt about under the Name of Ʋniverſal Biſhop to ſubdue all his Members unto thee?

Eleventhly, The Pope had no jurisdiction in this Nation for the firſt ſix Centuries:

Twelfthly, Auſtin, and his fellow-Monks were the firſt Seminaries of it, who introduced it by blood, and ſuperſtition.

Laſtly, Bonifacius Tertius magna contentione obtinuit à Phaca Caeſare, ut ſanciretur Romanus Pontifex Oecumenicus, & ſummus Epiſcopus totius Eccleſiae Chriſtinae. Ab eo tempore nunquam desierunt Romani Pontifices conari pro dignitate, & potentia ſua augenda. Carion. Chron. pag. 161. It is juſtly excluded out of theſe Nations, as inconſiſtent with civil Government, and deſtructive to the peace of Church, and State.

Gent.

All this ſeems to be probable, and you have given ſuch evident Demonſtration of the particulars, that I know not what to reply.

Miniſt.

Then I may ſafely conclude; That, which hath no ground in Scriptures, Fathers, or antient Councils, was not known for ſix hundred years after the Incarnation, was introduced with blood, and ſuperſtition, and maintained with Tyranny, and is inconſiſtent with civil Government, and deſtructive to peace of Church, and State, ought to be abjured: But ſuch is the Pope's pretended jurisdiction in theſe Nations; Therefore it ought to be abjured.

The Eleventh Article.

And all Doctrines in affirmation of the ſaid Points I do abjure, and renounce without Equivocation, mental reſervation, or ſecret evaſion whatſoever, taking the words by me ſpoken, according to the common, and uſual meaning of them.

Gent.

WHat new matter preſents it ſelf to be abjured in this Article? all Doctrines in affirmation of the Points in queſtion were renounced before.

Miniſt.

The ten former Articles (as was premiſed in the beginning) compriſed the rem, or matter to be ſworn, or abjured; The two laſt contain the modum, or manner of abjuration; being undiſtinguiſhably the ſame with that of the Oath of Supremacy, which concluded thus; Haec omnia planè, ac ſincerè agnoſco, & juro juxta expreſſa verba pera me hic prolata; & juxta, planum, & communem ſenſum, & intellectum eorundem verborum abſque ulla aequivocatione, aut mentali evaſione, aut tacita reſervatione quacunque, Andreros. I acknowledge, and ſwear all theſe things plainly, and ſincerely according to the expreſs words by me here uttered; and according to the plain, and common meaning, and underſtanding of the ſame words, without any equivocation, or mental reſervation, or ſecret evaſion whatſoever.

Gent.

I beſeech you therefore give me a diſtinct Survey of this Article.

Miniſt.

I ſhall anatomize it for you; Firſt, Here is the action, which is Abjuration, or Renunciation. Secondly, The 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , how it muſt be abjured; and that either negatively, Firſt, Without equivocation. Secondly, Without mental reſervation. Thirdly, Without ſecret evaſion.

Or affirmatively; Taking the words by me ſpoken, according to the common, and uſual meaning of them.

Gent.

I deſire a more diſtinct diſcovery of theſe in order, for ſatisfaction of Conſcience; Therefore tell me firſt, what it is to abjure, or what an Oath is.

Miniſt.

An Oath is an Invocation, or calling upon God, whereby we petition him as the onely Searcher of the Heart, that he would bear witneſs to the Truth, and puniſh the Jurour, if he wittingly deceive; or it is a Juramentum eſt Petitio Divini Teſtimonii ad noſtri Teſtimonii veritatem confirmandam. Ameſius in Medulla Theologiae. Petition of the Divine Teſtimony for Confirmation of the Truth of our Testimony: So that in this Oath of Abjuration the Jurour, or Party depoſed, Propriè verò Juramentum eſt Invocatio Det, quâ petitu ••• t is, tanquam untcus cordium inſpector, reſtimonium det veritati, & jurantem puniat, ſi ſciens fallat. Urſinus in Corpore Orthodoxae Doctrinae. petitions God, as the onely Diver into the Heart, that he would bear witneſs to the truth of his renouncing all Doctrines, and practiſes therein contained; and puniſh him, if he play the Hypocrite, or diſſemble. And in this (as in moſt of other Oaths) Sex quaedam Juramentum praeſtat: nam primò Deum ſuperiorē agnoſcit, Apoſtolus enim (ad Hebraeos ſexto) ait, quòd Homines per majorem ſui jurant. Deinde eundem veracem, & conſtanti ſide praeditum profiteatur, à qua deficere non poſsit. Tertiò, Eum rerum omnium ſcientem, & arcanorum omnium conſcium, & quem nihil lateat, aſſeverat, quod ad Divinae Majeſtatis commendationē c •• fert. Quarto, Humanae fidei vindicem, & veritatis inter homines Patronum, & aſſertorem commendat; quà laude nulla major ab homine poteſt exſpectari. Denique, Dilectionem, & amorem in Deum commendat. Addi etiam poſtremo poſſet, Debitum honorem exhiberi Deo. Rangolius, Commemar. in lib. 1. Regum, pag. 1201. ſix things pertaining to Religion are filed;

Firſt, The Jurour acknowledges God for his Superiour; for Heb. vi. 16. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Men verily ſwear by the greater.

Secondly, He confeſſeth God to be true, and veracity to be ſo eſſential to him, as he cannot be without it.

Thirdly, He aſſeveres, that God knows all things, and that he is privy to all ſecrets, and from him nothing is hid; which conduceth to the Glory of his Divine Majeſty.

Fourthly, It commends God, as the Vindicatour of man's fidelity, if he ſpeak truth; the Revenger, if hely; and appeals unto him, as the patrone, and Aſſertour of Verity amongſt men; which is the greateſt honour can be exhibited from the Creature to the Creatour.

Fifthly, It commends the parties love, and zeal towards God.

Sixthly, It preſents due honour, to his Divine Majeſty, (as Saint Hierom Hieronymus ſuper Matthaeum. cap. V. ſaith) He, that ſweareth, either reverenceth, or loveth him, by whom he ſweareth; and Aristotle Ariſtoteles, primo Metaphyſic. cap. 3. ſaith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , An Oath is the moſt honourable thing, that pertaineth to Religion.

Gent.

But what neceſſity is there of this ſolemn Oath? Would not ſeparating our ſelves from the Roman Church, and conjoyning with yours, be a ſignal expreſſion of our conformity, without abjuration?

Miniſt.

In no wiſe, for there is a Aquinas, ſecunda ſecundae. Quaeſt. 89. Art. 4 conditional neceſſity at the leaſt of Oaths, ſince our prevarication, and fall in Adam; becauſe after ſin man loſt even that credence, that ought to be given to his bare Teſtimony, and that credit, that otherwiſe ought to be given to the Teſtimony of others: for this cauſe (as Rangolius Rangolius in lib. 1. Regum, cap. xiv. pag. 1201. ſaith) quoniam vácillat humana fides, & incerta pendet ſpes promiſſorum, ob humani ingenit levitatem, idcirco Deus teſtis adhibetur, ut & tuto praeteritis, atque praeſentibus credere poſſimus, & futura abſque angore, & ſollicitudine expectare; Becauſe man's credit is ſtaggering, and the hope of promiſes is uncertainly pendulous, by reaſon of the fickleneſs of humane diſpoſition, therefore God is uſed, as witneſs, that we may ſafely give credit to things preſent, and paſt, and expect future without anxiety, and trouble.

Gent.

They, that make no conſcience of lyes, will not ſcruple an oath, nor ſhrink at perjury; ſo that of ſome this Camel of Abjuration will be ſwallowed without ſtraining.

Miniſt.

An Oath is a moſt ſacred kind of Ty, which by a certain ſecret Religion, and impreſſion of Divine fear, obliges ſo ſtrictly the very hearts, and inward ſences of man; that the greateſt part of mankinde, though otherwiſe hardened, and ſtiffned to other crimes, yet trembles, and relents at the violating of an Oath. Oftentimes (ſaith Saepijsimè homines, de quarum adulterio ſuſpicantur, ad jusjurandum provocant conjuges ſuas; quod utique non facerent, niſi crederent etiam illas, quae non timuerunt adulterium, timere poſſe perjurium; quia & reverà nonnullae impudicae, quae non timuerunt illicit concubitu viros ſuos fallere, iisdem viris, quos fefellerunt, timuerunt Deum teſtem fallaciter adhibere. Auguſt. Contra Mendac. ad Conſent. cap. 21. Saint Auguſtine) men, who ſuſpect their Wives of Adultery, provoke them to an Oath, which they would not do; unleſs they believed even thoſe, that feared not Adultery, would fear Perjury; becauſe it is evident ſome unchaſt Dames, that ſcrupled not to injure their Husbands by unlawfull Copulation, trembled to call God falſely to witneſs, or make him their Compurgatour, who was conſcious to their guilt. Therefore the Apoſtle ſaith, Hebr. vi. 16. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . An Oath for confirmation is to them an end of all ſtrife; eſpecially if it be without Meritò Dei teſtimonium invocatur ad veritatem confirmandam; quia ille est ſumma veritas, qui nec fallere, nec falli poteſt. Ameſius, Medulla Theologiae. pag 203. Equivocation, which is the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or manner required.

Gent.

Seeing the form, or life of this Oath conſiſteth in the manner of Abjuration, tell me what Equivocation is?

Miniſt.

Fallacia Aequivocationis eſt, cùm quis utitur vocabulo ullo ambiguo, & ſumit in duplici ſenſu, cum videri vult ſumere in uno tantum. Cracanthorp. Logic. pag. 469. Equivocation (which Sophiſters call Graeci ejusmodi Cothurnos vocant 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , quales pleraque ſunt reſponſa Daemonum. Keckerman. Syſtem. Logic. pag. 555. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) is an ambiguous, or doubtfull ſpeech, which may be taken in two ſences; the ſpeaker ſubtilly meaning one thing, and the hearers innocently apprehending another.

Gent.

Will you be pleaſed to give me ſome inſtances hereof; and tell me who was the firſt Authour of it?

Minist.

As God is the Authour of truth, and ſwearing in Juſtice, and Judgment: ſo Satan of lyes, and equivocating Perjury. In which Amphibologies the Enemy of mankind (either becauſe he knew not the event, or had an intention to deceive) gave forth his Oracles at Daphne, and Delphos. Croeſus, King of Lydia, conſulting that impure Shrine, whether his warlike advancing with the Babylonians againſt Cyrus ſhould be ſucceſsful, received this Anſwer,

Croeſus, Halin penetrans, magnam pervertet opum vim;

Croeſus, entering Halis, ſhall deſtroy a great maſs of wealth; which he apprehended of the enemies, but it fell out to be his own. Pyrrhus, King of Epire, received this Riddle from the Pythian Prieſt,

Quod dedit Pyrrho, Regi Epirotarum, ope Pythii Sacerdotis, Aio te, Aeacide, Romanos vincere poſſe. Cicero. 2. De Divinatione. Aio te, Aeacide, Romanos, vincere poſſe:

Which may indifferently be conſtrued two ways; I affirm, That thou Pyrrhus may conquer the Romans, or, that the Romans may conquer thee: he took it in the former ſence, and was deceived. Albertus, Duke of Placentia, was courted into ſecurity with this Aenigma; Domine, ſis ſecurus, inimici intrabunt terram tuam, & ſubjicientur; which he interpreted thus, Sir, you may be ſecure, your enemies ſhall enter your Land, and ſhall be ſubjected unto you; but the Jugler, by accenting it Domi nè ſis ſecurus, inimici intrabunt terram tuam & ſubjicient 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . otherwiſe, meant thus, You may not be ſecure at home, the enemies ſhall enter your Land, and ſet all on fire. Hieronymus Moronus, Counſellour to the Duke of Millain, adviſing with this Arch Sophister, whether he might ſafely go with his Embaſſage to the Emperour's Camp, was anſwered; Ibis, redibis, non eris captivus; which he underſtood thus, Thou ſhalt go, return, not be captive: but the ſad event proved, that the Comma was to be placed after non, Ibis redibis non, eris captivus. Thou ſhalt go, not return, be a captive. Nay, ſo cunning a Sophiſter is the Devil, that, for all the Pope's infallibility, he ſometimes by equivocating deceives his Holyneſs: for Sciſcitabatur Sylveſter Secundus Diabolum quamdiu in Pontificatu victurus erat, responſum habuit, quamdiu non celebraret in Hieruſalem; gaviſus valde eſt Papa; nam Hieroſolymam omnino non proficiſci decretum erat. Quum quarto Pontificatûs anno Romae ad Eccleſiam S. Crucis, qua in Hieruſalem vocatur, celebraret, & Daemonis aquivocationem, & fatalem diem ſibi adeſſe miſer intellexit. Platina in Vita Sylveſtri Secundi; & Martinus Polonus, Anno 1007. Sylveſter the Second, demanding of the Devil, (with whom he had frequent conference) how long he ſhould continue in the Popedom, he received this Anſwer, As long as he did not officiate, or celebrate, the Maſs at Jeruſalem: at which the Pope rejoyced; for he reſolved never to go to Jeruſalem, when as in the fourth year of his Popedom he was officiating in Rome, at the Church Sanctae Crucis, which is called Jeruſalem, he underſtood Satan's Equivocation, and that his fatal day was at hand.

Gent.

I have oftentimes heard, that Satan ſometimes uſeth ſuch equivocating Paralogiſms, and Amphibolies to deceive men; but, I hope, no Chriſtian imitates that ſubtile Serpent in this.

Miniſt.

Too many; for this was the fraudulent dealing of the Hâc fraude Arriani olim uſi, Nicena, dicebant, fides, ſen quae Niceae decreta fuit, amplectenda eſt: Haec noſtra eſt Nicena, & Niceae decreta; Ergo amplectenda; ſcilicet Arriani aliquot Epiſcopi, tempore Ariminenſis Concilii, Niceam contenderant, ibi Synodum habent, & Ariminenſm fidem Niceae confirmant, & ſic fides eorum Nicena verè fides erat. Conventiculi ſcilicet illius Niceni; ſed non illa, quae 318. Patribus in Oecumenico Concilio declarata erat. Socrates, lib. 2. cap. 29. Arrians, in the time of the Council of Arimine, who, being to ſubſcribe to the Nicene Creed, repaired privately to Nice, and there kept a ſecret conventicle, decreeing their own faith, and calling it the Nicene faith; fallaciouſly arguing thus, The Nicene faith is to be embraced; but this, which we hold (denying the Deity of Chriſt) is the Nicene Faith; and ſo it was, but not of that lawful Oecumenical Council of Nice, which was celebrated by three hundred, and eighteen Fathers, but a private act of their tenebrizing there. When Gurnay, and Matrevirs, Keepers of Edward the Second, then in durance at Berkley-Castle, demanded of ſome of the Peers, whether they ſhould ſecretly murder Edward; Tarleton, Biſhop of Hereford, cunningly contrived this equivocal reſolution; Edvardum occidere nolite timere, bonum eſt: which, as by him it was accented, they rightly Engliſhed thus, To kill Edward do not fear, it is a good thing. But, when the Tragedie was ended, by altering one Edvardum occidere nolite, timere bonum eſt. Comma, he excuſed himſelf, pretending he meant thus, To ſeek to ſhed King Edward's blood refuſe, to fear I count it good.

Gent.

This is a Diabolical cheat, and he were a Devil incarnate, and no Chriſtian, that would invoke the divine omniſciency to the truth of his Teſtimony, knowing he did equivocate, and diſſemble with God. What do you mean by mental reſervation?

Miniſt.

Mental reſervation is a ſecret reſerve of the minde, whereby a man cunningly windes himſelf from all engagement of aſſertion, or promiſe, and acts the Jugler ſo, that when we think he is faſt, he is looſe. This Stratagem is as frequent with the Jeſuites, as Equivocation. To give you a few inſtances. A Loyaliſt perhaps will not ſcruple to abjure the Pope's Supremacy over the Catholick Church, to wit, with this reſervation, in the interregnum, or vacancy between one Pope, and another. He will abjure the Church of Rome to be the true Church, to wit, in Julius Ceſar's time. That there is not any Tranſubſtantiation in the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, with this reſerve, if it be conſecrated by a Lay-man. That there is not any Purgatory, with this mental caution, after the Reſurrection. That Crucifixes ought not to be adored, to wit, of the two Thieves. That Images ought not to be worſhipped, to wit, of Heathen Gods. That ſalvation cannot be merited by works, with this reſervation, If they be done before converſion. This was the impoſture of that infamous Arrius ille infamis Hareticus dejeràſse fertur, qui quaerenti Imperatori. num vellet Nicenae fidei, quae ipſius Haereſin de abnegata Chriſti divinitate damnaverat, ſubſcribere; continuò ſe facturum respondit. Poſcente verò Imperatore (quòd fidem ejus quodammodo ſuspectam haberit) ut in ipſius Synodi verba juraret, confeſsionem quandam Haereticam, & ſuam compoſuit, eam que ſubſignatam ſinu abdidit ac tum demum cogitatione in hanc, quam ipſe ſecum habuit, intenta, juravit ſe verè, & ex animo ſul ſcripſiſſe. Socrates, Hiſtor. Heretick Arrius, who, when the Emperour enquired whether he would ſubſcribe to the Nicene Creed, which condemned his Hereſie of denying the Divinity of Chriſt, he forthwith anſwered, he would. And the Emperour requiring (becauſe he ſuſpected his fidelity) that he would ſwear in the very words of the Synod it ſelf; he ſubtilely compoſed a certain Heretical confeſſion of his own, and having ſealed it, hid it in his boſom, and his minde being intent upon that, which he had hid there, he ſwore, that he had ſubſcribed truly, and from his heart; and ſo, in his own conceit, eluded the ſacred ty of his Oath.

Gent.

This is more horrid, then the former, and ought not onely to be abjured in Religion, but exterminated out of humane ſociety. What do you mean by the third ſecret evaſion?

Miniſt.

Secret evaſion intended here is any ſhift, either ſuggeſted by Satan, or contrived by a man's ſelf to diſoblige, and diſingage himſelf from this Oath. Such was the evaſion of him, Ille, qui cùm triginta dierum eſſent cum hoſte pactae induciae, noctu populabatur agros, quòd dierum eſſent pactae, non noctium induciae. Ciceto, lib. 1. Officiorum. who, when a Truce of peace was covenanted with the enemies for thirty days, ſpoiled all their fields by night, becauſe the Truce was made for days, not nights: Romani deceperunt Antiochum, cum quo pacti erant de dimidio navium reddendo, ſingulas naves diſſecuerunt, & cujusque navis dimidium reddiderunt. Valer. Maximus. of the Romans, who indenting with Antiochus, to reſtore him half his Navy, divided all the Ships in the middeſt, rendering him the half of every one, and ſo diſenabled him of all for any ſervice: of that Cicero, lib. 1. Offic. perfidious Souldier, who, ſent from the Carthaginian Army to Rome upon parole, bound by an Oath to return; when he had gone a few furlongs from the Camp, returned, feigning he had forgot ſomething; thinking, that, by this means, he was diſingaged for further performance: of the Sabinis proditae portae per vigilem, nec dolo; ſed puella pretium rei, quam gerebant in ſiniſtris, petierat: dubium, elypeos, an armillos; illi, ut fidem ſolverent, & ulciſcerentur, clypeis obruêre. Lucius Florus, lib. 1. pag. 10. Souldiers to Tarpeia, who betrayed the Roman Capitol into the enemies hands, bargaining to have that, which they carried upon their left hands for her Treaſon (meaning the golden bracelets) now the enemies, when they were admitted, did caſt not their Bracelets onely, but their Bucklers alſo upon her, through the weight whereof ſhe was preſſed to death.

Gent.

We may ſay with Cicero, Decipere hoc quidem, non Jurare eſt; This is to deceive, or forſwear, not to ſwear: how then ought an Oath to be in juſtice, judgement, and verity; for ſo the Prophet Jeremie ſaith, Jer. iv. 2.

Miniſt.

That is expreſſed in the affirmative part of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or manner of Abjuration; Taking the words by me ſpoken according to the common, and uſual meaning of them. For (ſaith Religio juramenti tanta eſt, ut nullam admittat aequivocationem, aut mentalem reſervationem; interpretanda ſunt verba juramenti in foro conſcientiae ad ſenſum jurantis, ſi ſimpliciter, & candidè egerit, ſin minùs ad ſenſum ejus, quem fallere volunt, aut cui juravit: in foro autem externe verba jurantium accipienda ſunt, ut vulgò intelliguntur. Ameſius. Medulla Theolog. pag. 164, 166. Ameſius) the Religion, or tye of an Oath is ſo ſacred, that it admits of no equivocation, or mental reſervation; but the words of abjuration are to be interpreted in the Court of Conſcience, according to the meaning of him, that ſwears, if he deal plainly, and candidly; if not, according to the meaning of him he would deceive, or to whom he hath ſworn. But in foro externo, or the Judicature of men, words of them, that ſwear, are to be taken as they are vulgarly underſtood. And Iſiodore Iſiodor. Hiſpan. Sent. lib. 2. cap. 21. gives the reaſon, Quacunque verborum arte, quisque juret, Deum tamen, qui conſcientiae teſtis eſt, ita hoc accipere, ſicut ille, cui juratur, intelligit; With what craft, or cunning of words ſoever any man can ſwear, God, who is witneſs of our conſcience, ſo takes the words, as he, to whom we depoſe, or ſwear, underſtandeth them: which the Heathen Romans knew by the glimmering light of nature, when they condemned their own Citizens to perpetual ſlavery in the brazen Mines, for falſifying their Oaths, and equivocating with their enemies. And Marcus Regulus, Ad ſupplicium redire maluit, quàm fidem hoſti datam fallere. Cicero, lib. 1. Offic. though he knew he was to undergo exquiſite tortures, would rather return to Carthage to his deadly enemies, then violate his Oath.

Gent.

I, for my part, had rather dy a thouſand deaths, then perfidiouſly to diſſemble with God, who ſearches the heart, and tries the reins. Therefore I ſhall ingenuouſly, and ſincerely abjure, if you can but with like ſucceſs clear the next Article, and ſome other ſcruples.

The Twelfth Article.

And I do believe no power derived from the Pope, or Church of Rome, or any other perſon, can abſolve me from this my Oath; and I do renounce all Pardons, and Diſpenſations to the contrary: So help me God.

Gent.

IS it uſual for the Pope, or Church of Rome to abſolve men, that have depoſed, from ſolemn Oaths? or out of their plenary power to grant Pardons, and Dispenſations from Oaths? for I am not much verſed in this Hiſtory.

Miniſt.

You have heard how Pope Pius Quintus Proceres, ſubditos, & populos dicti regni, ac cateros omnes, qui illi quomodocunque juraverunt, ab juramento hujusmodi, ac omni prorſus dominii, fidelitatis, & obſequii debito, perpetuo abſolutos; praecipiens, & interdicens univerſis, & ſingulis Proceribus, ſubditis, populis, nè ejus mandatis, & legibus auderent obedire ſub poena Anathematis. Bulla Pii Quinti, Anno Elizabethae 12. 1570. pronounced, that all, whoſoever, by any occaſion, had taken the Oath of Allegiance, or Supremacy unto Queen Elizabeth, were for ever diſcharged of ſuch their Oath, and alſo from all fealty, and ſervice, which was due to her by reaſon of her Government, commanding, and interdicting all, and ſingular Nobles, Subjects, & People, not to be obedient to her Mandates, and Laws, under pain of his great Anathema, or curſe. And Frier Sigebert confeſſeth it to be one of your novel Roman Hereſies to Docent populum, quod malis Regibus nullam debeant ſubjectionem, & licèt eis Sacramentum Fidelitatis fecerunt, nullam tamen debeant fidelitatem, nec perjuri dicantur, qui contra Regem ſenſerint: imò, qui Regi paruerit, pro excommunicato habeatur; qui contra Regem fecerit, noxa injuſtitiae, & perjurii abſolvatur. Sigebert. Anno 1088. teach the people, that they ow no ſubjection to wicked Princes; and that, although they have taken the Oath of Fealty, yet do they ow them no Allegiance, neither are they perjured, that think ill againſt their Supreme Majeſty; yea, he, that obeyeth the King, or Supreme Magistrate, is reputed an excommunicate perſon; and he, that taketh part againſt him, is abſolved from the crime of injuſtice, and perjury. From this Diabolical Principle, it was, that Pope Boniface the Third abſolved Phocas from his fealty to the Emperour Mauritius; Pope Zachary aſſoiled Pipine, and other Frenchmen of their Oath of Allegiance, and fidelity made to Childerick King of France; Caeſar â Summo Pontifice non est excommunicatus ſolum; ſed & reliquis potentioribus Principibus mandatum est, ut Imperaterem alium deſignarent. Carion. Chron. lib. 3. pag. 202, Pope Hildebrand, or Gregory the Seventh, diſpenſed with Rodolph, Duke of Suecia, for his Oath, he had taken to the Emperour Henry the Fourth, his liege Lord. Histories are as full of ſuch examples; as the Deſerts of Arabia of Quick-ſands, or dangerous wilde Beaſts.

Gent.

There are very few Catholicks, but are convinced, that Biſhops of Rome have tranſgreſſed in the frequency of their Abſolutions, and misapplication of their Pardons, and Dispenſations; yet this prejudices not the Papal power to grant Abſolutions, and Diſpenſations, when there is juſt cauſe.

Miniſt.

There can be no juſt cauſe for abſolving Subjects of their Oath, and ty of fealty to their Sovereign, for the reaſon formerly aſſigned, that I engaged to inſiſt upon in this last Article; which was, Vinculum illud officii, quo majeſtatis ſuae ſubditi ad ipſum teneantur, perpetuum eſſe, ſolvique ſine piaculo non poſſe. Andreros The Bond, and Obligation, whereby people are obliged in duty to their chief Magiſtrate is perpetual, indiſſoluble, and may not lawfully be broken; In ſo much, as it is grounded upon the fifth Commandment, and ſo the Law of Nature, which even your own Angelical Doctour acknowledgeth to be out of the reach of Papal abſolution, or diſpenſation, as being Naturale jus ab exordio rationalis creaturae nec variatur tempore, ſed immutabile permanet. Aquinas, 1. 2. Quaeſt. 94. Art. 5. immutable from the very beginning of the rational Creature; and that moral Commandments are ſuch, as they are altogether Praecepta Decalogi ſunt omnino indispenſabilia. Aquin. 1. 2. q. 100. Art. 8. in Decreto, Diſt. 5. indiſpenſable by any power.

Gent.

What if Supreme Magiſtrates be Tyrants, Infidels, Hereticks, Apoſtates, or Renegadoes from the truth, may not the Pope abſolve their Subjects from former Oaths, and Engagements? To what end ſerve thoſe Arrows of Diſpenſation, Excommunication, the Seal of Confeſſion, if they may not be levelled at ſuch Marks?

Miniſt.

Even Tyrants, Infidels, Hereticks, Apostates are ſo harneſſed with the Panoplie of the Law of Nature, and the Moral Law, that they are impenetrable by theſe pretended Papal Darts, maugre the Romiſh Conclave; which I ſhall demonſtrate in order. Firſt, Tyrants are ſhot-free, as appeareth by Saul, who injuriouſly hunted David's Soul, ſought his life, 1 Sam. xxiv. 12. 1 Sam. xxii. 23. who was faithful amongst all his Servants, 1 Sam. xxii. 14. recompenſed him good for evil, 1 Sam. xxiv. 18. who commanded Doeg to fall upon the Prieſts of the Lord, and ſlew fourſcore, and five perſons, that did wear a linen Ephod; and ſmote Nob, the City of the Prieſts, with the Edg of the Sword, both men, and women, children, and ſucklings, 1 Sam. xxii. 18, 19. with a conflux of many other crimes, which importuned the Lord to revenge; yet David, though no private man, but deſigned to a Kingdom, and General of the King's Army, durſt preſume of no diſpenſation from the High Prieſt to diſingage himſelf to Saul, when he had him at an advantage; but, out of tender touch of conſcience, cryed out, when his Servants preſſed him to lay violent hands upon him, The LORD forbid, that I ſhould do this thing unto my Maſter, the Lord's Anointed, to ſtretch forth mine hand againſt him, ſeeing 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 he is the Anointed of the LORD. Which ſignal Loyalty, preſidential to all Poſterity, Optatus elegantly deſcribeth, ſaying, Occaſionem victoriae David habet at in manibus, incautum, & ſecurum adverſarium ſine labore poterat jugulare, & ſine ſanguine, & conſtictu multorum, poterat bellum mutare in caedem; & pucri ejus; & occaſio ſua debant, ad victoriam opportunitas hortabatur, ſtringere jam caeperat ferrum, tre jam caeperat armata manus hostium in jugulos, ſed obstabat plena divinorum memoria mandatorum: hortantibus ſe puerts, & occaſionibus contradicit, tanquam & hoc diceret, Sine cauſa mr, Victorit, provocas, fruſtrà me in triumphū invitas, vole am host •• vincere, ſed prius oſt divina praecepta ſerva re; non (inquit) mutam manum in Ʋnctum Domini: repreſsit cum gladio manum, & dum timuit o'cum, ſervabat inimi um. Optatus, lib. 2. Adversits Parmenianum. David had the opportunity of victory in his hands, he might have ſlain his unwary, and ſecure Adverſary without labour, have changed War into Slaughter without Blood, and Skirmiſh of many; both his Servants, and the occaſion perſwaded, the opportunity encouraged to Victory; now he began to draw his Sword, now his armed Troops began to make at the Enemies throats: but the perfect Remembrance of God's Countermand did hinder; he checks his Servants, and occaſions, that egged him on, as if with this Soliloquie; O Victory, thou cauſeleſly provokest me, th •• inviteſt me to triumph in vain, I am willing to conquer mine Enemie, but more willing to obſerve the precepts of the Deity; I will not (ſaith he) lay mine hand upon the Lord's Anointed. He plucked back his hand with his Sword, and, while he feared the Oil, he preſerved his Enemy.

Gent.

David, and Saul lived under the Law; it may be pretended, that the Biſhop of Rome, the Evangelical High-Prieſt, hath more ſuperlative Power, then the Legal High Prieſt had.

Miniſt.

A pretenſe indeed, but groundleſs; for the Apoſtle Saint Paul bids every Soul be ſubject 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to the higher Powers; which was then the Tyrannical Emperour Nero, and his Commiſſioners. Tertullian adviſeth to ſubmit to the Emperour Severus, who was the Severus quintâ poſt Neronem ſeveriſsima Perſecutione Eccleſiam excruciavit. Anno Chriſti 205. Oroſius, & Baronius. fifth Perſecutour of Chriſtians after Nero; for, having declared, that Malè velle, malè facere, malè dicere, malè cegitare de quoqudin ex aequo vetdri; quod in neminem licet, cò forſitan magis nec in ipſum, qui per. Deum tantus eſt, licere, hoc eſt, Imperatorem, Tertul. Apol. 1. cap. 36. we are interdicted by the word to do evil, ſpeak evil, think evil of any, he gathers, that we are much more interdicted to act any of theſe things against him, who is ſo highly advanced by God, that is, the Emperour Severus.

Gent.

But if Tyranny doth not diſcompoſe the Ligatures of obedience of Subjects to their chief Magiſtrates; ſome think, that Infidelity joined with Tyranny armes the Pope's Bulls, and Anathemas againſt ſuch exorbitant Rulers.

Miniſt.

No; Infidelity joyned with Tyranny, much leſs alone (which is the ſecond thing) is ineffectual as to this purpoſe. The two forementioned Emperours, Nero, and Severus (to whom the Apoſtles, and Fathers perſwade Subjection) were not onely Tyrants, but Heathens. Saint Peter, from whom the Pope challengeth his exorbitant Jurisdiction, writing to his Countrymen, the Jews, diſperſed through Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Aſia, and Bithynia, exhorteth them to carry themſelves as Multis ante Claudium annis, Pompeius Magnus eas (ſcilicet Pontum, Galatiá, Cappadociam, &c.) in Provinciarum formam redegerat. Sigonius, Comment. in lib. 2. Sulpitii. free; not as uſing their Liberty for a cloak of maliciouſneſs, but as the Servants of God; fearing God, and honouring the King: 1 Pet. ii. 16, 17. Now who was this King, when Peter wrote this Epiſtle? Petrus. priorem Epiſtolam ſuam conſer pſit, imperante Claudio. Baronius, Tom. 1. Anno 45. Claudius the Emperour, for (as Appianus Appianus, Praefat. Hiſtoriarum. ſaith) the Romane Emperours were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Kings in all their actions. This Claudius was both a Perſecutour, and a Pagan; ſo cruel by nature, and bloody-minded, (as Suetonius Claudius natura ſaevus, & ſanguinarus, tormenta quaestionum, poenásque Parricidarum coràm exegerit, ſalutatoribus ſcrutatores ſemper appoſuit, & quidem omnibus, & acerbiſsimos; Gladiatorum (quos fortè prolapſos jugulari juſſerat) expirantium facies cum voluptate ſolitus eſt intueri: libidinis in foeminas profuſiſsimus fuit; libertis, & uxoribus tam miſerè ad dictus, ut compendio cujusque horum, vel etiam ſtudio, ac libidine, honoris, exercitus, impunitates ſupplicii largitus eſt. Suetonius, capp. 22, 23, 24, 25. ſaith) that he took Examinations on the Rack, exacted Murderers to be executed in his preſence, appointed Scrutatours, and Spies to obſerve all private conferences; was a delightful Spectatour of the appaled countenances of dying Sword-players; profuſely libidinous towards women, ſlaviſhly adicted to Ganymedes, and Catamites, that he conferred Honours, and Privileges of Immunity upon them, that had ſtudied the compendious art of Sodomy, and could methodically teach it others: yet the Apoſtle perſwadeth obedience, and ſubjection to ſuch a Pagan, ſuch a Perſecutour, ſuch a prodigious Monster of mankind.

Gent.

But ſome conjecture, that this obedience, and ſubjection exhibited by Chriſtians, to Pagan, and perſecuting Emperours, was extorted, and pumped out of them by violence, and coercive power, not freely preſented, and of a willing mind.

Minist.

Their conjecture is groundleſs; for Saint Paul, writing to the Romanes, who lived either under the ſame, or a worſe Emperour, Nero, commandeth every Soul to be ſubject to the higher powers; Rom. xiii. 1. not onely for anger, (that is, force, or fear) but for Conſcience ſake; becauſe it is the ordinance of God, and they are the Miniſters of God; Rom. xiii. 5. which is the ſame he elſewhere preſſeth, that we ſhould obey our Lords, or Maſters, out of ſingleneſs of heart, as deſiring to pleaſe God, not men; Coloſ. iii. 22. Eph. vi. 5, 6. Whereupon Justin, who lived in the year 150, in the name of all Chriſtians ſaluteth the Emperour Antoninus, who was both an Infidel, and a Perſecutour, ſaying, Nos ſolum Deum adoramus, & vobis in rebus aliis laeti inſervimus. Tertul. Apologia 2. ad Antoninum Imperat. We worſhip God onely, and chearfully ſerve you in all other things. To which St. Auguſtine ſubſcribeth, profeſſing, that Potestates, quae ſunt, a Deo ordinatae ſunt: 〈◊〉 eſt, ut Gentilem in potestate tamen poſitum honorificemus; licet ipſe indignus ſit, qui Dei ordinem tenens gratias agit Diabolo: poteſtas enim exigit, quia meretur honorem. Auguſtin. Quaeſt. ex Vet. Teſt. cap. 35. The powers that are, are ordained of God: hence it is, that we honour a Gentile, placed in authority; although he be unworthy, who, being God's Vice-gerent, and repreſenting him, giveth thanks, or ſacrificeth to the Devil, yet the power requireth obedience, as being ordained of God.

Gent.

But if Infidelity be ineffectual; becauſe Chriſtians were with patience, and prudence, to wait for the Converſion of Jews, and Pagans; yet may not Hereſy, and Apostaſy unrivet the Ty of Obedience, from Subjects to their Supreme Magiſtrates? Some think, that for this purpoſe God hath ſet the Biſhop of Rome over Nations, and over Kingdoms, to root out, and to pull down, and to destroy, and to throw down, to build, and to plant; Jer. i. 10.

Miniſt.

That onely concerned Jeremy, an extraordinary Prophet, upon an extraordinary occaſion: that in a ſpiritual ſence onely; not any legal Prieſt, or Evangelical Presbyter. Therefore we never read, that any Romane Biſhop encouraged the Primitive orthodox Chriſtians to renounce the authority of Conſtantius, Valens, and Valentinianus the Younger, who were all Heretical Emperours, Fautours, and Fomenters of Arrianiſm. And, as relating to Julian, who was not onely an Heretick; but an Apoſtate from the whole known truth, Saint Auguſtine gives us a true Hiſtorical Character of him, and thoſe times; Was not Julian (ſaith Julianus nónne exti •• Apoſtata, iniquus Idololatra? tamen milites Chriſtiani ſervierunt huic Imperatori infideli, & quando dicebat, Producite aciem, ite contra iſtam gentem, ſtatim obtemperabant. Auguſtin. in Pſalm. cxxiv. he) an Apoſtate, unjuſt, an Idolater: yet Chriſtian Soldiers ſerved this unbelieving Emperour; and when he ſaid March on, advance againſt ſuch a Nation, they preſently obeyed: and that even when they wanted no competent force for reſiſtance, the greateſt part of Julian's Army being Chriſtians, as appeared at his death, for when the Soldiers had unanimouſly made choice of Jovinian to be their Emperour, and he refuſed, being a Chriſtian, to rule over Heathens, and Pagans, Omnes una voce confeſſi ſunt ſe eſſe Chriſtianos. Ruffinus, lib. 2. Hiſt. cap. 1. They all confeſsed with one voice, that they were Chriſtians. Therefore it is not credible, that ſo numerous an Army, and ſo victorious, obeyed an Apoſtate, becauſe they were overmatched by him, and not able to reſiſt; but rather (as St. Auguſtine Subjectos fuiſſe propter Dominum aeternū Domino Temporali. Auguſtin. in Pſalm. cxxiv. ſaith) They were ſubject to their Temporal Lord, for their Eternal Lord's ſake.

Gent.

But ſome ſay, If the Biſhop of Rome had abſolved them from their Sacramentum militare, or Soldier's Oath, whereby the Romanes were uſually tyed to their Generals, they might have been diſpenſed withall for Subjection.

Miniſt.

Praecepta ſecundae Tabulae cominent ordinem juſtitiae inter homines obſervandae, ut ſcilicet nulla fiat indebitum, & cuilibet reddatur debitum: ſecundū enim hanc rationem ſunt intelligenda praecepta Decalogi; & ideò praecepta Decalogi ſunt omnino indiſpenſabilia. Aquinas. Prima Secunda, Quaeſt. 100. Art. 8. The Law of Nature, Moral Law, and lawful Oaths admit of no diſpenſation. If the High Prieſt, or any pretended power had interpoſed, when David ſaid, I have ſworn to keep the judgments of thy righteouſneſs, they could not have made void that ſolemn Oath: proportionably, if any Chriſtian, in pious imitation of David, ſhall out of conſcience ſwear inviolably to obſerve thoſe commandments of not committing Adultery, of obeying Parents, and Magiſtrates; the Pope's Diſpenſations are ſo far ineffectual, that whoſoever, preſuming upon his Abſolution, ſhould adventure to violate them, would be found guilty both of Rebellion, and Adultery. Therefore Durand confeſſeth, Olim Papam diſpenſando erraſſe; That the Pope hath formerly been miſtaken in his Diſpenſations: as when Emmanuel, King of Portugal, was diſpenſed withall to marry two Siſters: Ferdinandus, King of Naples, to marry his Aunt; Catharine, Queen of England, to marry two Brothers. Pope Martin the Firſt gave Diſpenſations to marry with a natural Sister, againſt which even Antoninus Reperitur Papa Martinus diſpenſeſſe cum quodam, qui contraverat, & conſummaverat Matrimonium cum quadam ejus germana Anton. 3. part. Tit. 1. cap. 11. a Popiſh Arch-Biſhop, exclaims.

Gent.

But, if not Papal Diſpenſations, may not the Anathema of Excommunication (whereby they are rendred as Publicans, and Heathens) unbrace the Ty of Subjects to their Sovereign.

Miniſt.

Bellarmine, the late Romiſh Cardinal is bold to broach this peſtilent Doctrine; ſaying Si ergo Princeps aliquis ex Ove, aut Ariete fiar Lupus, id est, ex Chriſtiano fiat Haereticus, poterit Paſtor Eccleſiae eum arcere per Excommunicationem & ſimul jubere populo, nè eum ſequantur, ac proinde privare eum Dominio in ſubditos. Bellarmin. lib. 5. De Romano Pontif. cap. 7. col. 824. If any Prince, of a Ram, or Sheep, become a Wolf, that is, of a Chriſtian become an Heretick, the Paſtour of the Church may caſt him out by Excommunication, and at once command the people not to follow him, and thereupon deprive him of Dominion over his Subjects. But the Holy Ghoſt ſpeaks another Language; as knowing that Excommunication, though denounced for contempt of the Church, makes not one worſe, then an Heathen; now the Apoſtles, St. Peter, and St. Paul (as is formerly evidenced) ſeriouſly exhorts us to perform obedience to Pagan, and Ʋnchristianed Princes. The ſame therefore is as due to Chriſtian Magiſtrates, when excommunicated. And, if we conſult the Romiſh erroneous Oracles themſelves, we ſhall finde the reſolution given from their own impure Shrines; that Aquinas, in Sap. Quaeſt. 23. Tolet. Inſtit. Sacerd. lib. 1. cap. 9. Excommunication neither exempts Servants from the dominion of their Maſters, nor Children from obſervance to their Parents. Supreme Magiſtrates are Lords; their Subjects, Servants: ſo David ſtiles Saul his Lord, and himſelf his ſervant; 1 Sam. xxiv. 11. They are Fathers, their people are Children: ſo King Hezekiah calls the Prieſts (who were ſpiritual Fathers to their charge) his Sons; 2 Chron. xxix. 11. Deborah was a Mother in Iſrael, Judg. v. 7. But, for the moſt part, the Pope's Excommunications are unjuſt, and always relating to theſe Nations, where he hath no jurisdiction; and his Canon Law tells us, Qui illicitè alium excommunicat, ſcipſum, non illum condemnat. Quaeſt. 24. Art. 3. Comperimus rubri. He, that unlawfully excommunicateth another, condemneth not the party, but himſelf. And St. Auguſtine, Quid obeſt homini, ſi eum de illa tabula delere velit humana ignorantia; quem de libro viventium non delet iniquae conſcientia. Auguſtin. Ad Clericos Hipponenſes. What is a man the worſe, if humane ignorance raſe him out of the Book of the Church, whom an evil conſcience wipes not out of the Book of life.

Gent.

Are then the chief Rulers of theſe Nations no whit impeached by the Pope's Excommunications? nor the People privileged by his Abſolutions, and Diſpenſations?

Miniſt.

Our chief Rulers are no more impeached by Papal Excommunication, then Chriſt, and his Apoſtles were, when they were caſt out of the Synagogue by the chief Prieſts; then the faithful Chriſtians were, when they were excommunicated by Diotrephes, who firſt claimed Papal Primacy, 3 John 9. It is fore-propheſied, that Antichriſt ſhall excommunicate all them, that will not adore the Image of the Beaſt, Rev. xiii. 17. Quid ſibi velit emendi, & vendendi Interdictum, jam antè oſtendi; nempe Papalem excommunicationem notari, in quam qui incidunt, reliquorum civium conſuetudine, & commercio arcentur. Mede, Comment. Apocalypt. p. 213 for by prohibition of buying, and ſelling, there is meant Papal Excommunication; into which cenſure whoſoever fell, were driven from all commerce, and fellowſhip with other Citizens. So that Canon of the Lateran Council ſet forth againſt the Waldenſes, and Albigenſes, ſignally prohibits, under the penalty of the great Anathema, Nè quis eos in domo ſua, vel terra tenere. vel fovere, vel negotiationem cum iis exercere praeſumat. Tomo 4. Concil. edit. Romae. pag. 37. That none ſhould preſume to keep them within their Precincts, or harbour them in their houſes, or negotiate, or traffique with them. The Synod of Tyron doth the like, Nè receptaculum quisquam eis in terra ſua praebere, aut praſidium impertive praſumat; ſed nec in venditione, aut emptione, aliqua cum iis communio habeatur. Apud Reverend. Armachan De Succeſſione Eccleſiae, pag. 239. interdicting all to afford them any ſhelter, or receptacle, to ſupply them with any relief, or have commerce with them in buying, and ſelling. Neither are the people more privileged by the Pope's Abſolutions, and Diſpenſations to attempt diſloyalty; then the Soldiers, and Jewiſh rabble were to crucifie Chriſt, by the High Prieſt's delivering him up unto Pilate.

Gent.

But, if neither Papal Excommunications, Abſolutions, or Diſpenſations privilege the Laity from ſubjection to their Sovereign; yet ſome conceive, that the holy Seal of Confeſſion exempts Sacerdos Dei vices ſuſtinet, nec aliter, quàm ipſe Deus, humiles, ac devotas peccatorum confeſsiones audiat. Aquinas, in Sap. Quaeſt. 11. Art. 1. Priests from former Oaths, or Engagements: becauſe they are bound by their order, and the Laws of the Church, to conceal whatſoever is diſcloſed unto them by Auricular Confeſſion, though it ſhould tend to the prejudice, and ruine of Princes.

Miniſt.

That pretended Canon and Law of the Church, is no ancienter, then Innocent the Third, being one of the Conſtitutions inſerted in the Omnis utriuſque: De poenitent. & remiſsion. Decretals. But, admit it had antiquity, and authority of the whole Church, it amounts to no more, then an Eccleſiaſtical Ordinance, which muſt veil Bonnet to the Moral Law, which provideth by all means the ſafety, and ſecurity of Supreme Magiſtrates; which thoſe French Prieſts knew well (though of the Romiſh ſtamp) when they diſcovered unto their Prince treaſon, made known unto them onely by Auricular Confeſſion; whereupon the Plotters were executed, and they for their Loyalty rewarded. Nobilis quidam Normannus cùm propoſitum habuiſſet Regem Franciſcum occidendi, conſilium illud ſuum Fratri cuidam Minoritae inter confitendum aperuit; qui rem totam ad Regem detulit, qua Judicilus Curiae Pariſienſis communicata, reus ipſe capitis damnatus eſt; Sacerdote, qui denuntiaverat, nulla violati Sacramenti poena ab Eccleſia mulctato. Bodinus, lib. 2. De Republica. cap. 5. A Nobleman of Normandy having confeſſed to a Minorite Fryar, that he had a purpoſe to murder the King of France, of which he repented, and received Abſolution; yet ſo, as the Fryar diſcovered all to the King: which being examined by the Judges of the Court of Paris, the Noble-man was ſentenced to death, and the Fryar honourably diſmiſſed without Miſpriſion, or Irregularity.

Gent.

But, if no power derived from the Pope, or Church of Rome, can abſolve, or grant Pardons, or Diſpenſations from Oaths, is there no other power can do it? for it is further aſſerted in this Article, Nor any other perſon can abſolve me from this my Oath.

Miniſt.

No ſingle perſon can; nor any ſociety, or corporation (who interpretatively in Law make a perſon) can abſolve, or diſpenſe with an Oath, that Subjects have juſtly made to their chief Magiſtrate; while, according to the intention of the Legislative power, it was obligatory. In that the People of Athens, and Sparta were diſcharged from obedience to their Princes, and Governours, it was becauſe the Areopagites had the chief legislative, and executive power in the one, and the Ephori in the other; as the Senate of Venice hath over their Dukes at this preſent. But where in the fundamental Laws of any Nation one perſon (whether Emperour, Sultan, King, or by what Title ſoever) is declared Sovereign, or Supreme Magiſtrate, as the King with us, and ſubject to no ſuperiour Legislative, and executive power; all Diſpenſations, and Abſolutions from Oaths, that were taken to ſuch a Prince, are in vain. That confeſſion of Henry the Third was declared by a ſucceeding Parliament to be unlawful, and extorted by force; That Liceat omnibus de regno Noſtro contra Nos inſurgere, & ad gravamen Noſtrum opem, & operam ferre, ac ſi Nobis in nullo tencantur. 15. Parliamento Henrici Tertii, Londini ordinat. inter Record. Civitatis Londinenſis Charta Originalis ſub Sigillo. It might be lawful for all his Subjects to riſe againſt him, and to annoy him with all their power, as if they were tyed in no bond of Allegiance unto him. Sed vela reprimam; I love not to launch into this tempeſtuous Sea; it is enough for our purpoſe, to know in general, Non minorem injuriam Deo faciunt, poteſtatem de Regibus judicandi, quam ipſe ſibi ſoli reſervavit, ei praeripientes, quàm Regibus ipſis, ſolius Dei judicio ſubjacentibus: magna metiam injuriam faciunt fidei, qui eam putant ſalvam eſſe non poſſe; niſi Regum jus pereat, & gentium jura ſubvertantur. Pariſienſis Academia, as propriè Sorbonicum Theologorum Collegium, apud Alphonſum de Vargas. that no Papal, or any other ſubordinate power can abſolve from Oaths legally taken to the Supreme Magiſtrate; leaving it to the diſcuſſion of the Fundamental Laws of every Nation in particular, who are Supreme Magiſtrates, as the King is, doubtleſs, here. But, if neither the Pope, nor his Conclave, nor any inferiour Prieſt, by delegated authority from them, can diſpenſe with this Oath of Abjuration (which I think is the purport of this Article) you may reſt ſatisfied.

Gent.

I am fully ſatisfied in this, and all the precedent Diſcourſe, if one inconvenience be met withall, which is this; If the Ty, and Oath of Subjects to their Sovereign, be ſo ſacred, and inviolable, that no Papal, or other ſubordinate power can diſpenſe with it; if Supreme Magiſtrates turn Tyrants, and make havock of Church and Common-wealth, what remedy is left?

Miniſt.

Perſecuting, and Idolatrous Princes, like Nero, and Julian, may project the ruine of the Church, but in vain; becauſe Chriſt hath builded it upon a Rock, againſt which the Gates of Hell cannot prevail; Matth. xvi. 18. Oppugnare poſſunt, expugnare non poſſunt. The onely defenſive, and offenſive Weapons we have againſt ſuch raging Monſters, are Prayers, and Tears; bewailing our ſins, which have expoſed us to this calamity, and importuning him, in whoſe hands the hearts of Kings are as Rivers of water, that he would turn them, Prov. xx. 1. You may remember the viſible Church, before the Incarnation, was confined onely to the Nation of the Jews; who, while they were under the captivity of the Perſian King, a Decree went out, by the procurement of Haman, to deſtroy, to kill, and to cauſe to periſh all Jews, both young, and old, little children, and women in one day; Eſther iii. 13. Thus una litura, with one wipe, the whole Church was to be blotted out; now At quid illi? non ſeditionem movent, non ad arma convolant, non Aſſuerum, aut Hammanem veneno tollendi conſilium capiunt, non ad libertatem ſuam vindicandam Sicartos quaerunt, & parricidines Andreros. what courſe take the people of God to countermine ſuch an Helliſh Plot? They move no ſeditions, take up no Arms, contrive not the death of Haman, ſuborn no Aſſaſines to vindicate their liberty by blood, or poyſon: Haec panoplia, this is their whole Magazine; in every Province, whither ſoever the King's Commandment, and his Decree came, there was great mourning among the Jews, and faſting, and weeping, and wailing, and many lay in Sack-cloth, and Aſhes; Eſther iv. 3. that they might humble themſelves under the mighty hand of God, and divert his heavy wrath, ready to be executed by the mercileſs hand of the Barbarous Tyrant. And, under the Goſpel, Primitive Chriſtians have followed the ſame preſident; for, when Julian the Apoſtate had projected the extirpation of the Chriſtian name (as Gregory Nazianzene Cùm Julianus Apoſtata totius Chriſtiani nominis cladem, atque internecionem minaretur, inoibitus, atque repreſsus est Chriſtianorum lacrymi , quas multas multi prof derunt, hoc unum adverſus perſecutorem medicamentum habentes. Nazianzen. Orat. i. in Julian. ſaith) He was hindered, and repreſſed by the tears of Chriſtians, which many in abundance poured out; having this onely remedy, and Preſervative againſt the Perſecutour. As often therefore, as any ſhall finde themſelves ready to be ſwallowed up of the deluge of Perſecution iſſuing from the hand of Supreme Authority, it is the counſel of Ad patrocinium clementiae Dei humiliati confugiant, & puras manus levantes ad Dominum, devotis precibus ſtagellum, quo aſſtiguntur, avertant; Peccata enim delinquentium vires ſunt T rannorum. Sarisb. lib. 8. cap. 23. Sarisburienſis (a man, who lived in the thick miſts of Popery) with humility to fly for Sanctuary to the Divine protection and lifting up of pure hands to the Lord by devout prayers to divert his ſcourge, that afflicteth us; for the Sins of Transgreſſours are the Arms of Tyrants.

Gent.

But what, if after many tears, and prayers, and addreſſes to the Throne of Grace, God ſhall leave us under the ſcourge?

Miniſt.

That is the onely remedy in this caſe (not any Papal Diſpenſation) which St. Auguſtine of yore ſpake of: The rod (ſaith Sentitur virga peccatorum ſuper ſortem juſtorum, ſed non in aeternum; veniet tempus, quando unus agnoſcetur Deus, veniet tempus, quando unus Chriſtus, in claritate ſua apparens, congreget ante ſe omnes gentes, & dividat eos, ſicut dividit paſtor haedos ab ovibus: oves ponet ad dextram, haedos ad ſiniſtram; & videbis ibi multos ſervos, & ſubditos inter oves, & multos Dominos, ac Principes inter haedos, & è contrá. Auguſtin. in Pſalm. cxxiv. he) of ſinners, is felt upon the back of the righteous, but not for ever; the time will come, when one God will be acknowledged, the time will come, when one Chriſt, appearing in his brightneſs, ſhall gather all Nations before him, and divide them, as the Sheepherd divides the Goats from the Sheep; he will place the Sheep on his right hand, the Goats on his left. There you ſhall ſee many Servants, and Subjects among the Sheep; many Lords, and Princes amongſt the Goats: and again many Lords, and Princes amongſt the Sheep, and many Servants, and Subjects amongſt the Goats. If all humane relief be denyed us, look for a Crown of Martyrdom to be reveiled that day, when all tears ſhall be wiped from our eyes; till then wait with patience, leaving vengeance to him, whom it concerneth to repay, and take not the Sword out of his hand, or uſe inordinate means, as Papal Excommunications, Pardons, Abſolutions, or Diſpenſations with Oaths, much leſs popular Inſurrections.

Gen.

Well, Sir, by the demonſtrative clearneſs of your Arguments, I am convinced of the legality of this Oath of Abjuration, as alſo of Allegiance, and Supremacy; and am willing to conform to the Doctrine, and Diſcipline of the Church of England, eſpecially under ſo gracious a Sovereign, who is truly the Defender of the Faith.

Minist.

You have reaſon to ſay ſo, if you conſider his Reſtauration; which was more then miraculous; his Conſtancy, which renders him a Confeſſour; his Sufferings, a Martyr; his Piety, and unparallel'd Virtues, which make him a peerleſs Paragon of the preſent Age, and a Preſident unimitable to poſterity: whoſe Sacred Majeſty God long preſerve.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . FINIS.