Certain considerable and most materiall cases of conscience, wherewith divers wel-affected in this kingdom are much perplexed, the cleering wherof would worthily deserve the paines of the Assembly at London.

Certain conſiderable and moſt materiall Caſes of CONSCIENCE, wherewith divers wel-affected in this Kingdom are much perplexed, the cleering whereof would worthily deſerve the paines of the Aſſembly at London.

I. WHether there be any clear evidence of Scripture, wherein the conſcience of a Chriſtian may ſafely reſt for taking up of Armes againſt his Prince?

If it had not been forbidden, there had been the leſſe doubt, but there being ſo many places of Scripture ſo evidently and ſo directly againſt it, how ſhall ordinary capacities that are but ordinarily enlightned, be ſure that in joyning with the two Houſes now at Weſtminſter, he doth not tranſgreſſe Gods Commandement, and draw upon himſelfe damnation? There are three things pretended, but they do not ſatisfie tender conſciences.

Firſt, it is ſaid, This was is not againſt the King. What it is in Gods fight. God knowes; but to any humane underſtanding it ſeemes to be againſt the King. It was firſt undertaken to fetch the King to Parliament; it is proſecuted ſtill that we may obtain our deſires of the King; and when we ſend to Treat about Peace, we ſend to Treat with the King; and if the King ſhould chance to miſcarry by a Bullet in theſe Wars (which God forbid) who then, that hath contributed any aſſiſtance to the Parliament, could have any comfort in his ſoul, that he were free from the guilt of killing the King?

A ſecond pretence is, That this is a defenſive war. Indeed if our Armies did alwayes retreat and go back from the King, we ſhould think ſo too; but now when we ſee our Armies ſtill purſue him as at firſt time alſo, when we ſent to fetch him to the Parliament, it ſeemes to be againſt all ſence and reaſon to count this War a defenſive War.

Thirdly, it is pretended, A Parliament may do that which private men cannot do. And that is certainly true without all doubt; but yet the queſtion doth ſtill remain, whether the two Houſes (which make not a full Parliament) can lawfully take up Arms againſt their King? It hath been alwayes obſerved in this kingdom, That a Parliament cannot be till the King call it, and if it cannot lawfully be without him, it is not eaſie to be beleeved that it may lawfully Act without him, much leſſe againſt him; and it ſeemes ſomething ſtrange, that the King of his goodneſſe having continued this Parliament, ſhould now be diſtreſſed by that unto which he himſelf hath given life: And here it is to be conſidered from whence the Parliament hath that power which they have; if it be ſaid, From the King, without queſtion he gave them not power to take up Armes againſt himſelf: if it be ſaid, From the People (which is in deed our Pachamentary doctrine) our own doings do convince us, for our hearts tell us, That the people, for the major part, are Enemies to our proceedings, elſe why have we ſent for the Scots?

There is another thing pretended alſo, at leaſt amongſt the vulgar, whereby we would, many of us, quiet and ſtill our conſciences, and yet it will not do. It is ſaid, That the King and Parliament are one, others expreſſe it thus (to give it the better colour) That the Parliament is a part of the King: And that which is inferred thereupon is this, That the Parliament can do nothing againſt the King, and that whatſoever any man doth for the Parliament, he doth for the King, becauſe the King and Parliament are one. Now it is true indeed, the King and Parliament are one, one body politique, whereof the King is head; and ſo it is true too that the husband and the wife are one body, whereof the husband is the head, and the union between them is ſo neer, that a neerer cannot be imagined between the King and Parliament, and yet, it follows not, becauſe the husband and the wife are one, that it is impoſſible for the wife to miſcarry her ſelfe towards her husband: who knows not that there are ſome untractable women in the world, that carry themſelves moſt unchriſtianly towards their husbands, both with froward words, and croſſe actions? and if any man ſhall take the wifes part in ſuch away, it cannot be ſaid of him, he is for the husband and the wife; for while he is for the wife in ſuch a way, ſurely he is againſt the husband: So for the difference in hand, though the King and Parliament be one, it follows not that it is impoſſible for the Parliament to be diſloyall, and they carrying themſelves in ſuch a way, whoſoever ſhall be for them, it cannot be ſaid of him he is for the King and Parliament, for while he is for them in ſuch a way, he muſt needs be againſt the King. This inference therefore follows not. Indeed thus we may rightly argue, The husband and the wife are one, therefore the wife ought not to be injurious and diſloyall to her husband; and ſo, the King and Parliament are one, therefore the Parliament ought not to be diſloyall to the King; this Argument will hold, but we ſee the other holds not. And as the only way for a man to ſhew himſelf a friend both to the husband and the wife in ſuch a caſe as is mentioned, and to make peace in the familie, is to let the wife know her duty; ſo the onely way for a man now to ſhew himſelfe a friend both to King and Parliament, is to let the Parliament know their duty, and to endeavour to reduce them thereunto. This compariſon doth make the buſineſſe plain, onely in one thing the compariſon holds not. If the wife at any time pretends her husband doth her wrong, there is a Judge on earth above them to end the ſtrife, namely the King, or his Deputy: But if at any time the Parliament conceives the King doth them wrong, there is no higher Judge on earth to flie unto, they muſt ſeek unto heaven by their Prayers, and wait on the Lord for a redreſſe of their injuries.

II Whether he that offers violence to the Kings Perſon, can be free from the ſinne of Rebellion, becauſe he pretends to defend the Kings Power?

What violence hath been offered to his perſon is too evident. The unworthy and diſhonourable words that have been uttered of the King, in Pamphlets, in Declarations, yea, and in Pulpits alſo, to humane reaſon ſeeme no ſmall indignities, but much more to be excluded from his Houſes, to have his Revenues with-held, to be purſued with Armies, and ſhot at with Bullets, &c.

III Whether we do not oppoſe the Kings Power, when we got about by force to diminiſh his Power?

As in Election of his Counſellors, his negative voice, &c.

IIII Whether the practice of any former Parliaments, held in time of thick and dark Popery, may be a ſufficient warrant for Parliaments now to walk by?

Some former Parliaments have been too bold with Kings (as our Chronicles ſhew, neither may we think all that out Parliaments have done in that behalf to be lawfull, becauſe it is recorded in our Chronicles) ſome former Parliaments indeed have been too bold with Kings, but they were Popiſh Parliaments: & though it be true, all that is, or hath been done by Papiſts is not unlawfull, yet it becomes not us, who intend to root out Popery, to tread in their ſteps, nor depend on their opinions, much leſſe to make them our preſident, unleſſe we have other warrant for our doings by the word of God.

V Whether the practice of any of the Saints walking contrary to the rule of the word, and yet approved of God, may be a warrant for us to wolke in the ſame way, unleſſe the circumſtances be in all things the very ſame, and we our ſelves ſure we have the ſame ſpirit that they had?

The examples of Saints in thoſe wayes, wherein they have walked beſides, or contrary to the word, and yet without cenſure, they are at the moſt, but as it were, particular exceptions from the common rule, granted onely to them and for that time; and if we make bold to follow them, not having the ſame occaſions that they had, or not the ſame accidents and circumſtances inforcing & accompanying the occaſion, or not obſerving the method and manner of their proceeding, or not having the ſame extraordinary motion and direction (which in theſe dayes is not uſuall) if we pretend to follow them, and faile in any of theſe particulars, we do not follow them indeed, neither can we ſay we take the exception we find in Scripture, but we make to our ſelves an exception from the common rule, and this can no way be ſafe, nor warrantable for us. As for inſtance; The example of the people reſcuing Ionathan 1 Sam. 14.45. is much inſiſted on for the juſtifying of this Warre; but there are ſo many doubts in it, that the conſcience of a Chriſtian cannot ſafely without doubting and danger reſt on it. As, 1. whether they did reſcue him with intreaty and Petitions, or with force and violence, it is not plainly expreſſed. 2 If they did it with violence, yet it doth not follow, becauſe they did it that therefore t'was juſtifiable. Doctor Taylor ſpeaking of this Scripture in his Comment on Tit. 3.1. pag. 554. doth plainly confeſſe, That it cannot juſtly be collected from thence, whether Ionathan were delivered by interceſſion, or by mutinie and ſedition, and withall he addes, that if it were done by oppoſition it is to be condemned. There is in that Scripture a narration of the thing done, but no Teſtimony given that it was well done. Theſe ſame people at the ſelfe ſame time as is recorded in the ſame Chapter, ver. 33. did moſt palpably ſinne againſt Almighty God, and they that did not ſtick to tranſgreſſe againſt the Majeſty of Heaven, ſhall we think it impoſſible for them to miſcarry themſelves towards his Vicegerent here on earth? they that were ſo guilty in the one, how can we be confident they were not faulty in the other? ſurely there is nothing in the Text that can perſwade a man they were not faulty, but onely his own willingneſſe ſo to apprehend it; nay, is it not plain they carried themſelves like ſwearing Ruffians even in the very reſcue it ſelf? (though this doth not hinder but they might petition too) as the Lord liveth, ſay they, &c. certainly it cannot but be a great blemiſh to the Action, where there is ſo little care of conſcience even in the very Acting; but ſuppoſe the whole work to be done out of pure conſcience, and to be approved of God too, which yet hath no ſuch evidence, yet it is a queſtion, whether there be an exception granted to us from the common rule of the fifth Commandement, becauſe there was an exception granted unto them, for ſpeciall facts are no warrant for us. 4 If their example do grant us an exception too, why then we muſt not digreſſe from their example; their example muſt be to us an example indeed; but between their caſe and ours at preſent, ſee what a manifold difference there is. Firſt, Ionathan was the heir apparent to the Crown, and the hope of the future age, for ought the people as yet knew, and it would trouble a Nation to have the hope of their ſettlement cut off in the very bud; there is no ſuch thing here with us. Secondly, it was moſt manifeſtly evident, that Ionathan was moſt innocent, and had not deſerved to dye at all, and it would trouble religious people (as the Jewes pretended to be) to have the guilt of innocent blood brought upon the Kingdom; there is no ſuch thing with us. Thirdly, they proceed not on bare jealouſies and feares, the thing was moſt certain, Saul had vowed his death; there is no ſuch vowed deſtruction threatned to us or ours. Fourthly, they were now already Armed before there was occaſion of this reſcue; they did not put themſelves into Armes of purpoſe for that ſervice, but being Armed, upon a ſudden this buſineſſe happened, and to the view of man, that may be ſomewhat tollerable upon a ſudden motion or paſſion, which both in the ſight of God and man is intollerable to be done upon deliberation. In all theſe particulars we ſee there is a great difference; the like may beſhewed in all other examples, as of David and others that are produced to the like purpoſe And what aſſurance ſuch examples that differ ſo much from our condition, can give to the conſcience of a Chriſtian, may juſtly be doubted by all that in ſincerity make conſcience of their doings.

VI Whether there can be in any Chriſtian State or government, ſo much as any pretence of any fundamentall law, which is contrary to the law morall, all, and to the expreſſe Commandements of the written word of God?

There is much ſpeech of a fundamentall Law, but plain and ſimple hearted Chriſtians know not what to make of it, nor where to finde it; and that it ſhould have power to enable us to that which Gods word ſo expreſſely forbids, is cauſe of no little wonder and aſtoniſhment.

VII Whether it be lawfull in the ſight of God or man, for a company of people that hath gotten head in any Kingdom, and made a ſtrong party, by the force of Arms, not by he Ancient orderly way of that ſtate, to overthrow the known laws, and change the Ancient government of that Kingdom?

This is the courſe of beaſts, among which the ſtronger alwayes beareth ſway; And beſides, there ſhould then be no certainty of Peace in any Nation, for ſtill as any faction groweth ſtrong, ſo it ſhould be lawfull for them ſtill to frame a new government, though it were never ſo well ſetled before. The Presbyterians now may bear the ſway, but in a ſhort time, the Independents may be more powerfull, and then we muſt have new Warres, and after that, who knows how ſoon may ariſe a Sect of a higher ſtrain? (as the Devill is alwayes buſie) and then we muſt goe to cutting of throats again; thus we ſhall never have Peace, if this courſe be lawfull.

VIII Whether they that have ſworn to the Kings Supremacy and now hold any coequall and coordinate power are not forſworn?

To him that is ſupream there can be no equall; neither will it help to ſay, The oath hath reference to forraign powers, for though in the proceſſe of it, it hath reforence indeed to forraign powers, yet in the beginning of it, we do teſtific and declare in our conſciences, that the King is the onely ſupream Governor &c. abſolutely, and generally without any exception or limitation at all; and who can give us a power to underſtand the oath with a limitation, when we have all taken it without a limitation?

IX Whether it be not contrary to the ſuch, to go about to Wreſt the Militia out of the Kings hand, when we have in the ſame oath of Supremacy declared in our conſciences, That the King is ſupre can Governor, &c. in all things or canſes both ſpuituall and temporall?

If the Militia be a temporall buſineſſe (temporall or ſpirituall) the King by this oath, muſt be ſupream therein; And here it is to be conſidered, whether the Militia be not already ſttled by Act of Parliament; if yea, why is not that courſe followed, which by Law is preſcribed? if no, why then it is to be thought it belongs to the Kings prerogarive, which we have all bound our ſelves to maintain, both by our oath of Alegiance, and alſo by our late Proteſtation, and indeed how can he elſe be a King? for without it he cannot afford that Protection which he owes to his Subjects as he is their King.

X Whether all we that do not take up Arms in behalf of the King, having taken the Oath of Allegiance to him, be not forſworn?

The words of the Oath are theſe, I will bear faith and true Allegiance to His Majeſty, his heirs and ſucceſſors, and him & them will defend to the uttermoſt of my power, againſt all conſpiracies and attempts whatſoever, which ſhall be made againſt him or their perſons, their Crown and Dignity, &c. Theſe are the very words of the Oath; now whether our diſregard of his Commands, our depraving his Government, our fighting againſt his Armies, & our endeavour to take him captive, in the ſight of the Almighty will be eſteemed, as tending to the defence of his Perſon, Crown, and Dignity, is ſuch a ſcruple, that the Malignants, who take up Arms for him, ſeem more directly to follow the words of the Oath, and thinke that none do rightly perform this Oath but themſelves.

Neither will it ſerve the turn to ſay, That Oath was made to prevent all encouragements of Rebellion that might be brought from Rome; for divers reaſons ſhew that the intent of the Oath, is to binde the Subjects to true Allegiance, whatſoever encouragement from any power might be preſented to them, (though becauſe the Romaniſts or Papiſts were at that time principally ſuſpected, the Oath doth principally bend its Forces againſt them;) for firſt, there was an Ancient Oath of Allegiance before, which did binde the Subjects indefinitely, that is, generally to bear to their Soveraign truth and faith, both of life and member, without application to any particular power from whence Rebellion might be ſuſpected, and it were a vain thing to imagine, that in an Oath newly framed, there ſhould be a gap left open to endanger the Prince, which had been prevented in the old. Secondly, in this latter Oath we are bound to defend the Kings Perſon, &c. againſt all conſpiracies and attempts whatſoever, which ſhall be made by reaſon of any incouragement from Rome, or otherwiſe. Thirdly, it is acknowledged by us in that Oath, That neither Pope nor any other perſon whatſoever, hath power to abſolve us of this Oath, or any part thereof; whereby it is evident, the Oath doth binde us to perfect Allegiance, without digreſſing upon any occaſion whatſoever.

XI Whether all we that have taken the Proteſtation, to maintain the Priviledges of Parliament do not violate our Proteſtation ſo long as we joyn with the two Houſes at Weſtminſter.?

It is one Priviledge of Parliament, That none of the Members ſhould be excluded thence, or hindred from Voting there, and that freely: it is another priviledge, that no forraigners, Scottiſh Commiſſioners, or others ſhould have any power there; whiles both theſe things are done, and ſuffered by the two Houſes at Weſtminſter, how are the priviledges of Parliament maintained by them? and how do we keep our Proteſtation while we conſent unto and joyn with them?

XII Whether a man who hath ſubſcribed, that there is nothing in the Book of Homilies contrary to the word of God, as all Beneficed men, and Lecturers have done, (as will appear if the 3. Article of ſubſcription in the 36. Canon be compared with the 35. Article of Religion) whether he that hath thus ſubſcribed, can joyn with the two Houſes, but that he muſt make not onely them, but himſelf alſo guilty of Rebellion?

There be four Homilies againſt Rebellion, or rather four parts of one Homilie, wherein theſe wayes of taking up Arms againſt the Prince are wholly condemned, and this muſt needs be conſented to for ſound and orthodox by all Miniſters in the Kingdom, or elſe they muſt ſay, they ſubſcribed meerly in a colour, that they might hold a Lecture or a Benefice.

XIII Whether we all that have vowed by our late Proteſtation, with our Lives and Eſtates, to maintain the Doctrine of the Church of England, as it is oppoſed to Popery, do not violate our Proteſtation, if we maintain not all the Doctrine contained in the Homily againſt Rebellion?

Who knows not that the Homilies againſt Rebellion, were compiled purpoſely againſt Popery, the Popiſh Prieſts in thoſe dayes being ſo buſie to ſtirre up Rebellion? it being alſo one ſpeciall point of Popery, to juſtifie the Arms of Subjects againſt their Soveraign. The faſhood of ſuch tenets and the iniquity of ſuch practiſes is fully declared in the Homily againſt Rebellion and if any Doctrine may juſtly be ſaid to be eſtabliſhed in the Church of England, ſurely this is one part of it, becauſe by Act of Parliament in the 13. of Elizabeth, the Articles of Religion are confirmed, among which Articles this is one, viz. Article 35. That the Book of Homilies doth contain Godly and wholſome Doctrine, &c. The Doctrine then that forbids the taking up of Arms againſt the Prince, is Godly Doctrine, eſtabliſhed in the Church of England by Act of Parliament, and ſo eſtabliſhed as oppoſite to Popery; and if we maintain not this Doctrine, what care do we take of our Proteſtation? pay that which thou haſt vowed. Eccleſ 5.4. if we maintain not this Doctrine, what care do we take of Acts of Parliament?

XIIII Whether thoſe Miniſters that have taken the oath of Canonicall obedience, can ſafely take the new Scottiſh Covenant, or yeeld to a change of the preſent Government of the Church of England, ſo long at leaſt as theſe Biſhops are living?

And yet if the oath of Canonicall obedience be not enough, ſee how the Miniſters are all bound not only to the preſent Liturgie, but alſo to the preſent Government, both by their ſubſcription, and alſo by a vowed promiſe, with a calling of God to witneſſe and help thereunto. As for the Act of Parliament, whereby the Liturgy is confirmed, (in which Liturgy the Biſhops by a preſcribed Order more then once or twice are appointed to be prayed for) it binds all the Subjects as well as Miniſters. It is the Law of the Kingdom eſtabliſhed by Soveraign Authority, and this Authority the Apoſtle ſaith we muſt be Subject unto, both for fear of wrath, and alſo for conſcience ſake. This doth concern all the Subjects of the Kingdom; but the Miniſters, Aſſembly men, and all are yet ſomewhat further bound. For at their Ordinations they have put it under their hands (and that willingly and ex anima, as they profeſſed at leaſt) that the Book of Common Prayer containeth in it nothing contrary to the word of God, and that they themſelves will uſe the form in that Book preſcribed, and none othen. And to this they have ſubſcribed not once onely, but again and again, ſome of them when they took degrees in the Univerſities, all of them when they were admitted into Orders both of Deaconty & Prieſt hood, and alſo at their ſeverall Inſtitutions to their Livings, and admiſſions into Lectures as appears by the 36. Canon forementioned, & yet beſides all this, they made a vowed promiſe at their Ordination; for a queſtion being thus demanded of them, will you reverently obey your Ordinary, &c? This Anſwer was returned by them, I will ſo do; the Lord being my helper. Now whether men that have ſo often bound themſelves willingly and with all their heart, and have lived accordingly, ſome of them 20. ſome 30. ſome 40. yeers, may lawfully endevour by the ſword to free themſelves from this bond, or encourage others by the ſword to procure a liberty for them, or enter into a Covenant, quite contrary to this bond; is a caſe of conſcience ſo deſervedly conſiderable, that all who have any conſcience, or do beleeve there is a Heaven or Hell to go to hereafter, cannot but ſtartle at the very firſt hearing of it, & that ſo much the rather, becauſe all Mimſters of the Kingdom have yet beſides made another ſolemn Vow, to their power to maintain quietneſſe and Peace; for at their Ordination this queſtion being demanded of them, Will you maintain and ſet forwards (as much as lyeth in you) quietneſſe, peace, and love among all Chriſtian people, &c? The Anſwer they have all returned is this, I will ſo do, the Lord being my helper. O God that art the helper of all them that do not forſake thee, make them all that fear thee mindfull of their Vowes, and carefull to perform them.

XV Whether the tampering ſo much with Oathes undertaking to diſſolve ſome, and impoſe others, viz. new Covenants contrary to our former Oathes, whereby the conſciences both of Prince and people cannot but be inſnared, whether this doth ſeeme to argue any ſincerity of zeal and purity of Religion, or rather whether it doth not argue a wilfull purpoſe and reſolution to compaſſe our own ends, if poſſible, though it be with the wrack of mens ſoules as well as of their Eſtates and Lives?

XVI Whether there be any reaſon or conſcience, the Clergy onely among all the Subjects of the Kingdom, ſhould be excluded from Voting about thoſe Laws, to the obſervance whereof it is expected they ſhould be bound as well as the reſt of the Subjects?

What a ſingular encouragement is here to be a Clergy-man in the Kingdom of England?

XVII Whether the Aſſembly of Divines at London have any lawfull calling?

Juſtly doubted; for an ordinary calling all the Kingdom knows they have not, they were not choſen by the voyces of the Clergy; neither were they gathered together by the Kings will and Commandement, without which there can be no ſuch Eccleſiaſticall Aſſembly, as they themſelves have put under their hands; (compare the third Article of ſubſcription before mentioned with the 21. Article of Religion, and it will eaſily appear;) and beſides, there is an Act of Parliament againſt ſuch Aſſemblies, as have not the Kings conſent thereunto, in the 25. of Henry 8. An ordinary calling then they have not; & an extraordinary, by any ſupernaturall inſpiration, it is to be thought, they will not aſſume to themſelves, and ſo they have no lawfull calling at all. However, the guides of the Kingdom they have taken upon them to be, and therefore they may do well, briefly and plainly to reſolve theſe perplexing doubts, with ſome Manifeſto, that we may know it is done or approved by them. If we be miſled, woe be to us, we ſhall periſh in our iniquity, Iſay 9.16. but our blood ſhall be required at our watchmens hands. Ezek. 3.18.

XVIII Whether men lawfully poſſeſt of temporall Eſtates, and having by their laſt will and Teſtament or any other lawfull means beſtowed the ſame to the maintenance of the Clergy with fearfull curſes, ſome of them, and imprecations on thoſe that ſhould divert it from that uſe; whether thoſe Eſtates, can ſafely be alienated from the way, which the Doners themſelves deviſed, without ſacriledge?

True the curſe cauſeleſſe will not come, but that theſe curſes are ſuch, who can ſay? nay, and if there were no curſe, yet who can ſay it is not ſacriledge! if Ananias and Saphira might not alienate what themſelves had given, who hath power to alienate that which is given by another man? To rob Peter and pay Paul will not be ſufficient to excuſe the buſineſſe. A man had need be ſure of his warrant, before he take upon him to be a divider. Luk. 12.14.

XIX Whether we who endeavour to change the government of the Church, that we may procure liberty of conſcience, & yet exerciſe cruell Tyranny upon mens Conſciences our ſelves, by requiring them to joyn with us, though there be ſo many ſcruples of conſcience againſt; it by plundering and impriſoning them, if they will not joyn with us; and by impoſing new Covenants contrary to former Oathes; whether we ſeeme not to the Malignants too juſtly to be guilty of deep Hypocriſie, eſpying a mote that was in the Biſhops eyes, and not diſcerning the beam that is in our own?

XX Whether we that cryed out upon the Papiſts, for endeavouring to bring in the Spaniards, and upon the King for intending as we conceived, to bring in the Danes, be not unexcuſable before God and man, for doing that our ſelves, in bringing in the Scots which we condemned in others? Rom. 2.1 &c Item whereas we complained of the Tyranny of the Biſhops, that many thereby were driven to forſake their Native Countrey, and yet we by our cruelty ſhall do the ſelf ſame, are we not in this behalf alſo unexcuſable? many more ſuch Items may be added.

XXI Whether it can ſtand with the quiet of Chriſtian conſciences, to make ſuch an effuſion of Chriſtian blood, as now hath been ſpilt, and yet is in ſpilling meerly upon carnall motives?

Religion is indeed partly pretended, but draw this faire Curtain aſide, and behind it there ſtands the carnall care of ſelf-ſeeking, ſeeking to ſave our Skins and Purſes; we are unwilling to ſuffer for Religion, and therefore we would eſtabliſh a Religion, according to our own minds; we would willingly prevent Ship-money, and other burthens, and therefore we deſire to have more power in our own hands, and leſſe in the Kings; ſo this War in the up ſhot, is altogether to ſave our ſelves from trouble; which we know not whether it will ever come upon us; and yet here it is to be conſidered withall, whether the good that is aimed at in it, will juſtifie all the evils that have been committed by it? nay whether, if all that was feared by our over-forward jealouſies had been brought upon us, we could poſſibly have been in ſo bad a condition as this War hath put us? ſo doth the wiſe Lord juſtly Croſſe mens carnall proceedings.

XXII Whether it be not extream raſhneſſe to affirm, That the whole Catholike Church, in the point of Epiſcopacy was in an error, all the world over 1500. yeers together?

That the whole Church was governed by Biſhops all the world over, till Mr. Calvins time of late at Genevae is known to all; and amongſt thoſe Biſhops, to reckon up how many burning and ſhining lights, how many zealous propagators and propugnators of the truth, how many learned Profeſſors, how many conſtant Confeſſors, how many glorious Martyrs, have been found from time to time (though amongſt them as amongſt men of all callings, there have been ſome faulty) were a work large enough to fill a ſpacious volume; and if, notwithſtanding all this, we ſhall blemiſh them and the whole Church of God, that not onely tolerated but honoured them, if we ſhall blemiſh them all with an error about the lawfullneſſe of their calling, ſhall we not take more upon us, then the Pſalmiſt durſt to take upon himſelf? he did not dare to condemn the generation of Gods Children, Pſal. 73.15.

XXIII Whether our party being ſo divided, ſome being Preſbyterians, and ſome Independents, and both ſides contending ſtrongly that each of their ſeverall diſciplines is that diſcipline, which Chriſt hath ordained and appointed in his Church, whether it be not apparent to all the world, that one of them muſt be in an error?

Two contraries can never be both true, and while one maintains a dependency, and the other an Indepency, there is between them a contrariety.

XXIIII Whether, it being undeniable raſhneſſe to condemn Epiſcopary, as before, and an error being unavoydably acknowledged in one branch of our party, both branches alſo being equally confident of their aſſertions and both introducing novelty, whether there be not juſt cauſe to ſuſpect them both as erroneous and leſſe agreeing to the word of God then is Epiſcopacy?

XXV Whether the caſe being ſo uncertain and diſputable, there be any neceſſity ſo much blood ſhould be ſpilt, and ſo many lives loſt, for the removoll of the old, and bringing in of a new government?

It was Davids Prayer, and he utter'd it with ſome ſenſe oa heavy burthen that was upon him, deliver me from blood-guiltineſſe, O God; and he had killed but one Vriah and a few more with him but ſo many thouſand being loſt amongſt us, and ſo much blood ſpilt for the change of a government, if it be without neceſſity, Oh how intolerable will this guilt be, on whom ſoever it lights, whether on the Parliament that begun it, or on the aſſembly that did not ſince warn them of it, or on us all that have been their well-wiſhers and abettors in it?

XXVI Whether Chriſt did ever preſcribe ſuch a way as this for ſetting up his throne, viz. the uſe of the bloody ſword?

Our Saviour doth injoyn his Diſciples to take up the Croſſe and follow him, ſo far is he from commanding them to impoſe the Croſſe on others; and when the Samaritans would not receive him, he did not allow his Diſciples to execute vengeance upon them; yea, when his Enemies came to apprehend him, yet he forbids Peter to uſe a ſword for his own defence; neither will it help, to ſay that our Saviour was at that time to ſuffer for our Redemption, and that therefore he did forbid Peter to uſe a ſword in his defence; had our Saviour aimed at nothing elſe, it had been enough to have rebuked Peter for his preſent action, without mention of a rule for perpetuity; but when our Saviour doth not onely rebuke him but alſo as a reaſon of his rebuke, doth annex the eſtabliſhment of a perpetuall Law, all that take the ſword ſhall perriſh by the ſword, he doth thereby ſhew that not onely at that time, but alſo at all times, he forbids a ſword to be taken up againſt the civill Magiſtrate for his ſake.

XXVII Whether in our conſciences, we be not perſwaded that the State of the Kingdom might without war, and with his Majeſties good leave and furtherance, have been reduced from its deviations unto the happy condition, wherein it flouriſhed in the bleſſed dayes of good Queen Elizabeth?

About the beginning of this Parliament, there was ſome ſuch thing commended by His Majeſty in his ſpeech unto the Parliament for a Reformation, not an Alteration; and never did any Nation live more happy, then the people of England did in thoſe golden dayes, (which were ſince continued alſo, though ſome ecclipſes of that happineſſe, a juſt judgement upon us for the abuſe of our long Peace and Plenty, have of late befallen us;) Religion flouriſhed, Soules were ſaved, & every man ſate under his own Vine in ſafety: and if we might have obtained ſo happy a condition without War, let all the world judge whether that which we deſire beyond the condition of thoſe times, be worthy of the loſſe of ſo much as one mans life or no; and if not of one, much leſſe of ſo many thouſands. The Parliament-men were choſen, & ſent up out of their ſeverall Countreys reſpectively, for the good of the Kingdom, and Oh that they would ſeriouſly conſider, as they expect to anſwer it before Gods tribunall ſeat at the great Judgement day, whether would be better for the Kingdom to have been reſtored to the condition it injoyed in Queen Elizabeths dayes, or to be reduced to the plight in which now it ſtands? I, but though it be bad now, yet it will be better, when we have wrought a perfect reformation, hereafter! Be it ſo, and let us feed our ſelves with thoſe hopes; but yet the queſtion doth ſtill remain. The happy condition of Queen Elizabeths Reign we might have had freely, the glorious contentment which we dream of, beyond the condition of that Queens dayes hath already coſt much blood; the queſtion is whether that glorious contentment, which we think to obtain, God knows when, will be a ſufficient recompence for all the lives that have and ſhall be loſt in the obtaining of it? neither is this all, the loſſe of ſo many thouſand friends, and Countrey-men ſlain by the ſword; but unexpreſſible alſo are the calamities under which they groan that are yet alive. It is with them at London, as once it was with Samaria, the Metropolis, when time was, of the Kingdom of Iſrael. They truſted in the Mountain of Samaria, a ſtrong place, and being in ſafety and plenty themſelves, they took not to heart the affliction of Ioſeph, that is, the miſeries of their Brethren and Countrey-men that lived abroad in other parts of the Kingdom, and for this cauſe there is a ſharp judgement, woe be to them, denounced by the Prophet Amos 6.1.6. There is no place ſo ſtrong that woe may not enter; and therefore O God that art the God of mercy, and delighteſt in the proſperity of thy people, give unto our Parliament a deſire to be like unto thy ſelf, and to put on bowels of mercy both towards themſelves, and towards their miſerable, yea, now gaſping Countrey, that we may accept of, and be contented with, and thankfull for ſo much as we had under the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, rather then out of a deſperate reſolution of having more, to loſe all, and bring a totall deſolation upon the whole Kingdom.

XXVIII Whether they that hold the head, The head of the body politick, and the head of the body myſticall, are juſtly to be perſecuted by us?

Iob ſaith no; Theſe are his words, Ye ſhould ſay, why perſecute we him? ſeeing the root of the matter is found in me, Job. 19.28. Nay, we ſhould ſay, why perſecute we him that is the head of the body politick, and holds the head of the body myſticall? the root of the matter (that is, the profeſſion of the true Chriſtian Faith) being found in him. The true Circumciſion, that is, the true Children of Abraham, as the Apoſtle doth declare Phil. 3.3. are they who worſhip God in the ſpirit, and rejoyce in Chriſt Ieſus, and have no confidence in the fleſh. And this is the Religion profeſſed by the Church of England; this is the doctrine of the Church, That for ſalvation they depend onely on Chriſt Jeſus, and have no confidence in their own works: And as for thoſe Ceremonies uſed by them in the externall worſhip of God, they have no confidence in them neither, nor reckon them a part of the worſhip This may well be eſteemed to be the root of the matter (though Iob indeed applies this phraſe peculiarly to the faith of the Reſurrection through Chriſt, which as being a particular, is comprehended in this generall, of imbracing Chriſt by Faith with all his benefits) and to ſlur this profeſſion, the root of the matter, with the odious imputation of Popery, what is it leſſe then Blaſphemy? and to purſue the profeſſors of this Religion with the ſword, as Papiſts, (though neither Papiſts nor Browniſts, for their Religion are thus to be purſued) what is it leſſe then a bloody proſecution of the truth?

XXIX Whether in the ſight of God and all indifferent men they are not to be accounted factious and ſeditious who by the power of the ſword endevour any where the ſubverſion of the Ancient government and known Laws contrary to the will and liking of the Supream Magiſtrate?

Indeed among us at this day, they that are for Peace are eſteemed factious, and they that are for innovation even by the ſword are accounted Peaceable; the ſtrangeſt paradox that ever was heard of. But the counſell of the Holy Ghoſt is this (and good it is for Chriſtians to follow his counſell) Fear thou the Lord and the King: and meddle not with them that are given to change. Pro. 24.21. The knitting together of theſe duties in this place is very obſervable: for the Holy Ghoſt hereby ſhewes, That they fear not God, who fear not the King; & that one evidence of the want of the fear of God, is to ſtudy or endeavour any innovation without or againſt the King; with ſuch he wiſhes us not to joyn, and a reaſon he addes in the next verſe, for their calamity ſhall riſe ſuddenly, &c. To the like purpoſe is that in Eccleſ. 10.8, 9. If this Scripture be Scripture ſtill, we know not how to joyn with the Parliament for an alteration againſt the Kings will; nay, beſides theſe two places, the Scripture doth frequently require ſubjection, and forbids reſiſtance; who knows not thoſe eminent places Rom. 13.1, 2, 5. Tit. 3.1. and 1. Pet. 2.13, 14. We have all proteſſed to defend the priviledges of Parliament; but that the Parliament hath any priviledge more then private men to walke contrary to the word of God, or that they have any diſpenſation granted from walking according to Scripture rules, is not yet made evident; if this priviledge were once cleerly manifeſted, we ſhould never make any more doubt at all.

XXX Whether to have ſuch thoughts as this, I will go on in the way I have choſen, even to the effuſion of Rivers of blood, though I ſee ſo many doubts (doubts that ſeeme unanſwerable) though my conſcience have no warrant out of Scripture for it, whether this be not the reſolution of a man, whoſe ſalvation is deſperate?

For the Apoſtle tells us, that whatſoever is not of faith is ſin. Rom. 14.23. and whoſoever doth wilfully continue in any ſin, is not yet in the ſtate of Salvation; for the Lord will not be mercifull to them that offend of malicious wickedneſſe.

XXXI Whether it be not more ſuitable to Chriſtian Religion, & ſafer for a Chriſtians ſoul, upon theſe grounds, even to ſuffer under the King, if he ſhould prove Tyrant or perſecuter (which upon many evidences, we have good cauſe to hope he never will, and ſhould with our Prayers, endeavour to obtain he never may) rather then upon no grounds, but bare feares and jealouſies taken up by an implicit faith pinn'd upon the ſleeve of a few men not priviledged from error, contrary to Gods word, to Acts of Parliament, to ſubſcriptions, Oathes, and Vowes, to Rebell againſt him?

Vpon theſe conſiderations and ſuch like, many have fallen off already from the Parliament, and unleſſe ſome cleer ſatiſfaction be hereunto ſpeedily given, (if at leaſt any ſatisfactory reaſon may be given how we ſhould break all theſe ſacred bonds and not be guilty) it is to be thought, many more will fall off. Great is the truth and will prevaile. And O thou that are the God both of truth and peace, direct our hearts, that we may underſtand the truth, and incline our mindes to follow thoſe things that make for Peace, yea, Lord grant unto us all with ſetled purpoſe and ſerious reſolution, to walke in thoſe wayes that are moſt ſuitable to the Goſpell, as knowing that thoſe are the wayes that make moſt for the glory of thy name, and moſt for the comfort of our own, otherwiſe erring and indanger'd ſoules.

—Turpe haec opprobria nobis Et dici potuiſſe & non potuiſſe refelli. Satius eſt de media via recurrere quam ſemper currere male. Be not deceived, God is not mocked. Gal. 6.7. FINIS. 1645.