SECT. I. That which we call a Free-state, is inconsistent with the scitu­ation of this Countrey, and constitution of the people.

I Design only to inforce, plain, sensible and modern arguments, as a word in season, applicable to the present, and leave the notional to our book-men; whose volumes calculated for all cli­mates swell big against the Evils of the Rule of Many or De­mocracy.

Mine shall be appropriate to this Island, which indeed is a large Continent, abundantly populous, and govern'd by the influ­ence of a sort of people that live plentifully and at ease upon their rents, extracted from the toyl of their Tenants and servants; In Law-phrase they are instil'd the minor Nobility, in English Gen­try, each of whom within the bounds of his own estate acts the Prince; he is purely absolute; his servants and labourers are in the nature of his Vassals; his Tenants indeed are free, but in the [Page 3]nature of Subjects, whom he orders in his Courts, draws supplies from by his Fines, and awes by his power and Oaths of fealty to infinite submission. The more his Mannors are, and the more indulgent he behaves himself, like a good Prince, the larger is his Territory, and the more awful his commands. A Neigh­bour more rich and potent, gives check to his inferiour Neigh­bour, and brings his petty Prince-ship into awe; and perhaps he again is awed by a greater and more powerful in estate or friends. But none of these with respect to his quality and estate will admit a parity with his inferiour Neighbours, much less his Tenant or Dependant.

Into this Ranck do our Commanders, Citizens, and Burghers aspire to be inroll'd; so that no sooner by Arms, Office, or Trade, do they acquire a competent stock, but forthwith for Land it is disposed; and then disowning the Title of Souldiers, Citizens, or Burghers, they take to themselves the degree and name of Gentlemen, with Armes not improper; for England within it self has been so often shuffled from high to low, that scarce any Artificer but may find his name in the Heralds book, though not his Pedegree, which ingenuity and goodwill may easily supply: And thus being aequipt with a Title and Estate, they set up sutably the dominion within their Territories, which none can dispute, because they have no right to intermeddle with what whosoever has or does within himself: For by Gen­try, I intend not only such as are so in blood, but so in quality; such as live easefully, and like Princes upon the labours of the dependants.

Now that this sort of people have by influence and in effect the Command of this Nation, at this instant appears evident, in this, That they sit at the Helm in the Supreme Council; they command in chief at Sea and Land; they impose Taxes, and levy it by Commissioners of the same quality: Out of this ranck felect we Sheriffs, Justices of Peace, and all that execute the authority of a Judge; By the influence of which powers, they so order all elections to Parliament or otherwise, that the whole Counties follow their respective factions, and the Commonalty in the Votes are manag'd by them, as the horse by his Rider.

So that as the Agrarian or interest of land is principally in [Page 4]this rank, so is the consequence thereof, Dominion and Com­mand, which imboldens them to such a height of spirit, natu­ral to our Gentry, as they are too apt to undervalue persons of inferiour quality, Burgesses, and Mechanicks, with whom to inter-marry by our old Law, it was a disparagement for a Ward; and this spirit of generosity cannot be supprest, 'tis so rivited in their nature, but by the eradication of their persons, or at least, their qualities; to which barbarous effect, I have known some Grandees have pleased to vent a sence.

For indeed the establishing of a Free-state is otherwise despe­rate; and therefore it was the course that the prevailing Me­chanicks amongst the Swisses, were inforc't to take: How else shall we be levell'd to a parity, which is of the very essence of a Free-state? For as Titles and Honour are incident to a King­ship; so equality in place, degree, and b [...]rth, are to Democra­cy; unless where in case of Office, for the time only they are intitled to precedency. Reduc'd must the Gentry be to the Condition of the Vulgar; Commons already are they in Title, which is but a fallacy of the name, and deludes our Statists; for indeed they are so only Representatively, being rather the Tri­bunes and leaders of the peoples strength, and the governors of their purse, than purely Commons. Nor will it suffice to obtain this parity, unless with it also we establish our Supreme Power in a body corporate, compacted, and permanent; such as is that of London, where possibly the Grandeur of that City, had it spirit and design, might erect it self into a Free-state, and might by that great Magazin of treasure and men there imbo­died, give Law to the whole people scattered as they are in a large continent. Having first reduced some meet Cities, Forts, and Castles, which being Garisoned from the Head Colony, will awe the Countryes, and order them into a vassalage competent to make up a Free-state: But we of the Gentry, shall neither have the honour of the name, nor benefit of the thing. 'Twill be instiled the Common-wealth of London, not of England; and our pay must be as they impose, and our liberty as they vouchsafe it; only in this it will be the less agreeable, that we are subject to our Inferiours. This Discourse, though it seems Drollery, yet has not bin without its jealousie among the wise, when in time that great City shall be compelled by our confu­sions [Page 5]to know its own strength, and by that its interest, when necessity to preserve it self, will imbolden them to lay hands on others, and so inforce Ord [...]r upon them that can give none unto themselves.

From this Embrio have issued those Common-wealths which are so fam'd in notions; as those of Rome, Carthage, Athens, Lacedemon, Corinth, Thebes, &c. Great Cities of that name, which have subdued their adjacent Territories, and denominated the dominion, wherein only those of the freedome, Citizens and Denizens had vote or power; The Gentlemen, as we of the Countyes, being purely tributary to the Grand City; unless we transplant our selves, renounce our Titles, and so by degrees advance into the honour of a Burgess, as we now do exercise our junior issue. And such are at this day the fam'd Common­wealths of Ʋenice, the United Provinces, the Swisses, not to instance in those petty States of Genoa, Rugasa, Geneva, &c. All Common-wealths, most denominated from those principal Ci­tyes which give the Law to the adjacent Provinces. Those in­deed of the Hollanders and Swisses, though they derive not so directly their Title from one City, yet are they in substance of the same composure, being only an united Body of corporated Ci­tyes, combin'd in one for mutual defence against invaders; but of an equal power to impose upon the adjacent Territories, sci­tuate under the awe of each respective City, or Town-Ga­rison.

It falls not within my memory that there ever was, or at this day is a Free-State in the world, that's managed by the Gen­try inhabiting at large, or by any people not combin'd with­in the Jurisdiction of their Walls, except the Grisons, who are a scattered people, of a mean quality, having long since disown'd their Gentry, without walled Town or Garison; 'Tis a small Territory, possibly of extent to an inland County; Upon Emer­gencies, the whole people at a set day meet in the open ayre, where the major vote, as we Knights of the shire, cryes up the Magistrates, and determines War. Their confusion makes them easie for conquest, were their Country worth it, and not secured by the united Cantons.

Now to apply the premises; Can we suppose the Gentry that are now in power, will admit a parity, will level their degree [Page 6]and dominion to a proportion with their Copy-holder? Nay, will renounce the wearing of a Sword, and learn to make one? will submit to become tributary to the Neighbour Colony? Then possibly may we aspire from the state of Kingship to a free-state in Clownship; or at best from the free-giving of sudsidies to the Majesty of a Scepter, to the forc'd-payment of excise to the High-mighty Burgher; Such as was that High and mighty But­cher, who of late was Commissionated by the Swisses as one of the Chiefs to be Godfather to the French Kings son.

But 'twill be said, as Plato fancyed his Community, and Sir Thomas Moor his Utopia, so may we a Rotation, thereby to ga­ther up a new Model of a Common-wealth out of the scattered Gentry in the nature of a House of Commons. Truly my friends, if you will try new experiments, I wish you had other subjects to practice upon, than the Estates, and Lives, nay, the very Souls of Christians: We have run the loss of those, and the hazard of these too long upon the hopes of a Chimera in the braines of some. The word Liberty has deluded us into patience, and patience since 48. has brought forth not less payments, but more servitude.

We are obstructed, you'l say, so that we are not permitted to foster up our Babe to full perfection: And still are you like to be; for the wise foresee the Evil of such a State, and contrive with as much design to prevent it, as the unadvised to bring it on: Yet from 48. to 53. you had it from the Nurse, and might in five years have set it upon its Feet, but that you found the sweet of ingrossing Power to your selves: No indeed, could it stand without you, which might be evident from the high dis­gust and the great scorne you were reproach't with, when it was dissolv'd; Not one bloody nose in the defence of that High and Mighty State; Nor scarce a good thought since of any of the persons: For your late twice advancement, I suppose, e're this you are sensible, that it was only to serve a turn, as a thing fit to be made a property: Do'nt you believe that it was desire of your Rule, but of a farther change, that inspirited the people against the Army, when you possibly as next at hand, moun­ted the empty Saddle, but you were not warm in the seat, be­fore with a publick leave you were unhorst, witness the Bonfires that might have lighted you to the Lands end, if you had dared to come among them.

Now, though I disown those irregular transactions, yet they strongly tye me in this sence, that as this Government was ori­ginally founded in a single person, so the Genius of the people still adheres to the same foundation. Examine we the various revolutions that have hapned, Britans, Romans, Saxons, Danes, and Normans; or more neerly the changes in their descendents from the direct line to the Collateral; or neerer, the times of insurrection, deposing Kings, Edward and Richard both the seconds of the Name, and we shall find Kingship still in fashion: Nay, that of King John is more notorious; for when the peo­ple had in a sort dethroned that King, and sworne allegeance to Lewis of France, yet when John dyed, the people not only expell'd the forraigner, but having power in their own hands, they Crowned his Sonne an infant, without power or adherents: And not one syllable in all our Chronicles, of a design or endeavour to erect a Free-state; No not when Wat Tiler, or Jack Straw revell'd it with their Clownes. Is our Genius changed? you will find it, No. Did you not observe it in the last Protector, who in a single person bearing up but the shadow of Kingship, was so seconded by a full Representa­tive, that had he not bin betrayed by his own pusillanimity, and the power of a corrupted Army, he had bin sufficiently secured a­gainst the State Zelots.

'Tis not the sence or interest of a few, that can long sway a Nation. If the publick spirit be averse, at the long runne it will prevaile. The more dispute there is with that spirit, the more imbitter'd it will be found; for whatever we dream, even when the multitude have the power, the command is in a Few. The active spirits lead the herd, and ingross the place, the pro­fit, and the sway: This in a generous mind begers disdain, and that faction; for when all are equal, thousands think themselves as deserving Rule, as those that carry it. To satisfie all, it is impossible; to please few, displeases the most. Our transacti­ons since 48, have made this as sensible, as we have made our selves despicable. To conclude, The English Gentry have Spi­rits pure, naturally just, and Generous; like fire aspiring as a Pyramide, from low to high, and it will never rest, till it con­tracts it self unto a Unity at top: So God is One, or he were not God, nor could he rule the world. He that likes not [Page 8]that president, but delights in the Rule of many, let him begin a President in his family, and he may there possibly have enough to do.

SECT. II. Mischiefs incident to our endeavours for a Free-State.

THough we cannot fix a settlement of a State, yet possibly by Artifice and Contrivance some may continue a Rotation in disorder: As Boys at Foot-ball, now one, then another trip­ping up the heels, and carrying away the Ball: Some perhaps that out-run their fellows, may hit the mark, and suck the sweet, till being full-gorg'd, they grow Lazy; and some em­pty ones that are more active, mount their Roomes. In the mean time, we their tributaries are attacht with these mis­chiefs.

1. We shall constantly live under the affrights of an invasion from abroad; for while any of that Royal Line survive, we may well judge that they contrive a Restauration: And our States­men have bin so kind to Him, as not to give his Home-party a full oblivion; but against true policy and president, do conti­nue them disabled, and so in discontent. Hence is it, that we must be alwayes jealous not assured of our next Neigh­bour, till an equal sufferance begets an equal sence.

2. While we groan under this fear, 'tis of necessity that we continue a considerable Force at Land and Sea; which lying idle, will corrupt as standing water in a Pool, and endanger a new combustion, as they are blown up by their present Master: However like our old Lord-Danes, they will be burthensome to the Country by their Quartering, and consequently odious: Or otherwise to keep the Souldiery in action, we must either affright them, upon the discovery of a new-fain'd-plot, or engage them in a forraign War; To this are the united Provinces in­forc't, to prevent Kingship in the Prince of Orange; though their scituation secures their Burgher ships much stronglier than [Page 9]can ours; for their Dominion consists chiefly in strong Carisons, Fortified Townes, and those in a small circuit; should one or more of them be surprized by a busie Army, the rest will take the Alarm, and prevent their progress by the force of Walls and Bulwarks, not to be mastered but by Seiges tedious, and more expensive, than ten such Princes can advance: But in England an open continent, he that Commands the field, Rules the purse; for London is too rich to have courage, and will more readily submit to the will of the Commander, than to the modesty of his Army.

3. While we have such fears, and such an Army, we must continue contribution, besides those great Customes and Excise, which impoverish us, though not so sensibly, yet more bitterly than the Tax; for the commodity being charged, the price is raised, and the buyer even almost in every thing that he eats, drinks, or wears, payes the account. I remember when Mr. Pym that grand Patriot, upon necessity but mentioning the word Excise in the House of Commons, was by a young spirit, and not without applause, called to the Barre. What then we esteemed Poyson, we take now as Physick; but in that Age it seem'd impossible that a free-born English-man could have swal­lowed it. 'Twas begot in the Low-Countries with their State which makes them Free; that is, in Purse, not in Priviledge: for no English King dar'd ever demand, what they are inforc't to pay. Now consider we what benevolences, Sequestrati­ons, five and twentieth parts, a Tax of fifty subsidies at once, Fines and Compositions, Sales of Kings, Bishops, Deans and Chapters, and Delinquents Lands, the two parts of Papists, nay a share of our very charities to the distressed, besides con­stant contributions that have been levied: How has it all been devoured by the Armies, whose belly indeed has no bottome! yet what Arrears to them do we owe? what a Debt have we contracted? 'tis judged not less than Three Millions! Lessen the Army we dare not; then must we supply it in proportion, or permit free-quarter which is worse; for the Souldier must live, and he cannot by the aire. Whence shall we acquire this vast Sum? not less certainly can our constant charge be, than two millions by the year, besides the interest of the great debt which swells dayly; we have the ill luck that none will Rebel, that [Page 10]we may have Lands to Sequester, none to fell; Customs sink, and so will the Excise. All for the future (if the Army conti­nue) must be extorted by contribution from the starveling Coun­tries. But I doubt, as there is little Will to it, so there is less ability; Their patience has bin exercised to the height; Take heed; Nescit plebs jejunatimere, as ambition has no bounds, so ne­cessity has no Barre.

4. Pay; How is it possible they should, if Trade fails; Our subsistence in the Country, hangs sensibly on commerce in the City. Observe it in one commodity; How can the Gentle­man expect his Rent, when his Tenant cannot sell his Wool? If wool be not sold, how can the poor (millions of poor) be set on work? If the poor be not set on work, they must steal, or starve; If the Cloathyer can vent no Cloth, how can he buy the Wool? If the Merchant have not a free and well-orde­red Trade, how can he buy cloth? The miscarriages of these times has spoyled the Trade of our Cloth beyond the seas; so that unless we return into order, and awe our Neighbours to a sutable correspondence, 'tis not recoverable. For other trades how they sink, may be evident from the dayly ruptures that are spoken of; and more fully from the 2000. sail that we have lost fince the Spanish War. Now, the commodities we have thence we take in upon retaile from our Officious Neighbour, who knows handsomly to foment the difference, and reap the ad­vantage. Our gold walks beyond Sea more freely than in Eng­land. Forraign Trade we pay for dear; Home-commodities we sell cheap. 'Tis not possible but the wealth of England sinks in value considerably every year: No Trade can be, till there be a settlement; No settlement, while we dance every day to a new Whistle. There are ten models in proposal, and every faction is with blood ready to avow his way the best. While we thus stagger, we may shortly expect to be accosted with the same dilemna, that a poor labourer put upon my Tenant the other day, from whose fold, week after week he had stoln a sheep; he freely confest the Theft, and told him, work he had none, nor could get any, though he offered to labour at less value than he was wont; worth he was no more than his earthen pot; steal he must; hang him he might, but he his wife and five children would not starve, while they had hands to take.

5. Were it possible to keep down the spirit of the English, which has been so imbitter'd by the violent instruments of our Statists, what shall we think of Ireland, who already Act in a sence altogether averse to our new model? Nay, what of Scot­land, a free people, no way in Vassalage to us, unless upon the account of our late Conquest: Can we think those two Kingdomes will truckle under this? Certainly, they wait but opportunity, and when it comes, 'twil cost us dear: Their in­terest undoubtedly is Kingship, whereby they may possibly hope to have an influence upon the sweets of our Court. While thus we are imbroyl'd with fears and Wars to subdue our tribu­taries, our purses and blood must be at the expense, and our enemies abroad will work their interests.

6. Was not the maintenance of our fundamental Laws, the pretence of our quarrel? Found we not the spirit of the Nation rowz'd up upon the found of the Trumpet? Popery, was it not decry'd? and Religion, Protestant Religion adjudg'd to be in danger? were we not call'd up to the Battel upon the account of Zeale with a Curse ye Meroz? Now if we truck on in the search for a Free-state; as for Religion, so much of it as we may call Protestant, must of necessity turn to Wantonness; for our divisions are so great already, that we dare not exaspe­rate by advancing Discipline. Nay, indeed we cannot if we dar'd; for the most active of our Statists (if they have any Re­ligion) 'tis that of the Sectary, which they own as the maine supporter of their Model, whose interest it is, to give Licenti­ousnesse to all. As for Laws, those which we adored for the excellency and antiquity, must of necessity be alter'd in our Freedomes of person and estate, wherein true liberty is princi­pally concern'd: Thus, if we have a free-state in the way of a House of Commons alwayes, or a Council in the interval; that Soveraign Court will take power to impose Taxes, and to imprison persons: Now by the Law of England no free-man could be taxed or imprest, but by Act of Parliament solemn­ly and regularly past by the three estates, and he intrusted the elected to consent only so far as by Common Council of the three estates should be agreed: In passing whereof, the Commons were as the Tribunes of the people, as their Bulwark against high payments and impressures demanded by the Prince; To [Page 12]whose occasions they would not contribute, unless well satisfi­ed of the necessity and disbursement; which granted, they had the same concernment therein with the whole people, that is, To pay, and to be imprest. Now when the Commons are grown So­veraign, who shall we call upon to be our Tribunes? for the same persons that have the power to raise, have in effect the priviledge to disburse. And how little will they value those small shares which they pay in their Rents, when they shall assuredly receive large salaries by their imployments? For believe it, though eve­ry Statesman has not preferment, yet the most considerable will be in pay, and those are leaders to the rest. Upon this account it is, that while a Parliament sits, we shall be in constant pay; for the leaders will strain for a design, rather than want a preferment; And we the people may perhaps complain of the Reiterated bur­then; but to whom shall we appeal? As for our persons, by our known Lawes, we could not be imprison'd, but by a regular pro­ceeding in a course of justice, or a full Act of Parliament. An ar­rest there ought to be, and thereupon a Bayl, unless the cause ap­pear'd not baylable by the Warrant; when the accused had free­dome to make defence upon perusal of his charge; if injustice or malice appear'd in that prosecution, his reparation was ready and usual. Otherwise than thus, could not a House of Commons ori­ginally proceed, unless possibly upon their own members, which is disputable; but an impeachment must be drawn, and a trial had before the Lords as a Court of Justice. Should the King, or the Council commit an English man, it was upbraided as an Act of Tyranny. What becomes of this eminent freedom under a free­state, when upon slight suggestions of a spightful Neighbor that is in power, the Serjeant at Armes seizes us with his exorbitant fees! No bayl, no Habeas Corpus, no regular way of justice to do us right. And there possibly, after a twelvemonth, if we have good friends, and can humble our selves to our potent Adversary, may we get discharg'd, but without amends or knowing of our Crime: And this course must be continued upon Reason of State. Lo thus while we cajol our selves with the name of Freedom, we lose the thing, and become free only to be made slaves.

SECT. III. The happinesse of a composure with the right Heir of the Crown.

INstance I might more, but these being plainly and sensibly mischievous, may suffice. Enquire we now into the way of cure; And things certainly are reduc'd to that ill temper, that tis far more easie to demonstrate what may be evil, than what will be good; but comparing times with things, I doubt not to evidence but that a closure with the way of Kingship is much ra­ther to be embrac'd as that which may be good, than that confu­sion, which certainly will be evil; And dream we not of closing the difference by erecting a single person of a new line; for that will lessen the party, in that it makes the quarrel personal, and will the more disgust the spirits of this generous people, in that they are subjected to their Equal, who to retain his usurpation, will be enforc'd to accumulate those violences whereof we had sad experience under the old Protector; otherwise he shall soon be made the object of our contempt, as was his son with his easie and gentle way of acting; Nor will the afore-recited mis­chiefs be at all prevented; for our fears will be the same, and consequently our charge. It rests only that we close with the right Heir of the Crown upon termes conducible to assurance; And yet not such as may so much abridge the just rights of the Crown as to advance a licentiousness in the people; for with so­ber men, who weigh the reason of things, a Negative in the Prince, is a most secure preservative of Peace to the people; and the people have as much comfort under the Protection of his just Prerogative, as they have benefit by their own priviledges; Nor will unreasonable terms that are imposed be farther continued than they are inforc'd; only therefore securing against revenge, let the old Laws be the standard between both, and those duly executed, will sufficiently, and without entrenchment secure both; From such a closure probably will result these advan­tages.

1. Peace ensues, and thence Plenty; No jealousie of a pre­tender to invade us from abroad; Ireland, yea and Scotland will acquiesce by way of subordination to the Crown; the Roy­al party must submit to the termes agreed; For if the Head be satisfied, the body hath neither power nor title to dispute it far­ther.

2. Parties reconcil'd, what necessity is there of a Land-Army? the Militias without charge in every County being secur'd in hands of confidence, so that such of the souldiery who make war their trad, may have leasure to be imployed at Sea, where need­ful it will be that we continue a considerable Fleet, as the Walls of England; and to preserve that Soveraignty at Sea which is our ancient right; the rest being paid their arrears, may chearfully retire to their wives and friends.

3. This horrid Tax, yea and the Excise may shortly cease; for I shall anon evidence that a Revenew may be advanc'd with­out either of these, fully competent to support the Court-expence, and the necessities of the Publick; only at present it will be needful that we impose one great Tax, suppose we a twelve­months contribution to be paid at once, therewith to pay the arrears of the Army, and disband them honourably; These ar­rears must at last be paid, if we intend justice to those that are in power to command it; nor can there be any way but this closure to get them paid; otherwise, as their pay grows, so will their ar­rears, and increase dayly; better were it that at once we take a strong purge, than live contributing till we consume beyond the cure of physick.

4. A Peace with forraign Princes is a certain consequent of this closure, having a Prince so related in blood, nay of the high­est extraction in the Christian world, and he grown formidable in the conjunction of all interests; for he rules a people that have been disciplin'd in war, which on both sides have given such evidence of a courage, that will be the terror of the world, were we drawn off from worrying our own bowels; were we all uni­ted in love, as in subjection; which possibly by time and a di­screet receding on each side may be accomplish'd; as then we shall be awful, so shall we be courted to alliances, which may be accepted, as may conduce to the interest of the Gospel: From hence flows Trade, and thence wealth to an Island; that Com­merce [Page 15]which we hold now by retaile, and run with high hazards, may enrich us at the first hand, and without danger; nay, possi­bly we may turn the ballance, and our greedy neighbour may take his turn in the lighter scale.

5. We may attain to a condition wherein we may dare to own Religion, sutable to those of the Reformed party beyond the Seas; and thereby beget a confidence in them of our reality and adherence to the interest of the true Protestant Cause, when upon account of the Grandure of our State, and our opportune scituation we may become the head of that Party to enlarge the Territories of the Gospel, and awe in a Toleration in our ways of worship, where they are most exploded; Let the Gospel have free passage, and it will make its own way; for I disown the promo­tion of it by the Sword, as totally unchristian, and bequeath it to the Turk.

6. This closure will in some sort clear the integrity of such as first engaged in the war; what was in pretence, but the defence of Liberty and Religion, which was afterwards model'd into words by a Solemn League and Covenant, which if any, was the Good Old Cause, wherein the Covenanters swore to persist, and not to suffer themselves directy or indirectly, by whatsoever combi­nation, perswasion or terror, to be divided or withdrawn, whe­ther to make defection to the contrary party, or to give them­selves to a detestable indifferency or neutrality in the Cause which was then judged so much to concern the glory of God, the good of the Kingdoms, and honour of the King, but that all the dayes of their lives zealously and constantly they would con­tinue therein against all opposition, and promote the same ac­cording to their power against all lets and impediments what­soever; which Covenant they then declared to make in the pre­sence of Almighty God, the searcher of all hearts, with a true intent to perform the same, as they should answer it at the great day when the secrets of all hearts should be disclosed; which Co­venant though possibly at first upon account of taking it without the Kings consent, might not satisfie some, as to the manner of imposing, yet since the matter of it may in substance be appro­ved, and that the now King of Scots has there freely engaged therein, and may possibly consent to an Act to that effect; will it not seem high perjury, and that we have juggled with the [Page 16] world and our own souls, if we acquiesce not in the enjoyment thereof, which indeed comprehends all that reasonable men can design; how shall we answer it to the great God, in whose pre­sence it was so solemnly entred with hands advanc'd? How scan­dalous is it to the Protestant Cause? as if our Religion were on­ly fit to be made a property to serve a turn; nay, how glorious will it be to those brave supporters thereof, that maugre the arti­fices of head-strong Statists, the Enthusiasmes of deluded Secta­ries, the violences of a tumultuous souldiery, they vindicate their first principles, and abandoning the suggestions of a private inte­rest, to intend the Publick; That the world might bear wit­nesse (for so they covenanted it should) with their own consci­ences of their loyalty, and that they had no thoughts or inten­tions to diminish his Majesties just power and greatness.

SECT. IV. Resolves to the grand Objections that seeme to obstruct it.

GRand Objections I expect to be thrown in against this clo­sure; I shall offer at some solutions, which possibly improv'd, may manifest that the difficulties are not so considerable, as those that argue with a prejudice, pretend.