An enquiry into the measures of submission to the supream authority And of the grounds upon which it may be lawful, or necessary for subjects, to defend their religion lives and liberties.

An Enquiry into the Meaſures of SUBMISSION, to the Supream Authority: And of the Grounds upon which it may be Lawful or Neceſsary for Subjects, to Defend their RELIGION, LIVES and LIBERTIES.

THis Enquirie cannot be Regularly made, but by taking, in the firſt place, a true and full view of the Nature of Civil Society, and more particularly of the Nature of Supream power, Whether it is lodged in one or moe Perſons.

1. It is certain that the Law of Nature has put no difference nor ſubordination among Men, except it be that of Children to Parents, or of Wives to their Husbands; So that with Relation to the Law of Nature, all Men are born free; And this Liberty muſt ſtill be ſuppoſed Entire, unleſſe ſo far at it is limited by Contracts Proviſions and Laws; for a Man can either bind himſelf to be a Servant, or ſell himſelf to be a Slave, by which he becomes in the power of another, only ſo far as it was provided by the Contract: Since all that Liberty which was not expreſly given away, remains ſtill entire; ſo that the Plea for Liberty alwayes proves it ſelf, unleſs it appears that it is given up, or limited by any ſpecial Agreement.

2 It is no leſs certain, that as the light of Nature has planted in all Men a Natural principle of the Love of Life, and of a deſire to preſerve it; ſo the common principles of all Religion agree in this, that GOD having ſet Us in this World, we are bound to preſerve that Being, which he has given U • , by all juſt and Lawful ways. Now this Duty of Self-preſervation, is exerted in inſtances of two ſorts; The one are in the reſiſting of violent Agreſſors, The other are the taking of juſt Revenges of thoſe who have invaded U • ſo ſecretly, that We could not prevent them, and ſo violently that We could not reſiſt them. In which caſes the Principle of Self-preſervation warrants us, both to recover what is our own, with juſt Damages; And alſo to Put ſuch unjuſt perſons out of a capacity of doing the like injuries any more, either to our ſelves or to any others. Now in theſe inſtances of Self-preſervation, this difference is to be obſerved, that the firſt cannot be limited, by any ſlow forms, ſince a preſſing Danger requires a vigorous Repulſe, and cannot admit of delay; whereas the ſecond, of taking Revenges or Reparations, is not of ſuch haſte, but that it may be brought under Rules and Forms.

3 The true and original Notion of Civil Society and Government is, that it is a com-promiſe made by ſuch a body of Men, by which they reſign up the right of demanding Reparations, either in the way of juſtice, againſt one another, or in the way of War againſt their Neighbours; to ſuch a ſingle perſon or to ſuch a body of men as they think fit to truſt with this. And in the management of this Civil Society, great diſtinction is to be made between the power of making Laws for the regulating the conduct of it, and the power of executing theſe Laws; the Supream Authority muſt ſtill be ſuppoſed to be lodged with thoſe who have the Legiſlative Power reſerved to them; but not with thoſe who have only the Executive, which is plainly a Truſt, when it is ſeparated from the Legiſlative power; and all Truſts by their nature Import, that thoſe to whom they are given, are accountable, even tho that it ſhould not be expreſly ſpecified in the words of the Truſt it ſelf.

4. It cannot be ſuppoſed by the principles of Natural Religion, that GOD has authoriſed any one Form of Government, any other way than as the general Rules of Order and of Juſtice oblige all Men not to ſubvert Conſtitutions, nor diſturb the peace of Mankind, nor invade thoſe Rights, with which the Law may have veſted ſome perſons: For it is certain that as private Contracts lodge or tranſlate private Rights; ſo the publick Laws can likewiſe lodge ſuch Rights, Perogatives and Revenues, in thoſe under whoſe protection they put themſelves; and in ſuch a manner that they may come to have as good a title to theſe, as any private perſon can have to his property; ſo that it becomes an Act of high injuſtice and violence to invade theſe, which is ſo far a greater ſin than any ſuch Actions would be againſt a private perſon; As the publick Peace and Order is preferable to all private conſiderations whatſoever. So that in truth, the principles of Natural Religion, give thoſe that are in Authority no power at all, but they do only ſecure them in the poſſeſſion of that which is theirs by Law. And as no conſiderations of Religion can bind me to pay another more than I indeed owe him, but do only bind me more ſtrictly to pay what I owe; So the conſiderations of Religion do indeed bring Subjects under ſtricter Obligations, to pay all due allegiance and Submiſſion to their Princes; but they do not at all extend that Allegiance further than the Law carries it. And though a Man has no Divine Right to his property, but has acquired it by Humane means, ſuch as Succeſſion or Induſtry, yet he has a ſecurity for the enjoyment of it, from a Divine Right; ſo tho Princes have no immediate warrants from Heaven, either for their Original Titles, or for the extent of them, yet they are ſecured in the poſſeſſion of them by the Principles and Rules of Natural Religion.

5. It is to be conſidered that as a Private Perſon, can bind himſelf to another Mans ſervice by different degrees, either as an ordinary Servant for wages, or as an appropriat for a longer time, as an Apprentice, or by a total giving himſelf up to another, as in the caſe of Slavery. In all which caſes the General name of Maſter may be equally uſed, yet the degrees of his power are to be judged by the nature of the Contract; ſo likewiſe Bodies of Men can give themſelves up in different degrees, to the conduct of others. And therefore though all thoſe may carry the ſame name of King yet every ones Power is to be taken from the Meaſures of the Authority which is lodged in him, and not from any general Speculations founded on ſome Equivocal terms, ſuch as King, Soveraign or Supream.

6, It's certain, that GOD, as the Creator and Governour of the World, may ſet up whom he will, to rule over other Men; But this Declaration of His will, muſt be made evident by Prophets, or other extraordinary Men ſent of Him, who have ſome manifeſt proofs of the Divine Authority, that is committed to them, on ſuch occaſions, and upon ſuch Perſons declaring the well of GOD, in favour of any others, that Declaration is to be ſubmitted to and obeyed. But this pretence of a Divine Delegation, can be carried no farther than to thoſe who are thus expreſly marked out, and is unjuſtly claimed by thoſe who can prove no ſuch Declaration to have been ever made in Favour of them, or their Families. Nor does it appear Reaſonable to conclude from their being in poſſeſſions, that it is the will of GOD that it ſhould be ſo, this juſtifies all Vſurpers, when they are ſucceſſeful.

7 The Meaſures of Power, and by conſequence of Obedience, muſt be taken from the expreſſe Laws of any State, or Body of Men, from the Oaths that they ſwear, or from Immemorial preſcription, and a long poſſeſſion, which both give a Title, and in a long tract of time make a bad one become good, ſince preſcription when it paſſes the memory of man, and is not diſputed by any other Pretender, gives by the common ſenſe of all men, a juſt and good title: So upon the whole matter, the degrees of all Civil Authority, are to be taken either from expreſſe Laws, Immemorial Cuſtome, or from particular Oaths, which the Subjects ſwear to their Princes: This being ſtill to be ſaid down for a principle, that in all the diſputes between Power and Liberty, Power muſt always be proved, but Liberty proves it ſelf; the one being founded only upon poſitive Law, and the other upon the Law of Nature.

8. If from the General Principles of humane Society, and natural Religion, we carry this matter to be examined by the Scriptures, it is clear that all the paſſages that are in the Old Teſtament, are not to be made uſe of in this matter, of neither ſide. For as the land of Ganaan, was given to the Jews by an immediat g ant from Heaven, ſo GOD reſerved ſtill this to himſelf, and to the Declarations that he ſhould make from time to time, either by his Prophets, or by the anſwers that came from the Cloud of Glory that was between the Cherubims; to ſet up Judges or Kings over them, and to pull them down again as he thought fit, here was an expreſs Delegation made by God, and therefore all that was done in that Diſpenſation, either for or againſt Princes, Is not to be made uſe of in any other State, that is founded on another bottom and Conſtitution, and all the expreſſions in the Old Teſtament relating to Kings, ſince they belong to perſons that were immediatly deſigned by God, are without any ſort of reaſon applyed to thoſe, who can pretend to no ſuch Deſignation, neither for themſelves nor for their Anceſtors.

9. As for the New Teſtament, it is plain, that there are no rules given in it, neither for the Forms of Government in general, nor for the degrees of any one Form in particular, but the general rules of Juſtice, order and peace, being eſtabliſhed in it upon higher Motives, and more binding conſiderations, than ever they were in any other Religion whatſoever, we are moſt ſtrictly bound by it, to obſerve the conſtitution in which we are: And it is plain, that the rules ſet us in the Goſpel, can be carried no further. It is indeed clear from the New Teſtament, that the Christian Religion as ſuch, gives us no grounds to defend or propogat it by force. It is a Doctrine of the Croſs, and of Faith, and Patience under it: And if by the order of Divine providence, and of any conſtitution of Government, under which we are born, we are brought under ſufferings, for our profeſſing of it, we may indeed retire and fly out of any ſuch Countrey, if we can; but if that is denyed us, we muſt then according to this Religion, ſubmit to thoſe ſufferings under which we may be brought, conſidering that God will be Glorified by us in ſo doing, and that he will both ſupport us under our ſufferings, and gloriouſly reward us for them.

This was the State of the Chriſtian Religion, during the three firſt Centuries, under Heathen Emperours and a Conſtitution in which Paganiſm was eſtabliſhed by Law; But if by the Laws of any Government, the Chriſtian Religion, or any form of it, is become a part of the Subjects Property, it then falls under another conſideratin, not as it is a Religion, but as it is become one of the Principal Rights of the Subjects, to believe and profeſs it, And then we muſt judge of the Invaſions made on that, as we do of any other Invaſion that is made on Our Rights.

10 All the paſſages in the New Testament that relate to Civil Government are to be expounded as they were truely meaned, in oppoſition to that falſe notion of the Jews, who believed themſelves to be ſo immediatly under the Divine Authority, that they would not become the Subjects of any other Power; particularly of one that was not of their Nation, or of their Religion: therefore they thought, they could not be under the Roman-yoke, nor bound to pay Tribute to Caeſar, but judged that they were only ſubject out of Fear, by reaſon of the Force that lay on them, but not for Conſcience ſake: And ſo in all their Diſperſion, both at Room and elſewhere, they thought they were Gods Freemen: and made uſe of this pretended Liberty as a cloak of maliciouſneſs. In Oppoſition to all which, ſince in a courſe of many years, they had asked the protection of the Roman-yoke, and were come under their Authority, our Saviour ordered them to continue in them by his ſaying, Render to Caeſar that which is Caeſars; and both St. Paul in his Epiſtle to the Romans, and St. Peter in his General Epiſtle, have very poſitively condemned that pernicious Maxim, but without any formal Declarations made of the Rules or Meaſures of Government. And ſince both the People and Senate of Rome had acknowledged the power that Auguſtus had indeed violently uſurped, it became legal when it was thus ſubmitted to, and confirmed both by the Senate and People: And it was eſtabliſht in his Family by a long preſcription, when theſe Epiſtles were writ: So that upon the whole matter, all that is in the New Teſtament upon this Subject, imports no more but that all Chriſtians are bound to acquieſce in the Government, and ſubmit to it, according to the conſtitution that is ſetled by Law.

11 Weare then at laſt brought to the Conſtitution of our Engliſh Government; So that no General Conſiderations from Speculations about Soveraign Power, nor from any paſſages either of the Old and New Teſtament, ought to determine u • in this matter; which muſt be fixed from the Laws and Regulations that have been made among Us. It is then certain, that with Relation to the Executive part of the Government, the Law has Iudged that ſingly in the King; So that the whole adminiſtration o • it is in him: but the Legiſlative Power is Lodg • d between the King and the two Houſes of Parliament; So that the Power of making and Repealing Laws, is not ſingly in the King, but only ſo far as the two Houſes concur with him. It is alſo clear, that the King has ſuch a determined extent of Prerogrative, beyond which he has no Authority: As for inſtance, if he Levies Money of his People, without a Law impowering him to it, he goes beyond the limits of his Power, and asks that to which he has no Right, so that there lyes no obligation on the Subject to grant it; And it any in his Name uſe Violence for the obtaining it, they are to be looked on as ſo many Robbers, that invade our Property and they being violent Aggreſſors, the Principle of Self-preſervation ſeems here to take place, and to warrant as a violent a reſiſtance.

12. There is nothing more evident, than that England is a free Nation, that has its Liberties and Properties reſerved to it by many poſitive and expreſs Laws: if then we have a right to our Property, we muſt likewiſe be ſuppoſed to have a right to preſerve it; for theſe Rights are by the Law ſecured againſt the Invaſions of the prerogative, & by conſequence we muſt have a right so preſerve them againſt thoſe Invaſions. It is alſo evidently declared by our Law, that all Orders and Warrants, that are iſſued out in oppoſition to them, are null of themſelves; And by conſequence, any that pretend to have commiſſions from the King ſo thoſe ends are to be conſidered as if they had n • ne at all, Since theſe commiſſions being void of themſelves, are indeed no commiſſions in the conſtruction of the Law; And therefore thoſe who act in vertue of them, are ſtill to be conſidered, as Private perſon who come to Invade and diſturb us. It is alſo to be obſerved, that there are ſome points that are juſtly diſputable and doub • ful, and others that are ſo manifeſt, that it is plain that any Objections that can be made to them, are rather forced pretences, than ſo much as plauſible colours. It is true, if the caſe is doubtful, the intereſt of the publick Peace and Order ought to carry it; but the caſe is quite different, when the Invaſions that are made upon Liberty and Property, are plain and viſible to all that conſider them.

13. The main and great difficulty here, is, that tho our Government does indeed aſſert the Liberty of the Subject, yet there are many expreſs Laws made, that lodge the Militia ſingly in the King, that make it plainly unlawful upon any pretence whatſoever to take Arms againſt the King, or any commiſſioned by him; And theſe Laws have been put in the form of an Oath, which all that have born any Imployment either in Church or State have ſworn; And therefore theſe Laws, for the aſſuring our Liberties, do indeed bind the Kings conſcience, and may affect his Miniſters; yet ſince it is a Maxim of our Law, that the King can do no wrong, theſe cannot be carried ſo far as to juſtifie our taking Arms againſt him, be the tranſgreſſions of Law ever ſo many and ſo manifeſt: And ſince this has been the conſtant Doctrine of the Church of England, it will be a very heavy Imputation on us, if it appears, that tho we held theſe opinions, as long as the Court and the Crown have favoured us, yet as ſoon as the Court turns againſt us, we change our Principles.

14. Here is the true difficulty of this whole matter, and therefore it ought to be exactly conſidered. Firſt, all general words, how large ſoever, are ſtill ſuppoſed to have a tacite Exception, and reſerves in them, if the matter ſeems to require it. Children are commanded to Obey their Parents in all things: Wives are declared by the Scripture, to be ſubject to their Husband in all things; as the Church is unto Chriſt: And yet how comprehenſive ſoever theſe words may ſeem to be, there is ſtill a reſerve to be underſtood in them; And tho by our Form of Marriage the Parties ſwear to one another till death them do part, yet few doubt but this bond is diſſolved by Adultery, tho it is not named; for odious things ought not to be ſuſpected, and therefore not named upon ſuch occaſions: But when they fall out, they every ſtill their own force with them. 2. when there ſeems to be a Contradiction between two Articles in the Conſtitution, we ought to examine which of the two is the moſt evident, and the moſt important, and ſo we ought to fix upon it, and then we muſt give ſuch an accomodating ſenſe to that which ſeems to contradict it, that ſo we may reconcile thoſe ogether. Here then are two ſeeming contradictions in our conſtitution: The one is the Publick Liberties of the Nation; the other is the renouncing of all reſiſtance, in caſe that were Invaded▪ It is plain, that our Liberty is only a thing that we enjoy at the Kings diſcretion, and during his pleaſure, if the other againſt all Reſiſtance is to be underſtood according to the out moſt Extent of the wordy. Therefore ſince the chief Deſign of Our whole Law, and all the ſeveral Rules of our Conſtitution, is to ſecure and maintain Our Liberty, we ought to lay that down for a concluſion, that it is both the moſt plain and the moſt important of the two: And the efore the other Article againſt Reſiſtance ought to be ſo ſoftned, as that it do not deſtroy this. 3. Since it is by a Law that Reſiſtance is condemned, we ought to underſtand it in ſuch a ſenſe, as that it doth not deſtroy all other Laws: And therefore the intent of this Law muſt only relate to the Executive Power, which is in the King, and not to the Legiſlative, in which we cannot ſuppoſe that our Legiſlators who made that Law, intended to give up that, which we plainly ſee they reſolved ſtill to preſerve intire, according to the Ancient Conſtitution. So then the not reſiſting the King, can only be applyed to the Executive Power, that ſo upon no pretence of ill Adminiſtrations in the Execution of the Law, it ſhould be lawful to reſiſt him; but this cannot with any reaſon be extended to an Invaſion of the Leg ſlative Power, or to a total ſubverſion of the Government. For it being plain, that the Law did not Deſign to lodge that power in the King; it is alſo plain, that i • did not intend to ſecure him in it, in caſe he ſhould ſet about it 4. The Law mentioning the King, or thoſe Commiſſionate by him, ſh • ws plainly, that it only Deſigned to ſecure the King in the Executive Power: For the word Commiſſion neceſſarly imports this, ſince if it is not according to Law, it is no Commiſſion; And by conſequence, thoſe who Act in Vertue of it, are not commiſſionate by the King in the ſenſe of the Law. The King likewiſe imports a Prince clothed by Law with the Regal Prerogative, but of he goes to Subvert the whole Foundation of the Government, he ſubverts that by which he himſelf has his power, and by conſequence he annulls his own power; and then he ceaſes to be King, having endeavoured to deſtroy that, upon which his own Authority is founded.

It is acknowledged by the greateſt aſſerters of Monarchical power, that in ſome caſes a King may fall from his power, and in other caſes that he may fall from the exerciſe of it. His deſerting his people, his going about to enſlave or ſell them to any other, or a furious going abour to deſtroy them, are in the opinion of the moſt Monarchical Lawyers, ſuch abuſes, that they naturally diveſt thoſe that are guilty of them, of their whole Authority. Infamy or Phrenzid do alſo put them under the Guardian-ſhip of others. All the crowned heads of Europe have, at leaſt ſecretly approv'd of the putting the late King of Portugal under a Guardian-ſhip, and the keeping him ſtill Priſoner for a few Acts of Rage, that had been fatal to a very few perſons: And even our Court gave the firſt countenance to it, tho of all others the late King had the moſt reaſon to have done it at leaſt laſt of all, ſince it juſtified a Younger brother's ſupplanting the Elder; yet the evidence of the thing carried it even againſt Intereſt. Therefore if a King go about to ſubvert the Government, and to overturn the whole Conſtitution, he by this muſt be ſuppoſed either to fall from his power, or at leaſt from the exerciſe of it, ſo far as that he ought to be put under Guardians; and according to the caſe of Portugal, the next Heir falls naturally to be the Guardian.

The next thing to be Conſidered, is, to ſee in Fact whether the Foundations of this Government have been ſtruck at, and whether thoſe Ertors, that have been perhaps committed, are only ſuch Malver • atians, as ought to be Imputed only to Humane Frailty, and to the Ignorance, Inadvertencies, or Paſſions, to which all Princes may be Subject, as well as other men, but this will beſt appear, if we conſider, what are the Fundamental Points of our Government, and the chief Securities that we have for our Liberties.

The Authority of the Law is indeed all in one Word, ſo that if the King pretends to a power to Diſpenſe with Laws, there is nothing left, upon which the Subject can depend; And yet as if Diſpenſing Power were not enough, if Laws are wholly Suſpended for all time coming, this is plainly a repealing of them, when likewiſe the Men, in whoſe hands the Adminiſtration of Juſtice is put by Law, ſuch as Judges and Sheriffs are allowed to tread all Laws under foot, even Theſe that infer an incapacity on themſelves, if they violat them; This is ſuch a breaking of the whole Conſtitution, that we can no more have the Adminiſtration of Juſtice, ſo that it is really a Diſſolution of the Government; ſince all Tryals, Sentences, and the Executions of them are become ſo many unlawful Acts, that are null and void of themſelves.

The next thing in our Conſtitution, which ſecures to us our Laws and Liberties, is a Free and Lawful Parliament▪ Now not to mention the breach of the Law of Triennial Parliament, it being above three years ſince we had a Seſſion, that enacted any Law; Methods have been taken, and are daily a taking, that render this impoſſible. Parliaments ought to be choſen with an intire Liberty, and without either Force or Pre-engagements: Whereas if all men are required before hand to enter into Engagements, how they will Vote, if they were choſen themſelves; Or how they will give their Votes in the Electing of others; This is plainly ſuch a preparation to a Parliament, as would indeed make it no Parliament, but a Cabal, if one were choſen after all that Corruption of Perſons, who had preengaged themſelves; and after the Threatning and Turning out of all Perſons out of Employments who had Refuſed to do it; And if there are ſuch daily Regulations made in the Towns, That it is plain thoſe who manage them▪ intend at laſt to put ſuch a number of Men in the Corporations as will certainly chuſe the perſons who are recommended to them. But above all, if there are ſuch a number of Sheriffs and Mayors made over England, by whom the Elections muſt be conducted and returned, who are now under an incapacity by Law, and ſo are no Legal Officers, and by conſequence theſe Elections that paſſe under their Authority are null and void; If, I ſay it is clear that things are brought to this, then the Government is diſſolved, becauſe it is impoſſible to have a Free and Legal Parliament in this this State of things. If then both the Authority of the Law, and the conſtitution of the Parliament are ſtruck at and diſſolved, here is a plain ſubverſion of the whole Government. But if we enter next into the particular branches of the Government, we will find: the like diſorder among them all.

The Proteſtant Religion, and the Church of England, make a great Article of our Government. the Latter being ſecuted notionly of old by Magna Charta, but by many ſpecial Laws made of late; And there are particular Laws made in K. Charles the Firſt, and the late King • s time, Ce •• ſecu them from all Commiſſions that the King can raiſe for Judging or Brenringing them: If then in oppoſition to this a Court ſo condemned is iſſur • d which proceeds to Judge and Cenſure the Clergy, and even to deiſſcte them of their Free bolds, without ſo much as the Form of a Tryal, tho this is the moſt indiſpenſable Law, of all theſe that ſecures the Property of England: And if the King pretends that he can require the Clergy to publiſh all his Arbitrary Declarations. And in particular one that ſtricks at their whole Scalement, and has Ordered Proceſſe to be begun againſt all that diſobeyed this illegal Warrant▪ and has treated ſo great a number of the Biſhops as Criminals, only for repreſenting to him the reaſons of their not obeying him: If likewiſe the King is not ſatisfied to profeſs his own Religion openly, tho even that is contrary to Law, but has ſent Ambaſſadors to Rome, and received Nuncio's from thence, which is plainly Treaſon by Law, if likewiſe many Popiſh Churches and Chapels have been publickly opened; if ſeveral Colledges of jeſuits have been ſet up in divers parts of the Nation, and One of the Order has been made a Privy Counſellour, and a principal Miniſter of State; and if Papiſts and even thoſe who turn to that Religion, tho declared Traitors by Law, are brought into all the chief Employments, both Military and Civil; then it is plain, that all the rights of the Church of England, and the whole eſtabliſhment of the Proteſtant Religion are ſtruck at, and deſigned to be overturned: ſince all theſe things, as they are notoriouſly illegal, ſo they evidently demonſtrate, that the great deſign of them all, is the rooting out this Peſtilent Hereſie, in their ſtile, I mean the Proteſtant Religion.

In the next place, if in the whole courſe of Juſtice, it is viſible, that their is a conſtant practiſeing upon the Judges, that they are turned out upon their varying from the Intention of the Court, and if Men of not Reputation or Abilities are put in their places; If an Army is kept up in time of Peace, and Men who withdrew from that illegal ſervice are hanged up as Criminals, without any collour of Law, which by conſequence are ſo many Murders; And if the ſouldierie are connived and encouraged in the moſt enormous Crimes, that ſo they may be thereby prepared to commit great ones, And from ſingle Rapes and Murders, proceed to a rape upon all our Liberties, and a Deſtruction of the Nation: If I ſay, all theſe things are true in Fact, then it is plain, that there is ſuch a Diſſolution of the Government made, that there is not any one part of it left Sound and Entire: And if all theſe things are done now, it is eaſie to imagine what may be expected, when Arbitrary Power that ſpares no Man, And Popery that ſpares no Heretick, are finally eſtabliſhed: then we may look for nothing but Gabelles, Tailles, Impoſitions, Benevolences, and all ſorts of Illegal Taxes: As from the other we may expect Burnings, Maſſacres, and Inquiſitions. In what is doing in Scotland we may gather what is to be expected in England; where, if the King has over and over again declared, That he is veſted with an Abſolute Power, to which all are bound to Obey without Reſerve. And has upon that annulled almoſt all the Acts of Parliament that paſſed in K. James l. Minority, tho they were ratified by himſelf when he came to be of Age; And were confirmed by all the ſubſequent Kings, not excepting the preſent. We muſt them conclude from thence, what is reſolved here in England, and what will be put in Execution as ſoon as it is thought that the times can bear it. When likewiſe the whole ſettlement of Ireland is ſhaken, and the Army that was raiſed, and is maintained by Taxes, that were given for an Army of Engliſh Proteſtants, to ſecute them from a new Maſſacre by the Iriſh Papiſts, is now all filled with Iriſh Papiſts, as well as almoſt all the other Employments; It is plain, that not only all the Britiſh Proteſtants Inhabiting that iſland, are in dayly danger of being butchered a ſecond time, but that the Crown of England, is in danger of loſing that Iſland, it being now put wholly into the hands and power of the Native Iriſh, who as they formerly offered themſelves up ſometimes to the Crown of Spain, ſometimes to the Pope, and once to the Duke of Lorrain, ſo are they prehaps at this preſent treating with another Court for the ſale and ſurrender of the Iſland, and for the Maſſacre of the Engliſh in it.

If thus all the ſeveral Branches of our Conſtitution are diſſolved, it might be at leaſt expected, that one part ſhould be left entire, and that is the Regal Dignity; and yet that is proſtituted, when we ſee a Young Child put in the reverſion of it, and pretended to be the Prince of Wales, Concerning whoſe being Born of the Queen, there appears to be not only no certain proofs, but there are all the preſumptions that can poſſibly be imagined to the contrary. No proofs were ever given, either to the Princeſs of Denmark, or to any other Proteſtant Ladies, in whom we ought to repoſe any confidence that the Queen was ever with Child; that whole matter being mannaged with ſo much myſteriouſneſs, that there were violent and publick ſuſpitions of it before the Birth. But the whole contrivance of the Birth, the ſending away the Princeſs of Denmark, the ſudden ſhortning of the Reckoning, the Queens ſudden going to St. James's, her no leſs ſudden Delivery, the hurrying the Child into another Room, without ſhewing it to theſe preſent, and without their hearing it cry • s And the Myſterious Conduct of all ſince that time; No ſatisfaction being given to the Princeſs of Denmark upon her return from the Bath, nor to any other Proteſtant Ladies, of the Queens having been really brought to Bed; Theſe are all ſuch evident Indications of a baſe Impoſture, in this matter, that as the Nation has the juſteſt Reaſon in the World to doubt of it, ſo they have all poſſible reaſon to be at no quiet, till they ſee a Legal and Free-Parliament Aſſembled, which may Impartially, and without either Fear or Corruption. Examine that whole matter.

If all theſe matters are true in Fact, then I ſuppoſe no Man will doubt, that the whole Foundations of this Government, and all the moſt Sacred Parts of it are overturned; And as to the Truth of all theſe Suppoſitions, that is left to every Engliſh-Mans Judgement and Senſe,

FINIS.