THe difference which I have found between times, and consequently the changes of life into which their naturall vicissitudes doe violently carry men, as they have made deep furrowes of impressions into my heart, so the same heavy wheeles cause me to retire my thoughts from free traffique with the world, and ra­ther seek comfortable ease or im­ployment in the safe memory of [Page 2] dead men, than disquiet in a doubt­full conversation amongst the living. Which I ingenuously confesse, to be one chief motive of dedicating these exercises of my youth to that Worthy Sir Philip Sidney, so long since departed. For had I grounded my ends upon active Wisedomes of the present, or sought Patronage out of hope, or fear in the future; Who knowes not, that there are some No­ble friends of mine, and many Ho­nourable Magistrates yet living, un­to whom both my Fortune, and Re­putation were, and are far more sub­ject? But besides this self-respect of Dedication, the debt I acknowledge to that Gentleman is farre greater, as with whom I shall ever account it honour to have been brought up: and in whom the life it self of true worth, did (by way of example) far exceed the pictures of it in any moral Precepts. So that (if my creation had been equal) it would have proved as [Page 3] easie for me, to have followed his patern, in the practice of reall vertue, as to engage my self into this Characteristicall kind of Poesie: in defence whereof he hath written so much, as I shall not need to say a­ny thing. For that this representing of vertues, vices, humours, coun­sells, and actions of men unfeigned, and unscandalous Images, is an in­abling of free-born spirits to the greatest affaires of States: he himself hath left such an instance in the too short scene of his life, as I fear ma­ny Ages will not draw a line out of any other mans sphere to parallel with it.

For my own part, I observed, ho­noured, and loved him so much; as with what caution soever I have pas­sed through my dayes hitherto a­among the living, yet in him I chal­lenge a kind of freedome even a­mong the dead. So that although with Socrates, I professe to know no­thing [Page 4] for the present; yet with Ne­stor I am delighted in repeating old newes of the ages past; and will therefore stir up my drooping me­mory touching this mans worth, powers, wayes, and designes: to the end that in the tribute I owe him, our nation may see a Sea-mark, rais'd upon their native coast, above the le­vell of any private Pharos abroad: and so by a right Meridian line of their own, learn to sayl through the straits of true vertue, into a calm, and spacious Ocean of humane ho­nour.

It is ordinary among men to ob­serve the races of horses, and breeds of other cattle. But few consider, that as divers humors mixt in mens bo­dies make different complexions; so every Family hath, as it were, divers predominant qualities in it: which, as they are tempered together in Marriage, give a certain tincture to all the descent. In my time, I have [Page 5] observed it in many houses, especial­ly in this. Sir Henry Sidney his Father was a man of excellent naturall wit, large heart, sweet conversation: and such a Governour, as sought not to make an end of the State in himself, but to plant his own ends in the pro­sperity of his Countrey. Witnes his sound establishments both in Wales, and Ireland, where his Memory is worthily grateful unto this day: how unequall, & bitter soever the censure of Provincialls is usually, against sin­cere Monarchall Governours, espe­cially such, as though in worth and place superior, are yet in their own degrees of heraldry, inferior to them.

On the other side, his Mother, as she was a woman by descent of great Nobility, so was she by nature of a large ingenuous spirit. Whence, as it were even racked with native strengths, shee chose rather to hide her self from the curious eyes of a de­licate time, than come up on the stage [Page 6] of the world with any manner of disparagement, the mischance of sicknesse having cast such a kind of veile over her excellent beauty, as the modesty of that sex doth many times upon their native, and heroi­call spirits.

So that it may probably be gathe­therd, that this clearnesse of his Fa­thers judgement, and ingenious sen­siblenesse of his Mothers, brought forth so happy a temper in this well­mixt Ofspring of theirs, as (with­out envy be it spoken) Sir Philip de­serves to be accompted amongst those eminent Plants of our soyl, which blast, or bite not, but rather st [...]tuminate, and refresh the Vines, Corn, Fruits, or whatsoever groweth under their shaddows. And as he was their First-born, so was he not the contraction, but the extension of their strength, and the very aim, and perfect type of it.

Of whose Youth I will report no [Page 7] other wonder, but this; That though I lived with him, and knew him from a child, yet I never knew him other than a man: with such staiednesse of mind, lovely, and fa­miliar gravity, as carried grace, and reverence above greater years. His talk ever of knowledge, and his very play tending to enrich his mind: So as even his teachers found some­thing in him to observe, and learn, above that which they had usually read, or taught. Which eminence, by nature, and industry, made his worthy Father stile Sir Philip in my hearing (though I unseen) Lumen fa­miliae suae. But why doe I mention this relative harmony of worth be­tween Father and Son? Did not his Country soon after take knowledge of him as a Light, or leading Star to every degree within her? Are not the Arts and Languages, which ena­bled him to Travail at fourteen years old, and in his Travail to win [Page 8] reverence amongst the chief Learned men abroad, Witnesses beyond ex­ception that there was great inequa­lity of worth and goodnesse in him?

Instance that reverend Languet, mentioned for honours sake in Sir Philip's Arcadia, learned usque ad mi­raculum; wise by the conjunction of practice in the world, with that well­grounded Theory of Books, & much valued at home; till this great Worth (even in a Gentlemans for­tune) being discovered for a dange­rous instrument against Rome and Spain, by some sparkles got light e­nough, rather to seek employment elswhere, than to tarry, and be dri­ven out of his own Country with disparagement. In Franckford he settles, is entertained Agent for the Duke of Saxony, and an under-hand Minister for his own King. Lodged he was in Wechels house, the Printer of Franckford, where Sir Philip in tra­vail chancing likewise to become a [Page 9] guest, this ingenious old mans ful­nesse of knowledge, travailing as much to be delivered from abun­dance by teaching, as Sir Philip's rich nature, and industry thirsted to be taught, and manured; this harmony of an humble Hearer to an excel­lent Teacher, so equally fitted them both, as out of a naturall de­scent both in love, and plenty, the elder grew taken with a net of his own thread, and the younger taught to lift up himself by a thread of the same spinning; so as this reverend Languet, orderly sequestred from his severall Functions under a mighty King, and Saxonie the greatest Prince of Germany, became a Nurse of knowledge to this hopefull young Gentleman, and without any other hire, or motive than this sympathy of affections, accompanyed him in the whole course of his three years travail. By which example the ju­dicious Reader may see, that Worth [Page 10] in every Nation finds her Country, Parents, Neighbours, and Friends, yea, and often, with more honour, dearnesse, and advancement in knowledges, than any pedigree of fleshly kindred, will, or can at home raise, or enlarge them unto. Nay to goe yet farther in this private in­stance; It may please the Reader to observe, how the same parallel of worth, in what age, or estate soever, as it hath power to win, so hath it likewise absolute power to keep. Far unlike those creations of chance, which hath other birds egges; and by advancing men out of chance or complement, lose them again as fast by neglect. Contrary to which, even when diversity of years, courses of life, and fortunes, enforced these dear Friends to di­vide, there yet passed such a conti­nuall course of intelligence by Let­ters from one of them to another, as in their losse (if they be lost) there be [Page 11] buried many delicate images, and differences, between the reall, and large complexions of those active times, and the narrow salves of this effeminate age: Because in this ex­cellent mould of their friendship, the greatest businesses of Estate were so mixed with the sweet remissions of ingenuous good will, as men might easily discern in them (as unflatte­ring glasses) that wisdome, and love, in good spirits have great affinity to­gether. For a farther demonstration, behold even the same Languet (after he was sixty six years of age) fashio­ning himself a journey into England, with the Duke Casimire, onely to see that excellent Plant of his own poli­shing. In which loving, and unex­pected meeting, I dare confidently affirm, neither side became loser. At the sea they parted, and made many mutuall tears omnious propheciers of their never meeting again.

These little sparks of two large [Page 12] natures I make bold the longer to insist upon, because the youth, life and fortune of this Gentleman were indeed but sparkes of extraordina­ry greatnesse in him: which for want of clear vent lay concealed, and in a maner smothered up. And again to bring the children of favor, and change, into an equall ballance of comparison with birth, worth, and education: and therein abruptly to conclude, that God creates those in his certain, and eternall mouldes, out of which he elects for himself; where Kings choose creatures out of Pandoras Tun, and so raise up worth, and no worth; friends or enemies at adventure. Therefore what mar­vail can it be, if these Iacobs, and Esaus strive ambitiously one with another, as well before as after they come out of such erring, and unper­fect wombes?

Now from these particular testi­monies to goe on with Sir Philips [Page 13] life: though he purposed no monu­ments of books to the world, out of this great harvest of knowledge; yet doe not his Arcadian Romanties live after him, admired by our foure­eyd Criticks? who, howsoever their common end upon common arts be to affect reputation by depraving censure; yet where nature placeth excellencie above envy, there (it seemeth) she subjecteth these car­ping eyes to wander, and shewes the judicious reader, how he may be nourished in the delicacy of his own judgement.

For instance; may not the most refined spirits, in the scope of these dead images (even as they are now) finde, that when Soveraign Prin­ces, to play with their own visions, will put off publique action, which is the splendor of Majestie, and un­actively charge the managing of their greatest affaires upon the se­cond-hand faith, and diligence of [Page 14] Deputies, may they not (I say) un­derstand, that even then they bury themselves, and their Estates in a cloud of contempt, and under it both encourage, and shaddow the the conspiracies of ambitious sub­alternes to their false endes. I mean the ruine of States and Princes?

Again, where Kingly Parents will suffer, or rather force their wives and daughters, to descend from the inequality and reservednesse of Princely education, into the con­temptible familiarity, and popular freedome of Shepherds; may we not discern that even therein they give those Royall birthes warrant, or opportunity, to break over all cir­cles of honor, safe-guards to the modesty of that sex; and withall make them fraily, apt to change the commanding manners of Prince­ly Birth, into the degrading images of servile basenesse? Lastly, where humor takes away this pomp, and [Page 15] apparatus from King, Crown, and Scepter, to make fear a Counsellor, and obscurity a wisdom; be that King at home what the current, or credit of his former Government, for a a while, may keep him: yet he is sure among forrain Princes to be justly censured as a Princely Shepherd, or Shepherdish King: which creatures of scorn seldome fail to become fit sacrifices for home-born discontent­ments, or ambitious forrain spirits to undertake, and offer up.

Againe, who sees not the chance­able arrivall of Euarchus into Arca­dia; his unexpected election to the temporary Soveraignty of that State; his sitting in a cloudy seat of judge­ment, to give sentence (under a mask of Shepherds) against his Son, Nephew, Neeces, the immediate suc­cessors to that Scepter; and all accu­sed and condemned of rape, pari­cide, adulteries, or treasons, by their own Lawes: I say who sees not, that [Page 16] these dark webs of effeminate Prin­ces be dangerous forerunners of in­novation, even in a quiet, and e­qually tempered people? So that if Sir Philips had not made the integri­ty of this forrain King an image of more constant, pure, and higher strain, than nature makes those or­dinary mouldes, wherein she fashion­eth earthly Princes, even this op­portunity, and map of desolation prepared for Euarchus, wherein he saw all the successors of this Pro­vince justly condemned under his own sentence, would have raised up specious rights, or pretences for new ambition in him; and upon the ne­ver-failing pillars of occasion, ama­sednes of people, and sad offer of glorious novelties, have tempted him to establish this Election for a time, successively, to him and his for ever?

To be short, the like, and finer mo­ralities offer themselves throughout [Page 17] that various, and dainty work of his, for sounder judgements to exercise their Spirits in; so that if the infancie of these Ideas, determining in the first generation, yield the ingenuous Reader such pleasant & profitable di­versity, both of flowers, and fruits, let him conceive, if this excellent Image-maker had liv'd to finish, and bring to perfection this extraordinary frame of his own Common-wealth: I meane, the return of Basilius, from his dreames of humor, to the honor of his former Estate; the marriage of the two sisters with the two excel­lent Princes; their issue; the warres stirred up by Amphialus; his marriage with Helena; their successions; toge­ther with the incident Magnificen­ces, pompes of state, providences of councells in treaties of peace, or ali­ance, summons of warres, and or­derly execution of their disorders; I say, what a large field an active able spirit should have had to walk in, let [Page 18] the advised Reader conceive with grief. Especially if he please to take knowledge, that in all these creatures of his making, his intent, and scope was, to turn the barren Philosphy precepts into pregnant Images of life; and in them, first on the Mo­narch's part, lively to represent the growth, state, and declination of Princes, change of Government, and lawes: vicissitudes of sedition, facti­on, succession, confederacies, plan­tations, with all other errors, or al­terations in publique affaires. Then again in the subjects case; the state of favor, disfavor, prosperitie, ad­versity, emulation, quarrell, under­taking, retiring, hospitality, travail, and all other moodes of private for­tunes, or misfortunes. [...]n which tra­verses (I know) his purpose was to limn out such exact pictures, of every posture in the minde, that any man being forced, in the straines of this life, to pass through any straights, or [Page 19] latitudes of good, or ill fortune, might (as in a glasse) see how to set a good countenance upon all the dis­countenances of adversitie, and a stay upon the exorbitant smiling of chance.

Now, as I know this was the first project of these workes, rich (like his youth) in the freedome of affecti­ons, wit, learning, stile, form, and facilitie, to please others: so must I again (as ingenuously) confess, that when his body declined, and his piercing inward powers were lifted up to a purer Horizon, he then dis­covered, not onely the imperfecti­on, but vanitie of these shadowes, how daintily soever limned: as see­ing that even beauty it self, in all earthly complexions, was more apt to allure men to evill, than to fashion any goodness in them. And from this ground, in that memorable te­stament of his, he bequeathed no o­ther legacie, but the fire, to this un­polished [Page 20] Embrio. From which fate it is onely reserved, untill the world hath purged away all her more gross corruptions.

Again, they that knew him well, will truly confess, this Arcadia of his to be, both in form, and matter, as much inferior to that unbounded spirit of his, as the industry and Ima­ges of other mens works, are many times raised above the writers capa­cities: and besides acknowledge, that howsoever he could not choose but give them many aspersions of spirit, and learning from the Father; yet that they were scribled rather as pamphlets, for entertainment of time, and friends, than any ac­compt of himself to the world. Be­cause if his pupose had been to leave his memory in books, I am confident, in the right use of Logick, Philosophy, History, and Poësie, nay even in the most ingenuous of Me­chanicall Arts, he would have shew­ed [Page 21] such tracts of a searching, and ju­dicious spirit; as the professors of every faculty would have striven no less for him, than the seaven Cities did to have Homer of their Sept. But the truth is: his end was not wri­ting, even while he wrote; nor his knowledge moulded for tables, or schooles; but both his wit, and un­derstanding bent upon his heart, to make himself, and others, not in words or opinion, but in life, and action, good and great.

In which Architectonical art he was such a Master, with so commending, and yet equall waies amongst men, that whersoever he went, he was be­loved, and obeyed: yea into what Action soever he came last at the first, he became first at the last: the whole managing of the business, not by usurpation, or violence, but (as it were) by right, and acknowledg­ment, falling into his hands, as into a naturall Center.

[Page 22] By which onely commendable monopolie of alluring, and impro­ving men, how the same drawes all windes after it in fair weather: so did the influence of this spirit draw mens affections and undertakings to depend upon him.

HEre I am still enforced to bring pregnant evidence from the dead: amongst whom I have found far more liberall contribution to the honor of true worth, than among those which now live; and in the market of selfnesse, traffique new interest by the discredit of old friends: that ancient wisdome of righting enemies, being utterly worn out of date in our modern disci­pline.

My first instance must come from [Page 23] that worthy Prince of Orange, Willi­am of Nassau, with whom this young Gentleman having long kept intelli­gence by word, and letters, and in affaires of the higest nature that then passed currant upon the stages of England, France, Germany, Italy, the low Countries, or Spaine, it seemes that this young Gentleman had, by his mutuall freedome, so im­printed the extraordinary merit of his young yeares into the large wis­dome, and experience of that excel­lent Ptince, as I passing out of Ger­many into England, and having the unexpected honor to finde this Prince in the Town Delph, cannot think it unwelcome to describe the clothes of this Prince; his posture of body, and minde, familiarity, and re­servedness to ths ingenuous Reader, that he may see with what diverse Characters Princes please, and Go­vern Cities, Townes, and Peoples.

His uppermost garment was a [Page 24] gown, yet such as (I dare confident­ly affirm) a mean-born student, in our Innes of Court, would not have been well-pleased to walk the streets in. Unbuttoned his doubled was, and of like precious matter, and form to the other. His wast-coat (which shewed it self under it) not unlike the best sort of those wollen knit ones, which our ordinary wa­termen row us in. His Company a­bout him, the Burgesses of that beer­brewing Town: and he so fellow­like encompassed with them, as (had I not known his face) no ex­terior signe of degree, or deserved­ness could have discovered the ine­quality of his worth or Estate from that multitude Not withstanding I no sooner came to his presence, but it pleased him to take knowledge of me And even upon that (as if it had been a signall to make a change) his respect of a stranger instantly begat respect to himself in all about him: [Page 25] An outward passage of inward greatness, which in a popular E­state I thought worth the observing. Because there, no pedigree but worth could possibly make a man Prince, and no Prince, in a moment, at his own pleasure.

The businesses which he then vouchsafed to impart with me were, the dangerous fate which the Crown of England, States of Germany, and the Low Countries did stand threat­ned with, under an ambitious, and conquering Monarch's hand. The main instance, a short descrip­on of the Spaniards curious affecting to keep the Romans waies, and ends, in all his actions. On the other side, the clear symptomes of the Hectique feaver, universally then reigning among the Princes of Christendome, ordain'd (as he thought) to behold this undermi­ning disease without fear, till it should prove dangerous, nay incu­rable [Page 26] to them. This active King of Spain having put on a mask of con­science, to cover an invisible conjun­ction between the temporal, and spi­ritual ambitions, of these two some­times creeping, sometimes comman­ding Romish and Spanish Conque­rors. The particulars were many, both excellent and enlightning.

As first, the fatall neutrality of France, jealous of the Spanish great­ness, as already both wrong'd, and threatned by it: and yet their Kings so full of pleasures, and consequently so easily satisfied with the comple­ments of words, treaties, or alliances, and since the fall of the Sorbonists, their own exempted Church so ab­solutely possest, and govern'd by the Jesuits; as through the bewithing li­berties, and bondages of Auricular confession, they were rather wrought to rest upon a vain security of repu­ted strength, than really to hazzard loss, and help themselves by diversi­on, or assailing.

[Page 27] Againe, on the Queens part, by the way of question, he supposed a little neglect in her Princely mildness, while she did suffer a Protestant par­ty, rais'd by God in that great King­dome of France, to be a ballance or counterpease to that dangerous Hep­tarchy of Spain (then scarce visible, but since multiplyed by an unresist­able greatnesse) I say, for suffering this strong and faithfull party (through want of imployment) to sink into it self, and so unactively (like a Meteor) to vanish, or smother out, in vain and idle apparitions. Withall reverently hee demurr'd, whether it were an omission in that excellent Ladies Government, or no, by a remisse looking on, whilst the Austrian aspiring family framed occa­sion to gain by begging peace, or buying war from the Grand Signior; and both exceeding much to their own ends; In respect that once in few years, this Emperor made him­self [Page 28] Generall by it, over all the for­ces of Christendome; and thereby gained the fame of action; trained up his owne Instruments Martially, and got credit with his fellow-bor­dering Princes, through the com­mon Councell, or participation of fear. Besides that in the conclusions of peace, he ever saved a mass of riches gather'd by Diets, Contributi­ons, Devotions, and Levies for com­mon defence, which out of the ill-ac­compting hand of war, became (in his Exchequer) Treasure, to terrifie even those Christian neighbours that did contribute to it. And the more especially he insisted upon this: be­cause all those crafty Pageants of her enemies were disguisedly acted, even whilst her Majesty had an Agent of extraordinary diligence, worth, and credit with that vast Estate of Tur­kie, into whose absolute and imperi­ous spirit, without any further charge than infusing the jealousies of [Page 29] competition, these practises among those Austrian usurpers, might easily have been interrupted.

Lastly, it pleased him to question yet a greater over-sight in both these Kingdoms, England, and France: Be­cause while their Princes stood at gaze, as upon things far off, they still gave way for the Popish, and Spanish invisible Arts, and Counsels, to un­dermine the greatness, and freedom both of Secular and Ecclesiasticall Princes: a mortall sickness in that vast body of Germany, and by their insensible fall, a raising up of the house of Austria many steps towards her long affected Monarchy over the West. The ground of which opinion was (as he thought) in respect that even the Catholique Princes, and Bi­shops themselves (had their eyes bin well wakened) would never have en­dured any cloud, or colour of Reli­gion, to hape changed their Princely Soveraignties into such a kind of [Page 30] low, and Chaplaine tenure: as since they have sleepily fallen into: but would rather have stirred them with many hands, to binde this Miter-su­perstition, with the reall cords of truth. And to that end perchance have set Spain on work with her new, and ill digested Conquests: her dangerous enemie Fess: her native Moors, and Iews (since craftily transported) and so probably have troubled the usurpations both of the Pope, and Spain, over that well-tem­pered, though over-zealous, and su­perstitions Region of It a'y. These, and such other particulars, as I had in charge, and did faithfully deliver from him to her Majesty, are since performed, or perished with time, or occasion.

The last branch was his free ex­pressing of himselfe in the honour of Sir Philip Sidney, after this manner: That I would first commend his own humble service, with those [Page 31] fore-mentioned Ideas to the Queen; and after crave leave of her freely to open his knowledge, and opinion of a Fellow-servant of his, that (as he heard) lived unimployed under her. With himselfe he began ab ovo, as ha­ving been of Charles the fift's Privie Counsell, before he was one and twenty years of age: and since (as the world knew) either an Actor, or at least acquainted with the greatest actions, and affairs of Europe; and likewise with her greatest men, and ministers of Estate. In all which se­ries of time, multitude of things, and persons, he protested unto mee (and for her service) that if he could judge, her Majesty had one of the ri­pest, and greatest Counsellors of E­state in Sir Philip Sidney, that at this day lived in Europe: to the triall of which hee was pleased to leave his owne credit engaged, untill her Ma­jesty might please to employ this Gentleman, either amongst her friends or enemies.

[Page 32] At my return into England, I per­formed all his other cōmandments; this that concerned Sir Philip (thin­king to make the fine-spun threads of Friendship more firm between them) I acquainted Sir Philip with: not as questioning, but fully resolved to doe it. Unto which he at the first sight opposing, discharged my faith impawn'd to the Prince of Orange, for the delivery of it; as an act only entending his good, and so to be per­form'd, or dispens'd with at his plea­sure; yet for my satisfaction freely added these words: first, that the Qu. had the life it self daily attending her: and if she either did not, or would not value it so highly, the commendation of that worthy Prince could be no more (at the best) than a lively picture of that life, and so of far lesse credit, and estimation with her. His next reason was, be­cause Princes love not that forrain Powers should have extraordinary [Page 33] in their Subjects; much lesse to be taught by them how they should place their own: as arguments either upbraiding ignorance, or lack of large rewarding goodness in them

This Narration I adventure of, to shew the clearness, and readiness of this Gentlemans judgement, in all degrees, and offices of life: with this farther testimony of him; that after mature deliberation being once re­solved, he never brought any questi­on of change to afflict himself with, or perplex the business; but left the success to his will, that governs the blinde prosperities, and unprosperi­ties of Chance; and so works out his own ends by the erring frailties of humane reason and affection. Lastly, to manifest that these were not com­plements, self-ends, or use of each o­ther, according to our modern fashi­on▪ but meer ingenuities of spirit, to which the ancient greatness of hearts ever frankly engaged their Fortunes, [Page 34] let Actions, the lawfully begotten children, equall in spirit, shape, and complexion to their parents, be testi­monies ever sufficient.

My second instance comes from the Earle of Leicester his unckle, who told me (after Sir Philips, and not long before his own death) that when he undertook the government of the Low Countries, he carryed his Nephew over with him, as one a­mongst the rest, not only despising his youth for a Counsellor, but with­all bearing a hand over him as a for­ward young man. Notwithstanding, in short time he saw this Sun so risen above his Horizon, that both he and all his Stars were glad to fetch light from him. And in the end acknow­leged that he held up the honor of his casual authority by him, whilst he li­ved, & found reasō to withdraw him­self from that burthen, after his death.

My third record is Sir Francis Wal­singham his Father-in-law; that [Page 35] wise, and active Secretarie. This man (as the world knows) upheld both Religion and State, by using a policy wisely mixt with reflexions of ei­ther. He had influence in all Coun­tries, & a hand upon all affairs; Yet e­ven this man hath often confessed to my self, that his Philip did so far over-shoot him in his own Bow, as those friends which at first were Sir Philip's for this Secretaries sake, within a while became so fully owned, and possest by Sir Philip, as now he held them at the second hand, by his Son­in-laws native courtesie.

This is that true remission of mind, whereof I would gladly have the world take notice from these dead mens ashes: to the end that we might once again see that ingenuity a­mongst men, which by liberall bea­ring witnesse to the merits of others, shews they have some true worth of their own; and are not meerly lovers of themselves, without rivals.

TO continue this passage a little further: I must lift him above the censure of Subjects, and give you an account what respect, and honour his worth wanne him a­mongst the most eminent Monarchs of that time. As first with that chief, and best of Princes, his most excel­lent Majesty, then King of Scotland, to whom his service was affectio­nately devoted, and from whom he received many pledges of love, and favour.

In like manner, with the late re­nowned Henry of France, then of Na­varre, who having measured, and mastered all the spirits in his own Nation, found out this Master-spirit among us, and used him like an e­quall in nature, and so fit for friend­ship with a King.

[Page 37] Again, that gallant Prince Don John de Austria, Vice-Roy in the Low Countries for Spain, when this Gentleman in his Embassage to the Emperor came to kiss his hand, though at the first, in his Spanish haughture, he gave him access as by descent to a youth, of grace as to a stranger, and in particular competi­tion (as he conceived) to an enemy; yet after a while that he had taken his just altitude, he found himself so stricken with this extraordinary Planet, that the beholders wondered to see what ingenuous tribute that brave, and high minded Prince paid to his worth; giving more honour and respect to this hopefull young Gentleman, than to the Embassa­dors of mighty Priuces.

But to climb yet a degree higher: In what due estimation his extraor­dinary Worth was, even amongst e­nemies, will appear by his death. When Mendoza, a Secretary of many [Page 38] Treasons against us, acknowledged openly; That howsoever he was glad King Philip his Master had lost, in a private Gentleman, a dangerous Enemy to his Estate; yet he could not but lament to see Christendome depriv'd of so rare a Light in these cloudy times; and bewail poor Widdow England (so he term'd her) that having been many years in bree­ding one eminent spirit, was in a mo­ment bereaved of him, by the hands of a villain.

Indeed he was a true modell of Worth; A man fit for Conquest, Plantation, Reformation, or what Action soever is greatest, and har­dest amongst men: Withall, such a lover of Mankind, and Goodnesse, that whosoever had any reall parts, in him found comfort, participation, and protection to the uttermost of his power; like Zephyrus he giving life where he blew. The Universi­ties abroad, and at home, accompted [Page 39] him a generall Mecaenas of Learning; Dedicated their Books to him; and communicated every Invention, or Improvement of Knowledge with him. Souldiers honoured him, and were so honoured by him, as no man thought he marched under the true Banner of Mars, that had not obtai­ned Sir Philip Sidney's approbation. Men of Affairs in most parts of Chri­stendome, entertained correspon­dency with him. But what speak I of these, with whom his own waies, and ends did concur? since (to de­scend) his heart, and capacity were so large, that there was not a cun­ning Painter, a skilfull Engenier, an excellent Musician, or any other Ar­tificer of extraordinary fame, that made not himself known to this fa­mous Spirit, and found him his true friend without hire; and the com­mon Reude-vous of Worth in his time.

Now let Princes vouchsafe to con­sider, [Page 40] of what importance it is to the honour of themselves, and their E­states, to have one man of such emi­nence; not onely as a nourisher of vertue in their Courts, or service; but besides for a reformed Standard, by which even the most humorous per­sons could not but have a reverend ambition to be tried, and approved currant. This I doe the more con­fidently affirm, because it will be confessed by all men, that this one mans example, and personall respect, did not onely encourage Learning, and Honour in the Schooles, but brought the affection, and true use thereof both into the Court, and Camp. Nay more, even many Gen­tlemen excellently learned amongst us will not deny, but that they af­fected to row, and steer their course in his wake. Besides which honour of unequall nature, and education, his very waies in the world, did generally adde reputation to his [Page 41] Prince, and Country, by restoring amongst us the ancient Majestie of noble, and true dealing: As a manly wisdome, that can no more be weighed down, by any effeminate craft, than Hercules could be over­come by that contemptible Army of Dwarfs. This was it which, I pro­fess, I loved dearly in him, and still shall be glad to honour in the great men of this time: I mean, that his heart and tongue went both one way, and so with every one that went with the Truth; as knowing no other kindred, partie, or end.

Above all, he made the Religion he professed, the firm Basis of his life: For thls was his judgement (as he often told me) that our true-heart­ednesse to the Reformed Religion in the beginning, brought Peace, Safetie, and Freedome to us; con­cluding, that the wisest, and best way, was that of the famous William Prince of Orange, who never divided [Page 42] the consideration of Estate from the cause of Religion, nor gave that sound party occasion to be jealous, or distracted, upon any apparance of safety whatsoever; prudently resol­ving, that to temporize with the E­nemies of our Faith, was but (as a­mong Sea-guls) a strife, not to keep upright, but aloft upon the top of every billow: Which false-hearted­nesse to God and man, would in the end find it self forsaken of both; as Sir Philip conceived. For to this active spirit of his, all depths of the Devill proved but shallow fords; he piercing into mens counsels, and ends, not by their words, oathes, or complements, all barren in that age, but by fathoming their hearts, and powers, by their deeds, and found no wisdome where he found no courage, nor courage without wisdome nor either without hone­sty and truth. With which solid, and active reaches of his, I am per­swaded, [Page 43] he would have found, or made a way through all the traver­ses, even of the most weak and irre­gular times. But it pleased God in this decrepit age of the world, not to restore the image of her ancient vigour in him, otherwise than as in a lightning before death.

Neither am I (for my part) so much in love with this life, nor be­lieve so little in a better to come, as to complain of God for taking him, and such like exorbitant worthyness from us: fit (as it were by an Ostra­cisme) to be divided, and not incor­porated with our corruptions: yet for the sincere affection I bear to my Prince, and Country, my prayer to God is, that this Worth, and Way may not fatally be buried with him; in respect, that both before his time, and since, experience hath published the usuall discipline of greatnes to have been tender of it self onely; making honour a triumph, or rather [Page 44] trophy of desire, set up in the eyes of Mankind, either to be worshiped as Idols, or else as Rebels to perish under her glorious oppressions. Notwithstanding, when the pride of flesh, and power of favour shall cease in these by death, or disgrace; what then hath time to register, or fame to publish in these great mens names, that will not be offensive, or infecti­ous to others? What Pen without blotting can write the story of their deeds? Or what Herald blaze their Arms without a blemish? And as for their counsels and projects, when they come once to light, shall they not live as noysome, and loathsome­ly above ground, as their Authors carkasses lie in the grave? So as the return of such greatnes to the world, and themselves, can be but private reproach, publique ill example, and a fatall scorn to the Government they live in. Sir Philip Sidney is none of this number; for the greatness [Page 45] which he affected was built upon true Worth; esteeming Fame more than Riches, and Noble actions far above Nobility it self.

ANd although he never was Ma­gistrate, nor possessed of any fit stage for eminence to act upon, wher­by there is small latitude left for comparing him with those deceased Worthies, that to this day live un­envied in story; Yet can I probably say, that if any supreme Magistra­cie, or employment, might have shewed forth this Gentlemans Worth, the World should have found him neither a mixt Lysander, with unactive goodness to have cor­rupted indifferent Citizens; nor yet like that gallant Libertine Sylla, with [Page 46] a tyrannizing hand, and ill exam­ple, to have ordered the dissolute people of Rome; much less with that unexperienced Themistocles, to have refused, in the seat of Justice, to deale equally between friends and strangers. So that as we say, the abstract name of goodness is great, and generally currant; her nature hard to imitate, and diversly wor­shipped, according to Zones, com­plexions, or education; admired by her enemies, yet ill followed by her friends: So I may well say, that this Gentlemans large, yet uniform dis­position was every where praised; greater in himself than in the world; yet greater there in fame and honour than many of his superiors; reveren­ced by forrain Nations in one form, of his own in another; easily censu­red, hardly imitated; and therefore no received Standard at home, be­cause his industry, judgement, and affections, perchance seemed too [Page 47] great for the cautious wisdomes of little Monarchies to be safe in. Not­withstanding, whosoever will be pleased indifferently to weigh his life, actions, intentions, and death, shall find he had so sweetly yoaked fame and conscience together in a large heart; as inequality of worth, or place in him, could not have been other than humble obedience, even to a petty Tyrant of Sicily. Besides, this ingenuitie of his nature did spread it self so freely abroad, as who lives that can say he ever did him harm; whereas there be many li­ving, that may thankfully acknow­ledge he did them good? Neither was this in him a private, but a pub­lique affection; his chief ends being not Friends, Wife, Children, or him­self; but above all things the honour of his Maker, and service of his Prince, or Country.

Now though his short life, and private fortune, were (as I sayd) no [Page 48] proper stages to act any greatness of good, or evill upon; yet are there (even from these little centers of his) lines to be drawn, not Astrono­micall, or imaginary, but reall linea­ments, but such as infancy is of mans­estate; out of which nature often sparkleth brighter rayes in some, than ordinarily appear in the ripe­ness of many others. For proof wher­of, I will pass from the testimonie of brave mens words, to his own deeds. What lights of sounder wis­dome can we ascribe to our greatest men of affairs than he shewed in his youth, and first employment, when he was sent by the late Queen of fa­mous memory, to condole the death of Maximilian, and congratulate the succession of Rodolph to the Empire? For under the shaddow of this com­plement between Princes, which sorted better with his youth than his spirit, Did he not, to improve that journey, and make it a reall service [Page 49] to the Empire? For under the sha­dow of this complement between Princes, which sorted better with his youth than his spirit, did he not, to improve that journey, and make it a real service to his Soveraign, pro­cure an Article to be added to his Instructions, which gave him scope (as he passed) to salute such German Princes, as were interested in the cause of our Religion, or their own native liberty?

And though to negotiate with that long-breathed Nation proves com­monly a work in steel, where many stroaks hardly leave any print; yet did this Master Genius quickly stir up their cautious, and slow judge­ments to be sensible of the danger which threatned them hourely, by this fatall conjunction of Rome's un­dermining superstitions, with the commanding forces of Spain. And when he had once awaked that con­fident Nation to look up, he as ea­sily [Page 50] made manifest unto them, that neither their inland seat, vast multi­tude, confused strength, wealth, nor hollow-sounding Fame could secure their Dominions from the ambition of this brave aspiring Empire; how­soever by the like helps they had formerly bounded the same Roman, and Austrian supremacies. The rea­sons he alleged were, because the manner of their conjunction was not like the ancient undertakers, who made open war by Proclamation; but craftily (from the infusion of Rome) to enter first by invisible traf­fique of souls; filling peoples minds with apparitions of holines, specious Rites, Saints, Miracles, institutions of new Orders, reformations of old, blessings of Catholiques, cursings of Heretiques, Thunder bolts of Ex­communication under the authority of their Mother Church. And when by these shadows they had gotten possession of the weak, discouraged [Page 51] the strong, divided the doubtful, and finely lulled inferior powers asleep; as the ancient Romans were wont to tame forrain nations with the name Socij; then to follow on with the Spanish, less spirituall, but more for­cible Engines, viz. practice, confede­racy, faction, money, treaties, leagues of trassique, alliance by marriages, charge of rebellion, war, and all other acts of advantagious power.

Lastly he recalled to their memo­ries, how by this brotherhood in e­vill (like Simeon, and Levi) Rome and Spain had spilt so much bloud, as they were justly become the terror of all Governments; and could now be withstood, or ballanced by no other means, than a general league in Religion: Constantly and truely affirming, that to associate by an u­niform bond of conscience, for the protection (as I said) of Religion, and Liberty, would prove a more so­lid union, and symbolize far better a­gainst [Page 52] their Tyrannies, than any Fa­ctious combination in policy, league of state, or other traffique of Civill, or Martial humors possibly could do.

To this end did that undertaking spirit lay, or at least revive the foun­dation of a league between us, and the German Princes, which continues firme to this day: The defensive part whereof hath hitherto helped to suport the ruines of our Church a­broad, and diverted her enemies from the ancient ways of hostility, unto their Conclave, and modern un­dermining Arts. So, that if the offen­sive part thereof had been as well prosecuted in that true path, which this young Genius trod out to us; both the passage for other Princes o­ver the Alps, would have been by this time more easie than Hanibal's was; and besides, the first sound of that Drum might happily have reconci­led those petty dividing Schismes which reign amongst us; not as [Page 53] sprung from any difference of religi­ous Faith, but misty Opinion; and accordingly moulded first upon the Desks of busie idle Lecturers, then blown abroad to our disadvantage by a swarm of Popish Instruments, rather Jesuits than Christians; and to their ends most dangerously over­spreading the world, for want of a confident Moderator. This (I say) was the first prize which did enfran­chise this Master Spirit into the my­steries, and affairs of State.

THe next doubtfull Stage hee had to act upon (howsoever it may seem private) was grounded up­on a publique and specious propo­sition of marriage, between the late famous Queen, and the Duke of An­iou, With which Current, although he saw the great, and wise men of the [Page 54] time suddainly carryed down, and every one fishing to catch the Queens humor in it; yet when he considered the difference of years, person, edu­cation, state, and religion between them; and then called to minde the success of our former alliances with the French: he found many reasons to make question whether it would prove Poetical, or reall on their part? And if reall; yet whether the ballance swayed not unequally, by adding much to them, and little to his So­veraign? The Dukes greatness be­ing onely name, and possibility; and both these either to wither, or be maintained at her cost. Her state a­gain in hand; and though Royally sufficient to satisfie that Queens Princely and moderate desires, or ex­pences, yet perchance inferior to bear out those mixt designes, into which his ambition, or necessities might en­tise, or draw her.

Besides, the marriage of K. Philip, [Page 55] to Q. Mary her sister, was yet so fresh in memory, with the many inconve­niences of it, as by comparing and paralleling these together, he found credible instances to conclude, nei­ther of these forrain alliances could prove safe for this Kingdom. Because in her marriage with Spain, though both Princes continuing under the obedience of the Roman Church nei­ther their consciences, nor their peo­ples could suffer any fear of tumult, or imputation by change of faith; Yet was the winning of St. Quintins, with the loss of Calice, and the car­rying away of our money to forrain ends, odious universally; the Spanish pride incompatible; their advanta­gious delayes suspicious; and their short reign here felt to be a kinde of exhausting tax upon the whole Na­tion.

Besides, he discerned how this great Monarch countenanced with our Forces by sea, and land, might, and [Page 56] did use this addition of her strength to transform his Low-Countrey Dukedomes, fall'n to him by de­scent, into the nature of a soveraign conquest; and so by conjoyning their Dominion, and Forces by Sea, to his large Empires, and Armies upon the Mayn, would probably enforce all absolute Princes to acknowledg sub­jection to him before their time. And for our Kingdome, besides that this King then meant to use it as a forge, to fashion all his soveraign designes in; had he not (except some bely him) a fore-running hand in the change of Religion after King Edwards death? And had he not (even in that change) so mastered us in our own Church, by his Chaplain and Conclave of Rome, that both these carried all their courses byaced to his ends, as to an elder brother, who had more abun­dant degrees of wealth, and honour to return them? so as every body (that devoted Queen excepted) fore­saw [Page 57] we must suddenly have been compelled to wear his livery, and serve his ends; or else to live like children neglected, or disfavoured by our holy Mother.

Again, for our temporall Govern­ment; was not his influence (except report belie him) as well in passing many sharp lawes, and heavy execu­tions of them with more strange Councels; as fashioning our leagues both of peace, and traffique to his conquering ends? All these together, with that Master prize of his play­ing, when under colour of piety, he stirred up in that wel-affected Queen a purpose of restoring those tempo­ralities to the Church, which by the fall of Abbies, were long before di­spersed among the Nobility, Gen­try, and people of this Kingdome: all these (as he said) did clearly shew, that this ambitious King had an in­tent of moulding us to his use, even by distracting us amongst our selves.

[Page 58] Neverthelesse, to give him the honor of worldly wisedom, I dare aver, he had no hope of bringing these curious assumptions to pass; but rather did cast them out, as sounding lines, to fathome the depths of peoples mindes; and with particular fear, and distraction in the owners, to raise a generall distast in all men against the Government. Now, if we may judge the future by what is past, his scope in all these particulars could be no other, but when our inward waters had been throughly troubled, then to possess this diversly diseas'd Estate with cer­tain poëticall titles of his own, de­vised long before, and since publish­ed by Dolman, to the end, that under the shadow of such clouds, he might work upon the next heir; and so cast a chance for all our goodes, lives, and liberties with little interrupti­on. These, and such like, were the groundes which moved Sir Philip to [Page 59] compare the past, and present con­sequence of our Marriage with ei­ther of these Crowns together.

And though in danger of subjecti­on he did confess our aliance with the French to be lesse unequall; yet even in that, he foresaw, diver­sitie of Religion would first give scandall to both; and in progress, prove fatall of necessity to one side. Because the weaker sect here, being fortified by strong parties abroad, and a husbands name at home, must necessarily have brought the native Soveraign under a kinde of Covert Baron, and thereby forced her Ma­jesty, either to lose the freedom, and conscience of a good Christian, the honor of an excellent Prince, or the private reputation of obedient Wife. Neither could that excellent Lady (as he, and that time conceived) with these, or any other cautions, have countermined the mines of practice, whereby (it is probable) [Page 60] this Prince would have endeavou­red to steal change of Religion into her Kingdom.

1. As first, by cavelling at the Au­thors, and Fathers that upheld her Church.

2. Then by disgracing her most zealous Ministers, through asper­sions cast upon their persons, and advancing indifferent spirits, whose God is this world, the Court their heaven, and consequently their ends, to biace Gods immortall truth to the fantasies of mortall Princes.

3. By the subtile latitude of school­distinctions, publiquely edging nea­rer the holy mother Church; and therein first waving, then soun­ding the peoples mindes; if not with abrupt, and spirit-fall'n tolleration, yet with that invisible web of con­nivencie, which is a snare to entan­gle great, or little flies, at the will of power.

4. By a Princely licentiousnesse in [Page 61] behaviour, and conference, fashio­ning atheisme among her Subjects: as knowing that in confusion of thoughts, he might the more easilie raise up superstitious idolatry: which crafty Image of his, with all the nice lineaments belonging to it, was the more credible, in respect the French have scornfully affirm'd one chief branch of our Princes prero­gatives to be, the carying of their peoples consciences which way they list. An absoluteness the more dange­rous to their subjects freedom, be­cause they bring these changes to pass (as the French say) under the safe conduct of our earth-cy com­mon law; and thereby make change legally safe, and constancie in the truth exceeding dangerous.

5. By a publique decrying of our ancient Customes, and Statutes; and from that ground, giving Proclama­tions a Royall vigor in moulding of pleas, pulpits and Parliaments, after [Page 62] the pattern of their own, and some other forain Nations; which in our Government is a confusion, almost as fatall as the confusion of tongues.

6. By employing no instruments among the people, but such as de­vise to sheer them with taxes, ran­some them with fines, draw in bon­dage under colour of obedience, and (like Frenchified Empsons, and Dudlies) bring the English peo­ple to the povertie of the French Peasants, onely to fill up a Danaus sive of prodigality, and thereby to secure the old age of Tyranny from that which is never old: I mean, dan­ger of popular inundations.

7. To lift up Monarchie above her ancient legall Circles, by banishing all free spirits, and faithfull Patri­ots, with a kinde of shaddowed O­stracisme, till the Ideas of native freedom should be utterly forgot­ten; and then (by the pattern of their own Duke of Guise) so to en­courage [Page 63] a multitude of impove­rishing impositions upon the peo­ple, as he might become the head of all discontentedness; and under the envy of that art, stir them up to depose their naturall annointed So­veraign,

8. When he had thus metamor­phosed our moderate form of Mo­narchie into a precipitate absolute­ness; and therein shaken all Leagues offensive or defensive between us, the Kings of Denmark, and Sweden, the free Princes of Garmany, the poor oppressed soules of France, the steady subsisting Hanses; and lastly weakned that league of Religion, suffique, which with prosperous suc­cess hath continued long between us, and the Netherlanders; then (I say) must his next project have been, either abusively to entise, or through fear enforce this excellent Lady, to countenance his over-grown party abroad, by suffering the [Page 64] same sect to multiply here at home, till she should too late discover a ne­cessity, either of changing her faith, hazarding her Crown, or at least holding it at the joint courtesie of that ambitious Roman Conclave, or encreasing Monarchie of Spain. A Scepter, and Miter, whose con­junction bringes forth boundless freedom to themselves, and begets a narrow servitude upon all other Nations, that by surprise of wit, or power become subject to them.

9 Besides, in the practice of this Marriage, he foresaw, and prophe­sied, that the very first breach of Gods ordinance, in matching her­self with a Prince of a diverse faith, would infallibly carry with it some piece of the rending destiny, which Solomon, and those other Princes justly felt, for having ventured to weigh the immortall wisdom in e­ven scales, with mortall convenien­cy or inconveniency.

[Page 65] 10. The next step must infallibly have been (as he conceived) with our shipping to disturb or belea­guer the Netherlanders by Sea, under colour, or pretence of honor unsea­sonably taken, even when the horse and foot of France should threaten their subsistence by land; and ther­by (in this period of extremity) constrain that active people to run headlong into one of these three des­perate courses, viz. Either to fly for protection to the Flower-de-Luce, with whom they join in continent; Or precipitately submit their necks to the yoking Cittadells of Spain, against whose inquisitions, and usur­pations upon their Consciences, and Liberties, so much money, and bloud had been shed, and consu­med already; Or else unnaturally to turn Pirates, and so become enemies to that trade, by which they and their friends have reciprocally got­ten, and given so much prosperity. [Page 66] The choice or comparison of which mischiefes to them, and us, he brief­ly laid before me, in this man­ner.

First, that if they should incor­porate with France, the Netherlands manufactures, industry, trade, and shipping, would add much to that Monarchie, both in peace, and war: The naturall riches of the French having been hitherto either kept barrain at home, or barrainly trans­ported abroad, for lack of the true use of trade, shipping, exchange, and such other mysteries as multiply native wealth; by improving their man-hood at home, and giving formes both to domestique, and forrain materialls; which defect (as he said) being now abundantly to be supplied, by this conjunction with the Netherlands, would in a lit­tle time, not onely puff up that active Common-wealth with unqui­et pride, but awake the stirring [Page 67] French to feel this addition to their own strengths; and so make them become dangerous neighbours by incursion in invasion to the Baltique Sea; many waies prejudice to the mutuall traffique between Italy, the Germans, and England; and con­sequently a terror to all others, that by land, or Sea confine upon them, yea and apt enough once in a year, to try their fortune with that grow­ing Monarch of Spain, for his Indian treasure.

2. On the other side; if any stricter league should come to pass between those adventurous French Spirits, and the solid counsells of Spaine; and so through fear, scorn, or any other desperate apparances force the Netherlands into a precipi­tate, but steady subjection of that Spanish Monarchie; then he willed me to observe, how this fearfull uni­on of Earth, and Sea, having esca­ped the petty Monarches of Europe, [Page 68] would in all probability, costrain them to play after-games for their own Estates. Because these two po­tent Navies (his and the Nether­land's) being thus added to his in­vincible Armies by land, would soon (as he thought) compell that head of holy mother Church, whose best use for many yeares had been (by ballancing these two Emperiall greatnesses one with another) to se­cure inferior Princes: would (as I said) soon enforce that sacred Mo­ther-head to shelter her self un­der the wings of this Emperiall Ea­gle, and so absolutely quit her Mi­ter-supremacie; or at least become Chaplain to this suppressing, or sup­porting Conqueror.

Besides, in this fatall probability he discovered the great difference between the wisdom of quiet Prin­ces, in their moderate desires of subsistence, from the large, and ha­zardous counsells of undertaking [Page 69] Monarches; whose ends are onely to make force the umpier of right, and by that inequality become Sove­raign Lords (without any other ti­tle) over equalls and inferiors.

3. Now for this third point, of constraining this oppressed, yet active Netherland people to become Pirates: he willed me in the exam­ples of time past to observe, how much Scirpalus did among the Gre­cians; Sextus Pompeius the Romans, even in their greatness; and in themodern, Flushiug, Dunkerk, Ro­chell and Algiers. Inferring with­all, that this people, which had so long prospered upon the rich mate­rialls of all Nations, by the two large spreading armes of manufacture, and traffique, could not possibly be forced at once to leave this habit: but would rather desperately ad­venture to maintain these enrich­ing strengthes of marriners, souldi­ers, and shipping of their own, with [Page 70] becomming a Rende-vous for the swarm of discontented subjects uni­versally; inviting them with hope of spoil, and by that inheritance, to try whether the world were ready to examine her old foundations of freedom, in the specious, and flatte­ring regions of change, and Powers encrochments?

Lastly, besides this uneven ballance of State; the very reflexion of scorn between age, and youth; her come­liness, his disadvantage that way; the excessive charge by continuall resort of the French hither; danger of change for the worse; her reall native States and riches made sub­ject to forrain humors; little hope of succession, and if any, then France assured to become the seat, and England the Province; children, or no children, misfortune, or uncer­tainty: These (I say) and such like threatning probabilities made him joyn with the weaker party, and [Page 71] oppose this torrent; even while the French faction reigning had cast as­persions upon his Uncle of Leicester, and made him, like a wise man (un­der colour of taking physick) volun­tarily become prisoner in his cham­ber.

THus stood the state of things then: And if any judicious Reader shall ask, Whether it were not an error, and a dangerous one, for Sir Philip being neither Magi­strate nor Counsellor, to oppose him­self against his Soveraigns pleasure in things indifferent? I must answer, That his worth, truth, favour, and sincerity of heart, together with his reall manner of proceeding in it, were his privileges. Because this Gentlemans course in this great busi­ness [Page 72] was, not by murmur among e­quals, or inferiours, to detract from Princes; or by a mutinous kind of bemoaning error, to stir up ill affecti­ons in their minds, whose best thoughts could do him no good; but by a due address of his humble rea­sons to the Queen her self, to whom the appeal was proper. So that al­though he found a sweet stream of Soveraign humors in that well-tem­pered Lady, to run against him, yet found he safety in her self, against that selfness which appeared to threaten him in her: For this happi­ly born and bred Princess was not (subject-like) apt to construe things reverently done in the worst sense; but rather with the spirit of annoin­ted Greatness (as created to reign equally over frail and strong) more desirous to find waies to fashion her people, than colours, or causes to pu­nish them.

Lastly, to prove nothing can be [Page 73] wise, that is not really honest; every man of that time, and consequently of all times may know, that if he should have used the same freedome among the Grandees of Court (their profession being not commonly to dispute Princes purposes for truths sake, but second their humours to govern their Kingdomes by them) he must infallibly have found Worth, Justice, and Duty lookt up­on with no other eyes but Lamia's; and so have been stained by that reigning faction, which in all Courts allows no faith currant to a Sove­raign, that hath not past the seal of their practising corporation.

Thus stood the Court at that time; and thus stood this ingenuous spirit in it. If dangerously in mens opi­nions who are curious of the present, and in it rather to doe craftily, than well: Yet, I say, that Princely heart of hers was a Sanctuary unto him; And as for the people, in whom ma­ny [Page 74] times the lasting images of Worth are preferred before the temporary visions of art, or favour, he could not fear to suffer any thing there, which would not prove a kind of Trophy to him. So that howsoever he seem­ed to stand alone, yet he stood up­right; kept his access to her Majesty as before; a liberall conversation with the French, reverenced amongst the worthiest of them for himselfe, and born in too strong a fortification of nature for the less worthy to ab­bord, either with question, familia­rity, or scorn.

In this freedome, even while the greatest spirits, and Estates seemed hood-winkt, or blind; and the infe­rior sort of men made captive by hope, fear, ignorance; did he enjoy the freedome of his thoughts, with all recreations worthy of them.

And in this freedome of heart be­ing one day at Tennis, a Peer of this Realm, born great, greater by alli­ance, [Page 75] and superlative in the Princes favour, abruptly came into the Ten­nis-Court; and speaking out of these three paramount authorities, he for­got to entreat that, which he could not legally command. When by the encounter of a steady object, finding unrespectiveness in himself (though a great Lord) not respected by this Princely spirit, he grew to expostu­late more roughly. The returns of which stile comming still from an understanding heart, that knew what was due to it self, and what it ought to others, seemed (through the mists of my Lords passions, swoln with the winde of his faction then reigning) to provoke in yeelding. Whereby, the lesse amazement, or confusion of thoughts he stirred up in Sir Philip, the more shadowes this great Lords own mind was possessed with: till at last with rage (which is ever ill-disciplin'd) he commands them to depart the Court. To this [Page 76] Sir Philip temperately answers; that if his Lordship had been pleased to express desire in milder Chara­cters, perchance he might have led out those, that he should now find would not be driven out with any scourge of fury. This answer (like a Bellows) blowing up the sparks of excess already kindled, made my Lord scornfully call Sir Philip by the name of Puppy. In which progress of heat, as the tempest grew more and more vehement within, so did their hearts breath out their perturbations in a more loud and shrill accent. The French Commissioners unfortunately had that day audience, in those pri­vate Galleries, whose windows look­ed into the Tennis-Court. They in­stantly drew all to this tumult: eve­ry sort of quarrels sorting well with their humors, especially this. Which Sir Philip perceiving, and rising with inward strength, by the prospect of a mighty faction against him; asked [Page 77] my Lord, with a loud voice, that which he heard clearly enough be­fore. Who (like an Echo, that still multiplies by reflexions) repeated this Epithet of Puppy the second time. Sir Philip resolving in one an­swer to conclude both the attentive hearers, and passionate actor, gave my Lord a Lie, impossible (as he aver­red) to be retorted; in respect all the world knows, Puppies are gotten by Dogs, and Children by men.

Hereupon those glorious inequali­ties of Fortune in his Lordship were put to a kinde of pause, by a preci­ous inequality of nature in this Gentleman. So that they both stood silent a while, like a dumb shew in a Tragedy; till Sir Philip sensible of his own wrong, the forrain, and fa­ctious spirits that attended; and yet, even in this question between him, and his superior, tender to his Coun­tries honour; with some words of sharp accent, led the way abruptly [Page 78] out of the Tennis-Court; as if so un­expected an accident were not fit to be decided any farther in that place. Whereof the great Lord making a­nother sense, continues his play, without any advantage of reputati­on; as by the standard of humours in those times it was conceived.

A day Sr Philip remains in suspense, when hearing nothing of, or from the Lord, he sends a Gentleman of worth to awake him out of his trance; wherein the French would assuredly think any pause, if not death, yet a lethargy of true honour in both. This stirred a resolution in his Lordship to send Sir Philip a Challenge. Not­withstanding, these thoughts in the great Lord wandred so long between glory, anger, and inequality of state, as the Lords of her Majesties Coun­sell took notice of the differences, commanded peace, and laboured a reconciliation between them. But needlesly in one respect, and boot­lesly [Page 79] in another. The great Lord be­ing (as it should seem) either not ha­sty to adventure many inequalities against one, or inwardly satisfied with the progress of his own Acts: Sir Philip on the other side confident, he neither had nor would lose, or let fall any thing of his right. Which her Majesties Counsell quickly per­ceiving, recommended this work to her self.

The Queen, who saw that by the loss, or disgrace of either, she could gain nothing, presently undertakes Sir Philip; and (like an excellent Mo­narch) lays before him the difference in degree between Earls, and Gentle­men; the respect inferiors ought to their superiors; and the necessity in Princes to maintain their own crea­tions, as degrees descending between the peoples licentiousness, and the a­noynted Soveraignty of Crowns: how the Gentlemans neglect of the Nobility taught the Peasant to in­sult upon both.

[Page 80] Whereunto Sir Philip, with such reverence as became him, replyed: First, that place was never intended for privilege to wrong: witness her self, who how Soveraign soever she were by Throne, Birth, Education, and Nature; yet was she content to cast her own affections into the same moulds her Subjects did, and govern all her rights by their Laws. Again, he besought her Majesty to consider, that although he were a great Lord by birth, alliance, and grace; yet hee was no Lord over him: and therfore the difference of degrees between free men, could not challenge any o­ther homage than precedency. And by her Fathers Act (to make a Prince­ly wisdom become the more famili­ar) he did instance the Government of K. Henry the eighth, who gave the Gentry free, and safe appeal to his feet, against the oppression of the Grandees; and found it wisdome, by the stronger corporation in number, [Page 81] to keep down the greater in power: inferring else, that if they should u­nite, the over-grown might be temp­ted, by still coveting more, to fall (as the Angels did) by affecting equality with their Maker.

This constant tenor of truth he took upon him; which as a chief duty in all creatures, both to themselves, & the soveraignty above them, protected this Gentleman (though he obeyed not) from the displeasure of his Sove­raign. Wherein he left an authentical president to after ages, that howsoe­ver tyrants allow of no scope, stamp, or standard, but their own will; yet w^th Princes there is a latitude for sub­jects to reserve native, & legall free­dom, by paying hūble tribute in man­ner, though not in matter, to them.

THE next step which he intend­ded into the world, was an ex­pedition [Page 82] of his own projecting; wherein he fashioned the whole bo­dy, with purpose to become head of it himself. I mean the last employ­ment but one of Sir Francis Drake to the West Indies. Which journey, as the scope of it was mixt both of sea, and land service; so had it according­ly distinct Officers, & Commanders, chosen by Sir Philip out of the ablest Governors of those Martiall times. The project was contrived between themselves in this manner; that both should equally be Governours, when they had left the shore of England; but while things were a preparing at home, Sir Fran. was to bear the name, and by the credit of Sir Phil. have all particulars abundantly supplyed.

The reason of which secret carri­age was, the impossibility for Sir Philip to win the Queen, or Govern­ment (out of the value which they rated his worth at) to dispense with an employment for him so remote [Page 83] and of so hazardous a nature. Besides his credit, and reputation with the State lay not that way. So as our provident Magistrates expecting a Prentiship more seriously in Martial, than Mechanical actions; and therein measuring all men by one rule; would (as Sir Philip thought) not easily be­lieve his unexperience equall for a designe of so many divers, and dan­gerous passages: howsoever wise men, even in the most active times have determined this art of Govern­ment, to be rather a riches of nature, than any proper fruit of industry, or education. This (as I said) was one reason, why Sir Philip did cover that glorious enterprize with a cloud. An­other was, because in the doing, while it past unknown, he knew it would pass without interruption; and when it was done, presumed the success would put envy and all her agents to silence.

On the other side Sir Francis found [Page 84] that Sir Philip's friends, with the in­fluence of his excellent inward pow­ers, would add both weight, and fa­shion to his ambition; and conse­quently either with, or without Sir Philip's company, yeeld unexpected ease, and honor to him in this voiage.

Upon these two divers Counsels they treat confidently together; the preparations go on with a large hand amongst our Governors; nothing is denyed Sir Francis that both their propounding hearts could demand. To make which expedition of less difficulty, they kept the particular of this plot more secret than it was pos­sible for them to keep the generall preparations of so great a journey; hoping that while the Spaniard should be forced to arm every where against them, he could not any where be so royally provided to defend himself, but they might land without any great impediment.

In these termes Sir Francis departs [Page 85] from Plimouth with his ships; vowed and resolved that when he staid for nothing but for a wind, the watch word should come post for Sir Philip. The time of the year made haste a­way, & Sr Francis to follow it, either made more haste than needed, or at least seemed to make more than re­ally he did. Notwithstanding, as I dare aver that in his own element he was industrous; so dare I not con­demn his affections in this misprision of time. Howsoever a letter comes post for Sir Philip, as if the whole fleet stayed onely for him, and the wind. In the mean-season the State hath intelligence that Don Antonio was at sea for England, and resolved to land at Plimouth. Sir Philip turning occasion into wisdome, puts himself into the imployment of conducting up this King; and under that veil leaves the Court without suspicion; over-shoots his father-in-law then Secretary of Estate in his own bow; [Page 86] comes to Plimmouth; was feasted the first night by Sir Francis, with a great deale of outward Pomp and comple­ment.

Yet I that had the honor as of be­ing bred with hm from his youth; so now (by his own choice of all Eng­land) to be his loving, and beloved Achates in this journey, observing the countenance of this gallant ma­riner more exactly than Sir Philips leisure served him to doe; after we were laid in bed, acquainted him with my observation of the discoun­tenance, and depression which ap­peared in Sir Francis; as if our com­ing were both beyond his expecta­tion, and desire. Neverthelesse that ingenuous spirit of Sir Philip's, though apt to give me credit, yet not apt to discredit others, made him suspend his own, & labor to change, or qualifie my judgement; Till with­in some few daies after, finding the shippes neither ready according to [Page 87] promise, nor possibly to be made rea­dy in many daies; and withall obser­ving some sparcks of false fire, breaking out unawares from his yoke-fellow daily; It pleased him (in the freedom of our friendship) to return me my own stock, with interest.

All this whlie Don Antonio landes not; the fleet seemed to us (like the weary passengers Inn) still to goe fur­ther from our desires; letters came from the Court to hasten it away: it may be the leaden feet, and nim­ble thoughts of Sir Francis wrought in the day, and unwrought by night; while he watched an opportunity to discover us, without being discove­red.

For within a few daies after a post steales up to the Court, upon whose arrivall an Alarum is presently ta­ken: messengers sent away to stay us, or if we refused, to stay the whole Fleet. Notwithstanding this first [Page 88] Mercury, this errand being partly advertised to Sir Philip beforehand, was intercepted upon the way; his letters taken from him by two reso­lute souldiers in Marriners apparell; brought instantly to Sir Philip, o­pened, and read. The contents as welcome as Bulls of excommunicati­on to the superstitious Romanist, when they enjoyn him either to for­sake his right, or his holy Mother-Church, yet did he sit this first pro­cesse, without noise, or answer.

The next was a more Imperiall Mandate, carefully conveyed, and delivered to himself by a Peer of this Realm; carrying with it in the one hand grace, the other thunder. The grace was an offer of an instant imployment under his Unckle, then going Generall into the Low-Coun­tries; Against which although he would gladly havedemurred; yet the confluence of reason, transcen­dencie of Power, fear of staying the [Page 89] whole Fleet, made him instantly sa­crifise all these salfe places to the du­ty of obedience.

Wherein how unwillingly soever he yeelded up his knowledge, affecti­ons, publique and private endes in that journey; yet did he act this force in a gallant fashion. Opens his reserved ends to the Generall; en­courageth the whole Army with promise of his uttermost assistance; saves Sir Francis Drake from blast­ings of Court, to keep up his reputa­tion amongst those companies which he was presently to command; clea­reth the daseled eyes of that Army, by shewing them, how even in that forrain imployment, which took himself from them, the Queen had engaged herself more waies than one against the Spaniards ambition: so as there was no probability of taking away her Princely hand from such a well-ballanced work of her own.

Neverthelesse as the Limmes of [Page 90] Venus picture, how perfectly soever began, and left by Apelles, yet after his death proved impossible to fi­nish: so that Heroicall design of in­vading, and possessing America, how exactly soever projected, and digest­ed in every minute by Sir Philip, did yet prove impossible to be well acted by any other mans spirit than his own; how sufficient soever his asso­ciate were in all parts of navigation; whereby the success of this journey fell out to be rather fortunate in wealth, than honor.

Whereupon, when Sir Philip found this, and many other of his large, and sincere resolutions imprisoned within the pleights of their fortunes, that mixed good, and evill together unequally; and withall discerned, how the idle-censuring faction at home had won ground of the active adventures abroad; then did this double depression both of things, and men, lift up his active spirit in­to [Page 91] an universall prospect of time, States, and things: and in them made him consider, what impossibi­lity there was for him, that had no delight to rest idle at home, of re­propounding some other forrain en­terprise, probable, and fit to invite that excellent Princesses minde, and moderate Government, to take hold off. The placing of his thoughts upon which high pinnacle, layd the pre­sent Map of the Christian world un­derneath him.

IN which view, nature guiding his eyes, first to his Native Country, he found greatness of worth, and place, counterpoysed there by the arts of power, and favor. The stir­ [...]ng spirits sent abroad as fewell, to keep the flame far off: and the ef­feminate [Page 92] made judges of danger which they fear, and honor which they understand not.

The people (by disposition of the clime) valiant, and multiplying, apt indifferently to corrupt with peace, or refine with action; and therefore to be kept from rust, or mutiny, by no meanes better than by forrain employments: His opinion being that Ilanders have the air and waters so diversly moving about them, as neither peace, nor war, can long be welcome to their humors, which must therefore begovern'd by the active, and yet steady hand of authority. Besides he observed the Sea to have so naturall a Sympathie, with the complexions of them she invirons, as be it in traffique, pira­cie, or war, they are indifferent to wander upon that element; and for the most part apter to follow under­taking chance, than any setled endes in a Marchant-traffique.

[Page 93] Now for the blessed Lady which then governed over us: how equall soever she were in her happy creati­on for peace, or war, and her people (as I have shewed) humble to fol­low her will in either, yet because she resolved to keep within the De­corum of her sex, she shewed herself more ambitious of ballancing neigh­bor Princcs from invading one ano­ther, than under any pretence of title, or revenge, apt to question or conquer upon forrain Princes pos­sessions. And though this moderate course carried her into a defensive war, which commonly falls out ra­ther to be an impoverishing of ene­mies, than any meanes to enrich, or discipline their Estates, that un­dertake it; yet could not all the rackes of loss, injury, or terror, stir this excellent Lady into any further degree of offensive war, than onely the keeping of her Navy abroad, to interrupt the safe-comming home of [Page 94] his Indian Fleet, and hinder the pro­vision, contracted for in all parts of Europe, to furnish another invinci­ble Navy, wherewith he purposed to besiege the world, and therein (as his first step) her divided King­domes.

On the other side, in this survay of forrain Nations, he observed a fa­tall passivenesse generally currant, by reason of strange inequalities be­tween little humors and great for­tunes in the present Princes reigning.

Amongst whom for the first object Henry the third of France appeares to him in the likeness of a good Master, rather than a great King; bu­ried in his pleasures, his Crown de­main exhausted, impositions multi­plyed, the people light, the Nobili­ty prone to move, and consequent­ly his Country apt, through scorn of his effeminate Vices, either to be­come a prey for the strongest under­taker, or else to be Cantonized by [Page 95] self-division. In both which possible disasters, their native wealth, and variety of objects, perchance have made both King, and people (how­soever confusedly erring) yet to live secured by the providence of chance.

Again, he saw the vast body of the Empire resting (as in a dream) upon an immoveable centre of self-great­ness; and under this false assumpsit, to have laid the bridle on the neck of the Emperor, to work them arti­ficially, with a gentle, or steady hand, to his own will.

And to confirm, and multiply this clowdy danger, he discerned how that creeping Monarchie of Rome (hy her Arch-instruments the Iesuits) had already planted fine Schooles of serving humanity in di­verse of their reformed Cities: inten­ding so to tempt this welbelieving people, with that old forbidden tree of knowledge, as they might sin des­perately [Page 96] against their own Estates, before they knew it.

The like mist these crafty-raisers invented (as he thought) to cast o­ver that well-united fabrick of the Hanses: whose endes being meerly wealth, and their seats invironed on every side with active, and power­full neighbors, would (in all proba­bility) make them as jealous of ab­solute Princes in prosperity, as zea­lous in distress to seek protection under them. So that they being at this time grown mighty by combi­nation, if they should be neglected, would prove apt, and able to sway the ballance unequally to the endes of the stronger.

Besides, he discerned yet a greater, and more malignant aspect from that spreading Monarchie of Spain; which absolutely commanding the house of Austria, governing the Con­clave, and having gotten, or affect­ing to get a commanding intelli­gence [Page 97] over these Cities; would soon multiply unavoidable danger, both to themselves, and us, by mixing the temporall, and spirituall sword, to their crafty conquering ends.

Nay more; how upon the same foundation they had begunne yet a more dangerous party, even a­mongst the German Princes them­selves; by adding to the fatall oppo­sition of Religion between them, the hopes, feares, jealousie, tempta­tions of reward, or loss, with all the unnaturall seeds of division; which might make them, through these confused threatnings, and extice­ments, to become an easie prey for the Spaniards watchfull, unsa­tiable, and much promising ambi­tion.

He likewise observed, Battorie that gallant man, but dangerously aspi­ring King of Poland, to be happily peised by the ancient competition between him, and his Nobility, [Page 98] and as busie to encroch upon their Marches, and add more to his own limited Soveraignty, as they were to draw down those few preroga­tives it had, into that well mixt, and ballanced Aristocracie of theirs.

Denmark, howsoever by the oppor­tunity, and narrowness of his Sound, restrained to the selfness of profit; yet by discipline, and seat, able to second an active undertaker with shipping, money, &c. But too wise, with these strengths to help any forrain Prince to become Empe­ror over himself, or otherwise to entangle his Estate offensively; or defensively in common Actions.

The Sweden environed, or rather im­prisoned with great and dangerous neighbours, and enemies. The Polae pretending Title to his Kingdom, and with a continuall claim by sword, inforceing him to a per­petuall defensive charge. The King of Denmark being unsafe to him up­on [Page 99] every occasion, by ill neighbour-hood among active Princes. And lastly, the barbarous Moscovite, onely quiet through his own distresse, and oppressions else-where. So as like a Prince thus strictly invironed, the King of Sweden could not (among Princes) stand as any pregnant place of exorbitant help, or terror; other­wise than by money.

The Switzers swoln with equality; divided at home; enemies, yet ser­vants to Monarchies; not easily op­pressed, in the opinion of those times; nor able to doe any thing of note alone: and so a dangerous body for the soul of Spanie to infuse de­signes into.

The Princes of Italy carefull to bind one another by common cau­tion; restrained from the freedom of their own counsells, by force of stronger powers above them, and as busie in keeping down their people, to multiply profit out of them, as to [Page 100] entise the stranger thither, to gain moderately by him. Through which narrow kind of wisdom, they being become rather Merchant than Mo­narchall States, were confined from challenging their own, or enlarging their dominions upon neighbors; and lastly, in aspect to other Princes rights, conjured within neutrall Circles, by the mysticall practise of an abusing Conclave, and aspiring Monarch of Spain.

The Moscovite bridled by his bar­barous neighbor the Tartar; and through natural ignorance, and inci­vility, like a poor Tenant upon a rich Farm, unequall to his inferiors.

The Grand Signior asleep in his Sa­raglia; as having turned the ambiti­on of that growing Monarchy into idle lust; corrupted his Martiall dis­cipline; prophaned his Alcoran, in making war against his own Church, and not in person, but by his Basha's; consequently by all apparance, de­clining [Page 101] into his people by such, but more precipitate degrees, as his active Ancestors had climbed above them.

Now while all these Princes lived thus fettered within the narrowness of their own Estates, or humors; Spain managing the Popedome by voi­ces, and pensions among the Cardi­nals, and having the sword both by land, & sea in his hand; seemed like­wise to have all those Western-parts of the world, laid as a Tabula rasa be­fore him, to write where he pleased; Yo el Ré. And that which made this fatal prospect the more probable, was his golden Indian Mines; kept open, not only to feed, and carry his threat­ning Fleets, & Armies, where he had will, or right to goe; but to make way, and pretense for more, where he list, by corrupting, and terrifying the chief Counsels both of Christian and Heathen Princes. Which tempting, and undermining course had already given such reputation both to his Ci­vill [Page 102] and Martiall actions; that he was even then grown as impossible to please, as dangerous to offend.

And out of which fearfull Alma­nack this wakeful Patriot, besides an universall terror upon all Princes, saw (as I said) that this immense power of Spain did cast a more parti­cular aspect of danger upon his na­tive Countrey: and such as was not likely to be prevented, or secured by any other Antidote, than a generall league among free Princes, to under­take this undertaker at home. To make this course plausible, though he knew the Qu. of England had already engaged her fortunes into it, by pro­tecting the States Generall, yet per­ceiving her Governours (as I said) to sit at home in their soft chairs, playing fast or loose with them that ventured their lives abroad; he pro­vidently determined that while Spain had peace, a Pope, money, or credit; and the world men, necessity, [Page 103] or humors; the war could hardly be determined upon this Low-Coun­trey stage.

Because if the neighbour-hood of Flanders, with help of the suddain sea passage, should tempt these united Princes to fall upon that limb of the Spanish Empire; it would prove (as he supposed) an assailing of him in the strongest seat of his war; where all exchanges, passages, and supplies were already setled to his best ad­vantage: and so a force bent against him, even where himself could wish it.

Flanders being a Province reple­nished with offensive, and defensive Armies: and fortified with divers strong Cities: of which the assailing Armies must be constrained, either to leave many behind them, or else to hazard the loss of time, and their gallantest Troops in besieging of one.

Again he conceived that France it self was like enough to be tender, in [Page 104] seconding our designes with horse, or foot there; our neighbour-hood up­on the same Continent (out of old acquaintance) not being over-wel­come to them, as he presumed. And for succors from other Princes; they were to come far, and pass through divers dominions with difficulty, di­straction, loss of time, and perchance loose-handed discipline.

And so concludes, first, that it would be hard for us to become ab­solute Masters of the field in Flanders, or to ground our assailing of him there upon any other argument, than that ever-betraying Fallax of under­valuing our enemies, or setling un­dertaking Counsels upon market­mens Intelligence, as Caesar saith the French in his time used to do. Which confident wayes, without any curi­ous examination what power the ad­verse party hath prepared to en­counter, by defense, invasion, or di­vision, must probably make us losers, [Page 105] both in men, money, and reputation. And upon these and the like assump­sits he resolved, there were but two ways left to frustrate this ambitious Monarchs designes. The one, that which diverted Hanibal, and by set­ting fire on his own house made him draw in his Spirits to comfort his heart; the other that of Iason by fetching away his golden Fleece, and not suffering any one man quietly to enjoy that, which every man so much affected.

TO carry war into the bowels of Spain, and by the assistance of the Netherlands, burn his shipping in all havens as they passed along; and in that passage surprize some well­chosen place for wealth, & strength: easie to be taken, and possible to be [Page 106] kept by us: he supposed to be the safest, most quick, and honourable Counsell of diversion. Because the same strength of shipping which was offensively imployed to carry forces thither; and by the way to interrupt all Martiall preparations, and provi­sions of that griping state; might by the convenient distance between his Coast, & ours (if the Spaniard should affect to pay us with our own mo­nies) fitly be disposed both wayes; and so like two arms of a naturall bo­dy (with little addition of charge) defend, and offend; spend and sup­ply at one time.

Or, if we found our own stock, or neighbours contribution strong e­nough to follow good success to greater designes; then whether our adventure once more, in stirring up spirit in the Portugall against the Ca­stilians tyranny over them, were not to cast a chance for the best part of his wealth, reputation, & strength, both [Page 107] of men and shipping in all his domi­nions.

Again, lest the pride of Spain should be secretly ordain'd to scourge it self, for having been a scourge to so ma­ny, and yet in this reall inquisition e­scape the audacity of undertaking Princes; Sir Philip thought fit to put the world in mind, that Sevill was a fair City; secure in a rich soyl, and plentiful traffique; but an effeminate kind of people, guarded with a con­quering name; and consequently a fair bait to the piercing eyes of ambi­tious Generals, needy Souldiers, and greedy Mariners. In like sort hee mentioned Cales, as a strength, and key to her traffiquefull, & navigable river, not fit to be neglected in such a defensive, and diverting enterprise, but at least to be examined.

Lastly, whether this audacity of undertaking the conqueror at home; would not, with any moderate suc­cess, raise up a new face of things in [Page 108] those parts; and suddainly stir up many spirits, to move against the same power, under which they long have bin slavishly conjur'd, & by this affront, prove a deforming blemish in the nice fortune of a fearfull usurper?

Or if that shall be thought an un­dertaking too full of charge, hazard, or difficulty; then whether it wil not be just in the wisdome of Estate, ma­naged among active Princes; that as Qu. Elizabeth had ever been tender, in preserving her Soveraignty upon the narrow seas; and wisely conside­red, how nature, to maintain that birth-right of hers, had made all wars by sea far more cheap, proper, and commodious to her, than any expe­dition upon land could possibly be: I say, whether to continue this claim, would not prove honour to her self, advantage to her traffique, and repu­tation to her people; I mean, if shee should please, in those cloudy hu­mors, & questions reigning between [Page 109] her self, and other Princes, to keep a strong successive fleet, all seasonable times of the year, upon this pretty Sleeve, or Ocean of hers? I say, to keep them as provident surveyers what did passe from one state to another, wherein the law of Nature, or Nati­ons had formerly given her interest to an offensive, or defensive security. A Regall inquisition, and worthy of a sea-Soveraign, without wronging friends, or neighbours, to have a per­fect intelligence what they had, or wanted for delicacy, peace, or war in generall: And in particular, a clear perspective glass into her enemies Merchant, or Martiall traffique, ena­bling this Queen so to ballance this ambitious Leviathan in either kind; as the little fishes, his fellow Citizens, might travell, multiply, & live quiet­ly by him under the protecton of na­ture.

Again, let us consider, whether out of this, or the like Audit, it will not [Page 110] be found a just tribute to opportuni­ty, the rudder of all state wisedoms. That as Qu. Elizabeth was a Sove­raign, which rested with her sex at home, and yet moved all sexes a­broad to their own good; whether (I say) as she from a devoted zeal to the Church, had by Sir Nich. Throgmorton, in the beginning of her reign, stirred up spirits in that over-mitred French Kingdom, to become watchful guar­dians of peace, and Religion there. I say, whether in the same Christian providence there might not, by the neglect, or breach of many Treaties, an occasion be justly taken to reap a reasonable harvest out of that well­chosen seed time, by receiving Rochel, Brest, Bourdeaux, or any other place upon that Continent, distressed for Religion, into her absolute protecti­on? Nevertheless, not with intent of reconquering any part of her ancient Domanies, lineally descended from many ancestors; howsoever those [Page 111] places so taken may seem seated like tempters of Princes, to plead in the Court of Mars such native, though discontinued rights, as no time can prescribe against; but only to keep those humble religious souls free from oppression, in that super-Jesui­ted soveraignty.

In which religious designe to en­courage the Qu. he advised us to ex­amine if the diversions naturally ri­sing amongst their unlimited French Grandees, grown up per saltum with their Kings above Laws, Parliaments, and Peoples freedom; would not in all probability cast up som light dust into their superiors eys, as tributes to their common Idol Discorder; and so perchance either by treaty, or sight of the first Army, stir up Bouillon, & Ro­han for Religion; other Roytelets w^th hope to make safe their subaltern governments, even through the ru­ines of that over-soring soveraignty?

And is not as probable again, that [Page 112] even the greatest Cities, raised and standing upon the like waving en­croachments of time, & advantagi­ous power would readily become jealous of the least strict hand carried over them, by interruption of traf­fique, greediness of Governors, pride of their own wealth, or indefinite impositions; as Paris, Bourdeaux, Mar­seilles, Roan, or Lyons? whereby they might likewise be tempted, either to run head-long with the stream, or at the least to stand at gaze, and leave the Heraldry of Princes to be deci­ded by the stronger party, as for the most part, they hitherto have been.

Nay in this Climax to come nearer yet; is it probable that even the Ca­tholique Princes, and Provinces en­vironing this vast Kingdome, would (as now they doe) for want of vent, break their hopes, and servilly run out upon the ground like water, and not rather when this new rent should appear, chuse to shake off a charge­able, [Page 109] & servile yoke of Mountebank holiness under Spanish Rome, and to that end presently mingle money, counsels, and forces with ours? As quickly resolved that this way of a ballancing union, amongst absolute Princes, would prove quieter rest for them, and sounder foundations for us, than our former parties did, when we conquered France, more by such factious & ambitious assistances, than by any odds of our Bows, or Beef-ea­ters, as the French were then scornful­ly pleas'd to terme us: I say, even when in the pride of our conquests, we strove to gripe more than was possible for us to hold; as appears by our being forced to come away, and leave our ancestors bloud, and bones behind, for Monuments not of enjoy­ing, but of over-griping & expulsion.

So that the sum of all is; whether the taking or surprize of Cales, Rochel, Bourdeaux, or some such other good out, or inlet upon that Mayn, offered, into our protection, would not prove [Page 110] honour to us, as a brave earnest either to war, or peace? Beneficiall to the French King, and Crown against their wills; as manifesting to their hot spi­rits, and young Councels, that under­taking is not all? And besides clearly shewing, in Mars his true glass, how that once wel-formed Monarchy had by little, and little, let fal her ancient, and reverend pillars, (I mean Parlia­ments, Lawes, and Customes) into the narrowness of Proclamations, or Imperiall Mandates: by which like bastard children of tyranny she hath transformed her Gentry into Pea­sants, her Peasants into slaves, Magi­stracy into Sale works, Crown-reve­nue into Impositions. And therein likewise published the differences between Monarchs, and Tyrants so clearly to the world, as hereafter all Estates, that would take upon their necks the yoke of Tyranny, must justly be reputed voluntary slaves in the choice of that passive bondage.

Whereby, one question naturally [Page 111] begetting another, the next (as I take it) must be what this Austrian aspiring familie would doe, while these two Kingdoms should stand thus engaged? Whether invade the King of Denmark alone, hoping by his ruine to subdue the yet subdued Princes of Germany to get the Sound, and Eastern Seas, with all their Ma­ritime riches into his power: to bring the Hanse Towns into some captivated subjections, and thereby become Soveraign over all Eastern traffique by Sea, and land? Or else by lulling France asleep with Imperiall Matches, or promises, finde means to steal the Flower-de-luce into the Lyons garland; and in that currant of prosperity to Citadellize the long oppressed Netherlands into a te­nure of uttermost bondage; and so build up his Eagles nest above the threatning of any inferior Region.

But it many times pleaseth God by the breaking out of concealed flash­es from these fatall cloudes of craft, [Page 112] or violence, to awake even the most superstitious Princes out of their en­chanted dreams; and cause them to resist suddainly to make head a­gainst this devouring Sultan, with leagues offensive, and defensive; And by an unexpected union to become such frontier neighbours to this Crown-hunter, as he might with great reason doubt their trading up­on his large cloven feet, who inten­ded to have set them so heavily up­on the heads of many more ancient States, Peoples, or Scepters than his own. And lastly, in the same press, by this one affront in the Lions face, publishing to the world that power is infinite no where but in God: so as the first blow well stricken, most commonly succeeds with honor, and advantage to the judicious, able, and active undertakers.

Out of which divine providence, governing all second causes by the first, is it not probable that even the naturall vicissitudes of war, and [Page 113] peace, would bring forth some active propositions between these many waies allied Kingdomes of England, and France, to a perfect reconciliati­on, and as many again of irreconci­liable division between them, and Spain? France being stirred up by a joint counsell, and proposition of assistance, to the recovery of her long sleeping rights in Navarre, or Naples; and England onely to distract this ambitious Monarch from his late Custom, in deposing Kings, and Princes, as Navarre, Portugall, the Palatine, Brunswick, and &c. as in a se­cond course of his devouring glutto­ny, interrupt him from future pro­secutions of Denmark, and Germany it self, to the same end; with his con­stant intent, to bring all the earth under one mans tyranny.

To prevent which deluge of bound­less power, Sir Philip was of opinion, that more than charge, it could be no prejudice; if to the unvizarding of this masked triplicity between [Page 114] Spain, Rome and the Soveraign Iesu­its of France; I say if the Queen, as de­fendress of the faith, for a main pledg of this new offensive, and defensive undertaken league, would be plea­sed to assist the French King with the same forces by Sea, or land, where­with, till then, she had justly opposed against him. And consequently put­ing the Spaniard from an offensive, to a defensive War, manifestly pub­lish, and give credit to this unbelie­ved truth, viz. that this Arch-Con­queror never intended other favor to the Pope, Emperor, or Iesuits, in all this conjunction, than Poliphemus promised to Ʋlysses, which was, that they should be the last whom he purposed to devour.

And farther to encourage these great Princes in this true balancing designe with the chargeable, and thorny passages proper to it; he pro­vidently saw the long threatned Dutchie of Savoy would be in their view: with assurance that this active [Page 115] Prince would think it a safe diversi­sion of dangers from his domesticall Estate, and a fit stage to act his for­rain cobwebbs upon, if he might have them shadowed under the wings of stronger, and every way more able Powers; without which his mean Estate must in all probabi­lity force him to shift his outward garments perchance too often.

The Venetians again, foreseeing with their Aristocraticall jealousie, that their Estate had onely two pregnant dangers hanging over it; the one Eastward from the grand Signior, who easily moves not his encom­passing half Moon; the other West­ward from this Solyman of Spain, whose unsatiable ambition, they knew, would rest upon no centre, but creep along the Mediterranean Seas, till he might (contrary to the nature of those waters) over-flow all weak; or secure neighbor Princes, without any other title, or quarrell, than Stet pro ratione voluntas. And foreseeing a­gain [Page 116] in this suddain violence, that they could expect no Estate to be selfly engaged in their succor; but must re­solve to stand, or fall alone by that course. Where, on the other side, if the Eastern half-Moon should but seem to move towards them, they were assured to have all the Estates of Europe, engaged by their own in­terests, to joine with them. Upon this view there is no doubt, but that wise City would have resolved it to be a choice of less evill, to joine with these great Princes, in diverting his Spanish gallies, and galleons by Sea, and his inveterate Armies by land from disturbing, or subjecting the safety, and traffique of all Christen­dom to his seven patch'd coated Kingdomes, rather than for want of heart or opportunity, to stand neuter (as they doe) and become treasurers both of money, and munition for him, that already intends thus to conquer them, and enjoy it.

Again, shall we (said Sir Philip) in [Page 117] these collections of particulars, for­get the State of Italy it self? which excellent temper of spirits, earth, and aire, having long been smothered, and mowed down by the differing Tyrannies of Spain, and Rome, shall we not be confident they would, up­on the approaching of these armies, both stir up those benumbed Sove­raignties, which onely bear the name of free Princes, to affect their own Manumissions, & help to chase away these succeeding and oppressing Garrisons, whose fore-fathers forma­ny yeares had sold life, libertie, and lawes for eight pence the day; and so resolutely oppose those Spanish­born, or Spanish-sworn Tyrannies, which have for divers ages Lorded over that most equally tempered Nation.

Or whether the winter in those Seas, giving opportunity without suspition, may not encourage the Claim of our old rights in the King­dom of Sicilie, more legall than most [Page 118] of his Spanish intrusions; and there­in be welcome to the Grand Signior, the freedom of Algiers, even to Italy it self. And besides, if we prospered, yield abundance of wealth by spoil, and trade: with such a seat for di­version, or possession, as by many vi­sible, and invisible helps, might be kept, or put away with infinite ad­vantage?

Lastly, he made a Quaere, whether the Pope himself would not (like a secular Prophet) to keep his becom­ing Chaplain a little the farther off; either wink, or at least delay his thundering curses, or supplies of Pe­ter-pence against these qualifying Ar­mies, onely to moderate the over­greatnesse of his Spanish Monarchie? whose infancie having been nourish­ed under the Miters holy water, and sophistries of his practising Conclaves, dares now imperiously publish to the world a resolution, of taking all other distinctions from amongst men, saving that Canonicall regi­ment [Page 119] of wit and might, whereby he might so preserve his spirituall am­bition entire, without any charge or change of Religion, or Soveraignties from one hand to another, but like a holy father mediate the restoring of Italy to her ancient free, and distinct Principalities. Whereby now by this moderate course, admit the Pope for his part, should impair his temporall profits, and subaltern jurisdiction a while; yet shall he be sure, (as I said) to multiply his spirituall honors, and inlarge that Kingdom, by these works of Supererogation. And by joyning with his fellow Princes in a contribution, by way of accompt, or countenance to pay these great Ar­mies, be sure to sit rent-free under his, and their own vines, as absolute spirituall, and temporall Princes ought to doe?

From which (saith he) this con­clusion will probably follow; that the undertaking of this Antonie sin­gle, I mean France, would prove a [Page 120] begetting of brave occasions jointly to disturb this Spanish Ottoman, in all his waies of crafty, or forcible conquests. Especially since Queen Eli­zabeth, the standard of this con­junction, would infallibly incline to unite with the better part, and by a suddain changing of Mars his Impe­rious Ensignes, into a well ballanced treaty of universall Peace, restore and keep the world within her old equilibrium or bounds.

And the rather, because her long custom in governing, would quickly have made her discern, that it had been impossible, by force, or any human wisdom to have qualified these over-grown Combinations of Spain; but onely by a countermining of party with party, and a distracting of exorbitant desires, by casting a gray-headed cloud of fear over them; thereby manifesting the well disguised yokes of bondage, under which our Modern Conquerors would craftily entice the Nown-ad­jective-natured [Page 121] Princes, and subjects of this time to submit their necks. A map (as it pleased her to say) of his secrets, in which she confessed her­self to be the more ripe, because un­der the like false Ensignes, though perchance better masked, she had seen Philip the second after the same measure, or with little difference, to Henry the third of France, a princi­pall fellow-member in that earthly founded, though heavenly seeming Church of Rome, when he redelivered Amiers, Abbeville, &c. together with that fouldier-like passage made by the Duke of Parma through France, to the relief of Paris; yet whether this provident Philip did frame these spe­cious charities of a conqueror, Au­gustus-like, aspiring to live after death greater than his successor; or providently foreseeing that the di­vers humors in succeeding Princes, would prove unable to maintain such green usurpations, in the heart of a Kingdom competitor with his [Page 122] seven-headed Hydra kept together onely by a constant and unnaturall wheel of fortune, till some new child of hers, like Henry the fourth, should take his turn in restoring all unjust combinations or encroch­ments; or lastly, whether, like a true cutter of Cumine seedes, he did not craftily lay these hypocritall sacrifi­ces upon the Altar of death, as peace­offerings from pride to the temple of fear, as smoaks dying of a disea­sed conscience choked up with inno­cent bloud: of all which perplexed pedigrees, I know not what to de­termine otherwise; than that these Tyrannicall enchrochments doe car­ry the images of Hell, and her thun­der-workers, in their own breasts, as fortune doth misfortunes in that wind-blown, vast, and various womb of hers.

Or if this should seem of too high a nature, or too many chargeable parts: then whether to begin again where we left and by the example [Page 123] of Drake, a mean born subject to the Crown of England, invade, possess, & [...]nhabite some well chosen havens in Peru, Mexico, or both, were not to strike at the root, & assail him where he is weakest; & yet gathers his chie­fest strength to make himself Mo­narch over all the Western Climes? supplyes being as easie to us, as to him, we having both winds, and seas indifferently open between us.

UPon due consideration of which particulars, he fore-seeing that each of the former required greater resolution, union, and expense, than the naturality, diffidence, and quiet complexion of the Princes then reig­ning could well bear; and besides the freedome of choyce to bee taken a­way, or at the least obstructed by fa­tall mists of ignorance, or factious counsells reigning among the Mini­sters of Kings: he resolved from the [Page 124] grounds of his former intended voi­age with Sir Francis Drake, that the only credible means left, was, to as­sail him by invasion, or incursion (as occasion fell out) in some part of that rich, and desert West-Indian Mine.

First, because it is an observation among the wisest, that as no man is a Prophet in his own Countrey; so all men may get honour much cheaper far off than at home, and at sea more easily than at land.

Secondly, in respect he discovered the Spanish conquests in those re­mote parts, so much noised through­out the world, to be indeed like their Jesuits Miracles; which comming far, were multiplied by Fame and Art, to keep other Nation sin wonder, and blind worship.

Thirdly, out of confident beliefe, that their inhumane cruelties had so dispeopled, & displeased those coun­treys; that as he was sure to find no great power to withstand him; so might he well hope the Reliques of [Page 125] those oppressed Cimerons would joy­fully take Arms with any forrainer to redeem their liberty, and revenge their parents bloud.

Fourthly, by reason the scale of di­stance between Spain & America was so great; as it infallibly assured Sir Philip, he should find leasure enough to land, fortifie, and become Master of the field, before any succour could come thither to interrupt him.

Fiftly, the pride, delicacy, and secu­rity of the Spaniard, which made him live without Discipline; and trust more to the greatness of his name a­broad, than any strength, order, cou­rage, or munition at home.

Sixtly, Sir Philip prophecying what the pedigrees of Princes did warrant, I mean the happy conjunction of of Scotland, to these populous Realms England & Ireland; foresaw, that if this multitude of people were not studiously husbanded, and disposed, they would rather diminish, than add any strength to this Monarchy. [Page 126] Which danger (he conjectured) could only by this designe of forrain im­ploiment, or the peaceable harvest of manufactures at home, be safely pre­vented.

The seventh, and a chief motive in­deed was, that no other action could be less subject to emulation of Court, less straining to the present humors of State, more concurring with expe­ctation, and voice of time; nor where­in there was greater possibility of improving merit, wealth, & friends.

Lastly, he did, as all undertakers must doe, believe that there is ever good intelligence between chance & hazard, and so left some things not summed up before hand by exact mi­nutes. But rather thought good to venture upon the cast of a Rubicon Dy; either to stop his springs of gold, and so drie up that torrent which carried his subduing Armies every where; or else by the wakefull pro­vidence of threatned neighbors, force him to waft home that conquering [Page 127] Metall with infinite charge, and not­withstanding unwarranted from en­riching those enemies, whom he prin­cipally studied to suppress by it.

To confirm which opinion, he fore­saw how this racked vanity of the Spanish government (intending to work a change in the free course of nature) had interdicted all manu­facture, traffick, or vent by sea, or land, between the natives of Ameri­ca, & all nations else, Spain excepted. And withall, to make the barrenness of Spain more fertile, how he had im­proved that idle Castilian, by imploy­ments, in activeness, wealth, and au­thority over those vanquished crea­tures; suffering the poor native Ame­ricans to be supprest with heavy im­positions, discouraging idleness, bon­dage of laws, sheering of the humble sheep to cloath the proud devouring Wolves; finally, under these, & such like quintessences of tyranny striving (as I said) even besides nature, to make barren Spain the Monarchy, & [Page 128] that every way more fertile America to be the Province. All which affecti­ons of power to be wiser, & stronger than the truth, this Gentleman con­cluded would in fulnes of time make manifest; that the heavy can no more be forced to ascend, and rest fixed there, than the light to goe down­ward, as to their proper center.

Notwithstanding, the state of Ty­rants is so sublime, and their errors founded upon such precipitate steps, as this growing Spaniard both did, doth, and ever will travell (with his forefathers in Paradise) to be equall, or above his Maker; and so to impri­son divine laws within the narrownes of will, and humane wisdome, with the fettred selfsnesses of cowardly or other confident Tyranny. In which preposterous courses, to prevent all possibility of commotion, let the Reader be pleased to observe, how that continually he forceth his own subjects free-denized in Ameri­ca, to fetch weapons of defence, con­quest, [Page 129] invasion; as well as ornament, wealth, necessity, and delicacy, out of Spain, meerly to retain want, supply, price, weight, fashion, and measure, still (contrary to nature) in that bar­ren Crown of Castile, with an abso­lute power resting in himself to rock, or ease both peoples, according to the waving ends of an unsteddy, and sharp pointed Pyramis of power.

Nay, to rise yet a step higher in this bloudy pride; Sir Philip, our unbelie­ved Cassandra, observed this limit­less ambition of the Spaniard to have chosen that uttermost Citadell of bondage, I mean the Inquisition of Spain, for her instrument. Not, as in former Masks, to prune, or govern; but in a confidence rising out of the old age of superstitious fantasms, ut­terly to root out all seeds of humane freedom; and (as Sr Philip conceived) with fatal dissolution to it self. In re­spect that these types of extremity would soon publish to the world, what little difference Tyrants strive [Page 130] to leave between the creation, use, and honor of men, and beasts, valu­ing them indifferently but as Coun­ters, to sum up the divers, nay con­trary uses, and Audits of sublime and wandring supremacy, which true glass would (in this Gentlemans opi­nion) shew the most dull & coward­ly eye, that Tyrants be not nursing Fathers, but step-fathers; and so no anointed deputies of God, but rather lively Images of the dark Prince, that sole author of dis-creation, and dis­order, who ever ruines his ends with over-building.

Lastly, where his reason ended, there many divine Precepts, and Ex­amples did assure him, that the ven­geance of God must necessarily hang over those hypocriticall cruelties, which under colour of converting souls to him, sent millions of better than their own, they cared not whi­ther: And in stead of spreading Chri­stian religion by good life, commit­ted such terrible inhumanities, as [Page 131] gave those that lived under nature manifest occasion to abhor the devi­ly characters of so tyrannical a deity.

Now though this justice of the Al­mighty be many times slow, & there­fore neglected here on earth; yet (I say) under the only conduct of this star did Sir Philip intend to revive this hazardous enterprize of Plant­ing upon the Main of America; pro­jected, nay undertaken long before, (as I shewed you) but ill executed in the absence of Sir Philip; with a de­signe to possess Nombre de Dios, or some other haven near unto it, as places, in respect of the little distance between the two seas, esteemed the fittest Rendez-vouz for supply, or re­treat of an Army upon all occasions. And besides, by that means to circle in his wealth and freedome, with a joynt fore-running Fleet; to the end, that if the fortune of Conquest pro­spered not with them, yet he should infallibly pay the charge of both Na­vies, with infinite loss, and dis-repu­tation to the Spaniard.

[Page 132] And in this project Sir Philip pro­ceeded so far with the united Pro­vinces, as they yeelded to assist, and second the ships of his Soveraign, un­der his charge, with a fleet of their own. Which, besides a present addi­tion of strength, he knew would lead in others by example.

Again, for supply of these Armies, he had (out of that naturall tribute, which all free spirits acknowledge to superior worth) won 30 Gentlemen of great bloud, and state here in Eng­land, every man to sell one hundred pounds land, to second, and counte­nance this first Fleet with a stronger.

Now when these beginnings were by his own credit and industrie thus well setled: then to give an excellent form to a reall work, hee contrived this new intended Plantation, not like an Assylum for fugitives, a Bellum Piraticum for Banditi, or any such base Ramas of people; but as an Em­porium for the confluence of all Nations that love, or profess any [Page 133] kinde of vertue, or Commerce.

Wherein to incite those that tarri­ed at home to adventure, he pro­pounded the hope of a sure, and rich return. To Martiall men he opened wide the door of sea and land, for fame and conquest. To the nobly ambitious the far stage of America, to win honour in. To the Religious di­vines, besides a new Apostolicall cal­ling of the last heathen to the Chri­stian faith, a large field of reducing poor Christians, mis-led by the Ido­latry of Rome, to their mother Primi­tive Church. To the ingenuously in­dustrious variety of natural richesses, for new mysteries, and manufactures to work upon. To the Merchant, with a simple people, a fertile, and unexhausted earth. To the fortune­bound, liberty. To the curious, a fruitfull womb of innovation. Gene­rally the word gold was an attra­ctive Adamant, to make men venture that which they have, in hope to grow rich by that which they have not.

[Page 134] What the expectation of this voy­age was, the time past can best wit­nes; but what the success should have been (till it be revived by some such generous undertakers) lies hid in Gods secret judgements, who did at once cut off this Gentlemans life, and so much of our hope.

Upon these enterprises of his, I have presumed to stand the longer, be­cause from the ashes of this first pro­pounded voyage to America▪ that fa­tall Low Country action sprang up, in which this worthy Gentleman lost his life. Besides, I do ingenuously con­fess, that it delights me to keep com­pany with him, even after death; e­steeming his actions, words, and con­versation, the daintiest treasure my mind could then lay up; or can at this day impart with our posteritie.

THerefore to come at the last to that diverting imployment, [Page 135] promised to him under his Uncle in the Low-Countries: he was, upon his return to the Court, instantly made for Garrison, Governor of Flu­shing, and for the Field, General of the Horse; in both which charges, his car­riage testified to the world, wisdome, and valour, with addition of honour to his Country by them.

For instance; how like a Souldier did he behave himself, first in contri­ving, then in executing the surprise of Axil? where he revived that anci­ent, and secure discipline of order, & silence in their March; and after their entrance into the town, placed a band of choice souldiers to make a stand in the Market-place, for securitie to the rest, that were forced to wander up and down by direction of Com­manders; and when the service was done, rewarded that obedience of discipline in every one, liberally, out of his own purse.

How providently again did he pre­serve the lives and honor of our En­glish [Page 136] Army, at that enterprise of Gravelin? where though he was guid­ed by directions given him; yet whe­ther out of arguments drawn from the person of La Motte, Commander of that town, who had a generall re­putation of too much worth, either Simon-like to deceive, or easily to be deceived; or out of the strength and importance of that place, precious to the owner in many respects, the least of which would redouble loss to the growing ambition of a Conqueror; or whether upon caution given by in­telligence; or whatsoever light of di­version else; he (I say) was resolute not to hazzard so many principall Gentlemen, with such gallant Troops and Commanders which accompa­nied him, in that flattering expediti­on. Yet because he kept this steady counsel in his own bosome, there was labouring on every side to obtain the honour of that service. To all which gallant kind of competition, he made this answer, that his own comming [Page 137] thither was to the same end, wherein they were now become his rivalls; & therfore assured them, that he would not yeeld any thing to any man, which by right of his place was both due to himself, and consequently dis­grace for him to execute by others: again, that by the same rule, he would never consent to hazzard them that were his friends, and in divers re­spects his equalls, where he found reason to make many doubts, and so little reason to venture himself.

Yet as a Commander, concluding something fit to be done, equally for obedience and triall, he made the in­ferior sort of Captains try their for­tune by dice upon a drums head: the lot fell upon Sir William Brown his own Lieuetenant, who with a choice company presently departed, recei­ving this provisionall caution from Sir Philip, that if he found practise, & not faith, he should streight throw down his Arms, and yeeld himself prisoner; protesting that if they took [Page 138] him, he should be ransomed; if they broke quarter, his death most severe­ly revenged.

On these forlorn companies go with this Leader, & before they came into the town, found all outward sig­nals exactly performed; when they were entred, every street safe and quiet, according to promise, till they were past any easie recovery of the gate; then instantly out of the cellars under ground, they were charged by Horse and Foot. The Leader, follow­ing his Generalls commandement, discovers the treason, throws down his arms, and is taken prisoner. The rest of the company retire, or rather fly towards their ships, but stil woun­ded and cut off by pursuit of their enemies; till at length a Serjeant of a band, with fifteen more, all Sidney's men (I mean such as could die to win honour, and do service to their coun­try) made a halt, and being fortunate­ly mixt of pikes, halberds, and mus­kets, resolved to be slain with their [Page 139] backs to their friends, and their faces to their enemies; they moved, or stai­ed with occasion; and were in both continually charged with Foot and Horse, till in the end eight were slain, and eight left alive. With these the Serjeant wounded at the side with a square die out of a field-piece, made this brave retreat within view, and at last protection of their own Navy; bringing home even in the wounds, nay ruins of himself, and company, reputation of courage, and Martiall discipline to his Country.

Moreover, in those private acci­dents of discontentment & quarrell, which naturally accompany great spirits in the best governed Camps, how discreetly did Sir Philip ballance that brave Hollock, made head of a party against his Uncle? When put­ing himself between indignities of­fered to his Soveraign, through the Earl of Leicesters person; and yet not fit for a supreme Governors place to ground a duel upon; he brought [Page 140] those passionate charges, which the Count Hollock addressed upwards to the Earl down by degrees upon him­self. Where that brave Count Hol­lock found Sir Philip so fortified with wisdom, courage, and truth; besides the strong partie of former friend­ship standing for him in the Counts noble nature; as though sense of ho­nour, and many things else equal, and unequal between them, were in ap­parance beyond possiblitie of pee­cing; yet this one inequality of right on Sir Philip's side, made the pro­pounder calm; and by coming to terms of expostulation, did not only reconcile those two worthy spirits, one to another, more firmly than be­fore; but withall through himself wrought, if not a kind of unitie be­tween the Earl of Leicester, and the Count Hollock, at least a finall sur­cease of all violent jealousies, or facti­ous expostulations.

These particulars I only point out, leaving the rest for them, that may, [Page 141] perchance, write larger stories of that time. To be short; not in comple­ments and art, but reall proofe given of his sufficience above others, in ve­ry little time his reputation, and au­thority amongst that active people grew so fast, as it had been no hard matter for him, with the disadvan­tage of his Uncle, and distraction of our affairs in those parts, to have rai­sed himself a fortune there. But in the whole course of his life, he did so constantly ballance ambition with the safe precepts of divine, and mo­ral duty, as no pretence whatsoever could have entised that Gentleman, to break through the circle of a good Patriot.

THus shall it suffice me to have trod out some steps of this Bri­tane Scipio, thereby to give the lear­ned a scantling, for drawing out the [Page 142] rest of his dimensions by proportion. And to the end the abruptness of this Treatise may suit more equally with his fortune, I will cut off his Actions, as God did his Life, in the midst; and so conclude with his death.

In which passage, though the pride of flesh, and glory of Mankind be commonly so allyed, as the behol­ders seldome see any thing else in it, but objects of horror, and pittie; yet had the fall of this man such natural degrees, that the wound whereof he died, made rather an addition, than diminution to his spirits. So that he shewed the world, in a short progress to a long home, passing fair, and wel­drawn lines; by the guide of which, all pilgrims of this life may conduct themselves humbly into the haven of everlasting rest.

When that unfortunate stand was to be made before Zutphen, to stop the issuing out of the Spanish Army from a streict; with what alacrity so­ever [Page 143] he went to actions of honor, yet remembring that upon just grounds the ancient Sages describe the wor­thiest persons to be ever best armed, he had compleatly put on his; but meeting the Marshall of the Camp lightly armed (whose honour in that art would not suffer this unenvious Themistocles to sleep) the unspotted emulation of his heart, to venture without any inequalitie, made him cast off his Cuisses; and so, by the se­cret influence of destinie, to disarm that part, where God (it seems) had resolved to strike him. Thus they go on, every man in the head of his own Troop; and the weather being misty, fell unawares upon the enemie, who had made a strong stand to receive them, near to the very walls of Zut­phen; by reason of which accident their Troops fell, not only unexpect­edly to be engaged within the levell of the great shot, that played from the Rampiers, but more fatally with­in [Page 144] shot of their Muskets, which were layd in ambush within their own trenches.

Now whether this were a despe­rate cure in our Leaders, for a des­perate disease; or whether mispri­sion, neglect, audacity, or what else induced it, it is no part of my office to determine, but onely to make the narration clear, and deliver rumor, as it passed then, without any stain, or enammel.

Howsoever, by this stand, an un­fortunate hand out of those fore­spoken Trenches, brake the bone of Sir Philip's thigh with a Musket-shot. The horse he rode upon, was rather furiously cholleric, than bravely proud, and so forced him to forsake the field, but not his back, as the no­blest, and fittest biere to carry a Martiall Commander to his grave. In which sad progress, passing along by the rest of the Army, where his Uncle the Generall was, and being [Page 145] thirstie with excess of bleeding, he called for drink, which was present­ly brought him; but as he was put­ting the bottle to his mouth, he saw a poor Souldier carryed along, who had eaten his last at the same Feast, gastly casting up his eyes at the bottle. Which Sir Philip percei­ving, took it from his head, before he drank, and delivered it to the poor man, with these words, Thy necessity is yet greater than mine. And when he had pledged this poor souldier, he was presently carried to Arnheim.

Where the principal Chirurgions of the Camp attended for him; some mercinarily out of gain, others out of honour to their Art, but the most of them with a true zeal (compoun­ded of love and reverence) to doe him good, and (as they thought) many Nations in him. When they began to dress his wound, he both by way of charge, and advice, told [Page 146] them, that while his strength was yet entire, his body free from feaver, and his mind able to endure, they might freely use their art, cut, and search to the bottome. For besides his hope of health, he would make this farther profit of the pains which he must suffer, that they should bear witness, they had indeed a sensible natured man under their hands, yet one to whom a stronger Spirit had given power above him­self, either to do, or suffer. But if they should now neglect their Art, and renew torments in the declina­tion of nature, their ignorance, or over-tenderness would prove a kind of tyranny to their friend, and con­sequently a blemish to their reverend science.

With love and care well mixt, they began the cure, and continued it some sixteen dayes, not with hope, but rather such confidence of his recovery, as the joy of their [Page 147] hearts over-flowed their discretion, and made them spread the intelli­gence of it to the Queen, and all his noble friends here in England, where it was received, not as private, but publique good news.

Onely there was one Owle among all the birds, which though looking with no less zealous eyes than the rest, yet saw, and presaged more de­spair: I mean an excellent Chirur­gion of the Count Hollocks, who al­though the Count himself lay at the same instant hurt in the throat with a Musket shot, yet did he neg­lect his own extremitie to save his friend, and to that end had sent him to Sir Philip. This Chirurgion not­withstanding (out of love to his Ma­ster) returning one day to dress his wound, the Count cheerfully asked him how Sir Philip did? And being answered with a heavy countenance, that he was not well; at these words the worthy Prince (as having more [Page 148] sense of his friends wounds, than his own) cries out, Away villain, never see my face again, till thou bring bet­ter news of that mans recovery; for whose redemption many such as I were happily lost.

This honourable act I relate, to give the world one modern example; first, that greatness of heart is not dead every where; and then, that war is both a fitter mould to fashion it, and stage to act it on, than peace can be; and lastly, that the reconci­liation of enemies may prove safe, and honourable, where the ciment on either side is worth. So as this Floren­tine precept concerning reconciled enemies, deserves worthily to be buried with unworthines the author of it, or at least the practise of it cryed down, and banished, to reign among barbarous heathen spirits, who while they think life the utter­most of all things, hold it safe in no body that their own errors make [Page 149] doubtfull to them. And such seems every man that moves any passion, but pleasure, in those intricate na­tures.

Now after the sixteenth day was past, and the very shoulder-bones of this delicate Patient worn through his skin, with constant, and obedient posturing of his body to their Art; he judiciously observing the pangs his wound stang him with by fits, toge­ther, with many other symptoms of decay, few or none of recovery, be­gan rather to submit his body to these Artists, than any farther to be­lieve in them. During which suspense, he one morning lifting up the clothes for change & ease of his body, smelt some extraordinary noisom savor a­bout him, differing from oyls and salvs, as he conceived; & either out of naturall delicacy, or at least care not to offend others, grew a little troub­led with it; which they that sate by perceiving, besought him to let them [Page 150] know what suddain indisposition he felt? Sir Philip ingenuously told it, and desired them as ingenuously to con­fess, whether they felt any such noi­some thing, or no? They all protested against it upon their credits. Whence Sir Philip presently gave this severe doom upon himself; that it was in­ward mortification, and a welcome messenger of death.

Shortly after, when the Chirurgions came to dress him, he acquainted them with these piercing intelligen­ces between him, and his mortality. Which though they opposed by au­thority of books, paralleling of acci­dents, and other artificiall probabili­ties; yet moved they no alteration in this man, who judged too truly of his own estate, and from more certain grounds, than the vanity of opinion in erring artificers could possibly pierce into. So that afterwards, how freely soever he left his body subject to their practise, and continued a pa­tient [Page 151] beyond exception; yet did he not change his minde; but as having cast off all hope, or desire of recove­rie, made, and divided that little span of life which was left him in this manner.

FIrst, he called the Ministers unto him; who were all excellent men, of divers Nations, and before them made such a confession of Chri­stian faith, as no book but the heart can truly, and feelingly deliver. Then desired them to accompany him in Prayer, wherein hee besought leave to lead the assembly, in respect, (as he said) that the secret sins of his own heart were best known to himself, and out of that true sense, he more properly instructed to apply the e­ternall [Page 152] Sacrifice of our Saviours Pas­sion and Merits to him. His religious Zeal prevailed with this humbly de­vout, & afflicted company; In which wel chosen progress of his, howsoe­ver they were all moved, and those sweet motions witnessed by sighes and tears, even interrupting their common devotion; yet could no man judge in himself, much less in o­thers, whether this rake of heavenly agony, whereupon they all stood, were forced by sorrow for him, or admiration of him; the fire of this Phenix hardly being able out of any ashes to produce his equall, as they conceived.

Here this first mover stayed the motions in every man, by staying himself. Whether to give rest to that frail wounded flesh of his, unable to hear the bent of eternity so much af­fected, any longer; or whether to ab­stract that spirit more inwardly, and by chewing as it were the cudd of [Page 153] meditation, to imprint those excel­lent images in hs soul; who can judge but God? Notwithstanding, in this change, (it should seem) there was little, or no change in the object. For instantly after prayer, he entrea­ted this quire of divine Philosophers about him, to deliver the opinion of the ancient Heathen, touching the immortality of the soul: First, to see what true knowledge she retains of her own essence, out of the light of her self; then to parallel with it the most pregnant authorities of the old, and new Testament, as supernatural revelations, sealed up from our flesh, for the divine light of faith to re­veal, and work by. Not that he wan­ted instruction, or assurance; but be­cause this fixing of a lovers thoughts upon those externall beauties, was not only a cheering up of his decay­ing spirits, but as it were a taking possession of that immortall inheri­tance, which was given unto him by [Page 158] his brother-hood in CHRIST.

The next change used, was the cal­ling for his Will; which though at first sight it may seem a descent from heaven to earth again; yet he that ob­serves the distinction of those offices, which he practised in bestowing his own, shall discern, that as the soul of man is all in all, and all in every part; so was the goodnes of his na­ture equally dispersed, into the grea­test, and least actions of his too short life. Which Will of his, will ever re­main for a witness to the world, that those sweet, and large, even dying affections in him, could no more be contracted with the narrowness of pain, grief, or sickness, than any sparkle of our immortality can bee privately buried in the shadow of death.

Here again this restless soul of his (changing only the aire, and not the cords of her harmony) cals for Mu­sick; especially that song which him­self [Page 159] had intitled, La cuisse rompue. Partly (as I conceive by the name) to shew that the glory of mortal flesh was shaken in him: and by that Mu­sick it self, to fashion and enfranchise his heavenly soul into that everlast­ing harmony of Angels, whereof these Concords were a kinde of ter­restriall Echo: And in this supreme, or middle Orb of Contemplations, he blessedly went on, within a circular motion, to the end of all flesh.

The last scene of this Tragedy was the parting between the two brothers: the weaker shewing infi­nite strength in suppressing sorrow, and the stronger infinite weakness in expressing of it. So far did invalu­able worthinesse, in the dying bro­ther enforce the living to descend beneath his owne worth, and by a­bundance of childish tears, bewail the publique, in his particular loss. Yea so far was his true remission [Page 160] of minde transformed into ejulati­on, that Sir Philip, (in whom all earthly, passion did even as it were flash, like lights ready to burn out) recals those spirits together with a strong vertue, but weak voice; mild­ly blaming him for relaxing the frail strengths left to support him, in his finall combate of separation at hand. And to stop this naturall torrent of affection-in both, took his leave, with these admonishing words:

Love my Memorie, cherish my Friends; their Faith to me may assure you they are honest. But above all, govern your Will, and Affections, by the Will and Word of your Creator; in me, beholding the end of this World, with all her Vanities.

[Page 161] And with this Fare-well, desired the company to lead him away. Here this noble Gentleman ended, the too short Scene his life; in which path, who­soever is not confident that he walked the next way to eternall rest, will be found to judge uncharitably.

Thus you see how it pleased God to shew forth, and then suddenly with­draw this precious light of our skie; and in some sort adopted Patriot of the States-Generall. Between whom, and him, there was such a sympathie of af­fections; as they honoured that exor­bitant worth in Sir Philip, by which time, and occasion had been like enough to metamorphose this new Aristocracy of theirs into their ancient, and much honoured forme of Dukedome. And he again applauded that universall inge­nuitie, and prosperous undertakings of theirs; over which perchance he felt something in his own nature, possible in time to come an elect Commander. So usuall is it for all mortall constitu­tions, [Page 162] to affect that, which insensibly often works change in them to better, or worse.

Now though I am not of their faith, who affirme wise men can governe the Starres; yet do I beleeve no Star-gazers can so well prognosticate the good, or ill of all Governments, as the provi­dence of men trained up in publique affaires may doe. Whereby they differ from Prophets only in this; that Pro­phets by inspiration, and these by con­sequence, judge of things to come.

Amongst which kind of Prophets, give me leave to reckon this Gentle­man; who first having, out of the credi­ble Almanach of History, registred the growth, health, disease, and periods of Governments: that is to say, when Mo­narchies grow ready for change, by over-relaxing, or contracting, when the states of few, or many continue, or for­sake to be the same: and in the constant course of these vicissitudes, having fore­seen the easie satietie of mankinde with [Page 163] Religion, and Government, their natu­rall discontentment with the present, and aptnesse to welcome alteration: And againe, in the descent of each par­ticular forme to her owne centre, ha­ving observed how these United Pro­vinces had already changed from their ancient Dukedomes to Popularitie: and yet in that Popularitie, been forced to seek protection among the Monar­chies then raigning; and to make per­fect this judgment of his, had summ'd up the league offensive, and defensive between us, and them; even then he grew doubtfull, lest this advantage would in time leave latitude for envy, and competencie, to work some kind of rent in our Union.

But when in the progresse of this prospect, he fell into a more particular consideration of their traffique, and ours: they without any native commo­dities (Art and diligence excepted) ma­king themselves Masters of wealth in all Nations: We againe, by exporting [Page 164] our substantiall riches, to import a su­perfluous masse of trifles, to the vaine exhausting of our home-borne staple commodities; he certainly concluded, that this true Philosophers stone of traffique, which not only turned base mettals into gold, but made profit by Wars in their owne bosomes, would infallibly stir up emulation in such lookers on, as were far from striving o­therwise to imitate them.

And out of these or the like grounds hath many times told me, that this active people (which held themselves constantly to their Religion, and Free­dome) would at length grow from an ad­jective to a substantive, and prosperous subsistence. Whereas we on the other side, dividing our selves, and waving in both, should first become jealous, then strange to our friends, and in the end (by reconciliation with our common enemie) moderate that zeale, wherein excesse only is the meane; and so be forced to cast our fortunes into their [Page 165] armes for support, who are most inte­rested in our dishonour, and ruine. These with many other dangers (which he provisionally feared) howsoever the wisdome of our Government may per­chance have put off by prevention: yet were more then conjecturall in the aspect of superior, inferior, forraigne, and domestique Princes then raigning.

But suppose we could not by this Kalender comprehend the change of Aspects, and Policies in severall King­domes; yet we may at least therein dis­cerne, both the judgment of this Prome­theus concerning our selves, and the ten­der affection he carried to that oppres­sed Nation. Which respect of his they againe so well understood, as after his death the States of Zealand became sui­tors to her Majesty, & his noble friends, that they might have the honour of bu­rying his body at the publique expence of their Government. A memorable wisdome of thankfulnesse, by well handling the dead, to encourage, and [Page 166] multiply faith in the living.

Which request had it been granted, the Reader may please to consider, what Trophies it is likely they would have erected over him, for posterity to ad­mire, and what inscriptions would have been devised for eternizing his me­mory. Indeed fitter for a great, and brave Nation to enlarge, then the capa­citie, or good will of a private, and inferior friend. For my own part I con­fesse, in all I have here set downe of his worth, and goodnesse; I find my self still short of that honour he deserved, and I desired to doe him.

I must therefore content my selfe with this poor demonstration of ho­mage; and so proceed to say somewhat of the toyes, or Pamphlets, which I inscribe to his memory, as monuments of true affection between us; whereof (you see) death hath no power.

WHen my youth, with favour of Court in some moderate pro­portion to my birth, and breeding in the activenesse of that time, gave mee opportunity of most businesse: then did my yet undiscouraged Genius most affect to finde, or make work for it self. And out of that freedom, ha­ving many times offered my fortune to the course of Forraigne employments, as the propriest forges to fashion a Subject for the reall services of his So­veraigne; I found the returnes of those mis-placed endeavours to prove, both a vaine charge to my selfe, and an offensive undertaking to that excellent Governesse, over all her Subjects du­ties and affections.

For instance, how mild soever those mixtures of favours, and corrections [Page 168] were in that Princely Lady: yet to shew that they fell heavy in crossing a young mans ends; I will onely choose, and alleage foure out of many, some with leave, some without.

First, when those two mighty Ar­mies of Don Iohns, and the Duke Ca­simires, were to meet in the Low Countries; my Horses, with all other preparations being shipped at Dover, with leave under her Bill assig­ned: Even then was I stayed by a Princely Mandate, the Messenger Sir Edward Dier. Wherein whatsoever I felt, yet I appeale to the judicious Reader, whether there be any latitude left (more then humble obedience) in these nice cases between duty, and selfe­nesse, in a Soveraignes service?

After this, when Mr Secretary Wal­sing ham was sent Embassador, to treate with those two Princes in a businesse so much concerning Christian blood, and Christian Empires; then did the same irregular motion (which seldome [Page 169] rests, but steales where it cannot trade) perswade me, that whosoever would venture to go without leave, was sure never to bee stayed. Upon which false axiome (trusting the rest to chance) I went over with Mr Secre­tary, unknown: But at my returne was forbidden her presence for many moneths.

Againe, when my Lord of Leicester was sent Generall of Her Majesties Forces into the Low Countries, and had given me the command of an hundred Horse; then I giving my humors over to good order, yet found, that neither the earnest intercession of this Gran­dee, second with mine own humble sute, and many other Honourable Friends of mine, could prevaile against the constant course of this excellent Lady with her Servants. So as I was forced to tarry behind; and for this im­portunity of mine to change my course, and seem to preferre nothing before my service about her: This [Page 170] Princesse of Government, as well as Kingdomes, made me live in her Court a spectacle of dis-favour, too long as I conceived.

Lastly, the universall fame of a bat­tle to bee fought, between the prime Forces of Henry the third, and the re­ligious of Henry the fourth, then King of Navarre; lifting me yet once more above this humble earth of duty, made me resolve to see the difference between Kings present, and absent in their Mar­tiall Expeditions. So that without acquainting any creature, the Earle of Essex excepted, I shipped my selfe over: and at my returne, was kept from her presence full six moneths, and then received after a strange manner. For this absolute Prince, to sever ill example from grace, averrs my going over to bee a secret imployment of Hers: and all these other petty exiles, a making good of that cloud, or figure, which she was pleased to cast over my absence. Protecting me to the world [Page 171] with the honour of her imployment, rather then she would, for examples sake, be forced either to punish mee farther, or too easily forgive a con­tempt, or neglect, in a Servant so near about her, as she was pleased to con­ceive it.

By which many warnings, I finding the specious fires of youth to prove far more scorching, then glorious, called my second thoughts to counsell, and in that Map cleerly discerning Action, and Honor, to fly with more wings then one: and that it was sufficient for the plant to grow where his Sove­raignes hand had planted it; I found reason to contract my thoughts from those larger, but wandring Horizons, of the world abroad, and bound my prospect within the safe limits of duty, in such home services, as were accepta­ble to my Soveraigne.

In which retired view, Sir Philip Sidney, that exact image of quiet, and action: happily united in him, and [Page 172] seldome well divided in any; being ever in mine eyes, made me thinke it no small degree of honour to imitate, or tread in the steps of such a Leader. So that to saile by his Compasse, was shortly (as I said) one of the principall reasons I can alleage, which perswaded me to steale minutes of time from my daily services, and employ them in this kind of writing.

Since my declining age, it is true, that I had (for some yeeres) more lea­sure to discover their imperfections, then care, or industry to amend them: finding in my selfe, what all men com­plaine of in the world, that it is more easie to finde fault, excuse, or tolerate, then to examine, and reforme.

The workes (as you see) are Trage­dies, with some Treatises annexed. The Treatises (to speake truly of them) were first intended to be for every Act a Chorus: and though not borne out of the present matter acted, yet being the largest subjects I could then think up­on, [Page 173] and no such strangers to the scope of the Tragedies, but that a favourable Reader might easily find some consan­guinitie between them; I preferring this generall scope of profit, before the self­reputation of being an exact Artisan in that Poeticall Mystery, conceived that a perspective into vice, and the unpros­perities of it, would prove more accep­table to every good Readers ends, then any bare murmur of discontented spi­rits against their present Government, or horrible periods of exorbitant passi­ons among equals.

Which with humble sayles after I had once ventured upon this spreading Ocean of Images, my apprehensive youth, for lack of a well touched com­passe, did easily wander beyond propor­tion. And in my old age againe, looking back on them with a fathers eye: when I considered first, how poorly the inward natures of those glorious names were expressed: then how much easier it was to excuse deformities, then to cure [Page 174] them; though I found reason to change their places, yet I could not find in my heart to bestow cost, or care, in altering their light, and limited apparell in verse.

From hence to come particularly to that Treatise intitled: The Declination of Monarchy. Let me beg leave of the favourable Reader, to bestow a few lines more in the story of this Changling, then I have done in the rest; and yet to use no more serious authority then the rule of Diogenes, which was, to hang the Posie where there is most need.

The first birth of that Phantasme was divided into three parts, with intention of the Author, to be disposed amongst their fellows, into three diverse Acts of the Tragedies. But (as I said before) when upon a second review, they, and the rest were all ordain'd to change their places; then did I (like an old, and fond Parent, unlike to get any more children) take pains rather to cover the dandled deformities of these creatures [Page 175] with a coat of many seames, then care­lesly to drive them away, as birds doe their young ones.

Yet againe, when I had in mine own case well weigh'd the tendernesse of that great subject; and consequently, the nice path I was to walke in between two extremities; but especially the danger, by treading aside, to cast scandall upon the sacred foundations of Monarchy; together with the fate of many Meta­physicall Phormio's before me, who had lost themselves in teaching Kings, and Princes, how to governe their People: then did this new prospect dazzle mine eyes, and suspend my travell for a time.

But the familiar self-love, which is more or lesse born in every man, to live, and dye with him, presently moved me to take this Bear-whelp up againe and licke it. Wherein I, rowsing my selfe under the banner of this flattery, went about (as a fond mother) to put on rich­er garments, in hope to adorne them. But while these clothes were in making, [Page 176] I perceived that cost would but draw more curious eyes to observe deformi­ties. So that from these checks a new counsell rose up in me, to take away all opinion of seriousnesse from these perplexed pedegrees; and to this end carelesly cast them into that hypocri­ticall figure Ironia, wherein men com­monly (to keep above their workes) seeme to make toies of the utmost they can doe.

And yet againe, in that confusing mist, when I beheld this grave subject (which should draw reverence and at­tention) to bee over-spangled with lightnesse, I forced in examples of the Roman gravity, and greatnesse, the harsh severity of the Lacedemonian Go­vernment; the riches of the Athenian learning, wit, and industry; and like a man that plaies divers parts upon se­verall hints, left all the indigested cru­dities, equally applied to Kings, or Tyrants: whereas in every cleere judgement, the right line had beene [Page 177] sufficient enough to discover the croo­ked; if the image of it could have pro­ved credible to men.

Now for the severall branches, or discourses following; they are all Members of one, and the same imper­fect body, so as I let them take their fortunes (like Essayes) onely to tempt, and stir up some more free Genius, to fashion the whole frame into finer mould for the worlds use. The first limme of those Treaties (I mean that Fabrick of a superstitious Church) having by her masterfull ambition over Emperours, Kings, Princes, free States, and Councels, with her Con­clave deceits, strengths, and unthank­fulnesse, spred so far beyond my Hori­zon, as I at once gave over her, and all her derivations to Gamaliels infallible censure; Leaving Lawes, Nobility, War, Peace, and the rest, (as glori­ous Trophies of our old Pope, the sin) to change, reforme, or become defor­med, according as vanity, that limit­lesse [Page 178] mother of these Idolatries, should either winne of the truth, or the truth of them.

Lastly, concerning the Tragedies themselves; they were in their first creation three; Whereof Antonie and Cleopatra, according to their irregular passions, in forsaking Empire to fol­low sensuality, were sacrificed to the fire. The executioner, the author himselfe. Not that he conceived it to be a contemptible younger brother to the rest: but lest while he seemed to looke over much upward, hee might stumble into the Astronomers pit. Many members in that creature (by the opinion of those few eyes, which saw it) having some childish wanton­nesse in them, apt enough to be con­strued, or strained to a personating of vices in the present Governors, and go­vernment.

From which cautious prospect, I bringing into my minde the ancient Poets, metamorphosing mans reasona­ble [Page 179] nature into the sensitive of beasts, or vegetative of plants; and knowing these all (in their true morall) to bee but images of the unequall ballance between humors, and times; nature, and place. And again in the practice of the world, seeing the like instance not poetically, but really fashioned in the Earle of Essex then falling; and ever till then worthily beloved, both of Queen, and people: This sudden des­cent of such greatnesse, together with the quality of the Actors in every Scene, stir'd up the Authors second thoughts, to bee carefull (in his owne case) of leaving faire weather behind him. Hee having, in the Earles pre­cipitate fortune, curiously observed: First, how long this Noblemans birth, worth, and favour had been flattered, tempted, and stung by a swarm of Sect­animals, whose property was to wound, and fly away: and so, by a continuall affliction, probably enforce great hearts to turne, and tosse for ease; and in [Page 180] those passive postures, perchance to tumble sometimes upon their Sove­raignes Circles.

Into which pitfall of theirs, when they had once discerned this Earle to be fallen; straight, under the reverend stile of Laesa Majestas, all inferiour Ministers of Justice (they knew) would be justly set loose to work upon him. And accordingly, under the same cloud, his enemies took audacity to cast Libels abroad in his name a­gainst the State, made by themselves; set papers upon posts, to bring his in­nocent friends in question. His power, by the Jesuiticall craft of ru­mor, they made infinite; and his am­bition more then equall to it. His Letters to private men were read o­penly, by the the piercing eyes of an Atturnies Office, which warranteth the construction of every time in the worst sense against the writer.

My selfe, his Kinsman, and while I remained about the Queen, a kinde of [Page 181] Remora, staying the violent course of that fatall Ship, and these winde­watching Passengers (at least, as his ene­mies imagined) abruptly sent away to guard a figurative Fleet, in danger of nothing, but these Prosopopeia's of invi­sible rancor; and kept (as in a free Prison) at Rochester, till his head was off.

Before which sudden journey, ca­sting mine eyes upon the catching Court ayres, which I was to part from; I discerned my Gracious Soveraigne to bee every way so invironed with these, not Iupiters, but Pluto's thunder­workers; as it was impossible for Her to see any light, that might lead to grace, or mercy: but many encoura­ging Meteors of severity, as against an unthankfull favourite, and traiterous Subject; hee standing, by the Law of England, condemned for such.

So that let his heart bee (as in my conscience it was) free from this unna­turall crime, yet these unreturning [Page 182] steps seemed well worth the observing. Especially in the case of such a Favo­rite, as never put his Soveraigne to stand between her People, and his er­rors; but here, and abroad placed his body in the forefront, against all that either threatned, or assaulted Her.

And being no Admirall, nor yet a Creator of Admiralls, whereby feare, or hope might have kept those tempo­rary Neptunes in a kinde of subjection to him; yet hee freely ventured him­selfe in all Sea-actions of his time. As if he would war the greatnesse of envy, place, and power, with the greatnesse of worth, and incomparable industry. Neverthelesse hee wanted not judge­ment to discerne, that whether they went with him, or tarried behind, they must probably prove unequall yoke fellowes in the one; or in the o­ther passing curious, and carping judges over all his publike Actions.

Againe, this gallant young Earle, created (as it seemes) for action, be­fore [Page 183] he was Martiall, first as a private Gentleman, and after as a Lieutenant by Commission, went in the head of all our Land Troops, that marched in his time; and besides experience, still wan ground, even through competen­cy, envy, and confused mixtures of equality or inequality, amongst the factious English, all inferiour in his owne active worth, and merit.

Lastly, he was so far from affecting the absolute power of Henry the thirds Favourites, I meane under a King to become equall at least with him, in cre­ating and deposing Chancellors, Trea­surers, and Secretaries of State, to raise a strong party for himselfe; as he left both place, and persons entire in their supreme jurisdictions, or Ma­gistracies under his Soveraigne, as shee granted them. And though hee fore­saw a necessary diminution of their peacefull predicaments by his carrying up the standard of Mars so high, and withall knew they (like wise men) must [Page 184] as certainly discern, that the rising of his, or falling of their scales depended upon the prosperity, or unprosperity of his undertakings: yet (I say) that active heart of his freely chose to ha­zard himselfe upon their censures, without any other provisionall ram­pier against the envious, and suppres­sing crafts of that party, then his owne hope, and resolution to deserve well.

Neither did he (like the French Fa­vorites of that time) serve his own hu­mors or necessities, by selling seats of Justice, Nobility, or orders of honor, till they became Colliers pour toute beste, to the disparagement of creating pow­er, and discouraging of the Subjects hope, or industry, in attaining to ad­vancement, or profit: But suffered England to stand alone, in her ancient degrees of freedomes, and integrities, and so reserved that absolute power of Creation sacred in his Soveraigne, without any mercenary staine, or allay.

NOw after this humble, and harm­lesse desire of a meane subject, ex­pressed in qualifying a great subjects errors, by the circumstance of such in­struments, as naturally (like Bats) both flye, and prey in the darke; Let the Rea­der pardon me, if I presume yet againe to multiply digression upon digression, in honour of her, to whom I owe my selfe, I meane Queen Elizabeth: and in her name clear y to know, that though I lament the fall of this great man in Israel, neverthelesse the truth enforceth me to confesse, that howsoever these kinds of high justice may sometimes (like the uttermost of the Law) fall heavy upon one brave spirit; yet prove they mercy to many by example: and therefore as Regall, and Royall wise­domes, ought to be honoured equally [Page 186] in all the differing Soveraignties through the world, of one, few or ma­ny.

And if this assumpsit must be gran­ted universally; then how much more in the case of such a Princesse, as (even while she was subject) left patternes that might instruct all subjects, rather to undergoe the indignation of Sove­raignes with the birthright of duty, then with the mutiny of over-sensible, and rebellious affections; which ever (like diseased pulses) beat faster, or slow­er then they should, to shew all to be infected about them? Whereas this Lady, in the like straines, by an humble, and constant temper, had already with true obedience triumphed over the cu­rious examinations of ascending flat­tery, or descending Tyranny, even in the tendernesse of Princes successions.

And to make this manifest to bee choice, and not chance: even when her stepmother misfortune grew ripe for delivery, then was she neither born cry­ing, [Page 187] as children be: nor yet by the sud­den change from a prison, to a Throne, came she upon that Stage confusedly barking after all that had offended: but like one borne to behold true light, in­stantly fixeth her thoughts upon larger notions then revenge, or favour. And in the infancy of her Raigne, cals for Benefield her hard-hearted Gaoler; bids him enjoy not a deserved, but free given peace under his narrow vine: with this assurance, that whensoever she desired to have prisoners over severely intrea­ted, she would not forget to commit the custody of them to his charge.

Againe, for the next object, looking backward upon her sisters Raigne, she observes Religion to have been changed; Persecution, like an ill weed, suddenly grown up to the highest; The mercy of the infinite perscribed, by abridgment of time, and adding torments to the death of his creatures: salvation publi­shed in many more Creeds then she was taught to beleeve: A double Supremacy [Page 188] in one Kingdome; Rome become Empe­rour of the Clergy, and by bewitching the better halfe of man (I meane the soule) challenging both over Clergy, and Laity, the stile of the Great God: Rex Regum, Dominus Dominantium.

This view brought forth in her a vow, like that of the holy Kings in the Old Testament; viz. that she would nei­ther hope, nor seeke for rest in the mor­tall traffique of this world, till she had repaired the precipitate ruines of our Saviours Militant Church, through all her Dominions; and as she hoped, in the rest of the World, by her example. Upon which Princelike resolution, this She-David of ours ventured to under­take the great Goliath among the Phili­stins abroad, I mean Spain and the Pope; despiseth their multitudes, not of men, but of Hosts; scornfully rejecteth that Holy Fathers wind-blowne superstiti­ons, and takes the (almost solitary) truth for her Leading-Star.

Yet tears she not the Lyons jawes in [Page 189] sunder at once, but moderately begins with her own Changlings; gives the Bishops a proper motion, but bounded: the Nobility time to reforme them­selves, with inward, and outward Coun­cell; revives her Brothers Lawes for establishing of the Churches doctrine, and discipline, but moderates their severity of proceeding; gives frailty, and sect, time to reforme at home: and in the mean season supplyes the Prince of Conde with men, and money, as chief among the Protestants in France; ga­thers, and revives the scattered hosts of Israel at the worst: takes New-Haven, perchance with hope of redeeming Cal­lice, to the end her axle-trees might once againe lie upon both shores, as her right did: refuseth marriage, reformes and redeemes Queen Maries vanities, who first glorying in the Spanish seed, publisheth that she was with childe, and instantly offers up that Royall sup­posed Issue of hers, together with the absolute Government of all her Na­tives [Page 190] to the mixt Tyranny of Rome and Castile.

In which endlesse path of servitude, the Noune▪ adjective nature of this su­perstitious Princesse, proceeded yet a degree further; striving to confirme that double bondage of people, and Po­sterity, by Act of Parliament. Where on the other side, the Spanish King, beholding these remisse homages of frailty, with the unthankfull, and insa­tiable eyes of ambition, apprehends these petty sacrifices, as fit strawes, sticks, or feathers, to be pull'd out of faint wings, for the building up, and adorning of a Conquerours nest. And under this Tyrannicall Crisis, takes freedome to exhaust her treasure to his owne ends, breakes our league with France, and in that breach shakes the sacred foundation of the rest, winnes St Quintins, while we lost Callice.

Contrary to all which thought­bound Councels of her sister Maries, Queen Elizabeth (as I said) not yet out [Page 191] of danger of her Romish subjects at home; threatned with their mighty faction, and party abroad; pester'd be­sides with want of money, and many binding Lawes of her sisters making: yet like a Palme, under all these bur­dens, she raiseth her selfe Prince-like: and upon notice of her Agents disgrace abroad, his servants being put into the Inquisition by the Spaniard; her Mer­chants surprized in America, contrary to the league between Charles the fifth, and Henry the eighth; which gave free traffique: In omnibus, & singulis Regnis, Dominiis, Insulis, notwithstanding that Astronomicall, or rather biaced divi­sion of the world by the Popes lines, which (contrary to the nature of all lines) only keep latitude for the advan­tage of Spain: She (I say) upon these insolencies, receives the Hollander, and protects him from persecution of the Duke of Alva: settles these poore Refugees in Norwich, Colchester, Sand­wich, Maidstone, and South-Hampton.

[Page 192] Yet againe, when this faith, distin­guishing Duke appealed to her selfe: she binding her heart for better, or worse, to the words of her Contract; summons these afflicted strangers to depart. Their number was great, their time short, and yet their weather-beaten soules so sensible of long conti­nued oppressions in their liberties, and consciences, as (by the opportunity of this Ostracisme) they in their passage surprized Brill, Flushing, and diverse other Towns, expulsing the Spaniards; and by this brave example, taught, and proclaimed a way of freedome to all well affected Princes, and Provinces, that were opprest.

Wherein it may please the Reader to observe, that Henry the third of France, being one in the same League, and belike upon change of heart, which ever brings forth new questions, deman­ding, whether mutuall defence against all, extended to the cause of Religion? was presently answered by her; that she [Page 193] both treated, and concluded in the same sense; and if it were required at her hands, would performe every branch of it to her uttermost. The French King hereupon makes war with the Prote­stants: Monsieur his brother secretly protects them by Casimire.

Againe about that time, at the re­quest of the Spanish King, she guards his Navy into Flanders; where it being lost, and she requested by the same King to lend him her owne Ships, for recovery of the Maritime Townes fallen from him: this blessed Lady both denyes this crafty request of a Conqueror; and withall providently refuseth any of his ships to be harboured in her Ports. Yet in honour of her ancient League with the House of Burgundy, she publisheth the like inhibition to her beloved, and safe Neighbours the Netherlands. And instantly, with a strong judgment in ballancing of forraigne Princes, per­swades the King of Spain to make peace with the Hollanders, and on the other [Page 194] side disswades those distressed Hollanders from joyning with France. As I con­ceive, thinking that Kingdome (manu­mised from us by time) might through the conjunction of the Holland ship­ping, and Mariners, with their disci­plin'd Land-Armies of horse and foot, prove more dangerous enemies, either by way of invasion, or incursion (as I said once before) then that Kings glo­rious Standard, borne among his barbed horse, and light foot had hitherto done, either in our entised undertakings, or abandoned retraits.

Besides it is worthy of reverence in this Queen, that she never was afraid, or ashamed to averre the quarrell of Religion for a ground of her friends, or enemies.

And though in the charity of a Chri­stian Prince, even in the danger of a growing faction at home, she was con­tent to let devout conscience live qui­etly in her Realmes: yet when they began to practise disunion in Church, [Page 195] as their Jesuited spirits naturally affect to doe. Then to shew that she was as well servant to God, as by him King over Peoples, she tyed the head of the sacrifice perchance a little closer to the hornes of the altar. And made those spirits which would not know the true God altogether, to have some kinde of sense, or smart of his Religious Lawes; howsoever they were dead, and sacri­ficed to the growing Supremacy of the Roman Miter, or conquering Scepter of Spaine; ordain'd (as she thought) by excesse of playing fast or loose with God, and the world; in time, one to devoure the other; ambitious and super­stitious subtleties being an Abysse, or Sea, where the stronger infallibly de­voures the weaker.

She makes a publique League, for defence of Religion, with the King of Scots, Denmark, and the Princes of Ger­many; perswades a Marriage between Scotland and Denmark; exileth all Je­suites, and Seminary Priests by Act [Page 196] of Parliament; makes it felony to har­bor any of them in England, or for the English to send any of theirs beyond the Seas, to be trained up among them.

Upon the losse of Aniuerpe, she reso­lutely undertakes the protection of the Netherlanders, and to distract the Spa­niard (as I said before) sends Drake to the West-Indies, with 21 Ships, who surprised Domingo, and Cartagena. And immediately after his returne, with spoile, and triumph (to prevent all possibility of Invasion) she sets him to Sea againe, with Commission to burne all Ships, Gallyes, and Boats, along his Spanish Coasts. Who, in the same Voyage, breaks through diverse of his Gallyes in the Bay of Cales, appointed to withstand him; takes, burnes, and drownes 100 Sayle laden with muni­tion, and victuals. From thence in his way to Cape St Vincent, he surpriseth three Forts: burnes ships, fisher-boats, and nets; and then making for the Azores, hee there takes a Carricke [Page 197] comming from the East-Indies.

The next yeare (as treading in his steps) Cavendish returnes from his jour­ney about the world, with the spoile of nineteen Ships, and of many small Towns in America.

This and such like providence did this miracle of Princes use in all her Wars, whereby her Wars maintained her wealth, and that wealth supplyed her War. So as she came ever in state, when she demanded aid from her House of Commons. Neither did she fetch, or force presidents from her Predeces­sors in those demands: but made her self a president to all Posterities, that the love of people to a loving Princesse is not ever curiously ballanced, by the self-pittying abilities of mankinde: but their spirits, hearts, and states being drawne up above their owne fraile self­nesse, the audit is taken after; and per­chance summ'd up with a little smart to themselves, wherein they glory.

Neither did she, by any curious [Page 198] search after Evidence to enlarge her Prerogatives Royall, teach her subjects in Parliament, by the like self-affecti­ons, to make as curious inquisition among their Records, to colour any en­croaching upon the sacred Circles of Monarchy: but left the rise or fall of these two ballances asleep, with those aspiring spirits, who (by advantage of state, or time taken) had been authors of many biaced motions. And in some confused Parliaments amongst the Ba­rons Wars, even forced her Ancestors, with one breath, to proscribe and re­store; to call out of the House of Com­mons, by Writ, to the upper House, during the Session: Wherein one mans sudden advancement proves envious to foure hundred of his equals; and from the same, not truly active, but rather passive vaine, to imprison and release unjudicially, sometime striving to ma­ster the multitude, by their Nobility, then again waving the Nobility with the multitude of people; both marks of [Page 199] disease, and no healthfull state in a Mo­narchy. All which she providently foresaw, and avoided; lest, by the like insensible degrees of misleading passi­ons, she might be constrained to des­cend, and labour the compassing of dis­orderly ends, by a Mechanicall kinde of University Canvasse.

So that this blessed, and blessing Lady, with a calme minde, as well in quiet, as stirring times, studied how to keep her ancient under-earth buildings, upon their first well laid foundations. And if she found any stray'd, rather to reduce them back to their originall circuits, then suffer a step to be made over, or besides those time-authorized assem­blies. And by this reservednesse, ever comming upon the stage a Comman­der, and no Petitionet, she preserv'd her state above the affronts of Nobility, or people; and according to birthright, still became a soveraigne Judge over any dutifull, or encroaching petitions of Nobles, or Commons.

[Page 200] For this Lady, though not propheti­cally, yet like a provident Princesse, in the series of things, and times, foresaw through the long lasting wisdome of Government, a quintessence, howsoever abstracted out of Morall Philosophy, and humane Lawes, yet many degrees in use of mankinde above them. She, I say, foresaw, that every excesse of pas­sion exprest from the Monarch in Acts, or Councels of Estate, would infallibly stir up in the people the like cobwebs of a popular spinning, and therefore from these piercing grounds, she con­cluded, that a steady hand in the govern­ment of Soveraignty, would ever prove more prosperous, then any nimble or witty practise, crafty shifting, or Im­perious forcing humors possibly could doe.

Againe in the latitudes which some moderne Princes allow to their Favo­rites, as supporters of Government, and middle wals between power, and the peoples envy; it seems this Queen [Page 201] reservedly kept entrenched within her native strengths, and Scepter.

For even in the height of Essex his credit with her, how far was she from permitting him (like a Remus) to leap over any wall of her new-built Anti-Rome; or with a young, and unexperi­enced genius to shuffle Pulpits, Parlia­ments, Lawes, and other fundamentall establishments of her Kingdomes, into any glorious apparances of will, or power? It should seeme a foreseeing, that howsoever this unexpected racking of people might for a time, in some particulars, both please, and adde a glossy stick to enlarge the Eagles nest; yet that in the end all buildings above the truth, must necessarily have forced her two Supremacies, of state, and nature, to descend, and through irregularities acted in her name, either become a san­ctuary between the world, and inferior persons errors; or (as playing an after-game with her subjects, for a subject) constraine her to change the tenure of [Page 202] commanding power, into a kind of un­princely mediation. And for what? Even vanity to intreat her people, that they would hope well of diverse confu­sions: howsoever they might seem hea­dy, nay ignorant passions: and such as threaten no lesse, then a losse of native Liberties, descended upon her people, by the same prescription of time and right, by which the Crowne had des­cended upon her selfe, and her Ance­stors; with a probable consequence of many more sharp pointed Tyrannies over them and their freedomes, then their happily deceased Parents ever tasted or dream't of.

Besides, admit these flatterings, and threatnings of hope, or feare (which transcendent power is sometimes for­ced to worke by) could have drawne this excellent Princesse, and her time­present subjects to make brasse an equally currant standard with gold, or silver, within her Sea compass'd Domi­nions; yet abroad, where the freedome [Page 203] of other Soveraignties is bounded by Religion, Justice, and well-waigh'd commerce amongst Neighbor-Princes, she foresaw, the least thought of multi­plying self-Prerogatives, there would instantly be discredited and reflected back to stir up discouragement in the softest hearts, of her most humble and dutifull subjects.

Therefore contrary to all these cap­tived, and captiving apparances, this experienced Governesse of ours publi­shed to the world, by a constant Series in her actions, that she never was, nor ever would be overloaden with any such excesses in her Person, or defects in her Government, as might constraine her to support, or be supported by a Mo­nopolous use of Favourites; as if she would make any greater then her selfe, to governe Tyrannically by them.

Nay more; so far off was she from any lukewarmnesse in Religion, as if a single testimony may have credit, that blessed Queens many and free discour­ses [Page 204] with my selfe, ingeniously bare re­cord; that the unexpected conversion of Henry the Fourth fell fatally upon him, by the weaknesses of his Prede­cessor Henry the Third, and the disso­lure miscarriage of his Favourites. Who like Lapwings, with the shels of authority about their necks, were let loose to runne over all the branches of his Kingdome, misleading Governors, Nobility, and People from the steady, and mutuall rest of Lawes, Customes, and other ancient wisdomes of govern­ment, into the wildernesses of igno­rance, and violence of will. Amongst which defects, all fundamentall chan­ges (especially of Religion) in Prin­ces would be found (as she conceived) the true discipline of Atheisme a­mongst their Subjects; all sacrifices, obedience excepted, being but deare­bought knowledges of the Serpent, to expulse Kings, and People once againe out of Mediocrity, that reciprocall Paradise of mutuall humane duties. [Page 205] Prophetically concluding, that who­soever will sell God to purchase earth, by making that eternall unity of many shapes, must in the end make him of none: and so bee forced with losse, contempt and danger to traffique not for an heires place, but a younger bio­thers; in that Church, at whose wide gates he had (with shame enough) al­ready turned in. And under conditions of a Servant, rather then of a Sonne, be constrained for his first step to set up the Jesuits faction, providently sup­pressed by himselfe before, and therein to shake the Sorbonists, faithfull sup­porters in all times of Crowne-Sove­raignty, against these slave-making conjunctions betweene the Spaniard, and his Chaplaine. Nay, yet with a greater shew of ingratitude, his next step must be to suppresse those humble soules, who had long supported him, whilest he was King of Navarre, against that murthering Holy-water of Spa­nish Rome. Lastly, to shew that no [Page 206] power can rest upon a steep, hee must precipitately be forced to send Embas­sadors to Rome (with his Sword in his scabbard) servily begging mercy, and grace of such reconciled enemies, whose endlesse ends of spirituall, and tempo­rall Supremacy▪ (this Princesse knew) would never forgive any heavenly Truth, or earthly power that should oppose their Combination. Finally she concluded that hollow Church of Rome to be of such a Bucephalus nature, as no Monarch shall be ever able to be­stride it, except onely the stirring Alexanders of time present, wherein the world is passing finely overshot in her own bow.

Wherefore to end, (as I began) with the case of Essex, was not this ex­cellent Princesse therein a witnesse to herselfe, that she never chose, or cheri­shed-Favourite, how worthy soever, to Monopolize over all the spirits, and businesse of her Kingdome; or to im­prison the universall counsels of [Page 207] nature, and State, within the narrow­nesse of a young fraile mans lustfull, or unexperienced affections? Not think­ing any one, especially a Subject, better able to doe all then her selfe. Where like a worthy head of a great body, she left the Offices, and Officers of the Crowne free to governe in their owne Predicaments, according to her trust. Reserving appeales to her selfe, as a Sea—mark to warn all Creatures under her that shee had still a creating, or defacing power inherent in her Crown and Person, above those subalterne places by which shee did minister uni­versall justice. And though her wisdom was too deep to nurse or suffer faction amongst those great Commanders, and distributers of Publique Rights: yet was shee as carefull not to permit any Aristocraticall cloud, or pillar, to shew, or shadow forth any superstitious, or false lights between her and her people.

AGaine in her houshold affaires she kept the like equall hands ballancing the sloth or sumptuousnesse of her great Stewards, and white staves, with the providence, and reservednesse of a Lord Treasurer, kept up the Ta­bles for Servants, Sutors, and for ho­nors sake in her owne house; not suf­fering publike places to be made parti­cular farmes of private men, or the honor of her houshold to be carried in­to theirs: And withall, by the same reverend Auditor, shee watched over the nimble Spirits, selfe-seeking or large-handednesse of her active Secre­taries; examining their Intelligence, money, Packets, Bils of transportati­on, Propositions of State, which they offer'd up by their places, together with Sutes of other Natures, in her [Page 201] wisdome still severing the deep busi­nesse from the specious but narrow selfnesse of inferior Officers.

Besides, all these were examined by reverend Magistrates, who having bin formerly issuers of her Majesties Trea­sure in the Secretaries places, did now worthily become Governours of her Finances, as best able to judge between the selfnesse of place, or person, and the reall necessities of her State, and King­dome. A fine art of Government by well chosen Ministers successively to wall in her Exchequer from the vast expence of many things, especially upon Forraigne Ambassadors, which (she knèw) could neither bring reve­rence, nor thankfulnesse to their Sove­raigne.

Under which head of Forraigne, and Domestique Ambassadors, the answer wherewith that Majesticall Lady enter­tained the Polarke, expected a treating Ambassador, but proving (as she told him) a defying Herald, is never to be [Page 202] forgotten among Princes, as an instance how sensible they ought to be of indig­nity, and how ready to put off such sud­den affronts, without a prompting of Councellors; againe worthily memo­rable among her Subjects, as a demon­strative argument that she would still reserve Moses place entire to her selfe amongst all the distributions of Ie­thro.

And to go on with her Domestique affaires how provident was she, out of the like caution, and to the same end, that even hee who oversaw the rest, might have his owne greatnesse over­seen, and limited too. Whereupon she forgot not to allay that vast power and jurisdiction of her Treasurers Office, with inferior Officers of her Finances, and perchance under an a­ctive Favourits eyes, kept her owne; Besides she watched and checked him in his marriage made with Paulet his Predecessor, reserved that mans ac­counts, and arrears as a rod over his [Page 203] Grandchilds alliance, qualified, and brought the fines of his many, and great Copyholds to easie rates, would never suffer any proposition to take hold of uniting the Dutchy of Lancaster to her Exchequer, what narrow reasons so­ever were alleaged of sparing and cut­ting off the multiplicity of Officers, with their wages and ignorances or corruptions, all chargable, and cloudy paths, which the dealing with Princes moneys doth as naturally bring forth, as Africa doth Monsters. But like a provident Soveraigne, knowing that place in a Monarchy must help as well to traine up servants, as to reward, and encourage merit; she constantly (to that end) keeps that Chancellor­ship of the Dutchy entire, and will not make the rewarding part of her Kingdome lesse, to overload her Ex­chequer with any addition of instru­mentall gaine amongst under Officers, into whose barns those harvests are in­ned for the most part.

[Page 204] Again with the same caution in all her doings she made merit precious, ho­nour dainty, and her graces passing rare, keeping them (as the Venetians doe their curiously refined gold) to set an edge upon the industry of man, and yet (like branches of Creation) sparingly reserved within the circuit of her Throne, as inherent, and tender Prero­gatives, not fit to be left at randome in the power of ambitious Favourites, or low-looking Councellors, whose ends are seldome so large, or safe for the pub­lique, as the native Princes Councels are, or ought to be.

For her Clergy with their Ecclesi­asticall, or Civill jurisdictions, she fa­shioned the Arches, and Westminster Hall to take such care one to bound another, that they in limiting them­selves, enlarged their Royalties, as the chiefe and equall foundations of both their greatnesses; she gave the superior places freely, lest by example she should teach them to commit sy­mony [Page 205] with their inferiors, and so adde scandall in stead of reputation to Gods Word, whose allowed Messengers they affect to seem.

Her Parliaments she used, to supply her necessarily expended treasure, and withall, as Maps of orders, or disor­ders, through her whole Kingdome. In which reverent Body (as I said before) she studied not to make parties, or faction, advancing any present Royallist in the nether House, to stir up envy up­on her self amongst all the rest, and so publish the Crowne to use personall practises of hope, or feare, in these generall Councels of her Kingdome, but by forbearing art was never trou­bled with any artificiall brickwals from them; so as their need and fears concur­ring with her occasions, made their de­sires and counsels concurre too, and out of those equall, and common grounds forced every man to beleeve his private fish ponds could not be safe, whiles the publique state of the Kingdome stood [Page 206] in danger of present, or expectant extre­mities.

Her Councell-board (as an abridg­ment of all other jurisdictions) she held up in due honour, propounded not her great businesses of State to them with any prejudicate resolution, which once discovered, suppresseth the freedome both of spirit and judgment, but opens her selfe clearly, heares them with re­spect; observes number, and reason, in their voices, and makes a quintessence of all their concords, or discords within her selfe, from whence the resolutions and directions came suddenly, and se­cretly forth for execution.

To be short, she kept awe stirring over all her Courts, and other imploy­ments, as her antidote against any far­ther necessity of punishments; In which arts of men, and Government, her na­ture, education, and long experience, had made her become excellent above both Sexes.

Againe, for the Regiment of her [Page 207] Grandees at home, she did not suffer the Nobility to be servants one to another, neither did her Gentry weare their Li­veries as in the Ages before; their num­ber and wealth was moderate, and their spirits and powers counterpoised with her Majesty, from being Authors of any new Barons Wars, and yet reserved as brave halfe paces between a Throne and a people.

Her Yeomendry, a state under her Nobles, and above her Peasants (proper to England) she maintained in their abilities, and never gave them cause to suspect, she had any intent, with extra­ordinary Taxes out of the course of Parliaments, insensibly to impoverish & make Boors, or slaves of them, know­ing that such a kind of champion coun­trey, would quickly stir up the Nobi­lity it selfe, to become doubtfull of their owne fences, and by consequence in danger, not only of holding lives, lands, goods, and Liberties at their So­veraignes indefinite pleasure, but by [Page 208] suspence of those nursing, and prote­cting Parliaments, to have all other na­tive birthrights, viz. Pulpits, Lawes, Customes, Voyces of Appeale, Audits of Trade, humble, and reverent mention of Coronation-oaths; legall publishers, and maintainers of War, true Maps of Diseases, and cures through her King­dome, with many other mutuall ci­ments of honour, and use, between So­veraigne, and subjects, like to be con­founded, or at least metamorphosed into Prerogative Taxes, wherein the people neither have voyces, nor valu­able returne. I say, this home-borne Princesse of ours making her prospect over these wildernesses of will, and power, providently for her selfe, and happily for us, refused the broad branch of Pythagoras Y, and chose that narrow­er, but safer medium of State-assem­blies, concluding that these two Ho­nourable Houses, were the only judi­cious, faithfull, and industrious Favo­rites of unincroaching Monarchs.

[Page 209] So that it appears she did not affect, nor yet would be drawne (like many of her ancient Neighbours the French Kings) to have her subjects give away their wealth after a new fashion, viz. without returne of Pardons, ease of grievances, or comfort of Lawes, lest her loving people might thereby dream of some secret intent to indennize their lives, wealth, and freedomes, into a ship of Athens, of which the name being old, and all riders, sleepers, and other Timbers new, they were to be shipped downe a streame of the like nature ever, and yet never the same. Besides not to be shipped into that ship as Mariners, Souldiers, Saylors, or Factors, but ra­ther as slaves, or conquered Out-Laws, with great dishonour to the Legall, and Royall state of Monarchicall Govern­ment, as she conceived. From which example of chaste power, we that live after this excellent Lady, may with great honour to her ashes resolve, that she would have been as adverse from [Page 210] bearing the envy of printing any new Lines of Taxe, Impositions, Proclama­tions, or Mandats (without Parlia­ments) upon her ancient coelestiall, or terrestriall Globes, as her humble sub­jects possibly could be, or wish her to be.

Now if we shall examine the reason of her cutting between Lawes, Kings powers, and the Peoples freedome, by so even a thread, what can it be, but a long and happy descent within the pe­degrees of active Princes, together with the moderating education of Kings children in those times; or lastly in a quintessence of abilities, gathered out of those blessed, and blessing mixtures of nature; Education, and Practice, which never faile to lift up man above man, and keep him there, more then place or power shall by any other encroaching advantages ever be able to doe.

In which Map, as in a true perspe­ctive glasse, this provident Princesse seeing both her owne part, and her [Page 211] peoples, so equally, nay advantagiously already divided, and disposed, shee thought it both wisdome, and justice to leave them ballanced, and distinguished as she found them; Concluding that the least change of Parallels, or Meridian Lines newly drawne upon any the an­cient Globes of Monarchall Govern­ment in absence of Parliaments, would (like the service of God in an unknown Language) prove prophaned, or misun­derstood; And consequently register such a Map of writing, and blotting of irregular raising, and depressing dis­advantagious matching of things reall, and humours together, as must multi­ply Atheisme in humane duties, cast trouble upon her Estate for want of reverence at home, and provoke this heavy censure through all the world (Spaine only excepted) that she endea­voured the raising of an invisible Tyrant above the Monarch; and to that end had made this step over Lawes, and Customes into such a dangerous [Page 212] kind of ignorant, and wandring confu­sion, as would quickly enforce man­kinde, either to live like exhausted creatures, deprived of Sabbaths, or like barren earth without priviledge of any Jubile, which metamorphosing prospect (as they thought) would re­semble Circes guests, transforme her people into divers shapes of beasts; wherin they must lose freedome, goods, fortune, language, and kinde, all at once.

An inchanted confusion imaged by the Poets, to warne Princes, that if they will easily be induced to use these racks of wit, and power indefinitly, and thereby force a free people into a des­pairing estate, they must even in the pride of their Governments, looke in some sort to be forced againe, either to sacrifice these Empsons, and Dudleyes, as the most popular act such Princes can doe, or else with the two edged sword of Tyranny, irregularitie to climbe a degree yet higher then the [Page 213] truth, to maintaine these Caterpillars in eating, or offering up Religion, Lawes, &c. to the covetous, cruell, or wanton excesses of encroaching Tyran­ny, as though God had made all the world for one.

Nay more it pleased this provident Queen even curiously to foresee, what face her estate was like to carry, if these biaced humours should continue any long raigne over us, viz. contempt to be cast over the Majesty of the Crown, feare among the people, hate and envy against the reverend Magistrate, en­tisement of domestique spirits to mu­tiny, or forraigne to invade upon any occasion, the Court it selfe becomming a Farme, manured by drawing up, not the sweet, but even the browes of hum­ble subjects; and lastly the Councell­boord, that glorious type of Civill Government, compelled to descend, and become Broker for money, executioner of extremity, better acquainted with the Merchant, or mechanicall scraping [Page 214] Revenues of sicke, and exhausted King­domes, then forraigne Treaties, equall ballances of Trade, true grounds of Manufactures, mysteries of Importa­tion, and Exportation, differing strengths, and weaknesses of Crownes, alteration of Factions, or parties with advantage, danger of alliances made to the benefit of the stronger, the steady (though sometimes intermittent) un­dertakings of the Conqueror, with all things else that concerne Magnalia Regni, and so apt instruments, not reverently to shew Princes the truth, but rather self-loving creatures full of present and servile flatteries, even to the ruine of that Estate wherein they have and enjoy their honours.

Which confusion of place and things being cleerly imaged within her, per­swaded this Lady to restrain the slavish Liberties of Transcendency, within Lawes, and Parliaments, as two un­batter'd Rampires against all over­wrestings of power, or mutinies of [Page 215] people, and out of these grounds to conclude Prince-like, with her fore-fathers, that superstructiones antiquae nec facilè evertuntur, nec solae runnt. In this axiome making manifest to the world, that time presents children, with their young, and unexperienced capacities, are much too narrow moulds, for any large branches of well-founded Monar­chies to be altered, or new fashioned in, the new and old seldome matching well together, let the Ciment of seeming wisdome on either side appeare never so equall.

Now for the right use of these high pillars, if we shall descend to inferior functions, we there find her (like a wor­king soule in a healthfull body) still, all, in all, and all in every part. For with the same restraining providence, she kept the Crowne from necessity to use Imperiall, and chargable Mandates upon her people, when she had most need of their service, contrary to the wisdome of all Government; Neither [Page 216] did she by mistaking, or misapplying instances (gathered out of the fatall conquests of her Ancestors) parallell her present need, and Levies with theirs, but wisely considered that the King, and the people were then equally pos­sessors of both Kealmes, and so in all impositions contributers to themselves at the first hand.

From which grounds, like a conten­ted and a contenting Soveraigne, she acknowledged these differences to be reall, and accordingly by an equall audit taken from her itinerant Judges, with the Justices inhabiting in every Coun­ty, after she was well informed of her subjects abilities, and her enemies threatnings, she then, by advice of her Privy-Councell summon'd her Parlia­ments, demanded ayd, and was never refused; In returne of which loving and free gifts, she disposed those extraor­dinary helps to the repayring, and pro­visionall supplying of her Forts along the Coast, with offensive and defensive [Page 217] munitions, she stored her Office of the Ordnance as a royall Magazine to fur­nish the whole Kingdom in extremity, and when there were no wars, yet she kept it full, as an equall pledge of strength, and reputation, both abroad, and at home.

Lastly, this Princesse being confi­dent in these native Sea-walls of ours, fit to beare moving Bulwarkes in mar­tial times, and in Civill Traffiques to carry out, and in, all Commodities with advantage; she double stored her Navy Magazines with all materials, provided before-hand for such workes, and things, as required time, and could not be bought with money; besides, she furnished her Sea Arsinals with all kind of staple provisions, as Ordnance, Pitch, Rosin, Tar, Masts, Deale-boards, Cordage, &c. for the building, and maintaining of her Navie, flourishing in multitude of Ships for War and Trade.

And as the life of that vast body, [Page 218] she for encrease of Mariners, gave Princely countenance to all long voya­ges, knowing they would necessarily require Ordnance, new munition, and burthen; and further to encourage this long-breathed worke, she added out of her Exchequer an allowance of so much in the tun for the builders of any ships upward of so many hundred Tuns; She cherished the fisher-boats with privi­ledges along her Coasts, as nurseries of Sea-men; brought Groniland, and New­found-land fishing in reputation to en­crease her stock of Mariners, both by taking, and transporting what they took far off.

And for the Governours of her Na­vy under the Admirall, as well in times of peace as war, she chose her princi­pall Officers out of the gallantest Sea Commanders of that time, whose ex­perience she knew taught them how to husband and guide her Muscovy Com­pany in generall Provisions, not as partner with her Merchants in build­ing, [Page 219] but restraining the Ship-keepers riot, or expence in harbour, and at Sea, how to furnish, or martiall ships, and Mariners in all kind of Sea-fights to their best advantage.

Besides, through the same mens judg­ments, she made all directions pass for the divers moulds required in ship­ping betweene our Seas, and the Ocean, as the drawth of water, high, or low, disposing of ports, cleanly roomes for Victuals, convenience of Deckes for Fight, or Trade, safe conveyance for Powder, & all other munition, fit Stow­age of Sea stores, according to the diffe­rence of heats, or colds in the Climes they were to reside in, or passe through.

Againe, as well to instruct the Cap­taines in their particular duties, as to keep a hand of Government over the large trust, and charge committed to them, in all expeditions, the Ship with her furniture, tackling, and men, the Gunners Roome with all munition of that kind, the Boat-swains provision of [Page 220] Anchors, Cables, Canvas, and Sea­stores, the Pursers, Stewards, and Cooks Roomes touching victuals were delivered to the Captaines by Bill indented; the one part kept with the Officers of the Navy at home, the other in the hands of every private Captaine to examine his accounts by when he return'd: of which my selfe am wit­nesse, as being well acquainted with the use of it in my youth, but utterly un­acquainted with the change since, or any reasons of it.

Lastly, this great Governesse could tell how to worke her high Admirals (without noise) to resign their Patents, when the course of times made them in power, and gaine, seeme, or grow too exorbitant; yet kept she up their Command at Sea, and when they were there made them a limited, or absolute Commission under the great Seale of England, sometimes associating, and qualifying their place, with a Councell of war of her own choice, and ever guid­ing [Page 221] the generalities of the Voyage with instructions proper to the business, and to be published at Sea in a time pre­fixed.

Out of which caution in her prin­cipall expeditions, she striving (as I said) to allay that vast power of place with some insensible Counterpoise, many times joyned an active Favourite with that Sea Neptune of hers, making credit, place, and merit, finely com­petitors in her service; Besides, she well understanding the humours of both, temper'd them so equally one with another in her latter expeditions, as the Admirall being remisse, and apt to forgive all things, Essex severely true to Martiall Discipline, and loath to wound it by forgiving petty errours under that implacable Tyrant Mars, in all likelihood her Fleet could hardly be over sailed, or under ballasted, and consequently the Crowne (in her ab­sence) was sure to be guarded with more eyes than two, to prevent confu­fusion [Page 222] in Martiall Affaires; where eve­ry Ship proves beyond the amendment of second thoughts, and so fatall to that state which paies, and negligently ventures.

The Merchant-part of her King­dome was oppressed with few imposi­tions, the Companies free to choose their owne Officers, to fashion their Trade, assisted with the name and coun­tenance of her Embassadors, the cu­stome, and returne of their industry, and adventures, contenting them in a free Market without any nearer cut­ting of peoples industry to the quick.

The Flushingers, and Dunkerkers in succession of time, it is true, did much afflict their Traffique, though with smal strength; whereupon she first travelled to suppresse them by force, but found the Charge grow infinite, and the cure so casuall, as she joyned Treaty with the Sword, and set her Seas by that providence, and industry, once againe at liberty from all molestation, or dan­ger of Pyrates.

[Page 223] Her Universities were troubled with few Mandates, the Colledges free in all their Elections, and governed by their own Statutes, the grosse neglect of using the Latine Tongue she studied to re­forme, as well for honour of the Uni­versities, as for her own service in all Treaties with Forraign Princes, she studied to multiply her Civilians with little charge, and yet better allow­ance to their Profession.

In a word, she preserved her Religi­on without waving, kept both her Mar­tiall, and Civill Goverment intire a­bove neglect, or practice, by which, with a multitude of like instances, she manifested to the World, that the well governing of Princes own Inheritan­ces, is (in the cleare house of Fame) superiour to all the far noised con­quests of her over-griping Ancestors, since what Man lives, conversant in the Calenders of estates, but must know, that had not these wind-blown con­quests of ours happily been scattered, [Page 224] they must in time have turned the mo­derate wealth, and degrees of England into the nasty poverty of the French peasants; brought home Mandates in stead of Lawes, waved our freedomes in Parliaments with new christned Impositions, and in the end have sub­jected native and active Albion to be­come a Province, and so inferior to her owne dearly bought forraign conquests, being forced to yeeld up the superla­tive works of power, to the equall Laws of Nature, which almost every where (America excepted) proclames the greater to be naturally a Law-giver over the lesse.

YEt as this wise and moderate Go­vernesse was far from incroaching upon any other Princes Dominions, so wanted she neither foresight, courage nor might, both to suppresse all inso­lencies attempted against her selfe, and to support her Neighbours unjustly oppressed, whereof by the Readers pa­tience I will here adde some few instan­ces.

She had no sooner perfected her Virgin-triumph over that sanctified, and invincible Navy, and by that losse published the Spanish ambition, weak­nesse, and malice to all Christendome, secured her owne estate, revived the Netherlands, confuted the Pope, turned the caution of the Italian Princes the right way, and amazed the world; but even then to pursue that victory, and [Page 226] prevent her enemies ambition, which still threatned the world with new Fleets; then (I say) did this active Lady conclude, with advise of her Councell, and applause of her Kingdome, to de­fend her selfe thenceforth by invading, and no more attend the Conquerors pleasure at her owne doores.

Out of which resolution she first sent forth the Earle of Cumberland, who attempted the surprize of Porto Ricco, accomplished it with honour, and so might have kept it, had not disease, and disorder proved more dangerous ene­mies to him, then the great name, and small force of the Spanish did.

Againe to prevent danger, not in the bud, but roor, she tooke upon her the protection of Don Antonio King of Portugall, sent Sir Iohn Norris, and Sir Francis Drake, with a Royall Fleet, and eleven thousand men to land, seconded with the fortune, and countenance of the Earle of Essex; they tooke the base Towne of the Groyne, and when they [Page 227] had overthrowne all that came to suc­cour it, and burnt the Countrey, then marched they on to Lisbone, and in that journey sacked Penicke, wasted Villages, and Provinces, entred the suburbs of Lisbone even to the gates of the High Towne, and burnt threescore Spanish hulkes full of provisions.

And to the same end, she did, and still meant successively to maintaine a Fleet of her owne Ships, and her fast friends the Netherlands upon his Coasts, not only to disturbe the returne of victuals, munition, and materials for War, with which the Empire, Poland, and the Hanse Townes did usually, and fatally (even to themselves) furnish this growing Monarch, but withall to keep his Navy which was riding, and build­ing in many havens, from possibility of getting head in any one place to annoy her; and thirdly to set such a Taxe upon the wafting home of his Indian Fleets, as might (in some measure) qualifie that fearfull abundance which else was like [Page 228] enough to spread infection through the soundest Councels, and Councellors of all his Neighbour-Princes.

In the meane time, the French King Henry the third (heartned by her exam­ple, and successe) did encounter the Gui­sards, a strong Faction depending upon Spaine. And when he was made away by treason, & the Leagues in Armes under the Spaniards protection, then did the Queen providently take opportunity to change the Seat of her Warres, and assisted Henry the fourth, the succeeding King, by the Earle of Essex, untill he was able to subsist by himselfe, and till, by her support he was strengthened, both to overthrow the League, and be­come a second ballance against the great, and vast desires of Spain.

Neither did she rest here, or give him breath, but with a Fleet of one hundred and fifty Sayle, and a strong Land-army, sent the Earle of Essex, and the Admi­rall of England to invade Spaine it selfe, they tooke Cales, spoiled his Fleet of [Page 229] twenty Gallyes, and fifty nine Ships, the riches whereof were valued at twelve millions of Duckets. Immedi­ately after, imployed she not the Earle of Essex with a Fleet to the Islands? In which Voyage he sacked Villa Franca, tooke prizes to the value of foure hun­dred thousand Duckets at the least.

Now when this Spanish Invader found himselfe thus well paid with his owne coyne, and so forced to divert the provoked hand of that famous Queen held over him, by stirring up Tirone in Ireland; to which end he sent money, and Forces under Don Iohn d' Aquila, even then that Lady, first by Essex, and after by Montjoy, overthrew the Irish, and sent home the Spaniard well re­compenced with losse, and dishonour for assisting her Rebels.

By which and the like active cour­ses of hers in successive, and successefull undertakings, that provident Lady both bore out the charge of all those ex­peditions, requited his Invasion, clip­ped [Page 230] the fearfull wings of this growing Monarch, and made his credit swell through all the mony-banks of Europe, causing withall as low an Ebbe of his treasure.

Againe by this imprisoning of the Lyon within his owne den, she did not only lessen his reputation (a chiefe strength of growing Monarchs) but discovered such a light as perchance might have forced him in time, to dis­pute the Titles of his Usurpations at home, and have given Portugall, Arra­gon, and Granoda opportunity to plead their rights with Castile in the Courts of Mars, if God had either lengthened the dayes of that worthy Lady who understood him, or time not neglected her wisdome so suddenly, by exchang­ing that active, victorious, enriching, and ballancing course of her defensive Wars, for an idle (I feare) deceiving shadow of peace. In which whether we already languish, or live impoverished, whilst he growes potent, and rich, by [Page 231] the fatall security of all Christendome, they that shall succeed us, are like to feele, and judge freely.

Thus you see how our famous Iudith dispersed the terrour of this Holofer­nes, like a cloud full of wind, and by a Princely wakefulnesse, preserved all those Soveraigne States that were in league with her, from the dangerous temptations of power, wealth, and pra­ctice, by which the growing Monarchs doe often intangle the inferior, but yet Soveraigne Princes. And amongst the rest, from that usefull traffique of his Leiger Embassadors, who trained up in the nimble exchange of Intelligence, grow to be of such a Bucephalus nature, so like Rome, as I said before, a body of such members, as the Alexanders of their time can only mannage, and make use of; Instance Mendosa, in whom she had long before discovered, and discre­dited all practises of those specious im­ployments of Conquerers Agents.

Besides in honour of her be it spo­ken, [Page 232] did not this mirrour of Justice, by restraining that naturall ambition of getting other Princes rights, within the naturall bounds of well-governing her owne, become a beame of such cre­dit, as most of the Kings, or States then raigning, freely yeelded; both to weigh their owne interests within the scales of her judgment, and besides to assist her in bounding out the Imperiall Meeres of all Princes by the ancient precession of Right, and power.

Lastly, did she not purchase the like reputation even amongst the hea­then, and by it destroy'd a nest, which this aspiring Monarch began to build in the Seraglio of Constantinople; For she thinking it no wisdome to look on, and see his Spanish pistols pierce into so high a mountaine of Forces, and dis­pose of them at his pleasure, provident­ly opened the stronger Monarchs eyes to discover how craftily the weaker wrought his ends at the cost of all de­fective, or sleepy Princes about her.

[Page 233] Yet did not this Soveraigne Lady intercept his designes from under any Goddesse shield (whom Homer makes the Grecian Worthies shoot, and hit) but displanted him by a gallant Factor of her Merchants in a league of Traf­fique, and prevailed to make his Em­bassador landed at Ragusa, housed in Constantinople, and all under protection of Ferrat chiefe Visier, yet, and upon a contract of thirty thousand zecchins already paid him, glad to returne, and shippe himselfe away, with more expe­dition then he landed.

Besides which reputation given to her name by the Grand Signior in this particular, she generally got power to keep this fearfull Standard of the halfe Moon waving in such manner over all the King of Spaines designes, as he durst move no where against his Neigh­bour-Christian Princes, for feare of being incompassed within the horns of the heathen Crescent.

[Page 234] But these things swell, and require a more authenticall History, to continue the memory of that wonder of Queens, and women; in honour of whose sacred name, I have presumed thus to digresse, and admonish all Estates by her ex­ample, how they may draw use, and ho­nour, both from the dead, and the living, the change of times having no power over reall wisdomes, but infinite over the shadowes of craft, and humours of petty States, which commonly follow the greater Bodies, as they are unequal­ly extended, or contracted about them.

Wherefore now to conclude these Heroicall Enterprises abroad, together with the reformations of her State at home, the refining of the English Stan­dard embased by her sister, the preser­vation of her Crown-Revenue intire, her wisdome in the change of Lawes, without change of dangers, the timely and Princely help she gave to Henry the fourth when he had nothing but [Page 235] the Towne of Diepe left him, his credit, and meanes being utterly exhausted, and so that brave King ready, either to take Sea, and escape, or flye for succour into England, her constant establishment of Religion in Ireland, driving the Spanish Forces divers times from thence, who were ma­liciously sent as well to stirre up her subjects to rebell as to maintaine, and support them in it, together with the former recited particulars, howsoever improperly dispersed, or bundled up together, yet are in their natures of so rare a wisdome, as I beleeve they will still be more and more admired, and justly in that excellent Princesse, even many Ages after her death.

Thus have I by the Readers pati­ence, given that Aegyptian, and Roman Tragedy a much more honourable se­pulture, then it could ever have deser­ved, especially in making their memo­ries to attend upon my Soveraignes herse, without any other hope of being, [Page 236] then to wait upon her life, and death, as their Maker did, who hath ever since been dying to all those glories of Life which he formerly enjoyed, under the blessed, and blessing presence of this un­matchable Queen and woman.

Now if any man shall demand why I did not rather leave unto the world a complete history of her Life, then this short memoriall in such scatter'd, and undisgested minutes, let him receive this answer from a dead man, because I am confident no flesh breathing (by seeing what is done) shall have occasion of asking that question, whilest I am living. Presently after the death of my most gracious Queen, and Mistress, the false spirits, and apparitions of idle griefe haunted me exceedingly, and made all things seeme either greater, or lesse then they were; so that the far­ther I went, the more discomfortable I found those new resolutions of time, to my decayed, and disproportioned abilities; yet fearing to be cursed with [Page 237] the Figg-tree, if I bore no fruit, I rou­zed up my thoughts upon an ancient axiome of Wise men; Si quicquid offen­dit, relinquimus citò; inerti otio torpebit vita; and upon a second review of the world, called to mind the many duties I ought to that matchlesse Soveraigne of mine, with a resolution to write her life in this manner.

First, seriously to have begun with the uniting of the Red, and White Ro­ses, in the marriage of Hen: the seventh; In the like manner to have run over Henry the eighths time, untill his seve­rall rents in the Church, with a pur­pose to have demurr'd more seriously upon the sudden change in his Sonne Edward the sixth, from superstition to the establishment of Gods Ancient, Catholique, and Primitive Church; those cobwebs of re-conversion in Queen Maryes dayes, I had no intent to meddle with, but only by pre-occu­pation to shew, that Princes captived [Page 238] in Nature, can seldome keep any thing free in their Governments, but as soyles manured to bring forth ill weeds apace, must live to see Schisme arise in the Church, wearing out the reall branches of immortall truth, to weave in the thin leaves of mortall superstition, and to behold in the State all their fairest in­dustries spring, and fade together, like Ferne-seed; Lastly, I intended with such spirits, as Age had left me, to revive my self in her memory, under whom I was bred.

Now in this course, because I knew, that as the liberality of Kings did help to cover many errours, so truth in a story would make good many other de­fects in the writer. I adventured to move the Secretary, that I might have his favour to peruse all obsolete Re­cords of the Councell chest, from those times downe as near to these, as he in his wisdome should think fit; hee first friendly required my end in it, which I [Page 239] as freely delivered him, as I have now done to you.

Against her memory he, of all men, had no reason to keep a strict hand, and where to bestow a Queen Elizabeths servant with lesse disadvantage to him­selfe it seems readily appeared not; so that my abrupt motion tooke hold of his present Counsell. For he liberally granted my request, and appointed me that day three weeks to come for his warrant, which I did, and then found in shew a more familiar, and gracefull aspect then before, he descending to question me, why I would dreame out my time in writing a story, being as like to rise in this time as any man he knew; Then in a more serious, and friendly manner examining me, how I could cleerly deliver many things done in that time, which might perchance be con­strued to the prejudice of this.

I shortly made answer, that I concei­ved an Historian was bound to tell no­thing [Page 240] but the truth, but to tell all truths were both justly to wrong, and offend not only Princes, and States, but to blemish, and stir up against himselfe, the frailty and tendernesse, not only of particular men, but of many Families, with the spirit of an Athenian Timon; And therefore shewed my selfe so far from being discouraged with that ob­jection, as I took upon me freely to adventure all my own goods in this Ship, which was to be of my owne building. Immediately this Noble Secretary, as it seems, moved, but not removed with those selfenesse of my opinion, seriously assured me, that up­on second thoughts he durst not pre­sume to let the Councell-chest lie open to any man living, without his Maje­sties knowledge and approbation.

With this supersedeas I humbly took my leave, at the first sight assuring my selfe this last project of his would necessarily require sheet after sheet to [Page 241] be viewed, which I had no confidence in my own powers to abide the hazard of; and herein it may please the Rea­der to beleeve me the rather by these Pamphlets, which having slept out my own time, if they happen to be seene hereafter, shall at their own perill rise upon the stage, when I am not; Be­sides, in the same proposition I further saw, that the many Judgements, which those Embryoes of mine must probably have past through, would have brought forth such a world of alterations, as in the end the worke it selfe would have proved a story of other mens writing, wity my name only to put to it, and so a worship of time, not a voluntary ho­mage of duty.

Farther I cannot justifie these little sparkes, unworthy of her, and unfit for me; so that I must conclude with this ingenuous Confession, that it grieves me to know I shall (as far as this ab­rupt Apology extends) live, and dye [Page 242] upon equall tearmes with a Queene, and Creature so many waies unequall, nay, infinitely superiour to me, both in Nature, and Fortune.

NOw to return to the Tragedies re­maining, my purpose in them was, not (with the Ancient) to exemplifie the disastrous miseries of mans life, where Order, Lawes, Doctrine, and Authority are unable to protect Inno­cency from the exorbitant wickednesse of power, and so out of that melan­cholike Vision, stir horrour, or mur­mur against Divine Providence: nor yet (with the Moderne) to point out Gods revenging aspect upon every particular sin, to the despaire, or con­fusion of mortality; but rather to trace out the high waies of ambitious Go­vernours, [Page 243] and to shew in the practice, that the more audacity, advantage, and good successe such Soveraignties have, the more they hasten to their owne de­solation and ruine.

So that to this abstract end, finding all little instruments in discovery of great bodies to be seldome without er­rours, I presumed, or it rather esca­ped me, to make my Images beyond the ordinary stature of excesse, where­in again that women are predominant, is not for malice, or ill talent to their Sexe; But as Poets figured the vertues to be women, all Nations call them by Feminine names, so have I described malice, craft, and such like vices in the persons of Shrews, to shew that many of them are of that nature, even as we are, I meane strong in weaknesse; and consequently in these Orbes of Passi­on, the weaker Sexe, commonly the most predominant; yet as I have not made all women good with Euripides, [Page 244] so have I not made them all evill with Sophocles, but mixt of such sorts as we find both them, and our selves.

Againe, for the Arguments of these Tragedies they be not naked, and casu­all, like the Greeke, and Latine, nor (I confesse) contrived with the variety, and unexpected encounters of the Ita­lians, but nearer Level'd to those hu­mours, councels, and practices, where­in I thought fitter to hold the attention of the Reader, than in the strangeness, or perplexedness of witty Fictions; In which the affections, or imagination, may perchance find exercise, and enter­tainment, but the memory and judge­ment no enriching at all; Besides, I conceived these delicate Images to be over-abundantly furnished in all Lan­guages already.

And my Noble Friend had that dex­terity, even with the dashes of his pen to make the Arcadian Antiques beauti­fie the Margents of his works; yet the [Page 245] honour which (I beare him record) he never affected, I leave unto him, with this addition, that his end in them was not vanishing pleasure alone, but mo­rall Images, and Examples, (as dire­cting threds) to guide every man through the confused Labyrinth of his own desires, and life: So that how so­ever I liked them not too well (even in that unperfected shape they were) to condescend that such delicate (though inferior) Pictures of himselfe, should be suppressed; yet I do wish that work may be the last in this kind, presuming no man that followes can ever reach, much lesse go beyond that excellent intended patterne of his.

For my own part, I found my cree­ping Genius more fixed upon the Ima­ges of Life, than the Images of Wit, and therefore chose not to write to them on whose foot the black Oxe had not already trod, as the Proverbe is, but to those only, that are weather-beaten [Page 246] in the Sea of this World, such as ha­ving loft the sight of their Gardens, and groves, study to saile on a right course among Rocks, and quick-sands; And if in this ordaining, and ordering mat­ter, and forme together for the use of life, I have made those Tragedies, no Plaies for the Stage, be it known, it was no part of my purpose to write for them, against whom so many good, and great spirits have already written.

But he that will behold these Acts upon their true Stage, let him look on that Stage wherein himself is an Actor, even the state he lives in, and for every part he may perchance find a Player, and for every Line (it may be) an in­stance of life, beyond the Authors in­tention, or application, the vices of for­mer Ages being so like to these of this Age, as it will be easie to find out some affinity, or resemblance between them, which whosoever readeth with this ap­prehension, will not perchance thinke [Page 247] the Scenes too large, at least the matter not to be exceeded in account of words.

Lastly, for the Stile; as it is rich, or poore, according to the estate, and ability of the Writer, so the value of it shall be enhansed, or cried downe, ac­cording to the grace, and the capacity of the Reader, from which common Fortune of Bookes, I look for no ex­emption.

But to conclude, as I began this worke, to entertaine, and instruct my selfe, so if any other find entertaine­ment, or profit by it, let him use it freely, judge honourably of my friend, and moderately of me, which is all the returne that out of this barren Stock can be desired, or expected.