The life of the renowned Sr Philip Sidney. with the true interest of England as it then stood in relation to all forrain princes: and particularly for suppressing the power of Spain stated by him. His principall actions, counsels, designes, and death. Together with a short account of the maximes and policies used by Queen Elizabeth in her government. Written by Sir Fulke Grevil Knight, Lord Brook, a servant to Queen Elizabeth, and his companion & friend.

The life of the renowned Sr Philip Sidney. with the true interest of England as it then stood in relation to all forrain princes: and particularly for suppressing the power of Spain stated by him. His principall actions, counsels, designes, and death. Together with a short account of the maximes and policies used by Queen Elizabeth in her government. Written by Sir Fulke Grevil Knight, Lord Brook, a servant to Queen Elizabeth, and his companion & friend.

Table of contents

Title page

Moſt humbly, To the Right Honorable THE COUNTESSE OF SƲNDERLAND.

CHAP. I.

CHAP. II.

CHAP. III.

CHAP. IV.

CHAP. V.

CHAP. VI.

CHAP. VII.

CHAP. VIII.

CHAP. IX.

CHAP. X.

CHAP. XI.

CHAP. XII

CHAP. XIII.

CAP. XIV.

CAP. XV.

CAP. XVI.

CAP. XVII.

CAP. XVIII.

[Page] [Page]THE Life of the Renowned Sr PHILIP SIDNEY.

FINIS.

§

[Page]

THE LIFE Of the Renowned Sr PHILIP SIDNEY. WITH The true Intereſt of England as it then ſtood in relation to all Forrain Princes: And particularly for ſuppreſſing the power of Spain Stated by Him. His principall Actions, Counſels, Deſignes, and Death. Together with a ſhort Account of the Maximes and Policies uſed by Queen Elizabeth in her Government.

Written by Sir FULKE GREVIL Knight, Lord BROOK, a Servant to Queen Elizabeth, and his Companion & Friend.

LONDON, Printed for Henry Seile over againſt St Dunſtans Church in Fleet-ſtreet. MDCLII.

Moſt humbly, To the Right Honorable THE COUNTESSE OF SƲNDERLAND.

[Page]

[Page]

Since Madam,

BOth your Bloud, and Vertues do ſo ſtrongly Intitle you to this well-limb'd Piece; it would be a ſtain upon the Publiſher, [Page] to enſhrine it to any other Name but yours. Who can protect the story of a Sidney, but a Sidney's Name? Thus his Matchleſs Poem, ſeem'd providentially by him impatronag'd unto his Peerleſs Siſter. And this (Madam) being another of his meaner Monuments, diſdains Addreſs to any other Alliance but his own. Here at your feet (by no deſpicable Pen) the Hiſtory of our Nations Wonder lies; Whoſe large ſpread [Page] Fame, your noble Meene improves, and convinces the World of this Truth, That not only the Endowments of Nature, but even the Enoblements of the Mind, and Genius, are many times inherent in the Bloud and Linage. Some Families are privileg'd from Heaven in Excellencies, which now and then in particular Branches, like new Stars, appear and beautifie the ſphere they ſhine in. And doubtleſs if the departed into [Page] Happineſs, have any knowledge of our humane Viciſsitudes, his gallant Soul looks down with Contentment, to ſee the Honour of his Houſe continued in your unblemiſht Merit. Which, taking all, may excuſe the preſumption that I can be charged with, who not pretending to the Authorage, have thought I could not doe more right, either to him, or the ſubject of the diſcourſe, than to inſcribe it to Her, who like day in this Ecclipſe [Page] of Honour, enlightning our Weſtern Orb, hath ambition'd me to make this offering from,

Madam,

The meaneſt of your moſt obedient Servants, P. B.

CHAP. I.

THe difference which I have found between times, and conſequently the changes of life into which their naturall viciſſitudes doe violently carry men, as they have made deep furrowes of impreſſions into my heart, ſo the ſame heavy wheeles cauſe me to retire my thoughts from free traffique with the world, and rather ſeek comfortable eaſe or imployment in the ſafe memory of [Page] dead men, than diſquiet in a doubtfull converſation amongſt the living. Which I ingenuouſly confeſſe, to be one chief motive of dedicating theſe exerciſes of my youth to that Worthy Sir Philip Sidney, ſo long ſince departed. For had I grounded my ends upon active Wiſedomes of the preſent, or ſought Patronage out of hope, or fear in the future; Who knowes not, that there are ſome Noble friends of mine, and many Honourable Magiſtrates yet living, unto whom both my Fortune, and Reputation were, and are far more ſubject? But beſides this ſelf-reſpect of Dedication, the debt I acknowledge to that Gentleman is farre greater, as with whom I ſhall ever account it honour to have been brought up: and in whom the life it ſelf of true worth, did (by way of example) far exceed the pictures of it in any moral Precepts. So that (if my creation had been equal) it would have proved as [Page] eaſie for me, to have followed his patern, in the practice of reall vertue, as to engage my ſelf into this Characteriſticall kind of Poeſie: in defence whereof he hath written ſo much, as I ſhall not need to ſay any thing. For that this repreſenting of vertues, vices, humours, counſells, and actions of men unfeigned, and unſcandalous Images, is an inabling of free-born ſpirits to the greateſt affaires of States: he himſelf hath left ſuch an inſtance in the too ſhort ſcene of his life, as I fear many Ages will not draw a line out of any other mans ſphere to parallel with it.

For my own part, I obſerved, honoured, and loved him ſo much; as with what caution ſoever I have paſſed through my dayes hitherto aamong the living, yet in him I challenge a kind of freedome even among the dead. So that although with Socrates, I profeſſe to know nothing [Page] for the preſent; yet with Neſtor I am delighted in repeating old newes of the ages paſt; and will therefore ſtir up my drooping memory touching this mans worth, powers, wayes, and deſignes: to the end that in the tribute I owe him, our nation may ſee a Sea-mark, rais'd upon their native coaſt, above the levell of any private Pharos abroad: and ſo by a right Meridian line of their own, learn to ſayl through the ſtraits of true vertue, into a calm, and ſpacious Ocean of humane honour.

It is ordinary among men to obſerve the races of horſes, and breeds of other cattle. But few conſider, that as divers humors mixt in mens bodies make different complexions; ſo every Family hath, as it were, divers predominant qualities in it: which, as they are tempered together in Marriage, give a certain tincture to all the deſcent. In my time, I have [Page] obſerved it in many houſes, eſpecially in this. Sir Henry Sidney his Father was a man of excellent naturall wit, large heart, ſweet converſation: and ſuch a Governour, as ſought not to make an end of the State in himſelf, but to plant his own ends in the proſperity of his Countrey. Witnes his ſound eſtabliſhments both in Wales, and Ireland, where his Memory is worthily grateful unto this day: how unequall, & bitter ſoever the cenſure of Provincialls is uſually, againſt ſincere Monarchall Governours, eſpecially ſuch, as though in worth and place ſuperior, are yet in their own degrees of heraldry, inferior to them.

On the other ſide, his Mother, as ſhe was a woman by deſcent of great Nobility, ſo was ſhe by nature of a large ingenuous ſpirit. Whence, as it were even racked with native ſtrengths, ſhee choſe rather to hide her ſelf from the curious eyes of a delicate time, than come up on the ſtage [Page] of the world with any manner of diſparagement, the miſchance of ſickneſſe having caſt ſuch a kind of veile over her excellent beauty, as the modeſty of that ſex doth many times upon their native, and heroicall ſpirits.

So that it may probably be gathetherd, that this clearneſſe of his Fathers judgement, and ingenious ſenſibleneſſe of his Mothers, brought forth ſo happy a temper in this wellmixt Ofspring of theirs, as (without envy be it ſpoken) Sir Philip deſerves to be accompted amongſt thoſe eminent Plants of our ſoyl, which blaſt, or bite not, but rather ſt [...]tuminate, and refreſh the Vines, Corn, Fruits, or whatſoever groweth under their ſhaddows. And as he was their Firſt-born, ſo was he not the contraction, but the extenſion of their ſtrength, and the very aim, and perfect type of it.

Of whoſe Youth I will report no [Page] other wonder, but this; That though I lived with him, and knew him from a child, yet I never knew him other than a man: with ſuch ſtaiedneſſe of mind, lovely, and familiar gravity, as carried grace, and reverence above greater years. His talk ever of knowledge, and his very play tending to enrich his mind: So as even his teachers found ſomething in him to obſerve, and learn, above that which they had uſually read, or taught. Which eminence, by nature, and induſtry, made his worthy Father ſtile Sir Philip in my hearing (though I unſeen) Lumen familiae ſuae. But why doe I mention this relative harmony of worth between Father and Son? Did not his Country ſoon after take knowledge of him as a Light, or leading Star to every degree within her? Are not the Arts and Languages, which enabled him to Travail at fourteen years old, and in his Travail to win [Page] reverence amongſt the chief Learned men abroad, Witneſſes beyond exception that there was great inequality of worth and goodneſſe in him?

Inſtance that reverend Languet, mentioned for honours ſake in Sir Philip's Arcadia, learned uſque ad miraculum; wiſe by the conjunction of practice in the world, with that wellgrounded Theory of Books, & much valued at home; till this great Worth (even in a Gentlemans fortune) being diſcovered for a dangerous inſtrument againſt Rome and Spain, by ſome ſparkles got light enough, rather to ſeek employment elſwhere, than to tarry, and be driven out of his own Country with diſparagement. In Franckford he ſettles, is entertained Agent for the Duke of Saxony, and an under-hand Miniſter for his own King. Lodged he was in Wechels houſe, the Printer of Franckford, where Sir Philip in travail chancing likewiſe to become a [Page] gueſt, this ingenious old mans fulneſſe of knowledge, travailing as much to be delivered from abundance by teaching, as Sir Philip's rich nature, and induſtry thirſted to be taught, and manured; this harmony of an humble Hearer to an excellent Teacher, ſo equally fitted them both, as out of a naturall deſcent both in love, and plenty, the elder grew taken with a net of his own thread, and the younger taught to lift up himſelf by a thread of the ſame ſpinning; ſo as this reverend Languet, orderly ſequeſtred from his ſeverall Functions under a mighty King, and Saxonie the greateſt Prince of Germany, became a Nurſe of knowledge to this hopefull young Gentleman, and without any other hire, or motive than this ſympathy of affections, accompanyed him in the whole courſe of his three years travail. By which example the judicious Reader may ſee, that Worth [Page] in every Nation finds her Country, Parents, Neighbours, and Friends, yea, and often, with more honour, dearneſſe, and advancement in knowledges, than any pedigree of fleſhly kindred, will, or can at home raiſe, or enlarge them unto. Nay to goe yet farther in this private inſtance; It may pleaſe the Reader to obſerve, how the ſame parallel of worth, in what age, or eſtate ſoever, as it hath power to win, ſo hath it likewiſe abſolute power to keep. Far unlike thoſe creations of chance, which hath other birds egges; and by advancing men out of chance or complement, loſe them again as faſt by neglect. Contrary to which, even when diverſity of years, courſes of life, and fortunes, enforced theſe dear Friends to divide, there yet paſſed ſuch a continuall courſe of intelligence by Letters from one of them to another, as in their loſſe (if they be loſt) there be [Page] buried many delicate images, and differences, between the reall, and large complexions of thoſe active times, and the narrow ſalves of this effeminate age: Becauſe in this excellent mould of their friendſhip, the greateſt buſineſſes of Eſtate were ſo mixed with the ſweet remiſſions of ingenuous good will, as men might eaſily diſcern in them (as unflattering glaſſes) that wiſdome, and love, in good ſpirits have great affinity together. For a farther demonſtration, behold even the ſame Languet (after he was ſixty ſix years of age) faſhioning himſelf a journey into England, with the Duke Caſimire, onely to ſee that excellent Plant of his own poliſhing. In which loving, and unexpected meeting, I dare confidently affirm, neither ſide became loſer. At the ſea they parted, and made many mutuall tears omnious propheciers of their never meeting again.

Theſe little ſparks of two large [Page] natures I make bold the longer to inſiſt upon, becauſe the youth, life and fortune of this Gentleman were indeed but ſparkes of extraordinary greatneſſe in him: which for want of clear vent lay concealed, and in a maner ſmothered up. And again to bring the children of favor, and change, into an equall ballance of compariſon with birth, worth, and education: and therein abruptly to conclude, that God creates thoſe in his certain, and eternall mouldes, out of which he elects for himſelf; where Kings chooſe creatures out of Pandoras Tun, and ſo raiſe up worth, and no worth; friends or enemies at adventure. Therefore what marvail can it be, if theſe Iacobs, and Eſaus ſtrive ambitiouſly one with another, as well before as after they come out of ſuch erring, and unperfect wombes?

Now from theſe particular teſtimonies to goe on with Sir Philips [Page] life: though he purpoſed no monuments of books to the world, out of this great harveſt of knowledge; yet doe not his Arcadian Romanties live after him, admired by our foureeyd Criticks? who, howſoever their common end upon common arts be to affect reputation by depraving cenſure; yet where nature placeth excellencie above envy, there (it ſeemeth) ſhe ſubjecteth theſe carping eyes to wander, and ſhewes the judicious reader, how he may be nouriſhed in the delicacy of his own judgement.

For inſtance; may not the moſt refined ſpirits, in the ſcope of theſe dead images (even as they are now) finde, that when Soveraign Princes, to play with their own viſions, will put off publique action, which is the ſplendor of Majeſtie, and unactively charge the managing of their greateſt affaires upon the ſecond-hand faith, and diligence of [Page] Deputies, may they not (I ſay) underſtand, that even then they bury themſelves, and their Eſtates in a cloud of contempt, and under it both encourage, and ſhaddow the the conſpiracies of ambitious ſubalternes to their falſe endes. I mean the ruine of States and Princes?

Again, where Kingly Parents will ſuffer, or rather force their wives and daughters, to deſcend from the inequality and reſervedneſſe of Princely education, into the contemptible familiarity, and popular freedome of Shepherds; may we not diſcern that even therein they give thoſe Royall birthes warrant, or opportunity, to break over all circles of honor, ſafe-guards to the modeſty of that ſex; and withall make them fraily, apt to change the commanding manners of Princely Birth, into the degrading images of ſervile baſeneſſe? Laſtly, where humor takes away this pomp, and [Page] apparatus from King, Crown, and Scepter, to make fear a Counſellor, and obſcurity a wiſdom; be that King at home what the current, or credit of his former Government, for a a while, may keep him: yet he is ſure among forrain Princes to be juſtly cenſured as a Princely Shepherd, or Shepherdiſh King: which creatures of ſcorn ſeldome fail to become fit ſacrifices for home-born diſcontentments, or ambitious forrain ſpirits to undertake, and offer up.

Againe, who ſees not the chanceable arrivall of Euarchus into Arcadia; his unexpected election to the temporary Soveraignty of that State; his ſitting in a cloudy ſeat of judgement, to give ſentence (under a maſk of Shepherds) againſt his Son, Nephew, Neeces, the immediate ſucceſſors to that Scepter; and all accuſed and condemned of rape, paricide, adulteries, or treaſons, by their own Lawes: I ſay who ſees not, that [Page] theſe dark webs of effeminate Princes be dangerous forerunners of innovation, even in a quiet, and equally tempered people? So that if Sir Philips had not made the integrity of this forrain King an image of more conſtant, pure, and higher ſtrain, than nature makes thoſe ordinary mouldes, wherein ſhe faſhioneth earthly Princes, even this opportunity, and map of deſolation prepared for Euarchus, wherein he ſaw all the ſucceſſors of this Province juſtly condemned under his own ſentence, would have raiſed up ſpecious rights, or pretences for new ambition in him; and upon the never-failing pillars of occaſion, amaſednes of people, and ſad offer of glorious novelties, have tempted him to eſtabliſh this Election for a time, ſucceſſively, to him and his for ever?

To be ſhort, the like, and finer moralities offer themſelves throughout [Page] that various, and dainty work of his, for ſounder judgements to exerciſe their Spirits in; ſo that if the infancie of theſe Ideas, determining in the firſt generation, yield the ingenuous Reader ſuch pleaſant & profitable diverſity, both of flowers, and fruits, let him conceive, if this excellent Image-maker had liv'd to finiſh, and bring to perfection this extraordinary frame of his own Common-wealth: I meane, the return of Baſilius, from his dreames of humor, to the honor of his former Eſtate; the marriage of the two ſiſters with the two excellent Princes; their iſſue; the warres ſtirred up by Amphialus; his marriage with Helena; their ſucceſſions; together with the incident Magnificences, pompes of ſtate, providences of councells in treaties of peace, or aliance, ſummons of warres, and orderly execution of their diſorders; I ſay, what a large field an active able ſpirit ſhould have had to walk in, let [Page] the adviſed Reader conceive with grief. Eſpecially if he pleaſe to take knowledge, that in all theſe creatures of his making, his intent, and ſcope was, to turn the barren Philoſphy precepts into pregnant Images of life; and in them, firſt on the Monarch's part, lively to repreſent the growth, ſtate, and declination of Princes, change of Government, and lawes: viciſſitudes of ſedition, faction, ſucceſſion, confederacies, plantations, with all other errors, or alterations in publique affaires. Then again in the ſubjects caſe; the ſtate of favor, diſfavor, proſperitie, adverſity, emulation, quarrell, undertaking, retiring, hoſpitality, travail, and all other moodes of private fortunes, or misfortunes. [...]n which traverſes (I know) his purpoſe was to limn out ſuch exact pictures, of every poſture in the minde, that any man being forced, in the ſtraines of this life, to paſs through any ſtraights, or [Page] latitudes of good, or ill fortune, might (as in a glaſſe) ſee how to ſet a good countenance upon all the diſcountenances of adverſitie, and a ſtay upon the exorbitant ſmiling of chance.

Now, as I know this was the firſt project of theſe workes, rich (like his youth) in the freedome of affections, wit, learning, ſtile, form, and facilitie, to pleaſe others: ſo muſt I again (as ingenuouſly) confeſs, that when his body declined, and his piercing inward powers were lifted up to a purer Horizon, he then diſcovered, not onely the imperfection, but vanitie of theſe ſhadowes, how daintily ſoever limned: as ſeeing that even beauty it ſelf, in all earthly complexions, was more apt to allure men to evill, than to faſhion any goodneſs in them. And from this ground, in that memorable teſtament of his, he bequeathed no other legacie, but the fire, to this unpoliſhed [Page] Embrio. From which fate it is onely reſerved, untill the world hath purged away all her more groſs corruptions.

Again, they that knew him well, will truly confeſs, this Arcadia of his to be, both in form, and matter, as much inferior to that unbounded ſpirit of his, as the induſtry and Images of other mens works, are many times raiſed above the writers capacities: and beſides acknowledge, that howſoever he could not chooſe but give them many aſperſions of ſpirit, and learning from the Father; yet that they were ſcribled rather as pamphlets, for entertainment of time, and friends, than any accompt of himſelf to the world. Becauſe if his pupoſe had been to leave his memory in books, I am confident, in the right uſe of Logick, Philoſophy, Hiſtory, and Poëſie, nay even in the moſt ingenuous of Mechanicall Arts, he would have ſhewed [Page] ſuch tracts of a ſearching, and judicious ſpirit; as the profeſſors of every faculty would have ſtriven no leſs for him, than the ſeaven Cities did to have Homer of their Sept. But the truth is: his end was not writing, even while he wrote; nor his knowledge moulded for tables, or ſchooles; but both his wit, and underſtanding bent upon his heart, to make himſelf, and others, not in words or opinion, but in life, and action, good and great.

In which Architectonical art he was ſuch a Maſter, with ſo commending, and yet equall waies amongſt men, that wherſoever he went, he was beloved, and obeyed: yea into what Action ſoever he came laſt at the firſt, he became firſt at the laſt: the whole managing of the buſineſs, not by uſurpation, or violence, but (as it were) by right, and acknowledgment, falling into his hands, as into a naturall Center.

[Page] By which onely commendable monopolie of alluring, and improving men, how the ſame drawes all windes after it in fair weather: ſo did the influence of this ſpirit draw mens affections and undertakings to depend upon him.

CHAP. II.

HEre I am ſtill enforced to bring pregnant evidence from the dead: amongſt whom I have found far more liberall contribution to the honor of true worth, than among thoſe which now live; and in the market of ſelfneſſe, traffique new intereſt by the diſcredit of old friends: that ancient wiſdome of righting enemies, being utterly worn out of date in our modern diſcipline.

My firſt inſtance muſt come from [Page] that worthy Prince of Orange, William of Naſſau, with whom this young Gentleman having long kept intelligence by word, and letters, and in affaires of the higeſt nature that then paſſed currant upon the ſtages of England, France, Germany, Italy, the low Countries, or Spaine, it ſeemes that this young Gentleman had, by his mutuall freedome, ſo imprinted the extraordinary merit of his young yeares into the large wiſdome, and experience of that excellent Ptince, as I paſſing out of Germany into England, and having the unexpected honor to finde this Prince in the Town Delph, cannot think it unwelcome to deſcribe the clothes of this Prince; his poſture of body, and minde, familiarity, and reſervedneſs to ths ingenuous Reader, that he may ſee with what diverſe Characters Princes pleaſe, and Govern Cities, Townes, and Peoples.

His uppermoſt garment was a [Page] gown, yet ſuch as (I dare confidently affirm) a mean-born ſtudent, in our Innes of Court, would not have been well-pleaſed to walk the ſtreets in. Unbuttoned his doubled was, and of like precious matter, and form to the other. His waſt-coat (which ſhewed it ſelf under it) not unlike the beſt ſort of thoſe wollen knit ones, which our ordinary watermen row us in. His Company about him, the Burgeſſes of that beerbrewing Town: and he ſo fellowlike encompaſſed with them, as (had I not known his face) no exterior ſigne of degree, or deſervedneſs could have diſcovered the inequality of his worth or Eſtate from that multitude Not withſtanding I no ſooner came to his preſence, but it pleaſed him to take knowledge of me And even upon that (as if it had been a ſignall to make a change) his reſpect of a ſtranger inſtantly begat reſpect to himſelf in all about him: [Page] An outward paſſage of inward greatneſs, which in a popular Eſtate I thought worth the obſerving. Becauſe there, no pedigree but worth could poſſibly make a man Prince, and no Prince, in a moment, at his own pleaſure.

The buſineſſes which he then vouchſafed to impart with me were, the dangerous fate which the Crown of England, States of Germany, and the Low Countries did ſtand threatned with, under an ambitious, and conquering Monarch's hand. The main inſtance, a ſhort deſcripon of the Spaniards curious affecting to keep the Romans waies, and ends, in all his actions. On the other ſide, the clear ſymptomes of the Hectique feaver, univerſally then reigning among the Princes of Chriſtendome, ordain'd (as he thought) to behold this undermining diſeaſe without fear, till it ſhould prove dangerous, nay incurable [Page] to them. This active King of Spain having put on a mask of conſcience, to cover an inviſible conjunction between the temporal, and ſpiritual ambitions, of theſe two ſometimes creeping, ſometimes commanding Romiſh and Spaniſh Conquerors. The particulars were many, both excellent and enlightning.

As firſt, the fatall neutrality of France, jealous of the Spaniſh greatneſs, as already both wrong'd, and threatned by it: and yet their Kings ſo full of pleaſures, and conſequently ſo eaſily ſatisfied with the complements of words, treaties, or alliances, and ſince the fall of the Sorboniſts, their own exempted Church ſo abſolutely poſſeſt, and govern'd by the Jeſuits; as through the bewithing liberties, and bondages of Auricular confeſſion, they were rather wrought to reſt upon a vain ſecurity of reputed ſtrength, than really to hazzard loſs, and help themſelves by diverſion, or aſſailing.

[Page] Againe, on the Queens part, by the way of queſtion, he ſuppoſed a little neglect in her Princely mildneſs, while ſhe did ſuffer a Proteſtant party, rais'd by God in that great Kingdome of France, to be a ballance or counterpeaſe to that dangerous Heptarchy of Spain (then ſcarce viſible, but ſince multiplyed by an unreſiſtable greatneſſe) I ſay, for ſuffering this ſtrong and faithfull party (through want of imployment) to ſink into it ſelf, and ſo unactively (like a Meteor) to vaniſh, or ſmother out, in vain and idle apparitions. Withall reverently hee demurr'd, whether it were an omiſſion in that excellent Ladies Government, or no, by a remiſſe looking on, whilſt the Auſtrian aſpiring family framed occaſion to gain by begging peace, or buying war from the Grand Signior; and both exceeding much to their own ends; In reſpect that once in few years, this Emperor made himſelf [Page] Generall by it, over all the forces of Chriſtendome; and thereby gained the fame of action; trained up his owne Inſtruments Martially, and got credit with his fellow-bordering Princes, through the common Councell, or participation of fear. Beſides that in the concluſions of peace, he ever ſaved a maſs of riches gather'd by Diets, Contributions, Devotions, and Levies for common defence, which out of the ill-accompting hand of war, became (in his Exchequer) Treaſure, to terrifie even thoſe Chriſtian neighbours that did contribute to it. And the more eſpecially he inſiſted upon this: becauſe all thoſe crafty Pageants of her enemies were diſguiſedly acted, even whilſt her Majeſty had an Agent of extraordinary diligence, worth, and credit with that vaſt Eſtate of Turkie, into whoſe abſolute and imperious ſpirit, without any further charge than infuſing the jealouſies of [Page] competition, theſe practiſes among thoſe Auſtrian uſurpers, might eaſily have been interrupted.

Laſtly, it pleaſed him to queſtion yet a greater over-ſight in both theſe Kingdoms, England, and France: Becauſe while their Princes ſtood at gaze, as upon things far off, they ſtill gave way for the Popiſh, and Spaniſh inviſible Arts, and Counſels, to undermine the greatneſs, and freedom both of Secular and Eccleſiaſticall Princes: a mortall ſickneſs in that vaſt body of Germany, and by their inſenſible fall, a raiſing up of the houſe of Austria many ſteps towards her long affected Monarchy over the Weſt. The ground of which opinion was (as he thought) in reſpect that even the Catholique Princes, and Biſhops themſelves (had their eyes bin well wakened) would never have endured any cloud, or colour of Religion, to hape changed their Princely Soveraignties into ſuch a kind of [Page] low, and Chaplaine tenure: as ſince they have ſleepily fallen into: but would rather have ſtirred them with many hands, to binde this Miter-ſuperſtition, with the reall cords of truth. And to that end perchance have ſet Spain on work with her new, and ill digeſted Conqueſts: her dangerous enemie Feſs: her native Moors, and Iews (ſince craftily tranſported) and ſo probably have troubled the uſurpations both of the Pope, and Spain, over that well-tempered, though over-zealous, and ſuperſtitions Region of It a'y. Theſe, and ſuch other particulars, as I had in charge, and did faithfully deliver from him to her Majeſty, are ſince performed, or periſhed with time, or occaſion.

The laſt branch was his free expreſſing of himſelfe in the honour of Sir Philip Sidney, after this manner: That I would firſt commend his own humble ſervice, with thoſe [Page] fore-mentioned Ideas to the Queen; and after crave leave of her freely to open his knowledge, and opinion of a Fellow-ſervant of his, that (as he heard) lived unimployed under her. With himſelfe he began ab ovo, as having been of Charles the fift's Privie Counſell, before he was one and twenty years of age: and ſince (as the world knew) either an Actor, or at leaſt acquainted with the greateſt actions, and affairs of Europe; and likewiſe with her greateſt men, and miniſters of Eſtate. In all which ſeries of time, multitude of things, and perſons, he proteſted unto mee (and for her ſervice) that if he could judge, her Majeſty had one of the ripeſt, and greateſt Counſellors of Eſtate in Sir Philip Sidney, that at this day lived in Europe: to the triall of which hee was pleaſed to leave his owne credit engaged, untill her Majeſty might pleaſe to employ this Gentleman, either amongſt her friends or enemies.

[Page] At my return into England, I performed all his other cōmandments; this that concerned Sir Philip (thinking to make the fine-ſpun threads of Friendſhip more firm between them) I acquainted Sir Philip with: not as queſtioning, but fully reſolved to doe it. Unto which he at the firſt ſight oppoſing, diſcharged my faith impawn'd to the Prince of Orange, for the delivery of it; as an act only entending his good, and ſo to be perform'd, or diſpens'd with at his pleaſure; yet for my ſatisfaction freely added theſe words: firſt, that the Qu. had the life it ſelf daily attending her: and if ſhe either did not, or would not value it ſo highly, the commendation of that worthy Prince could be no more (at the beſt) than a lively picture of that life, and ſo of far leſſe credit, and eſtimation with her. His next reaſon was, becauſe Princes love not that forrain Powers ſhould have extraordinary [Page] in their Subjects; much leſſe to be taught by them how they ſhould place their own: as arguments either upbraiding ignorance, or lack of large rewarding goodneſs in them

This Narration I adventure of, to ſhew the clearneſs, and readineſs of this Gentlemans judgement, in all degrees, and offices of life: with this farther teſtimony of him; that after mature deliberation being once reſolved, he never brought any queſtion of change to afflict himſelf with, or perplex the buſineſs; but left the ſucceſs to his will, that governs the blinde proſperities, and unproſperities of Chance; and ſo works out his own ends by the erring frailties of humane reaſon and affection. Laſtly, to manifeſt that theſe were not complements, ſelf-ends, or uſe of each other, according to our modern faſhion▪ but meer ingenuities of ſpirit, to which the ancient greatneſs of hearts ever frankly engaged their Fortunes, [Page] let Actions, the lawfully begotten children, equall in ſpirit, ſhape, and complexion to their parents, be teſtimonies ever ſufficient.

My ſecond inſtance comes from the Earle of Leiceſter his unckle, who told me (after Sir Philips, and not long before his own death) that when he undertook the government of the Low Countries, he carryed his Nephew over with him, as one amongſt the reſt, not only deſpiſing his youth for a Counſellor, but withall bearing a hand over him as a forward young man. Notwithſtanding, in ſhort time he ſaw this Sun ſo riſen above his Horizon, that both he and all his Stars were glad to fetch light from him. And in the end acknowleged that he held up the honor of his caſual authority by him, whilſt he lived, & found reaſō to withdraw himſelf from that burthen, after his death.

My third record is Sir Francis Walſingham his Father-in-law; that [Page] wiſe, and active Secretarie. This man (as the world knows) upheld both Religion and State, by uſing a policy wiſely mixt with reflexions of either. He had influence in all Countries, & a hand upon all affairs; Yet even this man hath often confeſſed to my ſelf, that his Philip did ſo far over-ſhoot him in his own Bow, as thoſe friends which at firſt were Sir Philip's for this Secretaries ſake, within a while became ſo fully owned, and poſſeſt by Sir Philip, as now he held them at the ſecond hand, by his Sonin-laws native courteſie.

This is that true remiſſion of mind, whereof I would gladly have the world take notice from theſe dead mens aſhes: to the end that we might once again ſee that ingenuity amongſt men, which by liberall bearing witneſſe to the merits of others, ſhews they have ſome true worth of their own; and are not meerly lovers of themſelves, without rivals.

CHAP. III.

[Page]

TO continue this paſſage a little further: I muſt lift him above the cenſure of Subjects, and give you an account what reſpect, and honour his worth wanne him amongſt the moſt eminent Monarchs of that time. As firſt with that chief, and beſt of Princes, his moſt excellent Majeſty, then King of Scotland, to whom his ſervice was affectionately devoted, and from whom he received many pledges of love, and favour.

In like manner, with the late renowned Henry of France, then of Navarre, who having meaſured, and maſtered all the ſpirits in his own Nation, found out this Maſter-ſpirit among us, and uſed him like an equall in nature, and ſo fit for friendſhip with a King.

[Page] Again, that gallant Prince Don John de Auſtria, Vice-Roy in the Low Countries for Spain, when this Gentleman in his Embaſſage to the Emperor came to kiſs his hand, though at the firſt, in his Spaniſh haughture, he gave him acceſs as by deſcent to a youth, of grace as to a ſtranger, and in particular competition (as he conceived) to an enemy; yet after a while that he had taken his juſt altitude, he found himſelf ſo ſtricken with this extraordinary Planet, that the beholders wondered to ſee what ingenuous tribute that brave, and high minded Prince paid to his worth; giving more honour and reſpect to this hopefull young Gentleman, than to the Embaſſadors of mighty Priuces.

But to climb yet a degree higher: In what due eſtimation his extraordinary Worth was, even amongſt enemies, will appear by his death. When Mendoza, a Secretary of many [Page] Treaſons againſt us, acknowledged openly; That howſoever he was glad King Philip his Maſter had loſt, in a private Gentleman, a dangerous Enemy to his Eſtate; yet he could not but lament to ſee Chriſtendome depriv'd of ſo rare a Light in theſe cloudy times; and bewail poor Widdow England (ſo he term'd her) that having been many years in breeding one eminent ſpirit, was in a moment bereaved of him, by the hands of a villain.

Indeed he was a true modell of Worth; A man fit for Conqueſt, Plantation, Reformation, or what Action ſoever is greateſt, and hardeſt amongſt men: Withall, ſuch a lover of Mankind, and Goodneſſe, that whoſoever had any reall parts, in him found comfort, participation, and protection to the uttermoſt of his power; like Zephyrus he giving life where he blew. The Univerſities abroad, and at home, accompted [Page] him a generall Mecaenas of Learning; Dedicated their Books to him; and communicated every Invention, or Improvement of Knowledge with him. Souldiers honoured him, and were ſo honoured by him, as no man thought he marched under the true Banner of Mars, that had not obtained Sir Philip Sidney's approbation. Men of Affairs in moſt parts of Chriſtendome, entertained correſpondency with him. But what ſpeak I of theſe, with whom his own waies, and ends did concur? ſince (to deſcend) his heart, and capacity were ſo large, that there was not a cunning Painter, a ſkilfull Engenier, an excellent Muſician, or any other Artificer of extraordinary fame, that made not himſelf known to this famous Spirit, and found him his true friend without hire; and the common Reude-vous of Worth in his time.

Now let Princes vouchſafe to conſider, [Page] of what importance it is to the honour of themſelves, and their Eſtates, to have one man of ſuch eminence; not onely as a nouriſher of vertue in their Courts, or ſervice; but beſides for a reformed Standard, by which even the moſt humorous perſons could not but have a reverend ambition to be tried, and approved currant. This I doe the more confidently affirm, becauſe it will be confeſſed by all men, that this one mans example, and perſonall reſpect, did not onely encourage Learning, and Honour in the Schooles, but brought the affection, and true uſe thereof both into the Court, and Camp. Nay more, even many Gentlemen excellently learned amongſt us will not deny, but that they affected to row, and ſteer their courſe in his wake. Beſides which honour of unequall nature, and education, his very waies in the world, did generally adde reputation to his [Page] Prince, and Country, by reſtoring amongſt us the ancient Majeſtie of noble, and true dealing: As a manly wiſdome, that can no more be weighed down, by any effeminate craft, than Hercules could be overcome by that contemptible Army of Dwarfs. This was it which, I profeſs, I loved dearly in him, and ſtill ſhall be glad to honour in the great men of this time: I mean, that his heart and tongue went both one way, and ſo with every one that went with the Truth; as knowing no other kindred, partie, or end.

Above all, he made the Religion he profeſſed, the firm Baſis of his life: For thls was his judgement (as he often told me) that our true-heartedneſſe to the Reformed Religion in the beginning, brought Peace, Safetie, and Freedome to us; concluding, that the wiſeſt, and beſt way, was that of the famous William Prince of Orange, who never divided [Page] the conſideration of Eſtate from the cauſe of Religion, nor gave that ſound party occaſion to be jealous, or diſtracted, upon any apparance of ſafety whatſoever; prudently reſolving, that to temporize with the Enemies of our Faith, was but (as among Sea-guls) a ſtrife, not to keep upright, but aloft upon the top of every billow: Which falſe-heartedneſſe to God and man, would in the end find it ſelf forſaken of both; as Sir Philip conceived. For to this active ſpirit of his, all depths of the Devill proved but ſhallow fords; he piercing into mens counſels, and ends, not by their words, oathes, or complements, all barren in that age, but by fathoming their hearts, and powers, by their deeds, and found no wiſdome where he found no courage, nor courage without wiſdome nor either without honeſty and truth. With which ſolid, and active reaches of his, I am perſwaded, [Page] he would have found, or made a way through all the traverſes, even of the moſt weak and irregular times. But it pleaſed God in this decrepit age of the world, not to reſtore the image of her ancient vigour in him, otherwiſe than as in a lightning before death.

Neither am I (for my part) ſo much in love with this life, nor believe ſo little in a better to come, as to complain of God for taking him, and ſuch like exorbitant worthyneſs from us: fit (as it were by an Oſtraciſme) to be divided, and not incorporated with our corruptions: yet for the ſincere affection I bear to my Prince, and Country, my prayer to God is, that this Worth, and Way may not fatally be buried with him; in reſpect, that both before his time, and ſince, experience hath publiſhed the uſuall diſcipline of greatnes to have been tender of it ſelf onely; making honour a triumph, or rather [Page] trophy of deſire, ſet up in the eyes of Mankind, either to be worſhiped as Idols, or elſe as Rebels to periſh under her glorious oppreſſions. Notwithſtanding, when the pride of fleſh, and power of favour ſhall ceaſe in theſe by death, or diſgrace; what then hath time to regiſter, or fame to publiſh in theſe great mens names, that will not be offenſive, or infectious to others? What Pen without blotting can write the ſtory of their deeds? Or what Herald blaze their Arms without a blemiſh? And as for their counſels and projects, when they come once to light, ſhall they not live as noyſome, and loathſomely above ground, as their Authors carkaſſes lie in the grave? So as the return of ſuch greatnes to the world, and themſelves, can be but private reproach, publique ill example, and a fatall ſcorn to the Government they live in. Sir Philip Sidney is none of this number; for the greatneſs [Page] which he affected was built upon true Worth; eſteeming Fame more than Riches, and Noble actions far above Nobility it ſelf.

CHAP. IV.

ANd although he never was Magiſtrate, nor poſſeſſed of any fit ſtage for eminence to act upon, wherby there is ſmall latitude left for comparing him with thoſe deceaſed Worthies, that to this day live unenvied in ſtory; Yet can I probably ſay, that if any ſupreme Magiſtracie, or employment, might have ſhewed forth this Gentlemans Worth, the World ſhould have found him neither a mixt Lyſander, with unactive goodneſs to have corrupted indifferent Citizens; nor yet like that gallant Libertine Sylla, with [Page] a tyrannizing hand, and ill example, to have ordered the diſſolute people of Rome; much leſs with that unexperienced Themiſtocles, to have refuſed, in the ſeat of Juſtice, to deale equally between friends and ſtrangers. So that as we ſay, the abſtract name of goodneſs is great, and generally currant; her nature hard to imitate, and diverſly worſhipped, according to Zones, complexions, or education; admired by her enemies, yet ill followed by her friends: So I may well ſay, that this Gentlemans large, yet uniform diſpoſition was every where praiſed; greater in himſelf than in the world; yet greater there in fame and honour than many of his ſuperiors; reverenced by forrain Nations in one form, of his own in another; eaſily cenſured, hardly imitated; and therefore no received Standard at home, becauſe his induſtry, judgement, and affections, perchance ſeemed too [Page] great for the cautious wiſdomes of little Monarchies to be ſafe in. Notwithſtanding, whoſoever will be pleaſed indifferently to weigh his life, actions, intentions, and death, ſhall find he had ſo ſweetly yoaked fame and conſcience together in a large heart; as inequality of worth, or place in him, could not have been other than humble obedience, even to a petty Tyrant of Sicily. Beſides, this ingenuitie of his nature did ſpread it ſelf ſo freely abroad, as who lives that can ſay he ever did him harm; whereas there be many living, that may thankfully acknowledge he did them good? Neither was this in him a private, but a publique affection; his chief ends being not Friends, Wife, Children, or himſelf; but above all things the honour of his Maker, and ſervice of his Prince, or Country.

Now though his ſhort life, and private fortune, were (as I ſayd) no [Page] proper ſtages to act any greatneſs of good, or evill upon; yet are there (even from theſe little centers of his) lines to be drawn, not Aſtronomicall, or imaginary, but reall lineaments, but ſuch as infancy is of manseſtate; out of which nature often ſparkleth brighter rayes in ſome, than ordinarily appear in the ripeneſs of many others. For proof wherof, I will paſs from the teſtimonie of brave mens words, to his own deeds. What lights of ſounder wiſdome can we aſcribe to our greateſt men of affairs than he ſhewed in his youth, and firſt employment, when he was ſent by the late Queen of famous memory, to condole the death of Maximilian, and congratulate the ſucceſſion of Rodolph to the Empire? For under the ſhaddow of this complement between Princes, which ſorted better with his youth than his ſpirit, Did he not, to improve that journey, and make it a reall ſervice [Page] to the Empire? For under the ſhadow of this complement between Princes, which ſorted better with his youth than his ſpirit, did he not, to improve that journey, and make it a real ſervice to his Soveraign, procure an Article to be added to his Inſtructions, which gave him ſcope (as he paſſed) to ſalute ſuch German Princes, as were intereſted in the cauſe of our Religion, or their own native liberty?

And though to negotiate with that long-breathed Nation proves commonly a work in ſteel, where many ſtroaks hardly leave any print; yet did this Maſter Genius quickly ſtir up their cautious, and ſlow judgements to be ſenſible of the danger which threatned them hourely, by this fatall conjunction of Rome's undermining ſuperſtitions, with the commanding forces of Spain. And when he had once awaked that confident Nation to look up, he as eaſily [Page] made manifeſt unto them, that neither their inland ſeat, vaſt multitude, confuſed ſtrength, wealth, nor hollow-ſounding Fame could ſecure their Dominions from the ambition of this brave aſpiring Empire; howſoever by the like helps they had formerly bounded the ſame Roman, and Auſtrian ſupremacies. The reaſons he alleged were, becauſe the manner of their conjunction was not like the ancient undertakers, who made open war by Proclamation; but craftily (from the infuſion of Rome) to enter firſt by inviſible traffique of ſouls; filling peoples minds with apparitions of holines, ſpecious Rites, Saints, Miracles, inſtitutions of new Orders, reformations of old, bleſſings of Catholiques, curſings of Heretiques, Thunder bolts of Excommunication under the authority of their Mother Church. And when by theſe ſhadows they had gotten poſſeſſion of the weak, diſcouraged [Page] the ſtrong, divided the doubtful, and finely lulled inferior powers aſleep; as the ancient Romans were wont to tame forrain nations with the name Socij; then to follow on with the Spaniſh, leſs ſpirituall, but more forcible Engines, viz. practice, confederacy, faction, money, treaties, leagues of traſſique, alliance by marriages, charge of rebellion, war, and all other acts of advantagious power.

Laſtly he recalled to their memories, how by this brotherhood in evill (like Simeon, and Levi) Rome and Spain had ſpilt ſo much bloud, as they were juſtly become the terror of all Governments; and could now be withſtood, or ballanced by no other means, than a general league in Religion: Conſtantly and truely affirming, that to aſſociate by an uniform bond of conſcience, for the protection (as I ſaid) of Religion, and Liberty, would prove a more ſolid union, and ſymbolize far better againſt [Page] their Tyrannies, than any Factious combination in policy, league of ſtate, or other traffique of Civill, or Martial humors poſſibly could do.

To this end did that undertaking ſpirit lay, or at leaſt revive the foundation of a league between us, and the German Princes, which continues firme to this day: The defenſive part whereof hath hitherto helped to ſuport the ruines of our Church abroad, and diverted her enemies from the ancient ways of hoſtility, unto their Conclave, and modern undermining Arts. So, that if the offenſive part thereof had been as well proſecuted in that true path, which this young Genius trod out to us; both the paſſage for other Princes over the Alps, would have been by this time more eaſie than Hanibal's was; and beſides, the firſt ſound of that Drum might happily have reconciled thoſe petty dividing Schiſmes which reign amongſt us; not as [Page] ſprung from any difference of religious Faith, but miſty Opinion; and accordingly moulded firſt upon the Desks of buſie idle Lecturers, then blown abroad to our diſadvantage by a ſwarm of Popiſh Inſtruments, rather Jeſuits than Chriſtians; and to their ends moſt dangerouſly overſpreading the world, for want of a confident Moderator. This (I ſay) was the firſt prize which did enfranchiſe this Maſter Spirit into the myſteries, and affairs of State.

CHAP. V.

THe next doubtfull Stage hee had to act upon (howſoever it may ſeem private) was grounded upon a publique and ſpecious propoſition of marriage, between the late famous Queen, and the Duke of Aniou, With which Current, although he ſaw the great, and wiſe men of the [Page] time ſuddainly carryed down, and every one fiſhing to catch the Queens humor in it; yet when he conſidered the difference of years, perſon, education, ſtate, and religion between them; and then called to minde the ſucceſs of our former alliances with the French: he found many reaſons to make queſtion whether it would prove Poetical, or reall on their part? And if reall; yet whether the ballance ſwayed not unequally, by adding much to them, and little to his Soveraign? The Dukes greatneſs being onely name, and poſſibility; and both theſe either to wither, or be maintained at her coſt. Her ſtate again in hand; and though Royally ſufficient to ſatisfie that Queens Princely and moderate deſires, or expences, yet perchance inferior to bear out thoſe mixt deſignes, into which his ambition, or neceſſities might entiſe, or draw her.

Beſides, the marriage of K. Philip, [Page] to Q. Mary her ſiſter, was yet ſo freſh in memory, with the many inconveniences of it, as by comparing and paralleling theſe together, he found credible inſtances to conclude, neither of theſe forrain alliances could prove ſafe for this Kingdom. Becauſe in her marriage with Spain, though both Princes continuing under the obedience of the Roman Church neither their conſciences, nor their peoples could ſuffer any fear of tumult, or imputation by change of faith; Yet was the winning of St. Quintins, with the loſs of Calice, and the carrying away of our money to forrain ends, odious univerſally; the Spaniſh pride incompatible; their advantagious delayes ſuſpicious; and their ſhort reign here felt to be a kinde of exhauſting tax upon the whole Nation.

Beſides, he diſcerned how this great Monarch countenanced with our Forces by ſea, and land, might, and [Page] did uſe this addition of her ſtrength to transform his Low-Countrey Dukedomes, fall'n to him by deſcent, into the nature of a ſoveraign conqueſt; and ſo by conjoyning their Dominion, and Forces by Sea, to his large Empires, and Armies upon the Mayn, would probably enforce all abſolute Princes to acknowledg ſubjection to him before their time. And for our Kingdome, beſides that this King then meant to uſe it as a forge, to faſhion all his ſoveraign deſignes in; had he not (except ſome bely him) a fore-running hand in the change of Religion after King Edwards death? And had he not (even in that change) ſo maſtered us in our own Church, by his Chaplain and Conclave of Rome, that both theſe carried all their courſes byaced to his ends, as to an elder brother, who had more abundant degrees of wealth, and honour to return them? ſo as every body (that devoted Queen excepted) foreſaw [Page] we muſt ſuddenly have been compelled to wear his livery, and ſerve his ends; or elſe to live like children neglected, or disfavoured by our holy Mother.

Again, for our temporall Government; was not his influence (except report belie him) as well in paſſing many ſharp lawes, and heavy executions of them with more ſtrange Councels; as faſhioning our leagues both of peace, and traffique to his conquering ends? All theſe together, with that Maſter prize of his playing, when under colour of piety, he ſtirred up in that wel-affected Queen a purpoſe of reſtoring thoſe temporalities to the Church, which by the fall of Abbies, were long before diſperſed among the Nobility, Gentry, and people of this Kingdome: all theſe (as he ſaid) did clearly ſhew, that this ambitious King had an intent of moulding us to his uſe, even by diſtracting us amongſt our ſelves.

[Page] Nevertheleſſe, to give him the honor of worldly wiſedom, I dare aver, he had no hope of bringing theſe curious aſſumptions to paſs; but rather did caſt them out, as ſounding lines, to fathome the depths of peoples mindes; and with particular fear, and diſtraction in the owners, to raiſe a generall diſtaſt in all men againſt the Government. Now, if we may judge the future by what is paſt, his ſcope in all theſe particulars could be no other, but when our inward waters had been throughly troubled, then to poſſeſs this diverſly diſeas'd Eſtate with certain poëticall titles of his own, deviſed long before, and ſince publiſhed by Dolman, to the end, that under the ſhadow of ſuch clouds, he might work upon the next heir; and ſo caſt a chance for all our goodes, lives, and liberties with little interruption. Theſe, and ſuch like, were the groundes which moved Sir Philip to [Page] compare the paſt, and preſent conſequence of our Marriage with either of theſe Crowns together.

And though in danger of ſubjection he did confeſs our aliance with the French to be leſſe unequall; yet even in that, he foreſaw, diverſitie of Religion would firſt give ſcandall to both; and in progreſs, prove fatall of neceſſity to one ſide. Becauſe the weaker ſect here, being fortified by ſtrong parties abroad, and a husbands name at home, muſt neceſſarily have brought the native Soveraign under a kinde of Covert Baron, and thereby forced her Majeſty, either to loſe the freedom, and conſcience of a good Chriſtian, the honor of an excellent Prince, or the private reputation of obedient Wife. Neither could that excellent Lady (as he, and that time conceived) with theſe, or any other cautions, have countermined the mines of practice, whereby (it is probable) [Page] this Prince would have endeavoured to ſteal change of Religion into her Kingdom.

1. As firſt, by cavelling at the Authors, and Fathers that upheld her Church.

2. Then by diſgracing her moſt zealous Miniſters, through aſperſions caſt upon their perſons, and advancing indifferent ſpirits, whoſe God is this world, the Court their heaven, and conſequently their ends, to biace Gods immortall truth to the fantaſies of mortall Princes.

3. By the ſubtile latitude of ſchooldiſtinctions, publiquely edging nearer the holy mother Church; and therein firſt waving, then ſounding the peoples mindes; if not with abrupt, and ſpirit-fall'n tolleration, yet with that inviſible web of connivencie, which is a ſnare to entangle great, or little flies, at the will of power.

4. By a Princely licentiouſneſſe in [Page] behaviour, and conference, faſhioning atheiſme among her Subjects: as knowing that in confuſion of thoughts, he might the more eaſilie raiſe up ſuperſtitious idolatry: which crafty Image of his, with all the nice lineaments belonging to it, was the more credible, in reſpect the French have ſcornfully affirm'd one chief branch of our Princes prerogatives to be, the carying of their peoples conſciences which way they liſt. An abſoluteneſs the more dangerous to their ſubjects freedom, becauſe they bring theſe changes to paſs (as the French ſay) under the ſafe conduct of our earth-cy common law; and thereby make change legally ſafe, and conſtancie in the truth exceeding dangerous.

5. By a publique decrying of our ancient Cuſtomes, and Statutes; and from that ground, giving Proclamations a Royall vigor in moulding of pleas, pulpits and Parliaments, after [Page] the pattern of their own, and ſome other forain Nations; which in our Government is a confuſion, almoſt as fatall as the confuſion of tongues.

6. By employing no inſtruments among the people, but ſuch as deviſe to ſheer them with taxes, ranſome them with fines, draw in bondage under colour of obedience, and (like Frenchified Empſons, and Dudlies) bring the Engliſh people to the povertie of the French Peaſants, onely to fill up a Danaus ſive of prodigality, and thereby to ſecure the old age of Tyranny from that which is never old: I mean, danger of popular inundations.

7. To lift up Monarchie above her ancient legall Circles, by baniſhing all free ſpirits, and faithfull Patriots, with a kinde of ſhaddowed Oſtraciſme, till the Ideas of native freedom ſhould be utterly forgotten; and then (by the pattern of their own Duke of Guiſe) ſo to encourage [Page] a multitude of impoveriſhing impoſitions upon the people, as he might become the head of all diſcontentedneſs; and under the envy of that art, ſtir them up to depoſe their naturall annointed Soveraign,

8. When he had thus metamorphoſed our moderate form of Monarchie into a precipitate abſoluteneſs; and therein ſhaken all Leagues offenſive or defenſive between us, the Kings of Denmark, and Sweden, the free Princes of Garmany, the poor oppreſſed ſoules of France, the ſteady ſubſiſting Hanſes; and laſtly weakned that league of Religion, ſuffique, which with proſperous ſucceſs hath continued long between us, and the Netherlanders; then (I ſay) muſt his next project have been, either abuſively to entiſe, or through fear enforce this excellent Lady, to countenance his over-grown party abroad, by ſuffering the [Page] ſame ſect to multiply here at home, till ſhe ſhould too late diſcover a neceſſity, either of changing her faith, hazarding her Crown, or at leaſt holding it at the joint courteſie of that ambitious Roman Conclave, or encreaſing Monarchie of Spain. A Scepter, and Miter, whoſe conjunction bringes forth boundleſs freedom to themſelves, and begets a narrow ſervitude upon all other Nations, that by ſurpriſe of wit, or power become ſubject to them.

9 Beſides, in the practice of this Marriage, he foreſaw, and propheſied, that the very firſt breach of Gods ordinance, in matching herſelf with a Prince of a diverſe faith, would infallibly carry with it ſome piece of the rending deſtiny, which Solomon, and thoſe other Princes juſtly felt, for having ventured to weigh the immortall wiſdom in even ſcales, with mortall conveniency or inconveniency.

[Page] 10. The next ſtep muſt infallibly have been (as he conceived) with our ſhipping to diſturb or beleaguer the Netherlanders by Sea, under colour, or pretence of honor unſeaſonably taken, even when the horſe and foot of France ſhould threaten their ſubſiſtence by land; and therby (in this period of extremity) conſtrain that active people to run headlong into one of theſe three deſperate courſes, viz. Either to fly for protection to the Flower-de-Luce, with whom they join in continent; Or precipitately ſubmit their necks to the yoking Cittadells of Spain, againſt whoſe inquiſitions, and uſurpations upon their Conſciences, and Liberties, ſo much money, and bloud had been ſhed, and conſumed already; Or elſe unnaturally to turn Pirates, and ſo become enemies to that trade, by which they and their friends have reciprocally gotten, and given ſo much proſperity. [Page] The choice or compariſon of which miſchiefes to them, and us, he briefly laid before me, in this manner.

Firſt, that if they ſhould incorporate with France, the Netherlands manufactures, induſtry, trade, and ſhipping, would add much to that Monarchie, both in peace, and war: The naturall riches of the French having been hitherto either kept barrain at home, or barrainly tranſported abroad, for lack of the true uſe of trade, ſhipping, exchange, and ſuch other myſteries as multiply native wealth; by improving their man-hood at home, and giving formes both to domeſtique, and forrain materialls; which defect (as he ſaid) being now abundantly to be ſupplied, by this conjunction with the Netherlands, would in a little time, not onely puff up that active Common-wealth with unquiet pride, but awake the ſtirring [Page] French to feel this addition to their own ſtrengths; and ſo make them become dangerous neighbours by incurſion in invaſion to the Baltique Sea; many waies prejudice to the mutuall traffique between Italy, the Germans, and England; and conſequently a terror to all others, that by land, or Sea confine upon them, yea and apt enough once in a year, to try their fortune with that growing Monarch of Spain, for his Indian treaſure.

2. On the other ſide; if any ſtricter league ſhould come to paſs between thoſe adventurous French Spirits, and the ſolid counſells of Spaine; and ſo through fear, ſcorn, or any other deſperate apparances force the Netherlands into a precipitate, but ſteady ſubjection of that Spaniſh Monarchie; then he willed me to obſerve, how this fearfull union of Earth, and Sea, having eſcaped the petty Monarches of Europe, [Page] would in all probability, coſtrain them to play after-games for their own Eſtates. Becauſe theſe two potent Navies (his and the Netherland's) being thus added to his invincible Armies by land, would ſoon (as he thought) compell that head of holy mother Church, whoſe beſt uſe for many yeares had been (by ballancing theſe two Emperiall greatneſses one with another) to ſecure inferior Princes: would (as I ſaid) ſoon enforce that ſacred Mother-head to ſhelter her ſelf under the wings of this Emperiall Eagle, and ſo abſolutely quit her Miter-ſupremacie; or at leaſt become Chaplain to this ſuppreſſing, or ſupporting Conqueror.

Beſides, in this fatall probability he diſcovered the great difference between the wiſdom of quiet Princes, in their moderate deſires of ſubſiſtence, from the large, and hazardous counſells of undertaking [Page] Monarches; whoſe ends are onely to make force the umpier of right, and by that inequality become Soveraign Lords (without any other title) over equalls and inferiors.

3. Now for this third point, of conſtraining this oppreſſed, yet active Netherland people to become Pirates: he willed me in the examples of time paſt to obſerve, how much Scirpalus did among the Grecians; Sextus Pompeius the Romans, even in their greatneſs; and in themodern, Fluſhiug, Dunkerk, Rochell and Algiers. Inferring withall, that this people, which had ſo long proſpered upon the rich materialls of all Nations, by the two large ſpreading armes of manufacture, and traffique, could not poſſibly be forced at once to leave this habit: but would rather deſperately adventure to maintain theſe enriching ſtrengthes of marriners, ſouldiers, and ſhipping of their own, with [Page] becomming a Rende-vous for the ſwarm of diſcontented ſubjects univerſally; inviting them with hope of ſpoil, and by that inheritance, to try whether the world were ready to examine her old foundations of freedom, in the ſpecious, and flattering regions of change, and Powers encrochments?

Laſtly, beſides this uneven ballance of State; the very reflexion of ſcorn between age, and youth; her comelineſs, his diſadvantage that way; the exceſſive charge by continuall reſort of the French hither; danger of change for the worſe; her reall native States and riches made ſubject to forrain humors; little hope of ſucceſſion, and if any, then France aſſured to become the ſeat, and England the Province; children, or no children, misfortune, or uncertainty: Theſe (I ſay) and ſuch like threatning probabilities made him joyn with the weaker party, and [Page] oppoſe this torrent; even while the French faction reigning had caſt aſperſions upon his Uncle of Leiceſter, and made him, like a wiſe man (under colour of taking phyſick) voluntarily become priſoner in his chamber.

CHAP. VI.

THus ſtood the ſtate of things then: And if any judicious Reader ſhall aſk, Whether it were not an error, and a dangerous one, for Sir Philip being neither Magiſtrate nor Counſellor, to oppoſe himſelf againſt his Soveraigns pleaſure in things indifferent? I muſt anſwer, That his worth, truth, favour, and ſincerity of heart, together with his reall manner of proceeding in it, were his privileges. Becauſe this Gentlemans courſe in this great buſineſs [Page] was, not by murmur among equals, or inferiours, to detract from Princes; or by a mutinous kind of bemoaning error, to ſtir up ill affections in their minds, whoſe beſt thoughts could do him no good; but by a due addreſs of his humble reaſons to the Queen her ſelf, to whom the appeal was proper. So that although he found a ſweet ſtream of Soveraign humors in that well-tempered Lady, to run againſt him, yet found he ſafety in her ſelf, againſt that ſelfneſs which appeared to threaten him in her: For this happily born and bred Princeſs was not (ſubject-like) apt to conſtrue things reverently done in the worſt ſenſe; but rather with the ſpirit of annointed Greatneſs (as created to reign equally over frail and ſtrong) more deſirous to find waies to faſhion her people, than colours, or cauſes to puniſh them.

Laſtly, to prove nothing can be [Page] wiſe, that is not really honeſt; every man of that time, and conſequently of all times may know, that if he ſhould have uſed the ſame freedome among the Grandees of Court (their profeſſion being not commonly to diſpute Princes purpoſes for truths ſake, but ſecond their humours to govern their Kingdomes by them) he muſt infallibly have found Worth, Juſtice, and Duty lookt upon with no other eyes but Lamia's; and ſo have been ſtained by that reigning faction, which in all Courts allows no faith currant to a Soveraign, that hath not paſt the ſeal of their practiſing corporation.

Thus ſtood the Court at that time; and thus ſtood this ingenuous ſpirit in it. If dangerouſly in mens opinions who are curious of the preſent, and in it rather to doe craftily, than well: Yet, I ſay, that Princely heart of hers was a Sanctuary unto him; And as for the people, in whom many [Page] times the laſting images of Worth are preferred before the temporary viſions of art, or favour, he could not fear to ſuffer any thing there, which would not prove a kind of Trophy to him. So that howſoever he ſeemed to ſtand alone, yet he ſtood upright; kept his acceſs to her Majeſty as before; a liberall converſation with the French, reverenced amongſt the worthieſt of them for himſelfe, and born in too ſtrong a fortification of nature for the leſs worthy to abbord, either with queſtion, familiarity, or ſcorn.

In this freedome, even while the greateſt ſpirits, and Eſtates ſeemed hood-winkt, or blind; and the inferior ſort of men made captive by hope, fear, ignorance; did he enjoy the freedome of his thoughts, with all recreations worthy of them.

And in this freedome of heart being one day at Tennis, a Peer of this Realm, born great, greater by alliance, [Page] and ſuperlative in the Princes favour, abruptly came into the Tennis-Court; and ſpeaking out of theſe three paramount authorities, he forgot to entreat that, which he could not legally command. When by the encounter of a ſteady object, finding unreſpectiveneſs in himſelf (though a great Lord) not reſpected by this Princely ſpirit, he grew to expoſtulate more roughly. The returns of which ſtile comming ſtill from an underſtanding heart, that knew what was due to it ſelf, and what it ought to others, ſeemed (through the miſts of my Lords paſſions, ſwoln with the winde of his faction then reigning) to provoke in yeelding. Whereby, the leſſe amazement, or confuſion of thoughts he ſtirred up in Sir Philip, the more ſhadowes this great Lords own mind was poſſeſſed with: till at laſt with rage (which is ever ill-diſciplin'd) he commands them to depart the Court. To this [Page] Sir Philip temperately anſwers; that if his Lordſhip had been pleaſed to expreſs deſire in milder Characters, perchance he might have led out thoſe, that he ſhould now find would not be driven out with any ſcourge of fury. This anſwer (like a Bellows) blowing up the ſparks of exceſs already kindled, made my Lord ſcornfully call Sir Philip by the name of Puppy. In which progreſs of heat, as the tempeſt grew more and more vehement within, ſo did their hearts breath out their perturbations in a more loud and ſhrill accent. The French Commiſſioners unfortunately had that day audience, in thoſe private Galleries, whoſe windows looked into the Tennis-Court. They inſtantly drew all to this tumult: every ſort of quarrels ſorting well with their humors, eſpecially this. Which Sir Philip perceiving, and riſing with inward ſtrength, by the proſpect of a mighty faction againſt him; asked [Page] my Lord, with a loud voice, that which he heard clearly enough before. Who (like an Echo, that ſtill multiplies by reflexions) repeated this Epithet of Puppy the ſecond time. Sir Philip reſolving in one anſwer to conclude both the attentive hearers, and paſſionate actor, gave my Lord a Lie, impoſſible (as he averred) to be retorted; in reſpect all the world knows, Puppies are gotten by Dogs, and Children by men.

Hereupon thoſe glorious inequalities of Fortune in his Lordſhip were put to a kinde of pauſe, by a precious inequality of nature in this Gentleman. So that they both ſtood ſilent a while, like a dumb ſhew in a Tragedy; till Sir Philip ſenſible of his own wrong, the forrain, and factious ſpirits that attended; and yet, even in this queſtion between him, and his ſuperior, tender to his Countries honour; with ſome words of ſharp accent, led the way abruptly [Page] out of the Tennis-Court; as if ſo unexpected an accident were not fit to be decided any farther in that place. Whereof the great Lord making another ſenſe, continues his play, without any advantage of reputation; as by the ſtandard of humours in thoſe times it was conceived.

A day Sr Philip remains in ſuſpenſe, when hearing nothing of, or from the Lord, he ſends a Gentleman of worth to awake him out of his trance; wherein the French would aſſuredly think any pauſe, if not death, yet a lethargy of true honour in both. This ſtirred a reſolution in his Lordſhip to ſend Sir Philip a Challenge. Notwithſtanding, theſe thoughts in the great Lord wandred ſo long between glory, anger, and inequality of ſtate, as the Lords of her Majeſties Counſell took notice of the differences, commanded peace, and laboured a reconciliation between them. But needleſly in one reſpect, and bootleſly [Page] in another. The great Lord being (as it ſhould ſeem) either not haſty to adventure many inequalities againſt one, or inwardly ſatisfied with the progreſs of his own Acts: Sir Philip on the other ſide confident, he neither had nor would loſe, or let fall any thing of his right. Which her Majeſties Counſell quickly perceiving, recommended this work to her ſelf.

The Queen, who ſaw that by the loſs, or diſgrace of either, ſhe could gain nothing, preſently undertakes Sir Philip; and (like an excellent Monarch) lays before him the difference in degree between Earls, and Gentlemen; the reſpect inferiors ought to their ſuperiors; and the neceſſity in Princes to maintain their own creations, as degrees deſcending between the peoples licentiouſneſs, and the anoynted Soveraignty of Crowns: how the Gentlemans neglect of the Nobility taught the Peaſant to inſult upon both.

[Page] Whereunto Sir Philip, with ſuch reverence as became him, replyed: Firſt, that place was never intended for privilege to wrong: witneſs her ſelf, who how Soveraign ſoever ſhe were by Throne, Birth, Education, and Nature; yet was ſhe content to caſt her own affections into the ſame moulds her Subjects did, and govern all her rights by their Laws. Again, he beſought her Majeſty to conſider, that although he were a great Lord by birth, alliance, and grace; yet hee was no Lord over him: and therfore the difference of degrees between free men, could not challenge any other homage than precedency. And by her Fathers Act (to make a Princely wiſdom become the more familiar) he did inſtance the Government of K. Henry the eighth, who gave the Gentry free, and ſafe appeal to his feet, againſt the oppreſſion of the Grandees; and found it wiſdome, by the ſtronger corporation in number, [Page] to keep down the greater in power: inferring elſe, that if they ſhould unite, the over-grown might be tempted, by ſtill coveting more, to fall (as the Angels did) by affecting equality with their Maker.

This conſtant tenor of truth he took upon him; which as a chief duty in all creatures, both to themſelves, & the ſoveraignty above them, protected this Gentleman (though he obeyed not) from the diſpleaſure of his Soveraign. Wherein he left an authentical preſident to after ages, that howſoever tyrants allow of no ſcope, ſtamp, or ſtandard, but their own will; yet wth Princes there is a latitude for ſubjects to reſerve native, & legall freedom, by paying hūble tribute in manner, though not in matter, to them.

CHAP. VII.

THE next ſtep which he intendded into the world, was an expedition [Page] of his own projecting; wherein he faſhioned the whole body, with purpoſe to become head of it himſelf. I mean the laſt employment but one of Sir Francis Drake to the Weſt Indies. Which journey, as the ſcope of it was mixt both of ſea, and land ſervice; ſo had it accordingly diſtinct Officers, & Commanders, choſen by Sir Philip out of the ableſt Governors of thoſe Martiall times. The project was contrived between themſelves in this manner; that both ſhould equally be Governours, when they had left the ſhore of England; but while things were a preparing at home, Sir Fran. was to bear the name, and by the credit of Sir Phil. have all particulars abundantly ſupplyed.

The reaſon of which ſecret carriage was, the impoſſibility for Sir Philip to win the Queen, or Government (out of the value which they rated his worth at) to diſpenſe with an employment for him ſo remote [Page] and of ſo hazardous a nature. Beſides his credit, and reputation with the State lay not that way. So as our provident Magiſtrates expecting a Prentiſhip more ſeriouſly in Martial, than Mechanical actions; and therein meaſuring all men by one rule; would (as Sir Philip thought) not eaſily believe his unexperience equall for a deſigne of ſo many divers, and dangerous paſſages: howſoever wiſe men, even in the moſt active times have determined this art of Government, to be rather a riches of nature, than any proper fruit of induſtry, or education. This (as I ſaid) was one reaſon, why Sir Philip did cover that glorious enterprize with a cloud. Another was, becauſe in the doing, while it paſt unknown, he knew it would paſs without interruption; and when it was done, preſumed the ſucceſs would put envy and all her agents to ſilence.

On the other ſide Sir Francis found [Page] that Sir Philip's friends, with the influence of his excellent inward powers, would add both weight, and faſhion to his ambition; and conſequently either with, or without Sir Philip's company, yeeld unexpected eaſe, and honor to him in this voiage.

Upon theſe two divers Counſels they treat confidently together; the preparations go on with a large hand amongſt our Governors; nothing is denyed Sir Francis that both their propounding hearts could demand. To make which expedition of leſs difficulty, they kept the particular of this plot more ſecret than it was poſſible for them to keep the generall preparations of ſo great a journey; hoping that while the Spaniard ſhould be forced to arm every where againſt them, he could not any where be ſo royally provided to defend himſelf, but they might land without any great impediment.

In theſe termes Sir Francis departs [Page] from Plimouth with his ſhips; vowed and reſolved that when he ſtaid for nothing but for a wind, the watch word ſhould come poſt for Sir Philip. The time of the year made haſte away, & Sr Francis to follow it, either made more haſte than needed, or at leaſt ſeemed to make more than really he did. Notwithſtanding, as I dare aver that in his own element he was induſtrous; ſo dare I not condemn his affections in this miſpriſion of time. Howſoever a letter comes poſt for Sir Philip, as if the whole fleet ſtayed onely for him, and the wind. In the mean-ſeaſon the State hath intelligence that Don Antonio was at ſea for England, and reſolved to land at Plimouth. Sir Philip turning occaſion into wiſdome, puts himſelf into the imployment of conducting up this King; and under that veil leaves the Court without ſuſpicion; over-ſhoots his father-in-law then Secretary of Eſtate in his own bow; [Page] comes to Plimmouth; was feaſted the firſt night by Sir Francis, with a great deale of outward Pomp and complement.

Yet I that had the honor as of being bred with hm from his youth; ſo now (by his own choice of all England) to be his loving, and beloved Achates in this journey, obſerving the countenance of this gallant mariner more exactly than Sir Philips leiſure ſerved him to doe; after we were laid in bed, acquainted him with my obſervation of the diſcountenance, and depreſſion which appeared in Sir Francis; as if our coming were both beyond his expectation, and deſire. Nevertheleſſe that ingenuous ſpirit of Sir Philip's, though apt to give me credit, yet not apt to diſcredit others, made him ſuſpend his own, & labor to change, or qualifie my judgement; Till within ſome few daies after, finding the ſhippes neither ready according to [Page] promiſe, nor poſſibly to be made ready in many daies; and withall obſerving ſome ſparcks of falſe fire, breaking out unawares from his yoke-fellow daily; It pleaſed him (in the freedom of our friendſhip) to return me my own ſtock, with intereſt.

All this whlie Don Antonio landes not; the fleet ſeemed to us (like the weary paſſengers Inn) ſtill to goe further from our deſires; letters came from the Court to haſten it away: it may be the leaden feet, and nimble thoughts of Sir Francis wrought in the day, and unwrought by night; while he watched an opportunity to diſcover us, without being diſcovered.

For within a few daies after a poſt ſteales up to the Court, upon whoſe arrivall an Alarum is preſently taken: meſſengers ſent away to ſtay us, or if we refuſed, to ſtay the whole Fleet. Notwithſtanding this firſt [Page] Mercury, this errand being partly advertiſed to Sir Philip beforehand, was intercepted upon the way; his letters taken from him by two reſolute ſouldiers in Marriners apparell; brought inſtantly to Sir Philip, opened, and read. The contents as welcome as Bulls of excommunication to the ſuperſtitious Romaniſt, when they enjoyn him either to forſake his right, or his holy Mother-Church, yet did he ſit this firſt proceſſe, without noiſe, or anſwer.

The next was a more Imperiall Mandate, carefully conveyed, and delivered to himſelf by a Peer of this Realm; carrying with it in the one hand grace, the other thunder. The grace was an offer of an inſtant imployment under his Unckle, then going Generall into the Low-Countries; Againſt which although he would gladly havedemurred; yet the confluence of reaſon, tranſcendencie of Power, fear of ſtaying the [Page] whole Fleet, made him inſtantly ſacrifiſe all theſe ſalfe places to the duty of obedience.

Wherein how unwillingly ſoever he yeelded up his knowledge, affections, publique and private endes in that journey; yet did he act this force in a gallant faſhion. Opens his reſerved ends to the Generall; encourageth the whole Army with promiſe of his uttermoſt aſſiſtance; ſaves Sir Francis Drake from blaſtings of Court, to keep up his reputation amongſt thoſe companies which he was preſently to command; cleareth the daſeled eyes of that Army, by ſhewing them, how even in that forrain imployment, which took himſelf from them, the Queen had engaged herſelf more waies than one againſt the Spaniards ambition: ſo as there was no probability of taking away her Princely hand from ſuch a well-ballanced work of her own.

Nevertheleſſe as the Limmes of [Page] Venus picture, how perfectly ſoever began, and left by Apelles, yet after his death proved impoſſible to finiſh: ſo that Heroicall deſign of invading, and poſſeſſing America, how exactly ſoever projected, and digeſted in every minute by Sir Philip, did yet prove impoſſible to be well acted by any other mans ſpirit than his own; how ſufficient ſoever his aſſociate were in all parts of navigation; whereby the ſucceſs of this journey fell out to be rather fortunate in wealth, than honor.

Whereupon, when Sir Philip found this, and many other of his large, and ſincere reſolutions impriſoned within the pleights of their fortunes, that mixed good, and evill together unequally; and withall diſcerned, how the idle-cenſuring faction at home had won ground of the active adventures abroad; then did this double depreſſion both of things, and men, lift up his active ſpirit into [Page] an univerſall proſpect of time, States, and things: and in them made him conſider, what impoſſibility there was for him, that had no delight to reſt idle at home, of repropounding ſome other forrain enterpriſe, probable, and fit to invite that excellent Princeſſes minde, and moderate Government, to take hold off. The placing of his thoughts upon which high pinnacle, layd the preſent Map of the Chriſtian world underneath him.

CHAP. VIII.

IN which view, nature guiding his eyes, firſt to his Native Country, he found greatneſs of worth, and place, counterpoyſed there by the arts of power, and favor. The ſtir [...]ng ſpirits ſent abroad as fewell, to keep the flame far off: and the effeminate [Page] made judges of danger which they fear, and honor which they underſtand not.

The people (by diſpoſition of the clime) valiant, and multiplying, apt indifferently to corrupt with peace, or refine with action; and therefore to be kept from ruſt, or mutiny, by no meanes better than by forrain employments: His opinion being that Ilanders have the air and waters ſo diverſly moving about them, as neither peace, nor war, can long be welcome to their humors, which muſt therefore begovern'd by the active, and yet ſteady hand of authority. Beſides he obſerved the Sea to have ſo naturall a Sympathie, with the complexions of them ſhe invirons, as be it in traffique, piracie, or war, they are indifferent to wander upon that element; and for the moſt part apter to follow undertaking chance, than any ſetled endes in a Marchant-traffique.

[Page] Now for the bleſſed Lady which then governed over us: how equall ſoever ſhe were in her happy creation for peace, or war, and her people (as I have ſhewed) humble to follow her will in either, yet becauſe ſhe reſolved to keep within the Decorum of her ſex, ſhe ſhewed herſelf more ambitious of ballancing neighbor Princcs from invading one another, than under any pretence of title, or revenge, apt to queſtion or conquer upon forrain Princes poſſeſſions. And though this moderate courſe carried her into a defenſive war, which commonly falls out rather to be an impoveriſhing of enemies, than any meanes to enrich, or diſcipline their Eſtates, that undertake it; yet could not all the rackes of loſs, injury, or terror, ſtir this excellent Lady into any further degree of offenſive war, than onely the keeping of her Navy abroad, to interrupt the ſafe-comming home of [Page] his Indian Fleet, and hinder the proviſion, contracted for in all parts of Europe, to furniſh another invincible Navy, wherewith he purpoſed to beſiege the world, and therein (as his firſt ſtep) her divided Kingdomes.

On the other ſide, in this ſurvay of forrain Nations, he obſerved a fatall paſſiveneſſe generally currant, by reaſon of ſtrange inequalities between little humors and great fortunes in the preſent Princes reigning.

Amongſt whom for the firſt object Henry the third of France appeares to him in the likeneſs of a good Maſter, rather than a great King; buried in his pleaſures, his Crown demain exhauſted, impoſitions multiplyed, the people light, the Nobility prone to move, and conſequently his Country apt, through ſcorn of his effeminate Vices, either to become a prey for the ſtrongeſt undertaker, or elſe to be Cantonized by [Page] ſelf-diviſion. In both which poſſible diſaſters, their native wealth, and variety of objects, perchance have made both King, and people (howſoever confuſedly erring) yet to live ſecured by the providence of chance.

Again, he ſaw the vaſt body of the Empire reſting (as in a dream) upon an immoveable centre of ſelf-greatneſs; and under this falſe aſſumpſit, to have laid the bridle on the neck of the Emperor, to work them artificially, with a gentle, or ſteady hand, to his own will.

And to confirm, and multiply this clowdy danger, he diſcerned how that creeping Monarchie of Rome (hy her Arch-inſtruments the Ieſuits) had already planted fine Schooles of ſerving humanity in diverſe of their reformed Cities: intending ſo to tempt this welbelieving people, with that old forbidden tree of knowledge, as they might ſin deſperately [Page] againſt their own Eſtates, before they knew it.

The like miſt theſe crafty-raiſers invented (as he thought) to caſt over that well-united fabrick of the Hanſes: whoſe endes being meerly wealth, and their ſeats invironed on every ſide with active, and powerfull neighbors, would (in all probability) make them as jealous of abſolute Princes in proſperity, as zealous in diſtreſs to ſeek protection under them. So that they being at this time grown mighty by combination, if they ſhould be neglected, would prove apt, and able to ſway the ballance unequally to the endes of the ſtronger.

Beſides, he diſcerned yet a greater, and more malignant aſpect from that ſpreading Monarchie of Spain; which abſolutely commanding the houſe of Auſtria, governing the Conclave, and having gotten, or affecting to get a commanding intelligence [Page] over theſe Cities; would ſoon multiply unavoidable danger, both to themſelves, and us, by mixing the temporall, and ſpirituall ſword, to their crafty conquering ends.

Nay more; how upon the ſame foundation they had begunne yet a more dangerous party, even amongſt the German Princes themſelves; by adding to the fatall oppoſition of Religion between them, the hopes, feares, jealouſie, temptations of reward, or loſs, with all the unnaturall ſeeds of diviſion; which might make them, through theſe confuſed threatnings, and exticements, to become an eaſie prey for the Spaniards watchfull, unſatiable, and much promiſing ambition.

He likewiſe obſerved, Battorie that gallant man, but dangerouſly aſpiring King of Poland, to be happily peiſed by the ancient competition between him, and his Nobility, [Page] and as buſie to encroch upon their Marches, and add more to his own limited Soveraignty, as they were to draw down thoſe few prerogatives it had, into that well mixt, and ballanced Ariſtocracie of theirs.

Denmark, howſoever by the opportunity, and narrowneſs of his Sound, reſtrained to the ſelfneſs of profit; yet by diſcipline, and ſeat, able to ſecond an active undertaker with ſhipping, money, &c. But too wiſe, with theſe ſtrengths to help any forrain Prince to become Emperor over himſelf, or otherwiſe to entangle his Eſtate offenſively; or defenſively in common Actions.

The Sweden environed, or rather impriſoned with great and dangerous neighbours, and enemies. The Polae pretending Title to his Kingdom, and with a continuall claim by ſword, inforceing him to a perpetuall defenſive charge. The King of Denmark being unſafe to him upon [Page] every occaſion, by ill neighbour-hood among active Princes. And laſtly, the barbarous Moſcovite, onely quiet through his own diſtreſſe, and oppreſſions elſe-where. So as like a Prince thus ſtrictly invironed, the King of Sweden could not (among Princes) ſtand as any pregnant place of exorbitant help, or terror; otherwiſe than by money.

The Switzers ſwoln with equality; divided at home; enemies, yet ſervants to Monarchies; not eaſily oppreſſed, in the opinion of thoſe times; nor able to doe any thing of note alone: and ſo a dangerous body for the ſoul of Spanie to infuſe deſignes into.

The Princes of Italy carefull to bind one another by common caution; reſtrained from the freedom of their own counſells, by force of ſtronger powers above them, and as buſie in keeping down their people, to multiply profit out of them, as to [Page] entiſe the ſtranger thither, to gain moderately by him. Through which narrow kind of wiſdom, they being become rather Merchant than Monarchall States, were confined from challenging their own, or enlarging their dominions upon neighbors; and laſtly, in aſpect to other Princes rights, conjured within neutrall Circles, by the myſticall practiſe of an abuſing Conclave, and aſpiring Monarch of Spain.

The Moſcovite bridled by his barbarous neighbor the Tartar; and through natural ignorance, and incivility, like a poor Tenant upon a rich Farm, unequall to his inferiors.

The Grand Signior aſleep in his Saraglia; as having turned the ambition of that growing Monarchy into idle luſt; corrupted his Martiall diſcipline; prophaned his Alcoran, in making war againſt his own Church, and not in perſon, but by his Baſha's; conſequently by all apparance, declining [Page] into his people by ſuch, but more precipitate degrees, as his active Anceſtors had climbed above them.

Now while all theſe Princes lived thus fettered within the narrowneſs of their own Eſtates, or humors; Spain managing the Popedome by voices, and penſions among the Cardinals, and having the ſword both by land, & ſea in his hand; ſeemed likewiſe to have all thoſe Weſtern-parts of the world, laid as a Tabula raſa before him, to write where he pleaſed; Yo el Ré. And that which made this fatal proſpect the more probable, was his golden Indian Mines; kept open, not only to feed, and carry his threatning Fleets, & Armies, where he had will, or right to goe; but to make way, and pretenſe for more, where he liſt, by corrupting, and terrifying the chief Counſels both of Chriſtian and Heathen Princes. Which tempting, and undermining courſe had already given ſuch reputation both to his Civill [Page] and Martiall actions; that he was even then grown as impoſſible to pleaſe, as dangerous to offend.

And out of which fearfull Almanack this wakeful Patriot, beſides an univerſall terror upon all Princes, ſaw (as I ſaid) that this immenſe power of Spain did caſt a more particular aſpect of danger upon his native Countrey: and ſuch as was not likely to be prevented, or ſecured by any other Antidote, than a generall league among free Princes, to undertake this undertaker at home. To make this courſe plauſible, though he knew the Qu. of England had already engaged her fortunes into it, by protecting the States Generall, yet perceiving her Governours (as I ſaid) to ſit at home in their ſoft chairs, playing faſt or looſe with them that ventured their lives abroad; he providently determined that while Spain had peace, a Pope, money, or credit; and the world men, neceſſity, [Page] or humors; the war could hardly be determined upon this Low-Countrey ſtage.

Becauſe if the neighbour-hood of Flanders, with help of the ſuddain ſea paſſage, ſhould tempt theſe united Princes to fall upon that limb of the Spaniſh Empire; it would prove (as he ſuppoſed) an aſſailing of him in the ſtrongeſt ſeat of his war; where all exchanges, paſſages, and ſupplies were already ſetled to his beſt advantage: and ſo a force bent againſt him, even where himſelf could wiſh it.

Flanders being a Province repleniſhed with offenſive, and defenſive Armies: and fortified with divers ſtrong Cities: of which the aſſailing Armies muſt be conſtrained, either to leave many behind them, or elſe to hazard the loſs of time, and their gallanteſt Troops in beſieging of one.

Again he conceived that France it ſelf was like enough to be tender, in [Page] ſeconding our deſignes with horſe, or foot there; our neighbour-hood upon the ſame Continent (out of old acquaintance) not being over-welcome to them, as he preſumed. And for ſuccors from other Princes; they were to come far, and paſs through divers dominions with difficulty, diſtraction, loſs of time, and perchance looſe-handed diſcipline.

And ſo concludes, firſt, that it would be hard for us to become abſolute Maſters of the field in Flanders, or to ground our aſſailing of him there upon any other argument, than that ever-betraying Fallax of undervaluing our enemies, or ſetling undertaking Counſels upon marketmens Intelligence, as Caeſar ſaith the French in his time uſed to do. Which confident wayes, without any curious examination what power the adverſe party hath prepared to encounter, by defenſe, invaſion, or diviſion, muſt probably make us loſers, [Page] both in men, money, and reputation. And upon theſe and the like aſſumpſits he reſolved, there were but two ways left to fruſtrate this ambitious Monarchs deſignes. The one, that which diverted Hanibal, and by ſetting fire on his own houſe made him draw in his Spirits to comfort his heart; the other that of Iaſon by fetching away his golden Fleece, and not ſuffering any one man quietly to enjoy that, which every man ſo much affected.

CHAP. IX.

TO carry war into the bowels of Spain, and by the aſſiſtance of the Netherlands, burn his ſhipping in all havens as they paſſed along; and in that paſſage ſurprize ſome wellchoſen place for wealth, & ſtrength: eaſie to be taken, and poſſible to be [Page] kept by us: he ſuppoſed to be the ſafeſt, moſt quick, and honourable Counſell of diverſion. Becauſe the ſame ſtrength of ſhipping which was offenſively imployed to carry forces thither; and by the way to interrupt all Martiall preparations, and proviſions of that griping ſtate; might by the convenient diſtance between his Coaſt, & ours (if the Spaniard ſhould affect to pay us with our own monies) fitly be diſpoſed both wayes; and ſo like two arms of a naturall body (with little addition of charge) defend, and offend; ſpend and ſupply at one time.

Or, if we found our own ſtock, or neighbours contribution ſtrong enough to follow good ſucceſs to greater deſignes; then whether our adventure once more, in ſtirring up ſpirit in the Portugall againſt the Caſtilians tyranny over them, were not to caſt a chance for the beſt part of his wealth, reputation, & ſtrength, both [Page] of men and ſhipping in all his dominions.

Again, leſt the pride of Spain ſhould be ſecretly ordain'd to ſcourge it ſelf, for having been a ſcourge to ſo many, and yet in this reall inquiſition eſcape the audacity of undertaking Princes; Sir Philip thought fit to put the world in mind, that Sevill was a fair City; ſecure in a rich ſoyl, and plentiful traffique; but an effeminate kind of people, guarded with a conquering name; and conſequently a fair bait to the piercing eyes of ambitious Generals, needy Souldiers, and greedy Mariners. In like ſort hee mentioned Cales, as a ſtrength, and key to her traffiquefull, & navigable river, not fit to be neglected in ſuch a defenſive, and diverting enterpriſe, but at leaſt to be examined.

Laſtly, whether this audacity of undertaking the conqueror at home; would not, with any moderate ſucceſs, raiſe up a new face of things in [Page] thoſe parts; and ſuddainly ſtir up many ſpirits, to move againſt the ſame power, under which they long have bin ſlaviſhly conjur'd, & by this affront, prove a deforming blemiſh in the nice fortune of a fearfull uſurper?

Or if that ſhall be thought an undertaking too full of charge, hazard, or difficulty; then whether it wil not be juſt in the wiſdome of Eſtate, managed among active Princes; that as Qu. Elizabeth had ever been tender, in preſerving her Soveraignty upon the narrow ſeas; and wiſely conſidered, how nature, to maintain that birth-right of hers, had made all wars by ſea far more cheap, proper, and commodious to her, than any expedition upon land could poſſibly be: I ſay, whether to continue this claim, would not prove honour to her ſelf, advantage to her traffique, and reputation to her people; I mean, if ſhee ſhould pleaſe, in thoſe cloudy humors, & queſtions reigning between [Page] her ſelf, and other Princes, to keep a ſtrong ſucceſſive fleet, all ſeaſonable times of the year, upon this pretty Sleeve, or Ocean of hers? I ſay, to keep them as provident ſurveyers what did paſſe from one ſtate to another, wherein the law of Nature, or Nations had formerly given her intereſt to an offenſive, or defenſive ſecurity. A Regall inquiſition, and worthy of a ſea-Soveraign, without wronging friends, or neighbours, to have a perfect intelligence what they had, or wanted for delicacy, peace, or war in generall: And in particular, a clear perſpective glaſs into her enemies Merchant, or Martiall traffique, enabling this Queen ſo to ballance this ambitious Leviathan in either kind; as the little fiſhes, his fellow Citizens, might travell, multiply, & live quietly by him under the protecton of nature.

Again, let us conſider, whether out of this, or the like Audit, it will not [Page] be found a juſt tribute to opportunity, the rudder of all ſtate wiſedoms. That as Qu. Elizabeth was a Soveraign, which reſted with her ſex at home, and yet moved all ſexes abroad to their own good; whether (I ſay) as ſhe from a devoted zeal to the Church, had by Sir Nich. Throgmorton, in the beginning of her reign, ſtirred up ſpirits in that over-mitred French Kingdom, to become watchful guardians of peace, and Religion there. I ſay, whether in the ſame Chriſtian providence there might not, by the neglect, or breach of many Treaties, an occaſion be juſtly taken to reap a reaſonable harveſt out of that wellchoſen ſeed time, by receiving Rochel, Brest, Bourdeaux, or any other place upon that Continent, diſtreſſed for Religion, into her abſolute protection? Nevertheleſs, not with intent of reconquering any part of her ancient Domanies, lineally deſcended from many anceſtors; howſoever thoſe [Page] places ſo taken may ſeem ſeated like tempters of Princes, to plead in the Court of Mars ſuch native, though diſcontinued rights, as no time can preſcribe againſt; but only to keep thoſe humble religious ſouls free from oppreſſion, in that ſuper-Jeſuited ſoveraignty.

In which religious deſigne to encourage the Qu. he adviſed us to examine if the diverſions naturally riſing amongſt their unlimited French Grandees, grown up per ſaltum with their Kings above Laws, Parliaments, and Peoples freedom; would not in all probability caſt up ſom light duſt into their ſuperiors eys, as tributes to their common Idol Diſcorder; and ſo perchance either by treaty, or ſight of the firſt Army, ſtir up Bouillon, & Rohan for Religion; other Roytelets wth hope to make ſafe their ſubaltern governments, even through the ruines of that over-ſoring ſoveraignty?

And is not as probable again, that [Page] even the greateſt Cities, raiſed and ſtanding upon the like waving encroachments of time, & advantagious power would readily become jealous of the leaſt ſtrict hand carried over them, by interruption of traffique, greedineſs of Governors, pride of their own wealth, or indefinite impoſitions; as Paris, Bourdeaux, Marſeilles, Roan, or Lyons? whereby they might likewiſe be tempted, either to run head-long with the ſtream, or at the leaſt to ſtand at gaze, and leave the Heraldry of Princes to be decided by the ſtronger party, as for the moſt part, they hitherto have been.

Nay in this Climax to come nearer yet; is it probable that even the Catholique Princes, and Provinces environing this vaſt Kingdome, would (as now they doe) for want of vent, break their hopes, and ſervilly run out upon the ground like water, and not rather when this new rent ſhould appear, chuſe to ſhake off a chargeable, [Page] & ſervile yoke of Mountebank holineſs under Spaniſh Rome, and to that end preſently mingle money, counſels, and forces with ours? As quickly reſolved that this way of a ballancing union, amongſt abſolute Princes, would prove quieter reſt for them, and ſounder foundations for us, than our former parties did, when we conquered France, more by ſuch factious & ambitious aſſiſtances, than by any odds of our Bows, or Beef-eaters, as the French were then ſcornfully pleas'd to terme us: I ſay, even when in the pride of our conqueſts, we ſtrove to gripe more than was poſſible for us to hold; as appears by our being forced to come away, and leave our anceſtors bloud, and bones behind, for Monuments not of enjoying, but of over-griping & expulſion.

So that the ſum of all is; whether the taking or ſurprize of Cales, Rochel, Bourdeaux, or ſome ſuch other good out, or inlet upon that Mayn, offered, into our protection, would not prove [Page] honour to us, as a brave earneſt either to war, or peace? Beneficiall to the French King, and Crown againſt their wills; as manifeſting to their hot ſpirits, and young Councels, that undertaking is not all? And beſides clearly ſhewing, in Mars his true glaſs, how that once wel-formed Monarchy had by little, and little, let fal her ancient, and reverend pillars, (I mean Parliaments, Lawes, and Cuſtomes) into the narrowneſs of Proclamations, or Imperiall Mandates: by which like baſtard children of tyranny ſhe hath transformed her Gentry into Peaſants, her Peaſants into ſlaves, Magiſtracy into Sale works, Crown-revenue into Impoſitions. And therein likewiſe publiſhed the differences between Monarchs, and Tyrants ſo clearly to the world, as hereafter all Eſtates, that would take upon their necks the yoke of Tyranny, muſt juſtly be reputed voluntary ſlaves in the choice of that paſſive bondage.

Whereby, one queſtion naturally [Page] begetting another, the next (as I take it) muſt be what this Auſtrian aſpiring familie would doe, while theſe two Kingdoms ſhould ſtand thus engaged? Whether invade the King of Denmark alone, hoping by his ruine to ſubdue the yet ſubdued Princes of Germany to get the Sound, and Eaſtern Seas, with all their Maritime riches into his power: to bring the Hanſe Towns into ſome captivated ſubjections, and thereby become Soveraign over all Eaſtern traffique by Sea, and land? Or elſe by lulling France aſleep with Imperiall Matches, or promiſes, finde means to ſteal the Flower-de-luce into the Lyons garland; and in that currant of proſperity to Citadellize the long oppreſſed Netherlands into a tenure of uttermoſt bondage; and ſo build up his Eagles neſt above the threatning of any inferior Region.

But it many times pleaſeth God by the breaking out of concealed flaſhes from theſe fatall cloudes of craft, [Page] or violence, to awake even the moſt ſuperſtitious Princes out of their enchanted dreams; and cauſe them to reſiſt ſuddainly to make head againſt this devouring Sultan, with leagues offenſive, and defenſive; And by an unexpected union to become ſuch frontier neighbours to this Crown-hunter, as he might with great reaſon doubt their trading upon his large cloven feet, who intended to have ſet them ſo heavily upon the heads of many more ancient States, Peoples, or Scepters than his own. And laſtly, in the ſame preſs, by this one affront in the Lions face, publiſhing to the world that power is infinite no where but in God: ſo as the firſt blow well ſtricken, moſt commonly ſucceeds with honor, and advantage to the judicious, able, and active undertakers.

Out of which divine providence, governing all ſecond cauſes by the firſt, is it not probable that even the naturall viciſſitudes of war, and [Page] peace, would bring forth ſome active propoſitions between theſe many waies allied Kingdomes of England, and France, to a perfect reconciliation, and as many again of irreconciliable diviſion between them, and Spain? France being ſtirred up by a joint counſell, and propoſition of aſſiſtance, to the recovery of her long ſleeping rights in Navarre, or Naples; and England onely to diſtract this ambitious Monarch from his late Cuſtom, in depoſing Kings, and Princes, as Navarre, Portugall, the Palatine, Brunſwick, and &c. as in a ſecond courſe of his devouring gluttony, interrupt him from future proſecutions of Denmark, and Germany it ſelf, to the ſame end; with his conſtant intent, to bring all the earth under one mans tyranny.

To prevent which deluge of boundleſs power, Sir Philip was of opinion, that more than charge, it could be no prejudice; if to the unvizarding of this masked triplicity between [Page] Spain, Rome and the Soveraign Ieſuits of France; I ſay if the Queen, as defendreſs of the faith, for a main pledg of this new offenſive, and defenſive undertaken league, would be pleaſed to aſſiſt the French King with the ſame forces by Sea, or land, wherewith, till then, ſhe had juſtly oppoſed againſt him. And conſequently puting the Spaniard from an offenſive, to a defenſive War, manifeſtly publiſh, and give credit to this unbelieved truth, viz. that this Arch-Conqueror never intended other favor to the Pope, Emperor, or Ieſuits, in all this conjunction, than Poliphemus promiſed to Ʋlyſſes, which was, that they ſhould be the laſt whom he purpoſed to devour.

And farther to encourage theſe great Princes in this true balancing deſigne with the chargeable, and thorny paſſages proper to it; he providently ſaw the long threatned Dutchie of Savoy would be in their view: with aſſurance that this active [Page] Prince would think it a ſafe diverſiſion of dangers from his domeſticall Eſtate, and a fit ſtage to act his forrain cobwebbs upon, if he might have them ſhadowed under the wings of ſtronger, and every way more able Powers; without which his mean Eſtate muſt in all probability force him to ſhift his outward garments perchance too often.

The Venetians again, foreſeeing with their Ariſtocraticall jealouſie, that their Eſtate had onely two pregnant dangers hanging over it; the one Eaſtward from the grand Signior, who eaſily moves not his encompaſſing half Moon; the other Weſtward from this Solyman of Spain, whoſe unſatiable ambition, they knew, would reſt upon no centre, but creep along the Mediterranean Seas, till he might (contrary to the nature of thoſe waters) over-flow all weak; or ſecure neighbor Princes, without any other title, or quarrell, than Stet pro ratione voluntas. And foreſeeing again [Page] in this ſuddain violence, that they could expect no Eſtate to be ſelfly engaged in their ſuccor; but muſt reſolve to ſtand, or fall alone by that courſe. Where, on the other ſide, if the Eaſtern half-Moon ſhould but ſeem to move towards them, they were aſſured to have all the Eſtates of Europe, engaged by their own intereſts, to joine with them. Upon this view there is no doubt, but that wiſe City would have reſolved it to be a choice of leſs evill, to joine with theſe great Princes, in diverting his Spaniſh gallies, and galleons by Sea, and his inveterate Armies by land from diſturbing, or ſubjecting the ſafety, and traffique of all Chriſtendom to his ſeven patch'd coated Kingdomes, rather than for want of heart or opportunity, to ſtand neuter (as they doe) and become treaſurers both of money, and munition for him, that already intends thus to conquer them, and enjoy it.

Again, ſhall we (ſaid Sir Philip) in [Page] theſe collections of particulars, forget the State of Italy it ſelf? which excellent temper of ſpirits, earth, and aire, having long been ſmothered, and mowed down by the differing Tyrannies of Spain, and Rome, ſhall we not be confident they would, upon the approaching of theſe armies, both ſtir up thoſe benumbed Soveraignties, which onely bear the name of free Princes, to affect their own Manumiſſions, & help to chaſe away theſe ſucceeding and oppreſſing Garriſons, whoſe fore-fathers formany yeares had ſold life, libertie, and lawes for eight pence the day; and ſo reſolutely oppoſe thoſe Spaniſhborn, or Spaniſh-ſworn Tyrannies, which have for divers ages Lorded over that moſt equally tempered Nation.

Or whether the winter in thoſe Seas, giving opportunity without ſuſpition, may not encourage the Claim of our old rights in the Kingdom of Sicilie, more legall than moſt [Page] of his Spaniſh intruſions; and therein be welcome to the Grand Signior, the freedom of Algiers, even to Italy it ſelf. And beſides, if we proſpered, yield abundance of wealth by ſpoil, and trade: with ſuch a ſeat for diverſion, or poſſeſſion, as by many viſible, and inviſible helps, might be kept, or put away with infinite advantage?

Laſtly, he made a Quaere, whether the Pope himſelf would not (like a ſecular Prophet) to keep his becoming Chaplain a little the farther off; either wink, or at leaſt delay his thundering curſes, or ſupplies of Peter-pence againſt theſe qualifying Armies, onely to moderate the overgreatneſſe of his Spaniſh Monarchie? whoſe infancie having been nouriſhed under the Miters holy water, and ſophiſtries of his practiſing Conclaves, dares now imperiouſly publiſh to the world a reſolution, of taking all other diſtinctions from amongſt men, ſaving that Canonicall regiment [Page] of wit and might, whereby he might ſo preſerve his ſpirituall ambition entire, without any charge or change of Religion, or Soveraignties from one hand to another, but like a holy father mediate the reſtoring of Italy to her ancient free, and diſtinct Principalities. Whereby now by this moderate courſe, admit the Pope for his part, ſhould impair his temporall profits, and ſubaltern jurisdiction a while; yet ſhall he be ſure, (as I ſaid) to multiply his ſpirituall honors, and inlarge that Kingdom, by theſe works of Supererogation. And by joyning with his fellow Princes in a contribution, by way of accompt, or countenance to pay theſe great Armies, be ſure to ſit rent-free under his, and their own vines, as abſolute ſpirituall, and temporall Princes ought to doe?

From which (ſaith he) this concluſion will probably follow; that the undertaking of this Antonie ſingle, I mean France, would prove a [Page] begetting of brave occaſions jointly to diſturb this Spaniſh Ottoman, in all his waies of crafty, or forcible conqueſts. Eſpecially ſince Queen Elizabeth, the ſtandard of this conjunction, would infallibly incline to unite with the better part, and by a ſuddain changing of Mars his Imperious Enſignes, into a well ballanced treaty of univerſall Peace, reſtore and keep the world within her old equilibrium or bounds.

And the rather, becauſe her long cuſtom in governing, would quickly have made her diſcern, that it had been impoſſible, by force, or any human wiſdom to have qualified theſe over-grown Combinations of Spain; but onely by a countermining of party with party, and a diſtracting of exorbitant deſires, by caſting a gray-headed cloud of fear over them; thereby manifeſting the well diſguiſed yokes of bondage, under which our Modern Conquerors would craftily entice the Nown-adjective-natured [Page] Princes, and ſubjects of this time to ſubmit their necks. A map (as it pleaſed her to ſay) of his ſecrets, in which ſhe confeſſed herſelf to be the more ripe, becauſe under the like falſe Enſignes, though perchance better maſked, ſhe had ſeen Philip the ſecond after the ſame meaſure, or with little difference, to Henry the third of France, a principall fellow-member in that earthly founded, though heavenly ſeeming Church of Rome, when he redelivered Amiers, Abbeville, &c. together with that fouldier-like paſſage made by the Duke of Parma through France, to the relief of Paris; yet whether this provident Philip did frame theſe ſpecious charities of a conqueror, Auguſtus-like, aſpiring to live after death greater than his ſucceſſor; or providently foreſeeing that the divers humors in ſucceeding Princes, would prove unable to maintain ſuch green uſurpations, in the heart of a Kingdom competitor with his [Page] ſeven-headed Hydra kept together onely by a conſtant and unnaturall wheel of fortune, till ſome new child of hers, like Henry the fourth, ſhould take his turn in reſtoring all unjuſt combinations or encrochments; or laſtly, whether, like a true cutter of Cumine ſeedes, he did not craftily lay theſe hypocritall ſacrifices upon the Altar of death, as peaceofferings from pride to the temple of fear, as ſmoaks dying of a diſeaſed conſcience choked up with innocent bloud: of all which perplexed pedigrees, I know not what to determine otherwiſe; than that theſe Tyrannicall enchrochments doe carry the images of Hell, and her thunder-workers, in their own breaſts, as fortune doth misfortunes in that wind-blown, vaſt, and various womb of hers.

Or if this ſhould ſeem of too high a nature, or too many chargeable parts: then whether to begin again where we left and by the example [Page] of Drake, a mean born ſubject to the Crown of England, invade, poſſeſs, & [...]nhabite ſome well choſen havens in Peru, Mexico, or both, were not to ſtrike at the root, & aſſail him where he is weakeſt; & yet gathers his chiefeſt ſtrength to make himſelf Monarch over all the Weſtern Climes? ſupplyes being as eaſie to us, as to him, we having both winds, and ſeas indifferently open between us.

CHAP. X.

UPon due conſideration of which particulars, he fore-ſeeing that each of the former required greater reſolution, union, and expenſe, than the naturality, diffidence, and quiet complexion of the Princes then reigning could well bear; and beſides the freedome of choyce to bee taken away, or at the leaſt obſtructed by fatall miſts of ignorance, or factious counſells reigning among the Miniſters of Kings: he reſolved from the [Page] grounds of his former intended voiage with Sir Francis Drake, that the only credible means left, was, to aſſail him by invaſion, or incurſion (as occaſion fell out) in ſome part of that rich, and deſert Weſt-Indian Mine.

Firſt, becauſe it is an obſervation among the wiſeſt, that as no man is a Prophet in his own Countrey; ſo all men may get honour much cheaper far off than at home, and at ſea more eaſily than at land.

Secondly, in reſpect he diſcovered the Spaniſh conqueſts in thoſe remote parts, ſo much noiſed throughout the world, to be indeed like their Jeſuits Miracles; which comming far, were multiplied by Fame and Art, to keep other Nation sin wonder, and blind worſhip.

Thirdly, out of confident beliefe, that their inhumane cruelties had ſo diſpeopled, & diſpleaſed thoſe countreys; that as he was ſure to find no great power to withſtand him; ſo might he well hope the Reliques of [Page] thoſe oppreſſed Cimerons would joyfully take Arms with any forrainer to redeem their liberty, and revenge their parents bloud.

Fourthly, by reaſon the ſcale of diſtance between Spain & America was ſo great; as it infallibly aſſured Sir Philip, he ſhould find leaſure enough to land, fortifie, and become Maſter of the field, before any ſuccour could come thither to interrupt him.

Fiftly, the pride, delicacy, and ſecurity of the Spaniard, which made him live without Diſcipline; and truſt more to the greatneſs of his name abroad, than any ſtrength, order, courage, or munition at home.

Sixtly, Sir Philip prophecying what the pedigrees of Princes did warrant, I mean the happy conjunction of of Scotland, to theſe populous Realms England & Ireland; foreſaw, that if this multitude of people were not ſtudiouſly husbanded, and diſpoſed, they would rather diminiſh, than add any ſtrength to this Monarchy. [Page] Which danger (he conjectured) could only by this deſigne of forrain imploiment, or the peaceable harveſt of manufactures at home, be ſafely prevented.

The ſeventh, and a chief motive indeed was, that no other action could be leſs ſubject to emulation of Court, leſs ſtraining to the preſent humors of State, more concurring with expectation, and voice of time; nor wherein there was greater poſſibility of improving merit, wealth, & friends.

Laſtly, he did, as all undertakers muſt doe, believe that there is ever good intelligence between chance & hazard, and ſo left ſome things not ſummed up before hand by exact minutes. But rather thought good to venture upon the caſt of a Rubicon Dy; either to ſtop his ſprings of gold, and ſo drie up that torrent which carried his ſubduing Armies every where; or elſe by the wakefull providence of threatned neighbors, force him to waft home that conquering [Page] Metall with infinite charge, and notwithſtanding unwarranted from enriching thoſe enemies, whom he principally ſtudied to ſuppreſs by it.

To confirm which opinion, he foreſaw how this racked vanity of the Spaniſh government (intending to work a change in the free courſe of nature) had interdicted all manufacture, traffick, or vent by ſea, or land, between the natives of America, & all nations elſe, Spain excepted. And withall, to make the barrenneſs of Spain more fertile, how he had improved that idle Caſtilian, by imployments, in activeneſs, wealth, and authority over thoſe vanquiſhed creatures; ſuffering the poor native Americans to be ſuppreſt with heavy impoſitions, diſcouraging idleneſs, bondage of laws, ſheering of the humble ſheep to cloath the proud devouring Wolves; finally, under theſe, & ſuch like quinteſſences of tyranny ſtriving (as I ſaid) even beſides nature, to make barren Spain the Monarchy, & [Page] that every way more fertile America to be the Province. All which affections of power to be wiſer, & ſtronger than the truth, this Gentleman concluded would in fulnes of time make manifeſt; that the heavy can no more be forced to aſcend, and reſt fixed there, than the light to goe downward, as to their proper center.

Notwithſtanding, the ſtate of Tyrants is ſo ſublime, and their errors founded upon ſuch precipitate ſteps, as this growing Spaniard both did, doth, and ever will travell (with his forefathers in Paradiſe) to be equall, or above his Maker; and ſo to impriſon divine laws within the narrownes of will, and humane wiſdome, with the fettred ſelfsneſſes of cowardly or other confident Tyranny. In which prepoſterous courſes, to prevent all poſſibility of commotion, let the Reader be pleaſed to obſerve, how that continually he forceth his own ſubjects free-denized in America, to fetch weapons of defence, conqueſt, [Page] invaſion; as well as ornament, wealth, neceſſity, and delicacy, out of Spain, meerly to retain want, ſupply, price, weight, faſhion, and meaſure, ſtill (contrary to nature) in that barren Crown of Caſtile, with an abſolute power reſting in himſelf to rock, or eaſe both peoples, according to the waving ends of an unſteddy, and ſharp pointed Pyramis of power.

Nay, to riſe yet a ſtep higher in this bloudy pride; Sir Philip, our unbelieved Caſſandra, obſerved this limitleſs ambition of the Spaniard to have choſen that uttermoſt Citadell of bondage, I mean the Inquiſition of Spain, for her inſtrument. Not, as in former Masks, to prune, or govern; but in a confidence riſing out of the old age of ſuperſtitious fantaſms, utterly to root out all ſeeds of humane freedom; and (as Sr Philip conceived) with fatal diſſolution to it ſelf. In reſpect that theſe types of extremity would ſoon publiſh to the world, what little difference Tyrants ſtrive [Page] to leave between the creation, uſe, and honor of men, and beaſts, valuing them indifferently but as Counters, to ſum up the divers, nay contrary uſes, and Audits of ſublime and wandring ſupremacy, which true glaſs would (in this Gentlemans opinion) ſhew the moſt dull & cowardly eye, that Tyrants be not nurſing Fathers, but ſtep-fathers; and ſo no anointed deputies of God, but rather lively Images of the dark Prince, that ſole author of diſ-creation, and diſorder, who ever ruines his ends with over-building.

Laſtly, where his reaſon ended, there many divine Precepts, and Examples did aſſure him, that the vengeance of God muſt neceſſarily hang over thoſe hypocriticall cruelties, which under colour of converting ſouls to him, ſent millions of better than their own, they cared not whither: And in ſtead of ſpreading Chriſtian religion by good life, committed ſuch terrible inhumanities, as [Page] gave thoſe that lived under nature manifeſt occaſion to abhor the devily characters of ſo tyrannical a deity.

Now though this juſtice of the Almighty be many times ſlow, & therefore neglected here on earth; yet (I ſay) under the only conduct of this ſtar did Sir Philip intend to revive this hazardous enterprize of Planting upon the Main of America; projected, nay undertaken long before, (as I ſhewed you) but ill executed in the abſence of Sir Philip; with a deſigne to poſſeſs Nombre de Dios, or ſome other haven near unto it, as places, in reſpect of the little diſtance between the two ſeas, eſteemed the fitteſt Rendez-vouz for ſupply, or retreat of an Army upon all occaſions. And beſides, by that means to circle in his wealth and freedome, with a joynt fore-running Fleet; to the end, that if the fortune of Conqueſt proſpered not with them, yet he ſhould infallibly pay the charge of both Navies, with infinite loſs, and diſ-reputation to the Spaniard.

[Page] And in this project Sir Philip proceeded ſo far with the united Provinces, as they yeelded to aſſiſt, and ſecond the ſhips of his Soveraign, under his charge, with a fleet of their own. Which, beſides a preſent addition of ſtrength, he knew would lead in others by example.

Again, for ſupply of theſe Armies, he had (out of that naturall tribute, which all free ſpirits acknowledge to ſuperior worth) won 30 Gentlemen of great bloud, and ſtate here in England, every man to ſell one hundred pounds land, to ſecond, and countenance this firſt Fleet with a ſtronger.

Now when theſe beginnings were by his own credit and induſtrie thus well ſetled: then to give an excellent form to a reall work, hee contrived this new intended Plantation, not like an Aſſylum for fugitives, a Bellum Piraticum for Banditi, or any ſuch baſe Ramas of people; but as an Emporium for the confluence of all Nations that love, or profeſs any [Page] kinde of vertue, or Commerce.

Wherein to incite thoſe that tarried at home to adventure, he propounded the hope of a ſure, and rich return. To Martiall men he opened wide the door of ſea and land, for fame and conqueſt. To the nobly ambitious the far ſtage of America, to win honour in. To the Religious divines, beſides a new Apoſtolicall calling of the laſt heathen to the Chriſtian faith, a large field of reducing poor Chriſtians, miſ-led by the Idolatry of Rome, to their mother Primitive Church. To the ingenuouſly induſtrious variety of natural richeſſes, for new myſteries, and manufactures to work upon. To the Merchant, with a ſimple people, a fertile, and unexhauſted earth. To the fortunebound, liberty. To the curious, a fruitfull womb of innovation. Generally the word gold was an attractive Adamant, to make men venture that which they have, in hope to grow rich by that which they have not.

[Page] What the expectation of this voyage was, the time paſt can beſt witnes; but what the ſucceſs ſhould have been (till it be revived by ſome ſuch generous undertakers) lies hid in Gods ſecret judgements, who did at once cut off this Gentlemans life, and ſo much of our hope.

Upon theſe enterpriſes of his, I have preſumed to ſtand the longer, becauſe from the aſhes of this firſt propounded voyage to America▪ that fatall Low Country action ſprang up, in which this worthy Gentleman loſt his life. Beſides, I do ingenuouſly confeſs, that it delights me to keep company with him, even after death; eſteeming his actions, words, and converſation, the daintieſt treaſure my mind could then lay up; or can at this day impart with our poſteritie.

CHAP. XI.

THerefore to come at the laſt to that diverting imployment, [Page] promiſed to him under his Uncle in the Low-Countries: he was, upon his return to the Court, inſtantly made for Garriſon, Governor of Fluſhing, and for the Field, General of the Horſe; in both which charges, his carriage teſtified to the world, wiſdome, and valour, with addition of honour to his Country by them.

For inſtance; how like a Souldier did he behave himſelf, firſt in contriving, then in executing the ſurpriſe of Axil? where he revived that ancient, and ſecure diſcipline of order, & ſilence in their March; and after their entrance into the town, placed a band of choice ſouldiers to make a ſtand in the Market-place, for ſecuritie to the reſt, that were forced to wander up and down by direction of Commanders; and when the ſervice was done, rewarded that obedience of diſcipline in every one, liberally, out of his own purſe.

How providently again did he preſerve the lives and honor of our Engliſh [Page] Army, at that enterpriſe of Gravelin? where though he was guided by directions given him; yet whether out of arguments drawn from the perſon of La Motte, Commander of that town, who had a generall reputation of too much worth, either Simon-like to deceive, or eaſily to be deceived; or out of the ſtrength and importance of that place, precious to the owner in many reſpects, the leaſt of which would redouble loſs to the growing ambition of a Conqueror; or whether upon caution given by intelligence; or whatſoever light of diverſion elſe; he (I ſay) was reſolute not to hazzard ſo many principall Gentlemen, with ſuch gallant Troops and Commanders which accompanied him, in that flattering expedition. Yet becauſe he kept this ſteady counſel in his own boſome, there was labouring on every ſide to obtain the honour of that ſervice. To all which gallant kind of competition, he made this anſwer, that his own comming [Page] thither was to the ſame end, wherein they were now become his rivalls; & therfore aſſured them, that he would not yeeld any thing to any man, which by right of his place was both due to himſelf, and conſequently diſgrace for him to execute by others: again, that by the ſame rule, he would never conſent to hazzard them that were his friends, and in divers reſpects his equalls, where he found reaſon to make many doubts, and ſo little reaſon to venture himſelf.

Yet as a Commander, concluding ſomething fit to be done, equally for obedience and triall, he made the inferior ſort of Captains try their fortune by dice upon a drums head: the lot fell upon Sir William Brown his own Lieuetenant, who with a choice company preſently departed, receiving this proviſionall caution from Sir Philip, that if he found practiſe, & not faith, he ſhould ſtreight throw down his Arms, and yeeld himſelf priſoner; proteſting that if they took [Page] him, he ſhould be ranſomed; if they broke quarter, his death moſt ſeverely revenged.

On theſe forlorn companies go with this Leader, & before they came into the town, found all outward ſignals exactly performed; when they were entred, every ſtreet ſafe and quiet, according to promiſe, till they were paſt any eaſie recovery of the gate; then inſtantly out of the cellars under ground, they were charged by Horſe and Foot. The Leader, following his Generalls commandement, diſcovers the treaſon, throws down his arms, and is taken priſoner. The reſt of the company retire, or rather fly towards their ſhips, but ſtil wounded and cut off by purſuit of their enemies; till at length a Serjeant of a band, with fifteen more, all Sidney's men (I mean ſuch as could die to win honour, and do ſervice to their country) made a halt, and being fortunately mixt of pikes, halberds, and muſkets, reſolved to be ſlain with their [Page] backs to their friends, and their faces to their enemies; they moved, or ſtaied with occaſion; and were in both continually charged with Foot and Horſe, till in the end eight were ſlain, and eight left alive. With theſe the Serjeant wounded at the ſide with a ſquare die out of a field-piece, made this brave retreat within view, and at laſt protection of their own Navy; bringing home even in the wounds, nay ruins of himſelf, and company, reputation of courage, and Martiall diſcipline to his Country.

Moreover, in thoſe private accidents of diſcontentment & quarrell, which naturally accompany great ſpirits in the beſt governed Camps, how diſcreetly did Sir Philip ballance that brave Hollock, made head of a party againſt his Uncle? When puting himſelf between indignities offered to his Soveraign, through the Earl of Leiceſters perſon; and yet not fit for a ſupreme Governors place to ground a duel upon; he brought [Page] thoſe paſſionate charges, which the Count Hollock addreſſed upwards to the Earl down by degrees upon himſelf. Where that brave Count Hollock found Sir Philip ſo fortified with wiſdom, courage, and truth; beſides the ſtrong partie of former friendſhip ſtanding for him in the Counts noble nature; as though ſenſe of honour, and many things elſe equal, and unequal between them, were in apparance beyond poſſiblitie of peecing; yet this one inequality of right on Sir Philip's ſide, made the propounder calm; and by coming to terms of expoſtulation, did not only reconcile thoſe two worthy ſpirits, one to another, more firmly than before; but withall through himſelf wrought, if not a kind of unitie between the Earl of Leicester, and the Count Hollock, at leaſt a finall ſurceaſe of all violent jealouſies, or factious expoſtulations.

Theſe particulars I only point out, leaving the reſt for them, that may, [Page] perchance, write larger ſtories of that time. To be ſhort; not in complements and art, but reall proofe given of his ſufficience above others, in very little time his reputation, and authority amongſt that active people grew ſo faſt, as it had been no hard matter for him, with the diſadvantage of his Uncle, and diſtraction of our affairs in thoſe parts, to have raiſed himſelf a fortune there. But in the whole courſe of his life, he did ſo conſtantly ballance ambition with the ſafe precepts of divine, and moral duty, as no pretence whatſoever could have entiſed that Gentleman, to break through the circle of a good Patriot.

CHAP. XII

THus ſhall it ſuffice me to have trod out ſome ſteps of this Britane Scipio, thereby to give the learned a ſcantling, for drawing out the [Page] reſt of his dimenſions by proportion. And to the end the abruptneſs of this Treatiſe may ſuit more equally with his fortune, I will cut off his Actions, as God did his Life, in the midſt; and ſo conclude with his death.

In which paſſage, though the pride of fleſh, and glory of Mankind be commonly ſo allyed, as the beholders ſeldome ſee any thing elſe in it, but objects of horror, and pittie; yet had the fall of this man ſuch natural degrees, that the wound whereof he died, made rather an addition, than diminution to his ſpirits. So that he ſhewed the world, in a ſhort progreſs to a long home, paſſing fair, and weldrawn lines; by the guide of which, all pilgrims of this life may conduct themſelves humbly into the haven of everlaſting reſt.

When that unfortunate ſtand was to be made before Zutphen, to ſtop the iſſuing out of the Spaniſh Army from a ſtreict; with what alacrity ſoever [Page] he went to actions of honor, yet remembring that upon juſt grounds the ancient Sages deſcribe the worthieſt perſons to be ever beſt armed, he had compleatly put on his; but meeting the Marſhall of the Camp lightly armed (whoſe honour in that art would not ſuffer this unenvious Themistocles to ſleep) the unſpotted emulation of his heart, to venture without any inequalitie, made him caſt off his Cuiſſes; and ſo, by the ſecret influence of deſtinie, to diſarm that part, where God (it ſeems) had reſolved to ſtrike him. Thus they go on, every man in the head of his own Troop; and the weather being miſty, fell unawares upon the enemie, who had made a ſtrong ſtand to receive them, near to the very walls of Zutphen; by reaſon of which accident their Troops fell, not only unexpectedly to be engaged within the levell of the great ſhot, that played from the Rampiers, but more fatally within [Page] ſhot of their Muſkets, which were layd in ambuſh within their own trenches.

Now whether this were a deſperate cure in our Leaders, for a deſperate diſeaſe; or whether miſpriſion, neglect, audacity, or what elſe induced it, it is no part of my office to determine, but onely to make the narration clear, and deliver rumor, as it paſſed then, without any ſtain, or enammel.

Howſoever, by this ſtand, an unfortunate hand out of thoſe foreſpoken Trenches, brake the bone of Sir Philip's thigh with a Muſket-ſhot. The horſe he rode upon, was rather furiouſly cholleric, than bravely proud, and ſo forced him to forſake the field, but not his back, as the nobleſt, and fitteſt biere to carry a Martiall Commander to his grave. In which ſad progreſs, paſſing along by the reſt of the Army, where his Uncle the Generall was, and being [Page] thirſtie with exceſs of bleeding, he called for drink, which was preſently brought him; but as he was putting the bottle to his mouth, he ſaw a poor Souldier carryed along, who had eaten his laſt at the ſame Feaſt, gaſtly caſting up his eyes at the bottle. Which Sir Philip perceiving, took it from his head, before he drank, and delivered it to the poor man, with theſe words, Thy neceſsity is yet greater than mine. And when he had pledged this poor ſouldier, he was preſently carried to Arnheim.

Where the principal Chirurgions of the Camp attended for him; ſome mercinarily out of gain, others out of honour to their Art, but the moſt of them with a true zeal (compounded of love and reverence) to doe him good, and (as they thought) many Nations in him. When they began to dreſs his wound, he both by way of charge, and advice, told [Page] them, that while his ſtrength was yet entire, his body free from feaver, and his mind able to endure, they might freely uſe their art, cut, and ſearch to the bottome. For beſides his hope of health, he would make this farther profit of the pains which he muſt ſuffer, that they ſhould bear witneſs, they had indeed a ſenſible natured man under their hands, yet one to whom a ſtronger Spirit had given power above himſelf, either to do, or ſuffer. But if they ſhould now neglect their Art, and renew torments in the declination of nature, their ignorance, or over-tenderneſs would prove a kind of tyranny to their friend, and conſequently a blemiſh to their reverend ſcience.

With love and care well mixt, they began the cure, and continued it ſome ſixteen dayes, not with hope, but rather ſuch confidence of his recovery, as the joy of their [Page] hearts over-flowed their diſcretion, and made them ſpread the intelligence of it to the Queen, and all his noble friends here in England, where it was received, not as private, but publique good news.

Onely there was one Owle among all the birds, which though looking with no leſs zealous eyes than the reſt, yet ſaw, and preſaged more deſpair: I mean an excellent Chirurgion of the Count Hollocks, who although the Count himſelf lay at the ſame inſtant hurt in the throat with a Muſket ſhot, yet did he neglect his own extremitie to ſave his friend, and to that end had ſent him to Sir Philip. This Chirurgion notwithſtanding (out of love to his Maſter) returning one day to dreſs his wound, the Count cheerfully aſked him how Sir Philip did? And being anſwered with a heavy countenance, that he was not well; at theſe words the worthy Prince (as having more [Page] ſenſe of his friends wounds, than his own) cries out, Away villain, never ſee my face again, till thou bring better news of that mans recovery; for whoſe redemption many ſuch as I were happily loſt.

This honourable act I relate, to give the world one modern example; firſt, that greatneſs of heart is not dead every where; and then, that war is both a fitter mould to faſhion it, and ſtage to act it on, than peace can be; and laſtly, that the reconciliation of enemies may prove ſafe, and honourable, where the ciment on either ſide is worth. So as this Florentine precept concerning reconciled enemies, deſerves worthily to be buried with unworthines the author of it, or at leaſt the practiſe of it cryed down, and baniſhed, to reign among barbarous heathen ſpirits, who while they think life the uttermoſt of all things, hold it ſafe in no body that their own errors make [Page] doubtfull to them. And ſuch ſeems every man that moves any paſſion, but pleaſure, in thoſe intricate natures.

Now after the ſixteenth day was paſt, and the very ſhoulder-bones of this delicate Patient worn through his skin, with conſtant, and obedient poſturing of his body to their Art; he judiciouſly obſerving the pangs his wound ſtang him with by fits, together, with many other ſymptoms of decay, few or none of recovery, began rather to ſubmit his body to theſe Artiſts, than any farther to believe in them. During which ſuſpenſe, he one morning lifting up the clothes for change & eaſe of his body, ſmelt ſome extraordinary noiſom ſavor about him, differing from oyls and ſalvs, as he conceived; & either out of naturall delicacy, or at leaſt care not to offend others, grew a little troubled with it; which they that ſate by perceiving, beſought him to let them [Page] know what ſuddain indiſpoſition he felt? Sir Philip ingenuouſly told it, and deſired them as ingenuouſly to confeſs, whether they felt any ſuch noiſome thing, or no? They all proteſted againſt it upon their credits. Whence Sir Philip preſently gave this ſevere doom upon himſelf; that it was inward mortification, and a welcome meſſenger of death.

Shortly after, when the Chirurgions came to dreſs him, he acquainted them with theſe piercing intelligences between him, and his mortality. Which though they oppoſed by authority of books, paralleling of accidents, and other artificiall probabilities; yet moved they no alteration in this man, who judged too truly of his own eſtate, and from more certain grounds, than the vanity of opinion in erring artificers could poſſibly pierce into. So that afterwards, how freely ſoever he left his body ſubject to their practiſe, and continued a patient [Page] beyond exception; yet did he not change his minde; but as having caſt off all hope, or deſire of recoverie, made, and divided that little ſpan of life which was left him in this manner.

CHAP. XIII.

FIrſt, he called the Miniſters unto him; who were all excellent men, of divers Nations, and before them made ſuch a confeſſion of Chriſtian faith, as no book but the heart can truly, and feelingly deliver. Then deſired them to accompany him in Prayer, wherein hee beſought leave to lead the aſſembly, in reſpect, (as he ſaid) that the ſecret ſins of his own heart were beſt known to himſelf, and out of that true ſenſe, he more properly inſtructed to apply the eternall [Page] Sacrifice of our Saviours Paſſion and Merits to him. His religious Zeal prevailed with this humbly devout, & afflicted company; In which wel choſen progreſs of his, howſoever they were all moved, and thoſe ſweet motions witneſſed by ſighes and tears, even interrupting their common devotion; yet could no man judge in himſelf, much leſs in others, whether this rake of heavenly agony, whereupon they all ſtood, were forced by ſorrow for him, or admiration of him; the fire of this Phenix hardly being able out of any aſhes to produce his equall, as they conceived.

Here this firſt mover ſtayed the motions in every man, by ſtaying himſelf. Whether to give reſt to that frail wounded fleſh of his, unable to hear the bent of eternity ſo much affected, any longer; or whether to abſtract that ſpirit more inwardly, and by chewing as it were the cudd of [Page] meditation, to imprint thoſe excellent images in hs ſoul; who can judge but God? Notwithſtanding, in this change, (it ſhould ſeem) there was little, or no change in the object. For inſtantly after prayer, he entreated this quire of divine Philoſophers about him, to deliver the opinion of the ancient Heathen, touching the immortality of the ſoul: Firſt, to ſee what true knowledge ſhe retains of her own eſſence, out of the light of her ſelf; then to parallel with it the moſt pregnant authorities of the old, and new Teſtament, as ſupernatural revelations, ſealed up from our fleſh, for the divine light of faith to reveal, and work by. Not that he wanted inſtruction, or aſſurance; but becauſe this fixing of a lovers thoughts upon thoſe externall beauties, was not only a cheering up of his decaying ſpirits, but as it were a taking poſſeſſion of that immortall inheritance, which was given unto him by [Page] his brother-hood in CHRIST.

The next change uſed, was the calling for his Will; which though at firſt ſight it may ſeem a deſcent from heaven to earth again; yet he that obſerves the diſtinction of thoſe offices, which he practiſed in beſtowing his own, ſhall diſcern, that as the ſoul of man is all in all, and all in every part; ſo was the goodnes of his nature equally diſperſed, into the greateſt, and leaſt actions of his too ſhort life. Which Will of his, will ever remain for a witneſs to the world, that thoſe ſweet, and large, even dying affections in him, could no more be contracted with the narrowneſs of pain, grief, or ſickneſs, than any ſparkle of our immortality can bee privately buried in the ſhadow of death.

Here again this reſtleſs ſoul of his (changing only the aire, and not the cords of her harmony) cals for Muſick; eſpecially that ſong which himſelf [Page] had intitled, La cuiſſe rompue. Partly (as I conceive by the name) to ſhew that the glory of mortal fleſh was ſhaken in him: and by that Muſick it ſelf, to faſhion and enfranchiſe his heavenly ſoul into that everlaſting harmony of Angels, whereof theſe Concords were a kinde of terreſtriall Echo: And in this ſupreme, or middle Orb of Contemplations, he bleſſedly went on, within a circular motion, to the end of all fleſh.

The laſt ſcene of this Tragedy was the parting between the two brothers: the weaker ſhewing infinite ſtrength in ſuppreſſing ſorrow, and the ſtronger infinite weakneſs in expreſſing of it. So far did invaluable worthineſſe, in the dying brother enforce the living to deſcend beneath his owne worth, and by abundance of childiſh tears, bewail the publique, in his particular loſs. Yea ſo far was his true remiſſion [Page] of minde transformed into ejulation, that Sir Philip, (in whom all earthly, paſſion did even as it were flaſh, like lights ready to burn out) recals thoſe ſpirits together with a ſtrong vertue, but weak voice; mildly blaming him for relaxing the frail ſtrengths left to ſupport him, in his finall combate of ſeparation at hand. And to ſtop this naturall torrent of affection-in both, took his leave, with theſe admoniſhing words:

Love my Memorie, cheriſh my Friends; their Faith to me may aſſure you they are honeſt. But above all, govern your Will, and Affections, by the Will and Word of your Creator; in me, beholding the end of this World, with all her Vanities.

[Page] And with this Fare-well, deſired the company to lead him away. Here this noble Gentleman ended, the too ſhort Scene his life; in which path, whoſoever is not confident that he walked the next way to eternall reſt, will be found to judge uncharitably.

Thus you ſee how it pleaſed God to ſhew forth, and then ſuddenly withdraw this precious light of our skie; and in ſome ſort adopted Patriot of the States-Generall. Between whom, and him, there was ſuch a ſympathie of affections; as they honoured that exorbitant worth in Sir Philip, by which time, and occaſion had been like enough to metamorphoſe this new Ariſtocracy of theirs into their ancient, and much honoured forme of Dukedome. And he again applauded that univerſall ingenuitie, and proſperous undertakings of theirs; over which perchance he felt ſomething in his own nature, poſſible in time to come an elect Commander. So uſuall is it for all mortall conſtitutions, [Page] to affect that, which inſenſibly often works change in them to better, or worſe.

Now though I am not of their faith, who affirme wiſe men can governe the Starres; yet do I beleeve no Star-gazers can ſo well prognoſticate the good, or ill of all Governments, as the providence of men trained up in publique affaires may doe. Whereby they differ from Prophets only in this; that Prophets by inſpiration, and theſe by conſequence, judge of things to come.

Amongſt which kind of Prophets, give me leave to reckon this Gentleman; who firſt having, out of the credible Almanach of Hiſtory, regiſtred the growth, health, diſeaſe, and periods of Governments: that is to ſay, when Monarchies grow ready for change, by over-relaxing, or contracting, when the ſtates of few, or many continue, or forſake to be the ſame: and in the conſtant courſe of theſe viciſſitudes, having foreſeen the eaſie ſatietie of mankinde with [Page] Religion, and Government, their naturall diſcontentment with the preſent, and aptneſſe to welcome alteration: And againe, in the deſcent of each particular forme to her owne centre, having obſerved how theſe United Provinces had already changed from their ancient Dukedomes to Popularitie: and yet in that Popularitie, been forced to ſeek protection among the Monarchies then raigning; and to make perfect this judgment of his, had ſumm'd up the league offenſive, and defenſive between us, and them; even then he grew doubtfull, leſt this advantage would in time leave latitude for envy, and competencie, to work ſome kind of rent in our Union.

But when in the progreſſe of this proſpect, he fell into a more particular conſideration of their traffique, and ours: they without any native commodities (Art and diligence excepted) making themſelves Maſters of wealth in all Nations: We againe, by exporting [Page] our ſubſtantiall riches, to import a ſuperfluous maſſe of trifles, to the vaine exhauſting of our home-borne ſtaple commodities; he certainly concluded, that this true Philoſophers ſtone of traffique, which not only turned baſe mettals into gold, but made profit by Wars in their owne boſomes, would infallibly ſtir up emulation in ſuch lookers on, as were far from ſtriving otherwiſe to imitate them.

And out of theſe or the like grounds hath many times told me, that this active people (which held themſelves conſtantly to their Religion, and Freedome) would at length grow from an adjective to a ſubſtantive, and proſperous ſubſiſtence. Whereas we on the other ſide, dividing our ſelves, and waving in both, ſhould firſt become jealous, then ſtrange to our friends, and in the end (by reconciliation with our common enemie) moderate that zeale, wherein exceſſe only is the meane; and ſo be forced to caſt our fortunes into their [Page] armes for ſupport, who are moſt intereſted in our diſhonour, and ruine. Theſe with many other dangers (which he proviſionally feared) howſoever the wiſdome of our Government may perchance have put off by prevention: yet were more then conjecturall in the aſpect of ſuperior, inferior, forraigne, and domeſtique Princes then raigning.

But ſuppoſe we could not by this Kalender comprehend the change of Aſpects, and Policies in ſeverall Kingdomes; yet we may at leaſt therein diſcerne, both the judgment of this Prometheus concerning our ſelves, and the tender affection he carried to that oppreſſed Nation. Which reſpect of his they againe ſo well underſtood, as after his death the States of Zealand became ſuitors to her Majeſty, & his noble friends, that they might have the honour of burying his body at the publique expence of their Government. A memorable wiſdome of thankfulneſſe, by well handling the dead, to encourage, and [Page] multiply faith in the living.

Which requeſt had it been granted, the Reader may pleaſe to conſider, what Trophies it is likely they would have erected over him, for poſterity to admire, and what inſcriptions would have been deviſed for eternizing his memory. Indeed fitter for a great, and brave Nation to enlarge, then the capacitie, or good will of a private, and inferior friend. For my own part I confeſſe, in all I have here ſet downe of his worth, and goodneſſe; I find my ſelf ſtill ſhort of that honour he deſerved, and I deſired to doe him.

I muſt therefore content my ſelfe with this poor demonſtration of homage; and ſo proceed to ſay ſomewhat of the toyes, or Pamphlets, which I inſcribe to his memory, as monuments of true affection between us; whereof (you ſee) death hath no power.

CAP. XIV.

[Page]

WHen my youth, with favour of Court in ſome moderate proportion to my birth, and breeding in the activeneſſe of that time, gave mee opportunity of moſt buſineſſe: then did my yet undiſcouraged Genius moſt affect to finde, or make work for it ſelf. And out of that freedom, having many times offered my fortune to the courſe of Forraigne employments, as the proprieſt forges to faſhion a Subject for the reall ſervices of his Soveraigne; I found the returnes of thoſe miſ-placed endeavours to prove, both a vaine charge to my ſelfe, and an offenſive undertaking to that excellent Governeſſe, over all her Subjects duties and affections.

For inſtance, how mild ſoever thoſe mixtures of favours, and corrections [Page] were in that Princely Lady: yet to ſhew that they fell heavy in croſſing a young mans ends; I will onely chooſe, and alleage foure out of many, ſome with leave, ſome without.

Firſt, when thoſe two mighty Armies of Don Iohns, and the Duke Caſimires, were to meet in the Low Countries; my Horſes, with all other preparations being ſhipped at Dover, with leave under her Bill aſſigned: Even then was I ſtayed by a Princely Mandate, the Meſſenger Sir Edward Dier. Wherein whatſoever I felt, yet I appeale to the judicious Reader, whether there be any latitude left (more then humble obedience) in theſe nice caſes between duty, and ſelfeneſſe, in a Soveraignes ſervice?

After this, when Mr Secretary Walſing ham was ſent Embaſſador, to treate with thoſe two Princes in a buſineſſe ſo much concerning Chriſtian blood, and Chriſtian Empires; then did the ſame irregular motion (which ſeldome [Page] reſts, but ſteales where it cannot trade) perſwade me, that whoſoever would venture to go without leave, was ſure never to bee ſtayed. Upon which falſe axiome (truſting the reſt to chance) I went over with Mr Secretary, unknown: But at my returne was forbidden her preſence for many moneths.

Againe, when my Lord of Leiceſter was ſent Generall of Her Majeſties Forces into the Low Countries, and had given me the command of an hundred Horſe; then I giving my humors over to good order, yet found, that neither the earneſt interceſſion of this Grandee, ſecond with mine own humble ſute, and many other Honourable Friends of mine, could prevaile againſt the conſtant courſe of this excellent Lady with her Servants. So as I was forced to tarry behind; and for this importunity of mine to change my courſe, and ſeem to preferre nothing before my ſervice about her: This [Page] Princeſſe of Government, as well as Kingdomes, made me live in her Court a ſpectacle of diſ-favour, too long as I conceived.

Laſtly, the univerſall fame of a battle to bee fought, between the prime Forces of Henry the third, and the religious of Henry the fourth, then King of Navarre; lifting me yet once more above this humble earth of duty, made me reſolve to ſee the difference between Kings preſent, and abſent in their Martiall Expeditions. So that without acquainting any creature, the Earle of Eſſex excepted, I ſhipped my ſelfe over: and at my returne, was kept from her preſence full ſix moneths, and then received after a ſtrange manner. For this abſolute Prince, to ſever ill example from grace, averrs my going over to bee a ſecret imployment of Hers: and all theſe other petty exiles, a making good of that cloud, or figure, which ſhe was pleaſed to caſt over my abſence. Protecting me to the world [Page] with the honour of her imployment, rather then ſhe would, for examples ſake, be forced either to puniſh mee farther, or too eaſily forgive a contempt, or neglect, in a Servant ſo near about her, as ſhe was pleaſed to conceive it.

By which many warnings, I finding the ſpecious fires of youth to prove far more ſcorching, then glorious, called my ſecond thoughts to counſell, and in that Map cleerly diſcerning Action, and Honor, to fly with more wings then one: and that it was ſufficient for the plant to grow where his Soveraignes hand had planted it; I found reaſon to contract my thoughts from thoſe larger, but wandring Horizons, of the world abroad, and bound my proſpect within the ſafe limits of duty, in ſuch home ſervices, as were acceptable to my Soveraigne.

In which retired view, Sir Philip Sidney, that exact image of quiet, and action: happily united in him, and [Page] ſeldome well divided in any; being ever in mine eyes, made me thinke it no ſmall degree of honour to imitate, or tread in the ſteps of ſuch a Leader. So that to ſaile by his Compaſſe, was ſhortly (as I ſaid) one of the principall reaſons I can alleage, which perſwaded me to ſteale minutes of time from my daily ſervices, and employ them in this kind of writing.

Since my declining age, it is true, that I had (for ſome yeeres) more leaſure to diſcover their imperfections, then care, or induſtry to amend them: finding in my ſelfe, what all men complaine of in the world, that it is more eaſie to finde fault, excuſe, or tolerate, then to examine, and reforme.

The workes (as you ſee) are Tragedies, with ſome Treatiſes annexed. The Treatiſes (to ſpeake truly of them) were firſt intended to be for every Act a Chorus: and though not borne out of the preſent matter acted, yet being the largeſt ſubjects I could then think upon, [Page] and no ſuch ſtrangers to the ſcope of the Tragedies, but that a favourable Reader might eaſily find ſome conſanguinitie between them; I preferring this generall ſcope of profit, before the ſelfreputation of being an exact Artiſan in that Poeticall Myſtery, conceived that a perſpective into vice, and the unproſperities of it, would prove more acceptable to every good Readers ends, then any bare murmur of diſcontented ſpirits againſt their preſent Government, or horrible periods of exorbitant paſſions among equals.

Which with humble ſayles after I had once ventured upon this ſpreading Ocean of Images, my apprehenſive youth, for lack of a well touched compaſſe, did eaſily wander beyond proportion. And in my old age againe, looking back on them with a fathers eye: when I conſidered firſt, how poorly the inward natures of thoſe glorious names were expreſſed: then how much eaſier it was to excuſe deformities, then to cure [Page] them; though I found reaſon to change their places, yet I could not find in my heart to beſtow coſt, or care, in altering their light, and limited apparell in verſe.

From hence to come particularly to that Treatiſe intitled: The Declination of Monarchy. Let me beg leave of the favourable Reader, to beſtow a few lines more in the ſtory of this Changling, then I have done in the reſt; and yet to uſe no more ſerious authority then the rule of Diogenes, which was, to hang the Poſie where there is moſt need.

The firſt birth of that Phantaſme was divided into three parts, with intention of the Author, to be diſpoſed amongſt their fellows, into three diverſe Acts of the Tragedies. But (as I ſaid before) when upon a ſecond review, they, and the reſt were all ordain'd to change their places; then did I (like an old, and fond Parent, unlike to get any more children) take pains rather to cover the dandled deformities of theſe creatures [Page] with a coat of many ſeames, then careleſly to drive them away, as birds doe their young ones.

Yet againe, when I had in mine own caſe well weigh'd the tenderneſſe of that great ſubject; and conſequently, the nice path I was to walke in between two extremities; but eſpecially the danger, by treading aſide, to caſt ſcandall upon the ſacred foundations of Monarchy; together with the fate of many Metaphyſicall Phormio's before me, who had loſt themſelves in teaching Kings, and Princes, how to governe their People: then did this new proſpect dazzle mine eyes, and ſuſpend my travell for a time.

But the familiar ſelf-love, which is more or leſſe born in every man, to live, and dye with him, preſently moved me to take this Bear-whelp up againe and licke it. Wherein I, rowſing my ſelfe under the banner of this flattery, went about (as a fond mother) to put on richer garments, in hope to adorne them. But while theſe clothes were in making, [Page] I perceived that coſt would but draw more curious eyes to obſerve deformities. So that from theſe checks a new counſell roſe up in me, to take away all opinion of ſeriouſneſſe from theſe perplexed pedegrees; and to this end careleſly caſt them into that hypocriticall figure Ironia, wherein men commonly (to keep above their workes) ſeeme to make toies of the utmoſt they can doe.

And yet againe, in that confuſing miſt, when I beheld this grave ſubject (which ſhould draw reverence and attention) to bee over-ſpangled with lightneſſe, I forced in examples of the Roman gravity, and greatneſſe, the harſh ſeverity of the Lacedemonian Government; the riches of the Athenian learning, wit, and induſtry; and like a man that plaies divers parts upon ſeverall hints, left all the indigeſted crudities, equally applied to Kings, or Tyrants: whereas in every cleere judgement, the right line had beene [Page] ſufficient enough to diſcover the crooked; if the image of it could have proved credible to men.

Now for the ſeverall branches, or diſcourſes following; they are all Members of one, and the ſame imperfect body, ſo as I let them take their fortunes (like Eſſayes) onely to tempt, and ſtir up ſome more free Genius, to faſhion the whole frame into finer mould for the worlds uſe. The firſt limme of thoſe Treaties (I mean that Fabrick of a ſuperſtitious Church) having by her maſterfull ambition over Emperours, Kings, Princes, free States, and Councels, with her Conclave deceits, ſtrengths, and unthankfulneſſe, ſpred ſo far beyond my Horizon, as I at once gave over her, and all her derivations to Gamaliels infallible cenſure; Leaving Lawes, Nobility, War, Peace, and the reſt, (as glorious Trophies of our old Pope, the ſin) to change, reforme, or become deformed, according as vanity, that limitleſſe [Page] mother of theſe Idolatries, ſhould either winne of the truth, or the truth of them.

Laſtly, concerning the Tragedies themſelves; they were in their firſt creation three; Whereof Antonie and Cleopatra, according to their irregular paſſions, in forſaking Empire to follow ſenſuality, were ſacrificed to the fire. The executioner, the author himſelfe. Not that he conceived it to be a contemptible younger brother to the reſt: but leſt while he ſeemed to looke over much upward, hee might ſtumble into the Aſtronomers pit. Many members in that creature (by the opinion of thoſe few eyes, which ſaw it) having ſome childiſh wantonneſſe in them, apt enough to be conſtrued, or ſtrained to a perſonating of vices in the preſent Governors, and government.

From which cautious proſpect, I bringing into my minde the ancient Poets, metamorphoſing mans reaſonable [Page] nature into the ſenſitive of beaſts, or vegetative of plants; and knowing theſe all (in their true morall) to bee but images of the unequall ballance between humors, and times; nature, and place. And again in the practice of the world, ſeeing the like inſtance not poetically, but really faſhioned in the Earle of Eſſex then falling; and ever till then worthily beloved, both of Queen, and people: This ſudden deſcent of ſuch greatneſſe, together with the quality of the Actors in every Scene, ſtir'd up the Authors ſecond thoughts, to bee carefull (in his owne caſe) of leaving faire weather behind him. Hee having, in the Earles precipitate fortune, curiouſly obſerved: Firſt, how long this Noblemans birth, worth, and favour had been flattered, tempted, and ſtung by a ſwarm of Sectanimals, whoſe property was to wound, and fly away: and ſo, by a continuall affliction, probably enforce great hearts to turne, and toſſe for eaſe; and in [Page] thoſe paſſive poſtures, perchance to tumble ſometimes upon their Soveraignes Circles.

Into which pitfall of theirs, when they had once diſcerned this Earle to be fallen; ſtraight, under the reverend ſtile of Laeſa Majeſtas, all inferiour Miniſters of Juſtice (they knew) would be juſtly ſet looſe to work upon him. And accordingly, under the ſame cloud, his enemies took audacity to caſt Libels abroad in his name againſt the State, made by themſelves; ſet papers upon poſts, to bring his innocent friends in queſtion. His power, by the Jeſuiticall craft of rumor, they made infinite; and his ambition more then equall to it. His Letters to private men were read openly, by the the piercing eyes of an Atturnies Office, which warranteth the conſtruction of every time in the worſt ſenſe againſt the writer.

My ſelfe, his Kinſman, and while I remained about the Queen, a kinde of [Page] Remora, ſtaying the violent courſe of that fatall Ship, and theſe windewatching Paſſengers (at leaſt, as his enemies imagined) abruptly ſent away to guard a figurative Fleet, in danger of nothing, but theſe Proſopopeia's of inviſible rancor; and kept (as in a free Priſon) at Rocheſter, till his head was off.

Before which ſudden journey, caſting mine eyes upon the catching Court ayres, which I was to part from; I diſcerned my Gracious Soveraigne to bee every way ſo invironed with theſe, not Iupiters, but Pluto's thunderworkers; as it was impoſſible for Her to ſee any light, that might lead to grace, or mercy: but many encouraging Meteors of ſeverity, as againſt an unthankfull favourite, and traiterous Subject; hee ſtanding, by the Law of England, condemned for ſuch.

So that let his heart bee (as in my conſcience it was) free from this unnaturall crime, yet theſe unreturning [Page] ſteps ſeemed well worth the obſerving. Eſpecially in the caſe of ſuch a Favorite, as never put his Soveraigne to ſtand between her People, and his errors; but here, and abroad placed his body in the forefront, againſt all that either threatned, or aſſaulted Her.

And being no Admirall, nor yet a Creator of Admiralls, whereby feare, or hope might have kept thoſe temporary Neptunes in a kinde of ſubjection to him; yet hee freely ventured himſelfe in all Sea-actions of his time. As if he would war the greatneſſe of envy, place, and power, with the greatneſſe of worth, and incomparable induſtry. Nevertheleſſe hee wanted not judgement to diſcerne, that whether they went with him, or tarried behind, they muſt probably prove unequall yoke fellowes in the one; or in the other paſſing curious, and carping judges over all his publike Actions.

Againe, this gallant young Earle, created (as it ſeemes) for action, before [Page] he was Martiall, firſt as a private Gentleman, and after as a Lieutenant by Commiſſion, went in the head of all our Land Troops, that marched in his time; and beſides experience, ſtill wan ground, even through competency, envy, and confuſed mixtures of equality or inequality, amongſt the factious Engliſh, all inferiour in his owne active worth, and merit.

Laſtly, he was ſo far from affecting the abſolute power of Henry the thirds Favourites, I meane under a King to become equall at leaſt with him, in creating and depoſing Chancellors, Treaſurers, and Secretaries of State, to raiſe a ſtrong party for himſelfe; as he left both place, and perſons entire in their ſupreme jurisdictions, or Magiſtracies under his Soveraigne, as ſhee granted them. And though hee foreſaw a neceſſary diminution of their peacefull predicaments by his carrying up the ſtandard of Mars ſo high, and withall knew they (like wiſe men) muſt [Page] as certainly diſcern, that the riſing of his, or falling of their ſcales depended upon the proſperity, or unproſperity of his undertakings: yet (I ſay) that active heart of his freely choſe to hazard himſelfe upon their cenſures, without any other proviſionall rampier againſt the envious, and ſuppreſſing crafts of that party, then his owne hope, and reſolution to deſerve well.

Neither did he (like the French Favorites of that time) ſerve his own humors or neceſſities, by ſelling ſeats of Juſtice, Nobility, or orders of honor, till they became Colliers pour toute beſte, to the diſparagement of creating power, and diſcouraging of the Subjects hope, or induſtry, in attaining to advancement, or profit: But ſuffered England to ſtand alone, in her ancient degrees of freedomes, and integrities, and ſo reſerved that abſolute power of Creation ſacred in his Soveraigne, without any mercenary ſtaine, or allay.

CAP. XV.

[Page]

NOw after this humble, and harmleſſe deſire of a meane ſubject, expreſſed in qualifying a great ſubjects errors, by the circumſtance of ſuch inſtruments, as naturally (like Bats) both flye, and prey in the darke; Let the Reader pardon me, if I preſume yet againe to multiply digreſſion upon digreſſion, in honour of her, to whom I owe my ſelfe, I meane Queen Elizabeth: and in her name clear y to know, that though I lament the fall of this great man in Iſrael, nevertheleſſe the truth enforceth me to confeſſe, that howſoever theſe kinds of high juſtice may ſometimes (like the uttermoſt of the Law) fall heavy upon one brave ſpirit; yet prove they mercy to many by example: and therefore as Regall, and Royall wiſedomes, ought to be honoured equally [Page] in all the differing Soveraignties through the world, of one, few or many.

And if this aſſumpſit muſt be granted univerſally; then how much more in the caſe of ſuch a Princeſſe, as (even while ſhe was ſubject) left patternes that might inſtruct all ſubjects, rather to undergoe the indignation of Soveraignes with the birthright of duty, then with the mutiny of over-ſenſible, and rebellious affections; which ever (like diſeaſed pulſes) beat faſter, or ſlower then they ſhould, to ſhew all to be infected about them? Whereas this Lady, in the like ſtraines, by an humble, and conſtant temper, had already with true obedience triumphed over the curious examinations of aſcending flattery, or deſcending Tyranny, even in the tenderneſſe of Princes ſucceſſions.

And to make this manifeſt to bee choice, and not chance: even when her ſtepmother misfortune grew ripe for delivery, then was ſhe neither born crying, [Page] as children be: nor yet by the ſudden change from a priſon, to a Throne, came ſhe upon that Stage confuſedly barking after all that had offended: but like one borne to behold true light, inſtantly fixeth her thoughts upon larger notions then revenge, or favour. And in the infancy of her Raigne, cals for Benefield her hard-hearted Gaoler; bids him enjoy not a deſerved, but free given peace under his narrow vine: with this aſſurance, that whenſoever ſhe deſired to have priſoners over ſeverely intreated, ſhe would not forget to commit the cuſtody of them to his charge.

Againe, for the next object, looking backward upon her ſiſters Raigne, ſhe obſerves Religion to have been changed; Perſecution, like an ill weed, ſuddenly grown up to the higheſt; The mercy of the infinite perſcribed, by abridgment of time, and adding torments to the death of his creatures: ſalvation publiſhed in many more Creeds then ſhe was taught to beleeve: A double Supremacy [Page] in one Kingdome; Rome become Emperour of the Clergy, and by bewitching the better halfe of man (I meane the ſoule) challenging both over Clergy, and Laity, the ſtile of the Great God: Rex Regum, Dominus Dominantium.

This view brought forth in her a vow, like that of the holy Kings in the Old Teſtament; viz. that ſhe would neither hope, nor ſeeke for reſt in the mortall traffique of this world, till ſhe had repaired the precipitate ruines of our Saviours Militant Church, through all her Dominions; and as ſhe hoped, in the reſt of the World, by her example. Upon which Princelike reſolution, this She-David of ours ventured to undertake the great Goliath among the Philiſtins abroad, I mean Spain and the Pope; deſpiſeth their multitudes, not of men, but of Hoſts; ſcornfully rejecteth that Holy Fathers wind-blowne ſuperſtitions, and takes the (almoſt ſolitary) truth for her Leading-Star.

Yet tears ſhe not the Lyons jawes in [Page] ſunder at once, but moderately begins with her own Changlings; gives the Biſhops a proper motion, but bounded: the Nobility time to reforme themſelves, with inward, and outward Councell; revives her Brothers Lawes for eſtabliſhing of the Churches doctrine, and diſcipline, but moderates their ſeverity of proceeding; gives frailty, and ſect, time to reforme at home: and in the mean ſeaſon ſupplyes the Prince of Conde with men, and money, as chief among the Proteſtants in France; gathers, and revives the ſcattered hoſts of Iſrael at the worſt: takes New-Haven, perchance with hope of redeeming Callice, to the end her axle-trees might once againe lie upon both ſhores, as her right did: refuſeth marriage, reformes and redeemes Queen Maries vanities, who firſt glorying in the Spaniſh ſeed, publiſheth that ſhe was with childe, and inſtantly offers up that Royall ſuppoſed Iſſue of hers, together with the abſolute Government of all her Natives [Page] to the mixt Tyranny of Rome and Caſtile.

In which endleſſe path of ſervitude, the Noune▪ adjective nature of this ſuperſtitious Princeſſe, proceeded yet a degree further; ſtriving to confirme that double bondage of people, and Poſterity, by Act of Parliament. Where on the other ſide, the Spaniſh King, beholding theſe remiſſe homages of frailty, with the unthankfull, and inſatiable eyes of ambition, apprehends theſe petty ſacrifices, as fit ſtrawes, ſticks, or feathers, to be pull'd out of faint wings, for the building up, and adorning of a Conquerours neſt. And under this Tyrannicall Criſis, takes freedome to exhauſt her treaſure to his owne ends, breakes our league with France, and in that breach ſhakes the ſacred foundation of the reſt, winnes St Quintins, while we loſt Callice.

Contrary to all which thoughtbound Councels of her ſiſter Maries, Queen Elizabeth (as I ſaid) not yet out [Page] of danger of her Romiſh ſubjects at home; threatned with their mighty faction, and party abroad; peſter'd beſides with want of money, and many binding Lawes of her ſiſters making: yet like a Palme, under all theſe burdens, ſhe raiſeth her ſelfe Prince-like: and upon notice of her Agents diſgrace abroad, his ſervants being put into the Inquiſition by the Spaniard; her Merchants ſurprized in America, contrary to the league between Charles the fifth, and Henry the eighth; which gave free traffique: In omnibus, & ſingulis Regnis, Dominiis, Inſulis, notwithſtanding that Aſtronomicall, or rather biaced diviſion of the world by the Popes lines, which (contrary to the nature of all lines) only keep latitude for the advantage of Spain: She (I ſay) upon theſe inſolencies, receives the Hollander, and protects him from perſecution of the Duke of Alva: ſettles theſe poore Refugees in Norwich, Colcheſter, Sandwich, Maidſtone, and South-Hampton.

[Page] Yet againe, when this faith, diſtinguiſhing Duke appealed to her ſelfe: ſhe binding her heart for better, or worſe, to the words of her Contract; ſummons theſe afflicted ſtrangers to depart. Their number was great, their time ſhort, and yet their weather-beaten ſoules ſo ſenſible of long continued oppreſſions in their liberties, and conſciences, as (by the opportunity of this Oſtraciſme) they in their paſſage ſurprized Brill, Fluſhing, and diverſe other Towns, expulſing the Spaniards; and by this brave example, taught, and proclaimed a way of freedome to all well affected Princes, and Provinces, that were oppreſt.

Wherein it may pleaſe the Reader to obſerve, that Henry the third of France, being one in the ſame League, and belike upon change of heart, which ever brings forth new queſtions, demanding, whether mutuall defence againſt all, extended to the cauſe of Religion? was preſently anſwered by her; that ſhe [Page] both treated, and concluded in the ſame ſenſe; and if it were required at her hands, would performe every branch of it to her uttermoſt. The French King hereupon makes war with the Proteſtants: Monſieur his brother ſecretly protects them by Caſimire.

Againe about that time, at the requeſt of the Spaniſh King, ſhe guards his Navy into Flanders; where it being loſt, and ſhe requeſted by the ſame King to lend him her owne Ships, for recovery of the Maritime Townes fallen from him: this bleſſed Lady both denyes this crafty requeſt of a Conqueror; and withall providently refuſeth any of his ſhips to be harboured in her Ports. Yet in honour of her ancient League with the Houſe of Burgundy, ſhe publiſheth the like inhibition to her beloved, and ſafe Neighbours the Netherlands. And inſtantly, with a ſtrong judgment in ballancing of forraigne Princes, perſwades the King of Spain to make peace with the Hollanders, and on the other [Page] ſide diſſwades thoſe diſtreſſed Hollanders from joyning with France. As I conceive, thinking that Kingdome (manumiſed from us by time) might through the conjunction of the Holland ſhipping, and Mariners, with their diſciplin'd Land-Armies of horſe and foot, prove more dangerous enemies, either by way of invaſion, or incurſion (as I ſaid once before) then that Kings glorious Standard, borne among his barbed horſe, and light foot had hitherto done, either in our entiſed undertakings, or abandoned retraits.

Beſides it is worthy of reverence in this Queen, that ſhe never was afraid, or aſhamed to averre the quarrell of Religion for a ground of her friends, or enemies.

And though in the charity of a Chriſtian Prince, even in the danger of a growing faction at home, ſhe was content to let devout conſcience live quietly in her Realmes: yet when they began to practiſe diſunion in Church, [Page] as their Jeſuited ſpirits naturally affect to doe. Then to ſhew that ſhe was as well ſervant to God, as by him King over Peoples, ſhe tyed the head of the ſacrifice perchance a little cloſer to the hornes of the altar. And made thoſe ſpirits which would not know the true God altogether, to have ſome kinde of ſenſe, or ſmart of his Religious Lawes; howſoever they were dead, and ſacrificed to the growing Supremacy of the Roman Miter, or conquering Scepter of Spaine; ordain'd (as ſhe thought) by exceſſe of playing faſt or looſe with God, and the world; in time, one to devoure the other; ambitious and ſuperſtitious ſubtleties being an Abyſſe, or Sea, where the ſtronger infallibly devoures the weaker.

She makes a publique League, for defence of Religion, with the King of Scots, Denmark, and the Princes of Germany; perſwades a Marriage between Scotland and Denmark; exileth all Jeſuites, and Seminary Prieſts by Act [Page] of Parliament; makes it felony to harbor any of them in England, or for the Engliſh to ſend any of theirs beyond the Seas, to be trained up among them.

Upon the loſſe of Aniuerpe, ſhe reſolutely undertakes the protection of the Netherlanders, and to diſtract the Spaniard (as I ſaid before) ſends Drake to the Weſt-Indies, with 21 Ships, who ſurpriſed Domingo, and Cartagena. And immediately after his returne, with ſpoile, and triumph (to prevent all poſſibility of Invaſion) ſhe ſets him to Sea againe, with Commiſſion to burne all Ships, Gallyes, and Boats, along his Spaniſh Coaſts. Who, in the ſame Voyage, breaks through diverſe of his Gallyes in the Bay of Cales, appointed to withſtand him; takes, burnes, and drownes 100 Sayle laden with munition, and victuals. From thence in his way to Cape St Vincent, he ſurpriſeth three Forts: burnes ſhips, fiſher-boats, and nets; and then making for the Azores, hee there takes a Carricke [Page] comming from the Eaſt-Indies.

The next yeare (as treading in his ſteps) Cavendiſh returnes from his journey about the world, with the ſpoile of nineteen Ships, and of many ſmall Towns in America.

This and ſuch like providence did this miracle of Princes uſe in all her Wars, whereby her Wars maintained her wealth, and that wealth ſupplyed her War. So as ſhe came ever in ſtate, when ſhe demanded aid from her Houſe of Commons. Neither did ſhe fetch, or force preſidents from her Predeceſſors in thoſe demands: but made her ſelf a preſident to all Poſterities, that the love of people to a loving Princeſſe is not ever curiouſly ballanced, by the ſelf-pittying abilities of mankinde: but their ſpirits, hearts, and ſtates being drawne up above their owne fraile ſelfneſſe, the audit is taken after; and perchance ſumm'd up with a little ſmart to themſelves, wherein they glory.

Neither did ſhe, by any curious [Page] ſearch after Evidence to enlarge her Prerogatives Royall, teach her ſubjects in Parliament, by the like ſelf-affections, to make as curious inquiſition among their Records, to colour any encroaching upon the ſacred Circles of Monarchy: but left the riſe or fall of theſe two ballances aſleep, with thoſe aſpiring ſpirits, who (by advantage of ſtate, or time taken) had been authors of many biaced motions. And in ſome confuſed Parliaments amongſt the Barons Wars, even forced her Anceſtors, with one breath, to proſcribe and reſtore; to call out of the Houſe of Commons, by Writ, to the upper Houſe, during the Seſſion: Wherein one mans ſudden advancement proves envious to foure hundred of his equals; and from the ſame, not truly active, but rather paſſive vaine, to impriſon and releaſe unjudicially, ſometime ſtriving to maſter the multitude, by their Nobility, then again waving the Nobility with the multitude of people; both marks of [Page] diſeaſe, and no healthfull ſtate in a Monarchy. All which ſhe providently foreſaw, and avoided; leſt, by the like inſenſible degrees of miſleading paſſions, ſhe might be conſtrained to deſcend, and labour the compaſſing of diſorderly ends, by a Mechanicall kinde of Univerſity Canvaſſe.

So that this bleſſed, and bleſſing Lady, with a calme minde, as well in quiet, as ſtirring times, ſtudied how to keep her ancient under-earth buildings, upon their firſt well laid foundations. And if ſhe found any ſtray'd, rather to reduce them back to their originall circuits, then ſuffer a ſtep to be made over, or beſides thoſe time-authorized aſſemblies. And by this reſervedneſſe, ever comming upon the ſtage a Commander, and no Petitionet, ſhe preſerv'd her ſtate above the affronts of Nobility, or people; and according to birthright, ſtill became a ſoveraigne Judge over any dutifull, or encroaching petitions of Nobles, or Commons.

[Page] For this Lady, though not prophetically, yet like a provident Princeſſe, in the ſeries of things, and times, foreſaw through the long laſting wiſdome of Government, a quinteſſence, howſoever abſtracted out of Morall Philoſophy, and humane Lawes, yet many degrees in uſe of mankinde above them. She, I ſay, foreſaw, that every exceſſe of paſſion expreſt from the Monarch in Acts, or Councels of Eſtate, would infallibly ſtir up in the people the like cobwebs of a popular ſpinning, and therefore from theſe piercing grounds, ſhe concluded, that a ſteady hand in the government of Soveraignty, would ever prove more proſperous, then any nimble or witty practiſe, crafty ſhifting, or Imperious forcing humors poſſibly could doe.

Againe in the latitudes which ſome moderne Princes allow to their Favorites, as ſupporters of Government, and middle wals between power, and the peoples envy; it ſeems this Queen [Page] reſervedly kept entrenched within her native ſtrengths, and Scepter.

For even in the height of Eſſex his credit with her, how far was ſhe from permitting him (like a Remus) to leap over any wall of her new-built Anti-Rome; or with a young, and unexperienced genius to ſhuffle Pulpits, Parliaments, Lawes, and other fundamentall eſtabliſhments of her Kingdomes, into any glorious apparances of will, or power? It ſhould ſeeme a foreſeeing, that howſoever this unexpected racking of people might for a time, in ſome particulars, both pleaſe, and adde a gloſſy ſtick to enlarge the Eagles neſt; yet that in the end all buildings above the truth, muſt neceſſarily have forced her two Supremacies, of ſtate, and nature, to deſcend, and through irregularities acted in her name, either become a ſanctuary between the world, and inferior perſons errors; or (as playing an after-game with her ſubjects, for a ſubject) conſtraine her to change the tenure of [Page] commanding power, into a kind of unprincely mediation. And for what? Even vanity to intreat her people, that they would hope well of diverſe confuſions: howſoever they might ſeem heady, nay ignorant paſſions: and ſuch as threaten no leſſe, then a loſſe of native Liberties, deſcended upon her people, by the ſame preſcription of time and right, by which the Crowne had deſcended upon her ſelfe, and her Anceſtors; with a probable conſequence of many more ſharp pointed Tyrannies over them and their freedomes, then their happily deceaſed Parents ever taſted or dream't of.

Beſides, admit theſe flatterings, and threatnings of hope, or feare (which tranſcendent power is ſometimes forced to worke by) could have drawne this excellent Princeſſe, and her timepreſent ſubjects to make braſſe an equally currant ſtandard with gold, or ſilver, within her Sea compaſs'd Dominions; yet abroad, where the freedome [Page] of other Soveraignties is bounded by Religion, Juſtice, and well-waigh'd commerce amongſt Neighbor-Princes, ſhe foreſaw, the leaſt thought of multiplying ſelf-Prerogatives, there would inſtantly be diſcredited and reflected back to ſtir up diſcouragement in the ſofteſt hearts, of her moſt humble and dutifull ſubjects.

Therefore contrary to all theſe captived, and captiving apparances, this experienced Governeſſe of ours publiſhed to the world, by a conſtant Series in her actions, that ſhe never was, nor ever would be overloaden with any ſuch exceſſes in her Perſon, or defects in her Government, as might conſtraine her to ſupport, or be ſupported by a Monopolous uſe of Favourites; as if ſhe would make any greater then her ſelfe, to governe Tyrannically by them.

Nay more; ſo far off was ſhe from any lukewarmneſſe in Religion, as if a ſingle teſtimony may have credit, that bleſſed Queens many and free diſcourſes [Page] with my ſelfe, ingeniouſly bare record; that the unexpected converſion of Henry the Fourth fell fatally upon him, by the weakneſſes of his Predeceſſor Henry the Third, and the diſſolure miſcarriage of his Favourites. Who like Lapwings, with the ſhels of authority about their necks, were let looſe to runne over all the branches of his Kingdome, miſleading Governors, Nobility, and People from the ſteady, and mutuall reſt of Lawes, Cuſtomes, and other ancient wiſdomes of government, into the wilderneſſes of ignorance, and violence of will. Amongſt which defects, all fundamentall changes (eſpecially of Religion) in Princes would be found (as ſhe conceived) the true diſcipline of Atheiſme amongſt their Subjects; all ſacrifices, obedience excepted, being but dearebought knowledges of the Serpent, to expulſe Kings, and People once againe out of Mediocrity, that reciprocall Paradiſe of mutuall humane duties. [Page] Prophetically concluding, that whoſoever will ſell God to purchaſe earth, by making that eternall unity of many ſhapes, muſt in the end make him of none: and ſo bee forced with loſſe, contempt and danger to traffique not for an heires place, but a younger biothers; in that Church, at whoſe wide gates he had (with ſhame enough) already turned in. And under conditions of a Servant, rather then of a Sonne, be conſtrained for his firſt ſtep to ſet up the Jeſuits faction, providently ſuppreſſed by himſelfe before, and therein to ſhake the Sorboniſts, faithfull ſupporters in all times of Crowne-Soveraignty, againſt theſe ſlave-making conjunctions betweene the Spaniard, and his Chaplaine. Nay, yet with a greater ſhew of ingratitude, his next ſtep muſt be to ſuppreſſe thoſe humble ſoules, who had long ſupported him, whileſt he was King of Navarre, againſt that murthering Holy-water of Spaniſh Rome. Laſtly, to ſhew that no [Page] power can reſt upon a ſteep, hee muſt precipitately be forced to ſend Embaſſadors to Rome (with his Sword in his ſcabbard) ſervily begging mercy, and grace of ſuch reconciled enemies, whoſe endleſſe ends of ſpirituall, and temporall Supremacy▪ (this Princeſſe knew) would never forgive any heavenly Truth, or earthly power that ſhould oppoſe their Combination. Finally ſhe concluded that hollow Church of Rome to be of ſuch a Bucephalus nature, as no Monarch ſhall be ever able to beſtride it, except onely the ſtirring Alexanders of time preſent, wherein the world is paſſing finely overſhot in her own bow.

Wherefore to end, (as I began) with the caſe of Eſſex, was not this excellent Princeſſe therein a witneſſe to herſelfe, that ſhe never choſe, or cheriſhed-Favourite, how worthy ſoever, to Monopolize over all the ſpirits, and buſineſſe of her Kingdome; or to impriſon the univerſall counſels of [Page] nature, and State, within the narrowneſſe of a young fraile mans luſtfull, or unexperienced affections? Not thinking any one, eſpecially a Subject, better able to doe all then her ſelfe. Where like a worthy head of a great body, ſhe left the Offices, and Officers of the Crowne free to governe in their owne Predicaments, according to her truſt. Reſerving appeales to her ſelfe, as a Sea—mark to warn all Creatures under her that ſhee had ſtill a creating, or defacing power inherent in her Crown and Perſon, above thoſe ſubalterne places by which ſhee did miniſter univerſall juſtice. And though her wiſdom was too deep to nurſe or ſuffer faction amongſt thoſe great Commanders, and diſtributers of Publique Rights: yet was ſhee as carefull not to permit any Ariſtocraticall cloud, or pillar, to ſhew, or ſhadow forth any ſuperſtitious, or falſe lights between her and her people.

CAP. XVI.

[Page]

AGaine in her houſhold affaires ſhe kept the like equall hands ballancing the ſloth or ſumptuouſneſſe of her great Stewards, and white ſtaves, with the providence, and reſervedneſſe of a Lord Treaſurer, kept up the Tables for Servants, Sutors, and for honors ſake in her owne houſe; not ſuffering publike places to be made particular farmes of private men, or the honor of her houſhold to be carried into theirs: And withall, by the ſame reverend Auditor, ſhee watched over the nimble Spirits, ſelfe-ſeeking or large-handedneſſe of her active Secretaries; examining their Intelligence, money, Packets, Bils of tranſportation, Propoſitions of State, which they offer'd up by their places, together with Sutes of other Natures, in her [Page] wiſdome ſtill ſevering the deep buſineſſe from the ſpecious but narrow ſelfneſſe of inferior Officers.

Beſides, all theſe were examined by reverend Magiſtrates, who having bin formerly iſſuers of her Majeſties Treaſure in the Secretaries places, did now worthily become Governours of her Finances, as beſt able to judge between the ſelfneſſe of place, or perſon, and the reall neceſſities of her State, and Kingdome. A fine art of Government by well choſen Miniſters ſucceſſively to wall in her Exchequer from the vaſt expence of many things, eſpecially upon Forraigne Ambaſſadors, which (ſhe knèw) could neither bring reverence, nor thankfulneſſe to their Soveraigne.

Under which head of Forraigne, and Domeſtique Ambaſſadors, the anſwer wherewith that Majeſticall Lady entertained the Polarke, expected a treating Ambaſſador, but proving (as ſhe told him) a defying Herald, is never to be [Page] forgotten among Princes, as an inſtance how ſenſible they ought to be of indignity, and how ready to put off ſuch ſudden affronts, without a prompting of Councellors; againe worthily memorable among her Subjects, as a demonſtrative argument that ſhe would ſtill reſerve Moſes place entire to her ſelfe amongſt all the diſtributions of Iethro.

And to go on with her Domeſtique affaires how provident was ſhe, out of the like caution, and to the ſame end, that even hee who overſaw the reſt, might have his owne greatneſſe overſeen, and limited too. Whereupon ſhe forgot not to allay that vaſt power and jurisdiction of her Treaſurers Office, with inferior Officers of her Finances, and perchance under an active Favourits eyes, kept her owne; Beſides ſhe watched and checked him in his marriage made with Paulet his Predeceſſor, reſerved that mans accounts, and arrears as a rod over his [Page] Grandchilds alliance, qualified, and brought the fines of his many, and great Copyholds to eaſie rates, would never ſuffer any propoſition to take hold of uniting the Dutchy of Lancaſter to her Exchequer, what narrow reaſons ſoever were alleaged of ſparing and cutting off the multiplicity of Officers, with their wages and ignorances or corruptions, all chargable, and cloudy paths, which the dealing with Princes moneys doth as naturally bring forth, as Africa doth Monſters. But like a provident Soveraigne, knowing that place in a Monarchy muſt help as well to traine up ſervants, as to reward, and encourage merit; ſhe conſtantly (to that end) keeps that Chancellorſhip of the Dutchy entire, and will not make the rewarding part of her Kingdome leſſe, to overload her Exchequer with any addition of inſtrumentall gaine amongſt under Officers, into whoſe barns thoſe harveſts are inned for the moſt part.

[Page] Again with the ſame caution in all her doings ſhe made merit precious, honour dainty, and her graces paſſing rare, keeping them (as the Venetians doe their curiouſly refined gold) to ſet an edge upon the induſtry of man, and yet (like branches of Creation) ſparingly reſerved within the circuit of her Throne, as inherent, and tender Prerogatives, not fit to be left at randome in the power of ambitious Favourites, or low-looking Councellors, whoſe ends are ſeldome ſo large, or ſafe for the publique, as the native Princes Councels are, or ought to be.

For her Clergy with their Eccleſiaſticall, or Civill jurisdictions, ſhe faſhioned the Arches, and Weſtminſter Hall to take ſuch care one to bound another, that they in limiting themſelves, enlarged their Royalties, as the chiefe and equall foundations of both their greatneſſes; ſhe gave the ſuperior places freely, leſt by example ſhe ſhould teach them to commit ſymony [Page] with their inferiors, and ſo adde ſcandall in ſtead of reputation to Gods Word, whoſe allowed Meſſengers they affect to ſeem.

Her Parliaments ſhe uſed, to ſupply her neceſſarily expended treaſure, and withall, as Maps of orders, or diſorders, through her whole Kingdome. In which reverent Body (as I ſaid before) ſhe ſtudied not to make parties, or faction, advancing any preſent Royalliſt in the nether Houſe, to ſtir up envy upon her ſelf amongſt all the reſt, and ſo publiſh the Crowne to uſe perſonall practiſes of hope, or feare, in theſe generall Councels of her Kingdome, but by forbearing art was never troubled with any artificiall brickwals from them; ſo as their need and fears concurring with her occaſions, made their deſires and counſels concurre too, and out of thoſe equall, and common grounds forced every man to beleeve his private fiſh ponds could not be ſafe, whiles the publique ſtate of the Kingdome ſtood [Page] in danger of preſent, or expectant extremities.

Her Councell-board (as an abridgment of all other jurisdictions) ſhe held up in due honour, propounded not her great buſineſſes of State to them with any prejudicate reſolution, which once diſcovered, ſuppreſſeth the freedome both of ſpirit and judgment, but opens her ſelfe clearly, heares them with reſpect; obſerves number, and reaſon, in their voices, and makes a quinteſſence of all their concords, or diſcords within her ſelfe, from whence the reſolutions and directions came ſuddenly, and ſecretly forth for execution.

To be ſhort, ſhe kept awe ſtirring over all her Courts, and other imployments, as her antidote againſt any farther neceſſity of puniſhments; In which arts of men, and Government, her nature, education, and long experience, had made her become excellent above both Sexes.

Againe, for the Regiment of her [Page] Grandees at home, ſhe did not ſuffer the Nobility to be ſervants one to another, neither did her Gentry weare their Liveries as in the Ages before; their number and wealth was moderate, and their ſpirits and powers counterpoiſed with her Majeſty, from being Authors of any new Barons Wars, and yet reſerved as brave halfe paces between a Throne and a people.

Her Yeomendry, a ſtate under her Nobles, and above her Peaſants (proper to England) ſhe maintained in their abilities, and never gave them cauſe to ſuſpect, ſhe had any intent, with extraordinary Taxes out of the courſe of Parliaments, inſenſibly to impoveriſh & make Boors, or ſlaves of them, knowing that ſuch a kind of champion countrey, would quickly ſtir up the Nobility it ſelfe, to become doubtfull of their owne fences, and by conſequence in danger, not only of holding lives, lands, goods, and Liberties at their Soveraignes indefinite pleaſure, but by [Page] ſuſpence of thoſe nurſing, and protecting Parliaments, to have all other native birthrights, viz. Pulpits, Lawes, Cuſtomes, Voyces of Appeale, Audits of Trade, humble, and reverent mention of Coronation-oaths; legall publiſhers, and maintainers of War, true Maps of Diſeaſes, and cures through her Kingdome, with many other mutuall ciments of honour, and uſe, between Soveraigne, and ſubjects, like to be confounded, or at leaſt metamorphoſed into Prerogative Taxes, wherein the people neither have voyces, nor valuable returne. I ſay, this home-borne Princeſſe of ours making her proſpect over theſe wilderneſſes of will, and power, providently for her ſelfe, and happily for us, refuſed the broad branch of Pythagoras Y, and choſe that narrower, but ſafer medium of State-aſſemblies, concluding that theſe two Honourable Houſes, were the only judicious, faithfull, and induſtrious Favorites of unincroaching Monarchs.

[Page] So that it appears ſhe did not affect, nor yet would be drawne (like many of her ancient Neighbours the French Kings) to have her ſubjects give away their wealth after a new faſhion, viz. without returne of Pardons, eaſe of grievances, or comfort of Lawes, leſt her loving people might thereby dream of ſome ſecret intent to indennize their lives, wealth, and freedomes, into a ſhip of Athens, of which the name being old, and all riders, ſleepers, and other Timbers new, they were to be ſhipped downe a ſtreame of the like nature ever, and yet never the ſame. Beſides not to be ſhipped into that ſhip as Mariners, Souldiers, Saylors, or Factors, but rather as ſlaves, or conquered Out-Laws, with great diſhonour to the Legall, and Royall ſtate of Monarchicall Government, as ſhe conceived. From which example of chaſte power, we that live after this excellent Lady, may with great honour to her aſhes reſolve, that ſhe would have been as adverſe from [Page] bearing the envy of printing any new Lines of Taxe, Impoſitions, Proclamations, or Mandats (without Parliaments) upon her ancient coeleſtiall, or terreſtriall Globes, as her humble ſubjects poſſibly could be, or wiſh her to be.

Now if we ſhall examine the reaſon of her cutting between Lawes, Kings powers, and the Peoples freedome, by ſo even a thread, what can it be, but a long and happy deſcent within the pedegrees of active Princes, together with the moderating education of Kings children in thoſe times; or laſtly in a quinteſſence of abilities, gathered out of thoſe bleſſed, and bleſſing mixtures of nature; Education, and Practice, which never faile to lift up man above man, and keep him there, more then place or power ſhall by any other encroaching advantages ever be able to doe.

In which Map, as in a true perſpective glaſſe, this provident Princeſſe ſeeing both her owne part, and her [Page] peoples, ſo equally, nay advantagiouſly already divided, and diſpoſed, ſhee thought it both wiſdome, and juſtice to leave them ballanced, and diſtinguiſhed as ſhe found them; Concluding that the leaſt change of Parallels, or Meridian Lines newly drawne upon any the ancient Globes of Monarchall Government in abſence of Parliaments, would (like the ſervice of God in an unknown Language) prove prophaned, or miſunderſtood; And conſequently regiſter ſuch a Map of writing, and blotting of irregular raiſing, and depreſſing diſadvantagious matching of things reall, and humours together, as muſt multiply Atheiſme in humane duties, caſt trouble upon her Eſtate for want of reverence at home, and provoke this heavy cenſure through all the world (Spaine only excepted) that ſhe endeavoured the raiſing of an inviſible Tyrant above the Monarch; and to that end had made this ſtep over Lawes, and Cuſtomes into ſuch a dangerous [Page] kind of ignorant, and wandring confuſion, as would quickly enforce mankinde, either to live like exhauſted creatures, deprived of Sabbaths, or like barren earth without priviledge of any Jubile, which metamorphoſing proſpect (as they thought) would reſemble Circes gueſts, transforme her people into divers ſhapes of beaſts; wherin they muſt loſe freedome, goods, fortune, language, and kinde, all at once.

An inchanted confuſion imaged by the Poets, to warne Princes, that if they will eaſily be induced to uſe theſe racks of wit, and power indefinitly, and thereby force a free people into a deſpairing eſtate, they muſt even in the pride of their Governments, looke in ſome ſort to be forced againe, either to ſacrifice theſe Empſons, and Dudleyes, as the moſt popular act ſuch Princes can doe, or elſe with the two edged ſword of Tyranny, irregularitie to climbe a degree yet higher then the [Page] truth, to maintaine theſe Caterpillars in eating, or offering up Religion, Lawes, &c. to the covetous, cruell, or wanton exceſſes of encroaching Tyranny, as though God had made all the world for one.

Nay more it pleaſed this provident Queen even curiouſly to foreſee, what face her eſtate was like to carry, if theſe biaced humours ſhould continue any long raigne over us, viz. contempt to be caſt over the Majeſty of the Crown, feare among the people, hate and envy againſt the reverend Magiſtrate, entiſement of domeſtique ſpirits to mutiny, or forraigne to invade upon any occaſion, the Court it ſelfe becomming a Farme, manured by drawing up, not the ſweet, but even the browes of humble ſubjects; and laſtly the Councellboord, that glorious type of Civill Government, compelled to deſcend, and become Broker for money, executioner of extremity, better acquainted with the Merchant, or mechanicall ſcraping [Page] Revenues of ſicke, and exhauſted Kingdomes, then forraigne Treaties, equall ballances of Trade, true grounds of Manufactures, myſteries of Importation, and Exportation, differing ſtrengths, and weakneſſes of Crownes, alteration of Factions, or parties with advantage, danger of alliances made to the benefit of the ſtronger, the ſteady (though ſometimes intermittent) undertakings of the Conqueror, with all things elſe that concerne Magnalia Regni, and ſo apt inſtruments, not reverently to ſhew Princes the truth, but rather ſelf-loving creatures full of preſent and ſervile flatteries, even to the ruine of that Eſtate wherein they have and enjoy their honours.

Which confuſion of place and things being cleerly imaged within her, perſwaded this Lady to reſtrain the ſlaviſh Liberties of Tranſcendency, within Lawes, and Parliaments, as two unbatter'd Rampires againſt all overwreſtings of power, or mutinies of [Page] people, and out of theſe grounds to conclude Prince-like, with her fore-fathers, that ſuperſtructiones antiquae nec facilè evertuntur, nec ſolae runnt. In this axiome making manifeſt to the world, that time preſents children, with their young, and unexperienced capacities, are much too narrow moulds, for any large branches of well-founded Monarchies to be altered, or new faſhioned in, the new and old ſeldome matching well together, let the Ciment of ſeeming wiſdome on either ſide appeare never ſo equall.

Now for the right uſe of theſe high pillars, if we ſhall deſcend to inferior functions, we there find her (like a working ſoule in a healthfull body) ſtill, all, in all, and all in every part. For with the ſame reſtraining providence, ſhe kept the Crowne from neceſſity to uſe Imperiall, and chargable Mandates upon her people, when ſhe had moſt need of their ſervice, contrary to the wiſdome of all Government; Neither [Page] did ſhe by miſtaking, or miſapplying inſtances (gathered out of the fatall conqueſts of her Anceſtors) parallell her preſent need, and Levies with theirs, but wiſely conſidered that the King, and the people were then equally poſſeſſors of both Kealmes, and ſo in all impoſitions contributers to themſelves at the firſt hand.

From which grounds, like a contented and a contenting Soveraigne, ſhe acknowledged theſe differences to be reall, and accordingly by an equall audit taken from her itinerant Judges, with the Juſtices inhabiting in every County, after ſhe was well informed of her ſubjects abilities, and her enemies threatnings, ſhe then, by advice of her Privy-Councell ſummon'd her Parliaments, demanded ayd, and was never refuſed; In returne of which loving and free gifts, ſhe diſpoſed thoſe extraordinary helps to the repayring, and proviſionall ſupplying of her Forts along the Coaſt, with offenſive and defenſive [Page] munitions, ſhe ſtored her Office of the Ordnance as a royall Magazine to furniſh the whole Kingdom in extremity, and when there were no wars, yet ſhe kept it full, as an equall pledge of ſtrength, and reputation, both abroad, and at home.

Laſtly, this Princeſſe being confident in theſe native Sea-walls of ours, fit to beare moving Bulwarkes in martial times, and in Civill Traffiques to carry out, and in, all Commodities with advantage; ſhe double ſtored her Navy Magazines with all materials, provided before-hand for ſuch workes, and things, as required time, and could not be bought with money; beſides, ſhe furniſhed her Sea Arſinals with all kind of ſtaple proviſions, as Ordnance, Pitch, Roſin, Tar, Maſts, Deale-boards, Cordage, &c. for the building, and maintaining of her Navie, flouriſhing in multitude of Ships for War and Trade.

And as the life of that vaſt body, [Page] ſhe for encreaſe of Mariners, gave Princely countenance to all long voyages, knowing they would neceſſarily require Ordnance, new munition, and burthen; and further to encourage this long-breathed worke, ſhe added out of her Exchequer an allowance of ſo much in the tun for the builders of any ſhips upward of ſo many hundred Tuns; She cheriſhed the fiſher-boats with priviledges along her Coaſts, as nurſeries of Sea-men; brought Groniland, and Newfound-land fiſhing in reputation to encreaſe her ſtock of Mariners, both by taking, and tranſporting what they took far off.

And for the Governours of her Navy under the Admirall, as well in times of peace as war, ſhe choſe her principall Officers out of the gallanteſt Sea Commanders of that time, whoſe experience ſhe knew taught them how to husband and guide her Muſcovy Company in generall Proviſions, not as partner with her Merchants in building, [Page] but reſtraining the Ship-keepers riot, or expence in harbour, and at Sea, how to furniſh, or martiall ſhips, and Mariners in all kind of Sea-fights to their beſt advantage.

Beſides, through the ſame mens judgments, ſhe made all directions paſs for the divers moulds required in ſhipping betweene our Seas, and the Ocean, as the drawth of water, high, or low, diſpoſing of ports, cleanly roomes for Victuals, convenience of Deckes for Fight, or Trade, ſafe conveyance for Powder, & all other munition, fit Stowage of Sea ſtores, according to the difference of heats, or colds in the Climes they were to reſide in, or paſſe through.

Againe, as well to inſtruct the Captaines in their particular duties, as to keep a hand of Government over the large truſt, and charge committed to them, in all expeditions, the Ship with her furniture, tackling, and men, the Gunners Roome with all munition of that kind, the Boat-ſwains proviſion of [Page] Anchors, Cables, Canvas, and Seaſtores, the Purſers, Stewards, and Cooks Roomes touching victuals were delivered to the Captaines by Bill indented; the one part kept with the Officers of the Navy at home, the other in the hands of every private Captaine to examine his accounts by when he return'd: of which my ſelfe am witneſſe, as being well acquainted with the uſe of it in my youth, but utterly unacquainted with the change ſince, or any reaſons of it.

Laſtly, this great Governeſſe could tell how to worke her high Admirals (without noiſe) to reſign their Patents, when the courſe of times made them in power, and gaine, ſeeme, or grow too exorbitant; yet kept ſhe up their Command at Sea, and when they were there made them a limited, or abſolute Commiſſion under the great Seale of England, ſometimes aſſociating, and qualifying their place, with a Councell of war of her own choice, and ever guiding [Page] the generalities of the Voyage with inſtructions proper to the buſineſs, and to be publiſhed at Sea in a time prefixed.

Out of which caution in her principall expeditions, ſhe ſtriving (as I ſaid) to allay that vaſt power of place with ſome inſenſible Counterpoiſe, many times joyned an active Favourite with that Sea Neptune of hers, making credit, place, and merit, finely competitors in her ſervice; Beſides, ſhe well underſtanding the humours of both, temper'd them ſo equally one with another in her latter expeditions, as the Admirall being remiſſe, and apt to forgive all things, Eſſex ſeverely true to Martiall Diſcipline, and loath to wound it by forgiving petty errours under that implacable Tyrant Mars, in all likelihood her Fleet could hardly be over ſailed, or under ballaſted, and conſequently the Crowne (in her abſence) was ſure to be guarded with more eyes than two, to prevent confufuſion [Page] in Martiall Affaires; where every Ship proves beyond the amendment of ſecond thoughts, and ſo fatall to that ſtate which paies, and negligently ventures.

The Merchant-part of her Kingdome was oppreſſed with few impoſitions, the Companies free to chooſe their owne Officers, to faſhion their Trade, aſſiſted with the name and countenance of her Embaſſadors, the cuſtome, and returne of their induſtry, and adventures, contenting them in a free Market without any nearer cutting of peoples induſtry to the quick.

The Fluſhingers, and Dunkerkers in ſucceſſion of time, it is true, did much afflict their Traffique, though with ſmal ſtrength; whereupon ſhe firſt travelled to ſuppreſſe them by force, but found the Charge grow infinite, and the cure ſo caſuall, as ſhe joyned Treaty with the Sword, and ſet her Seas by that providence, and induſtry, once againe at liberty from all moleſtation, or danger of Pyrates.

[Page] Her Univerſities were troubled with few Mandates, the Colledges free in all their Elections, and governed by their own Statutes, the groſſe neglect of uſing the Latine Tongue ſhe ſtudied to reforme, as well for honour of the Univerſities, as for her own ſervice in all Treaties with Forraign Princes, ſhe ſtudied to multiply her Civilians with little charge, and yet better allowance to their Profeſſion.

In a word, ſhe preſerved her Religion without waving, kept both her Martiall, and Civill Goverment intire above neglect, or practice, by which, with a multitude of like inſtances, ſhe manifeſted to the World, that the well governing of Princes own Inheritances, is (in the cleare houſe of Fame) ſuperiour to all the far noiſed conqueſts of her over-griping Anceſtors, ſince what Man lives, converſant in the Calenders of eſtates, but muſt know, that had not theſe wind-blown conqueſts of ours happily been ſcattered, [Page] they muſt in time have turned the moderate wealth, and degrees of England into the naſty poverty of the French peaſants; brought home Mandates in ſtead of Lawes, waved our freedomes in Parliaments with new chriſtned Impoſitions, and in the end have ſubjected native and active Albion to become a Province, and ſo inferior to her owne dearly bought forraign conqueſts, being forced to yeeld up the ſuperlative works of power, to the equall Laws of Nature, which almoſt every where (America excepted) proclames the greater to be naturally a Law-giver over the leſſe.

CAP. XVII.

[Page]

YEt as this wiſe and moderate Governeſſe was far from incroaching upon any other Princes Dominions, ſo wanted ſhe neither foreſight, courage nor might, both to ſuppreſſe all inſolencies attempted againſt her ſelfe, and to ſupport her Neighbours unjuſtly oppreſſed, whereof by the Readers patience I will here adde ſome few inſtances.

She had no ſooner perfected her Virgin-triumph over that ſanctified, and invincible Navy, and by that loſſe publiſhed the Spaniſh ambition, weakneſſe, and malice to all Chriſtendome, ſecured her owne eſtate, revived the Netherlands, confuted the Pope, turned the caution of the Italian Princes the right way, and amazed the world; but even then to purſue that victory, and [Page] prevent her enemies ambition, which ſtill threatned the world with new Fleets; then (I ſay) did this active Lady conclude, with adviſe of her Councell, and applauſe of her Kingdome, to defend her ſelfe thenceforth by invading, and no more attend the Conquerors pleaſure at her owne doores.

Out of which reſolution ſhe firſt ſent forth the Earle of Cumberland, who attempted the ſurprize of Porto Ricco, accompliſhed it with honour, and ſo might have kept it, had not diſeaſe, and diſorder proved more dangerous enemies to him, then the great name, and ſmall force of the Spaniſh did.

Againe to prevent danger, not in the bud, but roor, ſhe tooke upon her the protection of Don Antonio King of Portugall, ſent Sir Iohn Norris, and Sir Francis Drake, with a Royall Fleet, and eleven thouſand men to land, ſeconded with the fortune, and countenance of the Earle of Eſſex; they tooke the baſe Towne of the Groyne, and when they [Page] had overthrowne all that came to ſuccour it, and burnt the Countrey, then marched they on to Lisbone, and in that journey ſacked Penicke, waſted Villages, and Provinces, entred the ſuburbs of Lisbone even to the gates of the High Towne, and burnt threeſcore Spaniſh hulkes full of proviſions.

And to the ſame end, ſhe did, and ſtill meant ſucceſſively to maintaine a Fleet of her owne Ships, and her faſt friends the Netherlands upon his Coaſts, not only to diſturbe the returne of victuals, munition, and materials for War, with which the Empire, Poland, and the Hanſe Townes did uſually, and fatally (even to themſelves) furniſh this growing Monarch, but withall to keep his Navy which was riding, and building in many havens, from poſſibility of getting head in any one place to annoy her; and thirdly to ſet ſuch a Taxe upon the wafting home of his Indian Fleets, as might (in ſome meaſure) qualifie that fearfull abundance which elſe was like [Page] enough to ſpread infection through the ſoundeſt Councels, and Councellors of all his Neighbour-Princes.

In the meane time, the French King Henry the third (heartned by her example, and ſucceſſe) did encounter the Guiſards, a ſtrong Faction depending upon Spaine. And when he was made away by treaſon, & the Leagues in Armes under the Spaniards protection, then did the Queen providently take opportunity to change the Seat of her Warres, and aſſiſted Henry the fourth, the ſucceeding King, by the Earle of Eſſex, untill he was able to ſubſiſt by himſelfe, and till, by her ſupport he was ſtrengthened, both to overthrow the League, and become a ſecond ballance againſt the great, and vaſt deſires of Spain.

Neither did ſhe reſt here, or give him breath, but with a Fleet of one hundred and fifty Sayle, and a ſtrong Land-army, ſent the Earle of Eſſex, and the Admirall of England to invade Spaine it ſelfe, they tooke Cales, ſpoiled his Fleet of [Page] twenty Gallyes, and fifty nine Ships, the riches whereof were valued at twelve millions of Duckets. Immediately after, imployed ſhe not the Earle of Eſſex with a Fleet to the Iſlands? In which Voyage he ſacked Villa Franca, tooke prizes to the value of foure hundred thouſand Duckets at the leaſt.

Now when this Spaniſh Invader found himſelfe thus well paid with his owne coyne, and ſo forced to divert the provoked hand of that famous Queen held over him, by ſtirring up Tirone in Ireland; to which end he ſent money, and Forces under Don Iohn d' Aquila, even then that Lady, firſt by Eſſex, and after by Montjoy, overthrew the Iriſh, and ſent home the Spaniard well recompenced with loſſe, and diſhonour for aſſiſting her Rebels.

By which and the like active courſes of hers in ſucceſſive, and ſucceſſefull undertakings, that provident Lady both bore out the charge of all thoſe expeditions, requited his Invaſion, clipped [Page] the fearfull wings of this growing Monarch, and made his credit ſwell through all the mony-banks of Europe, cauſing withall as low an Ebbe of his treaſure.

Againe by this impriſoning of the Lyon within his owne den, ſhe did not only leſſen his reputation (a chiefe ſtrength of growing Monarchs) but diſcovered ſuch a light as perchance might have forced him in time, to diſpute the Titles of his Uſurpations at home, and have given Portugall, Arragon, and Granoda opportunity to plead their rights with Caſtile in the Courts of Mars, if God had either lengthened the dayes of that worthy Lady who underſtood him, or time not neglected her wiſdome ſo ſuddenly, by exchanging that active, victorious, enriching, and ballancing courſe of her defenſive Wars, for an idle (I feare) deceiving ſhadow of peace. In which whether we already languiſh, or live impoveriſhed, whilſt he growes potent, and rich, by [Page] the fatall ſecurity of all Chriſtendome, they that ſhall ſucceed us, are like to feele, and judge freely.

Thus you ſee how our famous Iudith diſperſed the terrour of this Holofernes, like a cloud full of wind, and by a Princely wakefulneſſe, preſerved all thoſe Soveraigne States that were in league with her, from the dangerous temptations of power, wealth, and practice, by which the growing Monarchs doe often intangle the inferior, but yet Soveraigne Princes. And amongſt the reſt, from that uſefull traffique of his Leiger Embaſſadors, who trained up in the nimble exchange of Intelligence, grow to be of ſuch a Bucephalus nature, ſo like Rome, as I ſaid before, a body of ſuch members, as the Alexanders of their time can only mannage, and make uſe of; Inſtance Mendoſa, in whom ſhe had long before diſcovered, and diſcredited all practiſes of thoſe ſpecious imployments of Conquerers Agents.

Beſides in honour of her be it ſpoken, [Page] did not this mirrour of Juſtice, by reſtraining that naturall ambition of getting other Princes rights, within the naturall bounds of well-governing her owne, become a beame of ſuch credit, as moſt of the Kings, or States then raigning, freely yeelded; both to weigh their owne intereſts within the ſcales of her judgment, and beſides to aſſiſt her in bounding out the Imperiall Meeres of all Princes by the ancient preceſſion of Right, and power.

Laſtly, did ſhe not purchaſe the like reputation even amongſt the heathen, and by it deſtroy'd a neſt, which this aſpiring Monarch began to build in the Seraglio of Conſtantinople; For ſhe thinking it no wiſdome to look on, and ſee his Spaniſh piſtols pierce into ſo high a mountaine of Forces, and diſpoſe of them at his pleaſure, providently opened the ſtronger Monarchs eyes to diſcover how craftily the weaker wrought his ends at the coſt of all defective, or ſleepy Princes about her.

[Page] Yet did not this Soveraigne Lady intercept his deſignes from under any Goddeſſe ſhield (whom Homer makes the Grecian Worthies ſhoot, and hit) but diſplanted him by a gallant Factor of her Merchants in a league of Traffique, and prevailed to make his Embaſſador landed at Raguſa, houſed in Conſtantinople, and all under protection of Ferrat chiefe Viſier, yet, and upon a contract of thirty thouſand zecchins already paid him, glad to returne, and ſhippe himſelfe away, with more expedition then he landed.

Beſides which reputation given to her name by the Grand Signior in this particular, ſhe generally got power to keep this fearfull Standard of the halfe Moon waving in ſuch manner over all the King of Spaines deſignes, as he durſt move no where againſt his Neighbour-Chriſtian Princes, for feare of being incompaſſed within the horns of the heathen Creſcent.

[Page] But theſe things ſwell, and require a more authenticall Hiſtory, to continue the memory of that wonder of Queens, and women; in honour of whoſe ſacred name, I have preſumed thus to digreſſe, and admoniſh all Eſtates by her example, how they may draw uſe, and honour, both from the dead, and the living, the change of times having no power over reall wiſdomes, but infinite over the ſhadowes of craft, and humours of petty States, which commonly follow the greater Bodies, as they are unequally extended, or contracted about them.

Wherefore now to conclude theſe Heroicall Enterpriſes abroad, together with the reformations of her State at home, the refining of the Engliſh Standard embaſed by her ſiſter, the preſervation of her Crown-Revenue intire, her wiſdome in the change of Lawes, without change of dangers, the timely and Princely help ſhe gave to Henry the fourth when he had nothing but [Page] the Towne of Diepe left him, his credit, and meanes being utterly exhauſted, and ſo that brave King ready, either to take Sea, and eſcape, or flye for ſuccour into England, her conſtant eſtabliſhment of Religion in Ireland, driving the Spaniſh Forces divers times from thence, who were maliciouſly ſent as well to ſtirre up her ſubjects to rebell as to maintaine, and ſupport them in it, together with the former recited particulars, howſoever improperly diſperſed, or bundled up together, yet are in their natures of ſo rare a wiſdome, as I beleeve they will ſtill be more and more admired, and juſtly in that excellent Princeſſe, even many Ages after her death.

Thus have I by the Readers patience, given that Aegyptian, and Roman Tragedy a much more honourable ſepulture, then it could ever have deſerved, eſpecially in making their memories to attend upon my Soveraignes herſe, without any other hope of being, [Page] then to wait upon her life, and death, as their Maker did, who hath ever ſince been dying to all thoſe glories of Life which he formerly enjoyed, under the bleſſed, and bleſſing preſence of this unmatchable Queen and woman.

Now if any man ſhall demand why I did not rather leave unto the world a complete hiſtory of her Life, then this ſhort memoriall in ſuch ſcatter'd, and undiſgeſted minutes, let him receive this anſwer from a dead man, becauſe I am confident no fleſh breathing (by ſeeing what is done) ſhall have occaſion of asking that queſtion, whileſt I am living. Preſently after the death of my moſt gracious Queen, and Miſtreſs, the falſe ſpirits, and apparitions of idle griefe haunted me exceedingly, and made all things ſeeme either greater, or leſſe then they were; ſo that the farther I went, the more diſcomfortable I found thoſe new reſolutions of time, to my decayed, and diſproportioned abilities; yet fearing to be curſed with [Page] the Figg-tree, if I bore no fruit, I rouzed up my thoughts upon an ancient axiome of Wiſe men; Si quicquid offendit, relinquimus citò; inerti otio torpebit vita; and upon a ſecond review of the world, called to mind the many duties I ought to that matchleſſe Soveraigne of mine, with a reſolution to write her life in this manner.

Firſt, ſeriouſly to have begun with the uniting of the Red, and White Roſes, in the marriage of Hen: the ſeventh; In the like manner to have run over Henry the eighths time, untill his ſeverall rents in the Church, with a purpoſe to have demurr'd more ſeriouſly upon the ſudden change in his Sonne Edward the ſixth, from ſuperſtition to the eſtabliſhment of Gods Ancient, Catholique, and Primitive Church; thoſe cobwebs of re-converſion in Queen Maryes dayes, I had no intent to meddle with, but only by pre-occupation to ſhew, that Princes captived [Page] in Nature, can ſeldome keep any thing free in their Governments, but as ſoyles manured to bring forth ill weeds apace, muſt live to ſee Schiſme ariſe in the Church, wearing out the reall branches of immortall truth, to weave in the thin leaves of mortall ſuperſtition, and to behold in the State all their faireſt induſtries ſpring, and fade together, like Ferne-ſeed; Laſtly, I intended with ſuch ſpirits, as Age had left me, to revive my ſelf in her memory, under whom I was bred.

Now in this courſe, becauſe I knew, that as the liberality of Kings did help to cover many errours, ſo truth in a ſtory would make good many other defects in the writer. I adventured to move the Secretary, that I might have his favour to peruſe all obſolete Records of the Councell cheſt, from thoſe times downe as near to theſe, as he in his wiſdome ſhould think fit; hee firſt friendly required my end in it, which I [Page] as freely delivered him, as I have now done to you.

Againſt her memory he, of all men, had no reaſon to keep a ſtrict hand, and where to beſtow a Queen Elizabeths ſervant with leſſe diſadvantage to himſelfe it ſeems readily appeared not; ſo that my abrupt motion tooke hold of his preſent Counſell. For he liberally granted my requeſt, and appointed me that day three weeks to come for his warrant, which I did, and then found in ſhew a more familiar, and gracefull aſpect then before, he deſcending to queſtion me, why I would dreame out my time in writing a ſtory, being as like to riſe in this time as any man he knew; Then in a more ſerious, and friendly manner examining me, how I could cleerly deliver many things done in that time, which might perchance be conſtrued to the prejudice of this.

I ſhortly made anſwer, that I conceived an Hiſtorian was bound to tell nothing [Page] but the truth, but to tell all truths were both juſtly to wrong, and offend not only Princes, and States, but to blemiſh, and ſtir up againſt himſelfe, the frailty and tenderneſſe, not only of particular men, but of many Families, with the ſpirit of an Athenian Timon; And therefore ſhewed my ſelfe ſo far from being diſcouraged with that objection, as I took upon me freely to adventure all my own goods in this Ship, which was to be of my owne building. Immediately this Noble Secretary, as it ſeems, moved, but not removed with thoſe ſelfeneſſe of my opinion, ſeriouſly aſſured me, that upon ſecond thoughts he durſt not preſume to let the Councell-cheſt lie open to any man living, without his Majeſties knowledge and approbation.

With this ſuperſedeas I humbly took my leave, at the firſt ſight aſſuring my ſelfe this laſt project of his would neceſſarily require ſheet after ſheet to [Page] be viewed, which I had no confidence in my own powers to abide the hazard of; and herein it may pleaſe the Reader to beleeve me the rather by theſe Pamphlets, which having ſlept out my own time, if they happen to be ſeene hereafter, ſhall at their own perill riſe upon the ſtage, when I am not; Beſides, in the ſame propoſition I further ſaw, that the many Judgements, which thoſe Embryoes of mine muſt probably have paſt through, would have brought forth ſuch a world of alterations, as in the end the worke it ſelfe would have proved a ſtory of other mens writing, wity my name only to put to it, and ſo a worſhip of time, not a voluntary homage of duty.

Farther I cannot juſtifie theſe little ſparkes, unworthy of her, and unfit for me; ſo that I muſt conclude with this ingenuous Confeſsion, that it grieves me to know I ſhall (as far as this abrupt Apology extends) live, and dye [Page] upon equall tearmes with a Queene, and Creature ſo many waies unequall, nay, infinitely ſuperiour to me, both in Nature, and Fortune.

CAP. XVIII.

NOw to return to the Tragedies remaining, my purpoſe in them was, not (with the Ancient) to exemplifie the diſaſtrous miſeries of mans life, where Order, Lawes, Doctrine, and Authority are unable to protect Innocency from the exorbitant wickedneſſe of power, and ſo out of that melancholike Viſion, ſtir horrour, or murmur againſt Divine Providence: nor yet (with the Moderne) to point out Gods revenging aſpect upon every particular ſin, to the deſpaire, or confuſion of mortality; but rather to trace out the high waies of ambitious Governours, [Page] and to ſhew in the practice, that the more audacity, advantage, and good ſucceſſe ſuch Soveraignties have, the more they haſten to their owne deſolation and ruine.

So that to this abſtract end, finding all little inſtruments in diſcovery of great bodies to be ſeldome without errours, I preſumed, or it rather eſcaped me, to make my Images beyond the ordinary ſtature of exceſſe, wherein again that women are predominant, is not for malice, or ill talent to their Sexe; But as Poets figured the vertues to be women, all Nations call them by Feminine names, ſo have I deſcribed malice, craft, and ſuch like vices in the perſons of Shrews, to ſhew that many of them are of that nature, even as we are, I meane ſtrong in weakneſſe; and conſequently in theſe Orbes of Paſſion, the weaker Sexe, commonly the moſt predominant; yet as I have not made all women good with Euripides, [Page] ſo have I not made them all evill with Sophocles, but mixt of ſuch ſorts as we find both them, and our ſelves.

Againe, for the Arguments of theſe Tragedies they be not naked, and caſuall, like the Greeke, and Latine, nor (I confeſſe) contrived with the variety, and unexpected encounters of the Italians, but nearer Level'd to thoſe humours, councels, and practices, wherein I thought fitter to hold the attention of the Reader, than in the ſtrangeneſs, or perplexedneſs of witty Fictions; In which the affections, or imagination, may perchance find exerciſe, and entertainment, but the memory and judgement no enriching at all; Beſides, I conceived theſe delicate Images to be over-abundantly furniſhed in all Languages already.

And my Noble Friend had that dexterity, even with the daſhes of his pen to make the Arcadian Antiques beautifie the Margents of his works; yet the [Page] honour which (I beare him record) he never affected, I leave unto him, with this addition, that his end in them was not vaniſhing pleaſure alone, but morall Images, and Examples, (as directing threds) to guide every man through the confuſed Labyrinth of his own deſires, and life: So that how ſoever I liked them not too well (even in that unperfected ſhape they were) to condeſcend that ſuch delicate (though inferior) Pictures of himſelfe, ſhould be ſuppreſſed; yet I do wiſh that work may be the laſt in this kind, preſuming no man that followes can ever reach, much leſſe go beyond that excellent intended patterne of his.

For my own part, I found my creeping Genius more fixed upon the Images of Life, than the Images of Wit, and therefore choſe not to write to them on whoſe foot the black Oxe had not already trod, as the Proverbe is, but to thoſe only, that are weather-beaten [Page] in the Sea of this World, ſuch as having loft the ſight of their Gardens, and groves, ſtudy to ſaile on a right courſe among Rocks, and quick-ſands; And if in this ordaining, and ordering matter, and forme together for the uſe of life, I have made thoſe Tragedies, no Plaies for the Stage, be it known, it was no part of my purpoſe to write for them, againſt whom ſo many good, and great ſpirits have already written.

But he that will behold theſe Acts upon their true Stage, let him look on that Stage wherein himſelf is an Actor, even the ſtate he lives in, and for every part he may perchance find a Player, and for every Line (it may be) an inſtance of life, beyond the Authors intention, or application, the vices of former Ages being ſo like to theſe of this Age, as it will be eaſie to find out ſome affinity, or reſemblance between them, which whoſoever readeth with this apprehenſion, will not perchance thinke [Page] the Scenes too large, at leaſt the matter not to be exceeded in account of words.

Laſtly, for the Stile; as it is rich, or poore, according to the eſtate, and ability of the Writer, ſo the value of it ſhall be enhanſed, or cried downe, according to the grace, and the capacity of the Reader, from which common Fortune of Bookes, I look for no exemption.

But to conclude, as I began this worke, to entertaine, and inſtruct my ſelfe, ſo if any other find entertainement, or profit by it, let him uſe it freely, judge honourably of my friend, and moderately of me, which is all the returne that out of this barren Stock can be deſired, or expected.

Information about this book

Title statement

The life of the renowned Sr Philip Sidney. with the true interest of England as it then stood in relation to all forrain princes: and particularly for suppressing the power of Spain stated by him. His principall actions, counsels, designes, and death. Together with a short account of the maximes and policies used by Queen Elizabeth in her government. Written by Sir Fulke Grevil Knight, Lord Brook, a servant to Queen Elizabeth, and his companion & friend.

Greville, Fulke, Baron Brooke, 1554-1628.

Edition statement

1651

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A77581

ID [STC]

Wing B4899

ID [STC]

Thomason E1288_1

ID [STC]

ESTC R208970

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

99867884

ID [PROQUEST]

99867884

ID [VID]

169718

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Series

Early English books online.

Notes

(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A77581)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 169718)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 173:E1288[1])

Source

— The life of the renowned Sr Philip Sidney. with the true interest of England as it then stood in relation to all forrain princes: and particularly for suppressing the power of Spain stated by him. His principall actions, counsels, designes, and death. Together with a short account of the maximes and policies used by Queen Elizabeth in her government. Written by Sir Fulke Grevil Knight, Lord Brook, a servant to Queen Elizabeth, and his companion & friend., Greville, Fulke, Baron Brooke, 1554-1628..

Extent

[8], 208, 201-247, [1] p.

Printed for Henry Seile over against St Dunstans Church in Fleet-street,. London :: MDCLII. [1652, i.e. 1651]. (Running title reads: The life of the renowned Sir Philip Sidney.) (Thomason received his copy 24 November 1651.) (Annotation on Thomason copy: "Nouemb. 24th. 1651.".) (Reproduction of the original in the British Library.)

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